Encyclopedia of Christian Education 978-0810884922

Table of contents :
Editors, Prologue and Foreword Contributors, Editorial Advisory Board,
and Editorial Consultants ix
Prologue by J. I. Packer xiii
Foreword by Stanley Hauerwas xv
Foreword by Richard J. Mouw xvii
Foreword by Ronald J. Sider xix
Foreword by Will Willimon xxi
Preface xxiii
Acknowledgments xxvii
Introduction xxix
Volume 1: A–F 1
Volume 2: G–R 529
Volume 3: S–Z 1089
Lead-in Introductions 1427
Appendix A: World Statistics on Christian Populations 1519
Appendix B: World Listing of Christian Universities by Continent 1539
Appendix C: Entries Listed by Author 1553
Index of Names 1569
Index of Entries 1591
Contributing Authors 1603

Citation preview

ENCYCLOPEDIA OF CHRISTIAN EDUCATION

ENCYCLOPEDIA OF CHRISTIAN EDUCATION

Edited by George Thomas Kurian and Mark A. Lamport

ROWMAN & LITTLEFIELD Lanham • Boulder • New York • London

Published by Rowman & Littlefield A wholly owned subsidiary of The Rowman & Littlefield Publishing Group, Inc. 4501 Forbes Boulevard, Suite 200, Lanham, Maryland 20706 www.rowman.com Unit A, Whitacre Mews, 26-34 Stannary Street, London SE11 4AB Copyright © 2015 by George Thomas Kurian and Mark A. Lamport All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form or by any electronic or mechanical means, including information storage and retrieval systems, without written permission from the publisher, except by a reviewer who may quote passages in a review. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Information Available Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Encyclopedia of Christian education / edited by George Thomas Kurian, Mark A. Lamport. pages cm Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-0-8108-8492-2 (cloth : alk. paper) — ISBN 978-0-8108-8493-9 (ebook) 1. Christian education—Encyclopedias. I. Kurian, George Thomas, editor. II. Lamport, Mark A., editor. BV1471.3.E53 2015 268.03—dc23 2014021410

™ The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of American National Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI/NISO Z39.48-1992. Printed in the United States of America

From George: To my wife, Annie, beloved and faithful companion, wise counselor, dedicated Christian, and doughty intercessor.

From Mark: To my wife, Therese, who so beautifully examples to what extent a Christian can be educated in faith.

Contents

Editors, Prologue and Foreword Contributors, Editorial Advisory Board, and Editorial Consultants Prologue by J. I. Packer

ix xiii

Foreword by Stanley Hauerwas

xv

Foreword by Richard J. Mouw

xvii

Foreword by Ronald J. Sider

xix

Foreword by Will Willimon

xxi

Preface

xxiii

Acknowledgments

xxvii

Introduction

xxix

Volume 1: A–F

1

Volume 2: G–R

529

Volume 3: S–Z

1089

Lead-in Introductions

1427

Appendix A: World Statistics on Christian Populations

1519

Appendix B: World Listing of Christian Universities by Continent

1539

Appendix C: Entries Listed by Author

1553

Index of Names

1569

Index of Entries

1591

Contributing Authors

1603

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Editors, Prologue and Foreword Contributors, Editorial Advisory Board, and Editorial Consultants

Editors George Thomas Kurian is president of the Encyclopedia Society and the editor of 61 books, including 27 encyclopedias, 15 of them multivolume. His Christian encyclopedias include the World Christian Encyclopedia (2 vols., Oxford University Press), Dictionary of Christianity (Thomas Nelson Books), Encyclopedia of Christian Civilization (4 vols., Wiley-Blackwell Publishing), Encyclopedia of Christian Literature (2 vols., Scarecrow Press), Baker Handbook of Denominations and Ministries (Baker Books, 2013), and Visual Timelines of Christian History (Harvest House, 2014). Mark A. Lamport (PhD, curriculum and instruction, Michigan State University) is professor of practical theology/educational ministry at graduate schools in Colorado, Arizona, Virginia, California, Indiana, Belgium, Wales, and Portugal. He has master’s degrees in biblical studies from Wheaton Graduate School (Illinois), in church history from Evangelical Theological Seminary (Pennsylvania), and in Christian education from Princeton Theological Seminary (New Jersey), and has published for 30 consecutive years in the discipline of Christian education.

Prologue and Foreword Contributors Stanley Hauerwas seeks to recover the significance of the virtues for understanding the nature of the Christian life. His work cuts across disciplinary lines in conversation with systematic theology, philosophical theology and ethics, political theory, as well as the philosophy of social science and medical ethics. He earned a BA from Southwestern University and BD, MA, MPhil, and PhD from

Yale University. He was named “America’s Best Theologian” by Time magazine in 2001. His book, A Community of Character: Toward a Constructive Christian Social Ethic, was selected as one of the 100 most important books on religion of the 20th century. Hauerwas recently authored Matthew: Theological Commentary on the Bible (Brazos, 2006) and The State of the University: Academic Knowledges and the Knowledge of God (Blackwell, 2007). Richard J. Mouw is distinguished professor of faith and public life after 20 years as president of Fuller Theological Seminary (1993–2013). He also served FTS as provost, senior vice president, and professor of Christian philosophy and ethics beginning in 1985. Mouw served for 17 years as professor of philosophy at Calvin College (Michigan). A graduate of Houghton College, he studied at Western Theological Seminary and earned a master’s degree in philosophy at the University of Alberta. His PhD in philosophy is from the University of Chicago. He is the author of 19 books, including The Smell of Sawdust; Calvinism in the Las Vegas Airport; Praying at Burger King; Uncommon Decency; and most recently, Abraham Kuyper: A Short and Personal Introduction, The Challenges of Cultural Discipleship, and Talking with Mormons. J. I. Packer was born in Gloucester, England and became professor of systematic and historical theology at Regent College (Vancouver, British Columbia) in 1979. Time named him one of the 25 most influential evangelicals in 2005. Packer earned an MA and a DPhil from Oxford University and has lectured widely in Great Britain and North America. He is a member of the editorial council of Christianity Today and was general editor of the English Standard Version of the Bible. He is a prolific writer, but is best known for Knowing God. His Collected Shorter

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Editors, Contributors, Advisory Board, and Consultants

Writings are available in four volumes, and a selection of his articles is published as The J.I. Packer Collection. Packer is associated with St. John’s Vancouver Anglican Church, which in February 2008 voted to leave the Anglican Church of Canada. Ronald J. Sider is senior distinguished professor of theology, holistic ministry, and public policy at Palmer Theological Seminary of Eastern University (Pennsylvania). An ordained minister in the Mennonite and Brethren in Christ Churches, his BD, MA, and PhD (history) degrees are from Yale University. Sider has provided leadership to those who recognize not just the spiritual, but also the social and political implications of a high view of scripture. Among more than 30 published books, his Rich Christians in an Age of Hunger was lauded by Christianity Today as among the top 100 books on religion in the 20th century and the seventh most influential in the evangelical world in the last 50 years. He is the founder and president of Evangelicals for Social Action (ESA). Will Willimon served as the dean of Duke Chapel and professor of Christian ministry at Duke University for 20 years. He returned to Duke after serving as the United Methodist Church Bishop of the North Alabama Conference (2004–2012). He earned a BA from Wofford College, an MDiv at Yale Divinity School, and an STD from Emory University. Willimon is the author of 60 books. His Worship as Pastoral Care was selected as one of the 10 most useful books for pastors by the Academy of Parish Clergy. More than a million copies of his books have been sold. He is editor-at-large for The Christian Century. His book Pastor: The Theology and Practice of Ordained Leadership is used in dozens of seminaries.

and editor of Didache: Faithful Teaching, a journal for Wesleyan Higher Education. Joel Carpenter (PhD, history, Johns Hopkins University) is director of the Nagel Institute for the Study of World Christianity of Calvin College. He has a long-standing interest in American religious and cultural history, the history of Christianity in Africa and Asia, and Christianity in higher education. Carpenter is coeditor of The Changing Face of Christianity: Africa, the West, and the World (2005) and author of Revive Us Again: The Reawakening of American Fundamentalism (1997). Ralph Enlow serves as president of the Association for Biblical Higher Education (abhe.org), whose 200 North American member and affiliate institutions engage students in education that is distinctively biblical, transformational, experiential, and missional. Enlow is also a founding member of Global Associates for Transformational Education and author of The Leader’s Palette: Seven Primary Colors (2013). James Riley Estep Jr. (DMin, Southern Baptist Theological Seminary; PhD Trinity Evangelical Divinity School) is dean of the School of Undergraduate Studies at Lincoln Christian University (Illinois) and teaches Christian education at its seminary. Charles R. Foster is professor of religion and education emeritus at the Candler School of Theology, Emory University. He is the author of From Generation to Generation and Educating Congregations; project director and lead author of Educating Clergy: Teaching Practices and Pastoral Imagination; and coauthor of We Are the Church Together, Working with Black Youth, and The Church in the Education of the Public.

Editorial Advisory Board Jeff Astley is honorary professor in the Department of Theology and Religion at Durham University (United Kingdom) and was director of the North of England Institute for Christian Education (1981–2013). His 35 books on Christian education, practical theology, or religious faith include The Philosophy of Christian Religious Education and Ordinary Theology. Dean G. Blevins (PhD, personality and theology/religious education, Claremont School of Theology) serves as professor of practical theology and Christian discipleship at Nazarene Theological Seminary (Missouri). Past president of the Religious Education Association and USA/Canada regional education coordinator for the Church of the Nazarene, Blevins is coauthor of Discovering Discipleship

Bryan Froehle directs the PhD program in practical theology in the School of Theology and Ministry, St. Thomas University (Miami). Froehle has also been associated with Dominican University (River Forest, Illinois), the Center for Applied Research in the Apostolate (CARA) at Georgetown University, the University of South Carolina Upstate (Spartanburg, South Carolina), and the Universidad Católica Andrés Bello (Venezuela). His PhD and MA are in sociology (University of Michigan). Perry L. Glanzer (PhD) is professor of educational foundations at Baylor University. His most recent book, coauthored with Todd Ream, is The Idea of a Christian College: A Reexamination for Today’s University. He has also published three other books and more than 40 journal articles and book chapters on topics related to education.

Editors, Contributors, Advisory Board, and Consultants

Thomas Groome (PhD) is professor of theology and religious education at Boston College and chair of the Department of Religious Education and Pastoral Ministry in Boston College’s School of Theology and Ministry. His publications include Christian Religious Education (Harper, 1980), Sharing Faith (Harper, 1991), Educating for Life (Crossroads, 2000), What Makes Us Catholic (Harper, 2002), and Will There Be Faith? (Harper, 2012). S. Steve Kang (PhD, Northwestern University) serves as professor of educational ministries and interdisciplinary studies at Gordon-Conwell Theological Seminary in South Hamilton, Massachusetts. Kevin E. Lawson (EdD, University of Maine) served on a church staff for 11 years and in higher education for 22 years. He serves as professor of Christian education and director of PhD and EdD programs in educational studies at Talbot School of Theology, and as editor of Christian Education Journal. John R. Lillis (BS, MS, MRE, MDiv, PhD) is currently dean/executive officer of Bethel Seminary San Diego and senior associate of Global Associates for Transformational Education (GATE). He was previously professor of educational ministry, executive vice president/provost, Cornerstone University, and president, Asia Baptist Theological Seminary. Mark A. Maddix (PhD, Trinity Evangelical Divinity School) is professor of practical theology and Christian discipleship and dean of the School of Theology and Christian Ministries at Northwest Nazarene University (Idaho). He has published academic articles in the areas of Christian education, spiritual formation, and Wesleyan theology. He has coauthored four books, including Discovering Discipleship (2010) and Spiritual Formation (2011). Robert W. Pazmiño is the Valeria Stone Professor of Christian Education at Andover Newton Theological School in Newton Centre, Massachusetts, serving since 1986. He holds a BA from Bucknell University, an MDiv from Gordon-Conwell Theological Seminary, and an EdD from Teachers College, Columbia University in cooperation with Union Seminary. Bob is the author of a dozen Christian education books and is ordained by the American Baptist Churches. Jane E. Regan (PhD, religious education, Catholic University of America) is associate professor of theology and religious education at the School of Theology and Ministry at Boston College. Her areas of research and writing

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focus on modes of faith formation both for those engaged in ministry and for believers committed to growing in their faith and its expression in their lives. Philip Graham Ryken (PhD) is the eighth president of Wheaton College, having served previously as the senior minister of Philadelphia’s Tenth Presbyterian Church. He was educated at Wheaton College (Illinois), Westminster Theological Seminary (Pennsylvania), and the University of Oxford (UK), and has authored or edited more than 40 Bible commentaries and other books. Jack L. Seymour is professor of religious education at Garrett-Evangelical Theological Seminary in Evanston, Illinois. He is the editor of Religious Education and the author or editor of nine books, including Teaching the Way of Jesus (Abingdon, 2014); Yearning for God, with Margaret Ann Crain; and Mapping Christian Education. James D. Smith III (ThD, Harvard) is professor of church history at Bethel Seminary, San Diego, and has lectured at the University of San Diego. An ordained Baptist General Conference/Converge minister, he has served churches in Massachusetts, Minnesota, and California. Recently he was consulting editor for the award-winning Dictionary of Christian Spirituality. Catherine Stonehouse (PhD, Michigan State University) served as professor of Christian discipleship and dean in the School of Practical Theology at Asbury Theological Seminary from 1987 to 2011. She is the author of several books focusing on the spiritual formation of children. Before joining the Asbury faculty, she provided leadership for the Christian education ministries of the Free Methodist Church in North America. John Westerhoff, (STB, Harvard; EdD, Columbia; DD, Ursinus) is a retired Episcopal priest and one-time professor of theology and Christian nurture at the Duke University Divinity School (North Carolina). He is the author of more than 30 books, including Will Our Children Have Faith?

Consulting Editors Beverly Johnson-Miller (PhD) is professor of Christian discipleship and director of the MA program in aging and spirituality at Asbury Theological Seminary (Kentucky). Her research is focused on spiritual formation and transformative pedagogy. She serves as archivist for the Religious Education Association and is a member of the Society of Professors in Christian Education.

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Editors, Contributors, Advisory Board, and Consultants

David Setran (PhD, Indiana University) is associate Pofessor of Christian formation and ministry at Wheaton College, where he teaches courses in the history and philosophy of Christian education and college and young adult ministry. He is the author of The College “Y”: Student Religion in the Era of Secularization (Palgrave/Macmillan, 2007) and coauthor with Chris Kiesling of Spiritual Formation in Emerging Adulthood: A Practical Theology for College and Young Adult Ministry (Baker Academic, 2013). David I. Smith (PhD) is director of the Kuyers Institute for Christian Teaching and Learning and director of graduate studies in education at Calvin College in Grand Rapids, Michigan. He serves as senior editor of the Journal of Education and Christian Belief and is a former editor of the Journal of Christianity and Foreign Languages.

Donald Tinder (BA, PhD, Yale University; MDiv, Fuller Theological Seminary) is dean and professor of historical theology, Olivet Theological College & Seminary (San Francisco). He is professor emeritus, Evangelical Theological Faculty (Belgium) and formerly dean, Tyndale Theological Seminary (Netherlands). Tinder was associate editor of Christianity Today and is a Commended worker with the Plymouth Brethren (Open). Mai-Anh Le Tran (PhD) is associate professor of Christian education at Eden Theological Seminary in St. Louis, Missouri. She is current vice president and 2014 program chair of the Religious Education Association (REA:APRRE), with research and teaching focus on local/global intersections of race, gender, and class in religious identity formation and practices.

Prologue J. I. Packer

When education is casually defined as imparting knowwhat along with know-how, or as telling people where to look things up, it hardly sounds important. In truth, however, education is serious business. It is a process that solidifies society, as old and universal as the human race itself. Informally, parents have always taught their children, and chiefs their clans, things that need to be known in the family and the community, respectively. Schools of various sorts codifying and extending such instruction existed long before Christianity arrived, establishing standards of competence and expectation simply by doing their job. The Athenian academy of Plato and Aristotle, and other Greek schools derived thence, explored questions of truth, goodness, and beauty at a level of critical and analytical thought matching that which modern universities maintain. Over the centuries, most notably where Western Europe’s Renaissance made its strongest impact, the idea of an educated person as one who can exercise good judgment on theoretical, practical, and moral issues across the board has taken firm root. All of this, be it said, is significant background for what is presented in these volumes. Christianity has from the start understood itself as gospel. Gospel is a key word, almost a technical term, in the New Testament. The gospel that the apostles preached appears as a divinely authored good-news message that shows the way to a restorative transformation of our flawed humanity. Through all cultural variations and changes this gospel remains essentially unchanged, in every generation, calling on those in the grip of the antiGod evil called sin, as we all initially are, to recognize their plight and embrace God’s remedy. Christianity may properly call itself a humanism, indeed the only true humanism, because it tells how, under God and by God’s power in loving action, twisted human nature may be put straight and so become all that human nature was

meant to be. The process, fueled by faith, begins by making us face the facts and learn the truths to which faith is a response, so it is hardly surprising that education is Christian belief and its application to life has always been central in Christian strategy, both for strengthening the church’s existing adherents and for engaging outsiders, who, it is hoped, will become insiders through a God-given change of heart. Not for nothing were the first Christians called disciples, a Greek word meaning, precisely, learning, and the content of the Christian communication was called doctrine, a Latin word with which its Greek counterpart (didche) means something taught. There have been times when the primacy of education in Christianity has been better understood than at others; it is encouraging that we seem to be moving into such a time once more, after a century of drift. Generically, the Christian education curriculum has always consisted of authoritative intellectual and moral material drawn from God’s own self-revelation in the history recorded, the thinking embedded, and the ethic delineated in the canonical Holy Scriptures, a reality that reaches its climax in the space-time, word-anddeed, provincial-Jewish, historical-redemptive ministry of Jesus Christ, whom Christians adore as the Son of God incarnate and risen, the perfection of humanness, the ultimate authority on all aspects of the relational knowledge, sovereign love, and saving action of God, himself the personal transformer of all who truly trust him. Catechetical schools covering this ground in a threeyear course that all candidates for baptism were required to take seem to have been up and running in churches from early in the second century, if not before. Sermons in mainline churches were understood as, precisely, times for teaching and learning, at least until the First World War; they are now slowly but steadily becoming so again, while structured catechesis, long neglected, is also reviv-

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Prologue

ing. These facts, too, form significant background to this present encyclopedia. Christianity, for the most part, has in the past sought to Christianize the communities within which it has been planted; that is, to make Christian values and behavioral standards culturally normative within them. Out of this purpose came the Western school system, until recently, when humanistic scientism took over, and the same purpose has yielded the plethora of independent Christian educational institutions—universities, colleges, schools, academic communities—that confront us today. The educational path that these bodies have followed has mainly been some sort of blend of Christian and Platonic perspectives, and scholars working within this frame produce material critiquing non-, sub-, and anti-Christian views and reaffirming their own stance in face of them. Throughout the Christian world today—Roman Catholic, Eastern Orthodox, and Protestant evangelical—intellectual vitality is clearly renewing itself, vigorous profes-

sionalism among all who teach is called for, the discipling significance of Christian education is appreciated, and debate in all directions is encouraged. All of this seems likely to continue for the foreseeable future. At the outset I hinted that there is more to education than knowing where to look things up, and so there is: more, but not less. In an era such as ours, in which knowledge has exploded to the point of information overload almost everywhere, encyclopedias—comprehensive printed resources compiled directly for the purpose of enabling us to look things up—are necessary aids to intellectual life. It is an unhappy anomaly that the Encyclopedia of Christian Education should be the first encyclopedia covering the whole range of Christian education, past and present, but its emergence now is a very happy step forward. The thoroughness with which it has been put together merits applause, and for its existence we should most profoundly thank George Thomas Kurian and Mark A. Lamport, Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, and Almighty God.

Foreword Stanley Hauerwas, Duke Divinity School

Let me begin by answering the question many will ask about anyone who is bold enough to write a “foreword” to this ambitious project. My answer is: “I have not read the 1,200 articles that these volumes contain.” I have, however, read the preface and introduction to the Encyclopedia of Christian Education, which has given me some confidence that I might have something worth saying to commend this extraordinary book. Let me try to explain. I went to Yale Divinity School in 1962. There were courses in Christian education offered in the Divinity School, but they were not thought to be of high priority by most of us at the time. Some would take those courses, but they did so because they were taught by Professor Randolph Crump Miller. Professor Miller was an urbane and attractive person (his lectures on jazz were very compelling), who made Christian education as a discipline seem more intellectually interesting than in fact it was. That Christian education was not that interesting had everything to do with the assumption that the education of Christians was a parallel curriculum to public education. As a result Christian education became associated with various theories about what a child could and could not comprehend at different ages. Not everything done in the name of educational theory was without value for the formation of Christians, but the theology that was often associated with Christian educational theory was at the best “thin.” This is why I think the Encyclopedia of Christian Education is such an important endeavor. Christianity is a faith that must be passed from one generation to the next by the transmission of a story. Stories cannot be known without tellers. As the editors of this book make clear, education is an activity that is constitutive of the Gospel. One does not become a Christian and then receive an education, but to become a Christian is to be educated.

The language of formation may be more basic to describe what becoming Christian entails, but formation is but a form of education. Moreover, as the table of contents makes clear, the education that is constitutive of being Christian is not only about what is necessary to ensure the transmission of Christianity. It cannot be so limited, because Christianity is about all that is. So it is extremely important that the Encyclopedia contain articles on subjects that may not seem central to the Christian faith. Christians are a people to whom nothing human is foreign. Accordingly Christian education cannot help but be an attempt, often quite frustrating, to comprehend all that is. That the subject of Christian education is not only about how to educate younger children in the faith of the church is evident by the very fact that Christians founded and have sustained universities. The sheer fact that universities are the result of the Christian imagination I think has not been appropriately acknowledged by many of the cultural despisers of Christianity. Christianity is a faith that often painfully but necessarily develops from within its own life the severest criticisms of itself. That universities, even in their most secular form, exist is not a matter of indifference for the church. The historical perspective that the Encyclopedia takes on these developments in Christian education is very important, because it cannot help but spur our imaginations to be free from what is considered to be education in the present. That many of the articles, moreover, are about education in contexts other than the West is extremely important. I assume, therefore, that the Encyclopedia is meant to be a reforming document carrying a normative perspective that will help us better do what we must do as Christians; that is, pass on what we have learned and what we have often had to unlearn from one generation to the next.

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I cannot imagine how the editors envisioned this book and the various articles they commissioned. I have had some experience in planning as well as commissioning articles, for the Encyclopedia of Bioethics. I know how hard it is to identify and then organize articles on particular subjects, as well as to commission the appropriate author to write the article on each topic in which he or she is assumed to have competence. I stand in awe of George Kurian’s and Mark Lamport’s extraordinary organizational structure of this book as well as the authors chosen to write the assigned articles. This book cannot

help but become a classic reference, not only in Christian education but also for Christian theology and history. I should like to think this publication of the Encyclopedia of Christian Education might occasion the reintroduction of courses in Christian education in seminary curriculums. Indeed, the Encyclopedia might well become the resource that such courses have so desperately needed. We shall have to wait and see what the broader impact will be. But I certainly look forward to having these volumes available to help me think about how Christian education ought to be thought about.

Foreword Richard J. Mouw, Fuller Theological Seminary

A Pentecostal friend with excellent scholarly credentials was preaching in his home church. His sermon, based on a text from the Epistles, was moving along well, with many an “Amen!” from the congregation. But when he offered a few comments about what one of the words in his biblical text meant in the original Greek, the congregation went silent. Afterward, one of the church stalwarts shook my friend’s hand at the door and thanked him for the sermon, but added this word of mild reprimand regarding the preacher’s excursion into Greek meanings: “Don’t try to educate us, brother. Just bless us!” That church member was clearly working with a false dichotomy: “educating” versus “blessing.” Education can itself be a mode of blessing people. And as this marvelously comprehensive Encyclopedia of Christian Education makes clear, there is abundant evidence that the educational efforts initiated and supported and sustained by Christians over the centuries have brought enrichment not only to the churches, but to the larger human community as well. Even apart from the contents of this encyclopedia, the very fact of its appearance carries a significant message for our present-day context. In a time when deeply held religious convictions are often seen as fostering incivility, intolerance, hostility toward science as such, and a “culture wars” crusading spirit, we all need to be reminded that a profound commitment to Christian belief has made a major contribution to Western culture, with a

strong emphasis on the need for careful thinking, rigorous scholarship, and well-conceived teaching methods. Not only were many of the great universities in Europe and North America founded by Christian communities as arenas for the cultivation of scholarly habits of thought and action, but the ideals embedded in those institutions inspired missionaries to extend the educational enterprise to the Southern Hemisphere. In addition to that general—and extremely important—reminder regarding the positive impact of Christianity on global education, there is also the actual content of this encyclopedia. The results of the editors, George Thomas Kurian and Mark A. Lamport, are surely impressive—bringing together 1,200 articles written by 400 authors, covering an astounding range of topics: what we owe to diverse theological and confessional communities; the various levels of educational institutions; diverse “audiences” for Christian pedagogy; philosophies of Christian education; national contexts; formative educational leaders; specific fields of scholarship; and much, much more. The publication of the Encyclopedia of Christian Education has to be seen as an exciting event in the Christian community and regions beyond. It deserves to be received as a blessing in what it teaches us. It might even be appropriate to greet its appearance with a few appropriately dignified shouts of “Amen!”

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Foreword Ronald J. Sider, Palmer Seminary at Eastern University

My personal experience underlines for me the importance of Christian education. My devout mother and father and the biblical Sunday school and church to which they regularly took me provided my initial understanding of Christian faith. Four years at a Christian high school deepened my knowledge. Three years of theological education plus a doctoral dissertation on the Reformation greatly expanded my understanding of the Bible, Christian teaching, and history. And for the last 45 years, I have been a professor, first in an evangelical college and then in an evangelical seminary. For almost my entire life, I have been immersed in Christian education. One essential part of Christian education—the passing on of Christian faith—can be see in St. Paul. In 1 Corinthians 15:3ff., Paul introduces his citation of the evidence for Jesus’s resurrection with the words, “For what I received I passed on to you.” The words “received” and “passed on” are the translation of the technical words used to refer to the finely honed Jewish oral tradition, which carefully and accurately passed on important teaching orally. Paul uses the same technical term in 1 Corinthians 11:23 when he cites the words of institution for the Lord’s Supper. Clearly St. Paul believed that it was very important to carefully pass on core parts of Christian truth to the next generation of Christians. One criterion of faithful Christian education is whether it carefully and successfully transmits to the next generation God’s special revelation in Christ and the scriptures. Christian education, of course, is far more than merely passing on revealed truth. The Psalmist expressed his longing to “dwell in the house of the Lord all the days of my life, to behold the beauty of the Lord, and to inquire in his temple” (Psalm 27:4). St. Augustine’s wonderful phrase fides quaereus intellectum (“faith seeking understanding”) captures, I believe, an important part of what the Psalmist intended. It is as we locate ourselves within

Christian revelation (within the “house of the Lord”) that we can then most powerfully and effectively pursue and understand all truth. If Jesus, the Incarnate Son, is the truth, then all truth fits together with God’s special revelation. Therefore Christian education boldly embraces all truth and explores how truth—whether scientific, historical, sociological, etc.—fits together. Christian educators start with their commitment to the One who is the way, the truth, and the life and then seek to understand everything we can about how God’s astoundingly complex creation fits together with that basic Christian truth. Christian educators have a great stake in the claim that truth exists—as Pope John Paul II said so well in his great encyclical, Veritatis Splendor (The Splendor of Truth, 1993). If truth does not exist, then Christian education is mere propaganda and brainwashing. But if truth exists, then Christian education involves an exciting search for the ways that all truth fits together. That is not to say that we dare claim that we have the truth. Postmodernists are right to remind us of all the ways that we all are profoundly limited in our understanding by our finitude and sinfulness. We should never claim that our understanding of anything (whether theology, biblical revelation, or contemporary knowledge) is “the truth.” We all see through a glass darkly. But we know that truth exists, that God is truth, and that biblical revelation is true (even though our understanding of it is always dreadfully imperfect). Christian educators largely search for a more faithful understanding of truth even as they remember their own finitude and imperfection. In addition to handing on the core of Christian faith and engaging in an exciting search for how all truth fits together, Christian education also nurtures more faithful discipleship and more mature Christian living. That is not to say with Plato that knowledge is virtue. Knowing the truth does not guarantee that persons will live in

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conformity to the truth. But knowledge of Christian truth does contribute to more faithful Christian living. Paul urges Christians not to conform to this world’s standards, but to “be transformed by the renewing of your mind” (Romans 12:2). Knowledge of Christian truth transforms us, helping us to live a lifestyle conformed to Christ. When they are faithful and effective, Christian educators contribute to nurturing more faithful Christian living. In my life, I have had the great privilege of serving with and learning from Christian leaders from the global South—where the majority of Christian now live.1 This 1. Among other things, I served on the Theological Commission of the World Evangelical Fellowship (now the WEA), the International Fellow-

first-ever Encyclopedia of Christian Education, edited by George Thomas Kurian and Mark A. Lamport, will enable all Christians everywhere to have a similar experience. Rightly, contributors from all parts of the world have written for this important publication. My prayer is that just as I have been taught—educated in Christian faith—by Christians from every continent, so too this publication will enable the next generation of Christians to learn from their sisters and brothers in all parts of the global body of Christ. ship of Evangelical Mission Theologians, and the board of the Oxford Center for Mission Studies and became a founding coeditor of Transformation: An International Dialogue on Evangelical Social Ethics.

Foreword Will Willimon, Duke Divinity School; Duke Memorial United Methodist Church, Durham, North Carolina

My parents never worried about whether or not I would grow up Christian. It was the only game in town, religiously speaking. Greenville, South Carolina, we had been led to believe, was the buckle of the Bible Belt, the epicenter of Christendom, North America. Church, state, and southern culture joined forces in an alliance to undergird goodness, respectability, and the American way. Christianity, as we practiced it, was a willing and eager enlistee in this project. Being Christian was roughly synonymous with being a thinking, sensitive, compassionate American. The town closed on Sunday. There was a traffic jam at 9:30 Sunday morning as people flocked to Sunday school. Christian education, such as it was, endeavored to bring out the best in already good Christian people, appealing to our allegedly innate inclinations and most charitable, natural dispositions. The Gospel was reduced to conventional, American common sense. Whether or not my parents were justified in thinking that I would quite naturally, unavoidably embrace the Christian faith, I find it remarkable that no one thinks that today. No North American Christian—no matter the denomination or geographic location—believes that our children will grow up Christian simply by being born in the United States. Being Christian is no longer (if it ever really was) normal, natural, innate, or typical. I find it remarkable that this seismic shift in the church’s self-consciousness has occurred during my adult lifetime. Christianity, having once thought of itself as the majority, established faith of our culture, is no longer dominant, not completely disestablished in some places but definitely moving toward the margins everywhere. There is a widespread realization that Christians are made, not born (Tertullian), that baptism is initiation into a countercultural community of theological indoctrination and moral formation named church. Stanley Hauerwas and I no longer must mount an argument that

Christians are resident aliens in a society we Christians once thought we owned. In a sense, my church didn’t need an Encyclopedia of Christian Education 50 years ago when I began ministry. Who needs cultivation and instruction into a way of life that is already embraced by nine out of ten average people? As I read through the articles in this vast and comprehensive encyclopedia, while I learned much new information, I also came to a fresh conviction that • the center of world Christianity is shifting eastward and southward from North America and Europe; • Christians are once again thinking our way into a new world that is now postmodern; • Pentecostals are being brought into the discussion with an awareness of Pentecostalism as a rich, different, fruitful way of construing the world; • the truth who is Jesus Christ is amazingly adaptive, supple, and relevant to a world of emerging economies, new democracies, non-Western peoples, and an exploding global Christianity; • the Christian faith has rich resources for thinking our way through the new challenges for discipleship; • the Body of Christ is a body in motion and service to a living Lord that demands we be ready to think our way through new demands upon faithfulness; and • education, inculcation, indoctrination, formation, and catechesis are essential aspects of conversion into the way of the Gospel, a way that is neither innate nor natural. In our changed situation God gives us a new connection with sisters and brothers in young churches who have never known the presumption of establishment. Some may lament that the world of the presumed Christian hegemony over North American culture, if it ever really existed,

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is now over. But there is also a sense in which the changing world, at least our North American world, has restored the necessity and the adventure of Christian education. In Christian education the church graciously gives us the skills we need to resist, to equip the saints, and then to march to the beat of a different drummer who never owned a drum. One cannot be born into the Christian faith. Christ who is the way, the truth, and the life is accessed only through his own self-giving, not through our astute spiritual rumination. The Gospel is not to be discovered through long walks in the woods or by rummaging about in our own egos. Someone has to tell you this odd story that is the Gospel. Someone must lead you step by step down the narrow way that leads to life eternal. We must submit ourselves to faithful educators. Christian education is thus training in how to be receivers, receiving a story so strange and so true that we cannot tell it to ourselves. Some time ago I predicted that more of pastors’ time in my church would be spent engaged in the role of doctor ecclesiae. My prediction of the coming centrality of Christian education for Christian congregational

leadership has been fulfilled by the Encyclopedia. It is our joyous pastoral task to patiently, confidently, and beguilingly share the riches of the faith with new generations of Christians. A primary designation for Jesus is “rabbi.” He promised the Holy Spirit would come and teach us everything we needed to know to be his disciples. That is fortunate, because in this faith we never become so adept at believing that we no longer have need for additional information. We never lose our amateur status in regard to handling the truth who is Jesus Christ. Rather than trying to evoke something that is already within people, in Christian education we have the joy of offering people a new way of life, a different world than they could have had if we had left them to their own devices. Jesus always equips those whom he calls. Conversion is a lifelong process of letting go of the ideas and devices that are inappropriate for truthful living now that Jesus Christ is Lord—even if the world has yet fully to get the news. This exuberant, fecund, global Encyclopedia edited by George Thomas Kurian and Mark A. Lamport is thus a great gift to the church and to those of us who teach in Christ’s name.

Preface George Thomas Kurian and Mark A. Lamport

Overview

Scope

Encyclopedia of Christian Education is an ambitious and panoptic survey of the history, traditions, methodologies, institutions, curricula, and rubrics of Christian education for the last 2,000 years. Christianity is a magisterial religion in which teaching and learning are integral to the growth and maturity of believers. Teaching is one of the great ministries of the church, and the great apostles and prophets were also teachers, as was Jesus Himself. Encyclopedia of Christian Education is the first encyclopedia in publishing history dedicated to the history of Christian education in all countries of the world and through the past 20 centuries. Christian education is one of the oldest educational systems in the world, continuously functioning alongside the church for 2,000 years. It is also perhaps the largest in the modern world, with schools, colleges, and universities in more than 140 countries. Christian educators were also pioneers in many areas, such as literacy, homeschooling, Sunday schools, women’s education, graded schools, compulsory education, education of the deaf and blind, and kindergarten.

The goal of Christian education is different from that of secular education. It lies in the sanctification of knowledge and using knowledge itself as a tool of salvation. Christian education does not merely instruct, it empowers and transmutes and transforms; it does not merely inform, it edifies. It transmits not merely skills but also values and character. Christian knowledge is not merely the fulfillment of curiosity and the resolution of problems, but also the yoking of the human mind to the mind of God. Christian knowledge is not ephemeral or circular; it is permanent and teleological. Christian education is part of the church’s engagement with the world, and its focus is to nurture faith in the context of shared values, beliefs, and attitudes. Christian education is primarily of two kinds. First are formal day schools. Many missionary orders and groups are engaged in the running of secular schools, colleges, and universities throughout the world, at which they often excel. There are more than 300,000 Christian schools in the educational systems of more than 140 countries of the world (all but 60 countries in the world). See appendix C for country-by-country statistics related to Christian universities. Their syllabi may include compulsory or noncompulsory religious instruction. The Jesuits in particular are celebrated for their schools as well as their pedagogical system. There are millions of Christian scholars in every conceivable discipline, even the hard sciences, which are traditionally perceived as being outside the ambit of religion. In almost every country where there are secular schools, they have a Christian origin. This is particularly true in the Western world, where universities such as

Rationale and Mission The mission of the Encyclopedia of Christian Education is (1) to fill a gap in the reference shelf on education, (2) to explore the legacy and heritage of Christian education in the history of Christianity, (3) to restore a study of Christian education to the curricula of teachers’ colleges, and (4) to foster further research on Christian education at all levels by providing a flagship resource.

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Oxford, Harvard, and Sorbonne were originally schools for the training of clergy. In the Middle Ages the first schools were cathedral schools, where the teachers were monks or nuns. The structure of education in Europe was determined in the Carolingian era and began with a biblical component. The goal was to provide bedrock that could withstand the heavy load of secular learning that followed later in life. Learning and faith were inseparable until the 18th century. Another more formal class of Christian education is theological, conducted in seminaries for the training of priests, pastors, missionaries, evangelists, nuns, monks, and parachurch professionals, who make up the ground troops of the Christian army. This education is heavily denominational in nature and thus varied in its doctrinal texture. The second basic kind of Christian education takes place in informal faith community settings. This began on the day of the Pentecost when, as Luke says, “they never stopped teaching . . . that Jesus is the Christ” (Acts 5:34ff.). Shortly before His ascension, Jesus asked His disciples to “make disciples of all nations . . . teaching them to obey everything I have commanded you” (Matthew 28:19–20). One of the qualifications for a bishop was the ability to teach (1 Timothy 3:2; 2 Timothy 2:24). Catechetical instruction led to the founding of catechetical schools. Around AD 150 Justin Martyr established one on Ephesus and one in Rome. Origen (“the Prince of Christian Learning”) established a celebrated school in Alexandria. Other great schools were established at Edessa, Ephesus, and Caesarea in Palestine.

The Gifts of Christian Education The contributions of Christianity to the world are nothing less than remarkable, especially in numerous initiatives pertaining to education.1 While to some this statement may seem like nothing more than self-congratulatory verbiage, the evidence of such an observation follows:2 • The printing press, invented by Johannes Gutenberg, was instrumental in the spread of the Christian faith. The first book printed was the Bible. • Christianity has been a major force for promoting literacy worldwide. Many of the world’s languages were first set to writing by missionaries. 1. For a more detailed analysis, see Alvin Schmidt, Under the Influence: How Christianity Transformed Civilization (Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan, 2001). 2. Some of these thoughts were stirred by the observations of Peter Hammond and can be found at http://www.christianaction.org.za/contact.htm.

• The missionary movement beginning in the 19th century pioneered thousands of schools throughout Africa and Asia, providing education even in the remotest jungles. • Christianity revolutionized education by making it available to all classes and both genders. Previously, only boys from the privileged classes obtained an education. • Graded levels of education were first introduced in the 16th century by a German Lutheran layman, Johann Sturm, who believed that this system would motivate students to study. • Kindergartens were first established in the 19th century by Frederick Froebel, the son of a German Lutheran pastor, who developed the idea of a school that would allow young children to grow under the care of an expert gardener (teacher). • Education for the deaf was pioneered by Charles L’Epee, who in 1775 developed a sign language for formally teaching the deaf. Thomas Gallaudet, an American Congregational clergyman, opened the first school for the deaf in 1817. He taught not only the three Rs, but also the fourth R, religion, so deaf people could read, write, and grow in faith. • Education for the blind was advanced in the 19th century by Louis Braille, a Christian, who gave to the blind a method of reading with their fingers. • The invention of the Sunday school, during the Industrial Revolution of the 18th century, helped boys and girls from some of the poorest English homes, who worked six days a week, learn the skill of reading and the stories of the Bible. • Christianity also was responsible for the founding and growth of universities and higher education, which grew out of monastic missionary centers. The first universities—Oxford, Paris, Cambridge, Heidelberg, and Basel—were all founded by Christians starting in the 13th century and taught theology, law, and medicine. In the United States every collegiate institution founded in the colonies prior to the Revolutionary War, save one, was established by some branch of the Christian church.

Editorial Organization Encyclopedia of Christian Education is on the one hand a diachronic encyclopedia that traces the history of Christian education, schools, and training over the past 2,000 years. On the other, it is a synchronic encyclopedia that profiles the state of contemporary Christian education. It is a strict alphabetical encyclopedia, but

Preface

the headwords are also organized in topical sections, each with a lead-in introduction to describe various aspects of each specific theme. The main classes of entries are lead-in introductions to each of the 20 sections, overview entries, interpretive essays, and continental and specific country glimpses to highlight the state of educating Christians in the historically Christian countries of the world. Overview entries survey the subject comprehensively, define the field, and include historical commentary and background and reviews of literature. Breakout entries are shorter, descriptive entries that explore in greater detail some facets of a core article. Interpretive essays deal with ideas and trends. The select bibliography suggests the most significant resources for each of the 20 sections within the very recent past. Most of the more than 1,200 articles are bylined and carry reference lists. Biographies of our more than 400 contributors appear in a separate section in the backmatter.

Audience and Market Encyclopedia of Christian Education is directed primarily to the more than 21,000 Christian educational institutions in English-speaking countries, including schools, colleges, universities, and seminaries. Further, it is geared to local churches, denominational leadership, and parachurch organizations.

Contributors An experienced and prolific, talented, and influential group of scholars, professors, and Christian educators has joined us in the composition of this landmark project, the first-ever global encyclopedia of Christian education. This unprecedented collaboration has benefited from broad conversations across the bounds of Christian tradition and produced a work that addresses historical perspectives, theological themes, crucial issues, and significant contributions that resonate with various stripes within the Anglican, Orthodox, Protestant, and Roman Catholic quarters of the faith. Specifically, we pay tribute to 400 authors from more than 75 countries who have written these 1,200 entries.3 In addition, we are most grateful to our stellar consult3. One might rightly ask why this global encyclopedia is published in English and in the United States, especially with an increasing amount of data becoming available from almost every part of the world. To be clear, this is decidedly not designed as an encyclopedia about Christian education in the United States. Indeed, authors from over 75 countries have contributed to these pages and represent even more language groups and dozens of Christian faith traditions. Yet to be fair, based on a number factors, we ac-

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ing editors: Beverly Johnson-Miller, David Setran, David Smith, Donald Tinder, and Mai-Anh Le Tran. Further, we are profoundly beholden to our world-class editorial advisory board: Jeff Astley, Dean Blevins, Joel Carpenter, Ralph Enlow, James Estep, Charles Foster, Bryan Froehle, Perry Glanzer, Thomas Groome, Steven Kang, Kevin Lawson, John R. Lillis, Mark Maddix, Robert Pazmiño, Jane Regan, Philip Ryken, Jack Seymour, James D. Smith III, Cathy Stonehouse, and John Westerhoff III. Finally, our vision for these ideas was more than ably managed and creatively brought to fruition by Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, in particular by Bennett Graff, Monica Savaglia, assistant editor, and Sharon Langworthy, copyeditor. While the project was produced over a laborious, knowledge a disproportionate percentage of space is contributed by North American authors about North American institutions and initiatives. Is it presumptive for a global volume on Christian education to emanate from the United States? A central question in Mark Noll’s The New Shape of World Christianity: How American Experience Reflects Global Faith (Downers Grove, IL: IVP Academic, 2009) ponders what U.S. Christianity means for the worldwide Christian community. One view is that U.S. Christians control events; a second view is one of influence (not manipulation); and a third view describes the relationship of U.S. and world Christianity as merely shared historical experience. Which of these is most accurate in the case of the influence of the United States on global Christian education? Of course, it is a matter of interpretation. To what extent is Christian education in the United States (or Christianity, for that matter) qualitatively different from world Christianity? Well, U.S. Christian education has been described as biblically oriented, pragmatically driven, creatively entrepreneurial, economically prosperous, and denominationally expansive. Some experience it as rather aggressive and therefore abusive. Rather baldly, Noll opines: “No body of Christians has been as capable at exercising power as American believers, though few have been more reluctant to address questions of power face-on” (ibid., 59). Noll’s operating thesis is that Christianity in its U.S. form is important for the world, but not primarily because of direct influence. Money and prestigious educational institutions still carry a good deal of weight on the world Christian scene. And while the majority of Christians reside elsewhere, the U.S. minority has a loud presence. In his diplomatic way, Noll calls the phenomenon “adolescent exuberance” (ibid., 191). Some find U.S. Christianity off-putting, to say the least. The reasoning goes that to ignore the traditions of the Christian centuries and boldly introduce business and marketing can be alienating, even if noticeably successful. Of course, while U.S. Christians tend to see their contributions as nothing other than offering help in extending the faith, others view this with more suspicion and as intrusive. With global mission advancement and evangelistic zeal comes education in faith, and often with missionary church-planting come U.S. cultural values, practices, and systems. In sum, then, we submit that it is plausible that a project of this global magnitude can be produced by a U.S. publisher and with a substantial proportion of North American authors and yet contribute a worldwide sensitivity to the concerns and practices of Christian education without borders. We celebrate the world mosaic of Christians and what they uniquely bring to the enterprise of educating Christians. And while we freely concede that from a historical, cultural perspective every encyclopedia is limited, nevertheless we delight in it in spite of its parameters, because it illumines the truth in past and future attempts to expand the knowledge of these important subjects. We can still therefore advance the importance of a historicist-cultural perspective that is revelatory even when it is biased and fractional. In other words, to understand a piece of the truth is important for discovering a greater truth. In revealing the present situation we uncover the past and the future. Continuity and similarity are as constant as change. We hope that after reading these volumes our readers and evaluators will likewise agree and revel in the monumental opportunity for a Christian world in this generation!

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nearly three-year period, each of those mentioned above contributed in a wonderfully responsive and highly congenial manner, making our task quite pleasant. Our aim is to faithfully represent a snapshot of educating Christians of this generation while acknowledging our historically orthodox heritage. We concede, as

others attempt a similar project in the next generation, that evolving cultural circumstances, continuing sound scholarship, and educationally innovative practice will certainly see requisite nuanced revisions to our emphases. May the Church be diligent in such activity!

Acknowledgments

We (George and Mark) would like to thank Rowman & Littlefield for allowing latitude in the selection and design of the front and back covers. In addition, the following individuals were instrumental in offering their advice for the image concept: Daniel J. Baker, Ronald J. Bigalke, Jr., Mark Lou Branson, Sarita Gallagher, Amy K. Grubbs, Aaron K. Lamport, Therese C. Lamport, Debra Dean Murphy, Emily Peck-McClain, Emily J. Reisert, Susan Willhauck, and Darrell Yoder. I (Mark) am thankful to my parents, D. Keith (†1997) and Norma J. Lamport, and my grandparents, V.H. (†1996) and Virginia Lamport (†1999), who explicitly and implicitly, consistently and patiently, propelled me in a vibrant way into my Christian education. I would also like to consecrate these volumes to my grandchildren—Gweneth (2007), Alayna (2007), Addison (2008), Makenna (2010),

and Wyatt (2011)—who joyfully are the recipients of godly nurture and faith-affirming experiences in their induction of the Christian faith. May they contribute in like ways to their own children and grandchildren. Further, I (Mark) wish to take the liberty of personal privilege in honoring four of my graduate school professors, whose biographies are rightly included in these volumes—Larry Richards, Cam Wyckoff (†2005), Jim Loder (†2001), Ted Ward—and one of my heroes—John Stott (†2011), who have influenced my thinking in innumerable ways about the educational enterprise with Christians. Finally, I have made peace with the fact that one of those featured in the biographies—Huldreich Zwingli (†1531)—was an Anabaptist tormentor, specifically of my thirteenth-great grandparents named Aebi who lived in Sumiswald, Berne, Switzerland in the 1520s.

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Introduction George Thomas Kurian and Mark A. Lamport

We will not hide them from their children; we will tell the next generation the praiseworthy deeds of the Lord, which He commanded our forefathers to teach their children, so that the next generation would know them, even the children yet to be born, and they in turn would tell their children. Then they would put their trust in God and would not forget His deeds but would keep His commands. —Psalm 78:4–7

The World Mosaic of Christian Education In 1900, over 80 percent of the world’s Christian population was Caucasian and over 70 percent resided in Europe.1 But while the World Christian Encyclopedia estimates the percentage of Christians worldwide to have been 33 to 34 percent of the world’s population for the last several generations and projects the same proportion in the coming half century,2 the European Caucasians are no longer the majority at the start of the 21st century. Philip Jenkins, in The Next Christendom, compellingly articulates (at least one thesis, among others) why global Christianity is decisively shifting from North and West to South and East: as societies gain wealth, the practice of

We wish to thank Jeff Astley, Peter Osborn, Robert Pazmiño, Jane Regan, Lawrence O. Richards, Jack Seymour, and John Westerhoff for their insightful comments on the original draft of this introduction. However, we alone bear the responsibility for the contents. 1. David B. Barrett, Todd M. Johnson, and Peter F. Crossing, “Status of Global Mission, Presence, and Activities, AD 1800–2025,” International Bulletin of Missionary Research 32 (January 2008): 30. 2. David Barrett, George T. Kurian, and Todd M. Johnson, World Christian Encyclopedia: A Comparative Survey of Churches and Religions in the Modern World. 2 vols. (New York: Oxford University Press, 2001).

Christianity diminishes.3 There is a seismic oscillation, in fact. Thus, some contend that European Christianity has become archaeology, while North American Christianity hangs on as sociology. Half of all the Christians who have ever lived are living now! Perhaps two billion. This is a remarkable, unprecedented opportunity for Christian education. With a Christian population of over 250 million, there are more Christians in the United States than in any other country in the history of the world.4 What can be said about the world condition in which these Anglican, Protestant, Orthodox, and Roman Catholic adherents are being educated in faith?5

Challenges of and Opportunities for Christian Education in the st Century While many optimistic initiatives for effectively educating Christian adherents infuse current practices around the world, many of which are colorfully advanced in the volumes of this encyclopedia, we propose five substantial, imposing conditions and suggest resultant opportunities for the educational mission of the Church (see table intro.1).

3. Philip Jenkins, The Next Christendom: The Coming of Global Christianity (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002). 4. The number of Christians in China is an unknowable mystery and no doubt a spectacular number, but in all likelihood there are still fewer than in the United States. 5. These volumes include those major Christian bodies that acknowledge the historic, orthodox Trinitarian doctrine: Anglican, Orthodox, Protestant, and Roman Catholic. For more, see Donald Tinder’s superb overview of these faith families, “Christian Education in the Modern World: Denominational Profiles in Christian Education,” in appendix A.

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Introduction TABLE INTRO.1 Contextual Circumstances in Educating Christians

Encroaching Challenges to Christian Education

Engaging Opportunities for Christian Education

Disorienting amnesia Suppressed thinking Redoubtable postmodernism Divisive interpretation Muddled approaches

Meaningful commemorations Shared community Irresistible citizenship Generous humility Faithful gestures

The first encroaching challenge is disorienting amnesia. Some observe a discontinuity between the historical faith and the current lived experience of Christianity. When the biblical and historical roots of the Christian belief system become estranged, serious consequences emerge. Stephen Prothero, citing E. D. Hirsch’s classic Cultural Literacy, chides our current state of affairs as “a gradual disintegration of cultural memory,”6 which has led to an inability to communicate in an articulate way. This applies not only to societies in general but also to the religious components of them. Granted, this condition may be more of a Western phenomenon. French sociologist Daniele Hervieu-Leger describes Europe’s loss of faith as amnesia, not so much rooted in doubt, but forgetting. Certainly much of this can be observed in American Christianity in the United States.7 The “chain of memory” has been broken.8 It is not just Protestants who lament this loss of religious understanding; Catholics and Jews observe the same basic ignorance of their traditions and sacred articles.9 But some, primarily Protestants, still seethe about banned school prayer and Bible reading in the United States from the early 1960s—Engel v. Vitale (1962) and Abington v. Schempp (1963)—and correlate problems with illiteracy and wayward civility to those U.S. Supreme Court decisions, as contributors to this lack of memory.10 Perhaps—who can know for sure? 6. Stephen Prothero, Religious Literacy: What Every American Needs to Know—and Doesn’t (San Francisco: Harper SanFrancisco, 2007), 3. 7. We have sought to be specific in our use of “United States” in these volumes as distinct from “America” or “American,” as the former is one entity of several in the composition of several nations on the continent with their own histories, cultures, and contextual expressions of Christianity. 8. Danièle Hervieu-Léger, Religion as a Chain of Memory (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1993/2000). 9. While Pew Research Center published results of a Fall 2013 survey that found Jews in the United States overwhelmingly proud to be Jewish, yet nearly one in five of them described themselves as having “no religion.” The gap is generational, with 32 percent of Jewish millennials identifying as Jewish on the basis of ancestry, ethnicity, or culture—compared with 93 percent of Jews born in 1914–1927, who identified on the basis of their faith. “This shift in Jewish self-identification reflects broader changes in the US public,” stated Pew’s Religion and Public Life Project. “Americans as a whole—not just Jews—increasingly eschew any religious affiliation,” with 22 percent of all Americans identifying with no particular faith. See http:// news.yahoo.com/survey-finds-us-jews-losing-religion-043636382.html. 10. Although the second author went to midwestern U.S. elementary public schools in the 1960s, there was never homework assigned on Wednesdays—almost shocking to think of now and recently confirmed by

The first engaging opportunity is meaningful commemorations. The main cause of this disconnect between faith and life (and as a consequence, a loss of memory) may be an improperly constructed process of merely acquiring information or skills. However, education for Christians is something much broader and richer, because it deals with transforming an entire person from a depraved sinner characterized by self-love into a pristine image of Christ characterized by love for God and neighbor. The Church must make conspicuous campaigns that rejoice in “remembering” the heritage and truth given it. To be sure, it is not the revelation of God as witnessed in scripture that is forgettable or wearisome, but the inability of those who teach to coax relevant connections with those studying. As Craig Dykstra reminds, education in faith must be at once an investigative process that guides people in the exploration of our experience with God; a critical process that liberates us from the patterns of thinking, feeling, valuing, and behaving that make it difficult for us to participate in this experience; and a caring process through which we graciously invite one another to enter freely and ever more deeply into this experience.11 To be memorable, Christian education must move beyond mere history and engage fervidly at the intersection of faith and life. The second encroaching challenge is suppressed thinking. In sectors of the Christian family, some educational practices frustrate spiritual growth—whether intentionally or unintentionally—by devaluing, even belittling, the role of reason and critical reflection.12 In provocative interview-based research, Ruth Tucker deduces two traits of a typical “walk away” from Christian faith: (1) one’s association with a fundamentalist or highly conservative religious background and (2) one’s inability to grapple with philosophical, theological, and/or scientific challenges to scripture’s reliability.13 What does truth, we confidently invite, have to fear from engagement on any topic in the world? Whether out of fear or control or poor educational modeling or ignorance, his parents to validate possibly faulty childhood reasoning—because that was the night for midweek church services! 11. See Craig Dykstra, Growing in the Life of Faith: Education and Christian Practices (Louisville, NY: Geneva Press, 1999), xiii. 12. We are enthusiastic about the synergetic relationship of John Wesley’s so-called quadrilateral for interpreting and living the Christian faith: scripture, tradition, reason, and experience. While some might accede to only the former, God is operative, and faith is enhanced, by the dynamic interaction of all. 13. Ruth Tucker, Walking Away from Faith: Unraveling the Mystery of Belief and Unbelief (Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press, 2002). A third factor is deduced—difficult circumstances in life—and while significant, it is omitted here as it does not coalesce with our main point. See also Martin Marty’s classic, Varieties of Unbelief: From Nihilism to Atheism; From Agnosticism to Apathy: Explorations in American Religion (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1964) for a more theoretical model of this topic.

Introduction

some assume for the sake of unity (or uniformity?) that Christians should merely accept (in a mentally passive way) teaching in church and not question the authority of those who teach. Critical engagement with other Christians can only enhance one’s understanding of faith and practice. A conception of educating that plays upon acquiescence and uncritical reasoning is a standard practice of cults and other mind-control initiatives. So why is “thinking” to be eschewed in churches, small groups, missions, parachurch ministries, and even, in some cases, theological schools?14 Perhaps there is a fundamental misunderstanding of the role of “knowledge” in educating Christians. In our view, one’s ability to think, to analyze, to critique, and then to adapt to contextual Christian practice is critical and ultimately a great deal more important than merely knowing facts, stories, and trivial minutiae even of the Bible. Consider, for example, Jesus’s educational intentions in the so-called Sermon on the Mount as a template for guiding how a Christian should live as a faithful sojourner.15 It is important that believers learn information about the kingdom of God, develop life skills for living in the kingdom, pursue motivating interests in the kingdom, and commit to altering society toward kingdom values. Nevertheless, it is perhaps more consequential to teach the faithful principles that can be applied to changing societal conditions; that is, learn to think critically, to think theologically. The most desired educational result might be a changed society, but the most effective means to achieve that is fostered by a Christian educational philosophy that nurtures theological thinking and application.16 In sum, a flawed understanding exists wherein teachers of Christian education cater more to the passive acquisition of content knowledge over the more critical ability of teaching students to think theologically with an eye to applying the Christian faith and mission to the changing conditions of the world.

14. For more on this idea, see Mark A. Lamport, “The Most Indispensable Habits of Effective Theological Educators: Recalibrating Educational Philosophy, Psychology, and Practice,” Asbury Journal (Fall 2010): 36–54. 15. It is also interesting to note that Jesus asked more than 100 questions, as recorded in the Gospels, which would appear to be an intentional and significant teaching strategy. Since we can assume He knew the answers to these questions, His strategy was one of engaging learners in thinking, evaluating assumptions, and having meaningful dialogue. 16. It is a remarkable phenomenon to observe the correlation of how prevailing societal customs and educational philosophies in a given region of the world mimic the same stances in Christian education practices in those same geographic regions. It is not surprising then—and the second author has observed it firsthand in Africa, Asia, and Eastern Europe—that a teacher-dominated, content-centered, student-dependent, pedagogical model is more common than not in Christian education, much like the more rigid political environments in these regions. Conversely, in many cases Christian education, at least in theory, in North America and Western Europe more often leans toward a more egalitarian-based, learner-focused style, much like the democratic political arenas in these regions.

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The second engaging opportunity is probing reflection. Christian theology means reflecting on and articulating beliefs about God and the world that Christians share as followers of Jesus. By “reflecting,” Stanley Grenz and Roger Olson claim, We use our minds to organize our thoughts and beliefs, bring them into coherence with one another by attempting to identify and expunge blatant contradictions, and make sure that there are good reasons for interpreting Christian faith in the way we do. Reflection, then, involves a certain amount of critical thinking—questioning the ways we think and why we believe and behave the way we do.17

Christian education should promote learning cultures wherein people confront intriguing sociocultural issues. The routine quest for Christian education, we propose, is to explore authentic tasks that challenge students to grapple with ideas, rethink their assumptions, and examine their mental models of reality. While teaching methods vary, these conditions are best fostered to the degree that learners feel a sense of control over their learning, work collaboratively with others, believe that their contributions will be considered fairly and honestly, and receive substantial feedback. These thoughtful exercises give Christians perspective on the meaning of scripture and the world’s issues. With the ability to reflect theologically on the questions of life, a believer’s faith in and relationship with God will be most meaningful. “Engagement in these practices, with other people, over time, can give rise to new knowledge and new capacities for perception that are not accessible otherwise.” Through theological reflection, Christians actively grasp God’s perspective in the cosmos.18 The third encroaching challenge is redoubtable postmodernism. Granted, contemporary society, with its waning forgetfulness, has diminished the impact of Christian education. Have social secularization and religious pluralism severely diminished the Christian consciousness and education in faith? Postmodernism is not a culture, but rather the fatigue of culture. It is a sign of the end of modernity, and for that reason its critique of modernity is telling. But it is not a new age, nor the sign of a new kind of culture. It despairs of culture.19 Does this spell doom for the teaching nature of the church and its version of truth, life, and virtue? 17. Stanley Grenz and Roger Olson, Who Needs Theology? An Invitation to the Study of God (Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press, 1994), 25. 18. Amy Plantinga Pauw, “Attending to the Gaps between Beliefs and Practices,” in Practicing Theology: Beliefs and Practices in Christian Life, ed. Craig Dykstra and Dorothy Bass (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 2002), 41. 19. A. J. Conyers, “Can Postmodernism Be Used as a Template for Christian Theology?” Christian Scholar’s Review (Spring 2004): 308–309.

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Sociologist Peter Berger, reflecting on a generation of theorizing about the correlation of modernity and secularization, admits he and his colleagues were wrong: most of the world today is not secular, but very religious.20 A 1997 Gallup World Poll administered in 160 nations (representing 97 percent of the world’s population, though China was excluded from the religion questions) revealed that 53 percent had attended a religious place of worship within the last seven days, and 76 percent confirmed that religion was an important part of their lives.21 In fact, a significant thesis of Rodney Stark asserts that vigorous religiosity arises along with pluralism.22 Upsurges of Christianity coexist with—and are even due to—postmodernity. But what are the consequences of such identifications and divergent values? Despite these flashes of global spiritual arousal, unintended outcomes, curious inventions, and misshapen creatures have sometimes been produced by socially compromising attempts to shape faith.23 The Christian flirtation with culture has been (and continues to be) an uneasy dance. Culture is the collection of practices, beliefs, and stories that carve out a sense of distinctiveness and pride or failure and shame. To be observers is fascinating; to engage culture is titillating. In fact the people who most carefully study cultures tend to stress how much they are transformed by this study. So, we ask with Andy Crouch, what does it mean to be more than cultural consumers but instead be culture makers? What does it mean to be not just culturally aware but culturally responsible? What is our calling in this or any culture? If we are to be culture makers, where in the world do we begin? And how does this affect how we effectively educate Christians?24 The third engaging opportunity is irresistible citizenship. In spite of the pervasive anti-God spirit of the times, the church rejoices in the sovereignty of God in this world. The countercultural nature of the Christian kingdom, manifested without geopolitical borders, has its own ethic (in the Sermon on the Mount), its own language (loving kindness), its own epistemology (the20. From an interview in Christian Century, October 29, 1997, 972–978. 21. Reported in Rodney Stark, The Triumph of Christianity: How the Jesus Movement Became the World’s Largest Religion (San Francisco: HarperOne Publishing, 2011). 22. Ibid., 410–412. 23. See Mark A. Lamport, “Unintended Outcomes, Curious Inventions, and Misshapen Creatures: Juxtapositions of Religious Belief and FaithFormed Practice and the Renewed Case of the Educational Mission of the Church,” Asbury Theological Journal (April 2008): 95–113; Mark A. Lamport, “Excellent Belief, Congruent Practice: Juxtapositions of Promise and Peril in the Educational Mission of the Church,” in Thy Brother’s Keeper (Eugene, OR: Wipf & Stock, 2010), 237–257. 24. Andy Crouch, Culture Making: Recovering Our Creative Calling (Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press, 2008).

istic revelation), and its own agenda (worship of God by service to the world). As postmodernism cannot ultimately satisfy the quests of the humans who search for happiness, the uncompromising beauty of the Christian life irresistibly attracts previously exhausted and unfulfilled devotees to a newfound peace. And so the Church does not shrink from engagement with the world and is not paralyzed by postmodern tendencies; instead, such interactions are found to enliven faith and commitment to its fitting citizenship. To be properly oriented amid a wayward postmodern culture, Christian education emphasizes the true-north guidance of the Holy Spirit to negotiate our place in the world. The fourth encroaching challenge is divisive interpretation. The fundamental themes of Luther’s reforms locate the Bible as the ultimate foundation of all Christian belief and practice. The text of the Bible, and all teaching based on it, should be in the vernacular. But the problem that emerged (and is still flourishing) is how one can speak of the Bible as having any authority when it is so clearly at the mercy of its interpreters.25 The fundamental problem of Protestant theological identity, as other branches within Christianity perceived, was primarily about a certain way of doing theology that could lead to an uncontrollable diversity of outcomes. And who would have the definitive prerogative to decide what is orthodox and what is heretical? This was “a dangerous idea,” as Alister McGrath extrapolates, that opened the floodgates to “a torrent of distortion, misunderstanding, and confusion.”26 A current example, which dominates the Church where it is growing with the most global gusto, is Pentecostalism’s resonance with postmodernism. Pentecostals, while affirming the traditional Protestant notion of the accessibility of the Bible and the right of every believer to interpret this text, stress the multiple dimensions of the meaning that arise—not on account of the indeterminate nature of the text, but on account of “leading of the Spirit” into the true meaning of the text, which that same Spirit originally inspired.27 Of course the underlying issue is the source of authority for interpreting the text and practicing the faith. The fourth engaging opportunity is generous humility. While divergent ways of interpreting scripture manifest themselves within faith traditions, the Church rejoices 25. Alister McGrath, Christianity’s Dangerous Idea: The Protestant Revolution—A History from the Sixteenth Century to the Twenty-First (San Francisco: HarperOne Publishing, 2007), 93. 26. Ibid., 208–209. 27. Robert Plummer, ed., Journeys of Faith: Evangelicalism, Eastern Orthodoxy, Catholicism, and Anglicanism (Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan, 2012). To be sure, this is not a book on biblical interpretation, but on how various traditions of Christianity interpret and practice scripture in community, as exemplified in representative journeys.

Introduction

in the unity and charity offered through revelation. One of the primary descriptors of Christian education is its emphasis on studying the Bible. Children are taught Bible verses and stories at a very young age, which has instilled in many a deep respect for God’s Word. However, at the same time, it seems many of these same people struggle as adults to have meaningful conversations about the most basic of biblical concepts. They know snippets of biblical content but lack the ability to deal with the overarching themes, which restricts their ability to intelligently critique the culture around them and develop their faith. Many Christians manifest a greater need not only for biblical instruction but also theology, church history, ethics, and philosophy. However, just as it is important that believers learn the Bible and theology, it is also important how they learn it. Educators need to teach the Bible and theology not merely as additional subjects but as the central and pervasive focus of all education. Students need to learn to think theologically in every area of life. This includes developing a biblical perspective and engaging in the struggle to apply that worldview to one’s daily walk. Such an integrated approach will provide a much-needed depth of meaning and significance to the learning experience. However, the overarching posture must model a gracious, generous humility as the church makes its way to faithful means of encountering both the Word and the world. The fifth encroaching challenge is muddled approaches. While Christianity has been affected by memory problems and mixed results due to postmodern sympathies, a pronounced misunderstanding continues to plague how the Church best educates Christians.28 What, in its most basic form, is Christian education, and how is effective Christian education to transpire? One pattern that emerges from the development of Protestantism, especially as it may be influenced by Western individualism, is what seems to be an endless cycle of birth, maturing, aging, and death, leading to

28. In October 2013, during a pilgrimage to the saint’s Italian hometown, Pope Francis called for the Catholic Church and its faithful to rid themselves of earthly concerns like St. Francis of Assisi. Speaking in the hall where the medieval saint is said to have taken off his robes in a gesture of humility, Francis said the Church should also “divest” itself and return to spiritual basics. “The Church, all of us should divest ourselves of worldliness,” a visibly emotional pope said, adding: “Worldliness is a murderer because it kills souls, kills people, kills the Church.” “Without divesting ourselves, we would become pastry-shop Christians, like beautiful cakes and sweet things but not real Christians,” he said. Francis has called for a “poor Church for the poor” and has said he wants to overhaul the 2,000-year-old institution, making it less “Vatican-centric” and closer to ordinary people. The Pope seeks to “refresh” Roman Catholic Church Christian education in an age of postmodernism and focus on the saint’s message of poverty rather than on inter-religious peace. See http://news.yahoo.com/pope-says -church-rid-itself-worldliness-131008936.html.

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renewal and reformulation.29 The relentless energy and creativity of one generation gives rise to a new movement; a later generation, anxious because the original dynamism and energy of the movement appears to be dissipating, tries to preserve it by petrification—that is, by freezing the original vision in the hope that its energy will thus be preserved. Yet all too often, petrification leads to the conservation of only a structure, not the life-giving vision itself. These trends have affected the structures, strategies, and methods of Christian education to a tremendous degree. “Being Christian educated” has a fluid meaning and has through the Christian centuries eventuated in less than ideal results. Religious literacy is not just the accumulation of facts or memorizing and regurgitating dogma. To what extent does its meaning in previous generations or centuries relate what would be acceptable in the 21st century? What is the proper balance between an intellectual and experiential knowledge of faith? Christian education, we aver, is the cultivation of wisdom and virtue by nourishing the soul on truth, goodness, and beauty, so that in Christ, the learner is enabled to better know, glorify, and enjoy God. As Irenaeus declares, “The glory of God is the one fully alive.” The central concepts to grasp regarding our Christian expressions are irreducible: faith that requires obedience in submission to God and in mission to the world, hope that sees a transcendent story of this life and the next, and love that binds us into a nurturing community and extends to despairing humanity (1 Corinthians 13:13). The fifth engaging opportunity is faithful gestures. Despite some bungled schemes to educate Christians, the Church rejoices in the faithful expression of celebrating the gifts of God. To be clear, what it means to be Christian is that we are a people who affirm that we have come to find our true destiny only by locating our lives within the story of God. Hauerwas says, “The Church is but God’s gesture on behalf of the world to create a space and time in which we might have a foretaste of the Kingdom. It is through gestures that we learn the nature of the story that is the very content and constitution of that Kingdom. The way we learn a story, after all, is not just by hearing it. It must be acted out.”30 Simply put, Christian education is the training in those gestures through which we learn the story of God and God’s will for our lives. The primary task of being educated Christianly is not the achievement of better understanding, but faithfulness. Indeed, we can

29. McGrath, Christianity’s Dangerous Idea, 463. 30. Stanley Hauerwas, “The Gesture of a Truthful Story,” Theology Today (July 1985): 186.

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only come to understand through faithfulness, as the story asks for nothing less than our lives.31

Distinctive Features of and Gifts for Christian Education Education is the creation, acquisition, transmission, and preservation of knowledge. Christian education is concerned not with the simple exchange of facts and information, but with their epistemological dimensions. It is different from secular knowledge because it is also concerned with the ultimate purpose of human life. For a Christian, education is not an otiose exercise of mental faculties, as in learning for learning’s sake. It is purposedriven by the urge to find meaning in existence. But unlike in Buddhism and Gnosticism, knowledge itself has no salvific value in Christianity. Knowledge and education in themselves are not pathways to spiritual wisdom, nor do they provide students with a moral compass or sense of existential direction. Christian education is not different from secular education in its pedagogy or methodology, but it is deeper in function and more varied in origin. Education is multifunctional. First, education develops professional skills and talents, provides book learning from manuals, transfers ideas from teachers to students, and adapts the mind to be receptive to new experiences. Christian education goes one step further and transforms the mind, or as Paul says, endows the students with a new mind— the mind of Christ. Thus the goal of Christian education is metanoia, or transformation or transmutation. Similarly, human knowledge is a blend. First, there is genetic knowledge or what is called the wisdom of the body. Although educational theorists describe the mind of a newborn as a tabula rasa or an empty slate, it knows far more than we realize. Second, knowledge comes through scientific study, analysis, observation, analogy, and logical reconstruction of facts. Third, knowledge comes through books and artifacts and the wisdom of the past. It is said that all of us stand on the shoulders of giants. But in the case of Christian education, there is an additional factor: revelation or revealed knowledge that comes through meditation, prayer, and direct communication with the divine. Without revealed knowledge, human experience remains one-dimensional. Revealed knowledge is not merely a state of knowing, but a state of being. Education thus has profound theological significance, and even the early Apostolic Fathers realized it. Justin 31. For more, see Mark A. Lamport and Darrell Yoder, “Faithful Gestures: Rebooting the Educational Mission of the Church,” Christian Education Journal (Spring 2006): 58–78.

Martyr founded the first Christian school in the first century. For him as well as the great Christian educators who followed him, education was the principal conduit for the transmission of knowledge and the most powerful instrument for Christian growth and maturity. Faith and knowledge are intimately connected. The metaphor most used in the scriptures to represent knowledge is Light, because light illuminates the world and dispels darkness. In Proverbs the Lord is the beginning of knowledge, and Samuel uses the term “the God of Knowledge.” Hosea laments that people are perishing for lack of knowledge. In the New Testament Christ calls Himself the Light of the World. Thus Christian education, ultimately, is unlike any other educational venture in the cosmos. No other curricular enterprise has equivalent content (revealed scripture), goals (Christocentric transformation), and dynamic (power of the Holy Spirit). It is distinct in what it attempts, and it dispatches extraordinary gifts to accomplish the task (see table intro.2). The Christian faith is outrageously astonishing in that the God of the universe wants to know us and wants us to know him. The task of Christian education, then, is nothing less than seizing a most inconceivable, even implausible, idea: humans become intimate with divinity . . . and vice versa! Here is how J. I. Packer spins it: Why has God spoken? . . . The truly staggering answer which the Bible gives to this question is that God’s purpose in revelation is to make friends with us. It was to this end that He created us rational beings, bearing His image, able to think and hear and speak and love; He wanted there to be genuine personal affection and friendship, two-sided, between Himself and us. . . . He speaks to us simply to fulfill the purpose for which we were made; that is, to bring into being a relationship in which He is a friend to us, and we to Him, He finding His joy in giving us gifts and we finding ours in giving Him thanks.32

Herein we chronicle encroaching factors that impede this unlikely friendship from occurring as completely as intended. However, the Christian education enterprise supplies ammunition to overcome these five factors (and others) with five supernatural resources and to accomplish the reality of Psalm 78:4–7 in the “epilogue”: hope, freedom, faith, grace, and love: • While loss of Christian memory diminishes effectiveness in the educational task, the Bible is the only source of revealed truth for living. This alone, and the story it tells, provides a transforming hope that casts out fear and extends eternity to Earth. 32. J. I. Packer, God Has Spoken (London: Hodder & Stoughton, 2005), 43.

Introduction

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TABLE INTRO.2 Contextual Circumstances and Counteractive Remedies for Educating Christians Encroaching Challenges to Christian Education

Engaging Opportunities for Christian Education

Exclusive Uniquenesses of Christian Education

Extraordinary Gifts for Christian Education

Disorienting amnesia Suppressed thinking Redoubtable postmodernism Divisive interpretation Muddled approaches

Meaningful commemorations Probing reflection Irresistible citizenship Generous humility Faithful gestures

Penetrating scripture Discerning community Supernatural guidance Resurrected image Focused proclamation

Transformative hope Principled freedom Countercultural faith Restorative grace Fortifying love

Conclusion

education is as much about engendering intimacy in human relationships nurtured by faith as articulated parsing or indoctrinating systems of belief. Although the inspired truth of the Gospel is persuasive, the beckoning love, unremitting concern, and personal involvement in the lives of people are also extremely forceful. Hear the poetic elocution in which Michael Warren expresses this truth: “Faith can be elaborated, explained, and systematized in books, but it shouts, it dances, it lives and takes flesh in people.”33 In a similar vein, Jewish theologian Abraham Joshua Heschel has keenly observed: “What we need more than anything else is not textbooks but text-people. It is the personality of the teacher which is the text that the students read; the text they will never forget.”34 Whereas postmodern culture and other factors may impact the spiritual dimensions of the mission of the Church, we seek wisdom to apply human development research, theological scholarship, and educational theory and practice for the creative and faithful application of biblical truth to permeate the values of children, adolescents, and adults, as well as families, faith communities, institutions, voluntary associations, and societal structures recognizing dimensions of our communal and corporate lives in the deeply meaningful, life-affirming, radicalizing Christian way. Gloria in excelsis Deo

We celebrate people in the volumes of this encyclopedia: people who embark upon the opportunity for teaching and learning the historical and vibrant faith. Christian

33. Michael Warren, Youth and the Future of the Church (Minneapolis, MN: Seabury Press, 1990), 20. 34. Cited in Marvin R. Wilson, Our Father Abraham: Jewish Roots of the Christian Faith (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1989), 280.

• While critical thinking seems undervalued in educating Christians, the nature of the Church is collectively a discerning community who together reason with godliness. The result is a principled freedom to experience reality as God intended humans to abide. • While the creeping tendencies of postmodernism steer civilizations in godless ways, Christian education relies on the supernatural guidance of the spirit of holiness to keep the church grounded. This posture takes a countercultural faith that lives both within and beyond human understanding. • While some branches of the Christian education over- or underemphasize various interpretations of scripture and in some cases bow to postmodern patterns of subjectivism, the church is being transformed into the image of Jesus, which nevertheless may have a spectrum of perspectives. We are comforted by God’s resurrection miracle of restorative grace in our lives. • While practices of Christian education sometimes falter in focused integration of the story of God, the infusion of relentless, gracious, fortifying love is the most powerful educator in faithful compassion to each other and the world.

A A Foundation for Theological Education A Foundation for Theological Education (AFTE) is a nonprofit organization that seeks to revitalize theological education according to the standards of the evangelical Wesleyan tradition, and in so doing, to bring renewal to the United Methodist Church. AFTE was established in 1977, by a clergyman with a passion for spiritual revival, Dr. Edmund Robb, and the renowned Methodist scholar Dr. Albert Outler. The differences in their professional contexts lie at the core of AFTE mission: to support excellence in academic scholarship and education that is rooted in the life of faithful discipleship. AFTE’s impact on theological education can be seen on two levels: its engagement with current seminarians and its nurture of prospective seminary faculty. To reach the current seminarians, AFTE sponsors the publication of Catalyst, a scholarly newsletter that shares information about new resources in theology and offers stimulating reflections on Christian life and action. To support and nurture the prospective seminary faculty, AFTE sponsors The John Wesley Fellowship Program. Each year up to five United Methodists in their doctoral studies at esteemed universities are invited to become John Wesley Fellows. The program is unique, because it offers not only adequate scholarship for doctoral studies but also ongoing fellowship in the community of mentoring and professional development. AFTE’s commitment to intentional formation of the new generation of scholars and theological educators enables it to reach future generations of the Methodist clergy. Today, more than 30 years since its establishment and with $3 million in grants awarded, there are 145 John

Wesley Fellows serving as faculty members, administrators, deans, and presidents in theological schools, colleges, universities, and larger denominational structures, both in the United States and abroad, within and beyond the borders of the United Methodist Church. Yet important as its influence is on contemporary Methodism, AFTE also holds a lesson for the theological education enterprise at large. It offers a small but remarkable example of imagining theological education that is thoroughly connected to its ecclesial base, respectful of the institutional realities of graduate education, and successful in uniting “the pair long disjoined, knowledge and vital piety.” References and Suggested Readings Glass Turner, Elizabeth, and Steve Beard. 2011. “Theological Renewal: The AFTE Effect.” Good News Magazine (January/ February): 10–15. Robb, Edmund. 1975. “The Crisis of Theological Education in the United Methodist Church.” An address delivered at The Sixth Annual Good News Convocation. Lake Junaluska, NC: http://aftesite.org/wordpress1/wp-content/uploads/2013/02/ AFTEEdRobbSermon1975.pdf. Wesley, John, Franz Hildebrandt, Oliver A. Beckerlegge, and James Dale. 1989. A Collection of Hymns for the Use of the People Called Methodists. The Bicentennial Edition of the Works of John Wesley. Nashville, TN: Abingdon Press. Catalyst is sent to every Methodist seminarian in the United States four times a year and is available online at www.catalyst resources.org. The John Wesley Fellowship Program, www.johnwesleyfellows .org.

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—Natalya Shulgina

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Abelard, Peter

Abelard, Peter Early Background and Education Peter Abelard (1079–1142) was born into an aristocratic family in Le Pallet, near Nantes, France. While he was the elder son, and thus first in line in terms of inheritance, he renounced his claim to inherited wealth. Little is known of his early education, though it is possible he studied under Marbod, master of the cathedral school in Angers, and later, at Loches, studied under the dialectician Roscelin of Campiegne. We are more confident that in 1100 he studied with William of Champeaux. The intellectual climate of his day was fraught with debate in metaphysics and about the roles of philosophy and theology. Throughout his education and in his early career, Abelard distinguished himself as a master dialectician and polemicist. He challenged his master, William of Champeaux, in debate, and eventually, after leaving Paris, compelled William to renounce his position on universals. William initially defended an abstract, Platonic conception of universals (the universal “human being”), according to which they are independent of language and ideas. Abelard took a middle position, locating universals as concepts we identify linguistically, avoiding both the Platonism of William and the nominalism of Roscelin, according to which universals are groupings of objects that we invent through words. Taking the middle path between opposite positions came to be the mark of many of his contributions to the history of ideas. This was the case when he went to Laon to study theology under the biblical scholar Anselm (known later as Anselm of Laon). He rejected the scholastic project of smoothing over the apparent contradictions in scripture and what he saw as the uncritical appeal to authority, later publishing a book, Sic et Non (Yes and no), which brought to light the paradoxes found in scripture. He thought each of these paradoxes resolvable, but not without painstaking, subtle analysis. Significant Contributions to Christian Education We may learn at least three insights about Christian education from the study of the life and work of Peter Abelard. Not all of these are insights that Abelard himself set out to convey to future Christian educators. First and foremost, we may learn from the life of Peter Abelard the danger of a teacher or, in his case, a tutor, trying to seduce and be sexually intimate with his or her students! Despite the brilliance of Abelard’s dialectical skills, he is perhaps best known for his affair with a student, Heloise, and the tragic course of events that followed, which Abelard narrates in the book The Story of My Misfortunes. When the guardian and uncle

of Heloise discovered their affair, he had Abelard gravely punished by mutilation. The relationship between Abelard and Heloise is preserved (albeit with some redaction and editing of original sources that have not survived) in their correspondence, which reveals the tension between amorousness and lust and romantic love and honor, the possibility of chaste love after carnal usury, and the roles of faith and passion. Second, without putting on exhibit Abelard’s specific views on the atonement, the interpretation of scripture, the Trinity, and the assessment of the role of intention in ethics, Abelard stands as a foremost proponent of the view that theological teaching should not be accepted based only on appeal to the authority of the past, whether in the form of the authority of a saint or a philosophical theologian such as Augustine. Abelard relentlessly insisted on the importance of creative and novel ways of addressing perennial positions in Christian orthodoxy. So, the spirit of Abelard is very much in keeping with the ways in which Christian philosophical theologians today are working out new, alternative ways of understanding the Trinity, the Incarnation, and more. Third, there is some reason to believe that debate between Christian theologians and philosophers needs to be conducted with greater charity than Abelard showed. Abelard’s ferocious and inextinguishable drive to best his opponents in debate is a cautionary tale for contemporary debaters of matters of faith and reason. As all extant biographies of Abelard reveal, his life was often marked by uncharitable lines of reasoning on his part that were met with similarly uncharitable responses form his critics, even from St. Bernard of Clairvaux, who (except for his endorsement of the Crusades) developed a deeply amorous, capacious theology of love. Most Notable Publications The Story of My Misfortunes Letters Yes and No (Sic et Non) Ethica Theologia

—Charles Taliaferro

Abuse, Clergy There is no trust more sacred than that of parents who entrust their children to religious educators in the church. The church should be a place where every child is safe—emotionally, spiritually, and physically. Most of the time this trust is honored, and our children grow in “age and wisdom and grace” (Luke 2:52) within our religious institutions. When this trust is broken, however, the ef-

Abuse, Clergy

fects are devastating: first and primarily, for the victim himself or herself, then rippling out to the family, the congregation, and the wider community. Clergy abuse of children is one of the most important legal and ethical issues of the contemporary church. This shattered sacred trust extends to inappropriate adult relationships with clergy as well, especially with those who are particularly vulnerable and who have placed their trust in the clergyperson. While there has been a great deal of media attention on incidents of clergy abuse in the Catholic Church, it is not limited by marital status, sexual orientation, denomination, or geographic location. In the end, clergy abuse is a terrible abuse of power that leaves a wake of destruction for the victim, the congregation, the wider community, and the clergy person. It is always the responsibility of the clergyperson to appropriately establish and maintain the boundaries of his or her ministerial position.1 While clergypersons may personally feel an absence of power, they often have a great deal of power that they may not acknowledge or realize. “Ministers have at their disposal not only the power of their own presence as persons but also the power others associate with moral, religious or spiritual authority. They embody the authority of the church and even the authority of God.”2 This authority may add to a level of disbelief on the part of the congregation, or church staff or volunteers, that the clergyperson is capable of the reported or observed abuse and can lead to blaming the victim for any abuse that is revealed. Whether the accused is a beloved pastor or famous coach, power can blind those in a position of authority from seeing what is right in front of them. All religious educators, regardless of level or scope of position, should be aware of three critical issues: how to best protect those who are vulnerable, how to identify warning signs of abuse, and the responsibility to report abuse. Protection for Children and Vulnerable Adults Most congregations and polities have guidelines in place regarding the protection of young people. Some common elements of these guidelines and policies are background checks and fingerprinting for all those who have contact with children, including volunteers, and ongoing training in the prevention, recognition, and reporting of abuse. Background and fingerprint checks serve to identify those individuals who have been found guilty of child endangerment or other relevant actions, using a national database of sexual predators. The training dimension includes learning warning signs of possible abuse, breaking 1. Liberty (2006). 2. Grenz and Bell (1995).

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down myths about sexual predators, reporting regulations, and personal ethical standards and behaviors when working with children or vulnerable persons that are meant to secure the safety of all children. Recognition of situations that are more likely to enable the abuse of children, such as grooming, gives religious educators the power to intervene and interrupt potentially abusive situations. “Although not all child sexual abuse involves grooming, it is a common process used by offenders. It usually begins with subtle behavior that may not initially appear to be inappropriate, such as paying a lot of attention to the child or being very affectionate. Many victims of grooming and sexual abuse do not recognize they are being manipulated, nor do they realize how grooming is a part of the abuse process.”3 Other behaviors that might be observed that should raise a warning flag include an adult always wanting to be alone with children; an adult preferring to be with children rather than adults; an adult discouraging other adults from supervision or monitoring, often done as a “favor” to the other adults; touching, including tickling and wrestling, that is inappropriate or overboard; and an adult indicating that the rules do not apply to him or her.4 Warning Signs of Possible Abuse The identification of children or adults who have been or are being sexually abused is not always simple. Symptoms of abuse do not necessarily indicate abuse and may point to other issues in life. The role of guilt and shame, particularly in abuse that takes place in the context of a religious institution, may be particularly strong and may prevent reporting of the abuse by the child, the adult, or other adults who suspect inappropriate behavior. General symptoms of child sexual abuse include eating disorders, repeated headaches, sleep problems, stomachaches, disruptive behaviors, high-risk sexual behaviors (including sexual talk), poor academic achievement, excessive fear, and withdrawal from group activities.5 Legal Responsibility for Reporting Abuse— State and Federal Not only is protecting children and vulnerable adults from abuse our moral responsibility, it is also a legal responsibility. In most states in the United States, clergy are not exempt from the legal responsibility to report child abuse under clergy privileged communications. Christian educators are required under law in almost every state to report child abuse or be held legally responsible for nonreporting.6 All educators should be aware of these 3. 4. 5. 6.

U.S. Department of Justice (2013). Doty (2013). New York Times (2011). Child Welfare Information Gateway (2012a).

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Academic Giftedness

obligations from both a moral and legal perspective, and ongoing training should help to ensure the safety of children in the care of the church. The legal and financial ramifications of not reporting suspected abuse can be substantial, in addition to the spiritual and personal destruction for the victim/survivor and the congregation. There is often a group of people within congregations where clergy abuse has been reported who doubt the veracity of the accusations, especially when there has been a long gap in time between the incidents of abuse and the reporting. There appear to be many impediments to reporting on the part of the victim/survivor: loyalty developed by the perpetrator with the victim; guilt that somehow the abuse has been his or her fault; sensing that he or she will not be believed by members of the church and/or family; and overwhelming fear or denial that the events happened, in order to survive the abuse.7 It is often an event or series of events later in life that bring the victim/survivor to the realization that the abuse was real and should be reported as such; this does not indicate that the trauma was fabricated at some later date. One of the difficulties is the conflict between the legal requirements for reporting and the moral and ethical responsibilities as defined and outlined by individual judicatories, including conflicting definitions of what constitutes abuse.8 In addition, there are differences between denominations in regard to how and who intervenes. The bottom line for all religious educators must be the protection of our children and the most vulnerable members of our congregations. Keeping silent or looking the other way when you suspect that a child is in danger in any way is what allows such clergy abuse to exist and persist. Religious educators might legitimately be concerned about their liability should a report turn out to be false. “All States, the District of Columbia, Puerto Rico, . . . and the U.S. Virgin Islands provide some form of immunity from liability for persons who in good faith report suspected instances of child abuse or neglect under the reporting laws.”9 We must take the obligation to protect our children and those most vulnerable as a sacred responsibility and do everything in our power to keep others safe. References and Resources Ashbry, Homer, and David Verner. 2010. “Do Pastoral Counselors Have a Duty to Report Clergy Sexual Abuse Done by Their Clergy Clients?” Journal of Pastoral Care and Counseling: 64, 1–11. Benyei, Candace R. 1998. Understanding Clergy Misconduct in Religious Systems. New York: Haworth Press.

7. Benyei (1998). 8. Ashbry and Verner (2010). 9. Child Welfare Information Gateway (2012b).

Child Welfare Information Gateway. 2012a. Clergy as Mandatory Reporters of Child Abuse and Neglect. August. Accessed 1 June 2013. https://www.childwelfare.gov/systemwide/ laws_policies/statutes/clergymandated.cfm. ———. 2012b. Immunity for Reporters of Child Abuse and Neglect. Accessed 1 June 2013. https://www.childwel fare.gov/systemwide/laws_policies/statutes/immunity .pdf#Page=2&view=Fit. Doty, Sharon, JD, MHR. 2013. “.” The Signs are There, but Few Can See, VIRTUS Online. The National Catholic Risk Retention Group, Inc. Accessed 1 June 2013. https:// www.virtusonline.org/mytraining/display_mtb.cfm?mtb _id=1305&mtb_type_id=2. http://www.virtus.org/virtus/ index.cfm?free_articles_id=618&scheddate=03-10-2008 Grenz, Stanley, and Roy Bell. 1995. Betrayal of Trust: Confronting and Preventing Clergy Sexual Misconduct. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Books. Liberty, Patricia L. 2006. “Victims/Survivors: The Healing Journey.” In When a Congregation Is Betrayed: Responding to Clergy Misconduct, edited by Beth Ann Gaede, 74–80. Durham, NC: Alban Institute. New York Times. 2011. “Health Guide.” 24 January. Accessed 1 June 2013. http://health.nytimes.com/health/guides/disease/ child-abuse-sexual/overview.html. U.S. Department of Justice. 2013. Common Questions about Sexual Abuse and Associated Risks. Accessed 1 June 2013. http://www.nsopw.gov/en-us/Education/CommonQuestion s?AspxAutoDetectCookieSupport=1#answer-05.

—Mary Carter Waren

Academic Giftedness Although there is debate among educational psychologists regarding the nature of giftedness, secular theories tend to focus on two factors: intelligence and creativity. Intelligence is generally objectively measured on the basis of IQ (the ratio of intellectual age to chronological age, multiplied by 100), while creativity is typically subjectively assessed. The general consensus in contemporary theories of giftedness is that intelligence and creativity are not mutually exclusive, but complementary, and both are necessary for the identification of gifted and talented students (Piirto 1992, 2011). Contemporary theories of giftedness are broadening to include a more holistic picture of what it means to be gifted or talented, beyond the results of cognitive assessments alone. While students with above-average IQs and high degrees of creativity are typically identified as gifted and talented, theories such as Howard Gardner’s “multiple intelligences” ([1983] 1993) have questioned the level of accuracy, objectivity, and potential for bias of typical IQ tests. Multiple intelligences theory, for example,

Academic Giftedness

suggests that intelligence can be expressed in many ways, including visual-spatial, body-kinesthetic, musical, interpersonal, intrapersonal, linguistic, and logicalmathematical. Students who are “gifted twice-exceptional” have both above-average talent or abilities and a diagnosed disability; these students tend to use their intellectual abilities to “ameliorate the effects of the disability” (Robinson, Shore, and Enersen 2007, 25). Often, gifted twiceexceptional students are identified with autism, ADHD, or another disability, which can obfuscate the “hidden abilities” in students who would otherwise be readily identified as gifted, talented, or creative. Giftedness in Christian Perspective Secular educational psychologists argue that giftedness is not an acquired skill attained by personal effort, but an innate or “natural” ability. Talent, on the other hand, can be an acquired skill. Sternberg and Davidson (2005, 99) differentiated gifts and talents as follows: 1. Gifted: possession and use of outstanding natural abilities (aptitudes or gifts) in at least one ability domain, to a degree that places the individual at least among the top 10 percent of peers. 2. Talented: outstanding mastery of developed abilities or knowledge in at least one ability domain, to a degree that places the individual in the top 10 percent of peers in the given field. Christian educators should immediately recognize that if giftedness is indeed a “gift,” then there must be a Giver. From a Christian perspective, giftedness is just that: a gift from God given to individuals for the purpose of serving others and bringing glory to God. A theologically integrated view of giftedness takes into account the best data available from psychology and neuroscience, but also recognizes that “every good and perfect gift” comes from God (James 1:27) and not by human effort (Gal. 3:3). All giftedness is part of the “givenness” of human beings as created by God (Tirri 2007, 21). Similarly, spiritual gifts are “mysterious differences” freely given to an individual by God (Tirri 2007). While there are many different views concerning the nature and operation of spiritual gifts, most Christians agree that any gift given freely by God operates according to charis, or grace (Grudem et al. 1996, 9). These gifts are for the benefit of the whole community of believers. Thus, from a Christian perspective, all gifts, creativity, and even developed talents are not for the benefit of oneself, but for the benefit of others (Welker 2004, 241). Christian educators should emphasize that all giftedness reflects the “otheroriented nature of God’s love” (Oord 2012, 25).

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Christian Implications In light of the “other-orientedness” of a Christian perspective on giftedness, research suggests that gifted children have a tendency toward a strong sense of compassion (Strip 2000, 173). Gifted children have a heightened sense of moral sensitivity and tend to care about the needs of others (Lovecky 1997). Through faith communities, gifted children can learn the practice of caring for others (Strip and Hirsch 2000, 173). Such faith integration permits gifted children to practice the spiritual discipline of selfless service outside of themselves. Gifted children are often identified to be spiritually sensitive from a young age and express concern for spirituality (Lovecky 1998). Moreover, Ellen Winner (2000) has argued that a “rich inner life” sustains gifted children. In Christian education, spiritual development, along with academic enrichment, can foster this aspect of the lives of gifted and talented children. Christian educators should work to identify not only the intellectual strengths of gifted children, but also their moral and spiritual interests. Thus, Christian educators can help facilitate spiritual growth and moral activation in cognitive, academic, and faith development. References and Resources Gardner, H. (1983) 1993. Frames of Mind: The Theory of Multiple Intelligences. New York: Basic Books. Grudem, W., R. B. Gaffin, S. N. Gundry, S. Storms, and D. Oss. 1996. Are Miraculous Gifts for Today? Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan. Lovecky, D. V. 1997. “Identity Development in Gifted Children: Moral Sensitivity.” Roeper Review 20 (2): 90–94. doi:10.1080/02783199709553862. ———. 1998. “Spiritual Sensitivity in Gifted Children.” Roeper Review 20 (3): 178–183. doi:10.1080/02783199809553887. Oord, T. 2012. “Relational Love.” In Relational Theology: A Contemporary Introduction, edited by Brint Montgomery, Thomas J. Oord, and Karen Strand Winslow, 24–27. Eugene, OR: Wipf & Stock. Piirto, J. 1992. “The Existence of Writing Prodigy: Children with Extraordinary Writing Talent.” In Talent Development, edited by N. Colangelo, S. Assouline, and D. Ambroson, I:387–389. Unionville, WA: Trillium. ———. 2011. “Talent and Creativity.” In Encyclopedia of Creativity, 2nd ed., edited by M. Runco and S. Pritzker, 2. London: Elsevier Publications. Robinson, A., B. Shore, and D. Enersen. 2007. Best Practices in Gifted Education: An Evidence-Based Guide. Waco, TX: Prufrock Press. Sternberg, R. J., and J. E. Davidson. 2005. Conceptions of Giftedness. New York: Cambridge University Press. Strip, C. A., and G. Hirsch. 2000. Helping Gifted Children Soar: A Practical Guide for Parents and Teachers. Scottsdale, AZ: Great Potential Press.

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Tirri, K. 2007. Values and Foundations in Gifted Education: Protestant and Catholic Perspectives. New York: Peter Lang. Welker, M. 2004. God the Spirit. Minneapolis, MN: Augsburg Fortress Publishers. Winner, E. 2000. “The Origin and Ends of Giftedness.” American Psychologist 55: 159–169.

—Joshua D. Reichard and Sara M. Reichard

Academics, Biblical Theology of Christian Comparing Biblically Based and Secular Views of Academics A valid question much discussed by Christians who serve in academic or ecclesial contexts is: What is a valid theological perspective concerning academic pursuits? The Heidelberg Catechism, a confessional document from the Reformed tradition approved by the Synod of Heidelberg, Germany, in 1563, maintains “that all things must be subservient to my salvation, and therefore, by His Holy Spirit, He also assures me of eternal life, and makes me sincerely willing and ready, henceforth, to live unto Him.” The catechism asserts that every aspect of the Christian’s individual and corporate existence is holistic in the sense that every aspect of existence is meant to encompass a lived theology derived from the teachings of scripture. Historically and contemporarily in secular world cultures, education is equated with the pursuit, reception, and retention of information. In the context of academia, one gains cognitive and intellectual advancement through the discipline of academic study. Although academic study does not preclude learning for the joy of discovery, primarily the student engages in a program of study for the purpose of acquiring knowledge and/or practical skills in a specific academic discipline or field, ultimately applying that knowledge for engagement and service in a profession or other field of employment. Relationality as Essential to Authentic Learning The biblical perspective of education views the process of learning as primarily and essentially relational, not initially for the purpose of gaining information and knowledge toward the pursuit of a life vocation or employment. From a biblical perspective, one is not wise because he or she intellectually possesses certain facts or information and can practically apply what is learned to contexts of professional endeavor or employment. The learned or wise person is identified not as one who merely possesses intellectual abilities and knowledge, but rather as one who reverences God: “The fear [reverence] of the Lord is the beginning of wisdom; a good understanding have all

those who do His commandments” (Ps. 110:11, NASB). The psalmist refers to a specific genre of learning, not possible to attain through intellectual study alone, but requiring the process of spiritual formation. Psalm 119:99 explains that the acquisition of authentic knowledge and wisdom requires a commitment to the process of meditative study of the scriptures: “I have more insight than all my teachers, for Your testimonies are my meditation” (NASB). The meaning indicates that intensive, meditative study of the scriptures inculcates spiritual knowledge and principles of moral behavior, therefore leading to progressive obedience in following God’s teachings. This process of formation results in the attainment of authentic knowledge and wisdom, based on maintaining a relationship with God that is centered in the active pursuit of keeping God’s commandments. The biblical perspective of the Psalms and Proverbs indicates that one is competent, equipped, or able in a particular area not primarily due to possessing informational knowledge, but by attaining the wisdom resulting from a committed relationship with God. Wisdom results from communion with God: seeking God, loving God, and obeying God’s commands. In the English language, “to hear” refers to the auditory reception of sound or words. The ancient Hebrew concept of “hear” did not refer primarily to a physical, cognitive process of the auditory senses. To declare “I have heard your Word, Lord” meant “I have obeyed your commands.” One “heard” God only if there was evidence that one had obeyed God’s commandments. Psalm 119 presents the attainment of knowledge and wisdom as a process of formation that begins with hearing. The person of wisdom is one who is first attentive to hear God’s commands auditorily, then receives God’s Word into his or her spirit, believes the Word, loves the Word, and ultimately obeys the Word of God. Education, in biblical perspective, is not primarily an academic exercise indicating the mere reception and comprehension of certain knowledge, but an inner moral reception of truth and commitment to truth that results in active obedience to the demands of truth. The Moral Qualities of Knowledge and Wisdom Academic excellence alone, in biblical understanding, is not equated with authentic knowledge and wisdom. In Judeo-Christian writings, integrity and morality cannot be separated from knowledge and wisdom; the latter cannot be present without the former. The wise person expresses, in thought and action, an integration of intellectual understanding with moral action. From the perspective of Judeo-Christian faith, cognitively attained knowledge does not necessarily equate with transformation of character. It is in the context of one’s obedient relationship with God and with one’s community of faith

Academics, Biblical Theology of Christian

that one becomes learned and wise. The wise person is not the mere possessor of knowledge. The wise person is one who knows God and acts righteously based on a commitment to God and the motivation to love and serve God. Biblical wisdom literature, particularly the Psalms and Proverbs, indicates that academic study alone has no power to create a learned or wise person. Becoming an accomplished scholar or academician does not necessarily equate with possessing wisdom that results in the expression of moral actions. The biblical understanding of wisdom was defined by an individual’s possession of moral excellence and spiritual discernment. The dominant Old Testament concepts of knowledge (d’ath) and wisdom (hokmah) contain a depth of meaning that exceeds contemporarily defined concepts of knowledge and wisdom. A biblical theology of education views knowledge and wisdom as qualities of moral character attained through obedience to God’s commandments. The learned and wise understand that avoidance of evil thoughts and actions is essential in maintaining moral integrity: “Discretion will guard you, understanding will watch over you, to deliver you from the way of evil” (Prov. 2:11–12, NASB). Jesus emphasized the importance of loving God with the entirety of one’s being, including the mind: “You shall love the Lord your God with all your heart, and with all your soul and with all your strength, and with all your mind” (Luke10:27, NASB). The Epistle of James defines wisdom as a gift of God that possesses moral qualities: “But the wisdom from above is first pure, then peaceable, gentle, reasonable, full of mercy and good fruits, unwavering, without hypocrisy” (James 3:17, NASB). The Ultimate Purposes of Education Overarchingly, the Judeo-Christian scriptures view the discipline of study as valid and honorable before God if the knowledge and skills acquired are gained through righteous pursuit of God’s truth, applied according to God’s guidance, and employed for the purposes of the Kingdom of God. The person possessing authentic knowledge and wisdom is one who practically applies the teaching of scripture to every aspect of life. The wise are not motivated by intellectual knowledge alone; they know the spiritual realities of human times and seasons. They are faithful in active obedience to God’s truth and are motivated to apply knowledge and wisdom to everyday situations in all contexts of life. The godly person does not dichotomize contemplation and action, but prays so that he or she may then act within the boundaries of God-given knowledge and wisdom. Learning as Essential to a Worshipful Life Authentic knowledge and wisdom are understood in biblical context as derived from a worshipful life, one in

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which God is the source and center of an individual’s life; of one’s motivations and actions in the service of God and others. Biblically, the process of learning is understood as essential to a worshipful life. One’s commitment to the process of learning is not other than worship, but expresses worshipful reverence, praise, and thanksgiving for God’s gifts of knowledge and wisdom. John’s Gospel indicates the need for spiritual attentiveness as one approaches and engages in study, mindful that the Holy Spirit, “the Spirit of truth,” guides the worshipful learner in the paths of authentic knowledge and wisdom, a path that includes prophetic awareness: “But when He, the Spirit of truth, comes, He will guide you into all the truth; for He will not speak on His own initiative, but whatever He hears, He will speak; and He will disclose to you what is to come” (John 16:13, NASB). A Christian theology of academics accepts the Holy Spirit as the Teacher, Guide, and Counselor who transforms those committed to Christ to become people of knowledge and wisdom who, by their example of integrity in thought, motivation, and actions, bear witness to the distinctive qualities of Christ-centered academic study. Engagement in study also requires the discipline of prayer, which is the Christian’s communion with God. In the act of communing with God through worship and prayer, the learner remains in the transforming presence of God. Paul’s Letter to the Colossians indicates the learner’s source of all truth: “Christ Himself, in whom are hidden all the treasures of wisdom and knowledge” (2:2–3, NASB). Paul emphasizes that knowledge and wisdom are not independently attained, but dependent on one’s relationship with Christ, in whom all truth, knowledge, wisdom, and moral integrity reside and through whom those faithful to Him are transformed into people of knowledge and wisdom. References and Resources Anderson, David W. 2012. Toward a Theology of Special Education: Integrating Faith and Practice. Bloomington, IN: WestBow Press. Bass, Dorothy, and Craig Dykstra. 2008. For Life Abundant: Practical Theology, Theological Education and Christian Ministry. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. Cetuk, Virginia Samuel. 1998. What to Expect in Seminary: Theological Education as Spiritual Formation. Nashville, TN: Abingdon Press. Crabtree, Mara Lief. 2013. “A Theology of Christian Academics: A Paradigm for Learning.” Presentation for SFRM 501, Spiritual Formation 1, Regent University School of Divinity, Virginia Beach, VA, 22 January. Estep, James R., Michael Anthony, and Greg Allison. 2008. A Theology for Christian Education. Nashville, TN: B & H Publishing.

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Administration

Garrigan, Siobhan, and Todd E. Johnson. 2010. Common Worship in Theological Education. Eugene, OR: Pickwick Publications. Higton, Mike. 2012. A Theology of Higher Education. New York: Oxford University Press. Hill, Kenneth H. 2007. Religious Education in the African American Tradition. Atlanta, GA: Chalice Press. Pazmino, Robert W. 2001. God Our Teacher: Theological Basics in Christian Education. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic. Richards, Lawrence O. 1980. A Theology of Christian Education. Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan. Spears, Paul D., and Steven R. Loomis. 2009. Education for Human Flourishing: A Christian Perspective. Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press. Webb, Stephen H. 2000. Taking Religion to School: Christian Theology and Secular Education. Grand Rapids, MI: Brazos Press. Werner, Dietrich, and David Esterline. 2010. Handbook of Theological Education: Theological Perspectives, Ecumenical Trends and Regional Survey. Eugene OR: Wipf & Stock.

—Mara Lief Crabtree

Administration Someone or something must be in charge of any organization. Order arises out of the person or group giving orders. Orders or directives create an accountability structure through which any organization can effectively function. Planning, providing, and protecting people and programs is the essence of what it means to practice administration. Biblical Theology of Administration Christian administration should pattern itself after the working Trinity. Each person in the Godhead has His proper role, committed to the same mission. In salvation, for instance, the Father plans, the Son provides, and the Spirit protects (Eph. 1:3–14). The Trinity gives the basis for the unity within the plurality of the universe (2 Cor. 13:14; 1 Pet. 1:2). Christian administration follows this pattern: persons creating community, subordinating themselves for the good of the organization. Trinitarian teaching produces the following guidelines for administration in the Christian community. (1) Persons define relationship: knowing who the community is establishes what the community does (Rom. 12:3–8). (2) Organization defines roles: order in any system is best established by how people fit into an organizational mission (Paul knew his role; Rom. 15:14–33). (3) Function defines responsibility: working together, a staff complements each other within the framework of training an-

other generation for Christ (2 Tim. 2:1–8). (4) Purpose defines direction: people are asked to join a team committed to the same goal (Eph. 4:1–6). (5) Unity defines commitment: the operational unity of a Christian staff should mirror the commitment of Father, Son, and Spirit to each other (John 17:20–23). (6) Oversight defines direction: Each person’s role dictates responsibility in an area (1 Cor. 12:4–12; Rom. 12:3–8; 1 Pet. 4:10–11). Biblical Philosophy of Administration Like the Trinity, people subordinate themselves to others to accomplish a task. Administration is born of an authority outside of themselves. Theology creates philosophy, which establishes mission; members accede to policies, which provide oversight to any Christian community. Administrators are given authority within the structure of the organization. However, they must not be abusive in motive or action. Those persons holding positions in the organization must respect the authority of those to whom they answer (1 Thess. 5: 11–12; Heb. 13:17). Stewardship of people, programs, policies, and procedures is given as a task to those who administrate. Administrators bear the greatest responsibility to care for people. Caring for people should include discipleship, training, evaluation, and direction. Administrators should also carefully steward the resources within the organization to enact the mission and enable the people. People are not resources to be used; resources are to be used for people (Acts 6). Administrators are given a charge to be “in charge.” Management, however, should not be dictates from the top down but service from the bottom up. Christian organizational charts should indicate responsible parties at the base of any diagram. Christian administrators bear the weight of lifting others up, encouraging their giftedness, preparing them for vocation, and helping their abilities to benefit the organization (Gen. 2:22–25; Mark 10:45; 1 Pet. 5:1–4). Administrative decisions may not always be understood or appreciated. But the ruler has more information, the need to balance all interests, while keeping the long-term perspective of the organization in view (Prov. 16:10–15, 25:3). Administrators are custodians of Godgiven responsibilities within Christian groups. Boundaries established for administrative roles prevent abuse (Deut. 17:14–20; 1 Sam. 8:10–18). Christian Practice of Administration Human corruption necessitates accountability among leaders. The monarch must adhere to the dictate; “the law is king.” Oligarchies and republics should adhere to uniform standards for their representatives. Leaderless

Adolescent Religious Identity

cultures succumb to anarchy and dictatorship. National leadership must be tempered by equal branches of government and regulations that curtail immoral activity among the privileged few (Prov. 28, 29). Governance systems may differ within Christian organizations. Respect and compliance to standards must be clearly stated so that all know the boundaries. Fairness is based on a standard of righteousness. Favoritism, nepotism, or extortion should be eschewed. Protection of the weaker party is always scripture’s concern (Deut. 16). Christians should be careful to baptize non-Christian concepts for use in Christian organizations. Management, assessment, styles, psychology, decision making, and a plethora of resources are consistently offered. Administrators should ask questions about the use of pagan thinking: (1) What is the source of authority for any resource? (2) What journals, seminars, or motivational leaders should provide influence? (3) What biblical grid is in place that filters truth from error? (4) Is the disjunction between Christian and non-Christian practice clearly identified? (5) Does the information obtained cohere with the Christian responsibilities, mission, and role of the organization? Scripture is clear that correction, instruction, and accountability are part and parcel of any institution, especially the church (Gal. 6:1–5; 2 John.; 3 John.). Correction suggests a criterion whereby evaluation will take place. There is need for validation based on objective standards. Instruction is the opportunity for feedback for teaching that will both exhort and encourage. Accountability necessitates an overseer, because fallen natures often cannot attest to truth about themselves. Since everyone is susceptible to error, mistake, and sin, human corroboration is helpful to arrest one’s flaws. While there is no perfect system for evaluation, nonetheless, the church’s mandate is to keep account of its members (cf. 1 Thess. 4:9–12; 1 Tim. 4:11–16; Titus 2:1–10). Growth in Christ is the goal (Col. 1:28–29) for all believers. Grace should be given as much as is possible as it has been given to each Christian (Eph. 4:32). The Trinity establishes the practical application of roles in ministry, the affective goals of “grace, love and fellowship” together (2 Cor. 13:11–14). References and Resources Anthony, Michael, and James R. Estep, eds. 2005. Management Essentials for Christian Ministries. Louisville, KY: Broadman & Holman. Heie, Harold, and Mark Sargent. 2012. Soul Care: Christian Faith and Academic Administration. Abilene, TX: Abilene Christian University Press, 2012.

—Mark Eckel

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Adolescent Religious Identity Overview The study of identity has been approached from numerous academic and applied disciplines, each bringing its own assumptions about and variations of the word identity. One might assume identity to be a simple label with which a person easily identifies, yet psychologists have shown how identity operates as an aspect of autobiographical memory in both explicit (fully conscious) and implicit (sub- or unconscious) means. It functions as a grounding aspect in all social cognition and as a primary method in organizing experiences into meaningful schemas (Bell 2009). Moving beyond the understanding of identity as a simple association, in this deeper approach, identity is a core aspect of being human and being in community with others. For Christian educators, identity, as it relates to religion, is one of the most important and relatively unexamined components of spiritual formation and religious development. Identity Development and Formation Identity research was first popularized by the developmental psychologist Erik Erikson (1902–1994). As part of a stage approach to development, Erikson defined eight psychosocial stages, in which the fifth stage, identity vs. role confusion, is located in adolescence (1950, 1968). During this time, adolescents are faced with the difficult tasks of negotiating their rapidly changing bodies and a felt need to separate from parental attachments. Erikson theorized that the primary goal in adolescence is to develop ego identity (“ego” comes from the Latin nominative pronoun “I”), in which simple identifications made during childhood are integrated into a coherent sense of self in adolescence. For Erikson, this task is necessary before one enters into the next stage of psychosocial development, intimacy vs. isolation, in early adulthood. To be able to truly know someone else in an intimate relationship requires that you first know your own self. Again, for the next stage, generativity vs. stagnation (middle adulthood), an individual must have a solid, integrated sense of self-identity before being able to offer real care and guidance to future generations. Erikson described each psychosocial stage as a favorable balance of the positive element (i.e., identity) over the negative element (i.e., role confusion). If a young person has more role confusion than identity, that person faces an identity crisis, which may encumber each of the consecutive aspects of human development. The term identity crisis became Erikson’s most popular concept and gave many teenagers and young adults a structure through which to understand their own experiences. Erikson also described

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Adolescent Religious Identity

virtues that are achieved at each stage. At identity vs. role confusion, the individual achieves the virtue of fidelity, in which young adults begin to display a consistent level of commitment and faithfulness (fidelity) to how they know and understand their own selves. Much of Erikson’s work has been adapted and reworked over the last few decades due to sharper understandings of cognition and neurology as well as the changing experiences of adolescents in the modern world. For instance, Erikson’s uncomplicated understanding of identity as a negotiation of the self in relation to others has now been expanded to include both the integration of the consciously expressed self (autobiographical memory that is presented and acknowledged by others) and the unconscious pattern of an individual’s identity-beliefs and identity-behaviors (cognitive patterns of attention and attribution) (Fivush and Haden 2003). Likewise, adolescence in the middle of the 20th century (Erikson’s period) was a much shorter experience, in which there were only a few years between childhood and early adulthood (i.e., vocation, raising a family), whereas in the 21st century, adolescence is commonly seen to last over a decade, well into the twenties, during which time individuals deal with identity crises and attachments throughout traditional college years and beyond (Arnett 2006). Religious Identity in Adolescence James Marcia (1966) used Erikson’s work in identity to formulate an overall measure of identity, separating identity into statuses of identity diffusion, moratorium, commitment, and achievement. The research measure asks questions in several different domains, including vocation, gender, and religion, among others. His measurement paradigm was well received by researchers and clinical therapists and has generated hundreds of research articles and an academic society dedicated to identity formation (Society for Research in Identity Formation, SRIF). Both in this field of identity formation and other areas of cognitive psychology, there is a widening divergence over whether individuals typically operate within one global identity or use many different identities depending on social contexts. Recent studies have shown that identity is developed separately across several identity domains. Simply stated, a teenager may have a strong sense of an achieved gender identity, but may have a crisis in religious identity (Bell 2008). These identity domains may move higher and lower in salience on a daily basis for adolescents. Thus, cognitively, a teenager is commonly processing multiple areas of identity and is likely to be unaware of how the domains implicitly move from the foreground of consciousness into the background. Parents’ descriptions of the typical dramatic flair of adolescence are partly explained by this

movement of identity concerns and the overwhelming experience in many modern societies that have endless identity choices. Religious identity, in particular, is one of the most important forms of identity attachments for young adults. Teenagers with religious experiences from childhood often seek to construct maximal religious experiences in their affiliations as a form of identity play. But this is often conventional (Marcia’s identity foreclosure), in that adolescents are displaying attachments and not identity integration. Christian Education and Adolescent Religious Identity Helping develop educational programs that facilitate religious identity in adolescence may be one of the most important aspects of Christian education. It has been shown that identity attachments (more simple forms of nonreflective acceptance), even when formed/experienced with strong emotions, do not have the staying power of identity integration. A typical pattern of Christian education in America is one in which a vibrant program in adolescence is unmatched during early adult years—the precise time that real identity crises arise (differing from Erikson’s original location of the crisis in adolescence). Those who are seeking to assist individuals in religious identity formation are ultimately trying to help adolescents and young adults to move from identity attachments into a deeper (explicit and implicit) form of religious identity integration. Many theorists argue that this requires a reflective time in an individual’s life, in which the person breaks loyalties and allegiances of childhood and adolescent peer groups in an effort to integrate narrative and meaning into his or her identity without the force of outside groups (Fowler 1995). For the most part, there has not been much practical research specific to religion in studying how to help adolescents and young adults during any identity crisis oriented around faith. Work in the related area of narrative theory suggests that prompted activities for spiritual autobiography, intergenerational experiences, and group identity reflections might be promising areas to study. Practical theologians also need to speak to whether the role of Christian educators is to simply keep religious individuals in the church after an identity crisis, or whether the church itself should be impacted and open to change by individuals who have formed, after some reflection and growth, an integrated sense of religious identity. References and Resources Arnett, J. 2006. Emerging Adulthood: The Winding Road from the Late Teens through the Twenties. New York: Oxford University Press. Bell, D. 2008. “Development of the Religious Self: A Theoretical Foundation for Measuring Religious Identity.” In Religion

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and the Individual: Belief, Practice, and Identity, edited by Abby Day, 127–142. Burlington, VT: Ashgate. ———. 2009. “Religious Identity: Conceptualization and Measurement of the Religious Self.” PhD diss. Available at https://etd.library.emory.edu/. Erikson, E. 1950. Childhood and Society. New York: W. W. Norton. ———. 1968. Identity: Youth and Crisis. New York: W. W. Norton. Fivush, R., and C. Haden. 2003. Autobiographical Memory and the Construction of a Narrative Self: Developmental and Cultural Perspectives. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Fowler, J. 1995. Stages of Faith: The Psychology of Human Development and the Quest for Meaning. New York: HarperCollins. Marcia, J. 1966. “Development and Validation of Ego Identity Status.” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 3: 551–558.

—David M. Bell

Adolescent Spirituality Describing the Inexplicable It is challenging to discuss the spiritual life of youth, chiefly because of two very difficult terms that call for careful exploration. First, ponder the concept of faith— slippery to explain the nature and depth of this invisible, nonempirical phenomenon. Christians have tried for centuries to explain the significance of their faith pilgrimage in sermons, books, and hymns. Christians say that they have “grown” in their faith, but how can one tell? “Growth” as a spiritual metaphor is an allusion to the realm of development. A person’s physical growth can be measured by a ruler; spiritual growth, however, cannot be quantified. The author of Hebrews understands this elusive term and likens faith to “being sure of what we hope for and certain of what we do not see” (11:1). Even this helpful, yet nonspecific, attempt at a definition can only compare the nonmaterial and nonempirical with the material and empirical. Second, consider adolescent spirituality. Because of the cognitive, social, physical, moral, and emotional aspects of youth’s development, the unique nature of adolescence must be considered. Ministry to the spiritual needs of youth requires an altogether different perspective than ministry to children and adults. Certainly youth’s spiritual life is related to their overall development. But to what degree? Some Christian educators mistakenly lump faith, moral, and spiritual development together as if they were synonymous.

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The Nature of Spiritual Development A prevalent misconception regarding the religious life concerns the nature of spiritual development. Some confuse Lawrence Kohlberg’s theories of moral development, James Fowler’s theories of faith development, and the Bible’s notion of spiritual development. Yet they are not interchangeable. These three terms have distinct and separate meanings.10 In their attempts to utilize modern psychological and educational theories, some Christians have unthinkingly made long leaps from one realm of human development to another. For although one’s capacity for spiritual development can be influenced to varying degrees by cognitive, moral, social, sexual, or physical development, it is not dependent on these factors. Spiritual development occurs as the Holy Spirit gains increasing lordship in one’s life. Spiritual growth cannot be correlated with one’s chronological age; it does not depend on innate abilities, although those natural phenomena can play a role. In fact, to attribute one’s spiritual development solely to natural growth (e.g., mental or social maturity) is to limit the capacity of the Holy Spirit and the nature of faith. The biblical approach to spiritual development of the adolescent is holistic. Just as Christ became incarnate so that He could identify with all dimensions of humanity, those who minister to youth must meet adolescents at their various levels of development. A strategy to foster spirituality in youth does not ignore the natural changes of puberty, but anticipates them and seeks to help young people understand and respond to them. For example, adolescence brings the ability to think abstractly. The cognitive change causes youth to think more critically about the teachings and practices of the Christian faith. One appropriate means to encourage their spiritual growth is to structure exercises that help them rethink and defend their Christian ideas. The bottom line is this: teach adolescents that spiritual life concerns itself with yielding every dimension of one’s being to God’s rule, and that becoming fully human is what God intends. Spiritual development, then, is a process of restoring our full humanity through Christ and full fellowship with God. It is both the pursuit of God and a pursuit to become like God, or, as A. W. Tozer termed it, “the pursuit of holiness.” Aspects of Spiritual Development and Adolescent Spirituality Five main aspects of spiritual development are identified in scripture. First, as a gradual process, it requires 10. For more information, see Mark A. Lamport, “A Critical Look at Faith Development,” Youthworker Journal (Summer 1986): 64–69.

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Adolescent Spirituality

perseverance. Paul writes, “straining toward what is ahead, I press on toward the goal to win the prize for which God has called me” (Phil. 3:13–14). The road to spiritual maturity requires gritty striving. Christian educators of youth must not emphasize the free gift of salvation at the expense of the high cost of discipleship. Biblical writers encourage believers to persist and to complete the process for which God created them (cf. 1 Tim. 4:15; James 1:4; 2 Pet. 1:5–8; Heb. 10:36). Second, spiritual development is effected by the Holy Spirit. Schaeffer says: “The how (of spiritual growth) is that the glorified Christ will do it through us. The Spirit is an active ingredient: He will be the doer.”11 The Holy Spirit brings about spiritual development by convicting, encouraging, and guiding the believer. Christians are transformed from the inside out. The Christian education of youth must not impose the trappings of an exterior-based or legalistic code of religiosity. Rather, youth should be inspired with the interior motivation to live by the freedom of the Spirit (cf. Rom. 6:15–23; Gal. 5). Third, spiritual development is the result of choices— an act of the will. Maturity is stunted or enhanced according to the choices one makes or fails to make. Luis Palau writes, “People are confronted by choices. Lives hinge on decisions forged in the heat of crisis. Some lives break loose from the moorings of mediocrity and sail new seas for the honor of Christ. Other lives bog down on sandbars and never make it out of the harbor.”12 The Bible contains many exhortations to choose the right (cf. Gal. 5:13; Rom. 7:14–25; Phil. 1:27). Christian educators of youth must challenge them to choose rightly by giving nonthreatening forums in which life’s tough questions may be asked. Mentors may share their experiences as more mature Christians and perhaps counteract negative peer pressure by modeling holiness. Fourth, although spiritual development is an inward process, one’s growth is evidenced by outward manifestations. The Holy Spirit’s work is seen in behavioral and attitudinal changes occurring in the life of the believer: love, joy, peace, patience, kindness, goodness, faithfulness, gentleness, and self-control (Gal. 5:22–23). The growing Christian is to be a visible expression of love to the world. It is important for those who educate youth to give practical and concrete ways of expressing their faith and to help them exchange their family’s religion for a living, firsthand faith. Finally, the only judge of an individual’s spirituality is God. The Pharisees measure spirituality relative to one’s outward acts of obedience to the Law. Jesus denounces 11. Francis Schaeffer, True Spirituality (Wheaton, IL: Tyndale Press, 1971), 86. 12. Luis Palau, A Commentary of David (Wheaton, IL: Victor Books, 1982), 45.

this “scoring” system. Spirituality is often measured by Christian activity, yet those things do not necessarily indicate the true tenor of our hearts. Spiritual development, which may lead to acts of service, is hidden. Teachers of youth should communicate that they may indeed fool us with a Christian facade, but God knows the depth and sincerity of the commitment. Challenges of Adolescent Spirituality Pollster George Gallup summarizes the challenge for those endeavoring in the Christian education of youth in the home and in the church. It is important to establish religious values with youth before they go to college, because the college years have a pronounced effect on value formation. With each succeeding grade, students become less religious.13 Several dynamic, powerful, and virtually inescapable trends affect adolescent spirituality: First, the disintegration of the family. A plethora of studies emphasize the influence of parents in developing the religious values of their children. If one parent is removed from the home by divorce, the influence will obviously not be as pervasive. A significant percentage of children come from oneparent homes. Sensitive care from youth leaders can augment this adult role model when it is missing from the home; the church youth group can be a rallying force to develop close relationships and a sense of belonging. Second, the abnegation of morality. Postmodern culture looks with disfavor on absolute truth systems and prescribed ethics. To this “enlightened” mindset, Christianity, with its revealed Word from a supernatural God, appears nothing more than a deluded fable, old-fashioned wishful thinking, and indeed ludicrous. The chief virtue of contemporary society is an openness that accepts all points of view as of equal value. The lines between right and wrong become fuzzy and then disappear. Adolescents receive a confused message. Christian educators of youth have the responsibility to teach teenagers to think from a theistic worldview. Third, the rise of consumerism. Possessions become an obsession, so much so that people are viewed as means to get things. Consumerism, coupled (in some cases) with large disposable income of youth, 13. Cited in Charles Shelton, Adolescent Spirituality (Chicago: Loyola University Press, 1983), 7 and confirmed by Christian Smith, Soul Searching: The Religious and Spiritual Lives of American Teenagers (New York: Oxford University Press, 2005), and Mark Regnerus, Christian Smith, and Melissa Fritsch, Religion in the Lives of Adolescents: A Review of the Literature, A Research Report of the National Study of Youth and Religion, (Chapel Hill, NC: The University of North Carolina Chapel Hill, 2003).

Adolescents, Spiritual Dimensions of

creates greed and premature affluence. Adolescents must be taught a Christian view of humanity, to love people and use things rather than the reverse. The Christian education of youth professes the invisible realities of faith over materialistic notions. Fourth, a developmental tendency toward egotism. While we acknowledge self-centeredness is inherent to natural development, adolescents, given abstract reasoning not available to children, have the capacity to see beyond themselves. Christianity cannot wallow in self, but always locates itself in others. In much of the Western world, the value of individuals trumps groups or communities. Jesus turned this thinking upside-down when he told his followers to consider others before themselves. Fifth, loss of meaning. Every culture seeks meaning for its existence and works hard to embrace happiness. Postmodernism offers despair, cynicism, bitterness, and loss of hope. Youth, products of this societal mantra, also desperately try to make sense of life. The Christian education with youth celebrates life, abundant life, which is what Christians proclaim to the world (John 14:6). Hope, not despair, anchors the Christian reality. Sixth, misconstrued theories of religion. While adolescents may think religion is a discrete and functioning part of their lives, in reality it often operates as a background operation, especially as compared to many other aspects of their lives, which they can articulate, such as, music and relationships. Sadly, for some adolescents, a mixture of pluralism and democracy has hijacked their grasp of Christianity, where “god” becomes a nice but distant being who wants us to be happy, good, realize our potential, and live healthy lives. This notion—coined in the term “moralistic therapeutic deism”14—is the centrally located basis of American religion, encompassing the whole of the religious landscape, including adolescents. References and Resources Bass, Dorothy, and Don Richter. 2002. Way to Live: Christian Practices for Teens. Nashville, TN: Upper Room Books. Beaudoin, Tom. 1998. The Irreverent Spiritual Quest of Generation X. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Lynch, Carol. 2004. Choosing Church: What Makes a Difference for Teens. Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press. Rabey, Steve. 2001. In Search of Authentic Faith: How Emerging Generations Are Transforming the Church. Colorado Springs, CO: Waterbrook Press.

—Mark A. Lamport

14. This phenomenon is aptly detailed in Smith, Soul Searching, 129ff.

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Adolescents, Spiritual Dimensions of Traditionally, in a Western culture, the word spirituality belonged to the religious and private spheres of people’s lives, and it was concerned with human interiority (Harris and Moran 1998). Usually, the spiritual search encouraged the individual to retreat from the world into contemplation and solitude. However, contemporary spirituality is both personal and communal (Harris and Moran 1998). Research studies have indicated that many young people today identify spirituality as distinct from religion and may claim to be spiritual but not religious (e.g., Collins-Mayo et al. 2010; de Souza, 2003; de Souza, Cartwright, and McGilp 2004; Hughes 2007). These views highlight the fact that in today’s world, while religion may be an aspect of spirituality, spirituality incorporates a much broader facet of human existence. Also, while many young people appear to have distanced themselves from organized religion, they remain a deeply spiritual people. Their involvement, passion, and insightfulness into issues that concern themselves, their community, and the environment should not be underestimated or overlooked. Writing in the late 1990s, Harris (Harris and Moran 1998) pointed out that the spirituality of young people was alive and well and asserted that the vital element in the spirituality of young people was its connectedness—that is, its relational and communal character—which was a contrast to a previous privatized and individualistic spirituality: The impulse towards connectedness places the practice of justice in a special and privileged place, with justice understood as “fidelity to the demands of all our relations.” Such justice includes not only our relations to other human beings; it includes our relations to the nonhuman universe as well: to the other animals, the trees, the ocean, the earth, and the ozone layer. (Harris and Moran 1998, 46)

Writing at the same time as Harris, Ó Murchú (1997) also recognized the relational aspect of spirituality and wrote about the need to reclaim spirituality. He argued that the spiritual consciousness evident at the turn of the century was a deep yearning to outgrow, transcend, and evolve toward the new that beckoned (1997, ix). Ó Murchú identified spirituality as our “natural birthright” (ix) and supported the contention that contemporary spirituality is a communal thing: We are being carried along by a new surge for meaning, which, contrary to many religious beliefs, is not drawing us away from the world but plunging us more profoundly into it, not alienating us from the divine but re-connecting us with God who co-creates at the heart of creation. (Ó Murchú 1997, 13)

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Adolescents, Spiritual Dimensions of

Likewise, Groome identified a relational dimension to spirituality and claimed: This spiritual awakening is significant and reflects people’s abiding desire for something more than possessions or personal success. It hints at renewed consciousness of the hunger of the human heart that only Transcendence can satisfy . . . our spiritual propensity arises from the deepest core of human being. (Groome 1998, 323)

Armstrong, in her examination of historical evidence indicating that human spirituality was the search for a transcendent reality, emphasized that “religion was not something tacked on to the human condition, an optional extra imposed on people by unscrupulous priests. The desire to cultivate a sense of the transcendent may be the defining human characteristic” (Armstrong 2009, 19). In explaining the emergence of religious traditions, Armstrong argued that faith communities developed rituals in an effort to transcend their ordinary lives, and that the ultimate reality was not a personalized god. Rather, it was a transcendent mystery, which was aligned with the deepest level of Being. This ultimate reality, Armstrong asserted, has been named God, Dao, Brahman, Nirvana (2009, 5), and so on, according to different traditions. She also identified the fact that, while different faith traditions have their own “unique genius and distinctive vision: each its peculiar flaws,” there are some fundamental principles common to most faith traditions “when one loses all sense of duality and is “oblivious to everything within or without’” (2009, 31). Thus, Armstrong recognized and articulated the concept of oneness or unity that encompasses everything. A common thread that becomes apparent in discussions about spirituality is captured by Nye’s concept of relational consciousness (Hay and Nye 1998)—that is, the connectedness the individual experiences to Self, Other,15 the world, and God. This was supported by my own early research with young people, which clearly pointed to relationality or connectedness as being the essence of their spirituality (de Souza 2003; de Souza, Cartwright, and McGilp 2004). I described a relational continuum to reflect the spiritual journey where, at one end, individuals are quite separate from Other. As they move along, they grow closer to and feel connectedness and empathy with others who are the same as themselves, in other words with their families and communities. Further along, their life experiences may take them forward to feel connected to others who are different from themselves, and they may develop some feelings of empathy with them. Logically then, at the other end of the 15. I use Other with a capital “O” to identify collectively and to personify all others.

continuum, the movement takes the individual to a point where she or he becomes one with Other; Self becomes part of the whole, which comprises Other; and the individual has entered a realm of Ultimate Unity. This is the realm that Armstrong (2009) refers to as a transcendent mystery or Ultimate Reality, Nirvana, Dao, or Brahman, and for Christians this is known as the Kingdom of God. To translate this understanding into practice requires that one lives one’s life with an awareness of one’s connectedness to everything other than self, which means living one’s life as a relational Being. There are many elements pertinent to the lives of adolescents that are generated by this understanding. For instance, experiences of connectedness promote a sense of self-esteem and belonging, which are likely to promote both individual and community well-being. Belonging to a community provides young people with a framework of meaning. Recognizing their connectedness to Other also has the potential to overcome problems related to diversity, which are symptomatic of many pluralistic societies today. It is also important to acknowledge that not all young people reach a point where they recognize or experience a transcendent reality; they may only feel a connectedness to Other in their physical world. Nevertheless, they remain spiritual beings. It is important to note that with higher levels of awareness, a higher level of consciousness is reached by the individual that generates a movement from a focus on the outer self to a focus on the inner self. This may lead to the experience of “letting go” and living in the present moment. These are elements that may release a sense of freedom in young people, thereby helping them to experience transcendence and, arguably, spiritual growth. This contemporary understanding of adolescent spirituality has implications for spiritual nurturing. Since many young people are indifferent to religious traditions and don’t have close associations with faith communities, it is important to develop other avenues through which they can explore spiritual ideas, become familiar with wisdom literature, and find ways in which they can express their spirituality. What has become clear is that in this postsecular world (Habermas 2008), contemporary spirituality has a distinct role to play in enhancing the lives of adolescents and therefore their communities, so that spiritual well-being and social cohesion become attainable features, both of which are desirable elements in a plural divided world, References and Resources Armstrong, K. 2009. The Case for God. London: The Bodley Head. Collins-Mayo, S., B. Mayo, S. Nash, and C. Cocksworth. 2010. The Faith of Generation Y. London: Church House Publishing.

Adult Learning

de Souza, M. 2003. “Contemporary Influences on the Spirituality of Young People: Implications for Education.” International Journal of Children’s Spirituality 8 (3): 269–279. de Souza, M., P. Cartwright, and E. J. McGilp. 2004. “The Perceptions of Young People Who Live in a Regional City in Australia of Their Spiritual Wellbeing: Implications for Education.” Journal of Youth Studies 7 (2): 155–172. Groome, T. H. 1998. Educating for Life. Chicago, IL: Thomas Moore Association. Habermas, J. 2008. Notes on a Post-secular Society. June 18. Retrieved 28 March 2013. http://www.signandsight.com/ features/1714.html. Harris, M., and G. Moran. 1998. Reshaping Religious Education. Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press. Hay, D., and R. Nye. 1998. The Spirit of the Child. London: Fount Paperbacks. Hughes, P. 2007. Putting Life Together: Findings from Australian Youth Spirituality Research. Nunawading, Australia: Christian Research Association. Ó Murchú, D. 1997. Reclaiming Spirituality. New York: Crossroad Publishing Company.

—Marian de Souza

Adult Learning Because adult learning is a multidisciplinary,16 everevolving field, there is an abundance of scholarship and literature on the topic. Research reports, books, journals, and articles have been written on everything from what it is, to how it intersects with other disciplines, to methodological approaches. Most, however, conclude that Malcolm Knowles17 laid the seminal foundation of androgogy18 (“the art and science of helping adults learn”)19 that others later used for their contributions, and now the andragogical method informs training in business, industry, government, colleges, universities, professional institutions, continuing education, etc. From the 1940s to the 1960s, education in Western societies was shaped by a modernist agenda. There was 16. Adult learning theory and methodology flows from educationists, clinical psychologists, psychiatrists, developmental psychologists social psychologists, sociologists, etc. Malcolm S. Knowles, Andragogy in Action: Applying Modern Principles of Adult Learning (San Francisco: Jossey-Bass, 1984), 7. 17. While studying in graduate school, Knowles was inspired by Eduard C. Lindeman, The Meaning of Adult Education (New York: New Republic. Republished in a new edition in 1989 by The Oklahoma Research Center for Continuing Professional and Higher Education) and Dorothy Hewitt and Kirtley Mather, Adult Education: A Dynamic for Democracy (New York: London, D. Appleton-Century Company, 1937); Knowles, Andragogy in Action, 3. 18. Sharan B. Merriam, Rosemary S. Caffarella, and Lisa M. Baumgartner, Learning in Adulthood: A Comprehensive Guide, 3rd ed. (San Francisco: Jossey-Bass, 2007), 79. 19. Knowles, Andragogy in Action, 6.

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“one right form of education.”20 In the 1960s, however, educators rejected the modernist agenda in adult education, because it led to inequality. Thereafter, educational systems pursued a more “heterodox set of ideologies” in order to subvert racial, religious, and gender inequality.21 By the 1980s, however, adult educators, particularly under the influence of Knowles, “were seeking for every student to create their own learning in their own way, to ‘celebrate the other’ rather than to colonise the other.”22 This quest for diversity led to the current approaches to adult learning. Alan Rogers and Naomi Horrocks define learning as “the interaction of the learner, the context, the kind of learning task and the processes involved.”23 In these interactions, change occurs in one’s thoughts, feelings, beliefs, and/or actions, and these changes (“learning”) take place throughout one’s lifetime. According to Knowles and his andragogical model, five principles inform effective adult learning. (1) Adults are self-directed and capable, taking responsibility for their learning. (2) Adults enter the learning process with a lifetime of experience. This experience offers resources that should be brought to bear in the learning process. (3) Adults learn best when they have a need. (4) Learning most effectively happens when there is immediate application to the adult’s context. Therefore, there must be a connection to the adult’s life circumstances. Finally, (5) internal drive is the most compelling motivator for adults.24 Others have built on Knowles’s principles and contributed their own. For example, Jane Vella, another pioneer in adult learning, offers 12 principles.25 Principles of adult learning ensure program design that focuses on processes and procedures for learning rather than delivery of content. In Paulo Freire’s words, the “professor” must die;26 that is, adult educators are facilitators who create the context of learning. Distinctives of this learning environment include safety, equality—between facilitator and students and between students—mutuality, and respect. Educators criticize adult learning theory as Westerncentric. However, Vella replicated her approach to the theory and trained the trainers in hundreds of contexts, on every continent around the world. Through these ex-

20. Alan Rogers and Naomi Horrocks, Teaching Adults, 4th ed. (New York: Open University Press, 2010), 2. 21. Ibid. 22. Ibid. 23. Ibid., 95. 24. Knowles, Andragogy in Action, 10–12. 25. See Jane Vella, Learning to Listen, Learning to Teach: The Power of Dialogue in Educating Adults, rev. ed. (San Francisco: Jossey-Bass, 2002), 4–25. 26. Referred to in Vella, Learning to Listen, 20.

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Adventist Church Christian Education

periences, she globalized the theory and methodology.27 Nonetheless, new developments in adult learning explore non-Western methods, as well as critical and postmodern theories and feminist perspectives.28 Comprehending the ways adults learn has profound implications for faith and spiritual formation. Likened to spiritual formation, learning in and of its self is transformational. Adults learn in informal, nonjudgmental, safe environments of mutuality, respect, and deepening relationships. Adults learn when they are engaged, not passive, when learning connects with their context, life circumstances, problems, and the issues they truly care about, not through platitudes and prosaicisms. Therefore, spiritual formation for adults must move beyond fill-in-the-blank and three-step formulae to authentic, adventurous, motivational pursuit of God. —Shelley Trebesch

Adventist Church Christian Education Adventist Education: Schools, Seminaries, and Colleges Between the Great Disappointment in 1844 and 1872, sabbatarian Adventists educated their children in public schools, homeschools, or local congregation-formed schools, as well as by means of the Sabbath school, in which those attending were divided into classes where they were “thoroughly quizzed and drilled on the assigned lesson.”29 In 1872, the General Conference committee assumed administrative and financial responsibility for a school and in 1873 passed resolutions approving formation of a denominational school.30 Thus, within 10 years of legal incorporation in May 1863 as the “General Conference of Seventh-day Adventists,” the formal work of education began as part of the mission of proclaiming the good news of a God who created us, lived among us, died for us, and redeems us. The unincorporated group of advent believers from across the northern United States had already agreed to “take the name Seventh-day Adventist” on 1 October 1860. Even today, the belief in the imminent return of Christ and the desire to dedicate resources for proclamation of the third angel’s message of Revelation 14 significantly impact the mission and philosophy of Adventist education. 27. In addition to Learning to Listen, see Jane Vella: Training through Dialogue: Promoting Effective Learning and Change with Adults (San Francisco: Jossey-Bass, 1995), Taking Learning to the Task: Creative Strategies for Teaching Adults (San Francisco: Jossey-Bass, 2000), and On Teaching and Learning: Putting the Principles and Practices of Dialogue Education into Action (San Francisco: Jossey-Bass, 2007). 28. Merriam, Caffarella, and Baungartner, Learning in Adulthood, 241. 29. Richard W. Schwarz and Floyd Greenleaf, Light Bearers: A History of the Seventh-day Adventist Church (Nampa, ID: Pacific Press Publishing Association, 1995), 24. 30. Ibid., 117–122.

The “blueprint” for Seventh-day Adventist education grew out of educational reforms in Europe and America in the 1800s, such as selecting a rural location for schools and promoting the benefits of manual labor in connection with formal education. But this blueprint was especially informed by “Proper Education,” a 30page “testimony” written by Ellen White after receiving her first detailed vision on proper principles of education. A foundational principle of Seventh-day Adventist education is that redemption and restoration to the image of God is achieved through a knowledge of and personal relationship with God, and by balanced, harmonious development of the physical, mental, social, moral, and spiritual life. The purpose of this type of education is to prepare “the student for the joy of service in this world and for the higher joy of wider service in the world to come.”31 Other core features include development of biblical literacy, skills for practical duties of everyday life, and the capacity for right thought and action. Students should become “thinkers, and not mere reflectors of other men’s thought.”32 In 1874, Battle Creek College (now relocated to Berrien Springs, Michigan, as Andrews University, which includes the Seventh-day Adventist Theological Seminary) was established on property adjacent to the Health Reform Institute (later Battle Creek Sanitarium). W. K. Kellogg developed cereals for the sanitarium, while his brother, Dr. John Harvey Kellogg, expanded the work of health reform and established the American Medical Missionary College in 1895. With this historical and theological emphasis on education and health reform, many Seventh-day Adventist colleges and universities prepare students for careers in the health professions and work with Seventh-day Adventist hospitals and clinics to extend the teaching and healing ministry of Christ. “Service learning” includes other areas such as business and benefits both the student and the local and global community. Teacher education is another area with large enrollments. Physical exercise, “temperance,” and a vegetarian diet are parts of a positive hidden curriculum by which students learn the habits of a healthy lifestyle. Matters for student discipline include consumption of alcohol, use of recreational drugs and tobacco, and engaging in other high-risk behaviors, such as sexual promiscuity.33 Such discipline is intended to be redemptive and is directed at developing self-control in students. The health benefits of a Seventh-day Adventist lifestyle have been thoroughly 31. Ellen G. White, Education (Mountain View, CA: Pacific Press Publishing Association, 1952), 13. 32. Ibid., 17. 33. Institute for Prevention of Addictions, http://www.andrews.edu/ services/ipa/ (accessed 31 July 2013).

Advocacy as Christian Practice

documented through longitudinal research.34 There is also research indicating cumulative academic benefits for students who attend Adventist schools.35 As of 31 December 2011, the Seventh-day Adventist education system consisted of 7,883 schools, colleges, and universities; employed 89,481 teachers; and educated 1,758,737 students around the world.36 The church’s schools are overseen by division, union, and conference directors of education, with boards of trustees that include denominational employees and lay church members. Schools are accredited by the Accrediting Association of Seventh-day Adventist Schools, Colleges and Universities (AAA)37 for up to five years. Most of these schools also hold regional or national, and for professional degrees, specialty accreditation. The church operates 112 colleges and universities, including five medical schools, three dental schools, and five regional seminaries that offer graduate theological and ministerial degrees. Undergraduate ministerial and theological education is offered at nearly all Seventh-day Adventist colleges and universities, while graduate theological degrees are primarily offered at the Seventh-day Adventist Theological Seminary at Andrews University (Michigan), Adventist International Institute of Advanced Studies (Philippines), Inter-American Adventist Theological Seminary (Miami/Puerto Rico), Latin-American Adventist Theological Seminary (Brazil), and Adventist University of Africa (Kenya). Most of these seminaries also offer graduate theological and ministerial education by means of extension programs located on a Seventhday Adventist college or university campus and delivered in a format and on a schedule suitable for working clergy and adult learners. —Lisa M. Beardsley-Hardy

Advocacy as Christian Practice Advocacy is the practice of supporting the well-being of any person or groups whose agency or voice has in any way been subdued by society, or speaking out on a particular moral issue. It may include taking a public stand aiming to influence public policy to benefit such groups, as well as educating people about their needs and offer34. “Adventist Health Studies,” http://www.llu.edu/public-health/ health/index.page? (accessed 31 July 2013). 35. Jerome Thayer and Elissa Kido, “Cognitive Genesis (CG): Assessing Academic Achievement and Cognitive Ability in Adventist Schools,” Journal of Research on Christian Education 21, no. 2 (2012): 99–115. 36. 2013 “Annual Statistical Report: 149th Report of the General Conference of Seventh-day Adventist for Year Ending December 31, 2011,” http://docs.adventistarchives.org/docs/ASR/ASR2013.pdf#view=fit (accessed 31 July 2013). 37. Adventist Accrediting Association, http://adventistaccrediting association.org (accessed 31 July 2013).

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ing direct service. Advocacy has a long tradition within the Judeo-Christian tradition stemming from the biblical imperative to honor the widows and the orphans (Deut. 24:19–22), to care for the poor and needy (Prov. 31:8–9), and to offer hospitality to the stranger (Lev. 19:34). The prophetic call to justice, such as in Micah 6:8, also inspires advocacy. Jesus was a strong advocate for those outside the temple: women, children, Samaritans, tax collectors, lepers, the sick or disabled. Christians are called to love their neighbors as themselves and are encouraged to live in solidarity with the poor and those on the edges of society. In the gospel of Matthew, Jesus says that to provide for the hungry and clothe the naked is “to do these things to me.” Jesus preached and taught about the kingdom (or reign) of God, a rich and complex theological concept of God’s vision of justice that included both a future, eschatological aspect and a present, achievable reality. The Epistle of James asks, “What good is it my brothers and sisters, if you say you have faith but do not have works?” The New Testament identifies a form of ministry, the diakonia, which was dedicated to serving as a go-between between the church and the world. Deacons around the world continue to be immersed in advocacy work. Advocacy is both part of the content of and a means of Christian education. The church teaches Christians why they should engage in advocating for others and how to do it. In practicing advocacy, Christians learn by doing, and faith is formed and increased by helping others and exemplifying Christ’s compassion. Olson and Friedrich (2008, 16) note: “Advocacy is as integral to discipleship as prayer and worship.” Advocacy includes service and giving to others. For example, church-related agencies associated with the World Council of Churches spend over $1 billion annually for disaster relief and development (Ferris 2005). Yet advocacy differs somewhat from charity or giving money to the poor, in that there is more direct involvement and more intention to change systems that create injustice. Some Christian advocates attempt to influence voting, lobby for changes in resource allocations, and join in protest marches. Faith-based advocacy is most effective when believers from across the faith communities unite to speak on behalf of others, “speaking truth to power” on behalf of marginalized groups (www.changethestory.net). Coalition building, or working with others to address community problems and propose solutions, is crucial to the Christian practice of advocacy. Some advocacy organizations work directly with and are supported by or aligned with Christian churches, such as Bread for the World, World Vision, Children’s Defense Fund, and Catholic Charities. The National Council of Churches brings together Christians to cooperate in programs of

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Aelred of Rievaulx

education, service, and advocacy on such issues as ecojustice, racial justice, child poverty, gun control, living wage, and health care, among others. Churches work with more than 26,000 international nongovernmental organizations (Ferris 2005, 313). Recent U.S. presidents have encouraged the work of faith-based action groups. Poverty and hunger are of particular concern for Christians because of the moral responsibility given to the faithful. The Reformation and Counter-Reformation brought increased concern and renewed vigor in combating rampant poverty. Reformers like Luther, Calvin, and Wesley evangelized among the poor and entreated Christians to engage in good works on behalf of the poor. Catholic catechisms and papal encyclicals through the ages have fostered love and care for the poor in keeping with the social teachings of the Catholic Church. The Social Gospel movement of the early 20th century sought to apply Christian ethical teachings to social problems. Approximately 925 million people in the world are hungry on any given day. There are about 50 million people living in poverty in the United States, as reported by U.S. Census Bureau data (Center for Research on Globalization, http://www.globalresearch.ca/nearly-50–million-living -in-poverty-in-us/5312028). Poverty has been called the single greatest deterrent to full and healthy lives, and many advocates believe it can be eliminated (Sachs 2006). Since Christians disagree about political issues, it is natural that advocacy groups are formed to support causes associated with both the political Right and Left. Both sides might agree that advocacy for Christians is a response to faith, an attempt to faithfully live out the gospel, not simply jumping on the bandwagon of the latest cause. Evangelical leaders such as Ronald Sider (founder of Evangelicals for Social Action) and Jim Wallis (founder of the Sojourners community and magazine) represent a turn toward advocacy among evangelicals. Churches in the United States with tax-exempt status engage in nonpartisan advocacy, but individual Christians often work on political campaigns that align with their understanding of how best to fulfill God’s vision for the world. Many advocacy groups even provide educational and liturgical resources for Christians (and other faiths) to assist them in advocating for various groups and issues. A notable example is the Children’s Defense Fund’s National Observance of Children’s Sabbaths, an annual event in which congregations are encouraged to educate and advocate on concerns related to the well-being of children. References and Resources Children’s Defense Fund. n.d. http://www.childrensdefense.org/ programs-campaigns/faith-based-action/childrens-sabbaths. Evans, C. H., ed. 2001. The Social Gospel Today. Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press.

Ferris, E. 2005. “Faith-Based and Secular Humanitarian Organizations. International Review of the Red Cross 87 (858): 311–325. Massaro, T. 2012. Living Justice: Catholic Social Teaching in Action. New York: Rowman & Littlefield. Olson, D. C., and L. D. Friedrich. 2008. Weaving a Just Future for Our Children: An Advocacy Guide. Nashville, TN: Discipleship Resources. Sachs, J. D. 2006. The End of Poverty: Economic Possibilities for Our Time. New York: Penguin Press. Swartz, H. 2008. Organizing Urban America: Secular and FaithBased Progressive Movements. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. Wuthnow, R., and J. Evans, eds. 2002. The Quiet Hand of God: Faith-Based Activism and the Public Role of Mainline Protestantism. Berkeley: University of California Press.

—Susan Willhauck

Aelred of Rievaulx Early Background and Education Aelred of Rievaulx was born in Hexham, Northumberland, England, in 1109.38 He was the son of a married priest, was educated in the Scottish court, and served King David I of Scotland until the age of 24. He gave up the promise of nobility and power when he became a Cistercian monk in the abbey of Rievaulx in Yorkshire (1143).39 After a short time as abbot of a new house of monks at Revesby, he was promoted to the position of abbot of Rievaulx in 1147, overseeing as many as 300 monks and giving leadership to all the Cistercian abbots of England.40 His diplomatic and administrative skills added clout to the already successful and growing order of Cistercian monks.41 He was best known, though, for the great love he had for his spiritual brothers in his community of friends. A contemporary of Bernard of Clairvaux, Aelred followed Bernard’s encouragement to write his first book on spirituality, titled Speculum caritatis (The Mirror of Charity), a treatise on following Christ.42 His most influential work, De spirituali amicitia (Spiritual Friendship) explored the importance of developing preferential friendship in spiritual community, even though this was not common practice in the mo38. Some sources date his birth at 1110. 39. James Kiefer, “Aelred of Rievaulx,” in Biographical Sketches of Memorable Christians of the Past, http://www.justus_anglican.org/resources/ bio/30_html (accessed 23 May 2013). 40. Kevin Knight, “St. Aelred,” in Catholic Encyclopedia, www.newadvent .org/cathen/01172b.htm (accessed 23 May 2013). 41. Brian Noell, “Aelred of Rievaulx’s Appropriation of Augustine. A Window on Two Views of Friendship and the Monastic Life,” Cistercian Studies Quarterly 37 (2002): 123–144. 42. Kiefer, “Aelred of Rievaulx.”

Aesthetics (Beauty)

nastic tradition. Aelred earned the title “Bernard of the north” because of his widespread influence, attributed to his personal spirituality, sophisticated writings, and Christocentric doctrine.43 Aelred was abbot of Rievaulx for 20 years, until his death in 1167. Significant Contributions to Christian Education While Aelred of Rievaulx is not a common name in evangelical circles, his influence is nonetheless felt. His book, Spiritual Friendship, addresses the complexity of interpersonal dynamics that exist in spiritual community and the importance of friendship for the unity that Christ said would characterize his community of followers.44 While many Christians tend to operate interpersonally with an Augustinian underpinning of charitable detachment, Aelred provides an alternative approach to the self-protected life.45 Aelred defined and elevated the role of spiritual friendship, deeming it a noble pursuit in the Christian life and philosophizing that it “cure(s) and endure(s)” the defects that are seen in each person.46 “Friendship, therefore, is that virtue by which spirits are bound by ties of love and sweetness, and out of many are made one.”47 Affirming the need to love others in a general sense, he gave dignity to the notion that spiritual friendship and preferential love is also a divine calling.

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people and invited them into His confidence at different levels. In defense of his unconventional approach to leadership that sought out friendship with those lower in status, Aelred advised: “Therefore, in friendship . . . let the lofty descend, the lowly ascend; . . . and thus let each communicate his condition to the other so that equality may be the result. . . . For they do not rightly develop friendship who do not preserve equality.”51 He was a trailblazer in taking the risk of entrusting himself to others in spiritual friendship; writing about the virtues of mutually loving and preferential relationships; and defending a biblical view of God’s love, which needs to be seen not only as charitable love, but as friendship love. Aelred of Rievaulx contributed much to the field of Christian education by addressing the need for intimate, Christ-centered relationships in spiritual formation. “For what more sublime can be said of friendship, what more true, what more profitable, than that it ought to, and is proved to, begin in Christ, continue in Christ, and be perfected in Christ?”52 Without human friendship, one would never know the level of intimacy of relationship that God offers those He not only calls his children, but also friends. Aelred purports that spiritual friendships are not only good, but necessary in the pursuit of friendship with God. Most Notable Publications

Divine authority approves that more are to be received into the bosom of charity than into the embrace of friendship. For we are compelled by the law of charity to receive in the embrace of love not only our friends but also our enemies. But only those do we call friends to whom we can fearlessly entrust our heart and all its secrets; those, too, who, in turn, are bound to us by the same law of faith and security.48

This type of interpersonal reciprocity caused some tension in his own abbey, due to the appearance of favoritism and the sense of impropriety in associating with those of lower rank.49 In defense of his philosophy that preferential friendship is spiritually edifying, he pointed to the example of Jesus’s having had mutually loving relationships with John, Lazarus, Mary, and Martha.50 He suggested that while Jesus loved everyone, He enjoyed particular 43. “Saint Aelred of Rievaulx (Cistercian Monk),” in Encyclopaedia Britannica Online, http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/7095/Saint -Aelred-of-Rievaulx (accessed 29 May 2013). 44. John 17:21. 45. Noell, “Aelred of Rievaulx’s Appropriation of Augustine.” 46. Aelred of Rievaulx, “Spiritual Friendship,” in Other Selves: Philosophers on Friendship, ed. Michael Pakaluk (Indianapolis, IN: Hackett Publishing, 1991), 135. 47. Ibid., 135. 48. Ibid., 137. 49. Noell, “Aelred of Rievaulx’s Appropriation of Augustine.” 50. Kiefer, “Aelred of Rievaulx.”

Speculum caritatis (The Mirror of Charity), 1142 Oratio pastoralis (Pastoral Prayer), c. 1163–1167 De spiritali amicitia (Spiritual Friendship), c. 1164. De anima (On the Soul), c. 1164–1167

—Christy Hill

Aesthetics (Beauty) Truth, goodness, and beauty are generally accepted indications of human creativity. Pleasure in life suggests outside standards, which allow for innovation within life’s margins. Architecture, theater, painting, poetry, music, and artwork of all kinds by all people everywhere suggest humans were made to express and enjoy aesthetics. Biblical Theology of Aesthetics God is Truth; all truth is His, and truth reflects Himself (1 Kings 17:24; Ps. 25:5; Isa. 45:18, 19). God is Beauty; equality, harmony, symmetry, and proportion have their source in Him (Gen. 1:3, “He separated,” meaning all things are given their exact place; Ps. 27:4, 90:16, 51. Aelred of Rievaulx, Spiritual Friendship, trans. M. E. Laker (Kalamazoo, MI: Cistercian Publications, 1977), 115–117. 52. Aelred of Rievaulx, “Spiritual Friendship,” 133.

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Aesthetics (Beauty)

17, 96:6–9). God is Good; He sets the standard for both expression and evaluation (Gen 1:3, “He saw that it was good”; Matt. 19:17; Mark 10:17–18). All good things come from God (1 Chron. 29:14, 15; James 1:17; 1 Tim. 6:17). Creative skills come from God, including intelligence, knowledge, and craftsmanship (Exod. 28:3, 31:1–11, 35:30, 31, 36:2; Isa. 28:23–28). The Creator created creatures who creatively create from creation. Humans are made in God’s image (Gen. 1:27). People represent God and are God’s representatives on Earth (Ps. 8). God’s likeness in humanity imbues creativity, intelligence, willfulness, design, purpose, planning, imagination, and appreciation of the creation (Ps. 111:2, 145:3–13). Creation was intentionally made to entwine utility (trees made good for food) and aesthetics (trees made pleasing to the eye, Gen 2.9). God combined strength, balance, function, and beauty in His creation, as do His creatures (Gen. 1, 2:5, 8, 15). Artists used their God-given gifts (Exod. 26:2) of artistic design (35:32) and abilities of intelligence, knowledge, and craftsmanship (35:31); they could also teach (35:34) and were stirred to do the work (36:2). Songs were rehearsed in Israel (1 Chron. 15:19–22). Order, arrangement, preparation, skill, creativity, and professionalism are important. 1 Chronicles 15:16–16:6 records a full choir, orchestra, and a dance troupe punctuated with “shouts” and percussion (vv. 25, 28). In the Old Testament, the Holy Spirit dwelled in people for leadership purposes, including proclamation (1 Sam. 10:5–6), which was also an art form (Exod. 35:21). The instructions for the tabernacle were given through language as written revelation (Exod. 39:42–43)—not the personal, inner experience of the prophet-artist. So the creation of the tabernacle was dependent on outside revelation, not an internal, artistic “voice.” This observation suggests that a biblical view of artistry begins with God rather than humans. Unbelievers contribute excellence in their artwork (1 Kings 5:6; 2 Chron. 2:17–18), which pleases God (2 Chron. 7:12–16). Biblical Philosophy of Aesthetics For the Christian, all of life is worship: the total response of the total person to the Lord Jesus (Acts 24:14; Phil. 3:3). Christian purpose is to give God glory, whatever the task. God’s glory (literally, “weight”) resides within His creation (1 Chron. 16:28). The responsibility to “throw God’s weight around” falls to Christians in their Godgiven giftedness, through their God-given vocations (1 Cor. 10:31; Col. 3:23). Talent, time, money, and possessions all come from God (Lev. 25:23; 1 Chron. 29:14–15). Believers give back what has been given (1 Tim. 6:17–19). 1 Chronicles 15 and 16 kept the beauty of Israel’s history alive through the aesthetics of song. Three major

statements are made about art through music. First, singing was artistically responsive (1 Chron. 15:16, 25, 28). Art can be a human response to God’s world, His Word, and His works. Old Testament stories are punctuated with song and dance, for instance (Exod. 15). The greatest Israelite kings were musicians (David and Solomon). The Psalms were Israel’s hymnal. Second, the song was rehearsed (1 Chron. 15:19–22). Order, arrangement, preparation, skill, creativity, and excellence are important in aesthetics. 1 Chronicles 15:16–16:6 records a full choir, orchestra, and a dance troupe punctuated with “shouts” and percussion (vv. 25, 28). Third, singing was a regular, repeated remembrance (1 Chron. 16:6, 37). Music is “sacred” (1 Chron. 16:42). The event of celebration was over, but the story lived on in the song. One cannot remove music from the “story” without losing meaning (2 Chron. 20:21; Ps. 45; 137:4–6). Hymnology teaches Truth (Eph. 5:19–20; Col. 3:16). Healing (1 Sam. 16:23), hope (Isa. 35:5–8), and celebration (2 Sam. 6:14–15) are all themes contained in biblical song. Aesthetics are God-given expressions for community and remembrance. Court songs, battle songs, harvest songs, work songs, songs of loss and victory—all of life was worship to God’s people. Aesthetics—value judgments about creation—depend on personal interpretation of reality through the lens of Christian thought (“and God saw,” Gen. 1:4, 10, 12, 18, 21, etc.). While the culture maintains personal and experiential parameters outside of others’ authority, the One who made humanity demands certain standards (Gen. 2:16–17). Truth is grounded in eternal verities (Ps. 119:160). Beauty is not in the eye of the beholder; rather, appreciation of creation is based on the Creator (Gen. 2:9). Goodness is not relative; rather, within a fallen world, both method and message can coincide with a biblical framework of creative expression (Gen. 2:19–20). Christian Practice of Aesthetics Appraise the relationship between human creativity and purpose in life. Persuade students that value, meaning, and order find their source in God. Approve that pleasure and enjoyment is integral in a Christ-centered view of living. Recommend imagination as a reflection of God’s image. Affirm that taste, inspiration, vision, beauty, and appreciation have a source in a biblical-revelation controlled environment. Research an artist, go on a field trip to an art museum, or discuss the artwork of a specific sculptor, painter, and so forth. Discuss the problem of idolatry in artistic communities. Develop a biblical view of worship that corresponds directly to the arts. Explain that art in any form rehearses the struggles and joys of life. Exhibit aesthetics as a display of truth versus falsehood; the latter necessitating redemption. Display the battle between right and wrong through drama. Propose

Affections, Christian

solutions to corruption through artists who display redemptive exhibitions. Harmonize artistic expressions to reflect God’s intention of wholeness. Express joy in the Creator and His good creation through beauty. Rehearsal and repetition is the discipline of the artist, overcoming creation’s corruption and the creature’s laziness. Aesthetics can remind the Christian of God’s Word and works.

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evaluation for or against, the object of the emotion in relation to oneself. Emotions may therefore be influenced by cognitive learning. 3. Christian beliefs-in, including faith and trust in God, salvation, baptism, and so forth; and also, perhaps, Christian beliefs-that and understanding, insofar as certain attitudes and emotions are part of the meaning of Christian concepts (see below).

References and Resources Brand, Hillary, and Adrienne Chaplin. 2002. Art and Soul: Signposts for Christians in the Arts. Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press. Ryken, Leland. 2002. The Christian Imagination: Essays on Literature and the Arts. Colorado Springs, CO: Waterbrook Press. Turner, Steve. 2000. Imagine: A Vision for Christians in the Arts. Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press.

—Mark Eckel

Affections, Christian The classic defense of the claim that religious feeling is a constitutive element of religion may be found in Jonathan Edwards’s 1746 treatise, The Religious Affections. Edwards infers that “true religion lies much in the affections” from the assertions that true religion “is of a practical nature,” that God has so constituted human nature that the affections are “very much the spring” of human action, and that “the things of religion” take hold of human souls “no further than they affect them.” He draws attention to the place given in the Bible to “fear, hope, love, hatred, desire, joy, sorrow, gratitude, compassion, and zeal.”53 The content of Christian education includes three main areas of affect (or feeling): 1. Christian attitudes and values and dispositions to act and experience in Christian ways, a category that includes Christian spiritual and moral virtues, and the positive valuing of God, Jesus, the Spirit, and the church. Attitudes are primarily affective orientations, internal states that influence a person’s action responses; values are the objects of positive evaluative attitudes. 2. Christian emotions and feelings (or subjective religious experiences), such as awe, thankfulness, pity, and joy. Simple feelings are usually transitory; emotion is a more complex category in which feelingstates result from a cognitive belief about, and an 53. Jonathan Edwards, Select Works, Volume III: Treatise Concerning the Religious Affections (London: Banner of Truth, 1961), 27–53.

Education and the Christian Affections Anything that abstracts out the affective dimension of religion leaves us with only a partial description: “We entirely fail to capture what is involved in someone’s adoption or rejection of a religious worldview if we suppose we can extract a pure cognitive juice from the mush of emotional or figurative coloration, and then establish whether or not the subject is prepared to swallow it.”54 Much Christian education limits itself to cognitive learning. By contrast, “the early catechists showed in their pastoral activity that the Christian teachings demanded the life of the affections. . . . The fear, remorse, zeal and joy of the paschal season were marks of religious understanding.”55 Learning to be Christian must therefore include the evocation and direction of the affections: “God is genuinely known only when God’s identity is established in a manner that includes one’s passions.”56 Ludwig Wittgenstein argued that this involves some sort of passionate embrace: Instruction in a religious faith . . . would have to take the form of a portrayal, a description, of that system of reference, while at the same time being an appeal to conscience. And this combination would have the result in the pupil himself, of his own accord, passionately taking hold of the system of reference.57

It is with this embrace that the learner moves to a beliefin that encompasses both beliefs-that about God’s nature and existence and affective states such as trust and other positive attitudes toward God. Even learning about Christianity is inadequate unless it includes learning about these Christian affections. Students can only empathetically understand feeling54. John Cottingham, The Spiritual Dimension: Religion, Philosophy and Human Vocation (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2005), 80. 55. John A. Berntsen, “Christian Affections and the Catechumenate,” reprinted in Theological Perspectives on Christian Formation: A Reader in Theology and Christian Education, ed. Jeff Astley, Leslie J. Francis, and Colin Crowder (Leominster, UK: Gracewing Fowler Wright and Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1996), 239. 56. Dean M. Martin, “Learning to Become a Christian,” reprinted in Critical Perspectives on Christian Education: A Reader on the Aims, Principles and Philosophy of Christian Education, ed. Jeff Astley and Leslie J. Francis (Leominster, UK: Gracewing Fowler Wright, 1994), 190. 57. Ludwig Wittgenstein, Culture and Value, ed. G. H. von Wright, trans. Peter Winch (Oxford: Blackwell, 1980), 64.

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Affectivity

states insofar as they have them, or something very like them, themselves. And “the fuller the understanding of Christianity being aimed at, the ‘wider’ and ‘deeper’ these feelings need to be.”58 Hence, the learning outcomes that constitute successful learning about the affective component of Christianity overlap with those of learning Christianity, and this may encourage the transformative, passionate embrace to which Wittgenstein refers. Learning about Christianity can thus provoke the affective conversion-change that characterizes full Christian learning. References and Resources Astley, Jeff. 2002. Ordinary Theology: Looking, Listening and Learning in Theology. Aldershot and Burlington, VT: Ashgate. ———. 2007. “Crossing the Divide?” In Inspiring Faith in Schools: Studies in Religious Education, edited by Marius Felderhof, Penny Thompson, and David Torevell, 175–186. Aldershot and Burlington, VT: Ashgate. ———. 2012. “A Theological Reflection on the Nature of Religious Truth.” In Teaching Religion, Teaching Truth: Theoretical and Empirical Perspectives, edited by Jeff Astley, Leslie J. Francis, Mandy Robbins, and Mualla Selçuk, 241–262. Bern: Peter Lang. Wainwright, William J. 1995. Reason and the Heart: A Prolegomenon to a Critique of Passional Reason. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. Wilson, John. 1971. Education in Religion and the Emotions. London, Heinemann.

—Jeff Astley

Affectivity Much of the praxis on teaching tends to bypass the affective and emotion realms, tending toward study designs more influenced by structure and measurement. The affective domain looks at the values, attitudes, and emotions in the student. For this reason, it is crucial to supply the reference frameworks and methodological guidelines that provide the background to this dimension of professional training of teachers and their praxis. This discussion flows from the conviction that, as well as other dimensions of the pedagogical relationship, it is necessary to recognize the relevant affective dimension of the lives of pupils in the process of teaching/learning. It is well known that learning outcomes are influenced profoundly by personal interactions between teachers and students. 58. Jeff Astley, “The Place of Understanding in Christian Education and Education about Christianity,” reprinted in Critical Perspectives, ed. Astley and Francis, 112.

Affectivity is a concept that has multiple meanings. The dictionary definitions suggest sentiments of affection and tenderness, a relation of mutual caring and support, as well as empathy, friendliness, warmth, love, and compassion. Espinosa59 and other authors60 proposed that affectivity has five components: motivation, confidence in oneself, attitudes, emotions, and causal attribution. These five components have “a hugely important role in learning and teaching.”61 Research into the topic, reflecting the presuppositions of each author, has been deepening the understanding of some components and adding new ones, such as beliefs, feelings, interests, and values, which shows the complexity and amplitude of the topic under analysis. Here, the emphasis is placed on the attitudes of respect, empathy, openness toward the other, and the aspects linked to feelings (subjective well-being) and emotions like joy, satisfaction, confidence—one’s own feelings—deriving from the pedagogical interaction in which these attitudes remain. Affective pedagogy is defined as being “as much about feelings and emotions as it is about learning outcomes. Indeed the feelings and emotions are inseparable from the learning outcomes.”62 Carbalho presents a table listing the emotional status of the pupil resulting from good or poor teaching (see table A.1).63 The affective pedagogy is evident in teachers who64 • value a discipline and its associated practices, • value imparting them to students, • challenge students’ learning achievements while respecting their developing intellects, • assess students’ academic progress transparently and constructively, • encourage students to move beyond their knowledge comfort zones, and • engage students in a friendship relationship in the classroom. 59. Gaëlle Espinosa, L’Affectivité à l’École (Paris: Presses Universitaires of France, 2003). This author maintains that apparently student difficulties in school place greater emphasis on the emotional relationship with the teacher, and the student who succeeds favors a more professional relationship. 60. Barbara Martin and Leslie Briggs, The Affective and Cognitive Domains: Integration for Instruction and Research (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Educational Technologies Publications, 1986). 61. Espinosa, L’Affectivité à l’École, 37. 62. Allan Patience, “The Art of Loving in the Classroom: A Defence of Affective Pedagogy,” Australian Journal of Teacher Education 33, no. 2 (2008): 57. 63. Elsa de Carvalho, Aprendizagem e satisfação: Perspectivas de alunos do 2º e 3º ciclo do Ensinobásico. (Lisboa: Faculty of Psychology and Educational Sciences of the University of Lisbon, 2007), 163. 64. Patience, “Art of Loving in the Classroom,” 55.

Affectivity TABLE A.1 Emotional Status of Pupils In the case of good teaching Satisfaction Confidence Motivation

Pride Self-esteem Happiness

In the case of poor teaching Dissatisfaction Guilt Rebellion Fear Lack of motivation

Sadness Discouragement Impatience Boredom Unhappiness

Suggested approaches to working with in affective domain with students in the classroom are presented in six major categories:65 1. Establishing and continuing positive relationships. The students describe good/bad educational experiences, whether the teacher “cared.” In this context, care does not mean the teacher has to form intimate attachments with students, but that they know that the teacher sees them and is concerned about their learning, lives, fears, and concerns, and that it is safe to ask questions and admit when they are struggling. 2. Providing students sufficient class time to process content and practice skills. Activities help them learn a skill, so that they are more confident and likely to persist in their independent class work, such as writing a paper, studying for a test, or doing a project. 3. Providing regular opportunities for students to reflect on their own thoughts and the factors that influence their thinking. Students learn more deeply, and are more likely to be successful, when they are conscious of what helps them learn and what slips them up. 4. Providing incentives and accountability for coming to class and doing the work. Not all students arrive in class fully self‐motivated, and they need teachers to build structures into the classes that help them stay on top of things. 5. Intrusively intervening when students show signs of struggle or disengagement. They need to be mentored by their teachers. 6. Maintaining a “growth‐mind-set” approach to feedback and grading. This involves being intentional about how teachers grade and give feedback on their assignments. 65. Katie Hern and Myra Snell, “Attending to the Affective Domain” (paper prepared for discussion at Summer Institute, June 2011), 4–8, http:// cap.3csn.org/files/2012/02/Attending-to-the-Affective-Domain-outline -v21.pdf (accessed 9 July 2013).

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And the writer suggests another category: 7. Before starting a class, the teacher should lead a time of prayers with the students, asking them for prayer requests. Together, they will bring before God’s throne all their concerns, doubts, anxiety, fears, and all kinds of emotions that they could be facing. These storms of emotions could be obstacles for students’ learning experiences; therefore, if they could trust God in their affective domain, then they would be ready for the learning process. Good teaching and learning methodologies contribute profoundly to the making of good Christians. In this sense, to attain this, students need to embrace the human experience in all its complexities and possibilities at the intellectual and emotional levels. This requires the cultivation of purposeful, mature relationships between teachers and students. Education involves interacting with strongly complex dynamics, and these involve emotional, social, and communicative interactions, not only giving information. The teacher has to take into account the students as a whole as God created them. Affective pedagogues know how the “art of love” will grace the students with the capacity to recognize valuable things within themselves: things students can trust, that will help them grow personally, emotionally, spiritually, culturally, and socially. In a congress on education, “it was highlighted how love is ‘inscribed in the DNA of every man and woman on earth’ and for this reason, ‘it responds to the needs of all times and of all human societies.’”66 It is agape at the heart of affective pedagogy.67 When students discover that you care about them, that you want them to succeed and grow and share with you, they will not only listen better, but will receive, absorb, and treasure the teaching that you share with them. Then the goal of learning, which is the transformation of life, 66. E. Fondi, “‘DioAmorenell’ esperienza di Chiara Lubich” (presented at the Congress on Education, Rome, 2000). Presented in the first Congress on Education, “Education as Love.” Also, Jesus offers an even more stringent formulation of the law of love in John 15:12 when He says, “This is my commandment, that ye love one another as I have loved you,” challenging what is most difficult: to overcome the natural human inclination toward rationalization and self-love in favor of a love for others, in this case, the students, attempting to model itself on Christ’s love for humanity. 67. Timothy Jackson, Love Disconsoled: Meditations on Christian Charity (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 11–15. Agape is a Greek word used in the New Testament, characterized by three interpersonal features: (a) unconditional commitment to the good of others, (b) equal regard for the well-being of others, and (c) passionate service open to self-sacrifice for the sake of others. These three are essential to the task of teaching, especially if we are including the affective domain in the teaching/ learning process.

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Africa and Christian Education

will take place, especially if you realize that as a Christian teacher, you are teaching for eternity. References and Resources Carvalho, Elsa de. 2007. Aprendizagem e satisfação: Perspectivas de alunos do 2º e 3º ciclo do ensinobásico. Lisboa: Faculty of Psychology and Educational Sciences of the University of Lisbon. Espinosa, Gaëlle. 2003. L’Affectivité à l’École. Paris: Presses Universitaires of France. Fondi, E. 2000. Dio Amorenell’ esperienza di ChiaraLubich. Rome: Congress on Education. Hern, Katie, and Myra Snell. 2011. “Attending to the Affective Domain.” Paper prepared for discussion at California Acceleration Project: Community of Practice in Accelerated Curriculum & Pedagogy Summer Institute, June. Accessed 9 July 2013. http://cap.3csn.org/files/2012/02/Attending-to -the-Affective-Domain-outline-v21.pdf. Jackson, Timothy. 1999. Love Disconsoled: Meditations on Christian Charity. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Martin, Barbara, and Leslie Briggs. 1986. The Affective and Cognitive Domains: Integration for Instruction and Research. Edgewood Cliffs, NJ: Educational Technologies Publications, 1986. Patience, Allan. 2008. “The Art of Loving in the Classroom: A Defence of Affective Pedagogy.” Australian Journal of Teacher Education 33 (2): 55–67.

—Ana María E. Campos

Africa and Christian Education Early Christian Education in Africa Fifteenth-century Spanish and Portuguese Catholic attempts at evangelizing coastal Africa had a very limited impact because of their sporadic and imperialist trade motivations. In the middle of the 19th century, European missionaries began the earliest lasting and penetrating work of evangelization from the coastal areas. In West Africa, freed slaves from Sierra Leone were a major part of this missionary thrust. Apart from Ethiopia, an early “Christian nation,” this is how Christianity came to subSaharan Africa. The missions typically included a church, a school, and sometimes a hospital. The missionary approach to Christian education (CE) consisted of literacy, Bible translation, and catechetical training. The mission schools were a critical part of the evangelistic enterprise and gave prominence to the Bible, because education was “for the propagation of the gospel—to win African souls for Christ” (Fafunwa and Aisiku 1982, 21). The mission schools laid the foundation for formal education and served as forerunners to the

present-day national school systems in most of Africa. The missionaries also founded teacher training and ministerial training colleges. Christian education has thus left a strong legacy in sub-Saharan Africa. A prominent example is Fourah Bay College, Sierra Leone, the oldest university in sub-Saharan Africa, founded in 1827 by the Church Missionary Society (CMS) for the training of African nationals as teachers, catechists, and clergymen. However, despite the immense contributions of the European missionaries, the content of their teaching was often not contextually relevant, the (cognitive) Western educational methods did not fit the (relational) African worldview, and the education was consciously aimed at educating the Africans away from their culture (Fafunwa and Aisiku 1982; Ntamushobora 2012, 31). These factors placed a limitation on the transformational nature of the educational enterprise. Furthermore, colonialism had both positive and negative impacts on the missions. The close association of the foreign missionaries with colonial authorities by Africans, as well as a growing self-conscious sense of identity among African Christians, led to the growth of African independent/ initiate churches (AICs) by the mid-20th century. Some seceded from the mission churches in protest against perceived missionary domination, while others spontaneously arose around a prophetic-charismatic character and gradually became so distinct from the other church members that they formed another church. Examples are the Zionist Spirit churches in South Africa and the Aladura (people of prayer) in Nigeria. Similar cases were simultaneously unfolding in Belgian Congo, Kenya, and Zimbabwe (Baur 1994; Isichei 1995). These prophet-healing AICs attracted and cared for the needy, and culturally Africanized their theology and practice in ways that some considered heretical. This inevitably engendered tense relationships with the historic mission churches (Baur 1994, 355–358). While the AICs are frequently explained in sociological and political terms, Bediako (1995) suggests a Christian reason for them. The Gospel had set the African man “free from fear, fear of witches and the power of darkness, but above all conferring a freedom from an inner dependence on European tokens of grace or favor, to aim for higher things” (204). In other words, the AIC trend in itself was an unanticipated indication of success in the missionary task of discipling and educating indigenous African believers! Independence and Growth The wave of political independence in Africa in the 1960s coincided with an explosion in numbers, both in the independent churches and among the mission churches, many of which now had indigenous leaders.

Africa and Christian Education

With independence came the nationalization and takeover of mission schools in the 1960s and 1970s. Consequently, the Bible is no longer central in the curriculum, but “Christian religious knowledge/studies” is taught as a formal subject in public schools in many countries. In Kenya, the syllabus and textbooks for this subject are products of ecumenical cooperation among the different churches in order to retain religious and moral influence in the education of youth. Many churches and Christian entrepreneurs have also established primary, secondary, and lately tertiary institutions with a distinctive Christian identity. Judging numerically, the propagation of the Christian faith has been a phenomenal success in sub-Saharan Africa. This region has had the fastest growth rate of professing Christians over the past century, a roughly sixtyfold increase, from fewer than 9 million in 1910 to more than 516 million in 2010, accounting for about a quarter (24 percent) of the global Christian population. The percentage of the population that is Christian in subSaharan Africa also climbed, from 9 percent in 1910 to 63 percent in 2010 (Hackett and Grim 2011). Distinctives Unfortunately, societal transformation has not matched the oft-cited numerical growth, putting pressure on Christian educators to find effective contextual ways of bridging the theology-practice gap. Christian education can no longer be limited to the usual new believers/ members catechetical or Bible study/Sunday school classes for different age groups. Storytelling, rural cornthreshing activities in northern Nigeria (Ango 2008), and rites of passage in Kenya are methods/avenues used for CE. Bible translation has continued as more people can read and hear God’s word in Africa’s myriad tribal tongues. Africa is a “young” continent: 60 percent of the African population is under the age of 25 (Greene, Joshi, and Robles 2012). It is therefore not surprising that parachurch ministries such as Scripture Union, and national student movements associated with the International Fellowship of Evangelical Students (IFES) play an important role in Christian education. Theological and Christian Higher Education The rapid growth of the church, a significant part of which has been among Pentecostals and charismatics, has also produced an acute challenge for pastoral and leadership training, as many pastors have neither theological training nor advanced formal education. Informal theological education by extension (TEE) thrived in the past but declined because of the desire for formal academic credentials. Most theological seminaries in Africa face the sustainability challenges of being self-governing (instead

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of having expatriate institutional heads), self-supporting (instead of completely relying on Western funds), or self-theologizing (instead of merely transmitting Western theological scholarship). Yet there are innovative collaborative models, such as that of the graduate-level Mekana Yesus Theological College in Ethiopia. It serves 4 lower-level regional colleges, which, in turn, serve 12 lower-level local schools. The demand for university education has led several seminaries in East Africa to transition into private Christian schools in hopes that these programs would adequately fund the institutions. In Uganda, Democratic Republic of Congo, Ghana, and Nigeria, many churches and individuals have recently founded private Christian universities. The expectation is that these institutions will contribute solutions to the many challenges facing CE in Africa (Nwosu 2012). Most countries in sub-Saharan Africa officially promote religious tolerance, and the states do not limit Christian education, even though they try to regulate its incursion into government run public schools. Nevertheless, in the specific local regions where radical Muslims are in the majority, CE efforts are restricted by violent attacks on churches and Christians. In northern Nigeria for instance, where more than 10 states have adopted Sharia (Islamic) law, the radical jihadist group Boko Haram (“Western education is sin”), seeking to create a pure Islamic state ruled by Sharia law, has since 2011 bombed churches and burned schools. Other challenges to CE in Africa include war and political instability, illiteracy, HIV/AIDS, and ebola. The Western reader might wonder what these have to do with Christian education, but in the holistic worldview of the African milieu, education is bound to these urgent realities. The culture, metaphors, and symbols of the Bible are shared by many African cultures, and the world in which the apostles first propagated the Christian faith shares the religious pluralism of traditional African society. Perhaps the greatest contribution of the African Christian educator and scholar would be to look at the Bible and the Christian faith with African eyes and not European eyes, and interpret, then teach, it in ways that no European scholar can (Bediako 1995, 252). References and Resources Ango, S. P. 2008. “Opportunities for Christian Education in the Corn-Threshing Activities of the Lelna of Nigeria: A Case Study in Contextualization.” Christian Education Journal 5 (1): 154–170. Baur, J. 1994. Two Thousand Years of Christianiy in Africa. Nairobi, Kenya: Paulines. Bediako, K. 1995. Christianity in Africa: The Renewal of a NonWestern Religion. Maryknoll, NY: Orbis.

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Aging

Fafunwa, A. B., and J. U. Aisiku, eds. 1982. Education in Africa: A Comparative Survey. London: George Allen & Unwin. Greene, M., S. Joshi, and O. Robles. 2012. State of World Population 2012. New York: UNFPA (United Nations Population Fund). Hackett, C., and B. J. Grim. 2011. Global Christianity: A report on the size and distribution of the world’s Christian population. Washington, DC: Pew Research Center. Isichei, E. 1995. A History of Christianity in Africa: From Antiquity to the Present. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. Ntamushobora, F. 2012. “From Transmission to Transformation: An Exploration of Education for Holistic Transformation in Selected Christian and Public Universities in Kenya.” PhD diss., Biola University, La Mirada, CA. Nwosu, C. C. 2012. “The Role of Christian Educational Institutions in Improving Economic Self-Reliance.” Journal of Research on Christian Education 21: 24–45.

—Agametochukwu Iheanyi-Igwe

Aging Aging is a reality of all species. It is the process of growing old, understood as the gradual change in an organism that leads to increased risk of weakness, disease, and death. For humans, the experience of aging includes psychosocial dimensions lived out in cultural and economic contexts. In the field of Christian education, aging has largely been associated with the needs and life situations of older adults, typically those approaching the end of life. Aging is often associated with “old” and therefore ascribed to individuals identified for reasons of health or lifestyle as less than fully independent and/or beyond the age of performing routine “work” (understood as full-time employment or responsibility for the care of others in a household). “Aging” often carries a wistful meaning, an implied sense of loss, and may communicate a pejorative judgment in dominant cultures that revere being young. Aging can, wrongly, be reduced to mean diminished capacity. The human maturation process is an extension of the lifelong developmental process. It is ordained by God and therefore good. Viewing aging through the lens of the life course rather than exclusively as a stage in the life cycle invites a greater appreciation of this complex process. In the second decade of the 21st century, according to the United Nations (UN) Population Division, increased life expectancies and energetic life styles enable people to live 20 to 25 percent of their lives in active retirement— on average healthier, better educated, and more culturally literate than ever before. In developed countries, aging adults have improved access to financial and material

resources. The UN estimates that one in five people will be 65 or older by 2035. As baby boomers (born 1946–1964) reach conventional retirement ages in historically large numbers, global attention is focused on aging in every domain of their lives. The church is no exception. The interdisciplinary field of gerontology has expanded to include spiritual development and to differentiate the needs of adults who are 55 from those who are 85. All older adults are no more alike than are all children from 5 to 18 years old. Aging adults have unique, God-given capacities in the third chapter (Sara Lawrence-Lightfoot) or second half (Richard Rohr) of their lives. Research shows that many older adults experience less stress (Centers for Disease Control) and demonstrate more wisdom than younger cohorts (University of Michigan Ann Arbor and University of Texas, Dallas). According to Swedish sociologist Lars Tornstam, a developmental stage occurs when an individual who is living into very old age shifts perspective from a materialistic and rational view of the world to a more cosmic and transcendent one, normally accompanied by an increase in life satisfaction. Tornstam describes this experience as gerotranscendence, when individuals are less self-occupied and more altruistic. They have an increased feeling of affinity with past generations and decreased interest in superfluous social interaction, characteristics also described by Erik Erikson in his eighth and final stage of human psychosocial development, late adulthood. According to Erikson, old adults encounter the existential crisis between integrity and despair, and a healthy resolution brings the individual satisfaction with a life well-lived and the virtue of wisdom. According to pastoral theologian Carol Saussy, “Faithful aging is not simply aging; it is growing old. It is embracing not only the challenges of a long life, but engaging the possibilities of creativity and depth of soul available to those who have acquired a wealth of experience” (1998, 181). Christian education continues throughout the aging process. To nurture faithful aging, it is wise to ask the following: • How do we recognize, honor, and utilize the experience, wisdom, and gifts of “older” adults? • How do we develop ministries that integrate and weave multiple generations together spiritually? • How do we cultivate Christ’s message of hope and service for older adults, families, and their caregivers? • How do we examine, explore, and create innovative and contemporary liturgical, spiritual, and service ministries by, with, and for all generations in the Body of Christ?

Alcuin

References and Resources Lawrence-Lightfoot, S. 2009. The Third Chapter: Passion, Risk, and Adventure in the 25 Years after 50. New York: Sarah Crichton Books. Rohr, R. 2011. Falling Upward: A Spirituality for the Two Halves of Life. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. Saussy, C. 1998. The Art of Growing Old. A Guide to Faithful Living. Minneapolis, MN: Augsburg Fortress. Tornstam, L. 2005. Gerotranscendence: A Developmental Theory of Positive Aging. New York: Springer. United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs: Population Division. n.d. http://www.un.org/en/develop ment/desa/population/theme/ageing/index.shtml.

—Elisabeth M. (Lisa) Kimball

Albania and Christian Education After the communist takeover in 1945, the Albanian educational system and policy were a faithful copy of the Soviet atheistic model, and most of the textbooks were translated from Russian. Later Soviet-Albanian tensions led the country into isolation and even more aggressive imposition of atheism in all spheres of life, especially in the completely controlled educational system and media. Albania strictly outlawed all forms of religion, treating Christianity as an obsolete, prescientific, obscurantist, and harmful hindrance to the free development of human potential and building of a new society. With an extremely rigid application of the exclusively antireligious worldview aiming at eradication of all religion, Albania claimed from 1967 to be the first “totally atheistic state in the world.” Since the democratic changes of the early 1990s and strict separation of state and religion, public schools in the country are secular, and religious indoctrination is prohibited by law. The Ministry of Education has the right to approve private religious schools, while the implementation of their curricula is overseen by the State Committee on Cults. Although Albania was radically secularized under communist rule, today it is the only European country with a Muslim majority (70 percent of the population), with significant Catholic (10 percent, in the North) and Orthodox (7 percent, mostly in the South) minorities. According to 2008 statistics there are, in addition to 638 mosques, 694 Catholic churches, 425 Orthodox churches, and around 100 smaller and younger evangelical congregations established by foreign missionaries. There are around 70 vocational training centers administered by religious communities and several smaller religious schools, mostly established by Western denominations. This includes several small seminary-type

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Bible schools established for training for ministry. The Catholic Church has established a university, provides some Christian education through online courses, and has a well-developed program for religious instruction of children and youth. Evangelical congregations train the younger generation through Sunday schools modeled after their Western sponsors. —Peter Kuzmic

Alcuin Alcuin (Lat. Albinus, also Flaccus) was born c. 735 of noble Northumbrian parentage, in or near York, Yorkshire, England; he died 19 May 804. Alcuin was educated at a young age at the famous Cathedral School at York under the tutelage of Archbishop Egbert, who was a student of the Venerable Bede. Consequently, he achieved the finest ethos of his time and became familiar with both the Latin classics and the writings of the church fathers. Alcuin became a teacher in 766 and, in 778, eventually became headmaster of the renowned Cathedral School at York. Perhaps shortly before his departure from York, he wrote a lengthy poem that commemorated the historically renowned men in that city. Alcuin was in Italy when he met the Holy Roman Emperor Charlemagne in 781; at the time, the emperor was seeking leading English, Irish, and Italian scholars of the era. Consequently, when the emperor desired someone to assist him in developing an educational system in his domain, he invited Alcuin to assume the leadership of the famous Schola Palatina (School of the Palace), which consisted of the royal family and the leading nobles (in addition to being frequently attended by Charlemagne). The school generally remained at Aachen; however, it was moved periodically in accordance with the needs of the royal residence. Alcuin was thus an intimate friend of Charlemagne and an advisor on the ecclesiastical and political policy of the empire. Assisting him in his work were Einhard, Paul the Deacon, and other adept scholars. Alcuin and others developed Carolingian minuscule script (or cursive writing) during this time. The script was written with a pen held at an angle, and employed open, rounded forms as opposed to the older nonspaced uncial script. Alcuin’s script was formative for the typeface of the modern Roman alphabet; the Carolingian script formalized the notion of a nonpaired (twin) alphabet, which is the basis for the modern upper and lower cases. The development of the minuscule script somewhat indirectly influenced the history of mathematics, because it was easier to read than the uncial script; consequently, most ancient and extant works by Greek mathematicians were rewritten in the minuscule script.

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Alexandria, School of

Education was kept vibrant throughout this era as a result of the scholarship of Alcuin, Bede, Einhard, and others. Alcuin was instrumental in reviving the late Roman liberal arts in the school and thus led the revival of learning known as the Carolingian Renaissance. He introduced western Europe to the methodology of AngloSaxon humanism. Although he was the foremost teacher of his era, Alcuin was not particularly innovative (unlike his inspired calligraphy); nevertheless, the influence of Alcuin and his school was foundational for the intellectual development of the modern world. Alcuin returned to England in 786 as a consequence of significant ecclesiastical matters, and returned again in 790, on a delegation from Charlemagne. He attended the Synod of Frankfort in 794 and was influential in structuring the decrees that condemned adoptionism (a secondcentury heresy that Jesus lived as an ordinary man until His baptism, and was then adopted by God as His Son, and thus was conferred with supernatural powers as an exalted man), in addition to the subsequent efforts that affected the submission of recalcitrant Spanish prelates. Charlemagne appointed Alcuin as abbot of St. Martin at Tours in 796, where he retired in 801 and taught until his death. Alcuin was probably a monk and member of the Benedictine Order; however, it is possible that he was merely a member of the secular clergy. In his declining years, Alcuin remained zealous and sought to establish a model monastic school. He gathered books and received students, as he had done previously at Aachen and York, from both nearby locales and afar. In his writings, Alcuin’s favorite appellation for himself was “Albinus, humilus Levita.” Alcuin appears to have served as a deacon; however, it is possible that he became a priest in his later years. Alcuin introduced noteworthy reforms within Roman Catholicism in western Europe, particularly in revising the liturgy of the Frankish church. He introduced the Irish Northumbrian custom of singing creeds and arranged series of festal and votive masses. Alcuin reedited the Latin Vulgate Bible and was a persistent writer, who produced poems, schoolbooks (arithmetic, astronomy, and geometry texts, and lessons written in question and answer format), and theological treatises (on education, philosophy, and theology). Alcuin also wrote more than 300 letters in Latin, which remain valuable resources for the history of Charlemagne’s reign. References and Resources The first edition of Alcuin’s works appeared in 1617, in Paris, published by Quercetanus (Duchesne), and then subsequently by Frobenius Forster as Alcuini Opera, in two volumes (Regensburg, 1777). With the exception of 63 epistles, a complete edition of Alcuin’s works may be found in volumes 100–101

of Jacques-Paul Migne’s Partrologia Latina (Paris: apud J.-P. Migne editorem, 1844–1855), which is a reproduction of Frobenius, with the addition of Alcuin’s commentary on the Apocalypse (found in 1837). A total of 293 epistles (with the inclusion of poems) of Alcuin may be found in the fourth volume of the edited work by Philipp Jaffé, Wilhelm Wattenbach, and Ernst Ludwig Dümmler, “Monumenta Alcuiniana,” in Bibliotheca Rerum Germanicarum (Berlin: apud Weidmannos, 1873), 132–897. Dümmler edited Alcuin’s poems as “Poetae Latini Aevi Carolini” (1881) in volume 1 of Monumenta Germaniae Historica and published “Epistolae Aevi Carolini” (1895) in volume 2 of the same compilation. Important works for the study of Alcuin include the following: Allott, Stephen. 1974. Alcuin of York, c. A.D. 732 to 804. York, UK: William Sessions. Browne, George F. 1908. Alcuin of York. London: SPCK, 1908. Duckett, Eleanor S. 1951. Alcuin, Friend of Charlemagne. New York: Macmillan. Ellard, Gerald. 1940. “Alcuin and Some Favored Votive Masses.” Theological Studies 1: 37–61. Gaskoin, C. J. B. 1904. Alcuin: His Life and His Work. London: C. J. Clay and Sons. Lorentz, Friedrich. 1829. Alcuin’s Leben. Halle: Pöltz. Marenborn, John. 1981. From the Circle of Alcuin to the School of Auxerre. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Monnier, M. Francis. 1863. Alcuin et Charlemagne. Paris: Henri Plon. Mullinger, James B. 1877. The Schools of Charles the Great and the Restoration of Education in the Ninth Century. London: Cambridge. Werner, Karl. 1876. Alcuin und sein Jahrhundert. Paderborn: Schöningh. West, Andrew Fleming. 1892. Alcuin and the Rise of the Christian Schools. New York: C. Scribner’s Sons.

—Ron J. Bigalke

Alexandria, School of Ancient “schools,” such as Aristotle’s lyceum and Plato’s academy, should not be confused with modern institutions, for ancient schools revolved around one teacher (e.g., a philosopher or rhetorician) and the gathering of his students. The use of the term “school” tends to emphasize continuity in perspective from one teacher to the next in a particular region. Thus, the School of Alexandria refers to a series of teachers whose perspective was shaped by the importance of allegorical readings of scripture, whereas the School of Antioch refers to a series of teachers whose perspective was shaped by a rejection of allegory and an emphasis on historical and “plain” read-

Alexandria, The Importance of

ings of scripture. The School of Alexandria is perhaps the first “school” within the Christian perspective. Alexandria, with its famous Musaeum and library, offered the greatest academic resources and attracted the greatest scholars of the day. Two elements in particular prepared the way for Christian scholarship here: the translation of the Hebrew scriptures into Greek (the Septuagint) and the extensive writings of Philo (20 BC–AD 50), which exemplify an allegorical approach to the scriptures. Alexandrian scholars had developed an allegorical method of reading ancient Greek classics (e.g., Homer) that enabled those texts to continue speaking to contemporary readers, and Philo ingeniously applied that method to his Jewish texts. A Christian “school,” utilizing allegorical insight into biblical texts, emerged in the second century with Pantaenus (d. c. AD 180), who is known to us through his student and successor, Clement of Alexandria (c. AD 160–215), and achieved it heights with the prolific Origen (c. AD 185–254). Clement’s theological teachings were motivated by the need to respond to the increasing prevalence of Gnostic views among Christians in Alexandria. His interpretive approach reveals four levels of meaning in biblical texts: historical, ethical, priestly, and theological (Strom. I.23.176.1f.). The last two levels open up increasingly deeper meaning in the mysteries of God’s revelation. Origen’s writings are more systematic and thoroughgoing than Clement’s apologetic approach. Using the analogy of the human body, soul, and spirit, Origen viewed the scriptures as having literal, moral, and spiritual senses (De Prin. 4.2.4). The theory did not demand that every text have a threefold sense, but that any text might suggest any of these approaches. Problems arising from a literal reading suggested an alternative sense. Since Christians were not bound by Old Testament covenant law, these texts should be read in a spiritual way. Jewish history might offer moral and/or spiritual lessons, such as in Paul’s reading of the Hagar narrative in Galatians 4:21–24. Later exegetes in this school include Didymus the Blind and Cyril of Alexandria. References and Resources Hansen, Richard P. C. 2003. Allegory and Event: A Study of the Sources and Significance of Origen’s Interpretation of Scripture. Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press. Wiles, Maurice. 1970. “Origen as Biblical Scholar.” In The Cambridge History of the Bible, volume 1, edited by P. R. Ackroyd and C. F. Evans, 454–589. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Young, Frances M. 1997. Biblical Exegesis and the Formation of Christian Culture. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

—Robert Keay

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Alexandria, The Importance of Alexandria is a port city located on the northern coast of Egypt and the western portion of the Nile River delta. It was a leading city in the Roman Empire of the New Testament era, second only to Rome. It became the center of learning in the Mediterranean world and the home of one of the leading churches and its catechetical school, an early model for Christian higher education. The City of Alexandria The already extant Egyptian city Rhacotis was renamed Alexandria in 331 BC by Alexander the Great. Alexander appointed the architect Dinocrates of Rhodes to redesign the city, laying out streets, planning the sewer system and buildings, and so forth. Alexander’s intention was that the new city be a center of Greek culture as well as the port to connect upper Egypt with the Mediterranean Sea. The transformation included building projects such as the Pharos Lighthouse, the Temple of Serapis, and an academic complex the ancients referred to as a temple or house of Muses. This, the Museum, included an extensive library, lecture halls, and so forth. The library rose to prominence under Alexander’s successors, the Ptolemies. After the first of several fires that would consume the library over its several centuries of existence, it was replaced by a library in the Temple of Serapis. This academic center attracted scholars and teachers from around the Mediterranean, who would teach in the lectures halls, and so became the core of a university that would not close until the sixth century AD. By the New Testament era, Alexandria was already a center of the Jewish diaspora. The Jewish community there descended from refugees from Judah during the Babylonian exile of the sixth century BC, The Septuagint, a third-century BC translation of Jewish scripture into koine, or “common,” Greek, is widely believed to have been the scripture for most of the earliest Christians. Among this community was Philo (Judaeus) of Alexander, a Jewish philosopher who lived and taught in Alexandria during the New Testament era. His blend of Judaism and Greek philosophy—especially his teaching regarding the logos principle—would influence Christian doctrine and hermeneutics as well as the later Christian Alexandrian teachers. The Alexandrian Church Though the origins of the Alexandrian church are uncertain, Jewish converts returning from journeys to Jerusalem almost certainly had a role in its founding. One of its early bishops, Demetrius, claimed to have traced the establishment of the church to the apostle John Mark. As did many of the early churches, the Alexandrian church

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Alpha Course

taught its catechumens, new converts who were being trained in preparation for baptism. This catechumenal school was for religious instruction only. The Alexandrian Catechetical School Many in the second-century Christian church questioned the efficacy of secular education—especially the various Greek philosophies. Representative of these attitudes is Tertullian of Carthage, who doubted any truth was knowable apart from God. Moreover, Tertullian saw philosophy as the source of heresies. However, to Alexandria came Pantaenus, a converted stoic from Sicily. Already a teacher, around 179 Pantaenus became head of the Alexandrian church’s catechumenal school. He refashioned the school’s curriculum to include Greek academic disciplines in addition to the training in apostolic tradition. This catechetical (as opposed to catechumenal, for it went beyond basic instruction for new converts) school became an important place of and prototype for Christian higher education. Clement (of Alexandria) succeeded his teacher Pantaenus as master of the Alexandrian catechetical school. Clement regarded Plato as a Greek Moses and suggested that God had used philosophy to prepare the Greeks for the Gospel much as the Law did for Jews. Clement was important in leading the church to not fear Greek learning and to understand that there was but one truth, and finding that truth was the joint venture of philosophy and Christian scholarship. At the age of 18, Origen (184–254), one of Clement’s students, was appointed by Bishop Demetrius as leader of the catechetical school. Origen’s writings had a broad impact on Christian doctrine and hermeneutics. He continued the educational approaches of Pantaenus and Clement and taught that philosophy and matters of faith can be reasoned. However, Origen insisted that faith must be based on scripture. Under the leadership of Pantaenus, Clement, and Origen, the Alexandrian catechetical school became a school the quality of which was widely seen as equal to that of the secular universities. (Ironically, the Christian persecution of non-Christian teachers led to the closure of the Alexandrian Greek university in AD 517.) References and Resources Elias, John L. 2002. A History of Christian Education: Protestant, Catholic, and Orthodox Perspectives. Malabar, FL: Krieger Publishing Co. Niehoff, Maren. 2011. Jewish Exegesis and Homeric Scholarship in Alexandria. New York: Cambridge University Press. Pollard, Justin, and Howard Reid. 2007. The Rise and Fall of Alexandria: Birthplace of the Modern World. New York: Penguin Books.

Reed, James E., and Ronnie Prevost. 1993. A History of Christian Education. Nashville, TN: Broadman & Holman. Ulich, Robert. 1968. A History of Religious Education: Documents and Interpretations from the Judeo-Christian Tradition. New York: New York University Press.

—Ronnie Prevost

Alpha Course The Alpha course (www.alpha.org) is probably the most popular course in “evangelistic adult education” worldwide, and since its inception in the early 1990s, millions of people have participated in it. Originating in charismatic evangelical Anglicanism, it is used across a wide spectrum of churches, including the Roman Catholic Church. It is self-identified as an “introduction to the Christian faith,” although there is debate about whether it is primarily and best used for evangelism with the unchurched or for those with some prior knowledge of or commitment to the Christian faith. Now translated into several languages, it is available in most countries of the world. The course normally consists of 15 sessions, which take 12 weeks to complete, with a residential weekend that covers three sessions on the work of the Holy Spirit and where charismatic experiences are introduced and expected. The usual format for each session is a meal for the participants, a talk based on specific prepackaged material, and then an “open” discussion of the material in small groups. It is in this latter space that, one suspects, good learning can potentially take place, with an experienced facilitator who can allow a variety of different viewpoints (and even perhaps “heresy’) to be aired freely. Because the content of the material is fixed by copyright, the course fits into a linear model of educational practice that begins in theory (propositional theology such as substitutionary atonement as the “answer” to the problem posed by human sin and fallenness) and ends in action (e.g., conversion and reception of the gifts the Spirit). This is in contrast to the action/reflection model, which is a cyclical process, and questioning or imaginative approaches, which begin in other places than propositional truth (see, e.g., http://www.livingtheques tions.com). Such a traditional approach might lead to the question: Why is Alpha so successful? The answer generally offered by commentators is the overt strategy of the course’s founder, Rev. Nicky Gumbel, to mold the process of the course to particular sociological contexts. This is why there are student/youth/seniors/Catholic/forces/ prisons/workplace versions of the material available. The course is packaged and branded with a corporate image, logo, and “strapline.” Brian (2003, 8) describes the process by which this branding came about through

Amalorpavadass, D. S.

key marketing people in the source church, Holy Trinity, Brompton, London. It utilizes the branding, group dynamics, and the meal to welcome and hold participants. The course has attracted writers and researchers ranging from the sympathetic to the highly critical. An ecumenical set of analytical essays includes dialogue with Gumbel himself (Brookes 2007). Hunt (2001, 2004) takes a sociological approach based on interview data. Brian (2003), who uses an educational paradigm, shows how the course might de-Christianize those with an embryonic or nominal faith. They can take a dislike to the faith as presented in Alpha and therefore give up on any prior faith they had, assuming now that Alpha equals Christianity. Rooms (2005) examines the course in three different cultural contexts and finds a best fit in a prison, where the sin/salvation message can be easily received. His findings about the lack of any attempt at true enculturation in the material resonate with the most comprehensive work done so far, by James Heard (2009). Heard researches as an “insider” in the Alpha world, but nevertheless has trong criticism from many perspectives, including the theological and the ecclesiological; for example, he believes that, like Evangelicalism as a whole, Alpha represents a piety rather than an ecclesiology (2009, 228). Most of the research on Alpha has been UK based; it is debatable, however, whether much new knowledge would be generated by examining the course elsewhere, except perhaps by looking at what effect, if any, translating the material into other languages would have. References and Resources Brian, Stephen. 2003. “The Alpha Course: An Analysis of its Claim to Offer an Educational Course on the Meaning of Life.” PhD thesis, University of Surrey. Brookes, Andrew, ed. 2007. The Alpha Phenomenon: Theology, Praxis and Challenges for Mission and Church Today. London: Churches Together in Britain and Ireland. Heard, James. 2009. Inside Alpha: Explorations in Evangelism. Eugene, OR: Wipf & Stock. Hunt, Stephen. 2001. Anyone for Alpha? Evangelism in a PostChristian Society. London: DLT. ———. 2004. The Alpha Enterprise: Evangelism in a PostChristian Era. Aldershot, UK: Ashgate. Rooms, Nigel. 2005. “‘Nice Process, Shame about the Content’: The Alpha Course in Three Different Cultural Contexts.” Journal of Adult Theological Education 2 (2): 129–141.

—Nigel Rooms

Amalorpavadass, D. S. Duraisamy Simon Amalorpavadass (1932–1990) was a leader and catechist of the Indian Catholic renewal after

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the Second Vatican Council. After ordination and assignment at a regional catechetical center, Amalorpavadass wrote two studies of the postcolonial Indian church situation at the Institut Catholique de Paris. In 1966, he was appointed to lead the new National Biblical, Catechetical and Liturgical Centre (NBCLC) at Bangalore. The NBCLC produced the first non-Western catechetical materials for children and youth in Catholic schools and parishes; ran residential and offsite teaching programs that trained more than 10,000 catechists; and published the proceedings of regular consultations with Indian Catholic theologians. Besides speaking widely, Amalorpavadass edited the NBCLC journal Word and Worship. A bibliography of his work lists 38 edited volumes and more than two hundred articles. Amalorpavadass later served as the first professor of Christianity at the University of Madras and founded an ashram where his conception of indigenous Christianity was practiced. He died in an automobile accident at the age of 58. Amalorpavadass became widely recognized after his keynote address at the International Catechetical Congress in Rome in 1971. To him, renewing worship required a catechesis that would “give a new world view, set up a different hierarchy of values, cause a change of attitudes, form a whole person, educate his or her liberty, guide him or her toward Christian maturity, integrate the person in the church community, guide that person to commit himself or herself to the tasks of society and integral development of humanity.” Catechesis is a ministry of the word that comes after responsible adherence, aiming to awaken, nourish, and educate faith. Being able to recite answers is not evidence of faith. The pattern that God used to establish the church as a new humanity awaiting consummation must be the pattern for teaching. Thus catechesis must take account of the personal and social situation of the one to whom the faith is being passed on. The development in his theology can be seen by comparing his master’s and doctoral theses. The first relies on a biblical history of salvation, influenced by Josef Jungmann, whose ideas had been presented in south Asia through catechetical study weeks in the late 1950s and early 1960s. Jungmann contrasted catechesis that is like a theology compendium with the teaching of the earliest churches, where details never obscure the joyful message. Jungmann urged priests to rely on scripture and liturgy when catechizing. Historical approaches are vulnerable to relativization, and the hierarchy restrained them. However, Jungmann’s view of salvation history as encompassing the present enabled catechumens to be not just subjects for propositions but persons in time. Amalorpavadass’s first study applies the salvation-history approach to an India working out its identity after

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Amalorpavadass, D. S.

colonialism. He argues that though culture and religion are distinct, they are interwoven: “Hinduism . . . has predominantly, though not exclusively, shaped the Indian culture . . . therefore (Catholic) [e]nculturation in India involves incarnation chiefly in Hindu culture.” The Vatican council seemed to authorize the approach when in Ad Gentes it asked the church to “realize its insufficiency and to borrow from other religions with the least possible hesitation, shame and complex.” Amalorpavadass’s doctoral dissertation differs from the earlier study by an expanded idea of biblical theology. Borrowing from Hans Urs von Balthasar’s Theology of History, it posits that world history is set up to promote salvation. Amalorpavadass radicalizes Balthasar by drawing on Pierre Teilhard de Chardin: “The essence of Christianity is . . . belief in the whole unification of the world, through the Incarnation. The whole history of the world is . . . one vast phenomenon of Christification.”68 Teilhard’s influence is plain when Amalorpavadass later writes that because the spirit of Christ “fills the universe. . . . We have no right to exclude anything—especially religions—from the object of salvation and [e]nculturation. . . . They should be recognized as the inheritance of Christ.”69 Shared recognition of “God-experience” can help to start dialogue with Indians. Amalorpavadass’s master’s thesis had seen that India was prepared for the gospel in its own fashion—via the Upanishads, for instance—where he maintained that “India wants union with god but what is offered in the New Testament is participation in the life of God.” The master’s thesis thus holds up New Testament revelation as the hermeneutical key of non-Christian expressions. Amalorpavadass seems to maintain the same stance more than a decade later, in 1978: “One should not indiscriminately admit . . . everything from . . . the religions . . . as they are. They should be . . . subjected to a Christian critique. . . . Nothing can be adopted unless . . . it acquires a Christian meaning through a Christian interpretation.”70 Less emphatic is the statement by the NBCLC’s Research Seminar on Non-Biblical Scriptures (1974): “The Spirit of God is mysteriously leading all these religions to an ever growing realization of their inner dynamism and their inter-relationship. Or, ‘Life with believers of other (r)eligions invites us time and again to recognize the striking resonance of the same ineffable mystery which their (r) eligions embodied.’” 68. De Souza located two sources of the combined Teilhard quote: Cyril de Souza, “The Catechetical Proposal of Fr. DS Amalorpavadass: A Study of His Publications” (PhD thesis, no. 310, Salesian Pontifical University, Rome, 1993), 5.3.2, 31 n113. 69. D. S. Amalorpavadass, Approaches in Our Apostolate Among Followers of Other Religions (Bangalore: National Biblical, Catechetical and Liturgical Centre, 1970), 67. 70. Ibid., 69, citing Ad Gentes 8.

The “Four Point Programme” of Catholic schools in Melbourne, Australia, still in use, relied on Amalorpavadass’s theology. Amalorpavadass’s 1971 address outlined three stages of catechesis: “Evocation of a human experience, with reflection on it and interpretation of its significance at the human level; then interpretation and discovery of its fuller meaning and ultimate fulfillment in the light of God’s Word proclaimed; lastly, with the discovery of the relevance of the Word to life, reviewing and reliving the human experience in full consonance with faith.”71 The diocese elaborated four stages: experience shared, reflection deepened, faith expressed, and insights reinforced. Note that “[t]he intention of the four-point plan is to ‘unveil’ for students the presence and action of God in life.” From the “evocation” stage onward, catechesis is situated and personalized so that historical and social context is taken seriously. God is the milieu of every life. The meaning of secular experience is to be augmented by theological reflection in the stages to follow. Amalorpavadass’s innovations met resistance. The contents of the “God-with-Us” curriculum raised a “hue and cry,” according to van Leeuwen (1990). The NBCLC’s proposal that nonbiblical scriptures be used in the opening portions of worship services had support from the Indian hierarchy, but seems to have been opposed by laypeople and by Rome: Dupuis mentions the concern of the Archbishop of Cochin that “the faithful are not yet prepared for such an innovation.”72 Van Leeuwen speaks of a notorious ban on liturgical use of non-Christian scriptures. The Hinduized architecture of the new NBCLC buildings raised comment. Amalorpavadass was motivated by concern for the future of Christianity in a vibrant, plural, yet troubled society. He epitomizes a flowering of theology in the former colonial centers. He drew on Vatican II’s understanding of revelation and religions to promote a serious Catholic engagement with Hindu culture. The result was a contextualized catechesis with a radical openness toward other religions. References and Resources Works by Amalorpavadass Amalorpavadass, D. S. 1982. “Biblical World-View and a Renewed Holistic Spirituality.” In Indian Christian Spirituality, edited by D. S. Amalorpavadass, 47–63. Bangalore: NBCLC. 71. D. S. Amalorpavadass, “Catechesis as a Pastoral Task of the Church,” in Sourcebook for Modern Catechetics, ed. Michael Warren (Winona, MN: St. Mary’s Press, 1983), 357. 72. Jacques Dupuis, “Inculturation and Interreligious Dialogue in India Today,” in A Universal Faith, ed. Catherine Cornille, V. Neckebrouck, and Frank De Graeve (Louvain and Grand Rapids, MI: Peeters Press and W. B. Eerdmans, 1992), 33.

Ambrose

———. 1983. “Catechesis as a Pastoral Task of the Church.” In Sourcebook for Modern Catechetics, edited by Michael Warren, 339–360. Winona, MN: St. Mary’s Press.

Works about Amalorpavadass Barla, John Berchmans. 1999. “Christian Theological Understanding of Other Religions According to D. S. Amalorpavadass.” In Documenta Missionalia, 26. Rome: Editrice Pontificia Università Gregoriana. De Souza, C. 1994. Catechesis for India Today. Bangalore: Kristu Jyoti. De Souza, Cyril. 1993. “The Catechetical Proposal of Fr. DS Amalorpavadass: A Study of His Publications.” PhD thesis, no. 310, Salesian Pontifical University, Rome. Gaillardetz, Richard R. 1997. Teaching with Authority: A Theology of the Magisterium in the Church. Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press. Ganeri, Martin. 2007. “Catholic Encounter with Hindus in the Twentieth Century: In Search of an Indian Christianity.” New Blackfriars 88 (1016): 410–432. Gibbs, Philip. 1996. The Word in the Third World: Divine Revelation in the Theology of Jean-Marc Éla, Aloysius Pieris and Gustavo Gutiérrez. Rome: Editrice Pontificia Università Gregoriana. Jungmann, Josef A. 1962. The Good News Yesterday and Today. Translated by W. A. Huesman. New York: W. H. Sadlier. van Leeuwen, J. A. G. Gerwin. 1990. Fully Indian—Authentically Christian: A Study of the First Fifteen Years of the NBCLC, 1967–1982. Kerk en Theologie in Context. Kampen: J. H. Kok.

—Ted Newell

Ambrose Ambrose of Milan, who is remembered as one of the four “doctors” of the Western Church (with Augustine, Gregory the Great, and Leo the Great), was born in AD 339 into a life of privilege and power. His father was the Roman governor of Gaul (southern France), so Ambrose was educated in the best of the ancient Roman system of learning. He attended the grammar school in Rome, where he studied the liberal arts and developed the important skills of oratory. He also attended the school of rhetoric, where he studied the works of Cicero and Quintillian, masters of Roman rhetoric and the art of persuasion. Five more years of training in law concluded his educational preparation for a career in civil service. Joined to the moral excellence provided by the ancient educational system were the formative influences of a Christian family and the life of the church. Ambrose distinguished himself as a skilled orator and legal mind and was soon appointed to the position of governor over

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the provinces of Aemilia and Ligurin in northern Italy, an area that included Milan as its capital city. While serving in this capacity, Ambrose was surprisingly elected to the episcopacy during a time of intense conflict between orthodox Christians and their Arian opponents, who held that the Son of God was fully divine and was subordinated to the Father. The qualities of character, or ethos, displayed by Ambrose in attempting to mediate this conflict contributed to his nomination for the priesthood and immediate election to the office of bishop of Milan. The ongoing conflict with the Arian party, civil officials, and even the emperor would do much to shape his episcopacy. His leadership of the church through a difficult time of doctrinal challenges and political turmoil is a primary reason Ambrose is remembered as a saint and doctor of the church. There is little doubt that the benefits of a classical education served Ambrose well in his ministry as bishop of Milan. He described what had happened to him as being snatched into the priesthood, a position that required him to learn as he taught, to be led as he led, and to listen as he spoke. He is remembered as a gifted and moving preacher and teacher whose manner of simple yet eloquent speech was pressed into the service of his congregation. In keeping with his classical training in rhetoric, he lived a life of moral virtue that was transformed and filled by a deep faith and love for God. One of the most significant events of his ministry in Milan was the baptism of Augustine, who under the direction of Ambrose offered himself for the church’s catechetical preparation and training. In the Confessions, Augustine would later remember Ambrose for the quality of his Christian character and the illuminating power of his preaching. Ambrose is an exemplar of pastoral leadership during the patristic period. He was most concerned with the character, knowing that a life of deep faith and virtue would shape and direct all these leaders said and did in their ministries. To this end, Ambrose wrote his best known work, De Officiis Ministrorum (On the Ministerial Office), a handbook that followed the structure of Cicero’s De Officiis for public servants. This work was significant, providing one of the first Christian treatises dealing with the person and work of the pastor. Drawing primarily from biblical examples, De Officiis is an instructive and compelling portrait of pastoral character, wisdom, and devotion to God in service of the church. Pointing to leaders in both the Old and New Testaments, Ambrose intentionally held up the priesthood as an exemplary calling for the sake of others, a human witness to God’s holiness, which is the way that leads to the fullness of salvation through participation in the life of the Triune God. We may yet learn from the godly wisdom displayed by Ambrose of Milan, in that technique and skill in

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ministry may be necessary but will never be sufficient in light of God’s self-giving in Jesus Christ. References and Resources Frend, W. H. C. 1984. The Rise of Christianity. Minneapolis, MN: Fortress Press. Ramsey, Boniface. 1997. Ambrose (The Early Christian Fathers). London: Routledge. Williams, D. H. 1995. Ambrose of Milan and the End of the Arian Nicene Conflicts. Gloucester, England: Clarendon Press.

—Michael Pasquarello III

American Baptist Church Christian Education The Baptist movement began in Amsterdam in 1609 with a group of exiled English Separatist Puritans led by John Smyth and Thomas Helwys. They formed a believer’s church, predicated on the idea that all who claimed membership should testify to an experience of grace through Jesus Christ, followed by believer’s baptism. Helwys and a remnant of the group returned to England in 1612, where their more Arminian-oriented theology led to the formation of the General Baptists. By the 1630s other more reform-oriented churches were founded, ultimately known as Particular Baptists due to their belief that Christ’s atonement applied only to the elect. By the 1640s, both General and Particular Baptists made immersion the normative mode of baptism. The earliest Baptists in the American colonies were often persecuted by Puritan and Anglican establishments in New England and Virginia. Roger Williams (1603–1683), exiled from Massachusetts for advocating fair treatment of Native Americans and religious liberty for both heretic and atheist, helped found the First Baptist Church of Providence around 1638. Although Williams’s Baptist sojourn was brief, his opposition to religious establishments became a hallmark of historic Baptist identity. Williams and Dr. John Clarke, founder of the First Baptist Church of Newport, worked to secure a charter for the Rhode Island colony, the first to grant complete freedom of religion for its citizens. Baptist identity centered in the concept of a believer’s church, believer’s baptism, congregational polity (Christ’s authority mediated through the community of believers), biblical authority, freedom of conscience, the priesthood of all believers, the ordaining of ministers, interchurch fellowship through congregational “associations,” and the significance of religious liberty. Amid these common ideals, Baptists originated at both ends of the theological spectrum, with advocates of both Calvinist and Arminian approaches to the faith. Early Baptists declared their

views and instructed the faithful through confessions of faith that set forth the particular theological emphasis of specific congregations. In America, Baptist churches were often constituted around three documents: a confession of faith that said what they believed, a church covenant that committed members to particular behavior, and “rules of decorum” that delineated how they conducted business. These documents were also sources of instruction for church members. Some Baptist leaders even wrote catechisms for instructing the young in the rudiments of the faith. Like other colonial Protestants, Baptists disagreed over the revivalistic methods that blossomed during the Great Awakening. While many required a testimony of faith before administering baptism, they differed over the “enthusiastical” outbursts that characterized some revival services. Regular Baptists generally opposed revival enthusiasms, while Separate Baptists affirmed them. Regular Baptist preachers were often known for writing out their sermons, rather than demonstrating the spontaneity of the Separates. Following the American Revolution, Baptists lobbied hard for religious liberty through advocates such as Massachusetts minister Isaac Backus (1724–1806), appointed by the Warren Association of Baptists to encourage the Continental Congress to confront the issue, and John Leland (1754– 1841), a Virginia preacher who pressured Thomas Jefferson and James Madison for what became the First Amendment to the Constitution. Baptists thrived on the American frontier, organizing churches and participating in revivals and camp meetings, many led by Baptist farmer-preachers, individuals with limited formal education who worked the land weekly and preached on Sundays. Baptist congregationalism made it possible to found churches quickly when believers chose to constitute a congregation. The conversionism of the Second Great Awakening of the 19th century led Baptists to found their first missionary agency, the General Missionary Convention of the Baptist Denomination in the United States, in 1814. The Triennial Convention (meeting every three years) spawned various “societies” aimed at such collective needs of the churches as foreign and home missions, education, benevolence, and publications. Schools, literacy, and biblical translation were each sources of instruction used by the missionaries across the denominations. Sunday schools were founded in the late 18th century as a means for teaching “slum-children” to read using the Bible as primary text. Divisions occurred over issues of theology and practice, often generating new Baptist churches and denominations, many related to educational concerns. Primitive and Old Regular Baptists promoted a staunch Calvinism that rejected revivals and missionary activity as a form

Amish Christian Education

of “works righteousness” that contradicted the idea that God alone facilitated the salvation of the elect. They denounced mission societies, church-related colleges and schools, Sunday schools, and an educated ministry. (God-called preachers were given gifts of ministry and interpretation by the Holy Spirit.) At the other end of the theological spectrum, Free Will Baptists asserted that all persons were potentially elected, actualizing salvation through repentance and faith. Missionary Baptists formed mission societies and reflected a more modified Calvinism, preaching as if all could be saved while asserting that God would use preaching to awaken the elect. Baptist influence and membership grew rapidly, and by the 1830s it was one of the largest Protestant denominations in the United States. Many 19th-century Baptists, North and South, founded educational institutions, such as Brown University (1764), Newton Theological Seminary (1826), Bates College (1855), Colgate (1819), Richmond (1832), Wake Forest (1834), Furman (1826), William Jewell (1849), and Baylor (1846). A major division occurred in 1845 when the Southern Baptist Convention was formed after the Baptist Missionary Society refused to appoint a known slave owner as a missionary to Native Americans. The northern societies eventually became the Northern Baptist Convention, now American Baptist Churches, USA. The American Baptist Home Missionary Society was instrumental in founding churches and schools for African Americans, aimed at the education of former slaves. African American Christians in the North and South had long been drawn to Baptist polity, and with the end of the Civil War they founded their own churches and Baptist denominations. The Northern Baptist Convention was formed in 1895, developing publication and education programs early in its history. In 1915, a new National Baptist Convention, Unincorporated, was founded after a schism over ownership of the publishing house. Divisions over denominational leadership led to the formation of the Progressive National Baptist Convention in 1961. Baptist denominations provided educational programs and publications for Baptist churches that offered instruction in scripture, doctrine, ethics, and Baptist identity. Biblical education curriculum through Sunday schools and Bible studies contributed to a significant biblical literacy among active Baptists in multiple subgroups. Denominations shaped Baptist identity through networks of churches, schools, seminaries, and collective practices. As denominational resources have become more diverse or declined in the 21st century, and as Sunday school has become a less consistent weekly observance in many families, Baptists across the theological spectrum are having difficulty providing basic biblical, theological, and historical instruction for a new generation.

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References and Resources Leonard, Bill J. 2003. Baptist Ways: A History. Valley Forge, PA: Judson Press. ———. 2005. Baptists in America. New York: Columbia University Press. Washington, James Melvin. 1986. Frustrated Fellowship: Black Baptist Quest for Social Power. Macon, GA: Mercer University Press.

—Bill J. Leonard

Amish Christian Education History The Amish grew out of 16th-century European Anabaptists roots. Menno Simmons, after whom the Mennonites are named, was a prominent leader of the Anabaptists. It was from within the early Mennonites that the Amish emerged as a separate group, following the leadership of Jacob Ammann. In the 18th and 19th centuries, the Amish and the Mennonites began immigrating to the United States. From the time of their immigration until the mid20th century, the majority of Amish families sent their children to one-room, rural public schools. In the 20th century, school districts began to consolidate, and states began to mandate longer school years and additional years of compulsory attendance. As a result, the Amish began to create parochial schools for their children. Oneroom schoolhouses were often bought from the state after public schools consolidated into larger buildings. Often school would continue as it had been before consolidation, using the same textbooks and curriculum, but with an Amish instructor. However, the inception of Amish parochial schools came at great cost. When parents refused to send children to school past the eighth grade, many were fined or imprisoned. At times, when parents refused to pay fines, the state would confiscate Amish property, or even remove Amish children from their homes. These sorts of actions by various state governments incited a long legal battle on behalf of the Amish. William Lindholm, a Lutheran minister, founded the National Committee for Amish Religious Freedom (NCARF) in 1967 to defend the Amish’s right to parochial schooling. The goal was to bring the plight of the Amish before the U.S. Supreme Court and solidify the right of the Amish to educate their children as they saw fit. This opportunity would come in Wisconsin v. Yoder (1971). Jonas Yoder was one of three Amish fathers in New Glarus, Wisconsin, who refused to send his children to school through age 16, which was the standing Wisconsin law. The state won trials in lower state courts, but the

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Amish Christian Education

Amish appealed to the Wisconsin Supreme Court, which ruled in their favor. The state of Wisconsin then appealed the case directly to the Supreme Court in 1971. In the landmark case Wisconsin v. Yoder, the Supreme Court ruled in favor of Amish parochial schools that end at the eighth grade. The court cited that such schools were a part of the Amish religious beliefs of separatism and simplicity. The question of Amish education went beyond schooling, reaching into the fundamental right of religious liberty. Common Characteristics of Amish Parochial Schools Amish schools are traditionally one-room neighborhood schoolhouses that have 20 to 30 pupils in eight grades. Teachers are often young women with no formal training, who themselves are only a year or two out of school. Amish teachers have local meetings, regional conferences, and a regular teachers’ publication, The Blackboard Bulletin, to provide a host of informal training. Schools are operated by a school board, usually consisting of three to five fathers of children attending the school. The board sets the teacher’s wages, hires the teacher, collects the school tax, orders books and supplies, and maintains the school. The Amish speak a dialect of German commonly known as Pennsylvania Dutch. School instruction takes place in English, and school is often where children receive their first introduction to and regular use of the English language. Amish schools generally use older curriculum or Amish-produced curriculum from a handful of Old Order publishers. Parents and teachers alike desire curriculum that reinforces Amish values. The Old Order Book Society has bought the rights to reproduce many older book series, including the Dick and Jane series. Some Amish-produced materials are the Pathway Readers, the Study Time Arithmetic Series, and textbooks by the Rod and Staff Publishers. Interestingly, it is not uncommon for Amish children to score higher in standardized testing than their non-Amish counterparts. A typical Amish school day will begin at 8:15 or 8:30 and end between 3:15 and 3:30. Children will have a short morning recess, a longer, midday lunch and recess, and a short afternoon recess. Children are taught to have a strong work ethic and high level of self-direction. While the teacher works with one grade on a subject, all the other children are expected to be completing assignments. Older students are asked to assist younger students who are struggling in a subject. Students know to work quietly and complete the day’s assigned tasks while the teacher is working with other grades. There is a surprising amount of diversity in education among Amish groups, ranging from traditional, “low” Amish to more progressive, “high” Amish. Educational

goals and methods are shaped by each group’s beliefs and level of interaction with the non-Amish world. The following descriptions come from Karen JohnsonWeiner’s book Train Up a Child: Old Order Amish and Mennonite Schools, which is a thorough ethnographic study of Old Order schools. Low The schools of the “lowest” Amish groups serve to reinforce the differences between the Amish community and the outside world. They help solidify the identity of the Amish community as distinctly separate from the nonAmish world. These groups have minimal interaction with the non-Amish and consider themselves “strangers and pilgrims” in this world. Schools are unadorned, have only rudimentary amenities, and focus primarily on function. Posters on the walls are purely functional with no decoration, the school yard has no play equipment, and the school building has no electricity or running water. The purpose of the school is to prepare children for a life within the Amish community and equip them to complete only the most necessary and basic interactions with the outside world. Teachers are expected to transmit a knowledge of fundamental subjects—English language, spelling, penmanship, mathematics, and German—in addition to teaching children the basic character traits the Amish value: hard work, integrity, and humility. There may be a daily Bible passage reading and the recitation of the Lord’s Prayer, but the school is not the appropriate place to teach the Bible. Bible teaching is done in the home by parents and during the church services by church leaders. “Low” Amish schools operate as a necessary, but isolated, part of the community. These schools rarely have visitors, parental involvement in the school is minimal, and no community events are focused on the school. Mainstream Schools of “mainstream” Amish groups are more progressive, are more externally focused, and have a greater presence in the community. These schools must build a bridge for children from the Amish world to the secular world, as many children in these communities will grow up to have a great deal of interaction with non-Amish people. “Mainstream” Amish schools will have decorative teaching elements, such as illustrated alphabet posters, charts to track children’s progress, and children’s artwork displayed on the walls. Generally, these will still be one-room schoolhouses without electricity or running water. Some schools will have play equipment such as swings, tetherballs, volleyball nets, basketball courts, or baseball fields. The basic subjects of math, English, spelling, penmanship, and German are sometimes supplemented with

Anabaptist Christian Education

health, art, geography, or history. There often will be Bible passage reading, recitation of the Lord’s Prayer, and even scripture memorization, but little Bible teaching will be done. Parents and visitors are not only welcomed, but expected at these schools. Mothers will take turns bringing hot meals for the children, and parents of both genders will sit in on classes occasionally. The school has a high level of community involvement, with annual picnics, Christmas programs, and special activities for children and families.

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Hostetler, J. 1993. Amish Society. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press. Johnson-Weiner, K. 2007. Train Up a Child: Old Order Amish and Mennonite Schools. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press. Peters, S. 2003. The Yoder Case. Lawrence, KS: University Press of Kansas.

—Virginia Gray

Anabaptist Christian Education High The most progressive Amish schools are often found in Amish groups that allow the greatest amount of interaction with the outside world. Such Amish schools consider themselves to be “Christian” schools in a much broader sense than their “lower” counterparts. In many ways beyond educational practices, these groups are more progressive than their “lower” counterparts. “High” schools must prepare children for a significant possibility of entering into the secular workforce and having regular interactions with non-Amish society. These schools may have two or a maximum of three classrooms in one building, with up to six instructors and sixty students. Some of these schools may even have indoor plumbing and gas lighting. “High” schools have playgrounds and decorated classrooms, and will even take children on field trips. These schools also have Bible teaching in the classroom. They teach the broadest range of subjects, including English, German, math, spelling, penmanship, art, history, geography, and Bible classes. Unlike “lower” schools, Bible is considered a necessary subject for pupils. These schools also have a strong community presence and welcome parents and visitors. Special Education Like other American schools, Amish parochial schools have responded to the need for special education. Some areas with a large Amish population have opened a separate school for special needs students. In other Amish schools, a second teacher may be hired to work with two to four special needs students, and in small Amish communities, a single special-needs student may be integrated into the classroom, with extra attention given by the teacher and other students. Some Amish parents choose to send special needs children to public schooling, rather than Amish parochial schools.

The traditions identified as Anabaptist (Mennonite, Brethren, Amish, and Hutterite) have a long history of following and living for Jesus Christ. The Anabaptists’ insistence on living the teachings of Jesus has often put them at odds with other Christians throughout history. Despite persecution and martyrdom, Anabaptism survived, bringing with it a message of peace, love, and service. Anabaptists form strong communal bonds and are committed to living for God above all else. Frequently described as a “third way,” Anabaptism remains a strong voice for a just and peaceful world in service to Jesus Christ. Early History Anabaptism predates Luther’s Reformation, yet 25 January 1525 marks the formal beginning of the Anabaptist story. In Zurich, Switzerland, young radicals, upset that Ulrich Zwingli’s reforms did not go far enough, took matters into their own hands. Convinced that following Jesus was a voluntary decision, these radicals baptized one another, and from that action a new movement was born (Kraybill and Hostetter 2001, 21). Anabaptists’ refusal to baptize infants, support governments, and follow what was then considered “normal” Christian behavior resulted in much persecution. Anabaptists were accused of subverting the social order because of their desire to establish separate volunteer communities unattached to any government. Anabaptists’ egalitarianism also put them at odds with the larger society (Gonzalez 1985, 56). The word “Anabaptist” originated as a derogatory term meaning “rebaptizers.” Despite severe persecution from both Catholics and Protestants, Anabaptism grew across Europe and eventually made its way to the New World. As a diverse movement with no single leader, Anabaptists would form a variety of groups, including the four main forms of Anabaptism today: Mennonites, Brethren, Amish, and Hutterites.

References and Resources Dewalt, M. 2006. Amish Education in the United States and Canada. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield. Fisher, S., and R. Stahl. 1997. The Amish School. Intercourse, PA: Good Books.

Beliefs Common to Anabaptists Today Anabaptists consider all of life an opportunity to worship God. Believing in Jesus is intimately tied to living for Jesus in service and humility. The primary founda-

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Anabaptist Curriculum Outcomes

tion for Anabaptist belief and practice is scripture. The story of Jesus is particularly important for Anabaptists, and the rest of scripture is read through a Christocentric viewpoint. Anabaptists believe that all of Christ’s teachings, particularly the Sermon on the Mount, must be followed by all Christians. Biblical interpretation is a communal activity meant to be shared, studied, and applied by all in Anabaptist communities. Scripture is studied in order to know how to be disciples for Christ in the world (Roth 2005, 43–47). Therefore, the stories of scripture are embedded at an early age with the goal of molding and shaping young Christians into disciples for Christ. The community is integral in Anabaptist life. The church is a community in which members share in daily activities and tasks in love and fellowship. Community life is also a spiritual experience that involves the work of the Holy Spirit in the daily life of believers. Anabaptists have a counterculture model of being church. The church should develop its own culture, in opposition to the surrounding culture, that models the teachings of Jesus (Kraybill and Hostetter 2001, 50). As a counterculture community, Anabaptists serve as a visible witness of Jesus’s teachings. Anabaptists are also countercultural in their strict adherence to nonresistance, peacemaking, and love. Belief in the importance of peace has led to a commitment to nonviolence and service ministry (Shenk 2003, 135–136). In addition, Anabaptist communities remain committed to the authority of Jesus Christ above all else, including governments. Anabaptist communities embrace simplicity and good work. These communities typically employ some standard of behavior and discipline for their members. Anabaptist communities can vary from traditional to progressive (Kraybill and Hostetter 2001, 56). Certain groups continue to shun technology, use horse-drawn carriages, and wear plain clothing. Other groups embrace technology, have traditional careers, and are involved in higher education. Despite the differences over what it means to be countercultural, Anabaptists share the commitment that the church should be a visible witness of Christ in the world. More progressive communities are committed to missions, while traditional groups are less so. All in all, Anabaptists remain a diverse, albeit small, countercultural voice in contemporary Christianity. Implications for Christian Education Anabaptists remain committed to the same principles of those first radical reformers of the 16th century. Their core belief is still the importance of a voluntary acceptance of Jesus Christ that influences one’s daily practice. Scripture remains the foundation and source for how to live, work, and be a Christian in visible community.

The Anabaptist experience reminds Christian educators that knowledge is meant to be practiced. The mission and purpose of Christian education should be oriented toward the practical needs of communities both local and global. The counterculture model of Anabaptists demonstrates the uniqueness of Christian education. Christian educators are called to train young men and women to be disciples of Jesus Christ. Becoming disciples of Jesus is never easy, or popular, but it is what makes Christian education unique and special. The Anabaptist commitment to serve one another in community, treat every person equally and fairly, and remain faithful to the way of peace and nonresistance exemplifies the mission of Jesus. It is a commitment that Christian educators should share and impart to others. References and Resources Estep, W. R. 1996. The Anabaptist Story: An Introduction to Sixteenth-Century Anabaptist. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. Finger, T. N. 2004. A Contemporary Anabaptist Theology: Biblical, Historical, Constructive. Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press. Gonzalez, J. L. 1985. The Story of Christianity. Vol. 2, The Reformation to the Present Day. New York: HarperCollins. Klaasen, W. 1981. Anabaptism in Outline: Selected Primary Sources. Scottdale, PA: Herald Press. Kraybill, D. B., and C. N. Hostetter. 2001. Anabaptist World USA. Scottdale, PA: Herald Press. Roth, J. D. 2005. Beliefs: Mennonite Faith and Practice. Scottdale, PA: Herald Press. Shenk, S. W. 2003. Anabaptist Ways of Knowing: A Conversation about Tradition-Based Critical Education. Telford, PA: Cascadia Publishing House. Weaver, J. D. 2000. Anabaptist Theology in Face of Postmodernity: A Proposal for the Third Millennium. Telford, PA: Pandora Press.

—Jonathan L. Best

Anabaptist Curriculum Outcomes The core principle of the Anabaptist tradition is embedding the life and teaching of Jesus in everyday life. Anabaptist educational outcomes model this principle through critical reflection, interpretation, and discernment on how to best do this individually and communally on a daily basis. Children are brought up in a family-based community culture in order to give them foundational precepts for living practically for Christ. Education is centered on imparting habitual practices that inform, shape, and mold Anabaptist students for life. Starting at an early age, scripture is used to shape the decision-making process of children. The community

Analytic Philosophy and Theology

immerses or indwells children and adults in an educational system founded on scripture through the use of stories, songs, and symbols (Shenk 2003, 155). Scripture is therefore the primary means of engaging the life of Jesus, morally discerning what is right and wrong, and serving the community and outside world. Anabaptists have an incarnational approach to education, by which the goal of education is making Jesus visible in the world (Roth 2011, 86–87). Teaching on how to be Christ in the local community and the world is as important as doctrinal teachings. Anabaptists take seriously the idea that what one knows has a direct impact on what one does. It is a faith-based education founded on the life of Jesus as presented in scripture. Knowing about Jesus can never be done abstractly; instead, what is known is embedded, shared, and brought to others through practice. The most visible fruits of the educational system are the relationships that are formed. Anabaptists accomplish an incarnational approach through several pedagogical techniques. They value relationship in teaching and instructing; therefore students are treated as unique individuals with special gifts to give to the community. Students receive special attention in a family-like environment that models the qualities of respect and love. Learning how to be a disciple is especially important in Anabaptist education. Discipleship is tied to a life of ethical practices, service to others, and loyalty to God above all else. Anabaptist education is also passionate about shaping students who will be peacemakers and freely serve others throughout the world (Roth 2011, 90–92). The curriculum outcomes of Anabaptist education are many. Education is designed to help students understand and see what God is doing and has done throughout history. Anabaptist educators also find it important to get students involved and active in the community by being attentive to the needs of others. Discovering how one may embody Christ to others also requires Anabaptist educators to help students discover their own unique gifts and talents. Through the use of scripture, Anabaptists also help to pass on the skill of discernment to young students. Students are taught to discern what is right and wrong, and what they can do to better impart the Kingdom of God to others (Roth 2011, 131–156). In conclusion, Anabaptist education is built on embodying the life of Christ. Scripture is the foundation of Anabaptist education and is applied to the daily practices of the community. Education is never an individual endeavor, but rather a communal act joining the young and old together in service for those inside and outside Anabaptist communities. Education helps Anabaptists discover how they can give Christ to others in practice and service.

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References and Resources Kraybill, D. B., and C. N. Hostetter. 2001. Anabaptist World USA. Scottdale, PA: Herald Press. Roth, J. D. 2005. Beliefs: Mennonite Faith and Practice. Scottdale, PA: Herald Press. ———. 2011. Teaching That Transforms: Why AnabaptistMennonite Education Matters. Scottdale, PA: Herald Press. Shenk, S. W. 2003. Anabaptist Ways of Knowing: A Conversation about Tradition-Based Critical Education. Telford, PA: Cascadia Publishing House.

—Jonathan L. Best

Analytic Philosophy and Theology Like many descriptive terms in the history of ideas, “analytic philosophy” is now used retrospectively to embrace a range of philosophical positions that possess family resemblances rather than a single unifying idea. In its primary sense, analytic philosophy is used to describe philosophy that focuses on the analysis of different types of propositions and concepts, as well as the nature of language and language use. It typically proceeds in a piecemeal way, focusing on particular ideas and breaking them into their constituent parts in order to clarify their nature and character; indeed, the task of clarification is central to analytic philosophy. In a secondary sense, analytic philosophy is used to distinguish 20th-century Englishlanguage philosophy from modern continental philosophy, which tends to focus more on the human condition and attempts to make sense of reality conceived as a connected whole. Influential representatives of analytic philosophy are G. E. Moore, Bertrand Russell, Ludwig Wittgenstein, Gilbert Ryle, John Austin, Willard van Orman Quine, Donald Davidson, and Samuel Kripe. In the last decade or so, the term analytic theology has come to be used for theology that is self-consciously influenced by and indebted to the orientations, methods, and broad epistemic commitments of analytic philosophy. Theology’s interaction with analytic philosophy can be broadly divided into three historical periods. The first, which lasted from the 1930s until the 1960s, chiefly concerns the responses of theologians and Christian philosophers to the challenge of logical positivism and the accusation that religious propositions and “God talk” are literally meaningless. A. J. Ayer, the British philosophical popularizer of logical positivism, stipulated that a proposition is literally meaningful if and only if it is either analytic or empirically verifiable. Religious propositions are obviously not analytic, which in this context means “true by definition,” and also, according to the logical positivists, not empirically verifiable—for example, what sense experience confirms the reality of God and the afterlife? The

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debate gradually evolved from verification to falsification and the challenge, posed by Anthony Flew and others, that religious claims “die the death of a thousand qualifications,” by which is meant that nothing that happens in the world is allowed to count as evidence against the existence of God; in other words, the claim that God exists is actually unfalsifiable and therefore not cognitively meaningful. Increasing familiarity with the “later” philosophy of Wittgenstein in the late 1950s and early 1960s, coupled with recognition that all empiricist criteria of meaning fail to fulfil their own requirement to be confirmable or falsifiable by reference to sense experience, signaled the death of philosophical attempts to show that religious language is without cognitive meaning. The embarrassing aspect of this period is that there were Christian theologians who proclaimed the “death of God” on the basis that all talk of God failed to meet the required empiricist standard. On reflection, it is now seen how philosophically naive and mistaken such a position was. The two decades that followed the collapse of logical positivism in the 1960s heralded the second period in analytic philosophy’s dialogue with religion and theology. Much of the discussion of this period focused on the issue of the coherence of theistic beliefs and on what justification can be given for the existence of God. The accusation of incoherence takes two forms: either that the doctrine of God is internally incoherent, because certain properties essential to the nature of God are incompatible with each other, or that the existence of God is logically incompatible with the existence of evil. A focus on the reasons for the existence of God saw a revival of natural theology and the emergence of new versions of the traditional arguments for the existence of God or the revival of old versions, as in the Kalam cosmological argument, associated with William Lane Craig. Two of the most influential Christian analytic philosophers of this period, Alvin Plantinga and Richard Swinburne, responded to both these challenges in different ways. In a series of philosophical articles and books, most notably God and Other Minds (1967) and an essay entitled “Reason and Belief in God” (1983), Plantinga defended the coherence of a traditional doctrine of God; showed to the satisfaction of most philosophers that the existence of God is logically compatible with the existence of evil; and presented a novel case for the rationality of belief in God, which concludes that for the Christian (or theist), belief in God is properly basic, a belief that does not appeal, nor need to appeal, to evidence for its warrant (this position is now referred to as “Reformed epistemology” and is chiefly associated with Plantinga and Nicholas Wolterstorff). Swinburne also defended the coherence of theism and argued that the existence of God can be justified by an appeal to the canons of scientific reason and use of prob-

ability theory, in particular Bayes’s theorem. Swinburne complemented his philosophical justification of theism with a series of philosophical studies of central Christian doctrines: revelation, providence, the incarnation of God in Christ, and atonement. In this way, he anticipated the third period of the encounter of philosophy with religion and theology, which increasingly includes philosophical expositions and analyses of specific Christian doctrines and their relationship to other areas of knowledge and experience alongside the usual themes of the philosophy of religion. The late 1980s up to the present have witnessed a broadening of philosophical interest in theology and religion that incorporates not just philosophical accounts of Christian doctrine but also efforts to rethink the relationship of theology and religious truth claims to other disciples, such as science (Plantinga) and psychology (Jeeves). Underlying this is recognition by analytic philosophers that many of our most important beliefs and commitments cannot be proved by an appeal to reason or on the basis of premises that everyone accepts. Another way of stating this is to say that philosophical arguments about important issues are often “person-relative,” a point originally made by George Mavrodes in 1970. This represents some vindication of Plantinga’s position that religious beliefs are rational for those with the relevant orientation and requisite experience. This broadening of interest is reflected in important philosophical studies that bring a Christian perspective to bear on a range of issues, such as religious pluralism (Griffiths, Netland), ethics (Adams, Alston, Wainwright, Quinn), revelation (Abraham, Mavrodes), justice (Audi, Wolterstorff), the problem of evil (van Inwagen), and providence (Helm). References and Resources Abraham, William J. 2012. Analytic Theology: A Bibliography. Dallas, TX: Highland Loch Press. Plantinga, Alvin. 2000 Warranted Christian Belief. New York: Oxford University Press. Swinburne, Richard. 1977. The Coherence of Theism. Oxford: Clarendon Press. ———. 1979. The Existence of God. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Taliaferro, Charles, and Chad Meister, eds. 2009. The Cambridge Companion to Christian Philosophical Theology. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.

—L. Philip Barnes

Ancient World, Christian Education in the Christian education in the ancient world was a synthesis of distinctive heritages. First, Christianity derived from

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Judaic roots in the Levant. These New Testament roots are at the core of Christian identity. They would help shape its ideals regarding education in later centuries. Christian education also borrowed heavily from the classical Greek heritage. Greek learning deeply shaped virtually all elite education during the Hellenistic and Roman imperial periods. The famous “schools of Athens” were especially important in this regard. As Christianity moved out of its original setting in the Levant, it inevitably came into contact with these “philosophical” Greek approaches to knowledge. By the early fourth century, Christian leaders were articulating their beliefs in lucid theological treatises and creeds that showed the strong influence of ancient Athens. Finally, Christian education in the ancient world also gained from its presence in the Roman Empire, especially during the centuries of later antiquity. In particular, Christian learning benefited enormously from the urban public infrastructure that was a legacy of Roman imperialism. Thanks to the Roman Empire, Christian teaching and belief disseminated to an ever-increasing geographical base. The Romans’ imperial presence accommodated travel, as well as the mailing of letters and the distribution of Christian writings. Roman urban infrastructure also proved very advantageous to learning in Christianity’s formative years. Ancient Judaism: Patterns of Learning and Training Both versions of the “Great Commission,” recorded in Matthew (28:20) and Mark (16:15), contain admonitions to teach. This established teaching and instruction as essential components of the missionary outreach of Christianity. Henceforth, teaching and education would always constitute a key aspect of any vital Christian faith community or evangelical outreach. Nonetheless, in the early centuries of Christianity’s existence, what education occurred borrowed heavily from the ancient world’s existing models: Hebrew, Greek, and, later, Roman. The distinctively Christian educational patterns grew seamlessly from Christianity’s roots in both Jewish and classical heritages. In the ancient Hebrew culture of the Old Testament, institutionalized education was rare, if not unknown. Most male children learned the trades or skills of their fathers, serving for their formative years as virtual apprentices, while learning the rudiments of the family occupation. Girls were taught to excel in the arts of maintaining hearth and home. Knowing a trade or artisanal craft was an extremely important component of an ancient Hebrew upbringing. This was the famous model provided by Christ, who was taught carpentry by his father, Joseph, also a carpenter (Mark 13:55). Indeed, Jesus’s status as the son of a carpenter is cited by the crowd in the Nazareth synagogue as

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highlighting the inappropriateness of Christ’s taking on a rabbinical role of religious leadership. The many other dramatis personae of the New Testament community are also invariably known by their occupations, which included livelihoods such as fishermen, tentmakers, carpenters, and various types of smiths (Acts 19:27). In the Second Epistle to Timothy, the writer encourages diligent study and preparation for life, both in matters spiritual and in terms of earning a living (2 Tim. 2:15). Today, the idea that every child should have a “useful” occupation remains an important teaching in many elements of Conservative Judaism, as well as the more practical forms of Protestantism, especially Calvinism. In many Jewish traditions, even rabbis are expected to have some practical livelihood, beyond their roles as spiritual and moral authorities. The ancient but timeless economic admonitions made famous in the Proverbs attributed to Solomon reflect an industrious culture, one enriched by thoughtful frugality and common sense. Famous passages like Proverbs 1:8–9 and 22:6 are especially famous admonitions for education in this famous book, but there are many others as well. This has also been the case in certain forms of historical Protestantism. As demonstrated in Max Weber’s classic book The Protestant Work Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism (1904), Protestantism’s—especially Calvinism’s—emphasis on a “calling” blended the notion of divine favor with economic and vocational life. This made Protestantism especially attractive to those whose lives were organized around business and industry. At the same time, New Testament training and education was not always limited to blue-collar trades and handicrafts. Many famous occupations in the Bible reflected higher levels of literary and numeracy. Levy, son of Alpheus—usually equated with the disciple Matthew—was a tax collector (Mark 2:13–14). However unpopular this position might have been, it required facility with complex counting skills, as well as a degree of public trust. In the Gospel of Matthew, Matthew is described as sitting in the tax office, reflecting a position of higher official rank than the other disciples. Similarly, Luke 5:29 depicts Matthew as a man of great wealth. The Gospel writer Luke—author of both Luke and Acts—is usually equated with the physician referenced in Colossians 4:14. Still, while jobs such as accountant or medical doctor today usually connote higher education at quite elite levels, it is important to remember that in the time of Luke or Matthew, much of the training for these livelihoods was based on the apprenticeship system and indeed, generally followed patrilineal patterns. The apostle Paul probably best reflects ancient Judaism’s emphasis on scholarly learning, and practical training. A rabbi, Paul possessed, as he himself boasted, the

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most respectable and proper of Jewish backgrounds, and was a member of the most legally fastidious party of the Pharisees (Phil. 3:5). Moreover, Paul had been trained by one of ancient Judaism’s finest teachers, the great rabbi Gamaliel (Acts 22:3). Famed for his learning and wisdom, Gamaliel famously argued in the Sanhedrin (the Jewish Senate of ancient times) for relative tolerance and a passive posture regarding the apostles in the church’s early days (Acts 5:24–39). Nonetheless, despite his elite theological training as a Jew, Paul still maintained a foothold in his trained profession as a tentmaker. Acts 8:3 implies that he, along with Aquila and Priscilla, used the proceeds of their livelihood to support and nurture the growing faith. The famous “house-church” Aquila and Priscilla began with Paul in Ephesus reflected a prosperous couple with ample resources for travel and supporting ministries (Rom. 16:3). These house-churches not only provided havens for worship and fellowship, but also served as centers of teaching and instruction in the rudiments of the new faith (1 Cor. 14:16)—the first Christian schools, as it were. By the time of Christ, learning and education in Judaism reflected this rich blend of traditions. A literate class dominated cultural as well as political life. Several distinct groups emerged, reflecting differing beliefs and approaches to intellectual and religious life. These groups also somewhat resembled modern political factions. The Pharisees are the most famous. The New Testament vilifies the Pharisees as legalistic and inhumane. In point of fact, they were the keepers of the law and dominated the Sanhedrin. Also important were the Sadducees, a group somewhat comparable to the Pharisees, except for their disavowal of the doctrine of eternal life and heaven (Acts 23:6–8). Another important group were the Essenes, a monastic group of scholars whose reverence for the scriptures led them to preserve old copies of the Bible in jars, as opposed to destroying them. In 1947, vast numbers of these scroll-filled jars—the Dead Sea Scrolls—were discovered at Qumran. These groups not only represented cultural and political subgroups within Judaism, but also generally reflected the finest scholarship of their time and place. Christ Himself was apparently learned, to some degree. While his common, humble origins are often emphasized, the New Testament also depicts Christ as being called “Teacher” by the people (Matt. 26:55; John 7:14–16). Proving his general literacy, Christ writes letters on the ground while confronting the scribes and Pharisees (John 7:53–8:11) during the story of the woman caught in adultery. Christ also read from the scripture upon His ill-fated return to Nazareth, selecting passages from the prophet Isaiah (Luke 4:16–19). Perhaps most famously, Christ is depicted as a learned and precocious younger who taught

the learned elders at the Temple, while still Himself a boy (Luke 2:41–51). In general, Christ is invariably depicted as possessing great knowledge of the scripture, both for teaching and for quotation purposes. In popular thinking, the Gospel’s model of Christ the “Master” and 12 “disciples,” enshrined in the story of Jesus and His 12 core followers, often seems to have the exclusive connotation of a group of spiritual followers, but it also quite literally referenced the ancient model of a great teacher and his coterie of devoted students. Indeed, the word “disciple” usually meant “student” in both Latin and Greek and also is the etymological basis of the word “discipline.” Hellenism and Higher Education The ancient Jewish traditions of learning mingled with the classical/Hellenic traditions that emerged during the years of cultural integration and synthesis following the conquests of Alexander the Great. Christian education, to the extent it even existed in the first, second, and third centuries, increasingly absorbed Greek influences. Indeed, by the fourth century AD, Christianity had emerged as the dominant perspective within the venerated traditions of classical learning. It is therefore worth briefly considering Greek education proper. No networks of publicly sponsored, or even privately supported, schools existed during the heyday of the classical Greek world. Admittedly, the oligarchy that controlled the polis of Sparta exhibited some sense of public education, with male Spartan citizens taken from their mothers at young ages and educated by the state. But while the Spartan model does correspond somewhat to a rudimentary notion of public education, it must also be remembered that male Spartan citizens constituted a very small percentage of the population of the city, probably less than 5 percent. The children of slaves, or the resident aliens who conducted what business the city permitted, were not included in the Spartan education model. The more prototypical Greek model of education was probably that of Athens, where “private” models of education prevailed. Ancient Greek “private” education, for lack of a better term, was based on traditions of free association and collegial organizations. Traditional Greek upbringings featured many such associations. The phratry (cf. fraternity) was a group to which youth were assigned for religious and moral instruction in their formative years. The gymnasia—which emphasized physical activity— and the symposia—where youth met in private homes for relaxed fun and intellectual debates—also played an important role. Collectively, these sorts of practices were key elements of educational traditions that would emerge later. A holistic model of education seems emphasized by the Greeks: mind, body, and spirit. Education also had

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a social component, with learning happening in various communities and associations of like-minded adherents. There were no formally chartered universities in ancient Greece that resembled modern or even medieval universities. Nonetheless, the Greek heritage of learning and training is a core component of Western education’s evolution over time. In particular, the Greek tradition of free associations of scholars grouped into guild-like professional and social structures was highly influential. Greek education also featured a strong emphasis on the student-teacher relationship. In the ancient Greek sense, a school was literally a “school of people,” or a “school of thought,” not a building or a campus per se. Some schools were closely tied to occupations. The Hippocratic school of medicine, for example, refers not to a physical medical school campus, but to the body of students trained in the methods and perspectives of the great physician Hippocrates (460–370 BC). Not only was there a Hippocratic school in antiquity, in the sense of there being a Hippocratic “school of thought,” there was also a ceremonial quality to the school. Students of the school swore a sacred oath—the famous Hippocratic oath—affirming the outlook, values, and practices of their teacher Hippocrates. The Hippocratic oath presaged the oaths sworn in many professions, ranging from lawyers and doctors to public officials. It also borrowed from the initiation rites common in many ancient religions and fraternal orders. In the context of learning and education, the Hippocratic oath gives some vague sense of matriculation into the profession and has the feel of graduation ceremony rhetoric. Greek learning developed important “schools” destined to play a vital role in higher learning in the West. Among the scores of schools of philosophers and thinkers in the Greek world, Plato and Aristotle loom largest in terms of their lasting legacy and influence on virtually all subsequent Western philosophy. Indeed, with the great Athenian philosophical schools, education even acquired a sense of place. Plato’s school “the Academy” referred not only to his students collectively, the academics; it also referred to the famous grove of trees where Plato (427–347 BC) met his students for lessons, discourse, and banter. Another Athenian location, the Lyceum, hosted the famous school equated with Aristotle (384–22 BC). Classical learning in Greece was geared toward the “free man.” The “scholar” was, literally, a “man of leisure.” The liberal arts, as they came to be called, were best pursued by those whose economic or social standing had liberated them from the daily grind of earning a livelihood in common trades or business. In this sense, the elite Greek learning epitomized in many of the most prominent philosophical schools all but specifically disavowed vocational or “practical” learning. Of course, the

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senior philosophers who were members of the various schools could go on to teach themselves, presumably receiving payment from their students. Nonetheless, the ivory tower notion of higher learning as divorced from the pursuit of economic gain or vocation owes much to the Greeks. Perhaps paradoxically, the lack of a vocational emphasis gave Greek philosophical learning a prestigious quality, since its was usually reserved for those who didn’t need to work for a living. In this sense, classical Greek education reinforced social elites. Social mobility, a concern in most modern education, seems to have been less emphasized. Though the Greeks excelled in many of the arts and sciences, it was probably the development of “philosophy” that became their most enduring legacy. In terms of the development of Christian thought and Christian learning, philosophy is an especially important legacy of the Greek influence. It proved influential in early Christian thinking, especially as the early church fathers sought to defend Christian beliefs from critics who had Greek backgrounds in philosophy. The careful systematic theology that developed over time was, in actuality, a type of philosophical approach. The philosophical heritage from ancient Athens is a key element of the liberal arts tradition that developed in later centuries. It especially embodied the ideas of the “examined life.” Such examination was especially suited to the rich elites, who generally followed the philosophers. Freed from the pursuit of a trade or working with his hands, the philosopher—or “lover of wisdom”—devoted his life to the pursuit of truth. Only then could the scholar focus on the larger epistemological questions that made Greek philosophy famous: How does one really know anything to be the case? What is the relationship of humankind to the cosmos? What moral and ethical principles exist, and how can human beings come to understand them? Such questions came to play a foundational role in virtually all subsequent Western thinking—even in periods when Greek philosophy was not specifically or consciously referenced. Jewish, Greek, and Christian Synthesis In many ways, the Greek traditions of learning are by no means unique to the ancient world. They reflect community-based learning across many peoples, times, and places, including the Judaic traditions of the ancient Levant. Nonetheless, there are reasons for the traditional distinction between the classical and pagan worlds when it comes to education. First, the ancient Greeks were pagans, whereas the Hebrew faith espoused the ideals of monotheism. The idea of a singular, eternal Yahweh (God) with unchanging moral values and principles markedly distinguished Judaic traditions from the more heterogeneous and arguably open-ended traditions of the

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broader pagan world. Rightly or wrongly, Greek learning has traditionally been linked to important liberal arts heritages such as humanism and rationalism, more so than its counterparts in Judaism, or, indeed, the ancient Near East as a whole. Jewish learning was deeply affected by contact with classical traditions in learning and scholarship. The Hellenistic world that emerged in the wake of the conquests of Alexander the Great made an indelible albeit often controversial mark on Jewish scholarship. This was true both in terms of the Jewish diaspora community now inhabiting much of the ancient Near East and the Jewish homeland of Judea/Israel. The tension between Greek and Jewish culture is vividly remembered in such nationalistic struggles as the Maccabees’ revolt. But the tension between the two cultures was equally strong in terms of learning and scholarship. In the mid-third century BC, the famous Septuagint version of the Bible was produced, reflecting the rising influence of the Greek language in traditional Hebrew culture. Like the New Testament, the Septuagint was written in koine Greek—the “common” Greek that became an important lingua franca in varying degrees for most of the ancient Near East. Important Jewish writers of the period also wrote in Greek and blended fine Greek educations with their Jewish backgrounds. Philo Judaeus (c. 20 BC–AD 50) and Josephus, both of whom were first-century AD writers, wrote in Greek in order to reach a wider audience. The writings of Philo Judaeus, in particular, are often described as reflecting Greek influence, particularly his use of the word logos (word), so reminiscent of the famous introduction to the Gospel of John. Early Christianity reflected its common origins in the lower classes of Judean society. Nonetheless, the New Testament bespeaks a well-educated base of Christian leadership. The quality of Greek found in the New Testament is uneven at best. A few New Testament books, such as the Revelation of John on the Isle of Patmos, reflect Greek no doubt written by a non-native speaker. Gospels like Mark feature clipped, rudimentary sentence structure and relatively basic vocabulary. But overall, the writers of the New Testament certainly demonstrated generally high levels of literacy and educational background, including familiarity with the Greek language. Luke’s Gospel and Acts are generally good Greek and also reflect a sense of historical documentation and perspective not always found in ancient writings. The First Epistle to John is often cited as especially refined late first-century Greek. Christianity Moves out of the Levant Christianity’s adaptation of the Greek language, and its geographical expansion out of the Holy Land into the

broader arena of the Hellenistic and Roman worlds, is one of the most important aspects—historically speaking—of its amazing record of growth and development in this crucial formative period. While the church would remain largely Jewish during its first two centuries, the growing blend of Jewish and Greek heritage in terms of learning and outlook established patterns that would endure into the present. Paul’s decision to spread Christianity to the gentiles of the classical world was a milestone in the history of Christianity’s early spread out of the Levant. In his famous sermon on Mars Hill, he challenged the Athenians to encounter the “unknown god” (Acts 17:16–34). Paul’s challenge to the Athenians reflected a very self-conscious, and ultimately quite successful, attempt to present the Christian faith in a way that embraced the Athenian heritage of philosophical disputation and rhetoric. While in Athens, Paul also reportedly argued with Stoics and Epicureans, again evidencing his familiarity with the great schools of thought that were dominant at the time. Paul’s metaphors and imagery are also often said to show the influence of the classical philosophers. His comparison of faith to seeing through a darkened mirror, in particular, has often been cited as containing Platonic overtones (1 Cor. 13:2). By the second and third centuries, Christianity had developed intellectually sophisticated elites. A class of Christian “apologists” emerged, trained in the Greek traditions of philosophy and reason, and used their background to argue the tenets of their faith with Christianity’s many competitors and/or denigrators. Apologetics is derived from the Greek term apo-logia (to reason away; refute or defend), and the development of this important heritage reflected an enormously influential blending. Clement of Alexandria (150–216) and Origen (185–254) were among the most significant figures in this regard. Both steeped in the best traditions of rhetoric and logic produced by the ancient pagan philosophers, Clement and Origen defended and promoted Christian teaching to the elites of the literate pagan classes. Another important early apologist was Irenaeus (AD 130–202), the famous bishop of Lyon, who used the approach of apologetics to refute the Gnostic heresies in his famous Against Heresies. The core message of the Gospels had emphasized simplicity, humility, and maintaining childlike faith in the face of unknowable truths. Therefore the rise of “apologetics,” with its withering and systematic methods of argumentation and discourse, might seem a bittersweet form of “progress” to some. Nonetheless, it seems inarguable that the development of a Christian intelligentsia, increasingly on a par with the best the ancient pagan world could muster, was an essential and invaluable stage in the growth and maturation of the Christian religion.

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Another important development in terms of ancient education relating to early Christianity was the development of the codex. The codex appeared sometime around the time of the birth of Christ. Originally designed as parchments pressed and folded, then bound between two covers (generally wood), the codex was a clear forerunner of the book, one of literacy and learning’s most important ancient innovations. While scrolls continued to serve for many years as a primary means of preserving written texts, the codex—with its advantages in terms of storage, filing, and ease of reading—steadily gained in popularity. Even today, faiths like Judaism maintain the heritage of the scroll, keeping sacred copies of the Torah in scroll form, for example. By the late third century, Christian education and training had largely developed the patterns and rhythms that would characterize it for many centuries to come. It retained the core moral and theological principles derived from its roots in the movement coming out of first-century Jerusalem. At the same time, it had moved into classical culture and society. It had adopted many of the powerful outlooks and approaches equated with the great pagan philosophers—especially Plato—putting them to use in the service of the Gospel. Ultimately, the brilliance and refinement of the new Christian thought would help shape the great “creeds” that defined, forever, orthodox Christian beliefs. The greatest and most important of these creeds was the definitive Nicene Creed, published in 325. Itself the product of the Arian heresy struggle, which forced the church into existential and disruptive debates about the nature of Christ’s divinity, the Nicene Creed established the doctrine of the Trinity. It also laid the foundation for many other core Christian teachings, including the historicity of Christ’s birth, suffering, and resurrection. Roman Learning Of course, Christian learning and education also developed in the larger context of the Roman Empire. Christ was born in the Roman Empire, and the entire New Testament is a product of the days of the Roman Empire. Rome itself was something of a Hellenistic state, having been enormously influenced by the learning of the Greeks in a range of areas—not only medicine and philosophy, but also in the arts and fine literature. But even on their own terms, the Romans were great builders and administrators. Roman infrastructure facilitated cultural assimilation and the diffusion of ideas. It also helped provide suitable physical locations and amenities for learning. Although Rome did not exactly possess a “school system” per se, entities resembling schools existed in most of the great Roman cities. As was the case with Judaism, early Roman education stands in stark contrast to the Hellenic educational models

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developed in fifth- and fourth-century BC Athens. Old Roman learning reflected the practical and simple virtues of a farming people oriented around family and community. Probably a lot of education still occurred within the close-knit confines of family in these early days. As one might imagine, there is a fair amount of romanticized mythology and imagery surrounding the idyllic learning of the patricians in those Roman times. Plutarch relates that the saint-like mother of Tiberius and Gaius Gracchus was the primary educator of her two sons, who both would become renowned for their skills in eloquence and reason (Plutarch, Tiberius Gracchus, 1). Similarly, the colorful and folksy legacy of old-style Romans like Cato the Elder, sometimes called the “Ben Franklin of the Roman Republic,” recall this early quality of Roman learning—one that could perhaps also be compared to some of the frugal and time-tested Proverbs and wisdom of Old Testament Hebrews. Cato’s distaste for the disingenuous sophistry of Greek intellectuals and the self-serving, oath-driven professional exclusivity of the increasingly influential Greek physicians was popularized in ancient writings such as Plutarch’s famous biography of Cato (Plutarch, Cato, 23). Nonetheless, the influence of Hellenic culture and intellectual life proved an unstoppable force. By the end of the first century BC, Rome had become perhaps the last and largest of the Hellenistic states: a world now transformed by the relentless influence, and presence, of Greece in such critical areas as the arts, medicine, law, and philosophy. Many Roman elites welcomed Greek teachers into their homes, like the famous Polybius (c. 200–118 BC). For several centuries to come, intellectual elites in the West would generally know both Latin, and Greek. Many traditional elements of Roman culture adopted the influence of the great philosophical schools of the East—some perhaps even imitated them. Hence, the Roman orator Cicero (106–43 BC) is described as having attended excellent schools in Rome, where fathers seemed to supervise and observe, and where he obtained a classical education in both Greek and Latin, including a strong emphasis on Platonism and the Academic schools (Plutarch, Cicero, 1–3). This blend of strong Hellenic and Roman traditions would become the new gold standard in education for the next several centuries in the Mediterranean world. Not everybody possessed it. The famous Roman general Marius—champion of the common soldiers—had an educational background that was dismissed by Plutarch as of a lower nature, particularly for not having had exposure to Greek. At the same time, Plutarch writes that Marius’s education was in accordance with the ancient Roman traditions in the days before the influence of Hellenism (Plutarch, Marius, 15). His primarily traditional Roman background seemed to suit Marius just fine.

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In the first century, the Spaniard Quintilian penned the most complete treatise on Roman education in the empire’s heyday, the famous Education of the Orator, published in AD 94. Greek influences like the emphasis on rhetoric had made marked inroads in Roman culture ever since the second century BC, but Quintilian’s work is one of the clearest and most helpful descriptions of Roman education. Its embrace of Hellenic approaches to learning heavily influenced Latin readers during the empire’s heyday. Quintilian acknowledged that much of the finest learning was owed to the Greeks. He emphasized, among other things, that children be taught to read Greek first, then Latin. For children living in the Western half of the empire, this would ensure the acquisition of a refined bilingualism at a relatively early age. Quintilian also described a remarkably coherent curriculum with regard to education in rhetoric. He advocated strict lessons in grammar at the beginning of study, followed by rigorous reading in the great epics, poems, and philosophical texts of both Greece and Rome. Quintilian also provided an extremely worthwhile discussion on whether it is best to remove children from their parents for training in the larger schools that tended to characterize the great states of later antiquity, or to leave them in the home to learn privately, paying tuition to tutors or other mentors. More generally, Quintilian favored ample time for play during childhood; he viewed rigorous physical activity as a critical component of educational training. Later Roman Antiquity By the heyday of the Roman Empire, the Mediterranean’s Western Latin and Eastern Hellenistic halves had evolved into a loosely knit “Greco-Roman” culture. And while the Western half of the Mediterranean generally maintained Latin, as opposed to the koine Greek prevailing in the East, in other ways the cultures blended almost seamlessly. From its humble, localized roots in first century Judaism, Christianity quickly moved into the open geographical framework of the Roman emperors. As it adopted a more classical veneer, it moved into not only Greek literature and language, but also Latin. Along with secondand third-century Greek “apologists” like Origen and Clement of Alexandria, Latin writers like Irenaeus and Tertullian reflected this rise in Latin Christianity. One of the most important developments in terms of the future of the Latin language was the translation of the Bible into Latin by St. Jerome—the Vulgate. Produced during the latter years of the fourth century, the Vulgate Bible laid the foundation of the Latin Occident by providing a common sacred and canonical text in the Latin tongue, establishing Latin as a sacred language—as holy to a

Roman Catholic as Hebrew was to a Jew, or as Arabic would be to a Muslim. In the coming years, the Greco-Latin bilingualism that typified the empire’s intellectual elites gradually diminished—a drifting apart that very much mirrored the growing cultural, and even military, separation between the empire’s eastern and western halves. For many centuries to come, a linguistic divide, as well as a political one, separated the empire’s old halves. Recollections of Education by Augustine of Hippo St. Augustine of Hippo (354–430) provides a window into the education of later antiquity—one that clearly also shaped patterns going forward into the Middle Ages. In Confessions, his autobiography written early in the fifth century, Augustine recounts his formative years. His book provides one of later antiquity’s most fascinating and telling views of the social and intellectual culture of the late fourth century, including schools. Augustine’s Confessions provide a relatively rare firsthand glimpse at what passed for educational institutions in later antiquity. Much of the text of the Confessions deals with Augustine’s educational background: his education as a youth and his career as a young academic in “university” settings like Carthage, Rome, and Milan. In later antiquity, there were schools for young boys. Born in what is now Algeria, Augustine relates that his devoted mother Monica enrolled him in a “school” in Tagaste, where he was taught with other children. The 15thcentury artist Benezzo Gozzoli’s frescoes in the Church of Sant’Agostino in San Gimignano, Tuscany—produced in 1464–1465—depict in cyclical format the main events of Augustine’s life, many of which revolve around his schooling. The cycle of frescoes is worth considering not only for their depictions of Augustine’s experiences in the later days of the Roman Empire, but also because they no doubt reflect at least somewhat Renaissance patterns of education, as well as Renaissance understandings of later education. Gozzoli’s art characterizes the images of Augustine’s boyhood that have entered the popular imagination: a young boy whose mother is bringing him to nursery school. While the other young children are rude and mischievous, young Augustine is depicted as polite and studious. Augustine himself was originally a student training for the law, a profession his father had encouraged, and which was deemed a lucrative career (Augustine, Confessions, III. 3). While Augustine would later loathe such men, equating them with the Greek sophists of ancient Athens (Augustine, Confessions, I. 16), the training he received in this regard was in many ways reminiscent of those ancient models, so it must have had at least some

Ancient World, Christian Education in the

redeeming qualities. With the collapse of the empire in AD 476, the legal career—in the sense of a public official or lawyer—would largely vanish, replaced by, if anything, the various forms of ecclesiastical clerics. As his writings such as Confessions and The City of God gained in popularity and influence during coming generations, Augustine would be linked with many attitudes and teachings that seemed hostile to the humanism, rationalism, and non-Christian perspective of the ancient teachers and scholars. His emphasis on such themes as original sin and the depravity and fatally flawed nature of human institutions such as the state would prove enormously influential and shape many attitudes in the Middle Ages that scholars commonly equate with monastic asceticism or even obscurantism. But the simple fact is that however much Augustine may have criticized his own education, and however much of a transitional figure he might be in terms of changes reshaping education during the waning years of the Roman Empire, Augustine actually had an excellent education that borrowed heavily from the humanist heritage of the ancient world’s finest thinkers. During Augustine’s boyhood, Greek language and literature was still an emphasis. Nonetheless, his recollections about his educational upbringing seem to reflect the lessening presence of Greek language and culture in western Mediterranean education. Augustine seems to have struggled with the Greek language (Augustine, Confessions, I. 20). Though he was exposed to it as a boy, he seems to have lacked the fluency with Greek that scholars of his caliber would have exhibited only a few generations before. He showed a clear preference for Latin, which was apparently all but his native tongue, even though he had been raised in provincial North Africa. Not only did Augustine chafe at learning alien Greek syntax and grammar; he also evidenced a general distaste for the immoral and often seemingly frivolous nature of Greek pagan mythologies. Along with questioning the importance of Dido’s and Aeneas’s love affair in the overall scheme of things, Augustine also railed against the sexual dalliances of Zeus/Jupiter, seeing in them a wholly inappropriate model of deity (Augustine, Confessions, I. 16). Of perhaps even greater interest in Augustine’s Confessions is his fascinating window on higher education as it was understood and experienced in the late fourth century. Augustine writes fairly extensively about his experiences at schools in Carthage, Rome, and Milan. Although none of these schools would much resemble the modern images of a college or a university, they do clearly show practices that would evoke later traditions of higher education and will no doubt resonate with modern students and learners. While modern fixtures such

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as campus-provided dorms, cafeterias, student centers, or even classroom buildings seem unlikely—meetings between teachers and their students probably occurred in private homes or in available public spaces—we do get a distinct sense of a university community in Augustine’s writings. There is also something of a formal university governance structure. Augustine’s experiences at the universities of Carthage and Rome have an uncanny resemblance to those of many modern students. Augustine relates that when it was time for him to leave home and attend the University of Carthage, his father had to save money to pay for him to attend there, indicating some sense of painful tuition fees. Augustine also relates that the parents of many other youths in his hometown also sacrificed for their children to attend school, though he noted that the payments were particularly difficult for his father Patricius, due to the family’s relatively humble circumstances (Augustine, Confessions, II. 3). These “tuition” payments Augustine describes raise some interesting questions. While they seem to be like modern fees and tuition payments to modern readers, they more probably were paid directly to Augustine’s instructors on an individual basis. In this sense, late ancient schools still probably corresponded more closely to private, guild-like associations of the earlier Greek and Roman days than to the chartered universities that appeared in the High Middle Ages. Students were more akin to apprentices or the association, or even the individual teachers. Indeed, the nature of these fees for learning is still more clearly evidenced when Augustine moves on to Rome as a teacher. Here, he writes that his students would learn in his classes, then switch to another teacher when it was time to pay Augustine his fees (Confessions, V. 12). This requirement of the teacher to solicit and collect his own payments differs markedly from modern models. Coupled with Augustine’s reference to gathering his students for classes in his own home, these anecdotes connote “schools” largely bereft of physical or bureaucratic infrastructure. Nonetheless, there does seem to be some sense of educational incorporation/association, as well as selectivity in terms of the school’s members. Augustine writes that he moved to Rome because he had heard the students in Rome were smarter, more studious, and more professionally ambitious. Since Augustine’s own move to Rome in order to teach school there can be regarded as at least somewhat typical, it follows that Roman education was more prestigious. Augustine writes that he had to build his reputation in order to attract better students. When he had improved his reputation, he could charge higher teaching fees.

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While Augustine would come to regard the Roman model of education as driven by greed and vainglory, it does reflect on ideas of academic excellence and status and their link to specific places of learning. In a similar vein, Augustine recalled his student chums at Carthage as drunken, mischief-making hooligans for whom serious study was at best an afterthought. Augustine admits that he lived with a group of such students for a time, and for better or worse, even found their boisterous and vulgar antics amusing. Alas, reckless and drunken behavior has remained a notable aspect of student behavior. For better or worse, such antics as those described by Augustine remain a readily recognizable behavior of many students, perhaps resembling something like a fraternity. Overall, the school at Carthage foreshadows the modern notion of the “party-school” (Augustine, Confessions, III. 3). Certainly the schools of later antiquity remained rooted in the ancient classical models of guild-like associations. Nonetheless, there does seem to have been some sense, however murky, of academic rank and processes. The Gozzoli frescoes in San Gimignano, Tuscany, depicting the life of Augustine show Augustine literally sitting in a throne-like chair surrounded by Roman students— a rather literal depiction of the “chair” or, in modern usage, the “endowed chair.” While this is perhaps a Renaissance-era anachronism, it does reflect Augustine’s writings somewhat, which seem to outline something resembling an academic career and trajectories with regard to hiring and promotion. As a teacher in Carthage, Augustine writes of his growing eminence and position in the School of Rhetoric, giving at least some sense of academic rank or promotion (Augustine, Confessions, III, 3). Augustine also writes that while he was teaching in Rome, the “prefect” of Rome received a request from Milan for a public speaker and teacher of rhetoric for the city, a job Augustine ultimately accepted. The passage almost eerily reflects more modern ideas of a search and hiring process. Moreover, the transportation from Rome to Carthage, Augustine reports, was to be paid for by public funds (Augustine, Confessions, V. 13). Roman Public Infrastructure and Education Centers of education and learning in late antiquity maintained the classical amenities commonly associated with higher culture. The famed public works of the Roman emperors no doubt facilitated great learning in this regard. If it did not necessarily support clearly defined “state universities” in the modern sense, Rome’s contributions in the way of public infrastructure—roads for communication, along with attractive public amenities found in the city centers—should be considered an important part of the educational heritage of later antiquity.

The idea of state support for learning had antecedents, of course. The Hellenistic world was notable in this regard. The powerful monarchies who ruled the ancient Near East following the conquests of Alexander the Great often used their royal wealth to support cultural and intellectual life. During the reign of the Ptolemies in Egypt, the great library of Alexandria was founded. This became an iconic institution of ancient learning, one that was apparently widely imitated. During the heyday of the Roman Empire, the Roman rulers followed suit. While few ancient libraries were on the grandiose scale of the famous Hellenistic library in Alexandria, public funds during the days of the Roman Empire supported various libraries in numerous cities. Such libraries, even if not directly attached to the various learning guilds and associations, provided an essential ingredient for higher learning during the empire’s waning years. The Imperial Forum at Rome housed both a Greek library and a Latin library, for example. They were situated comfortably in Trajan’s Imperial Forum, between the Basilica Ulpia and the Temple of Divine Trajan. Libraries were also found in private homes of elite figures, like the famous Greek and Latin libraries found in Hadrian’s villa in Tivoli, on the outskirts of Rome. Besides libraries, other cultural amenities publicly supported during the empire’s heyday also bespeak a general commitment to supporting and fostering refined tastes. Theaters were invariably built at public expense in virtually all of the empire’s major cities. These facilitated higher culture and learning, as well as public entertainment. Today, a theater is an essential facility at virtually any liberal arts college or university. Similarly, the charming, inviting public green spaces of the empire’s downtown districts foreshadowed many amenities today commonly equated with college and university living. Even baths can be considered part of the support of physical well-being that today would readily be found in most university or college settings: spaces devoted to exercise, bathing, and relaxation. Security provided by Roman power can also be considered a key supporting factor in ancient education—one that especially benefited the growth of Christian intellectual endeavors. Education cannot flourish in an insecure or violent environment. The empire’s famous infrastructure of roads—and the relatively safe travel by sea in the well-policed Mediterranean—greatly aided education. As was the case with missionaries like Paul, who spread the Gospel through travel and letter-writing, education benefited enormously from the security provided by Rome’s relative success at policing both land and sea. Transportation and communication between intellectual vital population centers was a crucial dimension of ancient education in its Roman heyday, just as it was with the

Andragogy

spread of the Gospel. Writers like Augustine tell of “public speakers” and debates featuring traveling scholars, like the famous Manichaean Faustus, who visited Carthage during Augustine’s time there as a teacher (Augustine, Confessions, V. 3). With the fall of the western Roman Empire in AD 476, the infrastructure of Rome that had provided an often unsung basis for learning during the years of later antiquity also disappeared. It would be many centuries before city centers again featured anything comparable to the pleasant cultural and intellectual ambiance provided by the Roman emperors. Many of the comforts and amenities of public life all but disappeared. Some things, such as theaters, would largely vanish until the Renaissance, nearly a thousand years later. In addition, the security provided by public officialdom largely disappeared. Education would continue in the early Middle Ages. But for years to come, much learning would be housed in private and often reclusive spaces, especially the monasteries that arose beginning in the sixth century. References and Resources Bickerman, Elias. 1990. The Jews in the Greek Age. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Brown, Peter, and Geoffrey, Barraclough. 1971. The World of Late Antiquity, AD 150–750. New York: W.W. Norton & Company. Chadwick, Henry. 1967. The Early Church. New York: Penguin Books. Dupon, Florence. 1994. Daily Life in Ancient Rome. Oxford, England: Wiley Blackwell. Harris, William. 1989. Ancient Literacy. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Pelikan, Jaroslav. 1987. The Excellent Empire: The Fall of Rome and the Triumph of the Church. San Francisco: Harper & Row.

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simply accepting that the learning with have some potential value in the future. Similarly, they are more likely to respond to internal motivations rather than extrinsic motivators. Given this need for internal motivations, a common adult learning strategy is to design opportunities for learners to engage in self-reflection, affording them the chance to learn by previous and new experiences, building on their prior knowledge as a means of developing new knowledge. Given that adults have more life experience, the proponent of andragogy points out that an effective strategy is to help leverage the adults’ significant life experience as a foundation upon which they learn new things.74 While andragogy is focused on the study of adult learning strategies, some argue that the distinction between andragogy and pedagogy is not primarily one of age.75 Instead, it is a distinction between learner-centered and teacher-centered strategies. Learner-centered strategies focus on the learner engaging in frequent reflection, problem solving, learning by experiences, and applying knowledge to real-world circumstances. Teachercentered strategies, on the other hand, focus instead on the behaviors and practices of the teacher that produce possible results in the learner. Andragogical principles inform many current efforts in Christian education that focus on helping learners to be more involved in the educational process, everything from establishing their own learning goals and engaging in ongoing journaling and reflection about the learning process to learning through direct experiences (servant events, mission trips, acts of service in the community, evangelism calls, etc.). At the same time, some note that many adult Christian education texts fail to provide a consistent application of andragogy to the teaching of adults in a Christian environment.76

—David Leinweber References and Resources

Andragogy Andragogy, in the broadest sense, is the field of study that focuses on methods and strategies for teaching adults. This term is often used in contrast to pedagogy, which focuses on the education of young people, whereas andragogy focuses on that which is distinct to the education of the adult learner.73 Malcolm Knowles, an early proponent of the term, argued that there are a number of factors that are distinct to the education of adults. For example, adults most often need a rationale for learning something, rather than 73. Malcolm Knowles, The Modern Practice of Adult Education: Andragogy versus Pedagogy (New York: Association Press, 1970), 17.

Christian, Randy. 1989. “Andragogical Assumptions and Christian Education.” Christian Education Journal 9: 51–58. Knowles, Malcolm S. 1970. The Modern Practice of Adult Education: Andragogy versus Pedagogy. New York: Association Press. ———. 1984. Andragogy in Action. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Knowles, Malcolm S., Elwood F. Holton, and Richard A. Swanson. 2005. The Adult Learner: The Definitive Classic in Adult Education and Human Resource Development. Amsterdam: Elsevier. 74. Malcolm Knowles, Andragogy in Action (San Francisco: Jossey-Bass, 1984), 284. 75. Sharan Merriam and Ralph Grover Brockett, The Profession and Practice of Adult Education: An Introduction (San Francisco: Jossey-Bass, 1997), 35–36. 76. Randy Christian, “Andragogical Assumptions and Christian Education,” Christian Education Journal 9 (1989): 57–58.

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Anglican Church Christian Education

Merriam, Sharan B., and Ralph Grover Brockett. 1997. The Profession and Practice of Adult Education: An Introduction. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Merriam, Sharan B., and Rosemary S. Caffarella. 1991. Learning in Adulthood: A Comprehensive Guide. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass.

—Bernard Bull

over the Viking Guthrum at the Battle of Eddington was a milestone in encouraging Christian learning. However, widespread education was not to take place until after the Norman Conquest, when Christianity finally took root in new building projects, with stone churches being available for use as schools as well as markets and places of worship. Alongside the churches, monasteries grew up as centers of Christian learning; these were to remain until the time of the Reformation.

Anglican Church Christian Education Anglican churches are part of the Anglican Communion (which is an international association of national and regional Anglican churches and a few other episcopal churches). These churches are all in full communion with the mother church for the worldwide communion, the Church of England. This means that there is a particular relationship with its principal primate, the archbishop of Canterbury (who has no formal authority outside that jurisdiction, but is recognized as the symbolic head of the worldwide communion. Among the other primates, he is considered primus inter pares). There is no single “Anglican Church” with universal juridical authority, as each national or regional church has full autonomy. The status of full communion means, ideally, that there is mutual agreement on essential doctrines and that full participation in the sacramental life of each church is available to all communicant Anglicans. Historical Overview In terms of the Church in England, educational literacy grew as a direct result of the spread of Christianity in England. Initially, Christianity was one cult among many arriving on British shores with Roman artisans and traders, but when Constantine became a Christian in the fourth century, the faith became more visible, even surviving the departure of the Romans, until Augustine arrived in AD 597. The immediate result of the conversion of King Ethelbert was for land to be offered on which Augustine built a monastery and subsequently a school for training Anglo-Saxon priests. Christianity then rose from being a minor cult to demonstrate its potential as a major religion, but it was curtailed by Viking invaders. Particularly tragic was the plundering of Lindisfarne in AD 871, exemplifying the destruction of the church, which was both the learning center and the focus of power. King Alfred the Great (r. 871–899) noted that education and faith literacy declined after the initial conversion of the Anglo-Saxons. In his preface to his translation of Gregory I’s “Cura Pastoralis,” he set out his intention to educate the people of England, not only by making them literate but by getting the Bible translated. His victory

Academic Programs for Education More recently, the churches in England may claim to have made an even greater contribution to “education for all” children by their establishment of societies with the aim of widespread schooling, beginning with the foundation of the Society for the Propagation of Christian Knowledge (SPCK) in 1698. Nineteenth-century societies contributed to the development of a wide curriculum, including religious education and the work of church colleges in training teachers. The Church of England’s society to develop schooling in England was The National Society for Promoting the Education of the Poor in the Principles of the Established Church throughout England and Wales. Summary of Christian Philosophy With a membership currently estimated at over 85 million members worldwide, the Anglican Communion is the third largest Christian communion in the world, after the Roman Catholic Church and the Eastern Orthodox churches. Some of these churches are known as Anglican, due to their historical link to England (Ecclesia Anglicana means “English church”). Each church has its own doctrine and liturgy, based in most cases on that of the Church of England, and each has its own legislative process and overall episcopal polity, under the leadership of a local primate. The Anglican Communion considers itself to be part of the One, Holy, Catholic, and Apostolic Church and to be both Catholic and Reformed. For some adherents, it represents a nonpapal Catholicism, for others a form of Protestantism. For others, their self-identity represents some combination of the two. The communion encompasses a wide spectrum of belief and practice, including evangelical, liberal, and Catholic. References and Resources Chadwick, P. 1997. Shifting Alliances: Church and State in English Education. London: Cassell. Worsley, H. J., ed. 2012. Anglican Church School Education: Moving Beyond the First Two Hundred Years. London: Continuum.

—Howard Worsley

Anselm

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Anglican Curricular Outcomes

Angola and Christian Education

The Church of England came into existence in 1534, breaking with the Roman Church under the leadership of King Henry VIII. With the birth of the Church of England, many ecclesial changes quickly emerged. The most well-known changes involved the authority structures and the rejection of the pope as head of the Church of England. But there were curricular changes being set in place as long as 500 years ago. As the Church of England broke from the Roman Church, both scripture and prayer were brought into the language of the common people. In 1549, Archbishop Thomas Cranmer completed the Book of Common Prayer, a guidebook to prayer and worship. Cranmer also developed the lectionary, a weekly schedule for Bible reading, which was used in homes and churches alike. People flocked to the churches to hear the scripture read in a language that they used on a daily basis. The lectionary and the Book of Common Prayer continue to guide Anglican religious education today. The liturgy, or “the work of the people,” actively involves parishioners in every service of Holy Communion. Through common worship of morning and evening prayer, Anglican belief is shaped. The regular recitation of the words in the prayers and creeds (Nicene, Athanasian, and Apostle’s) have a way of shaping the believer’s faith and changing the heart. Anglicans view baptism and Holy Communion as the sacraments of the church. Infant baptism is celebrated, as children are “sealed by the Holy Spirit in baptism and marked as Christ’s own forever.” When children reach an age of responsibility, they are expected to undergo confirmation classes. Confirmation, a rite in the Anglican tradition, is seen as an avenue to firm up the promises made at the time of baptism. Confirmation classes are held for adolescents and adults alike. At baptism, classes are required for the parents of the children, since the responsibility truly lies with the parents and godparents. At confirmation, the adult is given the opportunity to profess his or her faith and connect with the historical church, as a bishop lays hands on the confirmant and anoints him or her with oil. The Thirty-Nine Articles of Religion, adopted by the church in 1563, contain a summary of Reformation theology and remain the basis for standard doctrinal belief among churches in the Anglican Communion. The themes of the authority of the Bible, justification by faith, and the nature of the sacraments guide religious education in many confirmation classes to this day. —Kelly Langdoc

Angola could be a wealthy nation, with rich agricultural land, oil, diamonds, and other minerals. However, the country suffered deeply from the 1962–2002 civil war, an African reflection of the Cold War. The Soviet Union and Cuba supported the MPLA, while the United States and white-ruled South Africa supported the anticommunist UNITA. When the fighting finally ended, there were reported to be more land mines in Angola than people. During the colonial period, Protestant education conflicted with the Portuguese colonial government and the privileged Catholic schools. In fact, the leaders of the independence movement were mostly products of Protestant schools, which contributed to the closing of many Protestant missions. Opposition to church-based education continued in postindependence Marxist days, as the government hoped to do away with all Christianity within 20 years. The church in Angola has grown significantly, especially since 1990. However, it faces huge challenges. The civil war divided denominations, and forgiveness, reconciliation, and unity are needed among leaders and denominations. Wisdom is needed in developing a right relationship between church and state. For too many leaders, right “doctrine” is little more than petty legalism. Only a small percentage of churches have trained leadership. There are approximately 25 Bible schools functioning in Angola, along with various discipleship and TEE programs. There is a Catholic seminary in Malanje and two Protestant seminaries: ISTEL, in Lubango, sponsored by the Angola Evangelical Alliance (AEA), and Emanuel United Seminary in Huambo, serving denominations connected to the Council of Christian Churches in Angola (CICA). —Steve Hardy

Anselm Early Background and Education Anselm (1033–1109) was born into a noble family in the Kingdom of Burgundy in Aosta. While we know little of his early education, we know that in his early twenties he arrived at the Benedictine Abbey at Bec, where he would have studied under Lanfranc, who had a considerable reputation as a teacher of dialectic and a scholar. Lanfranc was very much exercised by the role of reason and faith, resisting the antiphilosophical scruples of Peter Damian, but not ready to fully endorse the adequacy of philosophical reason in exploring the mysteries of faith.

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Anthropology, Christian Contributions to

Anselm became a novice of the abbey in 1060 and was elected as abbot in 1078. He was elected archbishop of Canterbury in 1093 and served this high office during a time of great conflict between the church and the crown over jurisdiction and privileges.

Most Notable Publications Monologium Proslogion De Veritate Cur Deus Homo

—Charles Taliaferro Significant Contributions to Christian Education Three of Anselm’s contributions to Christian education are worth noting. First, if Anselm is right, religious and philosophical education can be carried out in a devotional context. Anselm articulated, explored, and refined the understanding of God as unsurpassable excellence in the context of prayerful devotion, with which Anselm beseeched God for illumination in his two best-known works, the Monologion and the Proslogion. Anselm’s devotional approach to God is captured in his commending “faith seeking understanding” (fides quarens intellectum). While subject to different interpretations, that precept may plausibly be read as the claim that our approach to God should be motivated by the love (or the willing to have love) of God and the desire to be in communion with God. Second, if Anselm is right, then religious education should be centered on values. Our coming to know of God should be guided by our grasp of great values, even values that are so great that none greater can be conceived. So, in thinking about God’s knowledge of the creation, for example, we should not think of God’s knowledge in terrestrial or bodily terms, in which God would need to rely on sense organs. God’s cognition is so perfect that it requires no mediation. Third, Anselm calls on us to reflect on the reasons and purposes of God in salvation history. In Cur Deus homo? (Why did God become man?), Anselm sets forth reasons for the necessity of a God-man’s redeeming life and death as a means of restoring an atonement with God for those who sin against God and their neighbors. The central argument is that if there is a God of unsurpassable excellence and goodness, yet creatures whom God creates and sustains sin against Him, then certain steps must be taken by God and sinful creatures for there to be atonement. This is an argument that is not based on historical inquiry, evidence, or special revelation, but on a series of premises that give us reason to look for what Christian scripture offers testimony has actually occurred: Jesus Christ as God incarnate, fully human and fully divine, has offered His life as a means to redeem sinners and bring about atonement (or at-onement) with God. Whether Anselm’s own philosophical argument is successful, he stands as an example of someone who boldly seeks to use reason in the philosophy of God and thus someone who invites a Christian education of questioning and reason in the formation of one’s relationship with God.

Anthropology, Christian Contributions to A Living Paradox Secular anthropology is necessarily incomplete, because man makes sense only in relation to God. As the great Christian philosopher Blaise Pascal declared, man is a riddle, a paradox, a “monster” that does not fit into the world.77 Like a dispossessed king, he is wretched because he falls short of standards he knows are meant for him.78 And yet he is also great, because he is aware of his wretchedness79 and thus discerns the “infinite abyss” in himself which can only be filled by an “infinite and immutable object . . . by God himself.”80 Pascal argues that the only solution to this riddle is the scriptural one: that man was made like God and yet fell into sin.81 This dual nature of man has profound implications for Christian education. The Image of God and Education Citizens of the World Man is specially made in the triune image of God (Gen. 1:26–27). Humans are nothing less than God’s representatives on Earth,82 appointed as stewards of the rest of creation. In the beginning, man, like everything else God made, was made good. Yet even before the fall, he was incomplete, finding wholeness only in community with others (Gen. 2:18). So humans are by nature social beings, and the ideas of family, society, and culture are all part of God’s design for human flourishing. One goal of Christian education is therefore to produce worthy parents, citizens, and workers who uphold this design. As sin has turned people in on themselves, it has broken their relationships with God and others. Christian educators should therefore seek to build strong characters that counteract self-centered habits and behavior (e.g., through role models, heroic stories, and virtue ethics).83 77. Blaise Pascal, Pensées, trans. A. J. Krailsheimer (New York: Penguin Books, 1966), #131, 64. 78. Ibid., #116, 59. 79. Ibid., #114, 59. 80. Ibid., #148, 75. 81. Ibid., #131, 66. 82. Luther called them larvae dei or masks of God: his eyes, ears, hands, and feet. 83. This is an important theme in C. S. Lewis’s The Abolition of Man (New York: Macmillan, 1955).

Anthropology, Christian Contributions to

Disciples of Christ Humans are also creatures: they live in complete dependence on God for their existence, all of their faculties, and every gift and opportunity that makes their lives possible. Yet as Reinhold Niebuhr argued, the primal sin of fallen humanity is denial of this fact: “The evil in man is a consequence of his . . . unwillingness to acknowledge his dependence, to accept his finiteness and to admit his insecurity.”84 So another goal of Christian education is precisely to reveal humanity’s dependence on God. Prideful self-assertion must be broken to make room for the new person in Christ that can walk in humble obedience. Holism Scripture tells us we are complex beings (1 Thess. 5:23; Heb. 4:12), consisting of body (soma), soul (psyche), and spirit (pneuma). Yet we are made whole persons, and these faculties are designed to interact. God made the human body good and reaffirmed this by becoming a physical incarnation and bodily resurrection. The soul is our active side, the seat of our reason and emotion, while the spirit is the passive recipient of the Holy Spirit. Christian education should be mindful of the way the spiritual, intellectual, emotional, and physical dimensions interact, and its approach should be holistic, so that the whole person grows up in Christ.85 Equipped to Be Stewards As image bearers, humans are given the unique privilege and responsibility of caring for the rest of creation. Yet God equips those He calls, and despite the Fall, we retain remarkable powers of stewardship.86 Creativity Humans image God through their amazing creativity in art, music, and literature. They are even capable of what Tolkien called “sub-creation”:87 while they cannot create a world ex nihilo like God, they can make secondary worlds accessible to the imagination (e.g., Tolkien’s own Middle-Earth and the worlds of literature, movies, video games, and virtual reality).88 While escapism and self-deception are risks, Christian education should exalt 84. Reinhold Niebuhr, “Man as Image of God and as Creature,” in The Nature and Destiny of Man, vol. I: Human Nature (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1943), 150. 85. For a discussion of the implications of holism for Christian education, see Joel D. Heck and Angus Menuge, eds., Learning at the Foot of the Cross (Austin, TX: Concordia University Press, 2011). 86. For a brilliant philosophical defense of this claim, see J. P. Moreland, The Recalcitrant Imago Dei (London: SCM Press, 2009). 87. J. R. R. Tolkien, “On Fairy Stories,” in The Tolkien Reader (New York: Del Rey, 1986). 88. See Mark J. P. Wolf, Building Imaginary Worlds: The Theory and History of Subcreation (New York: Routledge, 2012).

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creativity as a powerful witness to the divine: Soli Deo Gloria, as Bach and Handel said of their compositions. Science The idea that man is like God is one of many Christian teachings that promoted the rise of modern science.89 It affirms that the human mind and the laws of nature reflect the same divine logos. This gives scientists confidence that they can discover how the cosmos works, and stewardship is a powerful motivation: science helps us develop nature to serve our neighbor. With the advent of Darwinism, science became dominated by materialistic assumptions, and today the new atheists90 use it as a weapon against the Christian faith. Christian education should combat this trend by showing how congenial Christian assumptions are to good science. For example, while Aristotle thought one could discern how nature must operate by intuiting essences, the Christian assumption of divine voluntarism (God creates as He wills) supported the modern empirical method (we must look and see what God has written in the book of nature).91 The crucial ideas of scientific fallibility and bias depended on a frank recognition of creaturely limitations (Isa. 55:8–9) and the effect of sin on our cognitive faculties.92 Morality The world belongs to God, not humanity (Ps. 24:1), and God cares about all creatures, not just humans (Gen. 9:8–11). So contrary to popular belief, humans are called to care for the world as a trust, not to exploit it as a disposable gift.93 Environmental stewardship should be an important emphasis in Christian education, not only because of our dependence on the natural environment, but because it was made good by God (Gen. 1). While humans have limited authority over the nonhuman environment, they do not have godlike authority over one another. We may farm the land, eat meat, and develop nature into culture for human ends. Yet we are not to treat other image bearers like those without that image (Gen. 9:6). As Kant put it, we should never use a 89. See, e.g., Nancy Pearcey and Charles Thaxton, The Soul of Science (Wheaton, IL: Crossway Books, 1994); Peter Harrison, The Bible, Protestantism, and the Rise of Natural Science (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1998); and Stanley Jaki, The Savior of Science (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 2000). 90. These include Richard Dawkins, Daniel Dennett, Same Harris, and the late Christopher Hitchens. 91. For an in-depth study of the idea of the scientist as reader of God’s other book, see my edited collection, Reading God’s World: The Scientific Vocation (St. Louis, MO: Concordia Publishing House, 2004). 92. Francis Bacon provided an early analysis of scientific bias, distinguishing four idols of the mind. See Francis Bacon, The New Organon, ed. Lisa Jardine and Michael Silverthorne (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2000). 93. See Richard J. Bauckham, The Bible and Ecology: Rediscovering the Community of Creation (Waco, TX: Baylor University Press, 2010).

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person as a mere means (as a thing). The doctrine of the imago dei provides a basis for distinctively human rights, since the divine image is reflected in all people, regardless of their physical or mental condition.94 His teaching is reinforced by Christ Himself, who called Christians to care “for the least of these” (Matt. 25:35–45). As Alvin Schmidt has shown, the ancient pagan world featured widespread abortion, infanticide, and child abandonment, but no hospitals. Christ’s example and teaching were critical in humanitarian reforms.95 A vital component of Christian education is the promotion of a high view of the value of human life, one that combats the secular notion that humans are valuable only if they are “useful.” Politics Political leaders are also God’s representatives (Rom. 13), but their authority comes from God (John 19:11). Government is a noble calling to serve the needs of the people, as Luther emphasized.96 Politicians sin against their vocation if they oppress the people for their own ends, and they cannot replace Christ’s role as savior (Ps. 146:3). Christians can encourage policies that support the common good of humanity, while opposing utopian ideologies as a denial of original sin. Christian education should aim to form citizens with a realistic sense of the opportunities and dangers of public life and a strong sense of servant leadership. References and Resources Bacon, Francis. 2000. The New Organon. Edited by Lisa Jardine and Michael Silverthorne. New York: Cambridge University Press. Bauckham, Richard J. 2010. The Bible and Ecology: Rediscovering the Community of Creation. Waco, TX: Baylor University Press. Harrison, Peter. 1998. The Bible, Protestantism, and the Rise of Natural Science. New York: Cambridge University Press. Heck, Joel D., and Angus Menuge, eds. 2011. Learning at the Foot of the Cross. Austin, TX: Concordia University Press. Jaki, Stanley. 2000. The Savior of Science. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. Jastram, Nathan. 2004. “Man as Male and Female: Created in the Image of God.” Concordia Theological Quarterly 68 (1): 5–96. Lewis, C. S. 1955. The Abolition of Man. New York: Macmillan. Menuge, Angus, ed. 2004. Reading God’s World: The Scientific Vocation. St. Louis, MO: Concordia Publishing House. 94. For a defense of Christian theism as the foundation of human rights, see John Warwick Montgomery, Human Rights and Human Dignity (Dallas, TX: Probe Books, 1986). 95. Alvin J. Schmidt, How Christianity Changed the World (Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan, 2004). 96. See Gustaf Wingren’s discussion of the vocation of the prince in Luther on Vocation (Evansville, IN: Ballast Press, 1999), 98.

Montgomery, John Warwick. 1986. Human Rights and Human Dignity. Dallas, TX: Probe Books. Moreland, J. P. 2009. The Recalcitrant Imago Dei. London: SCM Press. Niebuhr, Reinhold. 1943. The Nature and Destiny of Man. Vol. I, Human Nature. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons. Pascal, Blaise. 1966. Pensées. Translated by A. J. Krailsheimer. New York: Penguin Books. Pearcey, Nancy, and Charles Thaxton. 1994. The Soul of Science. Wheaton, IL: Crossway Books. Schmidt, Alvin J. 2004. How Christianity Changed the World. Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan. Tolkien, J. R. R. 1986. “On Fairy Stories.” In The Tolkien Reader, 362–397. New York: Del Rey. Wingren, Gustaf. 1999. Luther on Vocation. Evansville, IN: Ballast Press. Wolf, Mark, J. P. 2012. Building Imaginary Worlds: The Theory and History of Subcreation. New York: Routledge.

—Angus Menuge

Antioch, Church of Antioch in first-century Syria (currently Antakya, Turkey), as distinguished from Antioch of Pisidia, was once a major center of Christian faith and formation of Jesus’s disciples. The church of Antioch is described in Acts 11:19–30 and 13:1–12: “It was in Antioch that the disciples were first called Christians (Acts 11:26). What constituted Christian education in Antioch that sets a distinct pattern for consideration as a model for the expansion of the Christian faith? In a significant way, the Church of Antioch departed from the pattern set by the Church of Jerusalem in relation to the makeup and functioning of the Christian community following the persecution of followers of the way set by Jesus and his apostles in the first century. Acts 11:19 notes: “Now those who were scattered because of the persecution that took place over Stephen traveled as far as Phoenicia, Cyprus, and Antioch, and they spoke the word to no one except Jews.” Jewish followers of Jesus came to Antioch fleeing persecution and became forced immigrants, who shared with fellow Jews their faith. The Acts account continues: “But among them were some of the men of Cyprus and Cyrene who, on coming to Antioch, spoke to the Hellenists (or Greeks) also, proclaiming the Lord Jesus. The hand of the Lord was with them, and a great number became believers and turned to the Lord” (vv. 20–21). Here was a first-century encounter with cultural and ethnic diversity that warranted the church in Jerusalem sending Barnabas, a “good man, full of the Holy Spirit and of faith” to investigate. More people became Christians, and Barnabas went and recruited

Antioch, School of

Saul of Tarsus, who worked along with him for a year teaching in Antioch. Growth through diversity resulted in Christians sharing relief with those struggling in Judea under persecution. The formation of disciples resulted in mission and service to others, affirming the importance of service learning for Christian education. The leadership team at the Antioch Church described in Acts 13:1–3 is noteworthy for its multicultural makeup. Thom Hopler, himself a missionary in Africa and innercity Newark, noted that Simeon was black, Lucius was Greek, and Manaen was Jewish. Here were an African, an Asian, and a Palestinian serving as coequals and providing leadership as prophets and teachers. Saul, later named Paul (Acts 13:9), was a Hellenized Jew and Pharisee from Tarsus in Asia Minor (Phil. 3:5), and Barnabas was a Jewish Levite and native of Cyprus (Acts 4:36). All of these leaders crossed cultural borders in serving together the ethnic diversity of the Antiochian community as it broke out of a Jewish-only stance as represented by Jerusalem. For effective multicultural Christian education, it is essential that this model be studied. With all the differences noted, the structures of the church supported a unity and bond of love. From such a foundation, the church at Antioch became an intentionally missionary-sending congregation with the commissioning of Barnabas and Saul on their first missionary journey. By supporting diversity and forging unity, educational structures can incarnate the love God intends for all of humanity. It is noteworthy that to this day there exists at Antioch an Orthodox Christian church. References and Resources Brown, Raymond E. 1983. Antioch and Rome: New Testament Cradles of Catholic Christianity. New York: Paulist. Conde-Frazier, Elizabeth, and Robert W. Pazmiño. 2007. “Antioch Revisited: Educational Implications.” In The Antioch Agenda: Essays on the Restorative Church in honor of Orlando E. Costas, edited by Daniel Jeyaraj, Robert W. Pazmiño, and Rodney Petersen, 54–81. New Delhi: Indian Society for the Promotion of Christian Knowledge for Andover Newton Theological School and the Boston Theological Institute. Hill, Craig. C. 1992. Hellenists and Hebrews: Reappraising Division within the Earliest Church. Minneapolis, MN: Fortress Press. Hopler, Thom. 1981. A World of Difference: Following Christ beyond Your Cultural Wall. Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press, 1981. Slee, Michelle. 2003. The Church in Antioch in the First Century CE: Communion and Conflict. New York: Sheffield Academic Press.

—Robert W. Pazmiño

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Antioch, School of The School of Antioch arose in the fourth century AD as a reaction to the allegorical approach to the scriptures as practiced in the School of Alexandria. One of the earliest treatises from this school is On the Witch of Endor and Against Allegory by Eustathius of Antioch. The point of this work, highlighting the inconsistency in the interpretive practices of Origen, is to emphasize the importance of contextual readings of scripture for maintaining consistency and faithfulness in interpretation. Antiochene scholars emphasized literal and historical interpretation and criticized allegorical excess, arguing that a text could not mean or suggest anything more than what it explicitly stated. The leading teachers include Diodore of Tarsus and two of his students: the exegete and commentator Theodore of Mopsuestia and the great expository preacher John Chrysostom. The literal emphasis is seen in Theodore’s straightforward exegesis of the Song of Songs as a hymn for marriage, in contrast to the interpretation that viewed the poem as revealing Christ’s love for His bride, the church. The historical emphasis is seen in Theodore’s reduction of messianic prophecy in the Psalms and Prophets; in his reading, there was almost none to be found. For example, Psalm 22 was not prophetic of Christ or His death, despite Christ’s use of it as revealed in the Gospel narratives. Nevertheless, the Davidic Psalms do contain some hints of the messiah, for Theodore believed that David did actually see his own life as foreshadowing some aspects of the messiah. But in general, Theodore understood scripture to be revealed through prophets in various discrete historical periods, and therefore their interpretation must be rooted in those historical contexts. To read truths revealed later in time (e.g., in the New Testament) back into earlier periods (e.g., in the Old Testament) through allegory removes the chronological and developmental features of the text, thereby flattening the text and deemphasizing the newness of the Gospel. The reputation of the Antiochene School and its interpretive matrix was greatly damaged later by its relation to Nestorianism, which was condemned in the fifth century at Ephesus (431) and Chalcedon (451). References and Resources Greer, Rowan. 1961. Theodore of Mopsuestia: Exegete and Theologian. London: Faith Press. McLeod, Frederick. 2008. Theodore of Mopsuestia. London: Routledge. Wiles, Maurice. 1970. “Theodore of Mopsuestia as Representative of the Antiochene School.” In The Cambridge History of

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Apologetics

the Bible, edited by P. R. Ackroyd and C. F. Evans, 1:489–510. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Young, Frances M. 1997. Biblical Exegesis and the Formation of Christian Culture. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

—Robert Keay

Apologetics Derived from a Greek word meaning a speech given in defense, apologetics is both the academic discipline of defending the faith and the work of defending the faith. A goal of apologetics is to challenge the worldview of the unbeliever while demonstrating the credibility of Christianity. Apologetics serves to strengthen the worldview of the believer. Apologetics in the Early Church Justin Martyr (c. 100–c. 165) defended Christianity as an all-encompassing worldview with veracity in his two Apologies. Athenagoras (second century) addressed A Plea for Christians to Marcus Aurelius around AD 177. Iranaeus (c. 130–c. 200) opposed the Gnostics in Against Heresies. Tertullian (c. 155–220) defended the faith in Apologeticus, among other writings. Origen’s (c. 185– c. 254) Contra Celsum is an apologetic classic. Augustine (354–430) is recognized as the most influential theologian of the early church and influenced apologetics through his City of God and other writings. Systems of Apologetics Three main systems have been identified: classical, evidential, and presuppositional. Classical apologetics, the primary approach throughout church history, contains two steps: rational arguments for a theistic God, followed by evidential support for Christianity (with an emphasis on miracles). Classical apologists trace their system back to the New Testament. In the Middle Ages, Anselm developed the ontological argument. Some classical apologists have gone on to reject Anselm’s ontological argument, but most accept some variation of the teleological argument, cosmological argument, or moral argument. Proponents include Anselm, Thomas Aquinas, William Paley, John Locke, C. S. Lewis, B. B. Warfield, R. C. Sproul, William Craig, J. P. Moreland, Norman Geisler, and Peter Kreeft. Evidential apologetics, the dominant modern approach, emphasizes the need for evidence to support the truth claims of Christianity. Unlike classical apologetics, proof for a theistic God is not a required first step, but frequently just one part of the eclectic evidentialist approach. It began as a reaction to deism, and one of the seminal works was Joseph Butler’s Analogy of Religion. Evidentialists often use five types of evidence: rational, historical, archaeological,

experiential, and prophetic. A common motif is a courtroom, first seen in Thomas Sherlock’s The Tryal of the Witnesses of the Resurrection of Jesus in 1729. Proponents include Butler, Sherlock, James Orr, William Paley, Bernard Ramm, Clark Pinnock, John Warwick Montgomery, Richard Swinburne, and Josh McDowell. Presuppositional apologetics (sometimes referred to as reformed apologetics) defends Christianity by presupposing the truth of Christianity. There are three main streams of presuppositional apologetics: revelational, rational, and systematic consistency. Revelational is a two-step argument: non-Christian worldviews are unable to account for rationality and morality, and the Christian worldview is shown to be the only presupposition that leads to rationality and morality. This is called the transcendental argument. Proponents include Herman Dooyeweerd, Cornelius Van Til, Greg Bahnsen, and John Frame. Rational is based on the law of noncontradiction. It argues that all other worldviews have internal contradictions and cannot be true; only Christianity is internally consistent. Proponents include Gordon Clark, Carl F. H. Henry, and Ronald Nash. Systematic consistency is similar to rational, with two tests added: worldviews must comprehensively account for all other facts of life and must be existentially relevant. Proponents include Edward John Carnell and Gordon Lewis. Other systems are fideism, experientialism, historical apologetics, and integrative approaches (including the apologetics practiced by Francis Schaeffer). These may overlap other approaches. Apologetics in Modern Christian Education Defending the faith has played a large role in Christian education. The Princeton School of Apologetics exerted influence on CE at the turn of the 20th century. Westminster Seminary was formed as a reaction to the modernist direction of Princeton and added a ThM in apologetics in 1954. There has been a rise in graduate programs in apologetics since 1990, with Southeastern Evangelical Seminary founded for apologetics in 1992. The Oxford Centre for Christian Apologetics was formed in 2004 and added an MTh in 2012. An MA in apologetics was added at Biola University (1997), Luther Rice Seminary (2009), and Denver Seminary (2012). The MDiv in apologetics was added at Southeastern Baptist Theological Seminary in 2004. Southern Baptist Theological Seminary added a PhD (2001) and an MDiv (2007) in apologetics. Liberty University added a PhD in apologetics in 2008. References and Resources Boa, Kenneth D., and Robert M. Bowman Jr. 2005. Faith Has Its Reasons: An Integrative Approach to Defending Christianity. Waynesboro, PA: Authentic Publishing.

Apologists

Bush, L. Russ, ed. 1993. Classical Readings in Christian Apologetics A.D. 100–1800. Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan. Elwell, Walter A., ed. 2006. Evangelical Dictionary of Theology. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic. Geisler, Norman L. 2007. Baker Encyclopedia of Christian Apologetics. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic.

—Stephen G. Lewis

Apologists Apologists refer to Christian writers (second–fifth centuries) and their works whose aim was to defend Christianity against pagan, Jewish, as well as heretical accusations and persecutions. The second and third centuries are considered the classic period of apologetic literature; however, apologetics continued even after the official recognition of Christianity by Emperor Constantine in AD 312 as religio licita (the admitted religion). The first document of Christian apologetic literature was Apology, addressed by Quadratus to the Emperor Hadrian circa AD 125. Among the early Christian apologists (writing in Greek) were Aristides of Athens, with Apology; Aristo of Pella, with Discussion between Jason and Papiscus Concerning Christ from circa AD 140; St. Justin the Martyr, with Apologies and Dialogue with the Jew Trypho; Tatian the Syrian, with The Discourse to the Greeks; Miltiades, with Apology of Christian Philosophy and Against the Greeks; Apollinaris of Hierapolis, with Against the Greeks, On the Truth, and Against the Jews; Athenagoras of Athens, with The Supplication for the Christians from circa AD 177; Theophilus of Antioch, with Ad Autolycum; Melito of Sardis’s Apology; Hermias, with Satire on the Profane Philosophers; and the unknown author of The Epistle to Diognetus. Among the apologists in later periods were (also writing in Greek) Clement of Alexandria, Origen, Eusebius of Caesarea, Athanasius the Great, and Theodoret of Cyrus; writing in Latin were Minucius Felix, Tertullian, Cyprian, Arnobius of Sicca, and Lactantius. The majority of the apologists were well-educated converts. The novelty of a religious experience of the Christian faith impelled them to confront it with pagan philosophy, especially because the previously circulating oral rumors and accusations concerning Christians (of their presumed atheism and immoral life) assumed a written slander in the second century (e.g., Lucian of Samosata’s De morte peregrini, Fronto of Cirta’s Oration, Celsus’s The True Discourse). Thus, in the second century AD, Christians faced a much harsher confrontation with the vaguely comprehended pagan culture, in addition to their resistance during the time of persecutions and establishing the model of a religious life inspired by the Commandments and the

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Gospel. This took place on two planes: on the one hand, Christian writers responded to the allegations against the new religion; on the other hand, they often began, on their own initiative, a critique of polytheism and the cultural institutions of the pagan world. Apologists refuted unjust accusations and unmasked the Gentiles’ immorality and the absurdity of polytheism, counterpointing with Christian monotheism and the doctrine of the resurrection of the body. They pointed out that pagan philosophy contains barely a part of the truth, unlike Christianity, which encompasses its fullness and thus is the religion of truth. The church was presented as a neither new nor a recent institution. The New Testament is bound up with the Old by a close inner union, an inherent relationship constituted by the prophecies of the Redeemer to come, and since Moses lived long before the Greek thinkers and philosophers, Christianity is the oldest and most venerable of religions and philosophies. The works of the apologists took the form of speech or dialogue, in accordance with the rules of ancient rhetoric. They had to find a common ground with the Gentiles, if they wanted to convey their arguments; this forced them to take a more reasonable position, in order to allow others to join the academic discussion. The writers in their apologies did not attempt to speak to the uneducated masses, rather to address those who could comprehend them; they turned to them as the people of high culture (paideia), who wanted to approach the issues in a spirit of philosophy. Early Christian apologists did not seek to construct a coherent theological system, nor to interpret the entire Revelation; their aim was to validate the rationality and reasonableness of the Christian faith, with the aid of the logical belief systems developed by pagan religion, yet basing their notions not on pagan mythology, but on their own philosophical idea of God as a transcendent Being, which consequently determined their specific cosmology, anthropology, and ethics. Apologists and their apologies exemplify the search for a possible meeting of the man of the epoch with the Gospel message and illustrate the necessity for an invariable interpretation of the original, evangelical faith experience in the new language of successive epochs, adapted to the mentality of the people of each epoch. Despite the fact that after the Edict of Milan the interest in apologetics declined, the apologetic literature still produced treatises, mostly fending off heresies and concerning the Church’s dogmas (e.g., Augustine). References and Resources Danielou, J. 1974. Message évangélique et culture hellénistique aux IIe et IIIe siècles. Paris: Desclée et Cie. Edwards, M. J. 2008. “Apologetics.” In The Oxford Handbook of Early Christian Studies, edited by S. Ashbrook Harvey and D. G. Hunter, 549–564. New York: Oxford University Press.

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Edwards, M. J., M. Goodman, and S. R. F. Price, eds. 1999. Apologetics in the Roman Empire: Pagans, Christians, and Jews. New York: Oxford University Press. Ferguson, E., ed. 1993. The Early Church and Greco-Roman Thought. Studies in Early Christianity no. 8. New York: Garland Publishing. Grant, R. M. 1988. The Greek Apologists of the Second Century. Philadelphia: Westminster Press. Grecco, M. 1974. Metodologia e fonti della prima apologetica cristiana. Lecce, Italy: Università del Salento Press. Wysocki, M. 2010. Early Christian Apologists’ Arguments in Favour of Christian Supremacy over Other Religions (Aristides, Justin, Athenagoras, Theophilus of Antioch, The Epistle to Diognetus). Lublin, Poland: Wydawnictwo KUL.

—Marcin Wysocki

Apostles’ Creed The antecedents of the Apostles’ Creed (from the Latin credo, “I believe”) are rooted in informal Christian confessions from the first 150 years of Christianity, centering on the person and work of Jesus Christ. As early as the New Testament, creedal statements are found on Christ’s death and resurrection (1 Cor. 15:3–6), His exaltation to the right hand of God (Rom. 8:34), and His final judgment of the living and the dead (2 Tim. 4:1–2). Later, through the influence of the baptismal formula “Father, Son and Holy Spirit” (Matt. 28:19), confessions began to take a more Trinitarian pattern. Beginning with concise and balanced statements on the Triune persons, each article developed as the church reflected on the Christian narrative and confronted internal and external theological challenges. The Apostles’ Creed arose directly from a tripartite set of questions given to baptismal candidates in Rome at the beginning of the third century. Catechumens were asked individually at baptism, “Do you believe in God the Father Almighty?” Then, “Do you believe in Jesus Christ, the only Son of God?” And finally, “Do you believe in the Holy Spirit, the holy church and the bodily resurrection of the dead?” To each question the person answered, “I believe.” In the next two centuries, this Roman symbol expanded and developed, transitioning from its early interrogatory form to become a baptismal confession. The creed’s present language was standardized by the early eighth century, appearing in a handbook for priests compiled by Pirminius of Reichenau. Through the efforts of the Roman Catholic Church and Protestant reformers like Martin Luther, John Calvin, and Heinrich Bullinger, it became the universal creed of the Western church and remains the unifying doctrinal standard in Christian ecumenical bodies.

The Apostles’ Creed summarizes all the fundamental articles of the Christian faith in simple scriptural language, following the biblical narrative from the Book of Genesis, with its portrayal of God and creation, to the Book of Revelation, with it description of “life everlasting, amen.” The creed begins with the declaration “I believe,” not the Nicene Creed’s corporate confession “We believe,” because of baptism’s individual nature. Personal faith and commitment is expressed “in” God the Father, Maker of heaven and earth, and “in” Jesus Christ, God’s only Son, and “in” the Holy Spirit. Following the earliest creedal patterns in the church, emphasis is placed on Christ as “our Lord”—“conceived by the Holy Spirit, born of the Virgin Mary, crucified under Pontius Pilate,” raised on the third day, exalted to “the right hand of God” in heaven, and coming again as judge. It concludes by stating other key teachings Christians believe: “the holy catholic church, the communion of saints, the forgiveness of sins, the resurrection of the body, and life everlasting.” Historically, the Apostles’ Creed has functioned liturgically as a personal declaration of allegiance to the Triune God in baptism and as a corporate confession of faith in worship, enabling the church member, regardless of culture, age, social rank, and education, to profess concisely what all Christians believe. It has also played a chief role in teaching Christian doctrine to new believers. Whether preparing for baptism, confirmation, or local church membership, the creed has been used by Roman Catholic and Protestant churches as the principal way to educate believers in the basics of Christian theology. Notable examples of the creed’s use in catechetical instruction are The Catechism of the Council of Trent, The Baltimore Catechism, and the Catechism of the Catholic Church (Roman Catholic); Luther’s Small Catechism and The Large Catechism (Lutheran); Catechism of The Church of Geneva and The Heidelberg Catechism (Reformed); and The Anglican Catechism (Anglican). In each instance, these catechisms move methodically, article by article, explaining the meaning of the creed and providing a firm grounding in Christian doctrine. References and Resources Barr, O. Sydney. 1964. From the Apostles Faith to the Apostles’ Creed. New York: Oxford University Press. Kelly, J. N. D. 1972. Early Christian Creeds. London: Longmans. Pelikan, Jaroslav. 2005. Credo: Historical and Theological Guide to the Creeds and Confessions of Faith in the Christian Tradition. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Young, Frances. 1991. The Making of the Creeds. Philadelphia: Trinity Press International.

—Chris Bounds

Archaeology, Christian Contributions to

Aquinas, Thomas Early Background and Education Born in Roccasecca in the kingdom of Naples on the Italian peninsula, Thomas Aquinas (c. 1225–1274) was educated by Benedictines and Dominicans. When he joined the Dominican order, his family sought to overturn his vocation by kidnapping him, but after keeping him confined briefly, they relented. At the University of Paris, Aquinas studied under Albertus Magnus, a philosophical theologian who translated into Latin work by Aristotle and the Islamic philosophers Avicenna and Averrooes. Aquinas’s own education included the trivium (grammar, rhetoric, logic) and quadrivium (arithmetic, geometry, astronomy, music), as well as the study of Aristotle and Islamic philosophers. Aquinas went on to teach in Paris, Orvieto, Rome, and Naples.

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self-revelation in history. Aquinas’s work on evil, natural law, virtues and vices, the sacraments, and other domains is of enduring significance. Aquinas’s method of inquiry has educational significance as well. In the Summa Theologica, a question is raised (e.g., is God composed of form and matter?) and Aquinas’s preferred reply is not given without first offering reasons for thinking the opposite is true. This method reflects a high water mark of the art of debate (ars disputandi). Most Notable Publications Great works by Aquinas include Summa Theologica, Summa contra gentiles, De Veritate, and De Anima.

—Charles Taliaferro

Archaeology, Christian Contributions to Significant Contributions to Christian Education Aquinas is of special interest for educators addressing religious pluralism, for he lived at a time when reasons were needed to choose between religious traditions. The West was confronted by a powerful challenge from Arab and Persian philosophy that was profoundly shaped by Greek philosophy. Can a Christian or Muslim who is a follower of Aristotle believe in an afterlife for individuals? Aquinas is the preeminent defender of the integrity and cogency of how one can know God and for there to be coherence between reason and faith. According to Aquinas, reasonable, impartial inquirers can know God without the aid of appealing to special revelation. What has come to be called “the five ways” are five arguments, from our knowledge of this world and values to knowledge of God. In the Anglophone world today, these arguments are rarely treated with the historical background necessary to appreciate their cogency. The best contemporary defense of Aquinas’s case for theism can be found in work by Brian Davies, OP (see his Thomas Aquinas on God and Evil). Aquinas’s view of natural theology has implications for education insofar as he supports the ways in which the sciences and the study of values can be religiously significant vehicles of knowing God. (Although it is impossible to know, Aquinas’s experience of being kidnapped might have contributed to his commitment to inquiry that is free and not subject to brute force.) Far from disparaging revelation, Aquinas argued that revelation is a bona fide way of knowing more about God and values than can be achieved by reason alone. He defended the reasonability of divine revelation and believing that God is Triune, supremely good, and eternal, and that God became incarnate as Jesus Christ and is manifested in the miracle of God’s

Introduction It is no secret that archaeology in the Near East began as a Christian enterprise. The academic communities—biblical scholars and theologians among them—of Europe and America viewed the late 19th-century rise of Egyptian, Mesopotamian, and Levantine archaeology as a means of illuminating the biblical text as never before. While New Testament scholars had always had the benefit of GrecoRoman classical studies as a backdrop, students of the Old Testament found themselves analyzing the Hebrew scriptures virtually in a vacuum. Although the OT itself spoke with familiarity of kingdoms and empires across the Fertile Crescent, in the centuries leading up to and including most of the 19th century, the cultures of the ancient Near East lay hidden behind an impenetrable, dark mist of mystery and ignorance. Napoleon’s exploits in Egypt around the turn of the 19th century cracked open the door to this previously unseen world, so that Christian scholarship and public alike were, with the unfettered optimism typical of the era, attracted en masse to an irresistible illumination of biblical narratives. Indeed, the Bible was the focus of the emerging biblical archaeology. In the ensuing tidal wave of discoveries, conservative Christian scholars found seemingly innumerable proofs of the Bible’s historical accuracy. However, the last 20 years of the 20th century were not so agreeable to the biblical archaeologists. By the turn of the new millennium, a host of scholars were pontificating that biblical archaeology was now dead, and that the Bible had been justifiably removed from the archaeological tool bag. Seemingly discredited as a viable discipline, biblical archaeology became SyroPalestinian archaeology (also referred to as Levantine

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archaeology). Those who persisted as biblical archaeologists were relegated to the margins of Ancient Near East scholarship. It was—and mostly remains—archaeology for archaeology’s sake. On the positive side, what for a brief historical moment appeared as biblical archaeology’s dark tomb has now a glowing light at the end of a tunnel opening toward a resurgence of the discipline. As a result of the Bible’s now-rising status within the archaeological community, scholars and the public should now recognize that the OT, in particular, remains the best-preserved and most reliable collection of ancient geographical and historical material at our disposal. However viewed, the OT is in fact a collection of documents from the ancient Near East itself and belongs to that world. The archaeological backdrop of the New Testament was not so controversial, as the NT covers only a relatively few decades of the early Roman period, and with generally recognized fidelity. While Christian contributions to NT archaeology are considerable, the issue of archaeology and the OT, particularly of the Pentateuch, dominates the history of ANE archaeology. This is the focus of this article. The Foundations of ANE and Biblical Archaeology The early history of Near Eastern archaeology has a distinctly Christian flavor. This is not true of ANE— principally Levantine—archaeology’s last half century, in which Israeli archaeologists began to dominate in Israel. Certainly, both secular and faith-based individuals have contributed significantly to ANE, Levantine, and even biblical archaeology. Unfortunately, space does not permit the introduction of every player on the archaeological stage; however, the inclusion of names such as Botta, Layard, Petrie, Garstang, Albright, and Wright—Christians all—is proper because of their position as foundational figures not merely of biblical archaeology, but also of ancient Near Eastern studies in general. It is also appropriate to add to these names those of significant individuals who rose from this foundation—Glueck, Kenyon, B. Mazar, Yadin, Callaway, Biran—but who were not Christians, or left the Christian faith along the pathway of their careers. An overview of this historical sequence would be incomplete without mentioning the recent and ongoing contributions of Dever, Ben-Tor, A. Mazar, Finkelstein, Ortiz, Wood, Ritmeyer, E. Mazar, Mullins, Kitchen, and Collins, who run the gamut from biblical minimalism (antibiblical bias) to maximalism (the Bible is historically credible) and represent diverse views within both the liberal and conservative camps. (I must emphasize that I have been highly selective, because there are literally hundreds of individuals who have contributed significantly to ANE archaeology and biblical archaeology. My selec-

tions are based on one or both of the following criteria: (1) intrinsic importance to the development of archaeology as a scientific discipline and (2) contributions to ANE and/or Levantine archaeology representative of various approaches and perspectives.) Once the door to the ancient Near Eastern world—indeed, the biblical world—began to open by the mid-19th century, what had been the ancient Fertile Crescent was overrun by professional scholars and amateur explorers. Unfortunately, most of the early devotees of this new field of inquiry, whether scholars or laypeople, were little more than treasure hunters—some of them glorified, well-funded treasure hunters who sent back to their respective countries vast quantities of ancient artifacts boxed in massive crates bound for the great museums of Europe. Paul-Émile Botta (1802–1870), of Italian and French background, and Englishman Austin Henry Layard (1817–1894), both from Christian families, did most of the early work in Mesopotamia. Like many of the most influential 19th-century explorer-scholars, they lacked formal education in archaeology and ANE history, for both disciplines were practically nonexistent during their careers. But like most of their similarly minded contemporaries, Botta and Layard were passive with regard to the Bible in their archaeological pursuits. While they generally took its history at face value, they made no overt attempts to prove the Bible with their discoveries. In reality, there was no pressing reason to do so, as most of the 19th-century European populace and scholarly community accepted the Bible as authentic history. With the entrance of Sir William Matthew Flinders Petrie (1853–1942), impeccable scholar and Christian (Plymouth Brethren), early archaeology took a decidedly scientific turn. Self-trained in Egyptology, philology, and survey methods, Petrie arrived in the Near East with a critical eye. Seemingly unmoved by the lust for treasure that characterized so many of his predecessors and contemporaries, he brought rhyme and reason to the excavation process. Two important concepts formalized by Petrie remain valid to this day: stratigraphy and ceramic typology. While he did not pursue his archaeological career with the Bible specifically in mind, he believed it to be historically reliable and saw his work as a backdrop for biblical stories. Thus, scientific archaeology had begun on a substantial, pro-Bible footing. John Garstang (1876–1956), professor of archaeology at the University of Liverpool from 1907 to 1941, was more aggressive when it came to the historicity of the OT narratives and his own archaeological pursuits. As a result of his 1920s excavations at Jericho, he announced that he had discovered the walls of the city that had fallen outward during its conquest by Moses’s succes-

Archaeology, Christian Contributions to

sor, Joshua. Garstang was unabashed in his claim that this find proved the factuality of the biblical story of Joshua’s conquest of the city. In this positive light, the respectability of biblical archaeology took a substantial leap forward. It is safe to say that the careers of archaeological scholars prior to and contemporary with William Foxwell Albright (1891–1971) pale in comparison to his genius. Born to Christian (evangelical Methodist) missionary parents, Albright maintained a healthy appreciation for the historical authenticity of OT narratives—including the Pentateuchal stories—throughout his illustrious career. With a PhD from Johns Hopkins University and a subsequent, enduring professorship there, he positioned himself as the pontiff of both ANE and biblical archaeology—and not illegitimately. His then-unequaled acumen in field archaeology (Gibeah, Tell Beit Mirsim, and Bethel were among his excavations), ancient Semitic languages, ancient Levantine ceramics, and ancient Near Eastern studies made Albright a giant among his peers. He also gave rise to a host of world-class ANE and biblical scholars who either studied under him, studied with him, or were signally influenced by him—G. Ernest Wright, Frank Moore Cross, David Noel Freedman, Kathleen Kenyon, and Kenneth Kitchen among them. At the center of Albright’s biblical assuredness was his insistence that the stories of the OT Torah—including the patriarchal stories in Genesis—were historical at their core. In support of this, he marshalled what appeared to be incontrovertible evidence—much from Mesopotamian cuneiform archives as well as excavations in the southern Levant—that the narratives surrounding biblical characters such as Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, Joseph, Moses, and Joshua contained authentic Bronze Age cultural elements and social practices. The sum of this, both for Albright and eager-to-believe evangelical Bible scholars who hung on his every word, provided reasonable proof that the biblical record was patently historical on its face. Albright’s doctrinal idiosyncrasies—for example, he was not entirely averse to OT higher critical theories and was certainly not an evangelical himself—that proved distasteful to more conservative evangelical Bible students and scholars were tempered by his protégé, George Earnest Wright (1909–1974). A considerable ANE scholar and archaeologist in his own right, Wright became the archaeological “darling” of evangelical Bible commentators; Bible atlas, dictionary, and encyclopedia editors; and professors at Christian seminaries and Bible colleges. Almost single-handedly, he brought biblical archaeology into a short-lived golden era. After his death, biblical archaeology as a distinct discipline began to fall out of favor with the next generation of archaeologists.

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Biblical versus Syro-Palestinian Archaeology: Important Players Although many influential ANE and Levantine archaeologists from the 19th century through the 1970s happened to be, at least in a general sense, Christians, other personalities also played important roles. Not a few Jewish and Israeli scholars were active in the field during the era in which the Bible was still held in considerable respect as historically authentic. Some of these individuals held the Bible in high regard. Others used it in their work, but cautiously or with reservations. Nelson Glueck (1900–1971)—American archaeologist, Jewish rabbi, and president of the Hebrew Union College—was hugely influential in holding up the Bible as a crucial set of documents in the study of ancient history. Christian scholars viewed Glueck as a friendly ally in this regard, although he emphasized that he did not take the Bible literally in the traditional sense. His was a positive—perhaps neutral—influence in the growing discussion vis-à-vis biblical historicity. Dame Kathleen M. Kenyon (1906–1978), daughter of the renowned Sir Frederic Kenyon, became one of the pivotal archaeologists of the 20th century in scientific, systematic field methods. However, from the perspective of Christian interpreters of the Bible, she represents a distinctly negative turn in the debate over OT historical credibility. In particular, Kenyon, armed with better archaeological methods in her 1950s excavations at Jericho, found Garstang’s previous “evidence” of Joshua’s conquest to be in error. The stratum Garstang had assigned to the time of Joshua (c. 1400 BC), she insisted belonged to the end of the Middle Bronze Age (c. 1550 BC). The word quickly spread that Kenyon’s evidence demonstrated that the Joshua story of Jericho’s destruction was, likely, an etiological legend. In relatively short order, this became the conventional wisdom in the archaeological literature—and for most it constituted a major blow to biblical historicity. Renowned Israeli archaeologists Benjamin Mazar (1906–1995), Yigael Yadin (1917–1984), and Avriham Biran (1909–2008) all made incalculably valuable contributions to Levantine archaeology over their careers, and each had a healthy appreciation for the general historical character of the OT narratives. From a Christian, particularly evangelical, point of view, however, many Israeli archaeologists came up short in terms of the historicity of the patriarchal narratives preserved in the Pentateuch. Even now, in the 21st century, most Israeli, American, and European archaeologists working in the Levant do not believe in what they call the “traditional Albrightian view” that biblical characters such as Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, Joseph, Moses, and Joshua were, at the very least, based on kernels of historical truth. This difference of

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opinion forged the current divide separating conservative Christian archaeologists and their more liberal (higher critical) counterparts, who comprise the vast majority of the archaeological community. The career of Joseph Callaway (1920–1988) is instructive, for he was personally caught in the middle of the biblical historicity debate as a result of his excavations at et-Tell, the traditional site of Ai. His Southern Baptist background supplied him with a substantial belief in the historical reliability of the Pentateuchal narratives. Since the book of Joshua included a detailed account of the Israelite conquest of Ai sometime during the second half of the Late Bronze Age (c. 1400–1200 BC), he expected to find evidence of this event in an LBA destruction layer at et-Tell. That was a logical expectation for Callaway if, in fact, the biblical account of the battle of Ai was accurate. In his many years excavating at et-Tell/Ai, it became clear that there was not a scintilla of LBA material there. The site had collapsed into ruins toward the end of the Early Bronze Age (c. 2350 BC) and remained unoccupied until a small town sprang up during the Iron Age. According to the archaeological evidence, there was no city at et-Tell/Ai for Joshua to conquer. To what extent his personal faith suffered in the process is debatable, but it is certain that he jettisoned his belief in the historical authenticity of the Torah narratives. The Current Scene in Levantine Archaeology To say that by the 1980s, the historicity of the Hexateuch (Gen–Josh) was hanging by a thread in the minds of most ANE and Levantine archaeologists, is an understatement. Generally steeped in German higher criticism, the community of Syro-Palestinian (Levantine) archaeologists had become convinced that the collective verdict of field discoveries had categorically discredited the views of Albright—and certainly the evangelicals—regarding the existence of the Hebrew patriarchs, including Moses and Joshua. Indeed, during the first decade of the 21st century, it seemed that even the concept of “biblical” archaeology was on the ropes and threatened with imminent demise. Within the minimalist versus maximalist debate, the positions and opinions of William G. Dever (1933–), often considered the dean of Syro-Palestinian archaeologists in the United States, have been significant. While Dever himself denies presiding over the “death of biblical archaeology,” he does take full credit for “writing its obituary.” He has stated on more than one occasion, “No responsible scholar goes out with a trowel in one hand and a Bible in the other.” In fairness, Dever has most often taken a centrist position on the historical authenticity of the OT, but would categorically deny it for the Torah books. (It is interesting that Dever came from an

evangelical background and pursued theological education early in his career.) Amnon Ben-Tor (1935–), professor in the archaeology of Eretz Israel at Hebrew University, remains another strong centrist in the debate over biblical historicity. A giant of Israeli archaeology, Ben-Tor has directed the excavations at Tel Hazor for more than 20 years. Conservative archaeologists certainly appreciate the fact that he attributes the terminal Late Bronze Age destruction of Hazor to Joshua, likely due to the residual influence of Albright. The archaeological career of Amihai Mazar (1942–) has been nothing short of stellar. His excavations include Timnah, Bet She’an, and Rehov in Israel, and he is presently professor in the Institute of Archaeology at Hebrew University. Certainly a centrist in the minimalist/maximalist controversy, he maintains excellent rapport among Christian and evangelical scholars. His willingness to pursue dialogue with more conservative colleagues has positioned him as a pivotal figure in the debate over the use of the Bible in an archaeological context. Since the 1990s, Israel Finkelstein (1949–) has, by default at least, served as the figurehead of biblical minimalism among Israeli archaeologists. He is currently professor of the archaeology of Israel at Tel Aviv University and codirector of the Megiddo excavations. Since the Bible—he believes—provides virtually no factual history regarding the evolution of ancient Israel, it is now incumbent upon the emerging technologies to seek out a more accurate picture of Israelite origins. Finkelstein’s views, considered radical by not a few of his Israeli colleagues, have served as a wake-up call for more conservative scholars—including archaeologists of Christian persuasion. Reactions against Finkelstein and the minimalists have motivated an avalanche of data from across the spectrum of ancient Near Eastern studies and archaeology supporting the historical nature of the Pentateuch plus Joshua (Hexateuch). This wealth of recently assembled information is even demonstrating the historical foundations of the patriarchal narratives, not in the manner of Albright’s failed attempts in this regard, but with substantive historical synchronisms and period-specific cultural elements. Leading this resurgent charge is inimitable ANE scholar Kenneth A. Kitchen (1932–), emeritus professor at the University of Liverpool and an Anglican Christian. With rigorous logic and weighty documentation, he continues to demonstrate that the world of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob did not reside in the imaginations of late Iron Age Judahite priests, but authentically belongs to the Middle Bronze Age (c. 1900–1600 BC). Steven Ortiz, who presently heads the archaeology program at Southwestern Baptist Theological Seminary, represents not only sound archaeological scholarship,

Archaeology, Christian Contributions to

but also a vibrant evangelical faith. A protégé of Dever, he currently directs the excavations at Tel Gezer in Israel. His career demonstrates that academic rigor and conservative biblical beliefs can, in fact, exist side by side without conflict. This is also true in the remarkable work of Leen Ritmeyer (1945–), widely recognized as the world’s leading authority on the archaeology and architecture of the Temple Mount in Jerusalem. During two decades working for B. Mazar, he became the chief archaeological architect for the south Temple Mount excavations in Jerusalem. The historical reality of the Israelite/Jewish Temple through time is manifestly present in the ancient architectural features examined in Ritmeyer’s work. Israeli archaeologist Eilat Mazar (1956–), granddaughter of B. Mazar, exhibits a solid commitment to the historical underpinnings of the OT. Although criticized in some quarters for her insistence that she has found the remnants of King David’s palace by using information from relevant biblical texts, she continues to make a reasonable case for her discoveries. She stands in stark contrast to the minimalists and demonstrates that the reports of the death of biblical archaeology do not reflect the reality of the situation “on the ground.” American archaeologist Bryant G. Wood (1936–), chief archaeologist for the Associates for Biblical Research, is held in high esteem among Christianity’s most conservative evangelicals. With a doctorate in SyroPalestinian archaeology from the University of Toronto, Wood has deftly carried the banner of biblical literalism throughout his career. His excavations at Khirbet elMaqatir have challenged the traditional location of the site of Ai destroyed by Joshua. The contrast between Wood and other scholars within the Christian community—like Kitchen, Ortiz, Mullins, and Collins—represents the fact that there is little consensus among even conservative archaeologists and ANE scholars on issues like the date of the Exodus and the nature of biblical chronology (whether literal or figurative). For example, Wood is intractable on the literal, base-10, arithmetic value of the patriarchal life-span numbers and holds to an early date for the Exodus (c. mid-15th century BC). Kitchen, Ortiz, and Mullins posit an Exodus date in the 13th century BC (following Albright and Wright) and are flexible in their interpretation of the patriarchal numbers. Collins (this writer) opts for an honorific, formulaic, and/or symbolic understanding of the patriarchal numbers and argues for a middle date for the Exodus (c. 1400 BC). Thus, there remains a wide range of approaches to biblical chronology among Christian archaeologists. The dialogue remains vigorous but friendly. The career of Robert A. Mullins (1952–), professor of archaeology and Old Testament at Azusa Pacific University, demonstrates that an archaeologist, who also

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happens to be a Christian, can make remarkable contributions to Levantine archaeology. His acumen in the typology of ancient ceramics and field archaeology shows the ability of a faith-oriented individual to accomplish impeccable, objective scientific work. Mullins’s current excavation at the biblical site of Abel Beth Maacah in northern Israel shows how the Bible can be used responsibly in an archaeological context, particularly in terms of ancient geography. Steven Collins (1950–; this writer)—dean of the College of Archaeology and Biblical History, Trinity Southwest University— has spent more than a decade exploring the southern Jordan Valley north of the Dead Sea and directing the Tall el-Hammam Excavation Project in Jordan, which (at the time of writing) is in its ninth dig season. The identification of Tall el-Hammam as biblical Sodom has opened up a historic discussion concerning the factuality of the Abrahamic narratives in Genesis. Archaeology and Biblical Studies: A Dialogical Approach The Christian contribution to archaeology, even biblical archaeology, has been a mixed bag. Although scholars with Christian roots and/or active personal faith have greatly advanced the discipline of ANE archaeology from its 19th-century beginnings to the present day, unfortunate examples of false leads, disproved theories, and even outright hoaxes abound. During the 1980s and 1990s, early interpretations of texts from the cuneiform archives of Ebla in northern Syria excited the world of biblical scholarship with claims of “map lists” with the names of Sodom and Gomorrah, other biblical cities, and a host of “authentications” of biblical characters and stories. By the turn of the 21st century, virtually every such link had evaporated in the light of advancing research. Sadly, Bible educators had filled their literature with these now-failed connections—embarrassing, to be sure—and some are still touted today. With little or no familiarity with legitimate archaeology, the bulk of the Christian community remains naïve in such matters and vulnerable to all manner of far-out claims and out-and-out hoaxes. When the science of archaeology began to turn away from the Bible, rather than answering back with rigorous archaeological research, much of the Christian community responded by seeing what they wanted to see and believing what they wanted to believe from pseudo-archaeology and junk science. However, this is an avoidable result. Thankfully, as a result of responsible biblical archaeology, the tide is turning in favor of the historical authenticity of the Bible, and Christian educators would be welladvised to keep up with the pace of discovery in the legitimate archaeological arena.

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Architecture

If biblical archaeology is defined as the pursuit of archaeology with a view to illuminating the cultural context of biblical texts, then it certainly has a proper place within the larger scope of ANA archaeology. In order for this relationship to be successful, the extremes of minimalism and maximalism must be avoided in favor of more productive discussion. Those on the left extreme have disallowed the Bible a voice in the pursuit of archaeology. Those on the right extreme have turned a deaf ear to archaeology in the pursuit of biblical interpretation. Both of these mutually exclusive positions must give way to a more productive dialogue in which both text and ground are available to each other in substantive ways. Archaeology and Christian Apologetics Archaeologists must pursue their discipline without an apologetic agenda; that is, as far as possible it must be objective and scientific. Archaeology does not exist to prove or disprove the Bible. However, because both archaeological data and the biblical text originate from the same foundation in reality, their common ground is certainly fair game in demonstrating the historical worth of both archaeological and biblical data. If the geographical or cultural or sociopolitical or artifactual shoe fits, then the Bible has the right to wear it. Such evidences of historical authenticity, when reasonably confirmed by rigorous scholarship, have a place in building a case for the historical credibility of scripture in support of the Christian message. Archaeology and Christian Education If Christianity hopes to pass on a historically reliable Bible to the next generation, then by all means it must make a substantive connection between that collection of ancient books and the real, physical world. Rightly associated with the biblical text, archaeology can link biblical characters and events to physical, space-time reality, a tangible world in which growing minds learn to distinguish between fact and fiction; indeed, fact-faith versus fiction-faith.

hands of educators who influence the minds of emerging generations regarding the nature of Christian scripture and the importance of keeping the Bible connected to the ground of reality. References and Resources Ben-Tor, Amnon. 1992. The Archaeology of Ancient Israel. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Cline, Eric H. 2009. Biblical Archaeology: A Very Short Introduction. New York: Oxford University Press. Collins, Steven. 2005. Let My People Go: Using Historical Synchronisms to Identify the Pharaoh of the Exodus. Albuquerque, NM: Trinity Southwest University Press. ———. 2013. Discovering the City of Sodom. New York: Howard Books/Simon and Schuster. Davies, Thomas W. 2004. Shifting Sands: The Rise and Fall of Biblical Archaeology. New York: Oxford University Press. Feinman, Peter D. 2004. William Foxwell Albright and the Origins of Biblical Archaeology. Berrien Springs, MI: Andrews University Press. Finkelstein, Israel, and Nadav Na’aman, eds. 1994. From Nomadism to Monarchy. Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society. Finkelstein, Israel, and Neil A. Silberman. 2001. The Bible Unearthed: Archaeology’s New Vision of Ancient Israel and the Origins of Its Sacred Texts. New York: Free Press. Hoerth, Alfred J. 1998. Archaeology and the Old Testament. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House. Hoffmeier, James, K. 2008. The Archaeology of the Bible. Oxford: Lion Hudson. Holden, Joseph M., and Norman Geisler. 2013. The Popular Handbook of Archaeology and the Bible. Eugene, OR: Harvest House. Kitchen, Kenneth A. 2003. On the Reliability of the Old Testament. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. Lemche, Niels P. 1998. Prelude to Israel’s Past. Peabody, MA: Hendrickson. Mazar, Amihai. 1990. Archaeology of the Land of the Bible. New York: Doubleday. Ritmeyer, Leen. 2006. The Quest: Revealing the Temple Mount in Jerusalem. Jerusalem: Carta and the Lamb Foundation.

—Steven Collins The Future of Christian Involvement in Archaeology To be realistic, given the history of Christianity’s minuscule investment in things archaeological, it remains to be seen whether or not it can become, once again, a major player in the field. It is no secret that Christian archaeologists who make use of the Bible in their work have taken more than their fair share of attacks and criticism from scholars who are not so oriented. There are bright spots for Christian archaeologists, to be sure, with evangelical scholars like Ortiz, Mullins, and Collins directing biblically significant excavations in the Holy Land. But the future of biblical archaeology, in particular, lies in the

Architecture The synagogue and the Temple were the two primary institutions of Judaism from 586 BC until AD 70. The synagogue has endured as an institution of Judaism; however, Christians were expelled from the synagogues throughout Palestine and the lands of the dispersion. Consequently, the church either gathered in private homes or met in the catacombs of Rome (often used for burial of the deceased). The catacombs could have miles

Architecture

of various levels of underground passages. Archaeological excavations have found various Christian symbols in these catacombs, such as a dove or fish. The Greek word for “fish” (ichthus) had an acrostic meaning Iēsous Christos Theou Huios Sōtēr (“Jesus Christ, God’s Son, Savior”), thus a graffito of a fish was a code sign for Christians. A profound change in the history of the Christian faith occurred in the fourth century with Emperor Constantine’s “acceptance” of Christianity in AD 312. While the early church was being persecuted, it anticipated the imminent coming of Christ in power and glory at the end of the age. As apocalyptic expectancy waned, the church still longed for the second coming of Christ but not a glorious earthly millennium. As Christianity became doctrinally and organizationally institutionalized, Christians were no longer forced to worship in catacombs and homes. Christian architecture began with dissent toward apocalyptic millennialism. The church members were free to worship in elegant basilicas and majestic houses of worship. Early church architecture prior to Constantine can be divided generally into three stages of development. During the first stage (AD 50–150), Christians assembled in private homes (house-church). During the second stage (AD 150–250), private homes were remodeled for the exclusive needs of the assembled Christian community. The gathering places were called domus ecclesiae (a “community center” or “meeting house”). During the third stage (AD 250–312), private and public buildings and halls were employed for Christian assemblies. When the early church could begin erecting buildings, they were modeled after the Roman basilica, which were developed as public buildings and used for either business or pleasure. The typical basilica for the church was an oblong building with a narthex (porch) at the west end where catechumens worshipped, a semicircular apse at the east end where the altar was situated (and bishop’s seat if the building was a cathedral), and a long central nave with north and south aisles on earth side. The early basilica style building was fairly simple, eventually becoming rather ornate after AD 312 (since the church was able to obtain favor with the state). The three major styles of medieval architecture that developed during this period were Byzantine, Gothic, and Romanesque architecture (although it was not a primary style, Moorish architecture was used predominantly in southern Spain). Large domes supported by pendentives and decorative mosaics characterized Byzantine architecture. The Gothic cathedrals were expressions of belief in the supernatural and manifested the otherworldly outlook of the era. The university towers of the medieval period (representative of scholasticism) had their counterpart in the spires of the Gothic cathedrals, which were often regarded as a “Bible in stone.” Domed

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ceilings, rounded arches, and a cruciform shape characterized later Romanesque architecture. Romanesque structures retained the predominant form of the basilica and remained massive until buttresses were introduced (this change allowed the walls to be lightened). Architecture during the 15th and early 16th centuries was (in terms of formal analysis) a veritable rebirth of the vocabulary and partly the compositional forms of classical antiquity. The significance of these achievements cannot be exaggerated, because the renaissance of rationality and modularized building anticipated the prominence of rationality and the scientific method that are such distinctive aspects of the contemporary age. The decline of the medieval church and empire and the weakening of the feudal system (with the rise of cities, nation-states, and languages) were ubiquitous changes occurring in the 14th and 15th centuries, combined with a further individualistic and naturalistic conception of life. In terms of this conception, Renaissance architects inspired ideas and principles of self-awareness for a new style of architecture. If classical in character, post-Renaissance architecture is correctly identified within any period succeeding the movement known as Renaissance proper. Neoclassic architecture was a movement that would include any style of a later time than the limitations of the Renaissance identified by custom in France and Italy (and may be properly classified as post-Renaissance style). Ancient Greece and Rome, which were regarded as ideal cultures, were the inspiration for the architecture of this period. Neoclassical buildings had domed roofs, symmetrical forms, tall columns rising the entire height, and triangular pediments. Neoclassicism was a reaction against the rococo style, and a desire for antique simplicity. Rococo architecture originally began in the French decorative arts of the early 18th century and extended later throughout other countries (primarily Austria and Germany). Architecture in the 19th century was more diverse than it had ever previously been. The freedoms in architecture that neoclassicism and romanticism introduced stimulated renewals of diverse historical styles. Numerous architects employed historical styles (due to their associations) that were suggestive of the desire for traditional continuity and stability during the height of the innovatory changes of the industrial age. Architects had to devise plans for buildings, such as asylums, charities, hospitals, public markets, and worker housing, which had never previously existed. Moreover, architects were offered iron, glass, and steel as new building materials. Postmodern architecture is generally associated with the late 1970s. Although it represents an allusion to historicism, postmodernism abstracts meaning in a subjectively expressive manner, which reflects the spiritual

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nature of the age. Postmodern architecture employs a variety of historic styles, but simplifies and amalgamates the historic forms. Architecture is an expression of a life attitude (particularly the human relation to the cosmos, divine, and others); thus it is a fundamental representation of the nature and spirit of an era. References and Resources

After Argentina achieved independence in 1816, its political leaders adopted the ideas of the Enlightenment and promoted mixed elementary, technical, and university education. Because of the lack of professionals in education, the government appointed the British Schools Society agent, Diego Thompson, as the general director of schools. He implemented the Lancastrian system of education, using mentor students, and Bible excerpts as the only teaching materials. In 1823, Protestant churches began to appear, and Protestant schools flourished. By 1916, about 700 elementary schools had been opened, with biblical study as an essential part of the curriculum. By 1930 the situation had changed, and general education passed into the hands of the laity. Regarding Christian education, from the conquest through the present day, the Catholic Church has been committed to formal and informal education. On their part, since 1884 Protestants of diverse denominations have founded several institutions of theological and pastoral education. Since 1916, Sunday schools have been the main method of Christian education of the population at large.

Bigalke, Ron J., Jr. 2011. “Architecture.” In The Encyclopedia of Christian Civilization, edited by George Thomas Kurian, 1:103–108. Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell. Curl, James Stevens. 2003. Classical Architecture. New York: Norton. Fergusson, James. 1874–1893. A History of Architecture in All Countries. 5 vols. London: John Murray. Jordan, R. Furneaux. 1969. A Concise History of Western Architecture. London: Great Britain: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich. Kimball, Fiske, and George Harold Edgell. 1918. A History of Architecture. New York: Harper & Brothers. Krautheimer, Richard. 1986. Early Christian and Byzantine Architecture. 4th ed. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Long, Marshall. 2006. Architectural Acoustics. London: Elsevier Academic Press. MacDonald, William. 1962. Early Christian & Byzantine Architecture. New York: George Braziller. Moffett, Marian, Michael Fazio, and Lawrence Wodehose. 2004. A World History of Architecture. Boston: McGraw-Hill. Roth, Leland M. 1993. Understanding Architecture: Its Elements, History, and Meaning. Boulder, CO: Westview Press. Summerson, John. 1963. Heavenly Mansions: And Other Essays on Architecture. New York: Norton. Sutton, Ian. 1999. Western Architecture. New York: Thames and Hudson. Vasari, Giorgio. 1998. The Lives of the Artists. Translated by Julia Conaway Bondanella and Peter Bondanella. New York: Oxford University Press. Watkin, David. 1996. A History of Western Architecture. 2nd ed. New York: Barnes & Noble.

Bastian, Jean-Pierre. 1986. Historia del protestantismo en América Latina. México City: Casa Unida de Publicaciones. Deiros, Pablo Alberto. 1992. Historia del cristianismo en América Latina. Buenos Aires: Fraternidad Teológica Latinoamericana. Dussel, Enrique. 1972. Historia de la iglesia en América Latina. Barcelona: Nova Terra. Fletcher, John y Alfonso Ropero. 2008. Historia general del cristianismo. Barcelona: Clie. Hurlbut, Jesse Lyman. 1940. La historia de la iglesia cristiana. San Antonio, TX: Casa Evangélica de Publicaciones. Prien, Hans-Jürgen. 1985. La historia del cristianismo en América Latina. Salamanca: Sígueme.

—Ron J. Bigalke

—Karina Casanova

References and Resources

Argentina and Christian Education

Aristotle

Roman Catholicism was brought to Argentina with the Spanish Conquest of the 16th century. Since then, Roman Catholicism has been the official religion, although religious freedom exists. In 2008, about 76 percent of the population was Catholic, 9 percent Protestant/evangelicals, and 11 percent indifferent. During the first years of settlement, education was centered on elementary school under Catholic religious orders. In 1613, the Universidad de Cordoba was founded.

Aristotle (384–322 BC) was born in Stagerios in Thrace, the son of Nichomachus, court physician of King Amyntas II. His father died when he was young, and he was raised by a guardian, Proxenus. In 367 BC, he entered Plato’s academy as a student, remaining there for 20 years. After studying with Plato, Aristotle went to Macedonia as the tutor of Alexander, who was destined to become historically famous as the “Great.” In 335 BC, Aristotle founded a philosophical school in Athens, called the Ly-

Aristotle

ceum, which was one of the most prestigious institutions of higher learning of its time.97 He authored books on a variety of subjects, including physics, biology, ethics, psychology, logic, and metaphysics. He wrote more than 200 treatises, of which only 31 survived. His most influential works include Nicomachean Ethics, which reflects the highest ideas of Hellenistic life by emphasizing reason, moderation, and harmony. In Politics, he examined the human being’s social nature, the purpose of government, and the most desirable kind of social order.98 After the death of Alexander the Great in 323 BC, anti-Macedonian sentiment overtook Athens, and the Lyceum fell into disfavor. Aristotle fled the city, taking refuge in Chalcis on the island of Euboea, where he died at age 62. Educational Philosophy Aristotle was the founder of Western philosophical realism. He believed that all substances are composed of form and matter, and that they exist independently of human knowledge of them. Humans have the capacity to know these objects by observing the patterns of regular interaction with these natural objects. He believed that humans, as rational beings, inhabit a rational and purposeful universe.99According to Aristotle, ideas (or forms), such as the idea of God, can exist without matter, but there can be no matter without forms. Each piece of matter has universal and particular properties. He argued that the forms of things, the universal properties of objects, remain constant and never change, whereas particular components do change. For example, in terms of people, though individual persons die, humanness remains. Another example is the way a child develops. Children have particular characteristics; their bodies change and they grow into adults, but their humanness (essence) remains constant even though matter changes.100 Thus, there is a difference between essential and accidental properties. The properties themselves don’t change, but the substance changes that forms its instantiates. Aristotle distinguishes between intellectual virtues and moral virtues. A moral virtue has to do with feeling, choosing, and acting well. For Aristotle virtue belongs to the soul, and his notion of the soul is closer to the notion of the mind. The soul is not viewed as some nonmaterial thing that exists independently from the body, but includes our passions, faculties, and states of character. Aristotle rejected Platonic dualism, which held 97. Gerald L. Gutek, A History of the Western Educational Experience, 2nd ed. (Prospect Heights, IL: Waveland Press, Inc., 1995), 48. 98. Ibid., 48. 99. Ibid., 49. 100. Howard Ozmon, and Samuel Craver, Philosophical Foundations of Education, 5th ed. (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Merrill Publishing Company, 1995), 40.

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that persons are endowed with form, defined as soul and body. His monistic view unites the body and soul. He held that the acquisition of knowledge comes from the five senses instead of empirical observation. Since knowledge is outside the person, knowledge can be known through the senses. He placed trust in the careful observation and analysis of nature as our best hope of arriving at truth.101 For Aristotle, the supreme good was happiness, but he knew that people disagree on what constitutes happiness. He believed that the chief end of humanity is not merely to live, but to live a good life that manifests the rational nature of humanity. The pursuit of happiness is a search for the good life, which is virtuous. That life that actualized the distinct human capacity, rationality, was for Aristotle the ultimate good. However, most people were not morally and intellectually trained for such a virtuous life, so he concluded that few would or could pursue it. Character Formation: Habituation Aristotle argued that there are two kinds of virtues. First is virtues of thinking, which includes such virtues as wisdom. Virtues of thinking need time and experience to be cultivated and can be taught to a person simply by study. Second is virtues of character, things like temperance and courage. Virtues of character require habituation to be cultivated and cannot be taught to a person simply by study. One must actually habituate oneself to doing the right acts to have any chance of acquiring these virtues. Thus, by the process of habituation, a person can come to possess a virtue that he or she lacks. Through the process of habit, people can be formed as good or bad. As people develop habits, they become a part of those people and result in virtues. Aristotle believed that education (paideia) should cultivate those right habits that would develop moral and rational virtues. This ethical and intellectual training, or character development, could only be achieved by daily practice (for moral virtue) and a liberal education (for intellectual virtue).102 Education was for character development a means to become a certain kind of person and citizen, and a pathway to a healthy society. Aristotle suggested that an educated person unites morality and reason in virtuous action. While the potential for such virtuous being is present at birth, that potential must be nurtured through education if it is to be actualized. Humans achieve moral excellence by performing 101. Ronald F. Reed and Tony W. Johnson, eds., Philosophical Documents in Education, 2nd ed. (New York: Addison Wesley Longman, Inc., 2000), 17. 102. Glenn L. Smith and Joan K. Smith, eds., Live in Education: A Narrative of People and Ideas, 2nd ed. (New York: Saint Martin’s Press, 1994), 28.

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good acts and the development of good habits, which is a critical part of education. The ultimate goal of education is to assist human beings in developing their unique capacity to contemplate the world and their role in it. Thus, human beings become ideal citizens ready and able to perform their duties as rational members of society.103 Like Plato, Aristotle recognized that education directly related to both the healthy individual and the harmoniously integrated society, or polis, and recommended compulsory public education. This is reflected in Politics, in which he drew attention to the good of the individual and the good state. If the legislator neglects education, then the constitution suffers. For proper social functioning, Aristotle believed that education should be in the hands of the city-state. Members of the large middle class should govern the city-state, because they were the least likely to suffer from the extremes of poverty and wealth.104

Irwin, Terence, trans. 1999. Aristotle: Nicomachen Ethics. 2nd ed. Indianapolis, IN: Hackett Publishing. Ozmon, Howard, and Samuel Craver. 1995. Philosophical Foundations of Education. 5th ed. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Merrill Publishing. Peterson, Michael L. 2001. With All Your Mind: A Christian Philosophy of Education. Notre Dame, IN: Notre Dame University Press. Reed, James E., and Ronnie Prevost. 1993. A History of Christian Education. Nashville, TN: Broadman & Holman. Reed, Ronald F., and Tony W. Johnson, eds. 2000. Philosophical Documents in Education. 2nd ed. New York: Addison Wesley Longman. Rorty, Amélie Oksenberg, ed. 1998. Philosophers on Education: New Historical Perspectives. London and New York: Routledge. Smith, Glenn L., and Joan K. Smith, eds. 1994. Live in Education: A Narrative of People and Ideas. 2nd ed. New York: St. Martin’s Press.

Influence on Christian Education The Christian tradition has relied heavily on Aristotle’s ethical philosophy to provide a conceptual basis for the articulation of its own ethical doctrines. He influenced the development of Christian doctrines such as medieval scholastic theology, including the proofs for the existence of God, theory of the Eucharist, ecclesiology, and natural law. Aristotle greatly influenced Thomas Aquinas, a Roman Catholic theologian. Through Aquinas, realism became basic to Western Catholic educational thought and the “classic” approach to general education. Christian education that stresses basic knowledge of scripture and doctrine has its roots in Aristotelian thought. Aristotle’s view of character formation and virtue ethics is significant for Christian educators because it places value on the role of Christian practice in developing habits that lead to virtues. Through continual engagement in Christian practice, by God’s grace, in the context of Christian community, people internalize beliefs and values that enable them to reflect the image and nature of Christ.

—Mark Maddix

References and Resources Curren, Randall R. 2000. Aristotle on the Necessity of Public Education. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield. Everson, Stephen, ed. 1996. Aristotle: The Politics and the Constitution of Athens. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Gutek, Gerald L. 1995. A History of the Western Educational Experience. 2nd ed. Prospect Heights, IL: Waveland Press.

103. James E. Reed and Ronnie Prevost, A History of Christian Education (Nashville, TN: Broadman & Holman, 1993), 32. 104. Smith and Smith, Live in Education, 28.

Armenia and Christian Education In the fourth century, Armenia became the first nation to adopt Christianity as its official religion, tracing its Christian heritage to St. Thaddeus in the first century. Saint Gregory the Illuminator converted King Tiridates III in AD 301, resulting in the adoption of national Christianity. Operating semiautonomously until the fifth century, the Armenian Church eventually severed its ties with Rome and Constantinople in 554 over doctrinal differences. When Armenia was annexed by the Soviet Union in 1922, religious freedom was forcefully discouraged; seminaries and churches were closed down, and priests were arrested, exiled, or shot. In 1991, a year after Armenia’s declaration of independence, the Armenian Apostolic Church was reestablished as the official national church. Historically, Armenian religious affiliation has been associated with ethnicity. The ethnically Armenian population primarily identifies as Armenian Apostolic (94.7 percent), the Kurdish population as Yezidi (1.3 percent), and the remaining population as Catholic and Protestant (4 percent). Legal proselytization is limited to the Apostolic Church. All other religious organizations are required to register with the government and to acquire additional permission to hold public meetings, travel, and invite foreign guests. Religious education classes are taught in schools by instructors approved by the Armenian Apostolic Church or Apostolic priests and are optional. If registered with the government, other religious organizations can instruct their congregants’ children in private homes.

Armenian Orthodox Church Christian Education

References and Resources Kurkjian, Vahan M. 2012. A History of Armenia. Stanford, CA: Bibliotech. Panossian, Razmik. 2006. The Armenians: From Kings and Priests to Merchants and Commissars. London: Hurst and Company.

—Sarita D. Gallagher

Armenian Orthodox Church Christian Education A Brief History of the Armenian Church The Armenian Apostolic Orthodox Church traces its roots to the evangelistic missions of Jesus’s two apostles, St. Thaddeus and St. Bartholomew, who according to tradition preached the Gospel to Armenians in the first century AD. These apostles together are considered the first illuminators of Armenia. Saint Gregory the Illuminator is considered the second illuminator, during whose time King Tiridates III became Christian and was baptized. Tiridates declared Christianity the state religion in AD 301. Armenia hence became the first nation with Christianity as its national religion. In 406 St. Mesrob Mashdotz created the Armenian alphabet for the sole purpose of translating the Bible into Armenian so as to make it possible for the Armenians to hear and read the Bible in their mother tongue. Throughout the following centuries, Armenia became a battleground for many invading nations and armies, who persecuted Armenians because of their Christian faith. The Armenian Church since its establishment has aimed to help keep the Christian faith of its people through teaching and preaching, as well as diakonal and evangelistic activities. The Armenian Church today has two Catholicosate seats and two patriarchates: a. The Catholicosate of All Armenians, Mother See of Holy Echmiadzin, Armenia (established in the fourth century by St. Gregory the Illuminator). b. The Catholicosate of the Great House of Cilicia, Lebanon (established originally in Cilicia in the 13th century, but after the Armenian genocide during World War I moved to Lebanon and was reestablished in 1930). c. The Patriarchate of Jerusalem (established by the St. James Brotherhood in the 14th century). d. The Patriarchate of Constantinople (established in 1461 by Sultan Mehmet to organize the affairs of the Armenian people living under the Ottoman Empire).

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Christian Education in the Armenian Apostolic Orthodox Church Today The Catholicosate of All Armenians, Mother See of Holy Echmidzin, Armenia His Holiness Vasken I conceived the need for a Christian Education Center (CEC) in 1991, which became a reality in 1996, while His Holiness Karekin I was Catholicos. From its start the mission of the CEC was to preach the Gospel message and educate Armenian society by organizing religious education in schools, opening Sunday schools, training Sunday school teachers, and publishing religious literature. In 1995, the Shoghagat television station was established to spread the light of faith and knowledge through broadcasting preaching and the production of spiritual and cultural programs and films. The Catholicosate of the Great House of Cilicia, Lebanon In 1929, a conference was organized by the International Sunday Schools American Society in Lebanon, to which representatives of the Catholicosate of Cilcia were invited. During that conference, they came to a decision to start Sunday school within the Apostolic churches. Deacon Levon Zenian was appointed as the first director of Sunday schools, to organize and train teachers as well as work on curricula, and in the fall of 1929 the first Sunday school started in Aleppo, Syria. In 1930, in a pastoral encyclical, His Holiness Sahag I introduced Sunday schools to all the churches in the Catholicosate. He was a strong advocator for Christian education, as he saw it as an essential need both in churches through establishing Sunday schools, as well as in Armenian schools, where through religious education classes students were to both receive biblical knowledge and learn about the church’s traditions and history. In 1977 another milestone occurred: the establishment of the Christian Education Department under the patronage of His Holiness Karekin II Sarkissian, coadjuster Catholicos, and under the chairmanship of His Holiness Catholicos Khoren I. The main goal of the Christian Education Department was to bring the people to understand more of the church’s spiritual and cultural inheritance and to educate the youth in the faith. The first director was Rev. Fr. Gaurun Babian. In January 2008, His Holiness Catholicos Aram I, in his pontifical message, declared the year 2008 the “Year of Christian Education.” He wrote, “Religious education means instilling individuals or communities with the truths and principles, values and traditions of the religion to which they adhere. All these must be integrated into the modus Vivendi, modus operandi and thinking of those individuals or communities. In other words, the purpose of religious education is to make religion, with its beliefs and

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teachings, its history and mission, a total, permanent and living presence in the life of an individual or community following it through a process of spiritual and intellectual development and formation” (Aram I 2008, 9). The Armenian Catholic Church Both the Roman and Byzantine churches tried to convince the Armenian Apostolic Church to reunite with them, to no avail. However, there were some conversions to Catholicism, and there were a number of Armenian Catholics living in Constantinople, Mardin, Aleppo, Jerusalem, Ispahan, Baghdad, Nakhitchévan, Crimea, Poland, Transylvania, and Italy. In 1740, a Catholic patriarchate was established in Lebanon. And in 1830 another one was established in Constantinople when Sultan Mahmoud recognized the Catholics as a sect. After World War I, the patriarchate of Lebanon became the sole church authority for all Armenian Catholics. An important factor in the educational ministries of the Armenian Catholic Church is the Mekhitarist Fathers’ monastic order, established in 1717 in St. Lazar, Venice. Through their many publications on Armenian spirituality, culture, and history, Armenia’s Christian heritage has been preserved. The Mekhitarists also opened many schools around the world to instill within students both Christian and Armenian values, educating the mind and heart. The Armenian Catholic Church, through its many schools and scout movements, provides Catholic religious education as part of school curricula and programs. The Armenian Evangelical Church In the 19th century, there was an intellectual and spiritual awakening in Constantinople. In 1829, under the patronage of the Armenian patriarchate, a school was opened, headed by Krikor Peshdimaljian, who was one of the leading intellectuals of the time. The principal aim of this school was to train qualified clergy to serve in the Armenian Apostolic Church. Within this school a society was formed called the Pietistical Union, whose members held Bible study meetings, during which questions were raised about church practices and traditions that seemed to conflict with biblical truths. Patriarch Matteos Chouhajian excommunicated these reformists, and this separation led to the formation of the Armenian Evangelical Church in 1846. Also in the early 19th century, missionaries of the American Board of Commissioners arrived in Turkey. Their most important contributions were William Goodell’s Bible translation for Turkish-speaking Armenians, which was published in 1842, and Elias Riggs’s Modern Armenian Bible translation, published

in 1853. The missionaries were also pioneers in opening schools for girls. As more churches and schools were opened, a need arose for ministers and educators, and many colleges and theological schools were established throughout Turkey. However, as a result of the Armenian genocide, Armenians were forced out of Turkey into Syria, Lebanon, and other Middle Eastern countries, and many emigrated later to Europe, the United States, and elsewhere. In the Middle East, the headquarters of the Armenian Evangelical churches is called the Union of the Armenian Evangelical Churches in the Near East. The Armenian Evangelical churches have established numerous churches and schools in the Levant region, where Christian education is an essential part of the educational endeavor. There are also Armenian Evangelical churches and schools in Armenia, Europe, and the Americas. References and Resources Aram I, Catholicos of Cilicia. 2008. “Pontifical Message, Hask.” In Revue Mansuelle Armenienne Catholicosat Armenien. Antelias: Armenian Catholicosate of Cilicia. (In Armenian). ———. 2011. Taking the Church to the People. Antelias: Armenian Catholicosate of Cilcia. Arpee, Leon. 1946a. A Century of Armenian Protestantism 1846–1946. New York: The Armenian Missionary Association. ———. 1946b. A History of Armenian Christianity from the Beginning to Our Time. New York: The Armenian Missionary Association. Dadoyan, Seta. 2003. The Armenian Catholicosate from Cilicia to Antelias. Antelias: The Armenian Catholicosate of Cilicia. Lang, David Marshal. 1981. The Armenians: A People in Exile. London: George Allen & Unwin. Nersoyan, Hagop. 1963. A History of the Armenian Church, with Thirty-Five Stories. New York: Delphic Press. Nersoyan, Tiran, Archbishop. 1996. Armenian Church Historical Studies: Matters of Doctrine and Administration. New York: St. Vartan. Ormanian, Malachia. 1955. The Church of Armenia: Her History, Doctrine, Rule, Discipline, Liturgy, Literature, and Existing Condition. London: A. R. Mowbray & Co. Stone, Michael E., Roberta R. Ervin, and Nira Stone, eds. 2002. The Armenians in Jerusalem and the Holy Land. Hebrew University Armenian Studies no. 4. Leuven: Peeters. Tchilingirian, Hratch. 1994. A Brief Historical and Theological Introduction to the Armenian Apostolic Orthodox Church. Montreal: Diocese of the Armenian Church of Canada. www.armenianorthodoxchruch.org www.armenianchurch.org www.armeniancatholic.org www.mekhitar.org

—Shake’ Geotcherian

Art and Architecture, Instructional Use of

Art and Architecture, Early Church Instructional Use of During the time of the apostles, and for the next 200 years, there was very little use of art or architecture by Christians for instruction. In the early third century, as the church grew and took in more Gentile converts, Christian visual art began to develop. Given the church’s roots within Judaism and the commandments to not make images of God, early Christian art employed symbols, or pictograms, to convey ideas and remind people of what God had done. One example, a fish, conveyed the ideas of Christians being fish that Jesus had caught and the call for Christians to be fishers of men—that is, to share the Gospel with others to save their souls. In addition, ichthys, the common Greek word for fish, was used as an anagram of the first letters of the Greek words “Jesus Christ, Son of God, Savior.” Another symbol, the dove, was used as a symbol of peace, as a reminder of God’s salvation of Noah and his family and all animal life through the flood, and as a symbol of the coming of the Holy Spirit. Images of anchors, used by Romans as symbols of naval victories, were used to convey Christ’s victory over death on the cross. So too were images of crosses themselves. In all of these examples, and more, common images in Roman art were filled with new meaning and used to proclaim and remind believers of important truths of the faith. Tombs and catacombs used by Christians in this early period were often decorated not only with symbols, but also with artwork that reminded viewers of important Old Testament stories that connected with themes in the church’s teaching. Pictures of the story of Jonah conveyed God’s grace and mercy in forgiving those who repented. It also recalled Jesus’s own death and resurrection after three days, similar to Jonah’s time inside the great fish, and may also have connected with the importance of baptism, in the same way that Jonah came forth from the water with new life. Art was used to help people recall the teachings of scripture, pointing out their fulfillment in Christ’s life, death, and resurrection, and emphasizing key themes that were important for their lives of obedience to God in the present. Up through the third century, there was no distinctive Christian architecture. Christians met primarily in homes for worship, instruction, and fellowship. Only after the conversion of Constantine and his legalization and support of the church were buildings constructed specifically for the gathering of the church community. One form of the new church building was the basilica, a large rectangular building with a raised central space.

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These new worship spaces were decorated in various ways (paintings, mosaics, sculpture) with images of the majesty of God, enthroned on a seat of judgment, and perhaps representing His teaching of His people. From the fifth century on, as church building expanded, other biblical narratives, both Old Testament and New, were displayed on the walls, ceilings, and floors and in sculptures as reminders of God’s salvation story. In addition to artwork incorporated into the architecture of the church buildings, from the fifth century on illustrations began to be employed in biblical manuscripts, providing visual images of key events and ideas in the scriptures, helping readers imagine and recall the events they were reading about. References and Resources Jensen, R. M. 2000. Understanding Early Christian Art. Oxford: Routledge. Nees, L. 2002. Early Medieval Art. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Spier, J., ed. 2009. Picturing the Bible: The Earliest Christian Art. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.

—Kevin E. Lawson

Art and Architecture, Instructional Use of In European history, the Middle Ages date from the collapse of the western Roman Empire in the fifth century to the fall of Constantinople in the 15th century; they merged into the early modern period, which ended around the end of the 18th century and the French Revolution. The early Middle Ages were marked by unsettled conditions as invaders from the north and Far East spread fear and confusion among the inhabitants of the former Roman empire. Later during this period, famines, plagues, and wars continued to create difficult living conditions for the general populations. In this climate, the Christian church, which had experienced sustained and phenomenal growth especially after its formal acceptance by Emperor Constantine in AD 312, emerged as a center for refuge and learning throughout Europe. As the church emerged into the open as an official organization, it began to build places of public assembly that represented its theological development and awareness of its place within the wider culture of the time. In the west, the church adopted the form of the basilica, or “hall of the king,” which was a rectangular building with side arcades that subdivided the interior; in the east, the church favored a more square form with an

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Art and Architecture, Instructional Use of

open and spacious central interior.105 In line with Winston Churchill’s view that, “We shape our buildings, and afterwards they shape us,”106 these early building forms both reflected and shaped different approaches to the Christian assembly: the east retained a more communal understanding of the Christian community at worship, while the west developed a more hierarchical understanding.107 Over time, in the west, the separation of a professional clergy from the laity became reified in stone, as interior church design increasingly created physical barriers between the clergy and the rest of the worshipping community, thereby communicating a particular doctrine of the Eucharist to the faithful. As construction techniques (e.g., flying buttresses) developed over the centuries, the era of the Gothic cathedral emerged during the High Middle Ages. Sermons in stone, these magnificent edifices were deliberately intended to give people a taste of heaven through the extravagant use of light, height, and the decorative arts. They served not only to draw people toward heaven, but also to draw the divine down among people.108 Both intuitively and intentionally, these structures taught that God deserved the best that humans could offer, and in return God would indwell such places. When planning to renovate the Abbey Church of St. Denis, Abbot Suger argued that “everything that is most precious should be used above all to celebrate the Holy Mass.”109 Not only did the art and architecture of the Middle Ages reflect a theology of the nature of God, they were also used more didactically to instruct the populace in the stories and doctrines of the faith. While scholars continue to research and debate the definition, use, and extent of literacy (vernacular or Latin, reading and/or writing) during the Middle Ages in Europe,110 it can be asserted that large portions of the populations throughout Europe were unable to read and write. Furthermore, during the early Middle Ages many theological works continued to be written in Latin, the language of the former Roman empire, which would have made those treatises inaccessible to many with only rudimentary education. The church’s buildings provided an immediate and invaluable visual aid in religious instruction. Through carvings and statuary, stained glass windows, textiles, and paintings, 105. Richard Giles, Re-Pitching the Tent; Re-ordering the Church Building for Worship and Mission, 3rd ed. (Norwich, UK: Canterbury Press, 2004), 35–40. 106. Winston Churchill, Address to the House of Commons (meeting in the House of Lords), 28 October 1943, http://www.winstonchurchill.org/ learn/speeches/quotations (accessed 22 July 2013). 107. Giles, Re-Pitching the Tent, 40. 108. Robert A. Scott, The Gothic Enterprise: A Guide to Understanding the Medieval Cathedral (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2003), 153. 109. Ibid., 155. 110. See Rosamond McKitterick, ed., The Uses of Literacy in Early Mediaeval Europe (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1990).

the biblical story and the history of the church were made visible. These visual aids (both explicitly pictorial or symbolic111) were used to emphasize the spoken and the read word. Although ecclesiastical art and architecture could be and were used for self-serving purposes by both patrons and church bureaucracy, they nevertheless communicated the biblical story. The Protestant Reformation (the early modern period) inaugurated a sea change in the approach to and use of art and architecture in the religious life of Europe. A revolt against the more excessive forms of church ornamentation, including imagery depicting saints, resulted in widespread destruction of ecclesiastical art (iconoclasm) in those areas where the Reformation took hold (England, Scotland, parts of Germany, and the Low Countries). Among various Anabaptist groups, church architecture in the form of the simple unadorned “meeting house” taught a theology of Christian life that emphasized a simple lifestyle. However, this period also led to a burst of new artistic endeavor as “poet, artist, musician, printer and pamphleteer allied with preacher so that, in Luther’s words, the Gospel was not only preached, but painted, sung, and . . . rhymed.”112 An example of religious art that was intended to inspire devotion to costly discipleship was found in the Martyrs Mirror, a 17th-century compendium of Christian martyrs, especially Anabaptist, from the time of Christ to 1660; the second edition contained outstanding woodcuts by the iconographer Jan Luyken.113 The era from the fifth century to the end of the 18th century saw a great diversity of styles of art and architecture, which the Christian church employed to reflect on and to teach the theological perspectives current at the time. References and Resources Churchill, Winston. 1943. Address to the House of Commons (Meeting in the House of Lords), October 28. Accessed 22 July 2013. http://www.winstonchurchill.org/learn/speeches/ quotations. Giles, Richard. 2004. Re-Pitching the Tent: Re-ordering the Church Building for Worship and Mission. 3rd ed. Norwich, UK: Canterbury Press. Matheson, Peter. 2001. The Imaginative World of the Reformation. Minneapolis, MN: Augsburg Fortress Publishers. 111. See Richard Taylor, How to Read a Church; A Guide to Symbols and Images in Churches and Cathedrals (Mahwah, NJ: Hidden Spring/Paulist Press, 2005). 112. Peter Matheson, The Imaginative World of the Reformation (Minneapolis, MN: Augsburg Fortress Publishers, 2001), 25. 113. John D. Roth, “Dying to Live: The Martyrs Mirror and Its Complicated Legacy in the Free Church Tradition” (lecture presented at the Acadia Centre for Baptist and Anabaptist Studies, Acadia University, Wolfville, Nova Scotia, 1 October 2012).

Art and Mission

McKitterick, Rosamond, ed. 1990. The Uses of Literacy in Early Mediaeval Europe. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Roth, John D. 2012. “Dying to Live: The Martyrs Mirror and Its Complicated Legacy in the Free Church Tradition.” Lecture presented at the Acadia Centre for Baptist and Anabaptist Studies, Acadia University, Wolfville, Nova Scotia, 1 October. Scott, Robert A. 2003. The Gothic Enterprise; A Guide to Understanding the Medieval Cathedral. Berkeley: University of California Press. Taylor, Richard. 2005. How to Read a Church: A Guide to Symbols and Images in Churches and Cathedrals. Mahwah, NJ: Hidden Spring/Paulist Press.

—Carol Anne Janzen

Art and Mission European missionaries set off to evangelize the New World, sub-Saharan Africa, and the East beginning in the 1520s. At first they didn’t speak the languages of the indigenous peoples of these places, so they brought with them artworks depicting the fundamentals of Christianity. Europeans at the time understood art to be a universal language. The practice of evangelizing with art did not end with the colonial era; it continues. One notable example from recent years is the Jesus Mafa project, which began in West Cameroon, where villagers acted out Bible stories, photographs were taken, and a French artist painted the scenes. Prints of the paintings then were used to spread the good news in other villages in West Africa. Art and Worldview Art is similar to language, in that it contributes to and reflects the construction of worldview. The visual idiom of a culture reflects its understanding of space, time, nature, eternity, human purpose, relationships, and so forth. To introduce a new way of visualizing the world necessarily challenges aspects of a culture’s self- and worldunderstanding. For example, while Christians affirm the power of Christianity to reframe Dalit self-understanding in contemporary India, unintended consequences of cultural reframing have not always been so well received. Margaret Miles (1985), for example, asserts that whitewashing hierarchical depictions of heavenly and ecclesiastical scenes in newly Protestant churches in the 16th century contributed to the German Peasant War. In any context in which Christianity presents a countercultural worldview, Christian educators have to attend to the visual structures that support the dominant culture (whether it is a secular or faith-based culture) and discern

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how Christian visual culture can be used to transform the local worldview to encompass Christianity. Hybrid Styles of Christian Art The indigenous peoples of the various places Europeans evangelized already had their own art forms and styles. Usually, the European missionary would have a local artist create a likeness of an artwork brought from Europe, and that likeness would contain some elements of the indigenous art forms or styles. Over time, local Christian art style tends to settle into a hybrid of European Christian art and local styles. Most parts of the world now are comfortable depicting Jesus as looking like the people of that culture. This is a way of making the art attractive and familiar to local people, thus inviting imitation of the Christian stories and concepts. As postcolonial Christianity grows in various parts of the world, Christian artists are exploring more deeply the local art traditions as vehicles for Christian expression. These contemporary expressions of Christianity can in turn be used to educate others in the local community and in communities around the world. Art Schools Many missionary groups established art schools in the countries being evangelized as a way of spreading the gospel. In the 16th through 19th centuries, easy, affordable forms of mass production of images were not widely available in mission territory, so local artists and artisans were the only means of production. Well-regarded art schools were created in Cuzco, Peru, and in Japan. In central South America, a network of artisan camps, reductions in English or reducciones in Spanish, were established by the Jesuits in the 17th and 18th centuries. Smaller efforts are still common today, often as a way to create an income stream for poor communities in the developing world. References and Resources Association pour la diffusion de l’Evangelie. “Why Images?” Vie de Jesus Mafa. Accessed 8 May 2013. http://www.jesus mafa.com/?page_id=317&lang=en. Bailey, Gauvin A. 2001. Art on the Jesuit Missions in Asia and Latin America, 1542–1773. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Lara, Jaime. 2004. City, Temple, Stage: Eschatological Architecture and Liturgical Theatrics in New Spain. Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press. Miles, Margaret R. 1985. Image as Insight: Visual Understanding in Western Christianity and Secular Culture. Boston: Beacon Press.

—Eileen M. Daily

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Art as Christian Practice

Art as Christian Practice Art, preceding written language, has existed since the beginning of ancient human civilization. Ancient art appears to express and to communicate human activities and is assumed to have provided religious symbols. As Bailey notes, “While it is not true today as it once was that all art is religious, it is always true that religion creates art” (1922, 13). Art, as symbols and images, has been used as an effective communication tool in Christian education. Art includes many forms of expression, such as music, dance, drama, and visual arts. This article focuses on visual arts, including painting, sculpture, architecture, photography, and video. Outside of specific instructions for artistic images for the Tabernacles, ancient Hebrews were prohibited from making images in connection with their faith due to idol worship, described in Exodus 20:22, 32 and other parts of the Old Testament. However, it is evident that the use of art for religious expression and education is prevalent among Hebrew traditions, although only a few of them are in existence today: for example, the tabernacle, the two temples in Jerusalem, frescoes on the walls of Jewish synagogues (Dura Europas Synagogue in Syria), and the Jewish catacombs in Rome (Brockman n.d.). During the early development of the Christian faith, when Christianity was undergoing persecution by the Roman Empire, drawn images were used to communicate followers’ identity as Christian through symbols such as a fish, a grapevine, or a shepherd with a lamb on his shoulder. From the period when Christianity was adopted by Constantine, in the fourth century, through the medieval period, art became one of the primary means for Christian education; paintings, sculptures, mosaics, and other symbolic figures were used to teach Christian stories (Bailey 1922, 17). Christian art became the subject of theological dispute during the Middle Ages. In the Byzantine Empire this became known as the “iconoclastic dispute.” The Eastern Orthodox Church incorporated icons (images and arts) into the sacramental life of the church. A theologian who supported the use of icons in the church and engaged in the theological debate was John of Damascus (AD 675–749), a Syrian monk and a priest, who was also considered one of “the last of the fathers” of the Eastern Orthodox Church. He argued that the proper veneration of religious images of Christ, the Virgin, or the saints was a useful and important aspect of a living faith that took the fact of the material incarnation of the divine Word seriously. His teachings heavily influenced the Eastern Orthodox world, where icons still play a far greater role than in Western Christianity (McGuckin 2001, 145).

On the other hand, the theologians of the Protestant Reformation, especially Calvin and Zwingli, discouraged the use of art (icons and images) in the church (Calvin’s Institute). Protestant theology focuses on the individual’s personal relationship with God, primarily through the Word. It emphasizes hearing the Word more than visual arts for Christian education. Also, Luther encouraged all believers, including children, to learn the Bible. He translated the Bible into German, which was made available to the common people by means of the invention of the printing press by Johannes Gutenberg. Consequently, the use of art for educational purposes was drastically reduced during the Middle Ages under the Reformation (Michalski 1993, 43–75). In response to the Protestants’ iconoclasm, the Catholic Church in the 16th century deliberately used the arts for its worship and theology and decreed in the Council of Trent that the arts should serve the church as direct and compelling in their narrative presentation. The Catholic Church also decreed that art was to provide an accurate presentation of the biblical narrative or a saint’s life, rather than adding incidental and imaginary moments. This was part of the Counter-Reformation and led to the baroque period of art, which was adopted because of the Roman Catholic Church’s renewed interest in attracting the public to its worship centers and to embody the arts in its sacramental and pedagogical goals (Paoletti and Radke 2005, 514). Rembrandt’s The Prodigal Son is representative of the art of this period. During the 17th to 19th centuries, the use of art was discouraged in the church for educational purposes because of an emphasis on intellectualism. On the other hand, the use of art and images was revived with Schleiermacher’s theological emphasis on personal experiences, feelings, and intuition (Thiessen 2004, 159). During the 20th century, the response to incorporating arts in theological education was divided between those who supported it (Paul Tillich, John Cobb Jr., and Mark C. Taylor) and those who rejected it (Bultmann, Barth, Ogden, and Kaufman) (Dillenberger 1985, 601–608). Among contemporary theologians, major consideration of the subject of incorporating art in Christian theological education emerged and developed along the following lines: “how art can function as a source of and in theology” (Tillich, Rahner, Dillenberger); “the art work as a shaper of meaning in today’s culture” (Brown, Cox, Kung); “the essential role of imagination in theology” (Lynch, McIntyre, Green), and the beauty of God (Van der Leeuw, Barth, Von Balthasar) (Thiessen 2004, 204–205). Today, art is widely integrated in Christian education due to the development of educational psychology as well as the availability of high-tech media. Christian educators

Art, Painting

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Art, Painting

limited or not available. Painting has often provided a visual depiction of historic events in Christianity and continues to be utilized in both religious and secular educational contexts to provide a visual sense of reality or as symbolic representations of actual historical or eschatological events and to teach students the meaning and value of artistic expression. Material forms of visual expression through painting are evident throughout the historical development of Christianity and continue to flourish in contemporary contexts of the Christian faith. Although painting is not common to all historical and contemporary denominations and groups, the church has used painting and other art forms as a means to mediate the Gospel’s message in the ministry of evangelism and for the purposes of religious catechesis and continuing education, through visual means, for students in every level of both formal and informal learning. Painting transcends certain learning limitations. For individuals too young to read and for the hearing impaired, artistic presentations serve as educational resources and have the capacity to affect them at intellectual, emotional, and spiritual levels of learning. Individuals who are sight-impaired may also learn from painting through the sense of touch. As a painting’s visual content is explained through verbal narration, an individual, by feeling the texture of an artistic work, gains real and immediate contact with the meaning and value of the artistic work. Paintings as expressions of religious faith were first found on Roman sarcophagi, with the earliest depiction apparently at Megiddo, circa AD 70. When Emperor Constantine adopted the Christian faith, he initiated an era of wider acceptance and use of paintings as expressions to depict religious subjects. The creation of artworks in the medium of painting continues to provide a full-time vocation or bivocational ministry in which the artistically gifted serve God and the community through the creation of meaningful works of art. Often these works are created with educational purposes in mind.

Development in Christian History Beginning with the period of early Christianity, from the time of the original 12 apostles until the fifth century; through the medieval period, from the fifth through the 15th centuries; through the early modern and Reformation period in the 16th and 17th centuries, and into the modern period, including the 21st century, art forms, including painting, have continued to function as visual mediators of the Bible’s message. Paintings, throughout the history of the church, have served as a way of teaching biblical truth. Artistic mediation of the biblical message has been an essential tool in the context of religious education, in particular when the written scriptures were

Educational Contexts and Uses for Art as Painting Certain schools and programs in Christian educational contexts provide training to prepare the artist for diverse art-related vocations in the church, in religious or secular media, in business, in architecture, and in other art-related vocations. A stellar example of artistic vocation through painting is the Italian master Michelangelo (1475–1564), well-known for his frescoes depicting biblical themes from Genesis and the Last Judgment, as painted on the ceiling and altar wall, respectively, of the Vatican’s Sistine Chapel. Art is a powerful visual aid in teaching history, religion, and many other subjects. Historically, various forms of

must discern how best to use forms and images for those flooded by art. Art, as an expressive tool in the teaching and learning processes, is integrated in Christian education in various ways. Art is often used as a visual aid, which helps illustrate ideas. Art can also be used for an instructive function, just as it was used to teach Bible stories during the Middle Ages. Art, through the functions of emotion, can inspire and motivate people to experience and act toward the goals of Christian education and living. Art encourages people, especially children and youth, to participate in learning processes by allowing them to express their ideas about God and the Word. References and Resources Bailey, A. E. 1922. The Use of Art in Religious Education. New York, Cincinnati: Abingdon Press. Brockman, J. S. n.d. A Brief History of Jewish Art. http://www .myjewishlearning.com/culture/2/Art/History_and_Theory/ Jewish_Art_History.shtml. Dillenberger, J. 1985. “Contemporary Theologians and the Visual Arts.” Journal of the American Academy of Religion 53 (4): 599–615. Institutes of the Christian Religion. 2007. Book 1, Chapter 11, Section 7. Peabody, MA: Hendrickson Publishers. http:// www.vor.org/rbdisk/html/institutes/1_11.htm. McGuckin, J. 2001. The Eastern Christian Tradition. Edited by G. Mursell. Minneapolis, MN: Fortress Press Michalski, S. 1993. Reformation and the Visual Arts: The Protestant Image Question in Western and Eastern Europe. London, New York: Routledge. Paoletti, John T., and Gary M. Radke. 2005. Art in Renaissance Italy. 3rd ed. London: Laurence King Publishing. Thiessen, G. E. 2004. Theological Aesthetics: A Reader. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans.

—Mariana Hwang

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Art, Sculpture

artistic expression in the medium of painting have provided a visually powerful way to teach the Bible, including Judeo-Christian ethics, morality, theology, spiritual formation, and other subjects. In great cathedrals and churches worldwide, as well as in the humblest houses built for Christian worship, painting is often evident in the sanctuaries and other areas. Paintings are included in ecclesial contexts to inspire worship, devotion, reflection, contemplative reflection on various biblical themes, and to meaningful educational resources to visually teach, inform, and encourage the Christian’s knowledge and faith. Certain existing Christian colleges and seminaries provide academic departments offering specific programs and courses for training artists in painting and other artistic media. Study in the visual language of painting provides a process for the inculcation of knowledge and understanding that both supplements and enriches the essential learning tools of reading and writing. The use of painting as an art form in educational contexts results in students’ development of various skills and abilities, including visual, intellectual, and spiritual perception, as well as increasing their knowledge and understanding of God, the Bible, others, and the broader context of the world. Personal artistic expression through painting using acrylic, oil, or other types of pigment, usually applied by brush on paper, canvas, or other materials, is commonly found in art classes at all levels of formal and informal education. For the student, painting personal works of art assists in the development of creativity, understanding of spatial perspective, color, texture, and other values. Personal expression through painting also provides a means to express emotions and spirituality. Appropriate engagement with the artistic form of painting integrates both intellectual and spiritual development, bringing balance to the processes of learning and spiritual formation. Art is essential to understanding Christian worship, since biblically and historically, worship has included many outward visual symbols of biblical truth: crosses, candles, liturgical vessels for Holy Communion, clerical vestments, baptismal fonts, and other items meaningful to the practice of worship. These symbols are concrete items that increase and deepen the knowledge of Christian faith through visual means. Education in art, including painting, is needed for seminarians who are training to lead congregations in the discipline of worship. Leonardo da Vinci’s The Last Supper (1498); El Greco’s The Miracle of Christ Healing the Blind (c. 1570); Mattia Preti’s John the Baptist Preaching (c. 1650), Bartolomé Murillo’s Adoration of the Magi (1660), and numerous other classic works, as well as the plethora of contemporary paintings with Christian themes, continue to be used in diverse educational contexts in both the church and the academy.

References and Resources Barbe-Gall, Françoise. 2011. How to Look at a Painting. London: Francis Lincoln Limited. Brown, Michelle P. 2008. The Lion Companion to Christian Art. Oxford: Lion. Drury, John. 2002. Painting the Word: Christian Pictures and Their Meanings. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Dyrness, William. 2008. Senses of the Soul: Art and the Visual in Christian Worship. Eugene, OR: Cascade. L’Engle, Madeleine. 1980. Walking on Water: Reflections on Faith and Art. Wheaton, IL: Harold Shaw. Lubbock, Jules. 2006. Storytelling in Christian Art from Giotto to Donatello. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Ryken, Philip Graham. 2006. Art for God’s Sake: A Call to Recover the Arts. Philipsburg, NJ: P & R Publishing. Schaeffer, Francis A. 2006. Art and the Bible. Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press. Valescchi, Marco, and R. Taylor, ill. 1962. Art of the Western World: Early Christian to Medieval Painting. New York: Golden Press.

—Mara Lief Crabtree

Art, Sculpture Meaning and Use Sculpture as an art form provides a concrete visual, tactile, and three-dimensional context to evoke expressions of faith, thoughts, and emotions related to biblical, theological, and historical concepts and events. Sculptural works often serve as icons to inspire reflection on the possible literal and symbolic meanings of an artistic piece and to encourage deeper levels of prayer, contemplation, and worship of God. In the context of Christian belief and practice, a sculpture itself is never the object of reverence, adoration, or worship, but always points the viewer beyond the sculpted object to the greater reality symbolized by the artistic work. Sculpture provides options for contextual placement of a work not possible with one-dimensional art forms. Sculptural works provide ample opportunities for use as learning resources in diverse educational settings, from childhood education to graduate work. One benefit of using sculpture in educational settings is its ease of use by individuals at various levels of intellectual and physical ability and training. Early childhood education in art often includes students’ practice in creating simple clay forms of humans, animals, or inanimate objects. The opportunity to sculpt even simple forms encourages creativity, knowledge of dimension and scale, and practice in visual-tactile coordination. Learning to sculpt at any level of artistic knowledge and proficiency provides the sculptor with practice in translating ideas into concrete

Asbury Theological Seminary

representations through the use of various sculpting media and the tactile or tool-based manipulation of any medium for expressing an idea, object, or symbol. A biblical example of sculpting, not for artistic expression, but as a symbolic means to convey truth in an instructive, visual manner, is the Ark of the Covenant (Exod. 25:1–20) as used in the religious life of God’s people. Representations of the angelic cherubim, two figures with wings spread and facing one another on opposite sides of the ark, with faces turned downward toward the cover of the ark (vv. 17–20), were described as being created through “hammered work” (v. 18, NASB), a type of sculpture. Sarcophagi, above-ground stone coffins of the early Christian centuries, often contained basrelief sculptures or carvings conveying certain meanings through artistic forms. As Christianity continued to increase in number of adherents, broadening its influence throughout many countries and diverse cultures, free-standing sculptures, often of biblical figures, were included in various cathedrals and schools for higher learning. Although the use of sculpture was not without its critics, who cited the commandment forbidding creation of representative images or idols (Exod. 20:4), sculpture was viewed by many Christians not merely as a form of ecclesial art, but as an educational resource to represent biblical truths in visual, three-dimensional forms. These representations were considered especially important in eras when biblical texts were generally not available for the masses. The artistic medium of sculpture lends itself to a broad range of materials, among them various kinds of stone, including marble and granite; precious and other metals, including silver, gold, and bronze; many kinds of wood; and numerous types of modern synthetic materials. Sculptural forms are also used in diverse types of ceramic creations, jewelry, cemetery headstones, ecclesial art, historical monuments, and ornamentation for gardens. The creation of each diverse type may be taught in specific educational settings and designed with an emphasis on various themes relevant to the Christian faith. For example, Michelangelo Buonarroti Simoni’s The Pieta (1499) and Andrea del Verrocchio’s Christ and St. Thomas (1467– 1483) have continued to serve as concrete educational resources in sculpture, encouraging people’s connection with the reality and meaning of biblical events. Sculpture in Educational Contexts Sculpture as a resource for education allows the learner to experience both visual and kinesthetic or tactile styles of learning. Sculpture’s three-dimensional qualities allow works to be experienced through touch, which is especially meaningful in educational settings for the sightimpaired. The art of sculpture may be studied at many

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levels, from early childhood education, with students forming simple clay sculptures, to the creation of sophisticated sculptural forms in colleges, universities, seminaries, and schools for art education and training. Education and training in the meaning, creation, and uses of sculpture are important to the Christian community because of the demand for various three-dimensional and basrelief pieces used in sanctuaries, other ecclesial spaces, and educational settings, including indoor and outdoor environments. In these contexts, sculptural pieces become part of the architectural and artistic ambience used to convey truth through object and symbol. References and Resources Christian, Kathleen Wren, and David J. Drogan. 2010. Patronage and Italian Renaissance Sculpture. Burlington, VT: Ashgate. Debidour, Victor, Henry. 1968. Christian Sculpture. Translated by Robert Cunningham. Portsmouth, NH: Hawthorn. Jung, Jacqueline E. 2013. The Gothic Screen: Space, Sculpture and Community in the Cathedrals of France and Germany. New York: Cambridge University Press. McClinton, Katharine Morrison. 1962. Christian Church Art Through the Ages. New York: Macmillan. McCollough, C. R., and M. C. Tirabassi. 2000. Faith Made Visible: Shaping the Human Spirit in Sculpture and Word. Cleveland, OH: United Church Press. Spier, Jeffrey. 2009. Picturing the Bible: Earliest Christian Art. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Van Zeller, Hubert. 1959. Approach to Christian Sculpture. Lanham, MD: Sheed & Ward.

—Mara Lief Crabtree

Asbury Theological Seminary Introduction Asbury Theological Seminary is a multidenominational evangelical seminary in the Wesleyan tradition located in Wilmore, Kentucky. Currently, Asbury Seminary enrolls almost 1,600 students per year at its campuses in Wilmore, Kentucky, and Orlando, Florida, and its extended learning (online) community. The seminary remains committed to producing leaders for ministry in primarily Wesleyan denominations (though nonWesleyan students number among its population) and forming students spiritually through rich community formation experiences. History Rooted in the evangelical Wesleyan tradition, Asbury Theological Seminary was founded in 1923 in Wilmore, Kentucky, by Henry Clay Morrison, sitting president

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Asbury Theological Seminary

of Asbury College. Morrison had received an abundance of correspondence from Asbury College graduates that made him concerned that many seminaries in the United States were straying away from historic Christian teaching, notably the divine inspiration of the Bible, the atonement of Christ, and the second coming of Christ. In 1920, Morrison announced plans for creating a graduate theological school that would hold tightly to orthodox theology. This announcement was met with significant support in the form of endorsements and financial contributions. Morrison enlisted the help of several of his friends in higher education and recruited faculty members from reputable seminaries and divinity schools. The seminary soon expanded in size and repute, and Morrison resigned his position as president of Asbury College to assume the full-time presidency of Asbury Theological Seminary. It became apparent to Morrison that for Asbury Theological Seminary to fully flourish, it must separate itself from Asbury College. As a result of financial blessing, a growing student body, and the college’s concern over its accreditation by the Southern Association of Colleges and Schools (SACS), Asbury Seminary became an independent institution in 1940. After Morrison passed away, Dr. Julius McPheeters assumed the presidency of Asbury Seminary in 1942. Under his leadership, the seminary rapidly expanded, adding the Henry Clay Morrison Administration Building, Estes Chapel, the B. L. Fischer Library, and new academic chairs. The seminary continued to enroll students at a pace faster than student housing could hold, leading to the construction of new apartments for students. Asbury Seminary was fully accredited through the Association of Theological Schools (ATS) in 1946 after remarkable growth in faculty, students, and resources. The seminary temporarily lost accreditation in 1951 as a result of academic controversy, but soon regained it, in 1960. In 1962, Dr. Frank Bateman Stanger assumed the presidency. Stanger expanded Asbury in unprecedented ways, adding endowed lectureships and new degree programs, expanding academic services, increasing enrollment, embarking on building projects, and implementing overall restructuring. Stanger laid the groundwork for the presidency of Dr. David McKenna, who helmed the seminary from 1982 to 1994. McKenna’s presidency oversaw advances in educational technology, the founding of the E. Stanley Jones School for World Mission and Evangelism, and the doctor of ministry program, made possible by the financial gift of Ralph Waldo Beeson. In 1994, Maxie Dunnam became president of Asbury, overseeing the establishment of two new seminary campuses, a campus in Orlando, Florida, and the extended learning (online) campus. The campus in Orlando was

renamed Dunnam campus in his honor. Dunnam also oversaw the expansion of the Beeson International Center, devoted to the training of global ministry leaders. From 2004 to 2006, Dr. Jeff Greenway presided over Asbury Seminary, founding a new PhD program in biblical studies from a generous gift by Dan Amos. In 2006, Greenway resigned his presidency due to tensions with the board of trustees. Dr. J. Ellsworth Kalas, a professor of preaching at the seminary as well as a former United Methodist pastor, became interim president and was then named president in 2008. Kalas oversaw new building projects and led the seminary with his rich wisdom and preaching acumen. In 2009, Dr. Timothy C. Tennent, a professor of missions at Gordon-Conwell Theological Seminary, was appointed president of Asbury Seminary. Tennent’s experience as a missionary and scholar of global Christianity brought issues of missions and evangelism in the 21st century to the forefront of Asbury’s mission and focus. Under Tennent, the seminary has added several new degree programs, buildings, and numerous faculty and staff members. As of 2013, Asbury Seminary enrolls approximately 1,600 students from more than 29 countries and nearly 90 denominations. Notable Academic Programs Asbury Theological Seminary currently offers several master’s and doctoral level programs. At the graduate level, the seminary offers a master of divinity (MDiv) degree and a host of master of arts programs, with concentrations in aging and spirituality, biblical studies, theological studies, Christian education, Christian leadership, church planting, counseling, intercultural studies, spiritual formation, and youth ministry. The curriculum for graduate programs is broad, and students have the opportunity to take courses in exegetical method, church history, Christian education, philosophy of religion, ethics, preaching, and leadership. At the postgraduate level, the institution offers ThM and PhD programs in biblical studies and intercultural studies, as well as a doctor of ministry (DMin) program with several concentrations. Mission and Philosophy The mission statement of Asbury Theological Seminary reads: “Asbury Seminary is a community called to prepare theologically educated, sanctified, Spirit-filled men and women to evangelize and to spread scriptural holiness throughout the world through the love of Jesus Christ, in the power of the Holy Spirit and to the glory of God the Father.” The defining values of Asbury Seminary are tenfold: (1) service to the global church, (2) providing theological education faithful to God’s Word, (3) personal and community formation, (4) pursuing a diverse and missional student body, (5) lifelong learning for min-

Asia and Christian Education

istry leaders, (6) equipping pastors for engagement with the global church, (7) serving emerging ethnic churches, (8) developing new constituencies, (9) serving the laity, and (10) strengthening the budget and developing a network of support. These defining values align with the seminary’s Wesleyan heritage, as well as its commitment to global Christianity. Students and faculty are required to sign an ethos statement, which binds the community together in principles of service, seeking the good, avoiding evil, and practicing the means of grace. The statement is inspired by the seminary’s Wesleyan heritage. References and Resources Asbury Theological Seminary. n.d. “Our Defining Values and Strategic Vision.” Accessed 30 March 2013. http://www .asburyseminary.edu/about/our-theological-orientation/ten -core-values-of strategic-vision/. Kinghorn, Kenneth C. 2010. The Story of Asbury Theological Seminary. Lexington, KY: Emeth Press.

—Benjamin Espinoza

Asceticism Asceticism has at its root the Greek word askesis, which initially referred to the training of athletes and later came to refer to the spiritual training of Christians. Ascetics leveraged the training of the body to influence the sanctification of the soul, seeking holiness and freedom through disciplines of the body such as fasting, continuous prayer, voluntary poverty, and humble dress. Ascetics exist in many religious traditions, including Buddhism and the group of traditions broadly categorized under the name Hinduism, but Christianity in the Middle Ages and modern period was particularly marked by ascetic practices. As religious studies scholar Gavin Flood notes, the goal of ascetical practice has at its heart a formational outcome: “The ascetic conforms to the discipline of the tradition, shapes his or her body into particular cultural forms over time, and thereby appropriates the tradition.”114 Rather than the post-Reformation emphasis on catechetical instruction of doctrine as the primary way for people to learn the Christian tradition, medieval and modern ascetics came to take on the tradition through the intentional practices of the body. When we imagine ascetics in the Middle Ages, we often conjure up images of extreme bodily deprivation, such as medieval mystics who subsisted on only the Eucharist for long periods of time, or monks who engaged in self-flagellation, the wearing of hair shirts, or other 114. Gavin Flood, The Ascetic Self: Subjectivity, Memory and Tradition (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2004).

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practices of mortifying the body. Indeed, many modern interpreters of the medieval ascetics have pathologized these practices, linking them to contemporary diagnoses of anorexia or practices of self-harm such as cutting or compulsive exercising. Hollywood movies often use the visual shock value of these practices to point to the warped nature of the institutional church and those who dedicated their lives to God in this period. To the contemporary mind, the denial of desires as natural as eating and sleeping evokes a troubling hatred of the body and its desires, rather than a reorientation of those desires toward holiness. However, early Christian ascetical texts both advocated moderation in practices of abstinence and self-restraint and often understood the body in a markedly positive light.115 Before we join the dismissal of ascetics as self- and body-haters, we should take another look at the wisdom they embody. Ascetics took seriously the notion that mind, body, and soul are inextricably linked, and therefore they were not haters of the body, but rather understood its importance as an instrument in the life of the soul. The bodily formation of engagement in ascetic practices made possible new forms of knowing one’s self and God. In addition, ascetic practitioners understood their practices of prayer through bodily self-discipline to benefit not only their personal salvation but also that of the broader community, through defining a shared identity. This identity was not grounded in the social practices and bodily trappings of the world, but attempted to free itself from this formation to be put into God’s service more fully. —Katherine Turpin

Asia and Christian Education Christianity began in Asia and soon spread across much of the continent. Thriving Christian churches (Orthodox, Nestorian, and Monophysite) spread throughout the Middle East to India (the Mar Thoma Christians) and China before the rise of Islam. Some of those churches still survive, albeit under reduced circumstances. A second wave of Christianity came to eastern Asia during the 16th century as Catholic missionaries worked in India, Indonesia, Japan, China, and most successfully in the Philippines. Yet another wave accompanied European trade and military expansion during the late 19th and early 20th centuries (though the missionaries were often at odds with their own governments on local matters, and the mission expansion can by no means be reduced to an 115. Kallistos Ware, “The Way of the Ascetics: Negative or Affirmative?” in Asceticism, ed. Vincent L. Wimbush and Richard Valantasis (Cambridge: Oxford University Press, 1995).

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aspect of colonialism). It is thus impossible to speak of a single process by which Christianity came to the continent or its several parts. It is also impossible to generalize about the many forms in which Christianity exists currently across the continent. One can say, however, that today about 300 million Christians live on the continent, and demographers expect that number to double by 2050. The spread of the religion is now in the hands of Asians working in their own lands and others: for example, more than 15,000 Korean missionaries work across the continent, while 40,000–80,000 Indians work with ethnic groups other than their own. The largest Christian community resides in the Philippines (86 million), and China, India, Indonesia, and South Korea each have at least 10 million adherents. The next wave of growth, then, promises to be from Asians to Asians. At present, Christianity plays a range of roles in different regions of Asia. South Korea, for example, has a very large Christian minority, and a significant Christian movement (both legally recognized and underground) exists in China. Small Christian minorities exist in Japan, Southeast Asia, and the Indian subcontinent, all in relative political freedom. In the Middle East, Malaysia, and some central Asian countries, one or another version of the medieval millet system, in which Christianity and Judaism exist with recognized, if limited rights, still prevails. In short, the variations of legal and social restrictions (or their absence) on Christian practice across the continent mean that one must study Christianity on regional or national bases rather than continent-wide. However, in most parts of Asia, Christianity remains the fastest growing religion. Educational Structures To prepare leaders for these fast-growing churches, theological education in Asia takes several forms. First, seminaries on the Western model began with Serampore College in India (1818), and postsecondary institutions for the training of clergy now exist in many Asian countries. These include Nanjing Union Theological Seminary, reopened in China in 1981, as well as at least 19 regional seminaries (as well as an unknown number of illegal schools) in the same country. The ecumenical Association of Theological Schools in South East Asia counts 102 member institutions in 16 countries (including Australia and New Zealand), while the Pentecostal Asia Pacific Theological Association has more than 50 schools in Asia and dozens more in Oceania. Organizations such as the United Board for Higher Christian Education in Asia provide extensive financial support and technical expertise to a range of schools. While the theologies, curricula, faculty qualifications, educational prerequisites,

and internal cultures of these schools vary widely, they share both an interest in the formation of clergy and lay leaders and, in many cases, significant relationships to the worldwide church. The World Council of Churches, along with other organizations, is working toward consistent educational standards that will allow for greater international cooperation and shared learning. Second, within the congregational context, Christian education occurs in many ways conditioned by local traditions, the influence of pre-Christian religious practices, and societies’ social and economic needs. Frequently, the methods of Western missionaries coexist with more traditional practices emphasizing memorization and recitation. The centuries-old educational traditions in many Asian countries emphasize rote memorization of content through recitation as a way of honoring the role of the teacher and the centrality of the collected wisdom of the past. This learning style has emphasized factual knowledge, recall of data, and respect for educators. In at least some Asian countries, notably Korea, the culturally sanctioned group orientation leads to high levels of commitment to building up the local church or denomination. Education thus includes orientation to the group and learning how to work for it. Asian Theologies Just as the structures supporting Christian education both draw on Western models and seek to reflect local conditions, so too does the theological content. The spread of Pentecostalism in many parts of Asia, often side by side with very ancient forms of Christianity, reflects a region-wide interest in versions of the faith that reflect a robust sense of the presence—and accessibility—of the spiritual in everyday life. For example, Korean minjung theology, a liberationist movement emphasizing the validity of the people’s collective view of God and self, has influenced thinkers across the continent as they seek a postcolonial Christianity that can speak to the deep poverty and political oppression or corruption of many countries while also respecting the dignity of their peoples and traditions. Similarly, water buffalo theology in Thailand, Karma Marga in India, and Pain of God theology in Japan are all ways of taking seriously indigenous Asian religious traditions while thinking about the world in Christian terms. Truly indigenous Christian theological work is underway across the continent, reshaping not only the content of theology but also the ways in which it is done. Asian theologians dialogue with the Western traditions, but often transform the older work into something distinctive to their own setting. indicating that, just as Christianity began in Asia, it has returned there with worldwide ramifications. Or rather, it never left.

Asia Graduate School of Theology

References and Resources Evers, G. 2005. The Churches in Asia. Delhi: ISPCK. Griffith, S. H. 2007. The Church in the Shadow of the Mosque. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Johnson, T. M., and K. Ross. 2009. Atlas of Global Christianity. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. Jongeneel, J. A. B., et al., eds. 2010. Christian Mission and Education in Modern China, Japan, and Korea. Studies in the Intercultural History of Christianity no. 148. Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang. Moffett, S. H. 1998. A History of Christianity in Asia. Vol. I, Beginning to 1500. Maryknoll, NY: Orbis. ———. 2005. A History of Christianity in Asia. Vol. II, 1500 to 1900. Maryknoll, NY: Orbis. Pew Research Center’s Forum on Religion and Public Life. 2011. Global Christianity 2011. http://www.pewforum.org/2011/12/ 19/global-christianity-event-transcript/. Phan, P. ed. 2010. Christianities in Asia. London: Blackwell Publishers. Sanneh, L. 2007. Disciples of all Nations. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Werner, D., et al. 2009. “Challenges and Opportunities in Theological Education in the 21st Century.” Joint Information Service of ETE/WCC and WOCATI.

—Samjung Kang-Hamilton

Asia Graduate School of Theology Brief Historical Introduction “Train Asians in Asia” was the mantra of the Asia Theological Association (ATA) in the 1980s. “The Asian Church had depended on western seminaries and churches for too long, and the time had come for us to be independent from the West in theological education; otherwise we ourselves would not be able to grow.”116 Instead of having many individual postgraduate degree programs that did not meet academic standards, a joint cooperative program among evangelical seminaries in different countries was proposed by the ATA Executive Committee. On 28 December 1983, Dr. Bong Rin Ro, the first ATA general secretary, called a meeting of nine representatives from Korea, Japan, Taiwan, Philippines, Indonesia, and India at the China Evangelical Seminary in Taipei. In this historic meeting, the ATA decided to establish its own postgraduate theological school. The Asia Graduate School of Theology (AGST) was officially inaugurated as 19 delegates from 15 countries met at the China Graduate School of Theology on 21–22 June 1984.117 116. Bong Rin Ro, “History of ATA, 1970–1990,” in New Era, New Vision: Celebrating 40 Years of the Asia Theological Association, ed. Bruce Nicholls, Theresa Roco Lua, and Julie Belding (Manila: ATA, 2010), 49. 117. Ibid., 52–53.

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The AGST was established with the following objectives:118 • • • •

To supply teachers for theological schools in Asia. To curtail the “brain drain” to the West. To provide economical training for Asians. To encourage cultural adaptation of theological education.

It was initially established in five countries: Philippines, Indonesia, Japan, Korea, and India.119 Currently, there are three regional AGSTs: AGST Philippines, AGST Japan, and AGST Alliance. AGST Philippines is a consortium of nine schools; different consortium members host different programs. AGST Japan has nine member schools with two study centers, in Tokyo and the Kobe area. AGST Alliance is made up of 10 schools from Malaysia, Singapore, Thailand, Myanmar, and Cambodia. Module courses rotate around the campuses of member schools. Most Notable Academic Programs The AGST offers postgraduate programs. First to be offered by AGST Philippines in 1987 was the doctor of religious education (now doctor of education). In 2005, AGST Alliance started offering a PhD in education. All three AGSTs offer PhD programs in Bible, theology, and church history. AGST Philippines also offers a PhD in holistic child development and peace studies. Some key Asian leaders today have received their degrees from AGST. They are serving as seminary presidents, academic deans, faculty members, and leaders of denominations and Christian organizations. AGST programs are gaining wider acceptance and drawing students from around the globe. Currently, students in AGST Philippines come from 16 countries in Asia, Africa, and North America. Christian Philosophy and Mission of Education Contextualization is at the heart of the AGST, as expressed in its philosophy of theological education: An AGST education seeks to contextualize learning in terms of communication, organization, theology and education. First, it focuses upon shaping message and ministry informed by the contextual needs of the Asian people. Second, AGST develops educational forms and structures appropriate to the specific needs of Asia, including its spiritual, socioeconomic, and political situation. Third, AGST emphasizes doing theology in ways appropriate

118. AGST Philippines, 1987–1989 Doctoral Program in Religious Education Catalog, 2–3. 119. For a comprehensive account of these regional AGSTs, see Ro, “History of ATA,” 53–59.

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and authentic to the Asian situation. We seek to relate the timeless Gospel more directly to urgent issues of ministry and service in Asia. Finally, AGST develops types of theological training that are liberating and creative, avoiding elitism and authoritarianism in our teaching. We seek to bridge the widespread gap between academic study and practical application in the Asian context. To this end we seek to utilize more fully Asian resources, especially faculty, research materials and texts. We seek to interact with Asian thinkers, theologians and practitioners from a variety of perspectives.120

The AGST provides students with the opportunity to be equipped in their own context of ministry. An added advantage is that students educated in Asia tend to stay in Asia. Brain drain is an ever-present threat for those students who go to Europe and North America for further studies. The AGST “is a sterling example of cooperation among evangelical groups.”121 The collaboration of seminaries from a wide spectrum of denominations is a powerful demonstration of unity in the Body of Christ. By working together and sharing resources such as faculty, finances, facilities, and library materials, AGST is able to offer quality advanced theological degrees, making it possible to “train Asians in Asia.” —Theresa Roco Lua

Asia Theological Association Brief Historical Introduction, Including Christian Tradition The Asia Theological Association (ATA) was founded in 1970 as a direct outcome of the Asia-Pacific Congress on Evangelism, held in Singapore in 1968 with 5,000 participants. “During the congress some 50 evangelical church leaders and theologians discussed how to promote evangelical theological education and to formulate an evangelical theology in Asia.”122 It was first known as TAP-Asia (Theological Assistance Program), the theological arm of World Evangelical Fellowship (now World Evangelical Alliance). TAP aimed to “support the development of national theological commissions and societies, and the interchange of faculty between theological schools.”123 TAP’s first consultation was held in Singapore on 5–7 July 1970. At the third consultation, in Hong Kong from 27 December 1973 to 4 January 1974, TAP120. AGST Philippines, Student Handbook (2012), 2. 121. Floyd Cunningham, “Laying the Foundation for the Asia Graduate School of Theology-Philippines” (unpublished manuscript, 2004), 1. 122. Ro, “History of ATA,” 28. 123. Ibid., 13.

Asia was renamed Asia Theological Association.124 Now it is the region’s largest association of theological institutions, with 264 members in 32 nations.125 This movement was pioneered by outstanding theologians Dr. Saphir Athyal, Dr. Bong Rin Ro, and Dr. Bruce Nicholls, along with other Asian and Western missionary educators. The ATA has been an influential movement for transforming the training of Christian leaders in Asia. It has helped pioneer theological education by extension (TEE), has conducted TEE consultations, and has helped develop TEE textbooks and materials.126 It also provided leadership to the Christian education (CE) movement in Asia. ATA’s Coordination of Christian Education in Asia The ATA has coordinated Asia-wide CE seminars. The first seminar, held in Singapore in 1978, focused on the theme, “Asian Church: Called to Teach.” The second seminar, in 1987, focused on “Asian Church: Called to Ministry.” Another seminar was held in Korea in 1990, which focused on “Christian Education and Current Trends in Asia.”127 In 1978, the ATA formed a CE committee for the promotion of CE in Asia. It published Directory of Christian Education in Asia and Christian Education Bulletin. Dr. Edith Woods, a missionary to Taiwan, was appointed as ATA CE coordinator. She traveled to seminaries in several countries to give lectures and to acquire information on CE activities. She also became the first director of the doctor of education program at the Asia Graduate School of Theology (AGST) in Manila.128 Most Notable Academic Programs The ATA’s major services are accreditation, consultancy, theological consultations, publications, and postgraduate training through the AGST. Accreditation Accreditation is a key function of the ATA through its Commission on Accreditation and Educational Development (CAED). The accreditation process promotes excellence in theological education and enables institutions to achieve their own training objectives.129 124. Bruce Nicholls, Theresa Roco Lua, and Julie Belding, eds., New Era, New Vision: Celebrating 40 Years of the Asia Theological Association (Manila: ATA, 2010), 18. 125. Joseph Shao, “ATA and New Zealand Connection,” ATA News (October–December 2012): 1. 126. Bong Rin Ro describes ATA’s work in this area in “History of ATA,” 36–37, 61–66. 127. Ibid., 66–69. 128. Ibid., 69. 129. Narendra John, “Message from the Accreditation Secretary” in ATA Manual for Accreditation (Manila, Philippines: Asia Theological As-

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Consultancy The ATA conducts seminars and provides consultancy services in areas such as organizational structure, curricula and program development, vision, library development, faculty development, governance, finance, leadership development, and teaching methodologies.130 Theological Consultations The ATA has been organizing consultations to discuss issues in theological education and Asian contextual theology. Papers in these consultations were later published in textbooks such as The Bible and Theology in Asian Contexts: An Evangelical Perspective on Asian Theology,131 and The Church in a Changing World: An Asian Response.132 Publications The ATA seeks to develop Asian resources and enhance scholarship through publication and research. It publishes books, journals (Journal of Asian Evangelical Theology, Journal of Asian Mission), monographs, and the Asia Bible Commentary series, specifically designed for readers in Asia. Asia Graduate School of Theology To “train Asians in Asia,” the ATA formed the Asia Graduate School of Theology, a consortium of member institutions that offers postgraduate theological degrees. Summary of Christian Philosophy and Mission of Education “ATA is a body of theological institutions, committed to evangelical faith and scholarship, networking together, to serve the Church in equipping the people of God for the mission of the Lord Jesus Christ.”133 During its 40th anniversary celebration in Hong Kong in 2011, the ATA reaffirmed its founding vision and mission for the new era: a. contextualizing the Gospel as a missiological necessity in Asia in response to the critical, urgent, contemporary issues of the day; b. championing an evangelical theology in Asia in response to other theologies of the day;

sociation, 2010), 12. http://www.ataasia.com/sites/default/files/resources/ accreditation%20manual.pdf 130. “ATA Consultancy Services,” in ATA Manual for Accreditation, 78–79. 131. Bong Rin Ro and Ruth Eshenaur, eds. The Bible and Theology in Asian Contexts (Bangalore: ATA\AETEI, 1984). 132. Bruce Nicholls, Theresa Roco Lua, and Julie Belding, eds., New Era, New Vision: Celebrating 40 Years of the Asia Theological Association (Manila: ATA, 2010). 133. ATA Manual for Accreditation, 3.

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c. charting the way for local theological ministries in Asia; d. creating platforms to promote fellowship and cooperation among evangelical theologians and theological schools in Asia.134

—Theresa Roco Lua

Assemblies of God Church Christian Education Assemblies of God in the United States is part of an international denomination/ movement called the World Assemblies of God Fellowship, which is the largest, most well-known Pentecostal denomination in the world.135 In the early 20th century, there was a climate of revival in America, and many Pentecostal groups formed. The Assemblies of God was organized in 1914 by Pentecostal church leaders who recognized the need to provide accountability on doctrine, morals, and finances and also establish institutions such as schools, a publishing house, and a mission agency.136 Assemblies of God churches adhere to a conservative, evangelical theological position, which they formally describe in their 16-point “Statement of Fundamental Truths,” written in 1916.137 The core beliefs of the Assemblies of God include salvation through Jesus Christ, healing for the sick, the imminent return of Jesus Christ, and baptism in the Holy Spirit as evidenced by speaking in tongues.138 Christian Education and Assemblies of God Within the wider Pentecostal community as well as in the Assemblies of God, there is a unique emphasis on spiritual gifts. Although there is great variation from one group to another, the spiritual gift focus has often led to unwillingness to adhere to “creeds and other man made positions.”139 It has also led to a general reluctance to discuss issues such as religious education.140 134. Benjamin Pwee, “Reaffirming Our Founding Vision for a New Era,” in New Era, New Vision, ed. Nicholls, Lua, and Belding, 61. 135. Assemblies of God (USA), “The Assemblies of God,” http://ag.org/ top/Press/organization.cfm. 136. Lois Olena, Stanley E. Horton: Shaper of Pentecostal Theology (Springfield, MO: Gospel Publishing House, 2009), 7. 137. Vinson Synan, The Century of the Holy Spirit: 100 Years of Pentecostal and Charismatic Renewal (Nashville, TN: Thomas Nelson Publishers, 2001), 129. 138. Assemblies of God (USA), “Our Core Doctrines,” http://ag.org/ top/beliefs/our_core_doctrines. 139. John R. Belcher, “Religious Education and Pastoral Counseling: The Classical Pentecostal Experience,” Pastoral Psychology 53, no. 2 (November 2004): 97. 140. Edith L. Blumhofer, Restoring the Fatih: The Assemblies of God, Pentecostalism and American Culture (Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1993), 114.

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However, Christian education has always been a priority in Assemblies of God philosophy and church life. The founders of the Assemblies of God recognized from the beginning that youth and education were the church’s biggest challenges. One of the reasons for convening the first General Council in 1914 was to discuss establishing a general bible training school to prepare the next generation for Christian service.141 In the 1940s, efforts began to expand the Assemblies of God perspective on education to include the training of young people in the churches who did not have a call to professional ministry. Leaders recognized many new ministry opportunities during this tumultuous time period and “as a result of the mass mobilization of World War II, educators in the Assemblies of God began to devise ways for the denomination to minister to servicemen.”142 This led ultimately to the development of the Department of Chaplaincy Ministries, which currently serves not only the military, but also the police/fire, health-care, and correctional fields. With a continued focus on higher education, a General Council resolution in 1953 authorized the establishment of Evangel College, the first liberal arts college in the Assemblies of God.143 When Evangel College (now University) opened its doors in 1955, there were 87 students. Since that day, Evangel’s student body has grown to more than 2,000, and more than 20,000 have graduated over the years. Evangelism, missions, and education have been central to the identity of the Assemblies of God and have resulted in continuing denominational growth at home and abroad. The highly focused mission programs of the church are designed to establish self-supporting and self-propagating church bodies in every country. Ministers and leaders are trained in 2,000 training institutions across the world with 100,000 students. The Assemblies of God in the United States has 16 endorsed Bible colleges, universities, and a seminary.144 Sunday school has also played a significant role in formal Christian education in churches in the Assemblies of God family. In the early days of the denomination, founders recognized that churches needed “full gospel literature and teaching helps.”145 The leaders saw Sunday school as an ideal tool for evangelizing their communities, discipling converts, and indoctrinating

141. Olena, Stanley E. Horton, 7. 142. Edith L. Blumhofer, Pentecost in My Soul: Explorations in the Meaning of Pentecostal Experience in the Early Assemblies of God (Springfield, MO: Gospel Publishing House, 1989), 114. 143. Olena, Stanley E. Horton, 7. 144. Assemblies of God (USA), “Assemblies of God Colleges and Universities,” http://colleges.ag.org/resources/annual_stats.cfm. 145. Sylvia Lee, “Marcus Grable ‘Mr. Sunday School’ for the Assemblies of God,” Assemblies of God Heritage (Winter 2001–2002): 4.

their youth.146 Sunday school continues to be the most popular forum for a systematic study of God’s Word in the church. Sunday school has proven its effectiveness by teaching biblical principles and godly living to people at every age and state of life.147 Christian education is an integral part of the overall philosophy of the Assemblies of God. The mission for Assemblies of God higher education is to educate, nurture, and disciple men and women for effective service to Christ, His church, and the world. The Assemblies of God seeks “to build bridges to succeeding generations and pass on the truths, values, and commitment that compelled our Pentecostal forefathers.”148 References and Resources The Assemblies of God. n.d. Assemblies of God (USA) Official Website. http://ag.org/top/Press/organization.cfm. Belcher, J. R. 2004. “Religious Education and Pastoral Counseling: The Classical Pentecostal Experience.” Pastoral Psychology 53 (2): 97–106. Blumhofer, Edith L. 1989. Pentecost in My Soul: Explorations in the Meaning of Pentecostal Experience in the Early Assemblies of God. Springfield, MO: Gospel Publishing House. ———. 1993. Restoring the Faith: The Assemblies of God, Pentecostalism and American Culture. Chicago: University of Illinois Press. Champion, Richard. 1989. “Sunday School Department— Teaching and Evangelizing.” In The Assemblies of God at 75, 11–19. Springfield, MO: Gospel Publishing House. Lee, Sylvia. 2001–2002. “Marcus Grable ‘Mr. Sunday School’ for the Assemblies of God.” Assemblies of God Heritage (Winter): 4–11. Olena, Lois. 2009. Stanley E. Horton: Shaper of Pentecostal Theology. Springfield, MO: Gospel Publishing House. Synan, Vinson. 2001. The Century of the Holy Spirit: 100 Years of Pentecostal and Charismatic Renewal. Nashville, TN: Thomas Nelson Publishers. Wood, George. 2007. Core Values: Serving Christ’s Cause with Effectiveness and Excellence. Springfield, MO: Gospel Publishing House.

—Stacie Reck and Marilyn Abplanalp

Assessment/Evaluation in Education Assessment and evaluation in education, while sometimes considered an administrative activity related to sat146. Richard G. Champion, “Sunday School Department—Teaching and Evangelizing,” in The Assemblies of God at 75 (Springfield, MO: Gospel Publishing House, 1989), 48. 147. AG Discipleship Ministries, “Sunday School,” http://discipleship .ag.org/PROCESS/Methods/Sunday_School/index.cfm. 148. George Wood, Core Values: Serving Christ’s Cause with Effectiveness and Excellence (Springfield, MO: Gospel Publishing House, 2007), 6.

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isfying the requirements of external auditors, are in fact vitally necessary components of the teaching and learning process. Within the domain of education, assessment and evaluation are learning, informing, and reforming activities, the goal of which is to improve the quality and accomplishment of specific student learning goals. A systematic, documented, and sustained assessment process provides an invaluable decision-making mechanism aimed at increasing the effectiveness of the teaching and learning process and identifying areas of instructional and curricular improvement. Of primary importance is the assessment of student learning outcomes related to gains in knowledge, skills, and abilities. Over the past 10 years, there has been an ever-increasing shift toward emphasizing the need to define in clear and measurable terms both student learning objectives (instructional goals) and student learning outcomes (what the student should know or be able to do at the completion of the course of instruction). In the context of formal education, the assessment of student learning outcomes is of two basic types: (1) classroom or course-level assessment and (2) program-level assessment. At the course level, assessment and evaluation are vital dimensions of effective teaching and learning. The basic framework for instructional design consists of (1) writing the instructional objectives in clear and measurable terms, (2) defining the scope and sequence of the content (the breadth of concepts covered and the logical sequence of how they should be taught incrementally throughout the course), (3) determining the appropriate course activities and assignments, and (4) evaluating the actual student learning outcomes based primarily on direct evidence of student work. For effective assessment to take place, clear alignment is necessary throughout the course design. The course activities and assignments need to directly support the instructional objectives, and the instructional objectives should be directly related to and evaluated by specific course assignments, providing a clear evaluation of student learning outcomes. Course assignments can be either formative or summative in design. Formative assessments measure student learning outcomes at specific checkpoints, indicating learning progression along the course of instruction. Summative assessments are used to evaluate the level of student learning outcomes at the conclusion of the course. Selected course assignments, capstone projects, and student portfolios can all serve as representative samples of direct summative student learning outcomes. At the program level, specific course-level learning objectives should map back to the corresponding objectives of the program (curriculum mapping). These programlevel learning outcomes are then assessed through an

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evaluation of selected formative and summative course assignments. Suitable summative assignments would include such student work as capstone course projects, selected term papers from core courses, student portfolios, and supervisor evaluation reports. Selected faculty serve as the primary participants in the evaluation of a representative sample of student work. The samples should be sanitized from student identity and scored by a rubric designed to measure learning outcomes on a programmatic level. Assessment findings are presented in summary form, indicating the aggregate and percentage scores of student learning outcomes related to the program learning outcomes, and demonstrate the extent to which students have achieved the goals of the educational program, providing indicators of educational effectiveness. The findings are then utilized by faculty and other academic leaders to identify goals and determine steps to make improvements in course instruction and curriculum revisions. In the context of Christian pedagogy, assessment and evaluation seek to strengthen and improve the effectiveness of faith development throughout the curriculum and the teaching/learning process. Christian education is not focused solely on the quality of content and instruction, but also on the transformational outcomes of the learning as demonstrated in the lives of the students. This requires an intentional integration of biblical knowledge and understanding, personal growth and faith development, and the relevant application of biblical concepts and principles in the writing of instructional objectives, the design of assignments, and the utilization of assessment findings at both the course and program levels. A comprehensive approach to academic assessment in Christian education should attend to, support, and measure all of these dimensions as part of the assessment and evaluation process, in order to effectively promote the development of a vital Christian worldview. References and Resources Banta, Trudy W. 2011. A Bird’s-Eye View of Assessment: Selections from Editor’s Notes. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Banta, Trudy W., Elizabeth A. Jones, and Karen E. Black. 2009. Designing Effective Assessment: Principles and Profiles of Good Practice. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Diamond, Robert M. 2008. Designing and Assessing Courses and Curricula: A Practical Guide. 3rd ed. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Gronlund, Norman E., and Susan M. Brookhart. 2009. Gronlund’s Writing Instructional Objectives. 8th ed. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Pearson. Suskie, Linda. 2009. Assessing Student Learning: A Common Sense Guide. 2nd ed. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass.

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Walvoord, Barbara E. 2010. Assessment Clear and Simple: A Practical Guide for Institutions, Departments, and General Education. 2nd ed. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass.

—Gino Pasquariello

Association for Biblical Higher Education

Experiential—facilitating hands-on ministry, service learning, and intercultural study opportunities with an aim to help students discover and develop their unique God-given gifts, passions, and sense of calling. Missional—maintaining that an authentically biblical worldview compels all believers, regardless of present or future occupation, to understand their personal vocation within the context of the Gospel mandate.

The Association for Biblical Higher Education in Canada and the United States (ABHE; www.abhe.org) comprises a network of approximately 200 North American private postsecondary institutions specializing in education for ministry and marketplace professions. Founded in 1947 as the Accrediting Association of Bible Colleges, the association adopted its current name in 2004 to reflect more accurately its expansion in scope to encompass graduate degrees and to emphasize that, although accreditation remains a primary activity of the Commission on Accreditation, the association’s purposes are more extensive and varied. The ABHE Constitution states its mission as follows: “to enhance the quality and credibility of postsecondary educational institutions that distinctively engage students in biblical, transformational, experiential, and missional higher education.” The ABHE’s oldest member institutions formed during America’s post–Civil War Reconstruction era and the pietistic/revival movements of the Third Great Awakening. Over the ensuing decades, others arose out of concern over diminishing doctrinal purity and spiritual vitality of traditional theological schools during the fundamentalist/ modernist controversy. Biblical higher education institutions continue to emerge in surprising numbers across North America, flowing from various revival, restoration, church renewal, and church growth currents. For all its diversity, the movement coheres around a common educational philosophy and distinctives. ABHE accreditation standards, peer review practices, and organizational culture affirm mutual commitment to education that is legitimately postsecondary and academically rigorous, challenging students to develop critical thinking skills and leading them in the formation of a biblically grounded Christian worldview. Biblical higher education is distinctive in its intentional and pervasive fourfold emphasis:

The ABHE’s Commission on Accreditation is recognized by the U.S. Department of Education as a Title IV federal student financial aid gatekeeper agency (see http://www.ed.gov/admins/finaid/accred/accreditation _pg10.html) and as a faith-related institutional accreditor by the Council for Higher Education Accreditation (CHEA; http://www.chea.org/Directories/faith.asp). The association is governed by a 12-member board of directors elected to rotating four-year terms by an annual Delegate Assembly. The chief executive of Christian Higher Education Canada (CHEC; www.checcanada.ca) also serves as an ex officio member of the ABHE board. The Delegate Assembly ratifies the appointments of the president and Commission on Accreditation director and adopts standards and major policies governing the accreditation process. The association has been headquartered in Orlando, Florida, since 1998. In addition to its professional and support staff, the ABHE is served by scores of volunteers trained to conduct peer reviews, upon which the accreditation process is inherently dependent. In recent years, the ABHE has directed its efforts toward delivering an extensive array of member services and resources, including institutional leadership development and training, student leadership development, member networking, computer software and web platforms, and vendor product and service agreements. The association publishes annually the peer-reviewed Biblical Higher Education Journal, a scholarly research and professional practice publication. It also developed and distributes a series of psychometrically validated, normed Bible content examinations for use in individual student assessment and institutional benchmarking by member colleges, churches, and ministry organizations.

Biblical—requiring extensive and serious study of the text of scripture in a posture that honors it as the Word of God. Transformational—cultivating a life orientation toward moral purity and self-denying discipleship in which students are called to live out Kingdom values and Gospel priorities.

Eagen, John L. 1981. The Bible College in American Higher Education. Fayetteville, AR: American Association of Bible Colleges. McKinney. Larry J. 1997. Equipping for Service: A Historical Account of the Bible College Movement in North America. Fayetteville, AR: Accrediting Association of Bible Colleges.

References and Resources

Association for Hispanic Theological Education

Mostert, John. 1986. The AABC Story: Forty Years with the American Association of Bible Colleges. Fayetteville, AR: American Association of Bible Colleges. Witmer, S. A. 1962. Education with Dimension: The Bible College Story. Manhasset, NY: Channel.

—Ralph E. Enlow Jr.

Association for Evangelical Theological Education in Latin America The Association for Evangelical Theological Education in Latin America (AETAL) is one of eight regional associations affiliated with ICETE, the International Council for Evangelical Theological Education. The association was founded in 1992 to serve continental Latin America, including Brazil and the Spanish-speaking countries. AETAL is incorporated in Brazil. It functions under a board that is elected at the General Assembly every three years, along with the general secretary. Board chairs have been Paulo Bronzelli, Josue de Campos, Dionisio Oliveira, and Márcio Matta, the current president. The first general secretary was Izes Calheiros (1992–1998); she was followed by Vera Brock (1998–2007) and Pablo Sywulka (2007–). A continental conference is held every three years along with the General Assembly. Venues have been Águas de Lindóia near Sao Paulo, Brazil (1992 and 2007); Valinhos, SP, Brazil (1995); Campinas, Brazil (1998); Belo Horizonte, Brazil (2001); Lima, Peru (2004); and Medellín, Colombia (2010). The 2013 conference was held in Brazil. In 2012, nearly 160 schools in 13 countries were affiliated with AETAL—over 100 in Brazil and over 50 in most of the Spanish-speaking countries, from Mexico to Argentina. The purpose of AETAL is threefold: to provide a platform for schools to relate to each other for mutual enrichment, to provide services in support of theological education, and to offer academic accreditation. The accreditation program of AETAL is designed to help schools reach a high level of excellence in every area. Two institutions have received full accreditation from AETAL: Seminario Teológico Centroamericano in Guatemala and Seminário Bíblico Palavra de Vida in Brazil. Two seminaries in Bolivia were completing the process of accreditation in 2013, and several others throughout the region have expressed interest in beginning the process. One the services offered by AETAL has been a program (PDB ) to provide books at a discount to libraries, professors, and students of affiliated schools in Brazil. Books have also been provided to Spanish-speaking schools through the Theological Book Network.

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The ICETE Program for Academic Leadership (IPAL) has been successfully implemented in Latin America through AETAL. The three-year series of seminars for leaders of theological institutions has been completed in Joao Pessoa, Brazil; Guatemala City, Guatemala; and Lima, Peru. Seminars for academic leaders have also been held in Rio de Janeiro, Salvador, and Manaus, Brazil. Since 2013 the program is offered in Mexico, Costa Rica, and Bolivia. AETAL has been able to make available consultancy services in areas such as library development and institutional administration. It publishes a news bulletin twice a year and also sends out occasional communications on topics of interest. More information is available at www.aetal.com. —Pablo Sywulka

Association for Hispanic Theological Education Historical Introduction The creation of the Association for Hispanic Theological Education (AETH) is in many ways the response of a group of Hispanic American pastors and theological educators to the 1988 report by Dr. Justo L. González, “The Theological Education of Hispanics.” This report resulted from a study undertaken on behalf of The Fund of Theological Education (FTE) and funded by the Pew Charitable Trusts. After a comprehensive analysis of the demographic, religious, and historical background of the growing Hispanic population in the United States in particular, the report looked at the status of the theological education of Hispanics near the end of the 20th century. That status very much reflected a lack of recognition of Hispanic leadership by either Catholic or Protestant church authorities, a lack of cooperation among church agencies and ministries, absence of opportunities for sound theological formation of Hispanic leadership at the seminary level, and a range of mostly inadequate programs at the Bible institute level. Thus, in 1991 and with the support once again of the Pew Charitable Trusts, those pastors and theological educators met with the main purpose of finding ways to foster communication and cooperation among those involved in Hispanic theological education, including church-based Bible institutes as well as institutions of higher education. Under the theme Derramaré mi Espíritu (I shall pour my Spirit), the AETH held its first Assembly in Decatur, Georgia, on 21–23 August 1992. The governing body of the AETH is the Assembly, which is made up of all its individual and institutional members. The Assembly convenes every other year and has the power to establish policy, guide-

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lines, and programs. Its executive council is composed of distinguished personalities in the field of Hispanic theological education or ministry. Although the AETH was conceived in terms of responding to specific needs and goals in Protestant theological education, membership and participation is open to all Christians who share its goals and aims. The AETH’s geographically, politically, culturally, and educationally diverse membership represents and supports the full spectrum of churches, denominations, and educational institutions. Programmatic Areas Since its creation, the AETH has been at the forefront of the discussion on the impact of the growth of the Latino population and the Latino church on theological education. Its main concern has been with the theological formation of Hispanic/Latino pastors and church leaders in the United States, Canada, and Puerto Rico. Until recently, most of its work focused on providing them with biblical, theological, and pastoral resources (printed and electronic materials) and with training and reflection opportunities (regional workshops) as they minister to their congregations. Through its three book series in Spanish (Conozca su Biblia, Introducciones, Ministerios) and other books it distributes, the AETH has provided to and promoted among Bible institutes invaluable resources for a more sound biblical, theological, and pastoral training of Hispanic leaders. Through its regional workshops (named Tertulias Pastorales), the AETH has connected pastors across denominational lines around the country to dialogue about critical issues for the Hispanic church and community. Beginning in 2010, the AETH undertook three concrete initiatives to connect what happens in theological education at the seminary level with the growing needs for ministerial formation of leaders serving the growing number of Hispanic congregations in the United States in particular. First, in a joint effort with the Association of Theological Schools (ATS), the AETH embarked on the creation of certification standards for interested and eligible Bible institutes so that they may improve the quality of the pastoral training they offer and so that their graduates can be admitted at ATS schools to further their theological formation. In February 2013 the Board of Commissioners of the Association of Theological Schools (ATS) recognized AETH certification standards as meeting the baccalaureate equivalency for admission in master’s programs at ATS schools. The AETH’s efforts to implement the approved certification standards will allow graduates from Bible institutes certified by AETH to continue in theological studies at the graduate level, at the discretion of individual ATS member schools.

The second initiative has been the development of online courses written by Hispanic scholars and from a Latino perspective. These courses are available to seminaries, Bible institutes, and denominations that may want to use them as part of the curriculum for the theological, biblical, and pastoral formation of Hispanic pastors and church leaders. They are also available to individuals who want to improve their preparation for ministry. Courses and webinars targeted to churches can be used in programs for the formation of leaders in local congregations. Also, they can be used in training events of a general interest organized by Bible institutes. Courses offered for Bible institutes are designed for two types of audiences: denominational programs that have established alternate routes of ordination for pastoral leaders in local congregations who, for different reasons, cannot register in theological programs at seminary level, and programs of theological formation that work under academic standards at the baccalaureate level. These programs may function at Bible institutes or colleges. Finally, there are courses being designed to be used for studies at the graduate level in seminaries accredited by ATS. The third initiative was the creation and development of the Justo González Center for Latino/a Ministries. The Justo Center was inaugurated in October 2011 and is named in honor of Dr. Justo González for his many contributions to the AETH, to the theological formation of Hispanic leaders, and to the Hispanic/Latino and worldwide theological enterprise. The center offers consultation services on issues of diversity, cultural training, and Hispanic/Latino theology and history as well as educational services related to curriculum development from a Hispanic perspective. Through its annual lecture series it gathers denominational leaders, seminary professors, directors of Bible institutes, and pastors for reflection on topics relevant to the Hispanic church and community. In addition, it offers opportunities for academic and pastoral research through its database of Hispanic churches in the United States, Canada, and Puerto Rico as well as through the hundreds of books and thousands of articles and sermons by Dr. Justo Gonzalez, which are available at the center. Summary of Mission Through its well-established and newer programmatic initiatives, the mission of AETH is to develop leaders to radically transform the Latino church and community contributing to their vibrancy, health and growth. The AETH exists to stimulate dialogue and collaboration among theological educators, administrators of institutions for ministerial formation, and Christian ministerial students in the United States, Puerto Rico, Canada, and

Association of Christian Theological Education in Africa

beyond. Its distinct positioning, reputation, intellectual resources, and breadth of reach will continue to be needed within the Latino church and community. The AETH’s contribution to the development of Hispanic church leadership has already been significant, and its full potential is yet to be fulfilled. References and Resources González, Justo. 1988. The Theological Education of Hispanics. New York: FTE, Inc. ww.aeth.org www.thejustocenter.org www.aeth.org/mission-aeth-bylaws-part-1/

—Fernando Cascante

Association of Christian Schools International The Association of Christian Schools International (ACSI) is a Protestant association with a membership of 23,000 schools in more than 100 countries. Its stated mission is “to strengthen Christian schools and equip Christian educators worldwide as they prepare students academically and inspire students to become devoted followers of Jesus Christ.”149 Begun in 1978, when several associations of Christian schools merged, ACSI was originally headquartered in La Habra, California. Since 1994, its headquarters have been in Colorado Springs, Colorado, with another 28 regional offices around the world. Ten regional offices in the United States serve 3,000 preschool to grade 12 schools. Another 18 regional offices assist 20,000 member schools internationally in Africa, Asia Pacific, Europe, Latin America, North America, and the Baltic States and former Soviet Union. In addition to assisting national schools in these global regions, ACSI provides services for international schools that are distinct from the schools of their host countries. Many of the families represented by these schools include Christian workers, business families, and diplomatic families living abroad. ACSI has three kinds of institutional members for preschool to grade 12 schools: U.S., international, and early education. Membership includes opportunities for professional development, accreditation, teacher certification, school testing, and legal advocacy. Students in member schools participate in a variety of associationsponsored sports, fine arts, and academic activities, such as speech meets, Bible quizzing, music festivals, and 149. ACSI, “Vision and Mission,” www.acsiglobal.org/about-acsi/vision -and-mission.

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athletic tournaments. ACSI also has individual members, administrators of member schools who use the association for professional development and networking. Although ACSI is not an accrediting agency for colleges and universities, it does offer membership and benefits to them. These benefits include ACSI approval and certification for teacher education departments and graduate administration programs, lists of ACSI Distinguished Christian High School Students, and opportunities to network with ACSI member schools. ACSI publishes several newsletters and magazines, and its publishing division, Purposeful Design Publications, produces textbooks, trade books, and other educational resources. In addition to publishing its own materials, Purposeful Design Publications offers Christian materials to ACSI members at discounted prices. In 2011–2012, the think tank Cardus surveyed graduates and administrators of North American Christian schools to measure the relationship between the schools’ objectives and the student outcomes in areas of spiritual formation, academic excellence, and cultural engagement. ACSI responded to the generally positive survey and disseminated data specific to ACSI in a 2012 paper by Philip Scott. References and Resources Association of Christian Schools International. n.d. www.acsi global.org. Cardus. 2011a. “ACSI Accredited/Non-accredited Comparison. Report Breaking Out ACSI-specific Data from the Cardus Education Survey.” Hamilton, ON: Cardus. ———. 2011b. Cardus Education Survey: Phase 1 Report. Hamilton, ON: Cardus. Learning Things. n.d. “Purposeful Design Publications.” www .learningthings.com/articles/purposeful-design-publications .aspx. Purposeful Design Publications. n.d. safe.acsi.org/eWeb/Start Page.aspx?Site=PD. Scott, Philip. 2012. Upon a Solid Foundation: The ACSI Response to and Expansion on the Cardus Education Survey. Colorado Springs, CO: ACSI. from www.acsiglobal.org/ about-acsi/why-acsi-schools.

—Wendy Widder

Association of Christian Theological Education in Africa The Association of Christian Theological Education in Africa (formerly Accrediting Council for Theological Education in Africa) is a network and support service that promotes quality evangelical theological education in Africa. The council does this by facilitating academic

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recognition for schools and programs, providing support services to them, as well as fostering contact and collaboration among them. ACTEA is an agency of the Theological and Christian Education Commission (TCEC) of the Association of Evangelicals in Africa (AEA). It was constituted in March 1976 by the executive council of the AEA at the instance of Dr. Byang Kato, the AEA’s first African general secretary. Dr. Paul Bowers, a missionary with Sudan Interior Mission (SIM) then teaching at a seminary in Igbaja, Nigeria, was appointed the first chair of ACTEA, while Dr. George Foxhall, another SIM missionary, was the first ACTEA administrator. Structure The governing body of the organization is the council, which consists of 12–20 church and theological education leaders in the evangelical tradition, drawn from all over Africa. The Theological and Christian Education Commission (TCEC) of the AEA originally appointed the council members (Breman 1996), but since the constitution was revised in 2006, the council now comprises the heads (or designates) of institutions with ACTEA accredited programs. The general secretary of the AEA and the executive secretary of the TCEC are both ex officio members of the council. A director, supported by administrative secretaries for accreditation, networking, and administration, runs ACTEA’s operations as an agency. The director and other senior officers are ex officio members of the council if not already members appointed by their various schools. The council conducts most of its business long distance, either by mail or electronically, through official council business letters. It also convenes at meetings every 3–5 years, in Bouaké, Côte d’Ivoire (1977); Miango, Nigeria (1978); Chongoni, Malawi (1981); Ndola, Zambia (1987); Limuru, Kenya (1990); Harare, Zimbabwe (1995); Pietermaritzburg, South Africa (2003); Johannesburg, South Africa (2006); and Nairobi, Kenya (November 2011). Between council meetings, the ACTEA Executive Committee, comprising the ACTEA council chair, the vice chair, select council members, and the director, meets regularly, and is delegated to oversee the work of the ACTEA staff on behalf of the council. Officers Dr. Paul Bowers (United States), 1979–1980; Dr. Tite Tiénou (Burkina Faso), 1981–1992; Dr. Titus Kivunzi (Kenya); Dr. Cornelius Olowola (Nigeria); Dr. Jacob Kibor (Kenya); and Dr. Douglas Carew (Sierra Leone) have chaired the ACTEA council. Administrators/directors of the organization have included Dr. George Foxhall, 1979–1993 (Canada); Dr.

Tite Tiénou, 1993–1994 (Burkina Faso); Dr. Jacob Kibor (Kenya); and Rev Joe Simfukwe, 2004– (Zambia). Purpose and Programs While ACTEA’s original emphasis was mainly on accreditation, that focus is now only a part of ACTEA’s mission. According to ACTEA’s 2006 constitution, its fourfold purpose is to promote quality evangelical theological education in Africa by 1. providing supporting services for theological education in Africa; 2. facilitating academic recognition for theological education in Africa by providing accreditation; 3. fostering continental and intercontinental cooperation for theological education in Africa; and 4. gathering, analyzing, and publishing information about theological education in Africa. Support Services ACTEA support services throughout its existence have included (1) regional and continental conferences; (2) staff training seminars, workshops, and consultations; (3) library development programs; (4) ACTEA Tools and Studies series, which publishes research on various subjects concerning theological education in Africa; (5) bulletins and newsletters such as ACTEA eNews and ACTEA Librarians eNews; and (6) the ACTEA international lectureships, at which evangelical leaders such as Drs. Carl F. H. Henry (1982), John R. W. Stott (1984), and Tokunboh Adeyemo (1987) were invited to lecture at member institutions to have some exposure to students and faculty. Accreditation ACTEA initially provided accreditation for primary, secondary, and postsecondary programs, including theological education by extension (TEE) programs. However, as many denominations and schools phased out TEE programs and secondary level Bible schools, ACTEA discontinued these forms of accreditation. Currently, ACTEA provides accreditation for postsecondary (typically DipTh, BTh, BRE), postgraduate (PGD, MA, MDiv, MTh), and doctoral programs offered in both traditional residential and nontraditional formats. Available on the ACTEA website is the ACTEA Standards & Guide to SelfEvaluation (ACTEA 2011), which specifies requirements for programs at each academic level. ACTEA’s accreditation focuses on the institution as a whole, and allows it, based on its own stated objectives, to improve its quality. The focus of accreditation is not on the individual student but on the institution, and specifically the program. In the words of Tite Tiénou (1991), a

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former council chair, “ACTEA is not in the business of distributing credibility to graduates. Credibility must be earned by the graduates as they perform their Christian ministries.” ACTEA accreditation proceeds in four steps with the institution, or theology and Bible departments of universities, relating to ACTEA as the following:

before the institution is approved to host an ACTEA visitation team. The visitation team’s report and recommendations are again peer reviewed, and on the recommendation of the visitation team and peer reviewers, the ACTEA council (or the executive committee acting on its behalf) grants accreditation to qualifying institutions.

1. Correspondent: Institutions are listed as correspondents when they submit an application, institutional prospectus, and fee, currently US$60, which grants the institution a three-year renewable membership. Correspondents receive nonaccreditation services from ACTEA. Associations or similar networks of theological institutions may also relate to ACTEA under this category. 2. Affiliate: These institutions meet core academic standards in the areas of admissions, teaching staff qualification, and length of program. Affiliates also make a commitment to pursue ACTEA accreditation. Affiliates receive full (but provisional) ACTEA academic recognition for up to four years. 3. Candidate: When it is determined that the institution can meet ACTEA standards within a four-year period, the school is designated a candidate for accreditation. This status carries forward the provisional recognition of the named programs for up to four additional years while the institution carries out its self-evaluation in preparation for ACTEA’s final assessment of these programs for full accreditation (ACTEA eNews, 27 November 2011). 4. Accredited or Associate: ACTEA accreditation lasts 10 years, and by the eighth year, the institution begins the renewal process by going through another self-evaluation and visitation. ACTEA recently began offering “associate” status to certain institutions with an evangelical ethos that hold other academic recognition such as a government charter or have undergone credible assessment by an independent accrediting agency (ACTEA 2012).

Networking ACTEA’s third mandate is to facilitate continental and intercontinental networking. It has promoted linkage through the Consortium of Theological Colleges. Some of the services in this initiative included placement services between member schools and expatriate theological educators seeking opportunities in Africa, as well as staff exchange services. The cross-pollination of ACTEA institutions is strengthened in the accreditation process by the fact that members of the visitation teams and peer review panels are drawn from other ACTEA-accredited schools. ACTEA is also engaged in international collaboration. In 1980, ACTEA was a founding member of the International Council for Evangelical Theological Education (ICETE), which connects ACTEA with seven other regional accrediting bodies around the world, including the Association for Biblical Higher Education (ABHE) in North America.150 ACTEA also collaborates with other international organizations committed to the development of theological education in Africa, for the stewardship and maximizing of resources. These include Overseas Council International (OCI), Langham Partnership International (LPI), Scholar Leaders International (SLI), and Global Associates for Transformational Education (GATE).

The major part of ACTEA accreditation is the institutional self-evaluation, outlined in the ACTEA Standards & Guide to Self-Evaluation. Candidate institutions (and institutions seeking to renew their accreditation) conduct a comprehensive self-evaluation, which covers administration, teaching staff, facilities, educational program, and students, after which the institution submits a selfevaluation report (SER) to ACTEA. This is “a process (not a document or a single event); critical (not defensive), evaluative (not merely reflective), self-inquiry (not externally determined), comprehensive (not limited to the ACTEA Guide); and corrective (not merely descriptive)” (Emedi 2012, 20–21). The SER is peer reviewed

Research and Publication ACTEA’s fourth mandate involves research and publication. This is the least developed of its four purposes (Emedi 2012, 14). In the past, it has published extensive directories of theological institutions and TEE providers. The ACTEA Tools and Studies Series publishes research on various subjects concerning theological education in Africa. Distinctives ACTEA champions the contextualization of theological education to the African context and promotes this in African institutions. It promotes and espouses contextual relevance of theological education programs in African 150. The other six bodies are Asia Theological Association (ATA), Association for Evangelical Theological Education in Latin America (AETAL), Caribbean Evangelical Theological Association (CETA), European Evangelical Accrediting Association (EEAA) for Western Europe, Euro-Asia Accrediting Association (E-AAA) for Eastern Europe, and South Pacific Association of Bible Colleges (SPABC).

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institutions. The ACTEA Standards & Guide to SelfEvaluation (ACTEA 2011) specifies not only that Africans must constitute more than half of the teaching staff, but that for non-African staff, institutions must show evidence of adequate orientation in the African setting. One uniqueness of ACTEA is its stated desire to be “not only a service TO the evangelical theological colleges of Africa, but also a service OF and BY these colleges, operated by and answerable to its constituency” (ACTEA website). The composition of the council by scholars and leaders from all over Africa, mostly from the very institutions served by ACTEA, makes this possible. Tiénou makes this goal clear: “ACTEA should cease to be seen as an all-powerful external monitoring body. It must instead come to be seen, and welcomed, as a constructive internal catalyst, fully owned by our churches in Africa and by their individual theological colleges” (1991, 4). However, this laudable philosophy may contribute to the challenges facing ACTEA and its programs. These challenges include financial difficulties and infrastructural limitation of office space (Emedi 2012). Another challenge is a lack of personnel, since ACTEA leadership frequently consists of people still occupying leadership positions in their churches or institutions. For example, Dr. Tiénou stepped down because the responsibilities at the young institution he was heading became demanding (Breman 1996). However, Dr. Olowola, also heading another institution, succeeded Tiénou. Another challenge is that ACTEA’s influence is perceived as limited to Anglophone Africa. Because of the differences between the educational systems in anglophone and francophone Africa, the Bangui Evangelical School of Theology (founded by the AEA in the Central African Republic), in collaboration with other francophone theological schools, started a parallel agency, CITAF (Conseil des Initiatives Théologiques en Afrique Francophone) as the accrediting body for francophone Africa. ACTEA is currently in collaboration with CITAF. In its three decades, ACTEA has played a significant role in the movement from no graduate level evangelical theological training to several solid doctoral level programs in Africa. It has stimulated renewal and growth in African evangelical theological education. Its process of accreditation has prepared several Kenyan theological institutions seeking a government charter as private Christian universities. These include the former Nairobi Evangelical Graduate School of Theology, Nairobi International School of Theology, and Scott Theological College (Emedi 2012). ACTEA has received broad recognition for its accredited programs in evangelical North American seminaries and liberal arts colleges. It has also gained further inter-

national recognition through the formal statements of recognition of ACTEA-accredited degrees issued by the London School of Theology, the University of Stellenbosch, and the University of South Africa (Breman 1996). References and Resources ACTEA. 2011. ACTEA Standards and Guide to Self-Evaluation. 2011. Theological Education in Africa. http://www .theoledafrica.org/ACTEA/Standards/ACTEAStandards GuideToSelfevaluation.pdf. ———. 2012. “Steps to Accreditation.” http://academic.sun.ac.za/ tsv/netact/nigerie-2012/pdfs/ACTEA%20introduction.pdf. Breman, C. M. 1996. The Association of Evangelicals in Africa: Its History, Organization, Members, Projects, External Relations, and Message. Zoetermeer: Boekencentrum. Emedi, P. 2012. ACTEA and Quality Assurance in Evangelical Theological Education in Africa. Ndola, Zambia: ACTEA. “Joining.” n.d. Theological Education in Africa. Accessed 1 March 2013. http://www.theoledafrica.org/ACTEA/Joining .asp. Tiénou, T. 1991. The Future of Africa. ACTEA Tools and Studies no. 10. http://www.theoledafrica.org/ACTEA/ToolsAnd Studies/Tools%20and%20Studies%2010.pdf

—Agametochukwu Iheanyi-Igwe

Association of Classical and Christian Schools The Association of Classical and Christian Schools (ACCS) arose through interest generated by the publication of Douglas Wilson’s Recovering the Lost Tools of Learning (1991). According to the organization’s website, “The primary mission of this association is to promote, establish, and equip schools committed to a classical approach to education in light of a Christian worldview grounded in the Old and New Testament Scriptures” (2012). Its membership includes more than 220 schools, with over two dozen meeting ACCS accreditation standards; they educate more than 35,000 students. The key characteristics of ACCS schools are adherence to the ACCS Confession of Faith and practice of classical pedagogy in the form of the trivium. The ACCS Confession of Faith incorporates a form of the Apostles’ Creed, a “general evangelical confession of faith, . . . [and] an abridged version of the first two chapters of the Westminster Confession of Faith” (ACCS 2012). Member schools must subscribe to the ACCS Confession of Faith. Classical pedagogy is expressed through the trivium of grammar, logic (or dialectic), and rhetoric. Inspired by Dorothy Sayers’s (1947) address “The Lost Tools of Learning,” and reaching back into the Middle Ages, this pedagogical practice takes “advantage of natural inclina-

Association of Theological Schools

tions of children at different stages of their development to maximize learning” (ACCS 2012). The grammar stage, corresponding roughly with the elementary years, takes advantage of young children’s fascination with facts and the ease and enjoyment they seem to experience when memorizing facts in every subject area, including such things as addition facts, states and capitals, Bible verses, and Latin. The logic stage corresponds roughly with the middle school years. It capitalizes on the students’ interest in questioning everything. For Sayers, that meant “how to use language: how to define his terms and make accurate statements; how to construct an argument and how to detect fallacies in argument (his own arguments and other people’s)” (1947). The rhetoric stage corresponds roughly with the high school years. It capitalizes on students’ growing maturity and desire to express their ideas articulately: “how to say what he had to say elegantly and persuasively” (Sayers 1947). The study of classical language is also an integral component of ACCS schools. Accreditation standard B.3.b. requires “at least four years of Latin or Greek instruction, with at least two years in the dialectic or rhetoric stages” (ACCS 2011). ACCS provides multiple reasons for instruction in Latin, and empirical evidence supports it: In the 1970s and ’80s, the U.S. government funded Latin classes in underperforming urban school districts. The results were dramatic. Children who were given a full year of Latin performed five months to a year ahead of control groups in reading comprehension and vocabulary. The Latin students also showed outsize gains in math, history and geography. (Eskenazi 2009)

As Sayers (1947) notes, “the whole of the Trivium was in fact intended to teach the pupil the proper use of the tools of learning, before he began to apply them to ‘subjects’ at all.” ACCS exists to promote such learning in light of a Christian worldview. References and Resources Association of Classical & Christian Schools (ACCS). 2011. “Accreditation Standards.” 31 March. Moscow, ID: Association of Classical & Christian Schools. Accessed 28 January 2013. http://accsedu.org/files/Documents/Accreditation%20 Standards%20%283–11%29.pdf. ———. 2012. http://accsedu.org/about/confession_of_faith Accessed 17 December 2012. www.accsedu.org. Eskenazi, M. 2009. “The New Case for Latin.” Time, 2 December. Accessed 28 January 2013. from http://www.http://www .time.com/time/nation/article/0,8599,90457,00.html. Sayers, D. L. 1947. “The Lost Tools of Learning.” Accessed 13 October 2004. http://www.gbt.org/text/sayers/html.

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Wilson, D. 1991. Recovering the Lost Tools of Learning: An Approach to Distinctly Christian Education. Wheaton, IL: Crossway Books.

—Katherine G. Schultz

Association of Theological Schools The Association of Theological Schools (ATS) was founded in 1918 and serves as the premier accrediting agency for graduate theological schools in the United States and Canada. ATS represents institutions that provide professional and academic degree programs to prepare individuals for service in local churches, religious nonprofit ministries, and research in biblical and theological disciplines. More than 250 institutions hold membership in one of three categories (accredited, associate, or candidate). Member schools include Protestant, Roman Catholic, and Orthodox graduate schools from a diverse constituency of doctrinal, ecclesiastical, and theological backgrounds. The board of commissioners serves on behalf of the Commission on Accrediting, which approves schools for either candidate or accredited membership. The commission oversees accreditation, a practice of peer review and accountability to mutually agreed-upon standards of quality for ATS. Standards are broken down into general institutional standards, educational standards, and degree program standards. Both the Council for Higher Education Accreditation and the U.S. Department of Education list the Commission on Accrediting as a recognized accrediting body. The mission of ATS is “to promote the improvement and enhancement of theological schools to the benefit of communities of faith and the broader public” (ATS 2010). The organization seeks to accomplish its mission by (1) providing professional development opportunities for administrative officers and faculty, (2) conducting applied research and consultations in critical topics of theological education, and (3) disseminating information about trends and the current state of theological education. The association is committed to four core values: diversity, quality and improvement, collegiality, and leadership. Diversity is embraced by the various expressions of theology, polity, social commitments, and historical traditions of member schools. ATS models quality and improvement by a strong commitment to best practices and standards in graduate theological education. It promotes collegiality by bringing schools of varied theological traditions together to collaborate on common issues and challenges facing graduate theological education. Finally, ATS values leadership as a core means for schools to accomplish their missions and provides educational opportunities for administrators and faculty. Additional

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information may be found at www.ats.edu or by contacting the main office in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania. Reference The Association of Theological Schools (ATS). 2010. Bulletin 49. http://www.bostontheological.org/assets/files/trustees/10 _ATS_MembershipList.pdf.

—Peter Osborn

Assyrian Orthodox Church It is well established that Christianity flourished in Mesopotamia—a land that marks the eastern borders of the Roman Empire—around the end of the first or the beginning of the second century AD. By AD 225, a revolution in Mesopotamia had replaced the Arsacids of Parthia with the Sassanids of Persia. When this new kingdom started to establish itself in the country, the Christian Church already existed and was organized on apostolic lines.151 The church was governed by more than 20 bishops. It ran from the mountains of Kurdistan down to the Persian/Arabian gulf and had many sees distributed throughout the country.152 The land of Mesopotamia and Adiabene (modern-day Arbil, Iraq) received the Gospel through teachers whose headquarters was at Edessa (modern-day Turkey).153 Scholars agree that Christianity in Mesopotamia was founded through the evangelistic efforts of Mar Addai, one of the 70 disciples Jesus sent to preach the good news, and by his disciple, Mar Mari. 154 Others add Toma, one of the 12 apostles, to the story.155 Distinctiveness and the Two Early Branches of the Church of the East Two main distinctions signal the Church of the East. First, it is a missionary church. Second, it is an educational church that has a wealth of literature in Syriac. Tatian, an Assyrian Christian born between AD 110 and 120 in Arbela, who was also a follower of Justin Martyr,156 produced around AD 170 a harmonized edition of the Gospels called the Diatessaron, which means “through

151. W. A. Wigram, An Introduction to the History of the Assyrian Church or the Church of the Sassanid Persian Empire 100–640 A.D. (n.p.: Assyrian International News Agency, 1909), 6–8. 152. Ibid., 8. 153. Ibid. 154. Suheil Qasha, Pages from the History of Arab Christians before Islam [‫( ] اﻟﻤﺴﻴﺤﻴﻴﻦ اﻟﻌﺮب ﻗﺒﻞ اﻹﺳﻼم ﺻﻔﺤﺎت ﻣﻦ ﺗﺎرﻳﺦ‬Beirut: Manshorat Al Maktaba Al Bolesiyah, 2005), 11. 155. Alber Abona, History of the Eastern Syriac Church: From the Spread of Christianity until the Rise of Islam [‫اﻟﺸﺮﻗﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻧﺘﺸﺎر اﻟﻤﺴﻴﺤﻴﺔ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﺠﻲء اﻹﺳﻼم‬ ‫]ﺗﺎرﻳﺦ اﻟﻜﻨﻴﺴﺔ اﻟﺴﺮﻳﺎﻧﻴﺔ‬, Part 1 (Beirut; Dar Al-Mashreq, 1999), 6. 156. Norman L. Geisler and William E. Nix, A General Introduction to the Bible, rev. and exp. (Chicago: Moody Press, 1986), 514.

the four.”157 It contained the four Gospels and was carried out with great care. Two principles governed this work: the elimination of repeated pericopes and reconciliation of divergences and contradictions in the words and order of deeds performed by Jesus.158 This was the first known product in the Syriac language and was the Gospel text of the Orthodox Christians of Edess.159 The Diatessaron, also known as Evangelion Da-Mehallete (meaning “mixed Gospels”), continued to be used in the Eastern churches until the fifth century, when Rabbula, bishop of Edessa (AD 411–435),160 and Theodoret, bishop of Cyrus in upper Syria (AD 423–457) decided to put an end to the use of this edition and replaced it with the separate Gospels.161 Around the same period when the Diatessaron was produced, the Old Testament was already translated into the Peshitta, a text that no doubt stems from the period between the mid-second and early third centuries. During this time, two main schools flourished, Edissa and the center in Arbela, east of the Tigris, in modern Iraq. Ephrem, born circa 306 at Nisibis on the borders of the Roman and Persian empires, was the most prominent theologian and poet of that period. He is still the most celebrated father of the Syrian Church.162 He used the text of the Diatessaron to write a commentary on the Gospels. He died in 373.163 The large community of Jews in Arbela motivated Christian missions in the region, as well as the translation of scripture into Syriac.164 It was around this time that the Peshitta of the New Testament, or Syriac version, was produced.165 It is known that the Peshitta was used by the two branches of Syriac Christianity in the Middle East and Asia, the Nestorians and the Jacobites.166 Nestorians where called after Nestorius, the patriarch of Constantinople in 428. He held a powerful position in the early church. He studied under the famous Theodore of Mopsuestia.167 However, in 431 at the Council of 157. Carmel McCarthy, Saint Ephrem’s Commentary on Tatian’s Diatessaron (Oxford: Oxford University Press on behalf of the University of Manchester, 1993), 3. 158. Ibid, 7. 159. Kurt Aland and Barbara Aland, The Text of the New Testament, rev. and enl., trans. Erroll F. Rhodes (Grand Rapids, MI: William B. Eerdmans, 1995), 193. 160. McCarthy, Saint Ephrem’s Commentary, 4–8. 161. Ibid., 8. More than 200 copies of the Diatessaron were destroyed as a result of this endeavor. 162. Ibid., 9. 163. Ibid., 12. 164. Geisler and Nix, General Introduction to the Bible, 514. 165. The date and origin of the Peshitta remain a controversial subject. Aland ascribes it with no doubts to Rabbula, among others; see Aland and Aland, Text of the New Testament, 197. Others, however, take the other extreme, rejecting the Greek text as the base of the Peshitta; see George Lamsa, New Testament Origin (Los Gatos, CA: The Aramaic Bible Society, 1947), 1–5. 166. This indicates a use of the Peshitta long before the split. 167. J. D. Douglas, “Nestorius,” In Who’s Who in Christian History, ed. J. D. Douglas and Philip W. Comfort (Wheaton, IL: Tyndale House, 1992), 502.

Atonement

Ephesus, Nestorius was condemned of heresy because his reluctance to accord the virgin Mary the title “Theotokos,” meaning “Mother of God,” was taken as evidence of believing in two separate persons within Christ. He died in 451. In the decrees of the council, Nestorius was called impious and his doctrines impious doctrines.168 By rejecting the decrees of the council, Christians supporting Nestorius expanded to the east and thus were called Nestorians. Their main Christological doctrine stresses the reality of the humanity of Jesus, which distinguishes his human nature from his divine nature. Nestorians were among the first missionaries to take the Gospel to Central Asia, to India,169 China,170 and even Mongolia.171 The modern Eastern Assyrians172 are scattered throughout the world, in Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, Iran, Turkey Russia, India, China, Australia, Europe, and the United States. The Chaldean Catholic Church arose when Mar Shimun IV Basidi (1437–1493) was appointed patriarch and established a new hereditary line of succession. Dissent grew in the church’s hierarchy when a group of bishops from the northern regions of Amid (modern Iraq) selected Mar Yohannan Sulaqa as a rival patriarch. Sulaqa traveled to Rome in 1553, took the name Mar Shimun VIII, and was granted the title of Patriarch of Mosul and Athur-Assyria.173 The other branch of the Syriac-speaking church is the Jacobite, known also as the Syrian Orthodox. The name comes from Jacob Baradaeus, who was the bishop of Edessa from 543 until his death in 578. He rejected the teachings of Nestorius, believing that Christ’s human nature was insignificant and in fact was absorbed into His divinity.174 The Jacobites were also called Miaphysitism (meaning one nature) as a response to Nestorianism. The Jacobites include the Armenian Church, the Syrian Orthodox Church, the Malankara Orthodox Church of India, the Coptic Orthodox Church, and the Ethiopian Orthodox Church. References and Resources Abona, Alber. 1999. ‫اﻟﺴﺮﻳﺎﻧﻴﺔ اﻟﻜﻨﻴﺴﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻧﺘﺸﺎر اﻟﻤﺴﻴﺤﻴﺔ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﺠﻲء‬ ‫[ اﻹﺳﻼم ﺗﺎرﻳﺦ اﻟﺸﺮﻗﻴﺔ‬History of the Eastern Syriac Church: From

168. “Decree of the Council Against Nestorius,” in A Select Library of the Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers of the Christian Church, Second Series, vol. XIV: The Seven Ecumenical Councils, trans. Henry R. Percival (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1900), 218. 169. Geisler and Nix, General Introduction to the Bible, 512. 170. Douglas, “Nestorius,” 503. 171. Stephen Andrew Missick, “The Assyrian Church in the Mongolian Empire,” Journal of Assyrian Academic Studies 13, no. 2 (1999): 85. 172. Nowadays most of the Assyrian Christians object to being referred to as Nestorians. 173. George V. Yana (Bebla), “Myth vs. Reality,” Journal of Assyrian Academic Studies XIV, no. 1 (2000): 80. 174. Missick, “Assyrian Church in the Mongolian Empire,” 87.

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the spread of Christianity until the rise of Islam]. Part 1. Beirut: Dar Al-Mashreq. Aland, Kurt, and Barbar Aland. 1995. The Text of the New Testament. Rev. and enl. Translated by Erroll F. Rhodes. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. “Decree of the Council Against Nestorius.” 1900. In A Select Library of the Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers of the Christian Church, Second Series. Vol. XIV, The Seven Ecumenical Councils. Translated by Henry R. Percival. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons. Douglas, J. D. 1992. “Nestorius.” In Who’s Who in Christian History, edited by J. D. Douglas and Philip W. Comfort, 383–384. Wheaton, IL: Tyndale House. Geisler, Norman L., and William E. Nix. 1986. A General Introduction to the Bible. Rev. and exp. Chicago: Moody Press. McCarthy, Carmel. 2000. Saint Ephrem’s Commentary on Tatian’s Diatessaron. New York: Oxford University Press. Michael, E., and Sharon Rusten. 2005. The Complete Book of When & Where in the Bible and Throughout History. Wheaton, IL: Tyndale House Publishers. Missick, Stephen Andrew. 1999. “The Assyrian Church in the Mongolian Empire.” Journal of Assyrian Academic Studies 13 (2): 1999. Qasha, Suheil. 2005. ‫[ ﺻﻔﺤﺎت ﻣﻦ ﺗﺎرﻳﺦ اﻟﻤﺴﻴﺤﻴﻴﻦ اﻟﻌﺮب ﻗﺒﻞ اﻹﺳﻼم‬Pages from the history of Arab Christians before Islam]. Beirut: Manshorat Al Maktaba Al Bolesiyah. Wigram, W. A. 1909. An Introduction to the History of the Assyrian Church or the Church of the Sassanid Persian Empire 100–640 A.D. Chicago, IL: Assyrian International News Agency. Yana, George V. 2000. “Myth vs. Reality.” Journal of Assyrian Academic Studies XIV (1): 78–82.

—Habil Yousif

Atonement Standard introductions to the atonement, drawing on the work of Gustaf Aulén, suggest that there are three main theories: Christus victor, satisfaction, and exemplarism. This way of mapping the terrain suffers from significant weaknesses (cf. Johnson 2012), but for our purposes it suffices to note that exemplarism was not a distinct theory of the atonement until the modern period (cf. McGrath 1985), and that the church has always robustly affirmed the exemplarist insight that Christ’s atoning work is significant for that which it teaches and inspires, alongside other implications of His death and resurrection. In short, the church has consistently appreciated the profound relationship between education and atonement: that Christ overcomes our culpable ignorance through His life, death, and resurrection, restoring us thereby to a saving knowledge of the Father and all things in Him.

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Attitudes

Athanasius, for instance, states: “Since . . . human beings had become so irrational and demonic deceit was thus . . . hiding the knowledge of the true God,” Christ “was both born and appeared as a human being, and died, and rose again . . . so that from wherever human beings were predisposed . . . he might raise them and teach them of his own true Father” (De Incarnatione, §§13–15). Calvin connects this knowledge of the Father to the spectrum of heavenly benefits, noting that when “Paul says that He was given to us as our wisdom [1 Cor. 1:30; cf. Col. 2:3],” he means that “outside Christ there is nothing worth knowing, and all who by faith perceive what he is like have grasped the whole immensity of heavenly benefits” (Institutes, II.xv.2). This saving knowledge of the Creator in turn provides the key for learning from and fully appreciating creation generally (see Creation, Doctrine of), for atonement is best understood as an act of re-creation by the same Creator. Underlying these reflections on the work of Christ is a vision of the Gospel revolving around epistemic categories. The Bible regularly defines sin as ignorance, darkness, foolishness, and exchanging the truth for a lie. Christ himself is spoken of as “the Word,” wisdom and truth. Particularly interesting is John’s description of salvation: “And this is eternal life, that they know you the only true God, and Jesus Christ whom you have sent” (John 17:3). Christ’s reconciling work draws on these themes in two ways. First, in His death Christ takes upon Himself our sin and its consequences, thereby bearing and freeing us from the full consequences of ignorance, foolishness, and the like. Second, Christ’s life, death, and resurrection are the revelation of the Father and are therefore both the means to and beginning of our salvation. This aspect of Christ’s atoning work explains both the significance of education within the Christian faith, and, by derivation, the significance and dangers of education generally. Regarding the former, education is central to the Christian faith because it is by means of education that we witness to Christ’s role as the revelation of the Father and anticipate the reality of our salvation, which is knowing the triune God. For the church to deny this vocation is for it to reject its salvation (a shamefully frequent occurrence). Regarding the latter, the power of education generally lies in the fact that it more or less directly partakes of the benefits of knowing the triune God, and in Him knowing all things. That is to say, at its best, education gains some knowledge of the Creator and His creation, freeing, equipping, and otherwise offering a real but limited glimpse of salvation itself. Therein lies its danger, for inasmuch as salvation and its benefits are divorced from the Savior, they are all the more prone to perversion and corruption. Educa-

tion is salvation inasmuch as it is a matter of knowing God and in Him all things. References and Resources Athanasius. 2011. On the Incarnation. Translated by John Behr. Yonkers, NY: St. Vladimir’s Seminary Press. Aulén, Gustaf. 1951. Christus Victor: An Historical Study of the Three Main Types of the Idea of Atonement. Translated by A. G. Hebert. New York: Macmillan. Calvin, John. 1960. Institutes of the Christian Religion. The Library of Christian Classics, V. 20–21. Philadelphia: Westminster Press. Johnson, Adam. 2012. God’s Being in Reconciliation: The Theological Basis of the Unity and Diversity of the Atonement in the Theology of Karl Barth. New York: T & T Clark. McGrath, Alister E. 1985. “The Moral Theory of the Atonement: An Historical and Theological Critique.” Scottish Journal of Theology 38 (2): 205–220.

—Adam J. Johnson

Attitudes Belief and behavior influence a person’s being. Often neglected, building the interiority of one’s inner life is imperative. Character development is important in all educational opportunities. Attitudes are affected over time, within community, by means of truth, through story. Ethical standards that transform are considered imperative worldwide. Since character and virtue are invisible, immaterial qualities, it seems the emphasis in Christian education settings should be developing that which is unseen. Biblical Theology of Attitudes The role of the Spirit in connecting truth with how people live is dependent on their internal focus. The change agent is not up to the person, but the Spirit; transformation is impossible by oneself (Eph. 2:1–9). The Holy Spirit initiates the ongoing sanctification process through His indwelling and creates the possibility for change in the Christian (Rom. 8:5–9). The interior life of the learner is built with the help of the Spirit, under authority of the Word of God, walking in God’s way (Gal. 5:13–6:5). Faulty desires are restrained and redirected through control of God’s law—literally “teaching”—which directs wise choices for living (Ps. 119:97; Prov. 3:1, 13:14). Jesus changes Christians (1 Cor. 1:30) through the work of the Holy Spirit at regeneration (Tim. 3:5). Sanctification begins at one’s conversion; the process is life long (2 Cor. 3:18) and is completed “at His coming” (1 Cor. 15:23; Phil. 3:21). Sanctification is progressive: a continuous, ongoing development of being conformed

Attitudes toward Christianity

to the image of God’s Son (Rom. 8:29). God is at work in the lives of believers (Phil. 2:13) to wholly sanctify them (1 Thess. 5:23). He equips (Heb. 13:20–21) through the Spirit, who indwells saved people (2 Thess. 2:13; 1 Pet. 1:2), who are said to “walk in The Spirit” (Gal. 5:16–18). The internal development of conformity to Christ looks forward (Phil. 3:13–14) but presently affects thinking (Col. 1:10), emotions (1 John 2:15), will (Phil. 2:12), body (2 Cor. 7:1), and spirit (1 Cor. 7:34). But believers will not continue to struggle against sin (1 John 3:6, 9). Believers are to yield (Rom. 6:13), present (Rom. 12:1), strive (Heb. 12:14), purify (1 John 3:3), and make every effort (2 Pet. 1:5) to work out the sanctification process before God. Self-disciplined effort on the part of believers (Gal. 5:23; Tim. 1:8) is “keeping in step with The Spirit” (Gal. 5:25). Motivation for pursuing righteousness comes from love for God (John 14:15, 21), fear of God (1 Pet. 1:17, 2:17), clear conscience (1 Tim. 1:5, 19), and increased effectiveness in the use of Godgiven gifts (2 Tim. 2:20–21). Biblical Philosophy of Attitudes Habits born of walking with the Spirit are developed, directed toward a Christian way of life properly lived. Virtue is the proper ordering of one’s life after Godordained ends. Virtue is the development of these good habits. Virtue is creating a disposition toward the good. To do good is first to think and be good. Since Christians are new creations in Christ (2 Cor. 5:17), good works should result (Gal. 6:9–10; Eph. 2:10) based on virtuous characteristics (2 Pet. 1:3–11). Character intention and motivation are internally controlled by the governor of a life habitually connected to deliberation over what is good. A sanctified “conscience,” then, is the brake or gas pedal properly applied in loving God by loving others (Acts 23:1, 24:16; 2 Cor. 1:12, 4:2; 1 Pet. 3:16, 21). In every case cited, one’s internal character is directly tied to one’s external commendation before other people. A person’s attitude is changed—at times, through adverse circumstances (Rom. 5:4). Preparation of mind coupled with self-control and knowing one’s eternal destiny should cause a person to live a life of obedience (1 Pet. 1:13–14, 4:1–2). Motivations and intentions can be self-centered (Prov. 16:2; Heb. 4:12–13; James 4:1–3). The thoughts of one’s inner life will be measured by God and seen in life. (Num. 32:23; 1 Chron. 28:9; Ps. 44:21). The thoughts and intentions of a God-shaped attitude would include a heart tested with integrity, willingness, honest intent, joy, loyalty, and wholehearted devotion (1 Chron. 29:14–19). The habits of one’s heart come from attitudes producing actions, proved by deeds (Acts 26:20; James 1:22–25, 2:14–26; Tim. 3:1, 9, 14).

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Christian Practice of Attitudes A Christian life changed through salvation in Christ, a renewed spirit by His Spirit, and attitudes formed through virtuous habits is intentional. Memorization of scripture creates joy (Ps. 119:103; Jer. 15:13). Reading the histories and biographies of Christian leaders moves the reader to action. Internalization occurs in the study before the teacher teaches in the classroom (Ezek. 2:9–3:3). The Christian teacher must teach as if the Christian viewpoint has already changed him (2 Cor. 3:2). The source of goodness focuses attention on God, whose Spirit is transplanted within us. A person becomes that which he loves—an affective directive. Human beings are resistant to order. If there is a resistance to internal control, external controls will be necessary. All would like to have their own way, go their own way, and be their own person. Because people are resistant to order and just laws that proceed from it, they look for distractions and fulfill selfish vices. Children are incapable of developing good attitudes by themselves. There is a need for discipline of mind and appetite. To build virtuous attitudes, virtuous habits must be created through the virtue of manners. Virtue is the ordering of the person toward what is good in life based on God’s goodness. If pleasure is the end, goal, or focal point, the individual is robbed of a complete life. Right attitudes are helped by the Christian community. Christian teaching helps attitude change by instilling virtuous stories. Ultimately, Christian attitudes show love for God as Christians love people. References and Resources Boa, Kenneth. 2001. Conformed to His Image: Biblical and Practical Approaches to Spiritual Formation. Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan. Scorgie, Glen G., et al. 2011. Dictionary of Christian Spirituality. Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan.

—Mark Eckel

Attitudes toward Christianity The social scientific study of religion has helped to clarify the dimensional nature of religion and the ways in which these different dimensions of religion predict individual difference in personal and social values. The three dimensions most commonly employed in social scientific research are self-assigned religious affiliation, religious practice, and religious belief. Self-assigned religious affiliation is the dimension of religion that is most frequently accessed in a national census. It is considered to be a component of individual identity, like ethnicity. Self-assigned religious affiliation

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is, however, a poor proxy for other dimensions of religion. In England, for example, to self-identify as Church of England does not necessarily imply religious practice or even religious belief. Self-assigned religious affiliation may predict some personal or social values, but it fails to get to the heart of an individual’s religion. Religious practice is most often accessed in terms of frequency of worship attendance. Worship attendance is a better predictor of personal and social values than selfassigned religious affiliation, but worship attendance itself can be subject to a range of social and contextual constraints, rather than a reflection of religious commitment. Religious belief is most often accessed in terms of tests of religious orthodoxy, including belief in the virgin birth, the physical resurrection, heaven, and hell. Religious belief is also a better predictor of personal and social values than self-assigned religious affiliation, but religious belief (and the expression of religious belief) is subject to cultural and developmental influences. In light of these constraints, in the mid-1970s Leslie J. Francis identified the attitudinal dimension of religion as the dimension that gets closest to the heart of the matter. According to Francis (1978), attitudes are concerned wholly with the affective dimension. It is the affective dimension that serves as the clearest predictor of personal and social values. In order to build up a secure body of empirical research concerning the personal and social correlates of attitudes toward Christianity, Francis (1978) developed and published the Francis Scale of Attitude toward Christianity and invited colleagues to collaborate in developing a tapestry of interrelated studies united through the common instrument. By the mid-1990s, Kay and Francis (1996) had identified over a hundred studies in this series and began the task of distilling a coherent pattern of findings. The number of independent studies has grown considerably since then, and the emergence of an international and cross-cultural body of knowledge concerning the correlates, consequences, and antecedents of positive attitudes toward Christianity has been facilitated through the translation of the Francis Scale into a range of languages, including Arabic, Czech, Chinese, Dutch, French, German, Croat, Italian, Norwegian, Portuguese, Romanian, Serbian, Slovenian, Spanish, Swedish, and Welsh. Two examples of the body of knowledge built up by this research program are rooted in personality psychology and in positive psychology. Within personality psychology, Hans Eysenck’s model of personality has been employed to test the association between attitude toward Christianity and mental health, drawing on Eysenck’s measures of neuroticism and psychoticism. The data consistently show no connection between attitude toward

Christianity and neuroticism, and an inverse relation between attitude toward Christianity and psychoticism. In other words, a positive attitude toward Christianity is associated with better mental health in terms of lower levels of psychoticism. Within positive psychology, Michael Argyle’s Oxford Happiness Inventory has been employed to test the association between attitude toward Christianity and happiness. The data consistently show a positive connection between the two variables. In other words, a positive attitude toward Christianity is associated with higher levels of personal happiness. References and Resources Francis, L. J. 1978. “Measurement Reapplied: Research into the Child’s Attitude Towards Religion.” British Journal of Religious Education 1: 45–51. Kay, W. K., and L. J. Francis. 1996. Drift from the Churches: Attitude toward Christianity During Childhood and Adolescence. Cardiff: University of Wales Press.

—Leslie J. Francis

Augustine Aurelius Augustine was born of middle-class parents on AD 13 November 354 in the Numidian town of Thagaste in the Roman province of Africa (modern Souk Ahras, eastern Algeria). He had an older brother (Navigius) and (at least) one sister. His father, Patrick (Lat. Patricius), and mother, Monica (Monnica), were meager landowners. They made personal sacrifices to get the funds to provide Augustine with a classical education at an early age, and he received a Christian upbringing from his mother. His father eventually converted to Christianity before his death in 371, and that same year, Augustine departed for Carthage to pursue education in rhetoric. Augustine arrived at Carthage as a pagan, and despite his Christian rearing, he acquired an unnamed concubine, with whom he lived faithfully for many years and who in 372 bore him a son named Adeodatus. At the age of 19, he was inculcated with a passion for philosophy (“wisdom”) upon reading Cicero’s Hortensius, and later, for a period of nine years, he joined the Manichaeans (a sect that taught a form of dualistic Gnosticism and thus offered salvation by reason; their absolute cosmic dualism also seemed to satisfactorily explain the problem of evil). In 375, Augustine returned to Thagaste to teach rhetoric; within a year, he returned to Carthage after the death of an unnamed friend. In 383, he decided to leave Africa and sailed for Rome to seek advancement by means of a career in oratory and public office. In 384, Augustine was able to secure a professorship of rhetoric in Milan with the assistance of the Manichaeans and the pagan prefect

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of Rome, Symmachus. Augustine met Bishop Ambrose at Milan and initially was interested only in his allegoricism, modesty, and oratory; during this time in 384, he was becoming progressively disenchanted with Manichaeanism and became convinced that the Old Testament could be maintained by use of reason. In 385, Monica joined Augustine in Milan; she arranged a socially advantageous marriage for Augustine and forced Augustine to dismiss his concubine to become engaged. Augustine read Neoplatonic philosophy in Milan, which helped resolve certain significant intellectual difficulties, and resolved to devote himself to studying and writing. In August 386, he retired from teaching and withdrew to a villa at Cassiciacum (beyond Milan); from there, he began his career as a writer with the dialogues Against the Academics (Contra Academicos), On the Happy Life (De Beata Vita), On Order (De Ordine), and the Soliloquies (Soliloquia). Augustine returned to Milan in early 387 and was baptized by Ambrose on Easter Sunday, along with his friend Alypius and his son Adeodatus. His mother died that same year and was buried in Ostia; Adeodatus died the next year. Augustine resided in Rome for the majority of 388 and eventually returned to Thagaste to establish a monastic community with Alypius and other friends. While visiting the port city of Hippo in 391, he was ordained against his will as a presbyter (priest). In 395, he was consecrated bishop of Hippo. Augustine remained in Hippo until his death on 28 August 430; while he lay dying, Augustine could hear the Vandals besieging the city gates. Augustine began writing Confessions in approximately 397 (completed in 401), in addition to the majority of the treatise On Christian Doctrine, and within a couple of years he began writing On the Trinity (which would be an almost 20-year endeavor). Augustine was instrumental in the official suppression of the Donatists at the Council at Carthage in 411 (a public debate between Donatist and Catholic bishops with regard to the legality of the Donatists as a parochial church). In 412, Augustine began writing against Pelagianism with the treatises On the Spirit and Letter and On Merit and the Forgiveness of Sins, and the Baptism of Infants, which began a prominent controversy that would engage him for the duration of his life. In 413, he began writing the City of God; he completed the work in 427. It is a cultural and political response to the crisis associated with the fall of Rome, in 410, to Alaric the Visigoth. In 427, he also began writing a final series of treatises against Pelagianism, which included On Grace and Free Will and On the Predestination of the Saints (the works addressed the relationship between free will, grace, and predestination). Augustine’s philosophical and theological thought made significant contributions to Christian education.

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In particular, he emphasized the primacy of the will (action) as opposed to the intellect. (An example of the latter is his famous statement [Tractates on the Gospel of John 29.6.], “Therefore, seek not to understand so that you may believe, but believe so that you may understand.”) Philosophically, he maintained that knowledge (truth) is illumination from God. Educationally, he affirmed the soul as one of two constituents that compose the human being, and thus the rational soul (anima rationalis), as “mind” or “intellect” (animus), distinguishes humanity from the animals. Augustine believed that the effects of the Fall are pervasive, and that to refuse God is nonbeing (or evil), so that evil pervades the world as a consequence of humanity’s rejection of God. The ultimate purpose, then, of education is directed toward God by investigating within oneself with regard to truth, and by strenuously testing one’s own interior truth, which is when the student truly learns. Consequently, he distinguished between knowledge (cogitare) and understanding (scire). Teaching is mere preparation for understanding, which is an illumination of the “inward teacher” (magister interior), who is Christ. References and Resources Augustine: Later Works (trans. John Burnaby) is part of the Library of Christian Classics series (Philadelphia: Westminster, 1955); it contains a selection of Augustine’s later writings, including On the Spirit and the Letter, sermons on the First Epistle of John, and books 7–10 and 14–15 of On the Trinity. Philip Schaffs’s Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers contains eight volumes of Augustine’s works in English. One of the best translations of Confessions is by Henry Chadwick (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991). Bonner, Gerald. 1986. St. Augustine of Hippo: Life and Controversies. Rev. ed. Norwich, England: Canterbury. Brown, Peter. 1967. Augustine of Hippo. Berkeley: University of California Press. O’Donnell, James. 1985. Augustine. Boston: Twayne. TeSelle, Eugene. 1970. Augustine the Theologian. New York: Herder and Herder. Tilley, Maureen A. 1991. “Dilatory Donatists or Procrastinating Catholics.” Church History 60 (March): 7–19.

—Ron J. Bigalke

Augustine, Educational Contributions of Saint Augustine (AD 354–430), North African bishop of Hippo, prolific writer, and theologian, is one of the icons of Christian theology. However, Augustine also provides a powerful model of the teaching bishop through both his publications and his practice. Augustine was born into a

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Christian household, was schooled as a rhetorician, and embraced Manichaeism in his youth. Augustine’s own writings, the Confessions and the Testimony,175 detail his personal journey, including his conversion in 386 to a robust Christian life; one that would ultimately see him in ministry and Christian leadership on his native, North African, soil. While Augustine’s governance as a bishop might not normally warrant specific notice (in light of other bishops who shepherded their respective churches within their cities), his writings deserve particular note. As historian Garry Willis notes, Augustine employed stenographers and copyists to record and disseminate his sermons, letters, and books. His own incomplete review of his publications numbered 93 books, 300 letters, and 400 sermons, forming an extensive library.176 Significant Contributions to Christian Education Augustine’s contributions to Christian education could best be summarized in his written guidelines for catechesis, including the content he provided, and his personal emphasis on the teaching office through sermons and instruction. Augustine embodied his teaching and communicated observations and precepts that mirrored his rhetorical style, as well as his passion for scripture and patience with new students. Written Guidelines Perhaps one of the strongest representative documents for Augustine’s own approach to catechetical instruction is his letter (or treatise) De Catechizandis rudibus (known as “On the Instruction of Beginners or on Catechizing/ Teaching the Uninstructed”).177 In this text, Augustine addresses both the challenges of teaching for the instructor as well as approaches and resources for teaching. Augustine recommended varying teaching methods according to student interest and capability as well as concentrating on key aspects of the biblical narrative as part of the teaching corpus. Other written theological treatises provided a wellspring for later Christian education. Augustine’s autobiographical work, the Confessions, provides a notable view of personal identity and selfhood reflective of the later Enlightenment. The rhetorical skill demonstrated in this “testimony” to life reflects the goal of ancient philosophy to read and to live, providing a series of spiritual exercises to his reading audience as

175. Garry Wills, Saint Augustine (New York: Penguin Books, 1999), xiv–xvii. 176. Ibid., xii. 177. Boniface Ramsey, “Catechizandus rudibus, De,” in Augustine Through the Ages: An Encyclopedia, gen. ed. Allan D. Fitzgerald (Grand Rapids, MI: Wm. B. Eerdmans, 1999), 144–145.

they progress through the account.178 Augustine’s treatise On Christian Teaching (known also as On Christian Doctrine) is a comprehensive treatment of Christian doctrine via a baptismal creed, the nature of biblical interpretation based on factual and theological frameworks, and the teaching of Christianity primarily through the pulpit.179 Augustine includes a treatment on the nature of knowledge and its acquisition through a treatise of semiotics and hermeneutics, providing insight into the teaching of scripture and doctrine alike. In addition, Augustine provides a theology of rhetoric for teaching bishops, using rhetoric, or eloquence, “to teach, to delight, to sway.”180 Embodied Education Though Augustine thought little of his own childhood education, his early career included periods as a tutor and teacher of rhetoric, often with mixed results. However, following his conversion and rise in leadership, Augustine modeled the role of pastor as teacher. His most notable skill was preaching and biblical interpretation, providing a rich resource of sermons focused on church members, candidates (catechumens), and the pressing needs of the community.181 Augustine’s teaching involved a three-step process: (1) a longer evangelizing of the catechumenate (prospective members); (2) the focused catechesis of initiates at Lent prior to baptism; and (3) mystagogy, or teachings about the realities of the sacraments and other church matters following baptism. During the earliest periods Augustine employed a broad array of biblical sermons, some exegetical and others imaginative, to reach the diverse range of nonmembers within his congregation. When people took a deliberate step of being initiated into the church, Augustine took personal direction. Even during busy times, Augustine devoted his personal attention to the yearly catechesis of Christian initiates to his church in Hippo. These initiates, or competentes, would embrace an ascetical lifestyle during the Lenten journey, not as a Gnostic rejection of the flesh, but as a disciplining of misplaced desire.182 This intense period of self-examination, biblical exhortation, and ritual practice integrated theology, spirituality, and moral action to provoke a deep conversion.

178. Debra Romanick Baldwin, “Models of Teaching and Models of Learning in the Confessions,” in Augustine and Liberal Education, ed. Kim Paffenroth and Kevin L. Hughes (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2000), 15–24. 179. James J. O’Donnell, “Docrina Christiana, De,” in Augustine Through the Ages, gen. ed. Fitzgerald, 278–280. 180. Augustine, Teaching Christianity (De Doctrina Christiana): The Works of Saint Augustine—A Translation for the 21st Century, ed. John E. Rotelle, trans. Edmund Hill (Hyde Park, NY: New City Press, 1996), 215. 181. Daniel Doyle, “The Bishop as Teacher,” in Augustine and Liberal Education, ed. Paffenroth and Hughes, 81–94. 182. William Harmless, Augustine and the Catechumenate (Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press, 1995), 250–260.

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In the final phase, mystagogy, 183Augustine focused on leading initiates through their baptism through Easter vigil and Easter morning baptismal sermons as well as private instruction on the importance of the Eucharist. William Harmless notes that one of Augustine’s key themes for the catechetical process came from the theme of “baking bread” (for the sacrament of communion) during the period of mystagogy: This metaphor of baking bread served Augustine both pedagogically and theologically. Pedagogically, it enabled him to give the neophytes an insight into their long journey. Each stage had had its proper dynamic; each, its proper meaning. Yet the whole fit together. This extended metaphor integrated things much as the (Apostles) Creed did: that is, just as the Creed offered a way of surveying the horizon of Scripture in a single glimpse, so this bread-baking metaphor offered a way of surveying the journey of initiation in a single glimpse. It linked diverse threads—evangelization and catechesis, asceticism and liturgy—within a single overarching framework. Theologically, it enabled Augustine to hold together Paul’s dual image of the Body of Christ—at once the people of God and sanctified bread—to show that the whole dynamic moved one towards both a liturgical end—Eucharist— and an ecclesiological one—unity.184

Augustine’s approach to catechesis reminds Christian educators of the holistic use of preaching, teaching, disciplined instruction, imagination, and shared learning by teacher and student for the sake of the church. Collectively, Augustine’s contributions to Christian education provide a window into early church efforts to inspire, educate, and form the faithful into the Christian life. References and Resources Augustine. 1996. Teaching Christianity (De Doctrina Christiana): The Works of Saint Augustine—A Translation for the 21st Century. Edited by John E. Rotelle. Translation and notes by Edmund Hill. Hyde Park, NY: New City Press. Brown, Peter. (1967) 2000. Augustine of Hippo: A Biography. New ed. Berkley/Los Angeles: University of California Press. Harmless, William. 1995. Augustine and the Catechumenate. Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press. Paffenroth, Kim, and Kevin L. Hughes, eds. 2000. Augustine and Liberal Education. Burlington, VT: Ashgate. Ramsey, Boniface. 1999. “Catechizandus rudibus, De.” In Augustine through the Ages: An Encyclopedia. Allan D. Fitzgerald, general ed. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. Wills, Garry. 1999. Saint Augustine. New York: Penguin Books.

—Dean Blevins

183. Ibid., 300–336. 184. Ibid., 320–321.

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Australasia and Christian Education Located in the southernmost region of Oceania, Australasia comprises the nations of Australia and Aotearoa New Zealand. Although close in proximity, both countries have distinct histories, peoples, and religious education systems. Introduction to Christianity During the 17th century European explorers began investigating the legendary southern continent of Terra Australis. Included on maps even before its discovery in 1606, the “South Land” soon drew explorers from the Netherlands, Spain, Portugal, and Britain. When Australia was sequestered by Britain as a penal colony in 1788, clergy from the Church of England were given the task of enforcing morality, in addition to assisting with general health and education. This unfortunate marriage resulted in ministers such as the Reverend Samuel Marsden (1765–1838), known as the “flogging parson” due to his dual role as minister-disciplinarian. The indigenous Australians were eventually displaced, and their numbers greatly diminished after the European arrival. Although Roman Catholic, Methodist, and Presbyterian churches were later established, the Church of England maintained a position of power until the Church Act of 1836 officially enforced equality among the denominations. The first Catholic priests to arrive in Australia were convicts incarcerated for their participation in the Irish Rebellion of 1798. Father James Dixon, one of the priests, was the first priest to celebrate mass with the Catholic colonists, who constituted about 10 percent of the population. The first priest appointed to serve in the colony was Father Jeremiah Flynn (1788–1831). However, he arrived without official papers, and the Protestant governor, Lachlan Macquarie, eventually forced Flynn to return to England, in May 1818. Although the Catholic Church eventually prospered in Australia, alternating periods of persecution and partial toleration toward Catholics continued throughout the 19th century. In 1642, the Dutch explorer Abel Tasman was the first European to encounter the islands of New Zealand. He faced a hostile reception from the local indigenous tribes, and it wasn’t until British Lieutenant James Cook returned to the islands in 1769 that Europeans began to peacefully communicate and trade with the Māori people. Christian missionaries followed in the early 19th century, led by Samuel Marsden under the auspices of the Anglican Church Mission Society. Soon afterward, missionaries and settlers to New Zealand founded Roman Catholic, Presbyterian, and Methodist churches. As the British colony of New Zealand grew, many Christian missionaries actively advocated for Māori land rights

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and tribal autonomy. The resulting Treaty of Waitangi was eventually signed in 1840, guaranteeing these rights. Largely due to the missionaries’ social activism and education system, Christianity was widely accepted by the Māori people. In addition to traditional Christianity, syncretistic expressions of Māori Christianity, Rātana and Ringatū, developed and still continue today. Main Denominations and Institutions Since the 18th century, the predominance of Christianity among the Australian population has slowly decreased. In the Census of 1911, 96 percent of the population identified as Christians, contrasted with 61 percent in the 2011 census. The most prominent Christian affiliations are Catholic (25 percent), Anglican (17 percent), Uniting Church (5 percent), Presbyterian and Reformed (3 percent), Eastern Orthodox (3 percent), Baptist (2 percent), Lutheran (1 percent), and Pentecostal (1 percent). While Christianity is still the primary religion of New Zealand, the nation as a whole is becoming increasingly secular. According to the 2006 Census, 56 percent of citizens identify as Christians, while 35 percent of the population is not religious. The largest denominations are Anglican (15 percent), Roman Catholic (13 percent), Presbyterian/Congregational/Reformed (11 percent), Methodist (3 percent), and Pentecostal (2 percent). Religious freedom is constitutionally supported and practiced in both Australia and New Zealand. Christian Education In the late 1770s, the Church of England in Australia founded the first Christian schools in the colony. Initially the entire colonial population, regardless of denominational background, was required to attend Anglican services and their children had to attend Anglican schools. During the subsequent decades, other denominations began establishing religious schools. Secular public education only became a reality in 1872, when the Education Act was passed in the state of Victoria and later in the remaining states. Despite initial governmental resistance, by 1833 there were also 10 Catholic schools in Australia. Although state financial assistance was fully retracted from all Christian schools by 1893, the Catholic Church chose to continue its educational endeavors. By 1871, the Sisters of St. Joseph were operating 35 schools in both rural and urban areas. In 1900, there were also 115 Christian Brothers teaching in schools around the nation. By 1910, more than 5,000 sisters from all the religious orders were teaching in Australian Catholic schools. Today the Catholic Church is second only to government public schools in providing primary, secondary, and tertiary education in Australia. In 2005, approxi-

mately 19 percent of all Australian elementary students and 21 percent of secondary students were enrolled in Catholic schools. The Anglican Church also continues to operate approximately 145 schools in Australia, including the well-respected Geelong Grammar School, Melbourne Grammar School, and King’s School in Sydney. In New Zealand, Anglican missionaries with the Church Mission Society founded the first schools during the early 19th century. Initially established to evangelize the Māori people, these schools were endorsed by the European colonizers and native communities alike. In 1840, the Roman Catholic Church launched its own Māori school, St. Peter’s School, starting its own missionary enterprise. By 1847, numerous Protestant and Catholic European-style schools existed among the Māori, teaching them English, Christianity, arithmetic, and industrial skills. In 1841, the first nonindigenous Catholic school was established in Auckland by laypeople for the children of free settlers. When the government passed the Education Act in 1877, providing a free and secular primary education system, the Catholic Church elected to start its own educational system to preserve its religious ideals. From 1877 to 1975, Catholic schools were financially independent and were run almost exclusively by religious clergy. Since 1983 all Catholic schools in New Zealand, along with state schools, are being fully funded by the national government. In 2012, more than 65,000 students in New Zealand attended a Catholic school. Of the 238 Catholic schools, 189 are primary schools and 49 are secondary schools. References and Resources Breward, Ian. 2001. A History of the Churches in Australasia. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Clark, Manning. 2006. A Short History of Australia. Melbourne, Australia: Penguin Books. Piggin, Stuart. 1996. Evangelical Christianity in Australia: Spirit, Word and World. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Simon, Judith, and Linda Tuhiwai Smith, eds. 2001. A Civilizing Mission? Perceptions and Representations of the New Zealand Native Schools System. Auckland, New Zealand: Auckland University Press.

—Sarita D. Gallagher

Australia and Christian Education The first Australians have lived there for 40,000 years, making them the oldest continuous civilization on the planet. In 1788, their lives changed irrevocably with the arrival of the British First Fleet, which landed at an unnamed location in Sydney harbor on 26 January 1788 and raised the British flag over the country. Some 751 convicts and their families disembarked, along with 252 ma-

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rines and their families. Among them were 17 children of convicts and 19 children of the marines. However, no instructions were given to Captain Arthur Phillip about the education of these children, for it was alien to the official mind to be interested in the welfare of children. “By 1809 the War Office had been persuaded to appoint regimental school masters, and by 1833 the Colonial Office was prepared to sanction an experiment in the reformation of child convicts in Van Diemen’s Land, but in 1788 the education of these children formed no part of the business of any department of State.”185 The Church of England (Anglican) was effectively the established religion, and its pastors, under the direction of the governor, controlled the first schools, although several other denominations established rudimentary schools in the early decades of the 19th century. The attempts of Governor Bourke in the late 1830s and Governor Gipps in the 1840s to establish a national system based on that introduced into Ireland in 1831 by Lord Stanley, secretary of state for the colonies, were thwarted by denominational rivalries. Governor FitzRoy was able to effect a compromise by appointing two boards, a denominational board and a national board. The first national school opened at Kempsey in 1848, and although development was slow, national schools coexisted with denominational schools. However, many of the schools lacked basic facilities, and the standard of education was generally poor. Despite vigorous opposition from many of the clergy, who complained about elements of the proposed public system, Henry Parkes was able to pass the Public Schools Act in New South Wales in 1866. The progress of a national system and the marginalization of denominational schools continued at different rates as the now separated states worked on their own educational systems. Victoria’s population expanded exponentially due to the discovery of gold in the 1850s, and the state’s 1872 Education Act provided for the establishment of a Ministry of Public Instruction and the cessation of government assistance for denominational schools. The law was known as the act for “free, compulsory and secular education,” and the Catholic bishops determined that they would develop their own independent education system, wherein religion would not be relegated to a time slot in the curriculum but would suffuse the culture of the school. It was a bold decision when they had few facilities and few teachers. Having made their decision, the bishops set about inviting religious orders to send personnel to the colony to staff their schools. Between 1872 and 1895, a succession of education acts in the six Australian colonies

ensured a national system of education, sustained by government funding and under ministerial control. The lack of state aid for denominational schools was a source of tension for decades, particularly in the Catholic community, whose numbers increased rapidly with the postwar migration from traditionally Catholic countries in Europe. In 1962, the issue came to a head in the New South Wales town of Goulburn. Government health inspectors demanded that three extra toilets be installed at a local Catholic primary school, Our Lady of Mercy. The school principal, Sister Celestine, and the bishop, John Cullinane, said that there was simply no money to make the required changes in the required time frame. Following a meeting with local Catholics, a decision was made to hold a strike. On Friday, 13 July 1962, six Catholic schools in the Goulburn area closed, and the following Monday morning some 2,000 Catholic pupils presented themselves for enrollment in the public school system, which had only 640 vacancies. The “strike” was well orchestrated and lasted for a week, during which time it gained national media coverage. The wheels were set in motion for the restoration of state aid to nongovernment schools, and in 1964 the Menzies Liberal government, determined to retain office, began funding in the form of grants to upgrade the teaching of science. By the end of the 1960s, the federal and state governments were offering recurrent funding to nongovernment schools. Government funding of nongovernment schools continues to the present, although the Howard government made two significant changes: abolishing the restrictive new schools policy in 1996 and in 2001 introducing a new funding system. These two decisions made it easier for new and independent nongovernment schools to be established in addition to making available significant increases in funding. These reforms have contributed to the diversification of nongovernment schools, which though still dominated by the traditional Christian religions, has seen the establishment of Islamic schools and schools associated with new Christian religions. While there is some disquiet about the standards of education and religious indoctrination in these schools, “there is little evidence that religious schools are the cause of any of the educational or social ills attributed to them.”186

185. A. G. Austin, Australian Education 1788–1988: Church, State and Public Education in Colonial Australia, 3rd ed. (Carlton, Vic: Sir Isaac Pitman (Aust) Pty. Ltd. 1972), 1.

186. Jennifer Buckingham, The Rise of Religious Schools, Policy Monographs, http://cis.org.au/images/stories/policy-monographs/pm-111.pdf (accessed 25 March 2013).

References and Resources Austin, A. G. 1972. Australian Education 1788–1900: Church, State and Public Education in Colonial Australia. 3rd ed. Carlton, Victoria: Pitman Pacific.

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Buckingham, Jennifer. 2010. The Rise of Religious Schools. Policy Monographs. http://cis.org.au/images/stories/policy -monographs/pm-111.pdf.

—Michael A. Kelly

Australian Catholic University The arrival of the First Fleet in 1788 brought not only European convicts to Australia, but also three distinct forms of Christianity: Catholic, Anglican, and evangelical Protestant. These “three grand divisions of Christianity” have maintained a major presence in Australian society up to the present (O’Farrell 1992). Because it was a British penal settlement, the Anglican Church inherited a preeminent place in the early colonial era due to its status as an established church in England, even though a significant number of the population were Catholic convicts (Dixon 2005). In the early 1800s, attempts were made to establish schools. Up until the mid-1800s, schooling systems across the settled parts of Australia were established by the various Christian denominational churches with the support of state aid (Ryan, 1997). By the 1870s, the push for free and secular schooling systems resulted in a wave of legislative enactments that secured their establishment (O’Farrell 1969). With the founding of the free and secular schooling systems in Australia state aid to Christian schools ceased and this lead to the closure of many Christian denominational schools. During the 19th century, teacher training colleges were established in various states to prepare teachers for Christian service in Catholic school. These institutions had their origins in the mid-1800s, when religious orders and institutes became involved in preparing teachers for Catholic schools and, later, nurses for Catholic hospitals. Over the following century and through a series of amalgamations, relocations, transfers of responsibility, and diocesan initiatives, Australian Catholic University (ACU) was established. It opened on 1 January 1991 following the amalgamation of four Catholic tertiary institutions in eastern Australia. The university is a member of the publicly funded national system of Australian universities, the Association of Commonwealth Universities, and the International Federation of Catholic Universities. The university’s vice chancellor is a member of Universities Australia. ACU has six campuses around Australia and aims to empower students to think critically and ethically and to bring about change in their communities and professions. ACU is supported by more than 2,000 years of Catholic intellectual tradition. It is Australia’s leading Catholic university and is devoted to communicating truth in every field of knowledge through teaching and

research, as well as promoting the dignity of all people and the common good. Australian Catholic University is a publicly funded university and welcomes staff and students of all beliefs and backgrounds. It is committed to providing equal access to education for all people. Community engagement is also a core part of every student’s experience at ACU, to the point where it is embedded within the courses. This allows students to give back to their communities and make a difference through opportunities such as volunteer experience programs. Students undertake professional placements and volunteer work throughout their studies, with many securing excellent jobs before they graduate. The university is founded on a long history of commitment to truth, in a spirit of freedom and service. It prizes such key values as • following the way of Christ and commitment to Christian values; • participating in the community and mission of the church; • a continuing dialogue between faith and reason— represented, for example, by the dialogue between philosophy and science; • respect for truth in all its forms and collaboration in seeking it through all the disciplines; • collaboration of all staff and students, whatever their beliefs, in the interests of a more decent and humane society; • the promotion of teaching and research in ways that best serve the ission of the university; and • respect for academic freedom. Australian Catholic University engages the Catholic intellectual tradition to bring a distinct perspective to higher education. It explores cultural, social, ethical, and religious issues through the lens of that tradition in is teaching, research, and service. ACU is committed to fostering and advancing knowledge in education, health, commerce, the humanities, the sciences and technology, law, and the creative arts. It contributes to its local, national, and international communities. Graduates are skilled in their chosen fields and ethical in their behavior, with a developed critical habit of mind, an appreciation of the sacred in life, and a commitment to serving the common good. Australian Catholic University has high hopes and great expectations of its graduates. An ACU education is about teaching students to think critically and ethically and to be guided by social justice principles. It’s about passing on the skills to bring about change in communities and in society. The university’s core curriculum lies

Authority

at the heart of this vision. The goal is not just to pass on knowledge, but to raise some of the most fundamental questions on human experience and meaning. The core units emphasize critical judgment, clear expression, ethical decision making, and concern for others, as individuals and as a community. Above all, they provide a common learning experience for students at ACU. Undergraduate students will together address the same topics and tackle the same problems—bringing their own views and experience to complex ideas and contemporary social issues. References and Resources ACU. n.d. “About ACU.” http://www.acu.edu.au/about_acu. Dixon, R. 2005. The Catholic Community in Australia. Adelaide: Openbook Publishers. O’Farrell, P. 1969. The Catholic Church in Australia: A Short History 1788–1967. London: Geoffrey Chapman. ———. 1992. The Catholic Church and Community: An Australian History. Sydney: University of New South Wales Press. Ryan, M. 1997. Foundations of Religious Education in Catholic Schools: An Australian Perspective. NSW, Australia: Social Science Press.

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education is organized by the evangelical churches and also by the orthodox churches. At present, two hours of religious education per week are generally stipulated by the state. The Roman Catholic Church and the Evangelical Church maintain kindergarten and schools through the secondary level. There are also some Roman Catholic educational institutions on the postsecondary level. A unique educational institution in Europe is the University College of Teacher Education of Christian Churches of Vienna/Krems (founded in 2007), maintained by five churches. In the area of education, the state covers the costs of five faculties of theology, which are part of state universities, the costs of denominational religious education, as well as the personnel costs for teachers in the denominational schools. The state and the churches—as well as other religious communities—are considered independent and autonomous partners of equal rank. Through legal recognition, they receive the status of a public body, allowing them to perform duties of public interest, including social, cultural, and political duties. —Martin Jäggle

—Michael T. Buchanan

Authority Austria and Christian Education During the second century Christianity was brought to the area of Austria by Roman soldiers, but the Völkerwanderung destroyed the first ecclesiastical establishments. In the seventh century Christianity came again, from the West. The oldest monastery, St. Peter in Salzburg, was founded in 696, and the oldest convent, Nonnberg in Salzburg, in 714. In the 2001 Census, 73.6 percent of the population were Roman Catholic, 4.7 percent were Protestant, 4.2 percent Muslim, and 2.3 percent Orthodox Christian (12.0 percent had no affiliation). Since then the number of Roman Catholics has decreased, and there are more Orthodox Christians and Muslims. Sixteen churches are members of the Ecumenical Council of Churches in Austria; the Roman Catholic Church is a full member. Twelve churches are recognized by the state. Religious education takes place in the public kindergarten (except in Vienna) and is a compulsory denominational subject in the public schools (with few exceptions) for those pupils who are members of a legally recognized church (or religious community). Others can take religious education as an optional subject. Every church (and religious community) is responsible for religious education at school, designates the teacher, determines the curriculum, and chooses the textbooks. A common religious

The source of authority matters. Experience, reason, culture, celebrity, tradition, self, and revelation—or some combination—may serve as the origin of authority for everyone. Human starting points, however, may leave authority in the hands of the few who wield control. Authority’s reliability must be based on Someone who is transcendent (separate from, outside of) and immutable (unchanging). God-given authority should be held onto lightly. Leaders must remain committed in thought, word, and deed to authority outside themselves. Rulers are not above the law. Everyone from presidents to people is held to the same standard. Biblical Theology of Authority One’s authority comes from one’s person known through one’s words. God’s initiative in communication should be mirrored through clear, honest, and forthright words, safeguarded for the future (2 Tim. 1:14); God’s Word must be clearly interpreted and honestly expounded so its message is clear to all (2 Thess. 2:15); All in the Christian community must admit their personal responsibility to know and understand scripture for themselves (Ps. 119:18; Acts 17:11). In the Old Testament, authority comes from the word “hand.” The metaphor indicated the source of authority, the action taken from one’s hand. Believers were to recognize that all abundance comes from God’s hand (1 Chron.

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29:16), because His hands formed all things (Ps. 8:6, 95:5). Humans, on the other hand, were to remember that whatever they produced did not come from the strength of their hands (Deut. 8:17–18). God’s authority would not be compromised by any human authority. In the New Testament, authority meant freedom of choice, how much ability one has to determine the freedom of action one has over one’s life or the lives of others (as in giving orders; Matt. 8:9; Luke 7:8, 19:17). Jesus had authority to lay down His life of His own accord (John 10:17–18). Paul used his authority to build up others, not tear them down (2 Cor. 10:8, 13:10). Ultimately Jesus’s authority comes from the origin of all authority, the Father’s hand (Matt. 28:18), for others’ benefit (Matt. 5:17, 9:6, 8; Mark 1.22). Biblical Philosophy of Authority The Bible is God’s revelation of authority for all people, all places, and all time (Matt. 5:17; John 10:35; 2 Tim. 3:16–17; 2 Pet. 1:20–21). God’s Word is the absolute authority over human wisdom (1 Cor. 1:18–31). All knowledge, then, will be brought under the examination of the biblical lens (2 Cor. 10:3–5). Scripture declares that people should be responsive to change from the inside out by practicing truths found within it (James 1:19–27). Herein is the basis for virtuous living within the context of the Christian community. There is a consistent concern from the Pentateuch to Revelation that believers not be led astray by counterfeit authority systems witnessed through the allure of idolatry (Deut. 4:15–19, 23, 25, 28), the distraction of persuasive speech (Deut. 18:20–22), or the seduction of ideas with a semblance of truth wrapped around error (Deut. 13:1–5). Other authority structures are based on a temporal, material, human-centered viewpoint antithetic to the Personal Eternal Triune Creator. In a culture of individualism—“no one tells me what to do”—and relativism—“no standard of certainty exists outside myself”—it is necessary to establish the biblical basis for authority in the Christian classroom. God has placed authorities in life to which humans are accountable (Ps. 119:91; Rom. 13:1; 1 Pet. 2:13). Under governance from God, any Christian school board and administration, along with covenantal support from parents, teachers bear a mandate from God to exercise the sanction given to them in their classrooms (1 Pet. 5:1–4). Christian Practice of Authority The Christian teacher is God’s authority in the school’s sphere of influence (1 Thess. 5:11–12). Professors bear the responsibility of clear commitment to and communication of the “true Truth” of authority (Tim. 1:9). Students are under authority and accountable for the

privilege of learning and to the providers of that learning (Prov. 23:12). Respect for God, His Word, and His leader in the classroom demonstrates subservience to authority (1 Pet. 2:17). All parties (school, home, and church) share common, covenantal commitments. Resolved to honor those spheres of authority, each group—home, church, and school—will not overstep its response to any of the other groups. Parents, teachers, administrators, and students should all agree to follow clearly written philosophies, policies, and procedures based on a Christian authority structure. The church will maintain that God’s written revelation should be the final authority for evaluation of all other written or spoken communication in textbooks, in-services, meetings, chapels, community traditions, and classroom teaching (1 Cor. 10:3–5; Heb. 5:11–14). The source or origin of authority must always be known and always be based on biblical grounds. The words truthful, reliable, faithful, accurate, trustworthy, and committed should describe the Christian individual and institution (1 John 2:4, 3:18–19). People consciously or unconsciously accept authority (Matt. 7:13–14). Definitions for authority structures must be clearly established based on a Christian source (Neh. 13; Tim. 1:9–11). Ideas, institutions, or persons accepted as authority must be interpreted through scriptural grids. Complaints about authority must come from a source of authority other than itself. Faulty objections to biblical authority often can be traced to one source: rebellion through personal advantage (Gen. 4:23, 24; Jud. 21:25). Inherent human corruption should teach people to admit wrongdoing (1 John 1:6, 8), rectifying by reconciling problems with others (Matt. 5:23, 24). Tolerance of people (acceptance and respect) is different than tolerance of belief (Ps. 51:13; 2 Tim. 2:25, 3:1, 7–8). The correction of authority should be gentle, teaching the Truth in love (Eph. 4:15; 2 Tim. 2:25). References and Resources Hunter, James C. 2012. The Servant: A Simple Story About the True Essence of Leadership. 2nd ed. New York: Crown Publishing. Pazmiño, Robert. 2002. By What Authority Do We Teach? Sources for Empowering Christian Educators. Eugene, OR: Wipf & Stock.

—Mark Eckel

Autism The term “autism” was introduced in 1943 by Leo Kanner (Baltimore, MD). He called it “early infantile autism” (Greek autos, meaning “self”). He described these children as “immersed in their own world,” which, despite

Azusa Pacific University

extensive progress in research, is still a commonly used description. Autism is a vastly complicated, biologically conditioned development disorder that includes three basic areas: (1) qualitative impairment in social interactions; (2) qualitative impairment in communication; and (3) restricted, repeated, and stereotyped patterns of behavior, interests, and activities. Autism is currently diagnosed on the basis of the list of symptoms. However, indications vary because of the diversity of symptoms, their intensity, and the course of the disease. Moreover, clinical symptoms depend on the developmental age of the person with autism. The causes of autism have not yet been fully discovered. Today it is estimated that autistic disorders occur in at least 15–25 of every 10,000 children. Ewa Pisula (2010) identifies nine basic terms related to autism: 1. Classic autism/Kanner’s Syndrome: These are historical labels referring to Kanner’s descriptions or used to describe severe autism (significant difficulties with social development and inability to use spoken language). 2. Early infantile autism: This is also a historical term, which was eliminated by the World Health Organization (WHO) when it turned out that the symptoms of autism may appear slightly later than had been previously assumed. This term is still encountered in psychiatry textbooks and scientific articles. 3. Autistic features/tendencies/behaviours: These terms tend to be used by diagnosticians. They are related to the difficulties in diagnosing and the avoidance of clear definitions. In doubtful cases, the term “autistic behaviors,” referring to the observed behaviour and not to permanent features of a child, is much more appropriate. 4. Childhood autism: This is the term used in the ICD (International Classification of Diseases) WHO classification. It is criticized for suggesting that autism occurs only in children, whereas in reality it is a lifelong disorder in the majority of cases. 5. Autistic disorders: This was the term describing autism in the DSM classification of the American Psychiatric Association. 6. Atypical autism: This term is used in the ICD-10 classification to describe an atypical course of autism. The atypical nature refers to a lack of disorders in one of the three axis areas or to the age when symptoms occur. 7. High functioning autism: This term is used to describe individuals with well-developed intellectual abilities.

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8. Low functioning autism: This term refers to individuals who experience autism together with intellectual disability. 9. Autistic spectrum disorders: This is the term commonly used nowadays; it includes childhood autism, Asperger syndrome, Rett syndrome, childhood disintegrative disorders, and other development disorders. Christian education of individuals with autism means accompanying them in entering the Christian way of life. Applying a basic rule of being faithful to God and man, Christian educators may choose psychology and special pedagogical methods convenient for any individual and for themselves; however, they need to remember that making use of the achievements of didactics does not absolve them from taking into consideration God’s pedagogy. Contemporary Christian education of individuals with autism must focus on the attempt at integrating its actions with therapists, school, parish community, and—first and foremost—family. However, it must be highlighted that “integrated” does not mean “placed inside” (e.g., a school or a special center), but rather connected by a network of mutual relations reflecting love that makes it possible to recognize students of Jesus. God is not abstract but the Living, with whom we establish our relation. Individuals with autism cannot be perceived as strange and having no contact with reality. Their abilities should be appreciated as they are. This is evangelical service for the disabled so that they do not waste their talents but multiply them, since everyone, including a person with autism, received them from God. References and Resources Grandin, T. 1995. Thinking in Pictures. My Life with Autism. New York: Doubleday. Pisula, E. 2010. Autyzm—przyczyny, symptomy, terapia. Gdańsk: Harmonia. Volkmar, F. R., R. Paul, A. Klin, and D. J. Cohen. 2005. Handbook of Autism and Pervasive Developmental Disorders, Diagnosis, Development, Neurobiology, and Behavior. Hoboken, NJ: Wiley.

—Andrzej Kiciński

Azusa Pacific University History Azusa Pacific University is located about 26 miles northeast of Los Angeles; other regional centers are located throughout Southern California. The school was founded by a group of Quakers in Whittier, California, as a training school that would prepare

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young people for Christian service and missionary work. The first school of its kind on the Pacific Coast, its articles of incorporation were approved in March 1900, and the Training School for Christian Workers began with two students in the home of Mary Hill, the first president and teacher. The next three presidents were also women, reflecting the Quaker belief that women should have equal access to institutional and church offices. In 1907, the school moved to Huntington Park because it had outgrown its Whittier location. By the time the school celebrated its 30th anniversary, it had 112 alumni serving as foreign missionaries. During that decade—the 1930s—the school severed formal ties with the Quakers and operated without formal ties to any denomination, while representing many. The school became a college under the 36-year tenure of President Cornelius Haggard, which began in 1939, when the school’s name was changed to Pacific Bible College of Huntington Park. Due to the need for expansion, the college moved to its current location in Azusa in 1946; it was accredited for the first time the following year. Because the curriculum and faculty were evolving beyond the description of a Bible college to what was a liberal arts college, in 1957 the name of the school was again changed, to Azusa College, and it was regionally accredited in 1964. In part due to financial difficulties, a Free Methodist institution, Los Angeles Pacific College, left its campus the following year and merged with Azusa College to form Azusa Pacific College (APC). Another merger occurred in 1968, when the college added graduate programs and invited Arlington College, a small college associated with the Church of God, Anderson, Indiana, to join APC. In 1981, the college changed its status to that of a university and its name to Azusa Pacific University (APU). The School of Theology was formed in 1983. Foundational to the newly named university was a commitment to scripture, not just for information, but for application. All students were and are required to take three courses in Bible, one in doctrine, one in ministry, and a senior seminar in Christian ethics. Appropriate to the school’s beginnings, Christian service continues to be a requirement for graduation. Since 1981, the university’s enrollment has been on the increase; today the total count exceeds 9,000. Graduate programs were added, including master’s degrees and doctorates; in theology this includes an MDiv and a DMin. The school is intentional about its Wesleyan orientation, but also retains some identity with its Quaker (Friends) beginnings, such as a professorial chair that was at one time occupied by Richard Foster. In 1998,

five religious organizations were officially affiliated with the university: Brethren in Christ, Church of God, Free Methodist Church, Missionary Church, and the Salvation Army. Most Notable Academic Programs Offering liberal arts and professional degrees, APU has excelled in teacher education, nursing, and theology. Currently the university houses the College of Liberal Arts and Science, School of Behavioral and Applied Sciences, School of Business and Administration, School of Music, School of Nursing, School of Theology, Center for Adult and Professional Studies, an Honors College, and APOU (offering an AA online degree). There are also study abroad programs with more than 40 national and international venues. Christian Philosophy and Mission of Education As stated in its catalogs, APU’s mission statement identifies it as “an evangelical Christian community of disciples and scholars who seek to advance the work of God in the world through academic excellence in liberal arts and professional programs of higher education that encourage students to develop a Christian perspective of truth and life.” Toward that end, the university is also known for its Noel Academy for Strengths-Based Leadership and Education, which seeks to affect educational practices by providing faculty and staff with the resources to identify and nurture students’ strengths so that they can engage in the learning process more successfully. Significant catchphrases that capture the school’s ethos include its motto, “God First,” which appears to have been adopted during the mid-19th century in a U.S. culture that was less pluralistic. More recently, “Transforming Scholarship” succinctly identifies the university’s goal. Near its beginning the school was committed to being evangelical in faith, having a concern for application of what is learned to the spiritual life, maintaining interdenominational ties, and training students for practical service. From its “Essence Statement,” it now uses the descriptive nouns Christian, academic, developmental, and service; these seem to correspond to what it calls its four “cornerstones”: Christ, scholarship, sommunity, and service. Reference Jackson, Sheldon. 1999. “Azusa Pacific University: One Hundred Years of Christian Service and Scholarship, 1899–1999.” APU. Accessed 10 April 2013. http://www.apu.edu/provost/ catalog/downloads/apu_ugradcat1213.pdf.

—Dennis Okholm

B Bacon, Roger Roger Bacon (c. 1214–c. 1294) was an English philosopher, Franciscan friar, Oxford professor, and man of science. He was born near Ilchester in Somerset, England. As a celebrated theologian, scientist, and philosopher, the scholastic accolade Doctor Mirabilis, meaning “wonderful teacher,” was bestowed on him. Bacon was trained in the scholarly disciplines of logic and natural philosophy at Oxford and as a philosopher and scientist, he “helped to revolutionize the perception of man’s place in the physical world” (Reed and Prevost 1993, 171). Upon becoming a Franciscan friar (c. 1257), he anticipated becoming a teacher, but that did not come to pass, and he continued as an independent scholar (Hackett [2007] 2012). As an early witness to the revival of Aristotelian thought in European universities, Bacon is regarded as the originator of experimental research and often called the “father of experimental science.” In 1265, Pope Clement IV commissioned Bacon to write on scientific matters, and in a year and a half he completed a trilogy of works, the Opus Majus, the Opus Minus, and the Opus Tertium. In the Opus Majus, he emphasized the need for including the study of science and nature within the curriculum (Anthony and Benson 2003, 165). Furthermore, he noted that science should augment the study of theology, the queen of the sciences. He argued that both reason and authority could furnish valid knowledge only when supported by experimental research (Burns 1969, 377–378). Along with fellow Franciscans Duns Scotus and William of Occum, Bacon challenged the system of inquiry promoted by St. Thomas Aquinas. He believed that Aquinas did not allow for the knowledge of God to be discovered through direct human experience or what came to be known as the scientific method. In Bacon’s mind, Aquinas had developed a harmful or unhealthy

dependence on Aristotle regarding matters of science (Elias 2002, 63; Anthony and Benson 2003, 165; Butts 1947, 156–157). He proposed that neither reason nor authority could provide legitimate knowledge without the support of experimental research (Burns 1969, 377–378). Furthermore, Bacon condemned scholastic wrangling and arguing as an outmoded method of teaching (Reed and Prevost 1993, 186). In addition to his philosophical reflections on science, Bacon contributed to actual scientific accomplishments. His study and writings on optics served as an authoritative source for centuries, and in his experimental research, “He discovered much about magnifying lenses, and it seems more than probable that he invented the simple microscope. He demonstrated that light travels faster than sound, and he was apparently the first scientist to perceive the inaccuracy of the Julian calendar and to advocate its revision” (Butts 1947, 378). Bacon himself came under a certain amount of criticism. According to Jeremiah Hackett ([2007] 2012), it appears that his own Franciscan order condemned him in 1278 “on account of certain suspected novelties,” possibly due to his interests in astrology and alchemy. Bacon died at Oxford at the approximate age of 80. References and Resources Anthony, Michael, and Warren Benson. 2003. Exploring the History & Philosophy of Christian Education. Grand Rapids, MI: Kregel. Burns, Edward M. 1969. Western Civilizations: Their History and Their Culture. 7th ed. New York: W. W. Norton. Butts, R. Freeman. 1947. A Cultural History of Education: Reassessing Our Educational Traditions. New York: McGraw-Hill. Elias, John L. 2002. A History of Christian Education: Protestant, Catholic, and Orthodox Perspectives. Malabar, FL: Krieger Publishing.

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Hackett, Jeremiah. (2007) 2012. “Roger Bacon.” In Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, edited by Edward N. Zalta. http:// plato.stanford.edu/archives/win2012/entries/roger-bacon/. Reed, James E., and Ronnie Prevost. 1993. A History of Christian Education. Nashville, TN: Broadman & Holman.

—Harley T. Atkinson

Baltimore Catechism The Baltimore Catechism, commissioned by the Third Plenary Council of Baltimore (1884) and published in 1885, became the standard catechetical tool in the United States for more than 80 years. While immensely influential as an instructional text, it was not in itself novel, as it built on the catechism genre that took definitive shape in the Small and Large Catechisms (Der kleine Katechismus, and Deutsch Katechismus, which became known as Der grosser Katechismus) of Martin Luther, which appeared in 1529. The influence of Luther’s catechisms was enhanced by the fact that they were written in vernacular German, and due to the availability of the printing press, invented by Johannes Gutenberg in 1440, enjoyed a large distribution. In the preface to the Small Catechism, Luther states that his works were directed to pastors and preachers, notably bishops, so that they might instruct the uneducated laity and sometimes the lower ranks of the clergy. Once they had mastered the basics of this text, they were to take up the Large Catechism and “use it to give them a broader and richer understanding.”1 Another significant contribution of Luther was to reorder the sequence to begin with the Ten Commandments followed by the creed, and instead of dividing them into multiple articles he focused on three: the salvific work of the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit under the rubrics of creation, redemption, and sanctification. Following treatments of the Lord’s Prayer, baptism, confession, and the Eucharist, as well as daily prayers and duties, were “Christian Questions with Their Answers,” establishing the nowfamiliar question and answer approach to basic catechesis. Numerous other catechisms appeared; influential among them were those of St. Peter Canisius, St. Robert Bellarmine, and the Council of Trent, which surprisingly did not have a reliable English translation until 1829, more than 250 years after the Roman catechism, and “was only published in the United States in 1905.”2 In the United States, repeated efforts to formulate a national catechism failed to meet with the approval of the bishops. 1. Martin Luther, Luther’s Small Catechism with Explanation (St. Louis, MO: Concordia, 1986), 246. 2. Berard Marthaler, “The Catechism of the Catholic Church in US Context,” in Source Book for Modern Catechetics, ed. Michael Warren (Winona, MI: Saint Mary’s Press, 1997), 2:279.

However, in the wake of Vatican I, they achieved their goal with the Catechism of the Third Plenary Council of Baltimore (1885). The text had 421 questions in 37 chapters and the order of questions was as follows: creed (1–135), sacraments (136–302), prayer (303–309), commandments (310–407), Last Judgment and the Resurrection, Hell, Purgatory, and Heaven (408–421). A 1941 revision by the bishops’ Committee of the Confraternity of Christian Doctrine returned to the order of creed, commandments, sacraments, and prayer. In an insightful article, Mary Charles Bryce notes that there was less than unanimous enthusiasm for the Baltimore Catechism, and quite a deal of criticism because of the lack of a practical pedagogy, which could only lead to rote learning of the text.3 There was also criticism of the lack of adequate theological treatment of certain aspects of doctrine. The bishops’ meeting in 1896 resolved to revise the catechism, but no progress was made over the next six episcopal meetings. The reason for the lack of progress appears to be that the committee couldn’t recommend a suitable alternative, progress a revised text, or mandate it for use nationally. The result was a proliferation of texts carrying imprimaturs from a variety of bishops and censors. These new texts sought to adapt to the developments in pedagogy and the social sciences. Some provided developmentally sequenced learning texts; others abandoned the question and answer technique in favor of a more narrative approach; and still others sought to use catechisms suitable to the psychological development of young people, including illustrations, pictures, and stories that engaged the imagination of the young. Unfortunately, the 1941 revision of the Baltimore Catechism involved theologians who were not in dialogue with religious educators or the developments in learning, teaching, and the social sciences, especially psychology, so their new text was more of the same but with an expanded number of questions (515). The reception of the revised catechism was similar to that accorded the original: cool and unenthusiastic. One sympathizes with the desire of the bishops for a uniform national text, but this is not feasible in a society composed of people drawn from different cultures with their own languages and traditions. The Roman Catholic Church, however, still wants to have a compendium of doctrine, and the latest effort in that direction is The Catechism of the Catholic Church (1992), which is not written in the style of the Baltimore Catechism and is addressed not to children but to the bishops and leaders of the church. 3. Mary Charles Bryce, “The Baltimore Catechism—Origin and Reception,” in Source Book for Modern Catechetics, ed. Warren, 1:140–145.

Baptism, Theology of

There is no doubt that there was value in the question and answer approach of the catechism(s), but in the contemporary world, where everything is subject to scrutiny, answers without a deeper understanding of the theological complexity of issues are no longer adequate for an adult faith. However, such an approach does have some enduring value in terms of Christian apologetics. References and Resources Bryce, Mary Charles. 1983. “The Baltimore Catechism—Origin and Reception.” In Source Book for Modern Catechetics, edited by Michael Warren, 1:140–145. Winona, MI: St. Mary’s Press. Hennessy, J. 2002. “Baltimore, Councils Of.” In New Catholic Encyclopedia, 2nd ed., 41–47. Farmington Hills, MI: Gale Publishing. Luther, Martin. 1983. Luther’s Large Catechism. Anniversary translation and introductory essay by Friedmann Hebart. Adelaide, SA: Lutheran Publishing House. ———. 1986. Luther’s Small Catechism with Explanation. St. Louis, MO: Concordia Publishing House. Marthaler, Bernard. 1997. “The Catechism of the Catholic Church in US Context.” In Source Book for Modern Catechetics, edited by Michael Warren, 2:278–286. Winona, MI: St. Mary’s Press. Sloyan, G. S. 2002. “Catechisms.” In New Catholic Encyclopedia, 2nd ed., 239–246. Farmington Hills, MI: Gale Publishing.

—Michael A. Kelly

Bangui Evangelical School of Theology The Bangui Evangelical School of Theology (BEST), known in French as Faculté de Théologie Évangélique de Bangui (FATEB), was founded in 1977 by the Association of Evangelicals in Africa to train pastoral leadership for the French-speaking African church. The residential school is located on a 12-acre campus in the capital of the Central African Republic. The 20,000 volumes and 60 periodicals make its Byang Kato Library a significant resource center for French-speaking Africa. The vision of BEST is to “see healthy African churches, rooted in the Scriptures, engaged in biblical mission and in its consequent transformation of society through the ministry of well trained leaders.” Theology and Bible translation are offered at both the bachelor’s and master’s levels, with a variety of research and leadership programs at the master’s level. Doctoral study is available in systematic theology. The women’s school offers training in the Bible along with instruction in life skills. BEST hosts an elementary school, initially started by BEST students for training their own children, but now serving more than 800 children from the community.

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More than 700 men and women from 21 Frenchspeaking nations have graduated from BEST. Graduates serve as pastors, missionaries, translators, teachers, directors of theological schools, and hospital and military chaplains. The faculty comes from countries served by BEST, enhanced by visiting professors from Europe and North America. All professors hold advanced degrees and bring practical pastoral experience to the classroom from a variety of evangelical denominations. Further information is available at http://best.fateb .net/index.html. —Steve Hardy

Baptism, Theology of The Bible and early church writings bear witness to the deep meanings and significance of baptism in antiquity. Readers of these texts should be aware of two interpretive keys in relation to baptism. First, their authors were steeped in poetic, metaphoric, and ritual/symbolic imagination. Baptismal waters could mean life, death, awe, peace, stillness, terror, power, judgment, and salvation all at once. Second, authors often layered water-related stories upon one another or used typological interpretations to discern new theological possibilities for baptism through their association. In Matthew’s account of Jesus’s baptism by John, for example, we learn that baptism is about repentance for sin (3:2, 6, 11), the coming Realm of God (3:2), and more. Three significant ingredients in this baptismal story—water, Spirit, voice of God (3:16–17)—hearken back to the opening verses of Genesis 1. Matthew is subtly signaling a link between God’s original act of creation and the baptismal “new creation” in Jesus. Strengthening this link, the Spirit’s descent “like a dove” (3:16) evokes memories of the dove’s return to Noah on the ark with the olive branch, “evidence of creation renewed.”4 This implicit reference to the Creation and Noah stories also connects baptism with God’s covenant-making. Jesus’s identity, and therefore the identities of His followers, is also revealed through baptism. Not only do we learn of Jesus’s relationship to Spirit in this account, we discover that He is the “Son” with whom the voice from heaven is “well pleased” (3:16–17). This pronouncement condenses and combines two verses from the Old Testament: one from a psalm of royal anointing (Ps. 2:7) and the other from a servant song (Isa. 42:1). That the messiah (king) shall be “suffering servant” confounded the messianic 4. Lawrence Stookey, Baptism: Christ’s Act in the Church (Nashville, TN: Abingdon, 1982), ch. 5.

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expectations of the day. It also anticipates Jesus’s cruciform question to his disciples: “Are you able . . . to be baptized with the baptism that I am baptized with?” (Mark 10:38). The same Spirit that empowers Jesus at his baptismal commissioning for ministry now drives Him to the wilderness to do battle over the shape of that ministry. Disciples, too, Mathew implies, must count the blessings and costs of their own baptismal identification with Jesus and of the ministries carried out in His name. John’s Gospel does not mention Jesus’s baptism but is nonetheless infused with baptismal theology. John links baptism with new birth and Spirit empowerment (3:1–7). By contrast, Paul views baptism as entry into the life, death, and resurrection of Jesus (Rom. 6). For Paul the baptized do not merely imitate Jesus’s crucifixion and resurrection through their baptisms; they are incorporated into Christ’s paschal mystery. Elsewhere in the Pauline Epistles those baptized (“in Christ” is code for this) are made members of Christ’s Body, the church, where sharing their spiritual gifts is essential to the health of the community (Rom. 12:4–8; 1 Cor. 12), past markers of social status are relativized (Gal. 3:26–30), and they are called to share in Jesus’s “ministry of reconciliation” (2 Cor. 5:17–20). Baptism in the pre-Nicene church was marked by both ritual elaboration around the water bath and theological consolidation. In the Christian East, where the paradigm for baptism was Jesus’s baptism by John and thus associated with Spirit birth and incorporation into messianic identity, anointing with oil appeared prominently.5 Submersion or immersion in water remained primary in the Roman West (though anointing was practiced as well), where the primacy of the bath heightened baptism’s association with entry into Christ’s paschal mystery.6 Ultimately, many Christian communities adopted a “both and” view of baptism that brought these two paradigms together. By the mid-fourth century, baptismal initiation had become an interwoven ecology of rites carried out over months or years. It often included the following: • The catechumenate: a period of preparation that included cleansings, exorcisms, vigils, scrutiny, and more, all intensified during a formalized Lenten season. • Baptismal rites: some variation of creedal recitations, water bath, anointing, laying on of hands, and first Eucharist, often staged at Easter Vigil or Pentecost. 5. Maxwell Johnson, The Rites of Christian Initiation, rev. and exp. ed. (Collegeville, MN: Liturgical Press, 2007), 49–55. 6. Ibid., 112.

• Mystagogy: reflection or teaching upon the initiation experience, perhaps with a vocational emphasis. By the fifth century, however, this disciplined baptismal formation into salvation that had seemed necessary for a persecuted missional church proved too demanding for the religion of empire. The ecology fell apart. Emblematic of its decline, baptismal fonts shrank from large pools to smaller basins. Christian educators should bear in mind three insights with respect to early baptismal theology and practice. First, as imagined through the scriptures and early tradition described above, baptism carried within it a polyphony of meanings. The result, as Aiden Kavanagh observes so eloquently, was the recognition that the baptismal waters flow like a “fugal theme” through salvation history, ritual practice, and church theology.7 Second, knowing and doing were embedded in one another; hence performing ritual symbols was self-evidently a necessary dimension of formation into Christian life. Third, the ritual practices of baptism were perceived to be zones for both divine action toward human transformation and graced human response. Educators must decide whether these insights are anachronisms of a distant past or exceedingly relevant to their current ministerial tasks. —Fred P. Edie

Baptist Curricular Outcomes From their beginnings in the 17th century, Baptists have maintained a variety of formal and informal approaches to Christian education curricula. Christian education served to promote evangelism by setting out the process of salvation; it also provided church members with basic information about the nature of Christian discipleship and the basics of Christian/Baptist identity. Early instructional data were passed on through confessions of faith that said what Baptists believed; church covenants that set forth their commitments to God and one another; and “rules of decorum” that delineated how churches would conduct business. Churches looked to pastors as teachers who instructed the faithful in sermons, doctrine, and biblical studies. Many Baptist ministers published books of sermons and theological reflection for use by the membership. Some ministers wrote catechism books for teaching children and new converts the rubrics of the faith. “Associations” of Baptist churches often produced “Circular Letters” that were sent to member congrega7. Aidan Kavanagh, The Shape of Baptism: The Rite of Christian Initiation (Collegeville, MN: Liturgical Press, 1991), 31 .

Barth, Karl

tions, dealing with specific questions of doctrine and polity. Members could add comments and questions for extended dialogue. By the 19th century, as Baptists began to send out missionaries at home and abroad, they developed strategies for presenting the gospel that involved translating scripture into native languages, printing scripture for use by native peoples, and establishing schools for the instruction of indigenous children. As Baptist denominations took shape in the 18th and 19th centuries, more formal efforts at developing curriculum got under way. Denominational publishing houses and tract societies became major sources of curriculum for clergy and laity, churches, and Baptist-related schools. As Sunday schools became a venue for providing basic biblical instruction, denominational publishing and educational societies began to make curriculum available to churches. Many followed the common curriculum of the Sunday School Union or the International Sunday School series utilized by numerous Protestant denominations. By the 20th century, many Baptists were using “graded curriculum” developed for various age groups from children to adults. The strong commitment to providing basic biblical studies served to inculcate significant knowledge of the Bible for generations of Baptists. Mission studies were aimed at energizing church members in the knowledge and support of missionary and evangelistic endeavors. In the 19th and 20th centuries, many Baptist congregations formed women’s missionary unions or laymen’s mission movements to raise financial support for missionary programs. Children’s programs such as summer vacation Bible schools served as conduits for evangelizing and instructing children in biblical content and Christian values. As Baptist-related colleges, universities, and seminaries were founded in the 19th and 20th centuries, professors became important resources for writing denominational curriculum. By the 20th century, churches affiliated with a variety of Baptist denominations began hiring staff members, who had primary responsibility for Christian education in the congregation. Baptist schools ultimately created courses in Christian education. This was particularly evident in institutions affiliated with the Southern Baptist Convention, the American Baptist Churches, USA, the General Conference Baptists, and the National Baptist Convention, Incorporated. Not all Baptist groups approved of these more intentional approaches to educational curriculum. Primitive Baptists, for example, issued the Black Rock Address in 1832, denouncing Sunday schools, theological seminaries, revivals, and mission efforts as outside the purview of New Testament churches, which were called to proclaim the Gospel and rely on God to awaken sinners. Instruction was necessary, but only as a ministry of local

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churches. Independent Baptists also rejected denominational organizations and boards, often insisting that the scriptures be studied without the aid of denominationally produced curricular materials. By the 21st century, as Baptist denominations lost influence and funding from congregations, and as Sunday school attendance plummeted in many churches, many Baptists sought new curricular methods, including online resources, PowerPoint presentations of sermons and lectures, and other forms of technology. Churches that once utilized denominational publications have learned to “shop the web” for multiple age-specific resources or to publish their own materials. References and Resources Baker, Robert A. 1954. The Story of the Sunday School Board. Nashville, TN: Convention Press. Leonard, Bill J. 2003. Baptist Ways: A History. Valley Forge, PA: Judson Press. Maring, Norman H., and Winthrop S. Hudson. 1991. A Baptist Manual of Polity and Practice. rev. ed. Valley Forge, PA: Judson Press, 1991.

—Bill J. Leonard

Barth, Karl Karl Barth (1886–1968) was born in Basel, Switzerland. This Swiss-German pastor and professor is widely recognized as one of the most significant modern theologians, whose influence in church, theology, and social ethics continues to be paramount. The education Barth received in Bern, Berlin, Tubingen, and Marburg was primarily in the tradition of Protestant liberalism, which was still at its height in early 20th-century Germany. While serving as a pastor (1911–1921), Barth became increasingly disillusioned by not only the bourgeois religious ethos of his teachers, but also their unwavering support for and submission to the nation’s ideology of war and the ensuing World War I. Eventually Barth denounced the foundations and trajectory of German Protestant liberalism and its entire system of theological exegesis, ethics, dogmatics, and preaching. Instead, he returned to scripture, especially studying and publishing a commentary on the book of Romans. With the publication of his Romans commentary, Barth’s prominence grew, resulting in a teaching career at the universities of Gottingen, Munster, and Bonn in Germany until 1935, and then at the University of Basel until his retirement in 1962. After being expelled from Germany for his resistance to the Third Reich and his major role in the writing of the Barmen Declaration of 1934, Barth continued to be the

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intellectual leader of the German Confessing Church. Among his enormous corpus of books, sermons, and essays, the multivolume Church Dogmatics (nearly 10,000 pages) distinguishes itself as Barth’s magnum opus. In this unfinished work, Barth painstakingly rehearses the doctrines of the Word of God, the Trinity, the incarnation, and the humanity of God. For Barth, the freedom of God was God Himself; thus no ideology, no pious postulate, and especially no theological concept should or could ever serve as prior knowledge toward understanding God. The genius of his theological method was that there was and ought to be none, in that God is who He is. He speaks for Himself. He reveals Himself. Thus, any anthropological abstraction or philosophical treatment of God contradicts the character of revelation as God’s grace. Speaking of the study of scripture, Barth insisted that Christians must not fall into the trap of trying to master the text, but allow the God of scripture to master them and claim their entire being. Yet the God of scripture, for Barth, does not derive from or appeal to isolated proof-texts, but rather from an understanding of the Gospel as a whole—that is, focused on God’s self-disclosure in Jesus Christ, which then becomes the prolegomenon for Barth’s theological reflections. Thus, the preliminary question should not be an epistemological or apologetic one, such as “How do we know God?” but an existential or ethical one, such as “Who is this God who effects knowledge of himself?” Theology, then, has a regulative function as it seeks to critically appropriate and access the church’s obedience to God’s own Word of self-communication. In this way, faith is described as an act of human decision corresponding to the act of divine decision. In Barth’s theology, the act of divine decision is closely aligned with divine election. Radically reshaping the Reformed theological notion of double predestination, Barth asserts that Jesus Christ is both electing and elected, where the former is God’s self-election and the latter God’s election of humanity, both actual in Jesus Christ. On this point, many have accused Barth as a universalist. However, Barth is clear about the enormity of sin and its consequences. For Barth, if to be human is to be united to Christ, then sin cannot be constitutive of human being, because it is a contradiction of what it means to be human. Sin then is an impossible possibility in which human beings decisively act against or contrary to the act of divine decision, thus choosing not to live by faith. Conversely, those who respond affirmatively to divine election by faith are those who acknowledge God’s covenant: the ordered mutuality of God and humanity in which God elects a people to have their being in obedient consent to their election. Because the divine covenant means “God with us,” it also means “we with God.”

On the one hand, this situates his redemptive history in a common history, and on the other hand, it situates God’s people in what Barth called the “strange new world within the Bible.” The church, then, is characterized as a community whose task is not that of making effective Jesus’s reality but of attesting to its inherent effectiveness. Barth is quick to point out that the divine imperative, God’s command, is ultimately rooted in the divine indicative, Jesus’s reality. Christian vocation, then, is to joyfully testify to Jesus’s reality and its inherent effectiveness by following divine imperative. Divine imperative is not merely a command, however, but is actually God’s permission—the granting of a very definite freedom—through which Christians can experience a genuine sense of integrity and find identity in Jesus’s reality. Barth’s contribution to religious education is primarily to the subsequent generations of practical theologians whose aim was to recover the nature and function of the church’s educational ministry. They were reacting against the paradigmatic influence of the foundational approach to scripture and to universal human experience in various social science disciplines. Ray Anderson (2001) underscores his indebtedness to Barth’s insistence on the dynamic interrelation between theory and praxis in his approach to practical theology. The understanding of Jesus Christ being the true witness of God—servant of God and Lord of humanity—can be understood only as a theory that has its origin and goal in praxis. The task of theology for Barth, then, is to clarify the presuppositions of church praxis, which is the grateful Christian response to God’s gracious election of God’s people. References and Resources Anderson, Ray. 2001. The Shape of Practical Theology. Downers Grove: IVP. Barth, Karl. (1932–1967) 2010. Church Dogmatics. Edited by G. W. Bromiley and T. F. Torrance. Translated by A. T. Mackay and T. H. L. Parker. Edinburgh: T&T Clark. Volume I.1 & 2: The Doctrine of the Word of God, Parts 1 & 2. Volume II.1 & 2: The Doctrine of God, Parts 1 & 2. Volume III.1, 2, 3 & 4: The Doctrine of Creation, Parts 1, 2, 3 & 4. Volume IV.1, 2, 3.1, 3.2 & 4: The Doctrine of Reconciliation, Parts 1, 2, 3 First Half, 3 Second Half & 4. Busch, Eberhard. 2004. The Great Passion: An Introduction to Karl Barth’s Theology. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. Webster, John. 2000a. Barth. New York: Continuum. ———. 2000b. The Cambridge Companion to Karl Barth. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.

—S. Steve Kang

Basil the Great

Basil the Great Basil the Great was born toward the end of AD 329 at Caesarea, the capital of Cappadocia, to a wealthy Christian family. His father, Basil, son of St. Macrina the Elder, was a renowned teacher of rhetoric, and his mother, St. Emilia, was the daughter of a martyr. She gave birth to 10 children, three of whom became bishops: St. Basil, St. Gregory of Nyssa, and St. Peter of Sebaste. Basil’s brother Naucratios became a monk and a saint. Macrina the Younger was famous for her ascetic lifestyle. Basil was educated first at Caesarea, then in Constantinople. From AD 352 to 356, he studied chiefly under the Sophists Himerius and Prohaeresius, in Athens, where he became friends with Gregory of Nazianzus. His time in Athens gave Basil the opportunity to encounter and build a bond with a fellow student, Julian, the nephew of the emperor Constantius. The future emperor developed a warm attachment for the young Cappadocian, with whom—as the latter remembered when their relations had so sadly changed—he not only studied best patterns of literature, but also meticulously analyzed the sacred scriptures. Basil’s Athenian reputation had preceded him, and he was received with much honor by the people of Caesarea, where he consented to settle as a rhetorics teacher. He practiced the profession of a rhetorician with great celebrity for a considerable period, but the warnings and counsels of Macrina guarded him from the seductions of the world and eventually induced him to abandon it altogether and devote himself to a religious life. Around AD 358, Basil was baptized and began leading a hermit’s life in Egypt, Palestine, Syria, and Mesopotamia; after returning to Cappadocia, he gave his wealth away and settled in the hermitage over the river Iris. Later he was joined by other monks and set up a monastic community, founding a monastery and a school for young people, in which the program combined Christian reflection with the integral humanist culture. Throughout Pontus and Cappadocia, Basil was the catalyst for the erection of numerous hospitals for the poor, houses of refuge for virgins, orphanages, and other homes of beneficence. His monasteries welcomed as their inmates children he had taken charge of, married persons who had mutually agreed to live asunder, slaves with the consent of their masters, and solitaries convinced of the danger of living alone. In 364 Basil was ordained a priest and became an advisor of the bishop Eusebius of Caesarea, succeeding him after his death in AD 370. Basil died on 1 January 379. He was an adamant fighter against Arianism, strove for the unity of the church, and is considered the founder of Eastern monasticism. Basil’s main works are Hexaemeron—Nine Homilies on the Six Days’ Work of Creation, the most celebrated; the 55 Greater Monastic Rules (taking the form of Basil’s

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answers to questions from his monks), with a proem; and the 313 Lesser Rules, in the same form. Among his writings on education is Exhortation to Youths as to How They Shall Best Profit by the Writings of Pagan Authors, containing a positive judgment of Greek classical literature. Basil, talking about bringing up children, passed on his experience as a child growing up in a large Christian family. His first instructors in the religious life were his mother and his grandmother, Macrina the Elder, who instilled in him the primary moral principle: inclination to live in God and by the Christian model of life. A number of suggestions on education are found as well in his homilies, commentaries, letters, and moral rules. According to Basil, the purpose of education is to enable the pupil to achieve the ultimate goal: eternal life after death. The immediate purpose of education is to work out in the child’s soul virtues that will facilitate his return to the original nature, uncontaminated by sin, to restore the internal balance, to eradicate sin, and to establish a permanent relationship with God. The goal of education is achieved by mortification, self-denial, and self-control (apatheia). The obligation to educate children is primarily incumbent upon parents, who should create at home an atmosphere of love to achieve the best results. Basil encourages starting children’s education as early as possible, when the child is absorbent and easy to form. To achieve the goal of education, one should turn to science, which comes from the Holy Scriptures and secular works of the classics. According to Basil, a study of the classical pagan authors can be useful as a preparatory stage to accept the truth of the Gospel. The teacher is likened to a spiritual mother, who by transferring knowledge shapes the child’s spirit in her womb. Children’s upbringing should make use of punishment, even corporal. References and Resources Fedwick, P. J., ed. 1981. Basil of Caesarea: Christian, Humanist, Ascetic. 2 vols. Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Medieval Studies. Garnett, S. 1981. “The Christian Young and the Secular World: St. Basil’s Letter on Pagan Literature.” Greek Orthodox Theological Review 26: 211–223. Hildenbrand, S. M. 2007. The Trinitarian Theology of Basil of Caesarea: A Synthesis of Greek Thought and Biblical Truth. Washington, DC: Catholic University of America. Jacks, L. V. 1922. St. Basil and Greek Literature. Washington, DC: Catholic University of America. Katz, P. B. 2007. “Educating Paula: A Proposed Curriculum for Raising a 4th-Century Christian Infant.” Hesperia Supplements 41: 115–127.

—Marcin Wysocki

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Baxter, Edna

Baxter, Edna Early Background and Education Edna May Baxter (1890–1985) was born in Nichols Township, New York, on 30 June 1890, and moved to Athens, Pennsylvania, in 1899, where she graduated from Athens General High School in 1909.8 She attended Folts Mission Institute, a Methodist Bible college in New York (1912–1915), and received degrees from Boston University (BARE 1921), Northwestern University (MARE 1923), and Garrett Theological Seminary (BD 1926). She was granted PhD candidacy at Hartford Theological Seminary in 1929. Her dissertation was accepted, “but one or two colleagues felt that awarding the doctorate to a fellow professor was somehow unprofessional and that such a degree would lack academic credibility,”9 so she was denied her PhD at that time. Baxter pursued other graduate studies at a number of institutions, including the University of Chicago (1927), Yale (1928), Columbia University (1929), and the School of Drama and Speech in London, England (1937). She later received a master of divinity from Garrett Theological Seminary (1972) and was posthumously awarded a doctorate of divinity from Hartford Seminary in 2010.10 Significant Contributions to Christian Education Baxter devoted her life to teaching children. She attended the Methodist Episcopal Church as a child and took seriously her minister’s challenge to Christian service. She began leading youth ministry in her church and studying to be a teacher while in high school, and received her teaching certificate shortly after graduation (1909). For three years she taught at a public school, and she spent her summers volunteering with Fresh Air Children, a program that brought children from inner-city New York to experience God in nature (1909–1912). She was consecrated as a deaconess in religious education in the Methodist Episcopal Church (1916) and served as youth director at Boston’s Church of All Nations until 1921. Innovative Professor Baxter taught at Hartford Theological Seminary from 1926 to 1960 and was the first full-time female professor of Christian education in the United States. She had a strong concern for the professionalization of the field of children’s religious education, raising the standard 8. Unless otherwise noted, all biographical information was drawn from Edna M. Baxter, Ventures in Serving Mankind: An Autobiography (Allison Park, PA: Pickwick Publishing, 1984). 9. “Professor Edna Baxter Awarded Posthumous Doctor of Divinity Degree,” Praxis: Hartford Seminary Newsletter (August 2010), http://www .hartsem.edu/sites/default/files/about-us/ . . . /Praxis_August_2010.pdf. 10. Ibid.

through her teaching, service on national and international boards and committees, and writing and editing of professional journals. Baxter had a holistic and studentcentered philosophy of education; her teaching was characterized by innovative teaching approaches that included drama, storytelling, games, crafts, and creative worship in her classroom and written curriculum. “I have tried to connect Church education with all areas of life, especially where human relationships were concerned. . . . To me, the Christian faith is related to all of life.”11 In 1927, Baxter founded the Knight Hall Nursery School, the first nursery school in Connecticut, to help care for children of missionaries studying at Hartford Seminary, as well as to provide a laboratory for her students to learn creative teaching techniques. She later added the Saturday School of Religion as an extension of Knight Hall, which provided ministry to the children and their parents on weekends. Knight Hall Nursery School became a nationally known model for preschool and early childhood educational methods and is still in existence today. International and Social Justice Emphases Baxter had a deep compassion for children worldwide and felt it important to travel in order to better understand different cultures and develop educational strategies for their varied contexts.12 She traveled extensively throughout her life, lecturing in many countries in Asia, Europe, the Middle East, and Australia, as well as studying archaeology, religious development, and interreligious relationships at the American School of Oriental Research in Jerusalem. She incorporated her experiences into her classroom that introduced children to social justice issues, including child labor practices and families living in poverty, through curriculum such as Children and Labor Problems13 and Living and Working in Our Country.14 She emphasized intercultural and interfaith concerns through such curriculum as Friendship Enterprise with Our Jewish Neighbors15 and developed a teachers’ guide to the Middle East.16 “She designed courses that brought together the best of biblical scholarship, archaeological research and sound educational methodology.”17 11. Helen Sheldrik, Pioneer Women Teachers of Connecticut, 1767–1970 (Hartford, CT: Alpha Kappa State, Delta Gamma Society International, 1971), 115. 12. Ibid. 13. Edna M. Baxter, Children and Labor Problems (Boston: Pilgrim Press, 1935a). 14. Edna M. Baxter, Living and Working in Our Country (Boston: Pilgrim Press, 1935c). 15. Edna M. Baxter, Friendship Enterprise with Our Jewish Neighbors (Boston: Pilgrim Press, 1935b). 16. Edna M. Baxter, Junior Teacher’s Guide in Bible Lands Today (New York: Friendship Press, 1951). 17. Boardman W. Kathan, “Edna M. Baxter,” Talbot School of Theology, http://www2.talbot.edu/ce20/educators/view.cfm?n=edna_baxter (accessed 16 March 2013).

Baxter, Richard

Baxter is credited with empowering hundreds of students at the lay and university level who went on to lead many significant ministries worldwide. She served on numerous national and international educational councils, was honored as one of the “Pioneer Women of Connecticut” by Delta Kappa Gamma Society International, and won numerous Who’s Who awards throughout her career. Hartford Seminary annually grants the Edna Baxter Award for proficiency in religious education. Most Notable Publications Baxter was a prolific writer of over 100 books, journal articles, reviews, and curriculum. Significant works include Ventures in Serving Mankind: An Autobiography,18 The Beginnings of Our Religion,19 Teaching the New Testament,20 and “The Place of Content in Christian Teaching.”21 Baxter also served many years on the editorial staff of the Journal of Bible and Religion and the Religious Education Journal. References and Resources Baxter, Edna M. 1935a. Children and Labor Problems. Boston: Pilgrim Press. ———. 1935b. Friendship Enterprise with Our Jewish Neighbors. Boston: Pilgrim Press. ———. 1935c. Living and Working in Our Country. Boston: Pilgrim Press. ———. 1951. Junior Teacher’s Guide in Bible Lands Today. New York: Friendship Press. ———. 1968. The Beginnings of Our Religion. Valley Forge, PA: Judson Press. ———. 1984. Ventures in Serving Mankind: An Autobiography. Allison Park, PA: Pickwick Publishing. Kathan, Boardman W. n.d. “Edna M. Baxter.” Talbot School of Theology. Accessed 16 March 2013. http://www2.talbot.edu/ ce20/educators/view.cfm?n=edna_baxter. Sheldrik, Helen. 1971. Pioneer Women Teachers of Connecticut, 1767–1970. Hartford, CT: Alpha Kappa State, Delta Gamma Society International.

—Brenda Snailum

Baxter, Richard Richard Baxter (12 November 1615—8 December 1691) was an English Puritan pastor, theologian, poet, hymn writer, and polemicist. He was born in Rowton, Shrop18. Baxter, Ventures in Serving. 19. Edna M. Baxter, The Beginnings of Our Religion (Valley Forge, PA: Judson Press, 1968). 20. Edna M. Baxter, Teaching the New Testament (Philadelphia: United Church Press, 1960). 21. Edna M. Baxter, “The Place of Content in Christian Teaching,” Religious Education 47, no. 5 (1952): 347–352.

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shire, the only son of Beatrice Adeney and Richard Baxter Sr. Due to his father’s gambling addiction and debts and his mother’s poor health, Richard lived with his maternal grandparents until he was 10 years old. When his father was converted through “the bare reading of the Scriptures in private,” Richard returned to his parents’ home (Autobiography, 4). Richard admitted that God made his father “the instrument of my first convictions, and approbation of a holy life” (Autobiography, 4). After an earthquake in 1626, Richard’s father commanded him to read the “historical part of the Scripture” (Autobiography, 5). It was at this time that Richard acquired his great love for the Bible. From 1629 to 1632, he attended the Wroxeter grammar school and demonstrated intellectual promise. In 1633 he went to London, where he acquired Puritan, or Nonconformist, sympathies. He returned home in 1634 to care for his sick mother, who died in May 1635, and spent the next four years privately studying theology. In 1638, he became master of the free grammar school at Dudley and was ordained an Anglican deacon. In 1641, he was elected minister of Kidderminster. Only two years later, he was forced to flee to Coventry due to local unrest preceding the civil wars. He began service as a chaplain in the Parliamentary Army in 1645, and in 1647 he returned to Kidderminster after recovering from an illness that ended his army chaplain career. At Kidderminster, Baxter focused his main efforts on writing, and he considered preaching and preparing for it to be his recreation (Autobiography, 78). During this time, Baxter also set aside two days a week for catechizing families. In The Reformed Pastor (1974), Baxter outlines his motives and methods for catechizing. There he describes catechizing as “a most hopeful means of the conversion of souls; for it unites those great things which most further such an end.” As for the matter, catechesis should include “the most necessary things, the principles or essentials of the Christian faith.” He did this, with the help of an assistant, in private conferences with families. He and his assistant met with 14 families every week. The family members would first recite the Westminster Catechism. Baxter would then provide explanations. Next, he would inquire “modestly into the state of their souls,” and then exhort them. Each meeting took about an hour (Baxter 1696, 1.II, 41). He believed these private meetings were a marvelous help to the propagating of godliness among the families: “for thereby truth that slipped away were recalled, and the seriousness of the peoples minds were renewed; and good desires cherished; and hereby their knowledge was much increased; and here the younger sort learned to pray, by frequent hearing others . . . I was usually present

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Baylor University

with them, answering their doubts, and silencing objections, and moderating them in all.” Family catechizing and writing consumed the bulk of his time. His successive assistants made his pastoral work easier, helping him in catechizing and relieving him of other duties (Nuttall 1965, 62–63). In 1660, Baxter was elected chaplain to Charles II and was forced to give up his position at Kidderminster. In the same year, he was offered a bishopric by Lord Chancellor Edward Hyde but declined. In 1661, he served as a member of a royal commission to advise upon and review the Book of Common Prayer. In 1662, he married Margaret Charlton, and in 1669 he was arrested under the Five Mile Act of 1665, an act of Parliament that sought to enforce conformity to the established Church of England and to expel any who did not conform, forbidding clergymen from living within five miles of the parish from which they had been expelled. Until his death in 1691, he lived a quiet life, in which he spent most of his time writing. He wrote more than 140 books, and Dean Arthur Stanley (1815—1881) has called him “the chief of English Protestant Schoolmen.” He was a leading writer in his own day and a pioneer in Protestant catechesis. References and Resources Baxter, Richard. 1696. Reliquiae Baxterianae. Edited by M. Sylvester. London. ———. 1825. A Call to the Unconverted to Turn and Live. New York: American Tract Society. ———. 1928. The Saints Everlasting Rest. London: Old Royalty Publishers. ———. 1974. The Reformed Pastor. Edinburgh: Banner of Truth Trust. ———. 2008. A Christian Directory. Grand Rapids, MI: Soli Deo Gloria Publications. Beeke, Joel, and Randall J. Pederson. 2007. Meet the Puritans: With a Guide to Modern Reprints. Grand Rapids, MI: Reformation Heritage Books. Black, William J. 2004. Reformation Pastors: Richard Baxter and the Ideal of the Reformed Pastor. Carlisle, PA: Paternoster Press. Copper, Tim. 2001. Fear and Polemic in Seventeenth-Century England: Richard Baxter and Antinomianism. Burlington, VT: Ashgate. Keeble, N. H. 1974. The Autobiography of Richard Baxter. Abridged and edited by J. M. Lloyd Thomas. Introduction by N. H. Keeble. London: England: J. M. Dent & Sons Ltd. ———. 1982. Richard Baxter: Puritan Man of Letters. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Ladell, A. R. 1925. Richard Baxter: Puritan and Mystic. London: S.P.C.K. Nuttall, Geoffrey F. 1965. Richard Baxter. London: Thomas Nelson and Sons.

Packer, J. I. 2003. The Redemption and Restoration of Man in the Thought of Richard Baxter. Carlisle, PA: Paternoster Press. Schlatter, Richard. 1957. Richard Baxter and Puritan Politics. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press.

—Kevin P. Emmert

Baylor University Baylor University is a private Christian university with historic ties to the Baptist General Convention of Texas in Waco. Baylor reported an enrollment of about 16,000 students in 2012, with approximately 12,575 students enrolled in undergraduate programs and another 2,620 enrolled in graduate programs. The university is a member of the Big 12 athletic conference. Historical Overview Baylor was founded in 1845 at Independence, Texas, by Baptist leaders who wanted to train young people for Christian service. It was named for Texas circuit court judge R. E. B. Baylor, one of the leaders who suggested its founding. The school was split into male and female institutes in 1851. The female institute would later become the foundation for the creation of the University of Mary-Hardin Baylor in Belton, Texas. Baylor’s campus was moved to Waco in 1885 and combined with Waco University. The school became coeducational again in 1887. In 1903, Baylor acquired a medical school in Dallas, which became the Baylor College of Medicine. It was eventually moved to Houston and became an independent entity in 1969, while still maintaining close ties with Baylor University. Baylor continued to select a small percentage of the Baylor College of Medicine’s governing board. Baylor University was granted accreditation by the Southern Association of Colleges and Schools in 1914. The university enjoyed a close working relationship with the Baptist General Convention of Texas for the first century of its existence. Until 1991, a majority of its trustees were appointed by the Baptist General Convention. President Herbert Reynolds moved to make Baylor’s board of trustees more autonomous in 1991 because of concerns about theological conflicts between moderates and conservatives in the Southern Baptist Convention, which had caused problems at other Baptists institutions. Reynolds led the Baylor board to create a self-perpetuating board of regents, which provided for the appointment of 75 percent of the regents by the board, while 25 percent continued to come from the Baptist General Convention. This structure enabled the university to maintain its relationship to the Baptist General Convention while also protecting the autonomy and academic freedom of the university.

Behavior Management

Baylor launched an ambitious plan in 2000 to become a major research university, in addition to maintaining an excellent undergraduate program. This plan, known as Baylor 2012, was conceived under the leadership of President Robert Sloan and adopted by the campus community. It sparked a great deal of opposition from some faculty and alumni, who felt that the historic emphasis of the school on undergraduate education was being undermined by the emphasis on hiring persons with research agendas rather than strong commitment to the classroom. Baylor’s visibility as a Christian research institution rose over the next decade, and the undergraduate program continued to expand. A number of research institutes, such as the Baylor Institute for the Study of Religion and the Baylor Institute for Faith and Learning, were established as a result of initiatives supported by Baylor 2012. The implementation of Baylor 2012 continued under the presidency of Dr. John Lilly, who succeeded Robert Sloan in 2005. Baylor’s board of regents recently adopted a new vision for Baylor’s future expansion, called Pro Futura or Baylor 2020. This vision statement calls for the further expansion of Baylor’s undergraduate and graduate offerings while also including plans for major campus expansion. The crafting and presentation of Pro Futura was initiated by current Baylor president Dr. Kenneth Starr. Significant Programs Baylor University boasts several programs that have earned national distinction. Several of its graduate programs are nationally ranked. Among Baylor’s nationally ranked programs is the Baylor School of Law, which also has excelled in debating competition. Baylor’s Hankamer School of Business and graduate program in social work have also achieved national ranking. Graduate programs in the sciences and education were among the top 100 graduate programs in their respective fields. The university has successfully launched a number of research institutes. These include the previously mentioned Institute for the Study of Religion and Institute for Faith and Learning. The J. M. Dawson Institute of Church State Studies supports the study of the interactions between religions and the public sphere around the world. The Department of Religion at Baylor has launched a number of initiatives intended to explore the Baptist heritage of Baylor, including a project to explore Baptist approaches to biblical interpretation. Philosophy of Education Baylor’s official motto is Pro Ecclessia Pro Texana (“For church, for Texas”). The motto emphasizes the university’s goal to train effective leaders to serve both the Christian church and the public sphere. A great deal of emphasis has been placed on the integration of Christian

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faith and learning at Baylor, particularly since the adoption of Baylor 2012 in 2000. Baylor seeks to be a leader in innovative research done from a faith perspective. The teaching philosophy of the institution corresponds to its research goals by seeking to significantly explore the essential questions of human existence from a faith perspective within the expertise of each discipline. Professors at Baylor are encouraged to relate their teaching and scholarship to their faith in a substantial way. Students are encouraged to explore questions of faith in every discipline. Baylor embraces an integral model of Christian education wherein rigorous pursuit of intellectual and professional excellence is ideally coupled with a genuine and committed faith. These philosophical and theological commitments guide the curriculum and mission of the university. References and Resources Baylor University. n.d. Home page. Accessed 29 March 2013. www.baylor.edu. Hankins, Barry G., and Donald D. Schmeltikopf, eds. 2007. The Baylor Project: Taking Higher Education to the Next Level. South Bend, IN: St. Augustine’s Press. Schmeltikopf, Donald D., Diana Vitanza, and Bradley Toben, eds. 2003. The Baptist and Christian Character of Baylor. Waco, TX: Baylor University Press. Smith-Murray, Lois. 1972. Baylor at Independence 1845–1886. Waco, TX: Baylor University Press.

—Scott Culpepper

Behavior Management Introduction In a recent poll, 34 percent of teachers agreed or strongly agreed that student misbehavior interfered with their teaching. Student verbal abuse of teachers had increased 12 percent and nonverbal disrespect as much as 18 percent (U.S. Department of Education 2010). The problem is not as severe in Christian education settings, but classroom behavior is a concern in this setting as well (Demuth and Demuth 1995; Kennedy 2012). One answer to such challenges is better behavior management. Definitions Behavior management relates to how the classroom routines are structured to foster organization and smooth transitions from place and activities. There is usually a system of rules, rewards, and negative consequences for following or breaking the rules (Selig and Arroyo 1996). Zirpoli defines behavior management as “understanding why individuals behave the way they do and how behavior may be taught, changed, or modified” (2012, 3).

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Approaches and Schools of Thought There are several schools of thought and approaches concerning behavior management. One approach comes from the work of B. F. Skinner (1948) and the field of applied behavior analysis, also known as behaviorism. Behaviorism is the belief that an individual is controlled almost exclusively by his or her environment. This school of thought maintains that people must be taught and managed through rewarding positive behavior and applying negative consequences for undesirable behavior, as defined by those who manage the environment. Another common school of thought is humanism, in which the focus is on the emotions, attitudes, values, and choices of individual students (Yount 2010). Proponents of a humanistic approach are John Dewey (1916), and Carl Rogers (1982). The underlying principle is that humans, including children, have the innate ability to make the right decisions if given freedom to experiment and explore their environment with a minimum of adult supervision and imposed restraints. Christians have successfully used both behavioral and humanistic techniques, as well as other approaches, under various circumstances when applied to the right person, at the right time, and for the right reasons. Christian Perspective While behavioristic approaches to behavior management emphasize control over the individual’s environment, and humanistic approaches emphasize individuals’ control of themselves, biblical Christian approaches focus on the goal of behavior management: teaching people to be mature. The words disciple and discipline come from the same root word, which means to teach. Secular society has put discipline in a negative context, but to discipline or “ train up a child in the way he should go” (Prov. 22:6) will tend to have the result of the child making the right choices in life once he or she becomes an adult. The Bible, when read in its totality, strikes a balance between an authoritarian style for adults involved in education, which behaviorism seems to suggest, and a permissive style leaving individuals to their own devices, which humanistic approaches tend to fall into. The operative term from a Christian perspective is “love.” We are admonished: “Be patient, bearing with one another in love” (Eph. 4:2). A balanced, authoritative approach is needed wherein the adults guide the child through the maturation process, which begins with tight control by authority figures and ends with self-regulation. Sometimes more intrusive adult-administered behavior management strategies are needed, such as the administration of rules, rewards, and negative consequences. At other times, depending on the student’s maturity, less intrusive

techniques like walking around the room and using nonverbal cues are all that is needed to manage behavior. As children mature, they become more self-managed and controlled if adults prayerfully use the best behavior management approach for individuals and groups. Selig and Arroyo (1989, 1996) recommend that Christians utilize an array of behavior management techniques, depending on the individual child’s needs and level of development. Following are guidelines for behavior management based on research and biblical principles: 1. Make sure the individual or class knows the rules and consequences and is able to perform the desired behaviors. 2. Act quickly to stop misbehavior, but do so without anger or harshness. 3. Use the least intrusive method that is likely to work. For example, if a child talks out of turn, a simple redirection to an appropriate activity may be all he or she needs to return to a productive activity. Then if the behavior continues, more intrusive strategies such as removing the child temporarily from the classroom or consultation with the parents may be necessary. 4. Make redemption and restoration your goals in behavior management, as opposed to control and punishment being the main aims. 5. If correction is needed for student misbehavior, the episode should conclude with the teaching of the correct behavior. One approach is to solicit answers from the student, either orally or in writing, to the following questions: What did you do? Why was it a problem? What should you do the next time the same situation arises? 6. End the corrective episodes in prayer when the student is receptive. References and Resources Demuth, D. M., and C. M. Demuth. 1995. Christian Schools: How to Get a School Going and Keep It Going. Tulsa, OK: DEL Publications. Dewey, J. 1916. Democracy and Education. New York: Free Press. Kauffman, J. M., P. L. Pullen, M. P. Mostert, and S. C. Trent. 2011. Managing Classroom Behavior: A Reflective Case Approach. Boston: Pearson. Kennedy, S. 2012. “Sunday School Classroom Behavior Management Choices.” 10 December. http://www.ehow.com/ info_7855102_sunday-classroom-behavior-management -choices.html#ixzz2GI5AtWOZ. Rogers, C. 1982. A Personal Approach to Teaching: Beliefs That Make a Difference. Boston: Allyn & Bacon.

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Selig, W. G., and A. A. Arroyo. 1989. Loving Our differences: Building Successful Family Relationships. Virginia Beach, VA: CBN Publishing. ———. 1996. Handbook of Individualized Strategies for Classroom Discipline. Los Angeles: Western Psychological Services. Skinner, B. F. 1948. Walden Two. New York: Macmillan. U.S. Department of Education. 2010. National Center for Educational Statistics, Indicators of School Crime and Safety. http://eric.ed.gov/?id=ED512901. Yount, W. R. 2010. Created to Learn: A Christian Teacher’s Introduction to Educational Psychology. Nashville, TN: B & H Publishing Group. Zirpoli, T. J. 2012. Behavior Management: Positive Applications for Teachers. Boston: Pearson.

—Alan A. Arroyo and W. George Selig

Behaviorism Secular behaviorism is a branch of the discipline of psychology that states that human behavior, like that of animals, is influenced by the environment, mainly through systems of stimuli and responses (Berger 2009). John B. Watson (Behavorism, W.W. Norton, 1970) described behaviorism as a response to mentalism or psychoanalytical theory, which sought to explain human behavior through an examination of thoughts, memories, and psychological crises. Instead, behaviorism is concerned with defining humans—and animals—by virtue of their outward actions or responses. Two subcategories of behaviorism include Ivan Pavlov’s classical conditioning and B. F. Skinner’s operant conditioning. Classical Conditioning Classical conditioning occurs, according to Ivan Pavlov (1849–1936), when a formerly neutral stimulus is associated with an unconditioned stimulus to become a conditioned stimulus. This conditioned stimulus, then, results in the same or similar response that the unconditioned stimulus evoked. Pavlov’s example with dogs epitomizes this theory. A ringing bell is the identified neutral stimulus, which does not cause any response in the dog, until it is paired with the unconditioned stimulus of food, which causes the response of salivation. Now, instead of being neutral, the ringing bell has been conditioned to evoke the salivation response in the same manner as the food. Pavlov claimed that this conditioning occurs not only with dogs but also with all animals, including people, with the response being involuntary and emotional and/ or physiological in nature. For example, an individual who feels fear of being near large bodies of water may

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have been classically conditioned by a previous negative experience in a large body of water. Now, the previous neutral stimulus of water causes the same physiological/ emotional response of fear that the original, unconditioned, negative incident did. Operant Conditioning The subcategory operant conditioning is attributed to B.F. Skinner, who developed his theory while at Harvard, reading works by Watson and Pavlov. Operant conditioning is similar to classical conditioning, in that they both posit that human nature is conditioned by the environmental context, and that there is a stimulus-response association that causes the conditioning. However, operant conditioning involves a choice, which is the response and which precedes the stimulus. According to Skinner, humans choose to engage in behaviors that are reinforced, or rewarded, and that move the animal toward greater likelihood of survival and/or pleasure, and choose to avoid behaviors that are punished, or harmful to the survival and/or pleasure of the animal. For example, a reason that students submit homework assignments in a timely fashion (the response) might be that they believe they will receive a higher grade or teacher praise (reinforcement) or that they will avoid point deductions or parents’ or teachers’ disapproval or disappointment (punisher). Skinner also identified more specifically types of reinforcers (positive/negative) and punishers (presentation/removal) depending upon whether something is being added or subtracted from the environment. He also identified schedules of reinforcers for individuals to use who hoped to condition others to behave in specific ways that were dependent on either time (intervals) or behavior (ratio). However, it should be noted that reinforcers and punishers are defined, not by the addition to or subtraction from the environment, but by the resultant behavior of the animal. Those elements that increase the likelihood that a behavior will recur are defined as reinforcers, and those elements that decrease the likelihood that a behavior will recur are defined as punishers. Skinner claimed that the only difference between a thief and a lawyer was the environmental conditions, or systems of reinforcers and punishers, used to condition their behavioral choices and resultant human nature. Christian Perspective Early Christian response to behaviorism was on the whole strong and negative (Berman 1927; King 1930; Wicklam 1928).22 The main concerns have been the ap22. For a survey of responses to behaviorism in early religious literature, see Huckaby (1975), which articulates the lack of or negative early pastoral and Christian education responses to the behavioral sciences.

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parent disregard that behaviorism has for the dignity of human persons and the claim that human nature and behavior is solely a result of the environmental contexts and is aligned with the behaviors of all animals. In his text Beyond Freedom and Dignity, Skinner claimed that everything we were and became as humans was a result of the conditioning effects of the environment, either in terms of reinforcers or punishers; the Christian perspective denied this and claimed that our identity as humans was found in God’s creation, in the very likeness of the Godhead (Gen. 1:27), as well as with a specific place in the created hierarchical order (Gen. 1: 28–29). In addition to being created in the very image of God, mankind has been redeemed by the incarnate God, Jesus Christ, with the promise that we will be resurrected with Christ, receive spiritual bodies (1 Cor. 15), and reign with Christ (Rev. 20:6). The position of behaviorism, that humans are equal to animal, negates the claim of scripture. A second criticism of behaviorism is that it claims humans develop in response to environmental stimuli, not, as scripture states, in response to God’s work within us. Throughout the New Testament, we are told that God Himself offers the gift of the Spirit for those who will accept it and be filled (e.g., Luke 11:13; John 20:22; Acts 2:4). The Spirit Himself provides the power for humans to grow into Christlikeness and have communion with the Father. In the late 1970s and 1980s, behaviorism was reintroduced into the dialogue of Christian education and the Christian faith (Atkinson 1993; Bufford 1981; Evans 1977; Hasker 1983). Today, the conversation surrounding stimulus/response behavior and the existence and participation of the Christian soul has been moved from the psychological field of behaviorism into the developing psychological field of neuropsychology (Crick 1994; Green 2010; Marcus 2004). Among the questions Christian educators must ask themselves is whether they see behavioral science applied throughout scripture, such as in the rewards and punishments to the Israelites for following or not following the Lord, or the eternal reward of life everlasting for the acceptance of Jesus Christ as Lord and Savior, or the reward of the verbal praise “Well done, good and faithful servant” (Matt. 25:21). Have the secular scientists simply uncovered a small part of the way that God is at work within His creation and in leading the Imago Dei? References and Resources Atkinson, H. T. 1993. “Reinforcement in Learning: Integrating Skinner and Scripture.” Christian Education Journal 14 (1): 58–72. Berger, K. S. 2009. The Developing Person: Through Childhood and Adolescence. 9th ed. New York: Worth. Berman, L. 1927. The Religion Called Behaviorism. New York: Boni and Liveright.

Bufford, R. K. 1981. The Human Reflex: Behavioral Psychology in Biblical Perspective. San Francisco: Harper & Row. Crick, F. 1994. The Astonishing Hypothesis: The Scientific Search for the Soul. New York: Scribner. Evans, C. S. 1977. Preserving the Person: A Look at the Human Sciences. Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press. Green, J. B. 2010. In Search of the Soul: Perspectives on the Mind Body Problem. 2nd ed. Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press. Hasker, W. 1983. Metaphysics: Constructing a World View. Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press. Huckaby, P. 1975. “Survey of the Response to Behavioral Psychology in Recent Religious Literature.” Journal of Pastoral Care 29 (4): 262–270. King, W. P. 1930. Behaviorism: A Battle Line. Nashville, TN: Cokesbury. Marcus, G. F. 2004. The Birth of the Mind: How a Tiny Number of Genes Creates the Complexities of Human Thought. New York: Basic Books. Pavlov, I., W. A. H. Gantt, and G. V. Folbort. 1928–1941. Lectures on Conditioned Reflexes. New York: International Publishers. Pavlov, I. P., and G. V. Anrep. 1927. Conditioned Reflex: An Investigation of the Physiological Activity of the Cerebral Cortex. London: Oxford University Press. Skinner, B. F. 1953. Science and Human Behavior. New York: Macmillan. ———. 1969. Contingencies of Reinforcement: A Theoretical Analysis. New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts. ———. 1971. Beyond Freedom and Dignity. New York: Knopf. ———. 1974. About Behaviorism. New York: Knopf. ———. 1984. “The Operational Analysis of Psychological Terms.” Behavioral and Brain Sciences 7 (4): 547–581. Wicklam, H. 1928. The Misbehaviorists: Pseudo-Science and the Modern Temper. New York: Dial Press.

—Laura Barwegen

Belarus and Christian Education Christianity was introduced to Belarus after the Christianization of Kievan Rus’ in 988 by Byzantine Christianity. In the 16th century, the Reformed Church, Catholic Church, and Uniate Church (Byzantine-rite Catholic Church) dominated. Evangelical Christianity arrived at the end of the 19th century. Today the dominant religion is Eastern Orthodoxy. Belarusians also belong to the Roman Catholic Church; are evangelical Baptists, evangelicals, Seventh-Day Adventists, and Jehovah’s Witnesses; and practice Judaism and Islam. Theological education is provided at Minsk Theological Academy, the Saints Methodius and Cyrill Institute of Theology at Belarusian State University, the Interdi-

Belgium and Christian Education

ocesan Higher Seminary of St. Thomas Aquinas in Pinsk, the Higher Seminary in Grodno, Christ for the Nations Bible College, and Minsk Theological Seminary. The constitution protects religious freedom, but the government restricts religious freedom through other laws. In 2002, the Belarusian Parliament adopted a law about freedom of conscience and divided the religious groups into traditional (primarily Orthodoxy, Catholicism, Judaism, Islam, and evangelical Lutheranism) and untraditional (others). This limits the activities of the theological institutions of “untraditional” faith. Theological institutions are registered as religious institutions and do not have a license to officially provide an education. The government does not accredit their diplomas and gives no guarantees of employment in churches. —Leonid Mikhovich

Belgium and Christian Education Historically the tribes living between the North Sea and the river Meuse (now referred to as Belgians) were converted to Christianity by missionaries from France (Aquitain). The evangelization (de kerstening) was started by Amandus (c. 675), a missionary bishop without a fixed diocese who brought the Christian God to the pagans living on the banks of the river Scheldt. Under his supervision, two important abbeys were erected at Ghent; they played an important role in the development of agriculture and culture. A native literary tradition to promote Christianity began in the 12th century with the mystic and didactic writings of the nun Hadewijch (Antwerp) and the chaplain John of Ruusbroec (Brussels). Desiderius Erasmus of Rotterdam (1466–1536) came to Leuven, where the Catholic University (founded in 1425) taught theology. Erasmus supported a new institute separate from the university, the Collegium Trilingue (1518), dedicated to the study of three languages (Greek, Latin, and Hebrew) to permit a scientific investigation of biblical texts. His intention was to work as a humanist within the framework of the Catholic Church. Erasmus’s attempts to obtain reforms from the inside never spread widely. In the 16th century, the center of Protestantism was Antwerp because of its trade relations with Germany. In 1585, 45 percent of the population of 100,000 were Catholic, 15 percent Lutheran, 28 percent Calvinist or Anabaptist, and 12 percent unknown. Edicts against the Lutherans appeared in 1520. Charles V limited the freedom of printing, burned heretical books, and censored school curricula. Anyone settling in the Low Countries was expected to have a certificate of good Catholicism. In 1626, there were 1,574 Jesuits (2,962 in Spain) in the Low Countries; they established secondary schools

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for boys from the nobility and upper-class families. This congregation focused on publishing and popularizing the catechism. Every parish had its schools, and teachers had to be examined about their religious convictions. Sunday school was compulsory. One of the practical effects of the Napoleonic Concordat (1801) was the recognition of the Roman Catholic religion. Cardinal Caprara, the papal legate, approved of the Imperial Catechism for use in all churches; however, only the dioceses of Mechelen and Gent (1807) adopted it. This gradually opened the way for state subsidies for other “recognized religions” in the second half of the 20th century. At present the Catholic, Anglican, Protestant, and (Greek) Orthodox churches; the Jewish community; the humanist movement; and the Muslim community are subsidized at the federal, regional, and municipal levels. The government pays for the construction, renovation, and upkeep of religious buildings. It supports religious broadcasts and schools and pays the salaries of the teachers provided by the recognized religions. The extent of church intervention in education split Belgian politics from the middle of the 19th century through 1959, when it was settled. Until then the sacraments had been refused to teachers in state schools and to parents who sent their children there. Many parish schools were founded, supported by the funds of the faithful. Each municipal borough was allowed to organize its own primary school, and teachers no longer needed a state diploma, which again allowed the church to draw on its large reserves of manpower. Each borough could decide on religious education, and if 20 fathers asked for an alternative, it had to be provided. In Flanders, church schools were immediately restarted by the boroughs. The big increase of grammar school pupils after 1944 caused a “school war.” State schools received higher subsidies than church schools. In 1954, the government dismissed more than 100 teachers who held Catholic diplomas from state schools—about half of them were later reinstated. Catholic children were to be sent before a jury rather than receiving their school-leaving diplomas from their own schools. The three political parties (Catholic, socialist, and liberal) agreed to sign an armistice, the “School Pact of 1958,” and the School Pact Law (1959) formed the legal basis for reform. It provided for free choice among several religious education subjects and an alternative subject at the community schools. Each single confession chooses its own RE teachers. The Ministry of Education employs and pays them. In 2003, the Flemish government decreed that only specifically trained RE teachers could teach RE in the community and municipal schools. In order to become a teacher of RE in primary (ages 6–12) and lower secondary (ages 13–15) grades, one must complete a three-year bachelor

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training at a Catholic university college in combination with another subject. In order to teach Catholic RE in the upper secondary level (ages 16–18), long-term university studies (5 years) at the Catholic University of Leuven are required. To become a Protestant teacher, one must study with the faculty of theology in Brussels, the successor to the Reformed Academy founded in Gent (1578–1584). References and Resources Carson, Patricia. 2001. The Fair Face of Flanders. Tielt, Belgium: Lannoo. Nissen, Peter, ed. 2004. Geloven in de Lage Landen. Scharniermomenten in de geschiedenis van het christendom. Leuven, Belgium: Davidsfonds.

—Hugo Verkest

Belief Belief is assent to a proposition. Belief in the psychological sense is a representational mental state that takes the form of a propositional attitude. It is considered propositional in that it is an assertion, claim, or expectation about reality that is presumed to be either true or false, even if this cannot be practically determined, such as a belief in the existence of a particular deity. What are we to make of a certain belief in a supernatural God? The age of science has provoked equal and opposite reactions to notions beyond rational explanation. As Peter Berger warns, “the wonder of the supernatural is lost when science seeks to explain all phenomena in natural terms.”23 And as much as well-intentioned theists may wish to defend religious belief, all would do well to admit what Bavinck urges: “We must be aware of the depth of the mystery that confronts us. Man must hesitate when he is about to say something about God’s being.”24 Certainty tempered with ambiguity might make us all slightly more humble and a bit slower to speak about our most strongly held beliefs. Belief and Christian Education In the religious sense, belief refers to a part of a wider spiritual or moral foundation, generally called faith. Some philosophers hold the view that belief formation is to some extent spontaneous and involuntary. One can choose to investigate and research a matter, they say, but one cannot choose to believe. On the other hand, in some cases people do not believe things because they do not 23. See Peter Berger, A Far Glory: The Quest for Faith in an Age of Credulity (New York: Macmillan, 1992), 37. 24. J. H. Bavinck, Faith and Its Difficulties (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1959), 156.

want to believe, especially about a matter in which they are emotionally involved. All of this has tremendously important implications for educating in faith. For example, some believe something can be interpreted as assigning a higher than not probability that something is true. This is described from a school of epistemology called evidentialism, which says that certainty should be proportional to the corresponding evidence. This approach, of course, smacks only of human reason and eschews faith and the nonempirical realities of the Christian story.25 Is one’s belief in Christianity justifiable in as far as it can be proven by evidence? 26 Kierkegaard thought Christian education was the main obstacle to Christian belief. “A belief is a lever that, once pulled, moves almost everything else in a person’s life. Are you a scientist? A liberal? A racist? These are merely species of belief in action. Your beliefs decide your vision of the world; they dictate your behavior; they determine your emotional responses to other human beings.”27 Social psychologists have described why people believe and why they stop believing.28 Altemeyer and Hunsberger surveyed thousands of young adults for stories of conversion and apostasy.29 “Amazing believers” are those without a religious background who became strong Christians. They tended toward religion for emotional and psychological reasons; many reported very difficult pasts, including substance abuse, psychological problems, death of loved ones, dysfunctional families, and criminal behavior. Religion offered them comfort, security, friends, sympathy, a helping hand. Conversely, “amazing apostates” are those with strong religious backgrounds who abandon the faith. They left religion for primarily intellectual reasons. In the end, they simply could not believe the religion they had been taught, and turned instead to science and logic. Some Jews, Christians, and Muslims admit that whatever particular evidence or reason they may possess that God exists and is deserving of trust is still not ultimately 25. In Discovering God: The Origins of the Great Religions and the Evolution of Belief (San Francisco: HarperOne Publishing, 2007), 1, Rodney Stark charges: “Contempt is not a scholarly virtue, and most . . . scholars openly presume that gods exist only in the human imagination, that religion arises mainly from fear, and that faith is sustained only by ignorance and credulity. Richard Dawkins’ title tells it all: The God Delusion.” 26. William Sloane Coffin counters that faith is not acceptance without proof, but trust without reservation. 27. Sam Harris, The End of Faith: Religion, Terror, and the Future of Reason (New York: W.W. Norton, 2004), 12. This author has no theistic belief, but nicely grasps the implications of belief. 28. Robert Altemeyer and Bruce Hunsberger, Amazing Conversions: Why Some Turn to Faith and Others Abandon Religion (Amherst, NY: Prometheus Books, 1997). 29. See also Ruth Tucker, Walking away from Faith: Unraveling the Mystery of Belief and Unbelief (Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press, 2002).

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the basis for their believing. Thus, in this sense faith refers to belief beyond evidence or logical arguments, sometimes called implicit faith. Another form of this kind of faith is fideism: one ought to believe that God exists, but one should not base that belief on any other beliefs; one should instead accept it without any reasons at all. Faith in this sense is grounded simply in the sincerity of faith, belief on the basis of believing.30 An inescapable correlation, to be sure, must be endorsed in Christian education for the seamless interaction of belief and action. But the tendency has been to observe the lockset sequence of a belief leading to an action. In other words, to know something must be in place prior to being and doing. While this may be legitimate, it is not definitive. In fact, human experience teaches that to do is also a powerful instructor in being and knowing. The Christian and Jewish faiths seem to have variant understandings of interaction of theological belief and religious practice. Consequently, Winner observes, “doing, action, sits at the center of Judaism. Practice is to Judaism what belief is to Christianity.”31 Practices shape religious beliefs, but religious beliefs also shape practices. It is a tensive relationship, which means beliefs influence, but are not reducible to, certain actions, attitudes, and interests.32 One might rightly ask which is more important in the spiritual life of an adherent: belief or practice. While Judaism may have adherents with much less theological acumen and a greater facility for proper practice, quite the opposite can be said to be the case for Christians. Belief and Practice Some religious believers use the term “faith” as the affirmation of belief without a test of evidence, and even despite evidence apparently to the contrary. Data from a study in Canada and the United States show that a Christian’s lifestyle is not discernibly different from that of non-Christians.33 William Hutchison, American church historian at Harvard, says in many Western societies there is a gap between profession of belief and committed Christian practice, but it is most striking in the United States.34 30. See Soren Kierkegaard, Fear and Trembling (London: Simon & Brown, 2013). 31. Lauren Winner, Mudhouse Sabbath (Brewster, MA: Paraclete Press, 2004), ix. 32. For an excellent discussion of this, see Amy Plantinga Pauw, “Attending to the Gaps between Beliefs and Practices,” in Practicing Theology: Beliefs and Practices in Christian Life, ed. Craig Dykstra and Dorothy Bass (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans Publishing, 2002), 33–48. 33. George G. Hunter III, “Can the West Be Won?” Christianity Today, 16 December 1991, 43–46. 34. Referenced in Robert Wuthrow, The Struggle for America’s Soul: Evangelicals, Liberals and Secularization (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1989).

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G. K. Chesterton is famously noted as having quipped, “Christianity has not so much been tried and found wanting, as it has been found difficult and left untried.” University of Southern California philosopher Dallas Willard agrees: For at last several decades the churches of the Western world have not made discipleship a condition of being a Christian. One is not required to be . . . a disciple in order to become a Christian, and one may remain a Christian without any signs of progress toward or in discipleship. . . . Discipleship is clearly optional.35

This phenomenon of “undiscipled disciples” is the reason for a post-Christian nation in which four of five adults believe they are Christian. The requirement for being a Christian has become that one believe the proper things about Jesus: merely a mental assent to orthodoxy. Christians have heard, especially from Dietrich Bonhoeffer, about the cost of discipleship, but consider the cost of nondiscipleship. Besides thwarting the teaching of Jesus, nondiscipleship lacks abiding peace, a life penetrated throughout by love, faith that sees everything in the light of God’s overriding good, hopefulness that stands firm in the most trying circumstances, and the power to do what is right. The only acceptable endgame of Christianity springs from the apt interplay of orthodox belief and faithfully executed practice. For the Gospel to seep into any society, believers must attentively act on the precepts of the historic faith. If the Christian religion overemphasizes belief without enough concern for practice, it becomes a verbally oriented dogma that focuses lopsidedly on cognitive understanding to the exclusion of its ethical dimension. It then sadly lacks the moral example to salt society. Correspondingly, if the Christian religion overemphasizes action-oriented practice without due concern for cogent theology, it becomes too experientially based and loses its groundedness. It then appears lamentably devoid of the requisite absolute truth and moral authority necessary to guide society.36 Three profound errors appear when belief and practice are wrongly related (see table B.1). The tragic results are manifested in unintended outcomes, curious inventions, and misshapen creatures, but most alarmingly, a repugnant distortion of the Christian message to the surrounding culture. 35. The Spirit of the Disciplines: Understanding How God Changes Lives (San Francisco: HarperCollins, 1988), 258–259. 36. See Mark A. Lamport, “Excellent Belief, Congruent Practice: Juxtapositions of Promise and Peril in the Educational Mission of the Church,” in Thy Brother’s Keeper (Eugene, OR: Wipf & Stock, 2010), 237–257.

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Bellarmine, Robert TABLE B.1 Juxtapositions of Religious Belief and Practice

Common Tendencies

Characteristic Inferences

Corresponding Results

Right Belief/ Wrong Practice Wrong Belief/ Wrong Practice Wrong Belief/ Right Practice Right Belief/Right Practice

Betrays True Meaning of Gospel Seduces from True Meaning of Gospel Confuses True Meaning of Gospel Exposes True Meaning of Gospel

Unintended Outcomes Curious Inventions Misshapen Creatures Faithful Disciples

There is a demonstrable incongruence of stated belief and corresponding practice in the lives of many Christians. Are orthodox beliefs a satisfactory educational goal, or are faithful practices based on statements of belief? The most obvious lifestyle behavior related to unbelief is that of living as if there is no god, a common malady of materialistic Western society. The threat to Christian faith is not as much the way of atheism, but living independently from God. This rebellion, then, this sin, is tantamount to the anti-Christian mood. Blaise Pascal hauntingly asks and answers: “Why is it so hard to believe? Because it is so hard to obey.” References and Resources Allen, Diogenes. 1989. Christian Belief in a Postmodern World: The Full Wealth of Conviction. Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press. Grenz, Stanley J. 1996. A Primer on Postmodernism. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. Kinnaman, David. 2011. You Lost Me: Why Young Christians Are Leaving Church . . . and Rethinking Faith. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Books. Plantinga, Alvin. 2000. Warranted Christian Belief. New York: Oxford University Press.

—Mark A. Lamport

Bellarmine, Robert Early Background and Education Robert Bellarmine was born to an Italian nobleman in Montepulciano in 1542. He was a professor, a theologian, and a Jesuit priest and cardinal who attracted both Catholics and Protestants with his preaching style. He died in Rome in 1621. Bellarmine studied at the Roman College after joining the Jesuit order and then studied Thomistic theology at the University of Padua. In 1569, Bellarmine taught theology at the University of Louvain, becoming the first Jesuit to do so. Pope Gregory XIII returned Bellarmine to

the Roman College as the chair of controversies and to teach theology. He remained there until 1588. Significant Contributions to Christian Education As spiritual director at the Roman College, Bellarmine taught the catechism to lay brothers and students. He wrote several popular catechisms for adults and children, including Dottrina Cristiani (Brief Christian doctrine, 1597) and Dichiarazione piX Copiosa della Dottrina Cristiani (a catechism for teachers, 1598) (Van Helden 1995). Notable Publications In addition to writing catechisms, Bellarmine was involved in untangling the various heresies and controversies that erupted as a result of the Protestant Reformation. His Disputantiones de Controversiis Christianae Fidei Adversus Hujus Temporis Haereticos (Disputations about the controversies of the Christian faith against the heretics of this time) was the seminal work on heresy of his age (Van Helden 1995). The church used Bellarmine’s work to return Catholics to the fold, with his effective arguments. The strength of De Controversis against Protestantism prompted German and English schools to found special chairs to refute Bellarmine. He engaged King James I in arguments over the power of the papacy. Bellarmine used pamphlets and books to support his theory of the primacy of the indirect power of the pope in temporal matters as well as spiritual ones. He is also reported to have initially admonished Galileo on his defense of Copernican theory, arguing that it should only be advanced as a hypothesis (Smith 1907). Bellarmine maintained an admirable simplicity of life in a time of auspicious ecclesial excesses. He was once under consideration for the papacy after the death of Pope Sixtus V in 1590, but a letter was written to King Phillip III of Spain warning that Bellarmine is beloved for his great goodness, but he is a scholar who lives only among books and not of much practical ability. . . . He would not do for Pope, for he is mindful only of the interests of the Church and is unresponsive to the reasons of princes. . . . He would scruple to accept gifts. . . . I suggest that we exert no action in his favor. (Van Helden 1995)

The king was persuaded against Bellarmine as a candidate for pope. In 1627, the process of canonization was begun for Bellarmine. His cause was delayed for over three centuries due to his association with the doctrine of papal authority, which was opposed by the politicians of the French court. He was finally canonized in 1930 by Pope Pius XI and later declared a doctor of the church. He is a patron saint of catechists.

Benedict, Educational Ideas of

References and Resources Smith, Sydney. 1907. Catholic Encyclopedia: St. Robert Bellarmine. Accessed 26 May 2013. http://www.newadvent.org/ cathen/02411d.htm. Van Helden, Al. 1995. Robert Cardinal Bellarmine (1542–1621). Accessed 26 May 2013. http://galileo.rice.edu/chr/bellar mine.html.

—Angelique Montgomery-Goodnough

Benedict, Educational Ideas of When he was about 50 years of age, Benedict of Nursia (c. 480–547) established a monastery at Monte Cassino in Italy, approximately 60 miles south of Rome. While spending the rest of his life there, he wrote the “Benedictine Rule” for the community: a practical guide for living the Christian gospel and for cultivating Christian virtue in the company of fellow monks. About the size of Matthew’s Gospel, it passed on a tradition of wisdom from the lived experience of monastic life, translating the gospel into daily communal Christian living, or, as he puts it in the prologue of the “Rule,” living in community “with the Gospel as our guide.” He describes this community in the prologue (v. 45) as “a school (schola) for the Lord’s service.” It was to be a community in which one could learn the trade or skill of discipleship as a Christian apprentice who desires to seek, know, and love God and to be conformed to the image of Christ. In the Benedictine tradition, there is no monastic life without the community. Benedict was part of the cenobitic tradition (cenobitic deriving from the Greek words koinos bios, meaning “common life,” and similar to koinonia), which others (such as Augustine) had developed before him. The tradition held that spiritual formation could occur only in communal living. Only in the coenobium can one grow into deeper awareness of God’s will for one’s life. Otherwise, we are left to our own fancy, or we do not experience transformation because there is no stable community that acts as a mirror to reflect our true identity and spiritual condition. Character traits such as obedience, charity, and humility are virtues that can only be formed in the constant presence of other people; it is impossible to obey someone, love others, and be humble when one is alone. This is probably one reason Benedict did not encourage eremitic monasticism (a way of life related to what we refer to as hermits, the word deriving from the Greek eremos topos, meaning “desert place”). Elsewhere in the “Rule” (4.78), Benedict describes the monastery as a “workshop” for the salvation of the whole person (not just for communicating ideas to the mind) using “tools,” which he lists in chapter 4. These “tools”

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are imperatives drawn from scripture. They include admonitions to renounce self, to love Christ before all else, to refuse to repay evil with evil, to resist being called holy before one really is, and so forth. The bottom line is that spiritual maturity and personal transformation develop as we appropriate truths of scripture and live them out in a community that provides mutual accountability, opportunities for service, and the challenge of close relationships with others. Implied in what has been said, one of the vows the Benedictine monk takes is stability—the commitment to stay in the community, since conversion and growth in character happen when we remain, not when we run. Benedict despised gyrovagues—monks who roamed from monastery to monastery (not unlike Christians who shop from church to church). This conversion is referred to as conversatio—a daily “turning around” as one engages in the ongoing effort of a lifetime race toward God, propelled by the attraction of God’s love for us. As Benedict stated in the prologue, “as we progress in this way of life and in faith, we shall run on the path of God’s commandments, our hearts overflowing with the inexpressible delight of love.” In this “race” in the coenobium (i.e., the monastery), the monk practices a disciplined and balanced life of work, study, and prayer. Work usually entails manual labor to fight off sloth. Study especially entails lectio divinia, a practice of reading scripture that involves various stages of meditation on a short passage or phrase. Prayer is referred to as the opus dei or “work of God”—the most essential activity of the day, which takes place in community at certain intervals, referred to as the “divine office” or the “liturgy of the hours.” Benedict prescribed eight times of communal prayer each day, though most Benedictine monasteries today meet just three or four times each day. These practices and others (such as fasting, poverty, chastity) that Benedict prescribed are not wholly unique to him. They are part of a larger monastic tradition involving ascetic disciplines. Ascesis referred to the discipline an athlete engaged in to prepare for the Olympic games and to the training soldiers received in what would be the equivalent of “boot camp”; in the same way, asceticism in this monastic context refers to the training or exercise that a Christian disciple (or disciplined student of Christ) engages in, empowered by the Spirit of God, in order to win the contests against sin. In some respects, Benedict incorporated the ascetic outlook recommended in the writings of Evagrius Ponticus (of the fourth century) and John Cassian (of the fifth century). Ascetic disciplines were not an end in themselves. They were meant to lead to apatheia, the ordering and control of the passions, so that one might excel in agape,

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the kind of self-giving love that Christians are commanded to practice. The monk who is controlled by his passions (such as gluttony, lust, anger, or avarice) is not free to be outwardly focused on love for others. References and Resources The Benedictine Handbook. 2003. Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press. Fry, Timothy, ed. 1981. RB1980: In Latin and English with Notes. Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press, 1981. Kardong, Terrence. 1988. The Benedictines. Wilmington, DE: Michael Glazier. ———. 1996. Benedict’s Rule: A Translation and Commentary. Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press. Okholm, Dennis. 2007. Monk Habits for Everyday People: Benedictine Spirituality for Protestants. Grand Rapids, MI: Brazos Press, 2007. Robinson, David. 2010. Ancient Paths: Discover Christian Formation the Benedictine Way. Orleans, MA: Paraclete Press.

—Dennis Okholm

Berryman, Jerome Jerome W. Berryman is an ordained American educationalist who has spent close to 40 years creating a methodology (constructed of pedagogy and supported by a theology) known as Godly Play. He has written numerous articles and books. He was born in 1937 and educated at the University of Kansas (BA, 1959), Princeton Theological Seminary (MDiv, 1962 and DMin, 1996), and University of Tulsa Law School (JD, 1969). He also read theology at Oxford University’s Mansfield College during the summer of 1966 (certificate, 1966), graduated from the year-long program at The Center for Advanced Montessori Studies in Bergamo, Italy (diploma, 1972), and was awarded three postdoctoral residencies in theology and medical ethics at the Institute of Religion in the Texas Medical Center in Houston (1973–1976). In 1991, he was awarded a Lilly Endowment grant for study in Italy related to the history of the Montessori approach to religious education, and in November 1997 he received the Kilgore Creative Ministry Award from Claremont School of Theology in Claremont, California. He has been awarded several honorary doctorates in divinity. From 1998 to 2007, Rev. Dr. Jerome Berryman was the executive director of the Center for the Theology of Childhood in Houston, Texas, and (from 1994) has been an active consultant in areas related to the moral and spiritual development of children and Godly Play. In 2007, he retired as director. At the time of writing, Dr. Berryman is senior fellow at the Center for the Theology of Childhood, which is part of the Godly Play Founda-

tion, established in late 2007. This is the research and development part of the foundation. Godly Play teaches children the art of using Christian language—parable, sacred story, silence, and liturgical action—helping them become more fully aware of the mystery of God’s presence in their lives. The educational theory of Godly Play is rooted in the prehistory of our species with respect to the use of ritual, story, and the creative process. Montessori’s approach to education has been adapted to Godly Play in order to stimulate children’s active participation in story and ritual and to awaken their creativity for the learning of the language, sacred stories, parables, liturgical action, and silence of the Christian tradition. When Christian language is learned by the Godly Play approach, it is as a means to know God and to make meaning of life. Inspired also by the work of Cavalletti, this approach aims to locate each lesson in the whole system of Christian language and to involve the creative process of discovering the depths of meaning in both Christian language and the creative process. Godly Play respects the innate spirituality of children and encourages curiosity and imagination in experiencing the mystery and joy of God. These factors enable children (and adults) to become “playfully orthodox.” They become rooted in their own tradition and at the same time open to others, new ideas, and the future, in creative ways. Encouraging participants to make meaning for themselves, Godly Play invites them into stories and provides the opportunity for them to connect the stories with their personal experience. It works from a curriculum of scripted stories with a given formula of storytelling. The participants (often children) are welcomed into the room. When everyone is ready, the storyteller begins, drawing objects from a bag or a box and wondering about each item that is revealed. Throughout the process of the telling, the storyteller continues to wonder about the meaning of the tale. At the end, the listeners are invited to respond through discussion and then by creative art. Godly Play is a noncoercive way to encourage people to move into larger dimensions of belief and faith through wondering questions and open-ended response time. It can be a means of preparing children to join in the worship and life of their congregations as they develop a deeper understanding of stories, symbols, and rites. Although it was originally developed as a resource for children, Godly Play is now being used with a wide range of age groups in a variety of settings. References and Resources Berryman has written a dozen books, including the following:

Children and the Theologians: Clearing the Way for Grace. 2009. Denver, CO: Morehouse Education Resources.

Beza, Theodore

The Complete Guide to Godly Play. 2012. Vol. 8. Denver, CO: Morehouse Education Resources. He has edited the following: Life Maps: Conversations on the Journey of Faith, James W. Fowler and Sam Keen, Nashville, TN: W Publishing Group His greatest written record is the many chapters and articles in the field of children’s nurture and education, including several publications especially for children.

—Howard Worsley

Beza, Theodore Born Théodore de Bèze, in Vézelay, France, Beza (1519– 1605) is most associated with the foundation of Swiss Protestant theological education, since he served as the first rector and chief curricular architect of John Calvin’s Genevan Academy. From this intellectual center, he influenced Christian theology and its academic transmission throughout France, Scotland, England, Hungary, Poland, Germany, and North America. When Protestant exiles fled Mary Tudor’s persecution (beginning in 1533) to Geneva, they drew from the Genevan tradition and later brought it back to England. Beza’s chief contribution was his formal expression of Calvin’s teaching in an academic setting, with philological acumen, and in a polemically defensible manner. His clearest explanation of his philosophy of education was in his inaugural address to the academy in 1559. In this speech, he defended the dignity and value of the liberal arts, arguing that it supports justice in society and provides an essential footing for further study in law, theology, and medicine. He believed that theologians ought to champion the value of other scholarly disciplines; one of his first acts as rector was to establish a program in law, and he worked hard to establish a chair in medicine. His treatise on the plague (De Peste, 1579) advocates an empirical approach to the science of contagious disease as opposed to the idea, found in some Roman Catholic tracts, that plague outbreaks indicated God’s direct chastisement for sin. He argued that naïve use of the Bible to understand infection was inappropriate, and instead advocated study of Hippocrates, Galen, and contemporary natural philosophy as the proper approach to medicine. He believed that the Christian academy should seek to understand God’s relationship with the natural world, but he did not keep science on a short theological leash. This was so important to him that, when a military siege negatively affected Geneva’s budget, he defended the importance of funding education; he even offered to forgo his own salary to keep faculty from other disciplines in place.

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Trained as a humanist, he valued classical and biblical languages. In philosophy, he embraced Renaissance Aristotelianism, but focused on the original classical writings of Aristotle, rather than their medieval appropriation by Thomas Aquinas. The list of famous humanists and reformers in his Icones (1580) demonstrates his belief in the close relationship between Renaissance scholarship and Reformation theology. Nonetheless, he did not reject all elements of scholastic methodology; instead, he was a pivotal figure between Calvin’s rhetorical approach to theology and the Protestant scholasticism of 17thcentury Reformed Orthodoxy. Despite the assertions of some older scholarship, more recent studies show that he did not stray from the core content of Calvin’s original ideas, but rather consolidated these original teachings and set them forth in a technical manner. For Beza, good educational method depended on the context: with undereducated people, perplexing questions should be avoided; he only allowed advanced systematic discussions when the audience comprised advanced students. Even then, scholastic tools were not to devolve into useless speculation, but were meant to prepare students for polemic encounters with Roman Catholic, heretical, and Lutheran adversaries. Beza’s humanistic commitments remained important throughout his career. This is apparent in the careful attention he paid to his annotated New Testament, a major influence on the Geneva Bible. Moreover, he likely eliminated several medieval scholastic books from Calvin’s library after the reformer’s death. Some contend that Beza did a disservice to Christian theological training by separating biblical and theological curricula in pastoral training. At first, there was no distinct theology course at Geneva—only exegetical study—but a distinct doctrinal course eventually took shape as longer theological excurses on Romans became the basis for a topical theological course that resembled the structure of Philipp Melanchthon’s (1497–1560) Loci Communes (1521). Beza opened the door for future generations of Genevan students to venture into detailed scholastic work, but he never abandoned his humanistic commitment to understanding the biblical texts through solid training in languages and engagement with ancient authors. References and Resources Backus, Irena Dorota. 1980. The Reformed Roots of the English New Testament: The Influence of Theodore Beza on the English New Testament. Pittsburgh Theological Monograph Series. Allison Park, PA: Pickwick. Baird, Henry. (1899) 1970. Theodore Beza: The Counselor of the French Reformation 1519–1605. New York: Burt Franklin. Beza, Theodore. 1986. A Little Book of Christian Questions and Responses. Translated by Kirk Summers. Allison Park, PA: Pickwick.

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Mallinson, Jeffrey. 2003. Faith, Reason, and Revelation in Theodore Beza 1519–1605. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Wright, Shawn, and John Farthing. 2007. Our Sovereign Refuge: The Pastoral Theology of Theodore Beza. Studies in Christian History and Thought. Eugene, OR: Wipf & Stock.

—Jeff Mallinson

Bible as Literary Genre, Roots of the Critic Matthew Arnold (1822–1888) coined the phrase “Bible as literature” in the late 19th century, inviting a host of questions about the possibility of a systematic study of the Bible using methods in literary studies. Today, Leland Ryken (b. 1942) and Robert Alter (b. 1935) represent two major camps for interpreting the Bible as literature. Ryken, who insists the biblical writers were literary artists, is associated with literary-textual interpretation, in which he argues that reading the Bible in terms of its artful literary elements gets the reader closer to the intended meaning of the text.37 Alter, in Literary Guide to the Bible, claims that the value of analyzing the Bible as literature stems not from such a method’s ability to locate sacred truth as much as its ability to offer a deeply insightful interpretive lens. The modern academic study of the Bible as literature has transformed in relation to the evolution of techniques for literary analysis; however, the notion that one can read the Bible as literature has its roots in early Christianity. Though they often spurned the relevance of secular Greek and Roman education for Christian education, the early church fathers, including Tertullian, Jerome, and Augustine, relied on the classical techniques of literary analysis, including allegorical interpretation and grammatical and rhetorical analysis, to interpret the Bible. For Augustine, the Bible represented the highest form of literature, demonstrating eloquence only attributable to divine authorship and wisdom.38 Allegorical interpretation of the Bible continued throughout the Middle Ages, emphasizing multiple meanings of the text as presented through its metaphorical language and imagery. The highly figurative and even erotic language common to medieval secular literature opened multiple levels of imaginative possibilities for interpreting the biblical text, from the most literal to the most metaphorical. Such figurative interpretations of the biblical text that hailed the Bible’s literary prowess were reciprocated by a rise in biblical allegories in literature, including Dante’s Divine Comedy. 37. A Complete Literary Guide to the Bible, ed. Leland Ryken and Tremper Longman III (Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan, 1993), 50. 38. Ibid., 52.

During the 15th and 16th centuries, Christian humanists emphasized recovering original languages and applying classical principles of grammatical and rhetorical analysis to the Bible. Humanism inspired generations of reformers to insist that a literal meaning of biblical text was available to the faithful through the Holy Spirit’s guidance. Reformers’ emphasis on historical origins, language, grammar, and the techniques of interpretation was pushed to the extreme during the Enlightenment, with ironic consequences. For the Enlightenment of the 17th– 18th centuries, taking the Bible literally meant the biblical text was replete with events and accounts that were rationally implausible and therefore inaccurate. Subject to the specter of reason, literal interpretations presented flaws irreconcilable with a rational God, thereby casting doubt on divine authorship of the biblical text. Between the 18th and 19th centuries, the emphasis on human authorship and history of the biblical writings inspired biblical and literary critics to use pseudo-scientific interpretive methods of historical-criticism. Historicalcritical emphasis on authenticity stands in contrast to late 18th-century romanticism’s valorization of the aesthetic, literary value of the Bible. Romanticism, however, was uninterested in the Bible as a sacred text and culminated in an inherently secular approach to biblical interpretation. On the other hand, despite its disruption of divine authorship, historical-critical analysis continued to find favor in biblical scholarship’s search for the true meaning of the text. Modern literary-critical analysis, rooted in Ferdinand de Saussure’s (1857–1913) linguistics, at once designates a continuation of and challenge to the primacy of historical analysis. For theorists following Saussure’s theory of language as a system of meaning-making in which the relationship between signs and the things they are meant to signify is arbitrary, linguistic relationships could be studied with scientific precision to unveil the meaning of the text. Literary-critical theorists and critics, like their historical-critical counterparts, persisted in the search for certainty through systematic, “scientific” inquiry (see Literary Criticism). Saussure’s emphasis on the referential structure of language laid the foundation for Jacques Derrida’s (1930– 2004) famous assertion that linguistic relationships are infinitely variable, and therefore, the thing to which a sign refers is never static. An absolute or transcendental signified does not exist. Derrida’s works and the works of literary critics he inspired have demonstrated that language resists efforts to locate a singular meaning or truth of a text. Associated with the postmodern dismantling of absolute truth claims, Derridean currents in literary theory have harnessed shifting historical, social, and political contexts to reimagine biblical interpretation.

Bible as Literature, The

Despite concerns over postmodernity’s tendencies to relativize truth claims, many Christian educators see within these developments in literary theory, and their permutations in Marxist, feminist, and transcultural analyses, the opportunity for disinherited voices to illuminate truths from the biblical text that might otherwise have remained buried by traditional interpretations. In her article in the Christian Education Journal, Janet B. Sommers writes, “Utilizing all three contemporary methods of interpreting the Bible as literature—literary textual, literary-historical, and literary-critical—will help us interpret the Scriptures with greater skill and precision and to defend our interpretations from a broader, more informed perspectives.”39 As Sommers notes, the question facing Christian educators is not whether or not to acknowledge developments in literature and literary theory, but how to acknowledge these innovations as part of the larger dynamism of Christian history. References and Resources A Complete Literary Guide to the Bible. 1993. Edited by Leland Ryken and Tremper Longman III. Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan. The Literary Guide to the Bible. 1987. Edited by Robert Alter and Frank Kermode. Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press. Sommers, Janet B. 2007. “Interpreting the Bible as Literature: Historical and Contemporary Contexts with Implications for Christian Education.” Christian Education Journal, Series 3, 4 (1): 78–99.

—Wesley Nan Barker

Bible as Literature, The Theological and biblical education, especially in more conservative schools, has only in recent decades begun to stress the literary nature of the Bible as an essential component of the interpretation and application of scripture. Unfortunately, due to its traditional vertical versification, the Bible has often been read as a compendium of rules, like a laundry list. Approaching the Bible as literature means recognizing that the human authors, while guided by God in some manner, wrote with the creativity to employ literary genres according to their purposes. The medium is the message. All human communication relies on forms that inform the function of what is being written. For example, repair manuals, love letters, and legal documents use characteristic and 39. Janet B. Sommers, “Interpreting the Bible as Literature: Historical and Contemporary Contexts with Implications for Christian Education,” Christian Education Journal, Series 3, 4, no. 1 (2007): 92.

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complementary words and ways that help the reader understand what is being said by the way it is being said. The Bible is God’s verbal revelation through human instrumentality. That means literary conventions are an essential aspect of how the Bible was crafted and should be a necessary component of accurate interpretation. Compared to the claimed origins of the sacred texts of the major non-Judeo-Christian religions, the Bible stands in stark contrast as scripture that unashamedly attributes its development to the confluence of human and divine activity. The defenders of the Koran and Book of Mormon, for example, proclaim divine superiority for their texts over the Bible due in part to the belief that their “Bible” came directly from Heaven, apart from human contamination. But the biblical authors were convinced their words were inspired, although they were consciously involved in a literary enterprise. Important to realize is that the Bible we know today is not a book, although it physically appears as many pages between two covers. The Bible is an anthology of sacred texts of various lengths and literature, spanning a thousand years and involving scores of authors. The literary genres of scripture, inter alia, are legal, epistolary, narrative, verse or poetry, prophecy, psalms or sacred songs/poems or hymns, apocalyptic, parables, proverbs, wisdom, perhaps legends, gospels, and salvation history. Even one so-called Bible book may contain several of these. How to understand and use the information contained in each is inseparable from its communicative character. For example, the person hearing a parable knows by its very nature its purpose is not to recount a historical event. A poem is more concerned with feelings or functional, rather than factual, knowledge. One would no more use a technical manual to communicate romantic feelings than poetry to explain how to repair a toaster. Proverbial speech does not present the absolute air of legal language. Biblical “books” were not written to modern people, but they certainly are intended for our edification. The authors of these ancient texts chose forms of communication familiar to their audiences and in their languages. A huge time and cultural gap exists between modern Bible believers and its original audiences. To read the Bible, we have to bridge that gap with knowledge about their literary and linguistic methods. Contemporary Christian educators should envision teaching Bible survey and book studies as a means not only to train students in biblical history and content, but also to enhance their understanding of the Bible’s ancient literary cultural context. The Bible was not composed in a literary vacuum. The authors made use of the styles and symbols with which their audience was familiar in a given historical period (just like we use

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conventional forms of communication or media and illustrations from classic or popular publications, poems, or plays with which our audiences can identify). So, for example, the Old Testament psalms employ poetic forms and expressions typical of the Canaanites while presenting a polemic against their theology. The New Testament addresses a Hellenized and Roman world in terms and texts it appreciates to proclaim an unknown and unexpected truth. Fully apprehending and applying biblical revelation requires literate Christians educated in ancient and modern literature. References and Resources Harwell, Charles W., and Daniel McDonald. 1975. The Bible: A Literary Survey. Indianapolis, IN: Bobbs-Merrill. Longman, Tremper. 1987. Literary Approaches to Biblical Interpretation. Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan. Ryken, Leland. 1984. How to Read the Bible as Literature: And Get More Out of It. Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan. Ryken, Leland, and Tremper Longman. 1993. A Complete Literary Guide to the Bible. Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan.

—W. Creighton Marlowe

Bible College Movement, Evolution of the The Bible college movement in North America began with Bible institutes (also called Bible schools). The first, The New York Training School (later called The Missionary Training Institute), was founded in 1882 by A. B. Simpson to serve the needs of the Christian and Missionary Alliance. The most famous is Moody Bible Institute, which still bears the label “Bible institute,” even though it offers undergraduate and graduate-level theological degrees. More than 100 Bible schools had been founded in North America by 1945. Bible institutes were so called because of their commitment to the Bible as the inerrant Word of God. Most Bible institutes founded in the early 20th century were part of the fundamentalist movement in reaction to Protestant liberalism. However, their purpose was not just to teach the Bible as an academic subject, but also to use the Bible’s teaching in practical ministry. D. L. Moody referred to this as training for “gap-men,” who stand between the laity and the ministers. It should be noted that most early Bible institutes served both men and women. A core dimension of the curriculum was practical Christian work assignments. Accordingly, many Bible institutes developed correspondence, evening, and extension programs to make this practical ministry training more accessible to those who needed it. Even those who came to the residential campuses stayed only for limited periods of time to obtain specialized training, often for

ministry in which they were already involved. It wasn’t until the 1980s that Moody Bible Institute began awarding baccalaureate degrees. The Bible institute movement represents a distinct sector of theological education. Bible colleges were not trying to train professional clergy for mainline denominations, like seminaries and divinity schools. Rather, they were trying to train missionaries, pastors for nonmainline churches, and others who were active in the ministries of the churches and parachurch agencies. The movement transitioned into the Bible college movement as higher education developed in North America. As academic institutions became stronger and academic credentials became more meaningful in culture, Bible institutes gradually became Bible colleges that focused more on granting degrees. The main characteristic that distinguished a Bible college from a Christian college was the requirement of the equivalent of a Bible major for all students, even if they majored in some other area of ministry. An additional difference is that Bible colleges tend to limit themselves to Bible and ministry studies, whereas Christian colleges offer a wider array of programs, among which Bible and ministry studies are included. The Bible college movement became more formalized with the founding in 1947 of the Accrediting Association of Bible Colleges (AABC, now known as the Association of Biblical Higher Education). As an accrediting agency, AABC provided a mechanism for establishing standards and granting recognition of quality in Bible colleges, provided collegiality and support for accredited and unaccredited Bible schools that sometimes struggled independently, and provided a significant link to the broader world of higher education. By 1960, there were 35,000 students enrolled on the campuses of 250 Bible schools. Some of the same cultural forces that brought AABC into existence, especially the growing role of higher education in North America, have continued to push Bible colleges to develop. As some Bible colleges have broadened their curriculum and have sought to facilitate transfer of credit between institutions and admission into graduate programs in nonministry areas, they have sought regional accreditation. The Bible college/institute movement also has manifestations not so closely identified with academic accreditation. Ethnic groups in urban centers often have Bible institutes for the training of their ministers and laypeople. These Bible institutes usually offer classes in the evening, provide an entire program of training, and award their own certificates in relation to recognition within their denominations and church networks. Bible institutes are found throughout the global South to train

Bible College Movement, Impetus for the

leaders for the new churches that are being planted. Training often takes place for a few months at a time in conjunction with active church planting ministry. These Bible institutes are focused on the same missionary priorities as the very first Bible institutes of North America, which trained missionaries for the global South more than 100 years ago. References and Resources Brereton, Virginia Lieson. 1990. Training God’s Army: The American Bible School, 1880–1940. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. McKinney, Larry J. 1997. Equipping for Service: A Historical Account of the Bible College Movement in North America. Fayetteville, AR: Accrediting Association of Bible Colleges. Ringenberg, William C. 2006. The Christian College: A History of Protestant Higher Education in America. 2nd ed. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Books. Vincent, James. 2011. The MBI Story: The Vision and Worldwide Impact of Moody Bible Institute. Chicago: Moody Publishing.

—Steve Kemp

Bible College Movement, Impetus for the Bible colleges are institutions of postsecondary education that feature extensive study of the Bible, accompanied by curricular and cocurricular emphasis on personal devotion and consecrated service. The Bible college movement originated during the time of North America’s Third Great Awakening. Early Bible institutes emerged as both products of and catalysts for revival and missionary movements. The first such institutions include Nyack Missionary Training Institute, founded by A. B. Simpson in 1882, and Moody Bible Institute, founded by D. L. Moody in 1886. These earliest Bible institutes typify the character and origin of scores of other such institutions that proliferated across the North American continent during the latter two decades of the 19th century and the first three decades of the 20th century. Bible college founders were fueled by a variety of cultural and ecclesiastical currents responding to theological drift, spiritual malaise, and secularizing influence. By the late 19th century, North American theological schooling and theological scholarship had embraced European scholasticism and Enlightenment rationalism as exemplified by Wellhausen’s documentary hypothesis. Higher criticism and its accompanying a priori rejection of the miraculous, including the miraculous nature of divine revelation, became the new epistemological and methodological orthodoxy. The scientific community rushed to assert that Darwin’s theory of natural selection had ren-

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dered a literal biblical understanding of immediate and recent divine creation intellectually untenable. Moreover, a growing number of evangelical churches and denominations have embraced dispensational premillennialism as popularized in the Schofield Reference Bible, resulting in greater emphasis on eschatological urgency and pragmatism in Gospel proclamation. Most Bible colleges began entrepreneurially. In form and function, they reacted to arid intellectualism and academic convention. Their curricula, typically developed by academy outsiders, emphasized devotional dispositions and development of practical ministry. They often had little in common other than a staunch commitment to make the Bible the central subject and object of study and to motivate and mobilize Christian witness. As a reactionary movement, their curricula typically varied greatly from the curricular conventions of their secular and Christian liberal arts college counterparts, most of which were rooted in scholastic European and colonial notions of intellectual breadth and liberal education. Beginning with Johnson Bible College (TN) and Columbia Bible College (SC), informal and noncollegiate Bible institutes gradually evolved into degree-granting postsecondary institutions. The establishment in 1947 of the American Association of Bible Colleges (see Association for Biblical Higher Education) further shaped the movement through collective adoption of curricular norms and conformity to external quality standards associated with postsecondary education. Beginning in the 1960s, Bible colleges began to earn regional accreditation. This achievement ironically marked the degree to which Bible colleges had earned academic legitimacy and launched evolutionary currents affecting the mission and curricula of many Bible colleges. By the 1980s, many notable Bible colleges had begun to disassociate themselves from the movement. Many of today’s North American Christian liberal arts institutions have roots in the Bible college movement. Research, although sporadic, has consistently found that Bible college graduates comprise a disproportional percentage of North American evangelical protestant missionaries and clergy. Moreover, a variety of student outcomes research has consistently disproven the perception that Bible colleges are academically inferior to other Christian and secular higher education sectors. Bible college graduates consistently gain admission to and excel in advanced degree studies. Although many perceive that the movement has waned, conservative estimates suggest that as many as 1,000 Bible colleges and Bible institutes currently operate in North America, enrolling more than 100,000 students. Jack Hayford, Francis Chan, Wayne Cordeiro, John Piper, and R. C. Sproul represent just a few of the notable contemporary instruments of biblical

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revival, cultural renewal, and missional reorientation out of whose ministries a new wave of institutions of biblical higher education is emerging. References and Resources Brereton, Virginia L. 1991. Training God’s Army: The American Bible School, 1880–1940. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. Eagen, John L. 1981. The Bible College in American Higher Education. Fayetteville, AR: American Association of Bible Colleges. Ferris, Robert W., and Ralph E. Enlow Jr. 1997. “Reassessing Bible College Distinctives.” Christian Education Journal 1NS (1): 5–19. McKinney. Larry J. 1997. Equipping for Service: A Historical Account of the Bible College Movement in North America. Fayetteville, AR: Accrediting Association of Bible Colleges. Witmer, S. A. 1962. Education with Dimension: The Bible College Story. Manhasset, NY: Channel.

—Ralph E. Enlow Jr.

Bible Conference Movement Influenced by the Keswick Conferences in England, the Bible conference movement began in the United States during the 1870s through the Niagara Bible Conference (1876–1897), American Bible and Prophetic Conferences (1878–1914), and the Northfield Conferences (1886). These annual conferences taught the Bible and provided a vacation experience for believers in a conference setting. In 1895, the Winona Lake Bible Conference became a regular part of the Bible conference movement. These conferences were influential in spreading dispensational theology to large and diverse groups of believers. The annual Niagara Bible Conference (Believers’ Meeting for Bible Study) began in 1876. In 1878, the Niagara Bible Conference Creed, a 14-point statement of faith, was adopted with a dispensational theological perspective and stated the verbal and plenary inspiration of the Bible, total depravity of man, necessity of a new birth, a premillennial return of Christ, and substitutionary atonement. After 1883, the conference was held at Queen’s Royal Hotel and Pavilion, located at Niagara-on-the-Lake, Ontario, Canada. James H. Brookes, a Presbyterian pastor, spearheaded the conference and provided leadership in an organizational and program capacity. The weeklong conferences brought popular, influential speakers to teach, preach, and lead Bible studies, while men such as Charles Erdman, James H. Brookes, A. J. Gordon, and C. I. Scofield were regularly present. Messages were doctrinal in nature, emphasizing Jesus, the Holy Spirit, the Bible, prophecy, and missions. Although not designed

to promote dispensationalism, the invited speakers often preached from a dispensational perspective. The Northfield Conferences (1880s) were an outgrowth of the ministry of Dwight L. Moody and followed a format similar to that of other Bible conferences of that era. Northfield Conferences did not emphasize dispensational theology, as they were more devotional in character and stressed the doctrine of the Holy Spirit. Leading speakers of the day were Rev. G. H. C. MacGregor, Rev. G. Campbell Morgan, Rev. F. B. Meyer, and Rev. J. G. Cunningham. The gathering increased from 35 people in 1880, the first year, to more than 1,500 at the final annual meetings in the 1940s. The emphasis of each conference was Pentecostal in its power, and the spiritual refreshing, which came at that time to many believers, continued to display the impact of the conference in whatever they did. The spirit of the second conference was less devotional than the first, but was given more to doctrinal and practical study. The Winona Lake Bible Conference (1895) built on the foundation of the Niagara and Northfield conferences and was influential in attracting leading evangelical conservatives such as William Jennings Bryant, who served as president, and Billy Sunday, the popular and effective evangelist. Winona Lake was a very desirable vacation spot in northern Indiana and, in addition to the evangelical preaching, offered a wide variety of sightseeing locations. The Sea Cliff Bible Conference (1901–1906) was organized in Sea Cliff, New York, on land provided by John T. Pirie. Rev. C. I. Scofield attended this conference, which met in a tent seating 600. It was at Sea Cliff that work on the Scofield Reference Bible was begun, with the support of Alwyn Ball Jr., John Pirie, and Francis Fitch. Arno C. Gaebelein further encouraged Scofield to begin the process to produce the Scofield Bible in 1909. Most Notable Academic Programs The Bible conference movement was not primarily an academic program as such, but led to the establishment and growth of other evangelical academic institutions. Moody Bible Institute and Dallas Theological Seminary grew out of the dispensational theological positions preached and promoted during this movement. The Bible conference movement and the Chautauqua movement were contemporaries and used similar teaching methodologies for religious instruction. Summary of Christian Philosophy and Mission of Education The movement’s philosophical and theological base was early dispensational theology that stressed the need for believers’ total surrender to Christ. With its antecedents

Bible Stories

in the Keswick movement, an emphasis on personal holiness was taught. These conferences built on each other and contributed to new institutions. Overall, these conferences energized evangelism, created new missionary organizations, and encouraged the development of Bible institutes and colleges. Through these conferences, concentrated Bible study became the norm for fundamentalism, and literature-emphasized missions, the work of the Holy Spirit, the work and person of Christ, and prophecy were written and distributed through fundamental churches. Another outgrowth of the movement was an appreciation of the conference format to teach and train students and youth by Christian youth and student organizations. Ultimately, theological dissension, aging facilities, and changing tastes in both leisure time and worship styles among evangelicals contributed to the decline of the conference movement. With the advent of Christian radio, preachers once limited to annual conference attendees were able to reach a far broader audience with their message.

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Abraham ready to slit Isaac’s throat, and Joseph sexually importuned by his master’s wife” (xii). Many Christian organizations have been committed to bringing the Bible into the hands of children, and foremost among these has been Scripture Union, an international organization that started in London in 1867 to nurture children into the Christian faith through encounters with the Bible. Earlier in the United Kingdom were the rise of the Sunday school movement (1780) and the birth of church schools (via the National Society in 1811), both of which relied heavily on using Bible stories to educate children. In the 1960s, influential research was carried out in UK schools by Ronald Goldman (1964, 1965), who concluded that many Bible texts should not be used with children under the age of 12 because their cognitive reasoning was inadequate. In his words, they required a greater readiness for learning, intellectualism, emotionalism, and physicalism. Goldman’s Readiness for Religion (1965) summarized his attitude to children and the Bible:

References and Resources Beale, David O. 1986. In Pursuit of Purity: American Fundamentalism Since 1850. Greenville, SC: BJU Publications. Sandeen, Ernest R. 1970. The Roots of Fundamentalism: British and American Millenarianism, 1800–1930. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Vlach, Michael J. 2008. Dispensationalism: Essential Beliefs and Common Myths. Los Angeles: Theological Studies Press.

—Stephen K. McCord

I have called attention to both the wasteful effort of teaching the Bible too early and also the difficulties this makes for children of limited development. I would like to correct the widespread misconception that I advocate no Bible teaching before the age of twelve. [This was a misunderstanding based on his earlier book, Religious Thinking from Childhood to Adolescence (1964)]. I do suggest a drastic reduction of Bible material in syllabuses before this age, but the difference does not lie so much in the quantity of Bible material used as the way in which we use it. (70)

Bible Stories As the key text for the Christian faith, the Bible has been crucial to the transmission of the Christian tradition to the next generation. Around 1000 BC, the psalmist wrote: God commanded our people who lived before us to teach His laws to their children. Then those born later would know his laws. Even their children yet to come would know them. And they in turn would tell their children. (Ps. 78:5–6)

Many attempts to make the Bible accessible to children have been made since the invention of the printing press, a study of which has been made by Ruth Bottigheimer. In the introduction to her detailed study of the hundreds of Children’s Bibles that have been printed since the 16th century, The Bible for Children (1996), she notes that not all the literature has been wise. She describes her shock when reviewing one 18th-century child’s Bible: “I could hardly believe my eyes. Here in a book for children, was lot offering his virgin daughter to a rapacious mob,

He suggested that the way in which the Bible was to be used was by “a severe pruning of Bible content in the early years,” so that children hear stories that relate to their experience and do not get confused by their literalism. Goldman was greatly influenced by the Swiss educationalist Jean Piaget (1886–1980), who was originally trained as a biologist, and became intrigued by the way young humans construct their understanding of the world. Piaget’s writings were based on his detailed observations of his own three children as they encountered reality and developed through various key stages of comprehension. His works include, The Moral Judgement of the Child (1948), The Origins of Intelligence in Children (1952), and The Construction of Reality in the Child (1954). It needs to be noted that Piaget’s insights give insufficient emphasis to the developmental role of language, that his notion of stage theory has the unfortunate effect of discouraging some education from stretching the gifted and talented child, and that his implication that young children lack logic does not take into account how they

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Bible Study as Christian Practice

were affected by the nature of the tests. In short, Piaget fails to recognize the significance of the cultural context for the growing child, because he believed the development of the mind to be independent of the early environment. These assumptions flowed into Goldman’s research on children encountering the Bible. They need to be considered, as they have left an enduring mark on how the Bible has been used with children. More recent research (Worsley 2006, 2009) suggests that the Bible is in fact far more valuable as a text to be used with children than Goldman suggested. Since the 1960s, it has been acknowledged that the Bible has been increasingly neglected in most schools in the United Kingdom. Research by Lesley Francis (2000) detailed a high level of adolescent lack of interest. It is becoming increasingly acknowledged that despite its literary and cultural value, the Bible is being neglected in most state schools. This research shows that the Bible is never read by two-thirds of 13- to 15-year-olds in British secondary schools. This ambivalence was also noted by the Biblos Project, which researched the uses of the Bible in British schools from 1998 to 2004. Funded by the Bible Society and directed by Exeter researcher Terence Copley, the Biblos Project published three volumes: Echo of the Angels (1998), Where Angels Fear to Tread (2001), and On the Side of the Angels (2004). The reference to angels is to the “traces of God” that are perceived particularly by children, but which culture and society can succeed in oppressing. At the end of the final report in 2004, the Biblos Project noted: Despite the processes of secularisation which have resulted in the decline of institutional religion, UK society has not written off religious beliefs and values. The majority of people appear neither enthusiastically theistic nor atheistic. Therefore it was no surprise that the most common attitude among young people towards the Bible was ambivalence. Yet a challenge is presented to the faith communities, RE teachers and publishers by a demonstration that a more positive attitude toward the Bible is associated with greater knowledge of biblical characters, stories and theological meanings, and as well as the importance of the Bible for other faiths and for modern society. (Copley et al. 2004, 8)

Writing with a research background in how adolescents access previous literary genres, Pike (2000) has turned his attention to considering the Bible as an essential text for both understanding wider literature and educating in morally and spiritually significant encounters. However, Pike is careful to point out that although there is “a compelling case for encouraging children to read such an influential text to ensure cultural literacy,”

there is also evidence that the high status of the text can lead to “a too reverential attitude among readers,” who may become passive, feeling they need to hold the text’s meaning rather than interpret it. However, more recently there has been research into how the Bible is understood by the child and how it is used in the home context. Attempts have been made to identify a child’s hermeneutic of scripture, seen when a child encounters the Bible (e.g., Worsley 2006). This article comments on the meaning-making process used by children at different stages of development: “At one level, it seems that what the child brings to a story is at least as important as what the story brings to the child. At another level, it seems that the cognitive structure of a child’s developing mind, is only one strand to consider alongside the structure of the child’s nurturing home and personal, construing of reality.” References and Resources Bottigheimer, R. 1996. The Bible for Children. London: Yale University Press. Copley, T. 1998. Echo of the Angels. The First Report of the Biblos Project. Exeter, UK: School of Education, University of Exeter. Copley T., S. Lane, H. Savini, and K. Walshe. 2001. Where Angels Fear to Tread. The Second Report of the Biblos Project. Exeter, UK: School of Education, University of Exeter. Copley T., R. Freathy, S. Lane, and K. Walshe. 2004. On the Side of Angels. The Third Report of the Biblos Project. Exeter, UK: School of Education, University of Exeter. Francis, L. J. 2000. “Who Reads the Bible? A Study among 13–15 Year Olds.” British Journal of Religious Education 22 (3): 165–172. Gobbel, R., and G. Gobbel. 1986. The Bible: A Child’s Playground. London: SCM. Goldman, R. 1964. Religious Thinking from Childhood to Adolescence. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. ———. 1965. Readiness for Religion. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. Pike, Jeffrey. 2000. Here Lies the Bible. Bloomington, IN: Xlibris Corporation. Worsley, H. 2006. “Insights from Children’s Perspectives in Interpreting the Wisdom of the Biblical Creation Narrative.” British Journal of Religious Education 28 (3): 249–259. ———. 2009. A Child Sees God. London: Jessica Kingsley Publishers.

—Howard Worsley

Bible Study as Christian Practice Bible study generally refers to groups of people gathering together to read, or individuals reading, biblical texts

Bible Study as Christian Practice

with the goal of increased understanding of its content, meaning, and application to life. The biblical Word is central in the Jewish and Christian traditions, and for both, religious education entails a hearing of the Word. Bible study is primary among Christian practices and has been crucial in the task of faith formation. Christians participate in Bible study all over the world to learn about God and the story of God’s people and to gain wisdom for living a Christian life. Biblical study is also an academic discipline drawing on archaeology, history, philosophy, and social science. Pastors are trained in hermeneutics or biblical interpretation and in exegesis for teaching and preaching in the church. The Bible has also been studied outside religious settings, such as in courses on the Bible as literature. Early Background The Hebrew Bible was translated into Greek in the third century AD. St. Jerome produced the Vulgate, which was a Latin translation, the language of the educated classes in the fourth century. Church fathers such as Irenaeus, Clement, and Origen exegeted and interpreted the scriptures as a means of establishing the teachings of the church. Augustine sought to standardize a metaphorical understandings of scripture (Grant and Tracy 1984, 69, 71). The Bible was read liturgically in ancient times and depicted in art and drama. In the early centuries of the church, catechetical sermons were preached on biblical texts, such as those of Cyril of Jerusalem (Cully 1995, 2). Catechumens participated in the hearing of the Word and heard exhortation on the scripture and were dismissed before the Mass. Much of the population of the ancient world was not literate, so biblical understanding came from hearing the lection read and preached upon and from paintings, stained glass windows, and icons. Scholastic theologians such as Aquinas moved away from allegorical understandings of scripture (Grant and Tracy 1984, 87–90). Influence of the Reformation At the time of the Reformation, Catholics and Protestants disagreed about the role of scripture in the church. Luther argued for scripture alone (sola scriptura) as authoritative for the faith. The invention of the printing press made the Bible more available. There was a movement toward translating the Bible into vernacular languages (advocated by reformers like Martin Luther and John Wycliffe), and by the 1500s, the Bible had been printed in at least six languages (Wright 2001, 193–194). In early America, the Bible was part of school curriculum, including Bible stories and religious instruction. Roman Catholics set up their own schools to transmit their own religious tradition (Cully 1995, 3).

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Historical Critical Methods and Recent Theologies The rise of rationalism and the Enlightenment brought about the development of the critical historical method of interpretation. This superseded the long-held traditional understanding of four modes of biblical interpretation: the literal, the allegorical, the moral, and the typological. The historical criticism of scholars like Hermann Samuel Reimarus (1694–1768) and Albert Schweitzer (1875–1965) changed the landscape of biblical interpretation. Twentieth-century scholars like Rudolph Bultmann and Karl Barth affirmed that theology and Bible study are closely related, with one impacting the other, and helped Christians understand the meaning of scripture in the context in which it was written. Theologies in the latter part of the 20th and 21st centuries, such as liberation and feminist theologies, emphasized human experience as an authority for understanding scripture and the Christian faith. The diverse standpoints from which people begin their study of scripture shape their understanding. Contextual study is the practice of African Americans, women, and persons who come from places on the margins of society to investigate the Bible out of the context of their experience. Methods of Study and Curricula Bible study has taken many forms and used a variety of methods. German educator Johann Friedrich Herbart (1776–1841) emphasized a four-step approach of preparation, presentation, explanation, and application. The Uniform Lesson Plan series began in 1882 and was the foundation for Protestant Christian education for many years. The series provided themes that covered major portions of the Bible over a seven-year cycle (Cully 1995, 3–4). Inductive Bible study dates at least from the early 1900s; it involves looking at the whole of a text and then moving to individual words or phrases. Rather than beginning with principles to prove, the student looks to the text first. Bible study fellowship was begun in 1959 by Audrey Wetherell Johnson, a British missionary to China; it is an international parachurch movement initially started to provide Bible study to converts from a Billy Graham crusade. In the 1980s, Walter Wink introduced “Transforming Bible Study,” which used the brain research on left-brain/right-brain thinking to de-emphasize a cognitive approach to the Bible in favor of an affective or experiential approach. Robin Maas’s Church Bible Study Handbook taught church Bible study leaders basic exegetical and word study methods and advocated using a variety of translations and study resources, such as Bible dictionaries, concordances, atlases, and commentaries. Interest in child development in the 20th century, including the theory of Jean Piaget, was brought to

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Bible Study Software

Christian education for helping children understand and experience the Bible. Theories on how people learn emerged in psychology, which were applied to Bible study. Recently, the multiple intelligence theory of Howard Gardner has been employed. This involves the use of seven forms of intelligence—visual, spatial, logicalmathematical, musical, kinesthetic, interpersonal and intrapersonal—to illuminate biblical texts (Bruce 2000). The advent of computers has brought software such as BibleWorks, Bible Gateway, and Verse Search for biblical scholars and lay students. An increasing number of “apps” for mobile devices let people read and study the Bible on the go. Among some Christian Bible study groups, there has been a revival of the ancient Benedictine practice of lectio divina, a contemplative approach that involves meditation on the reading of scripture to promote communion with God. Bible study today also uses the arts and popular culture such as music and film, because these demonstrate the relevance of the biblical message and stimulate emotional involvement with the text (Roncace and Gray 2007, 8). References and Resources Boys, M. 1990. “Bible Study.” In Harper’s Encyclopedia of Religious Education, edited by I. V. Cully and K. B. Cully, 72–73. San Francisco: Harper & Row. Bracke, J. M., and K. Tye. 2003. Teaching the Bible in the Church. St. Louis, MO: Chalice Press. Bruce, B. 2000. 7 Ways of Teaching the Bible to Adults. Nashville, TN: Abingdon Press. Brueggemann, W. 1982. The Creative Word: Canon as Model for Biblical Education. Philadelphia: Fortress Press. Cully, I. 1995. The Bible in Christian Education. Minneapolis, MN: Fortress Press. Grant, R. M., and D. Tracy. 1984. A Short History of the Interpretation of the Bible. 2nd ed. Philadelphia: Fortress Press. Hestenes, R. 1983. Using the Bible in Groups. Philadelphia: Westminster Press. Maas, R. 1982. Church Bible Study Handbook. Nashville: Abingdon Press. Rogerson, J, ed. 2001. The Oxford Illustrated History of the Bible. New York: Oxford University Press. Roncace, M., and P. Gray, eds. 2007. Teaching the Bible Through Popular Culture and the Arts. Society of Biblical Literature, no. 53. Edited by S. Ackerman and J. R. Wagner. Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature. Wink, W. 1980. Transforming Bible Study. Nashville, TN: Abingdon Press. Wright, D. 2001. “The Reformation to 1700.” In The Oxford Illustrated History of the Bible, 192–217. New York: Oxford University Press.

—Susan Willhauck

Bible Study Software Bible study software represents the latest blending of ancient revelation with modern technology. Just as the movable type was harnessed for the printing of Bibles, so too have computers been employed for the development of electronic Bibles and digital theological libraries. From Greek language software developed for mainframe computers in the 1970s, to searchable Bibles and theological libraries on personal computers in the 1980s and 1990s, to social and mobile Bible apps in the present, Bible software has kept pace with the changing technological times, to the benefit of Christian education. History of Computerized Bibles One of the earliest uses of computers for biblical study was Project GRAMCORD, founded in 1976 at Indiana State University.40 The intention was to develop a mechanism for computer-assisted analysis of biblical languages, in particular a tool to assist with grammatical and syntactical analysis. As James A. Boyer noted in a 1980 article about Project GRAMCORD, “For many years I have felt the need for a new tool for Greek exegesis, a concordance which will do for the study of syntactical constructions what a word concordance does for the study of word meanings.”41 Over time the GRAMCORD project expanded to include both Greek and Hebrew tools for personal computers. In the 1980s and 1990s, with the emergence and popularity of personal computers, Bible study software entered the mainstream. In particular, the availability of CD-ROMs (which could hold the equivalent of hundreds of floppy disks) as a means of distributing software meant that a Bible software package could move beyond merely a searchable Bible to include additional connected resources such as concordances, lexical codes, commentaries, parallel passages, and other resources. Although numerous Bible software applications, both commercial and public domain, were released for personal computers, a few milestones stand out. In 1988, Ellis Enterprises released The Bible Library CD-ROM, which contained 9 Bible versions and 21 reference sources.42 Around the same time, Parsons Technology released QuickVerse, a low-cost, floppy-disk based, searchable Bible program.43 40. The GRAMCORD Institute, “What Is The GRAMCORD Institute?” 2010, http://www.gramcord.org/whatis.htm. 41. James A. Boyer, “Project GRAMCORD: A Report,” Grace Theological Journal 1, no. 1 (1980): 97–99. 42. Ellis Bible Library, “About Us,” http://www.biblelibrary.com/ee _aboutus.htm. 43. Craig Rairdin, “QuickVerse/Parsons Technology History,” Craig’s World, 4 April 2013, http://www.craigr.com/2013/04/04/quickverseparsons -technology-history/.

Bible Translation

By 1993, IBM had entered the field and partnered with Ellis Enterprises to release The New Bible Library. In 1992, two major companies were founded to produce Bible software programs: BibleWorks and Logos Research Systems. BibleWorks was primarily focused on providing “a complete package containing the tools most essential for the task of interpreting the Scriptures in the original Greek and Hebrew, and to do it at a price that poor pastors and students can afford.”44 Accordingly, BibleWorks combined the graphical user interface of Microsoft Windows with a robust bundle of resources to enable users to engage with the original Greek and Hebrew texts in a powerful and accessible format. Logos Research Systems focused more on the development of a comprehensive biblical and theological library system, again on the Microsoft Windows platform. In 1995, Logos released version 2.0 of its software, which “introduces the ‘library’ concept to Bible software. The LLS is the first Bible software platform designed to support hundreds of electronic books delivered, or unlocked, as separate products.”45 Over time, many Bible software packages moved toward a model that combined Bible search, original language integration, and an interconnected resource library. The rise of the Internet and World Wide Web saw the release of online searchable Bibles and biblical resources. Perhaps the most significant of these was The Bible Gateway, started by Calvin College student Nick Hengeveld, which became the cornerstone of the Gospel Communication Network’s Gospelcom.net website.46 With the emergence of mobile and tablet computing, Bible study software was reborn as apps. In addition to mobile or app versions of existing computer-based programs, new apps written specifically for the mobile market emerged, including LifeChurch.tv’s Bible app, Bible+ by Olive Tree Bible Software, and the FaithLife Study Bible from Logos Bible Software. In addition to many resources and search features found in the computer and online Bible programs, many mobile Bible apps integrate social networking, so users can interact with one another in virtual Bible study communities, both public and private. Features of Bible Software The ability to search the full text of multiple versions of the Bible is the core but far from the only feature found in Bible study software. Contemporary computer-based, 44. BibleWorks, “What Is BibleWorks?” 2013, http://www.bibleworks .com/content/. 45. Logos Bible Software, “History of Logos Bible Software,” 2012, http://www.logos.com/about/history. 46. BibleGateway.com, “About the Bible Gateway Searchable Online Bible,” http://www.biblegateway.com/about/.

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online, and mobile Bible software programs are robust theological research systems capable of academic research, original language translation, sermon preparation, or personal devotions. Users can search across multiple books (Bibles, commentaries, lexicons, etc.), often by keyword, phrase, topic, or complex query. Searches can be simple, like finding every use of “God” in the New International Version translation of the Bible; more complex, such as hunting down discussions of justification in not only the Bible but all of the reference books (dictionaries, commentaries, etc.) in your collection; or truly detailed, including locating all perfect indicative occurrences of τελεω (teleo, to finish) in the Greek text. Clicking on individual words often brings up relevant lexical definitions, morphological analysis, cross-references, or additional resources. Most Bible study applications also include graphics, maps, audio, and video related to the textual resources. Bible apps for mobile devices differ from their personal computer counterparts primarily in the social dimension. Both computer software and mobile app Bible products generally permit highlighting, bookmarking, note taking, and other such study activities; however, mobile Bible apps also enable users to view that content across a variety of devices, share their study materials with others, and engage in online social networking around their biblical studies. As mobile devices grow in popularity, it will be interesting to see whether Bible apps supplant their desktop competitors or are used in parallel to them. Given that it’s not unusual to see a pastor using an iPad as an alternative to sheaves of paper for sermon notes, digital Bibles will likely grow in popularity in seminaries and churches in the years to come. —Jason Baker

Bible Translation The authors of the Old and New Testaments wrote to communicate, so they used the mother tongues of their target audiences—Hebrew and Aramaic for the OT, and Greek for the NT. Today, most people read Bible translations rather than the ancient originals—in English alone, hundreds of translations exist. Why Translate? The first OT translation was the Septuagint (LXX), a Greek version of the third century BC. By Jesus’s day it was read aloud in Jewish synagogues around the Roman empire in Greek-speaking cities, such as Corinth and Rome, since many Jews primarily spoke Greek. NT authors mainly use the Septuagint when citing OT scripture.

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In Israel-Palestine, although Jewish teachers learned Hebrew, most people spoke Aramaic. Hence, the Targums were produced in Aramaic and were read aloud in Palestinian synagogues. They often paraphrase and expand the Hebrew quite freely. NT translation sprang from missionary motives: the early Christians expressed their faith in people’s mother tongues so that they too could learn to follow Jesus. By AD 300, versions existed in Latin (c. AD 150–200), Syriac (c. AD 160), and Coptic, the Egyptian language (c. third century AD). The number of translations grew rapidly in the following centuries. This Christian missionary motivation for Bible translation contrasts with Islam, since mainstream Muslims believe that the Qur’an should not be translated from Arabic. The Growth of Bible Translation By the 15th century in Europe, the main Bible was the Latin Vulgate, and church services were in Latin. However, only educated people understood Latin, so the desire to have the Bible and church services in people’s own language was a driver of the 16th-century Reformation. The Catholic Church hierarchy of the day opposed this, fearing they would lose control of what people believed. But those who translated the Bible into English, German, Dutch, French, and so forth wanted the Bible’s transforming message accessible to everyone. The Dutch scholar Erasmus wrote: Christ wishes his mysteries to be published as widely as possible. . . . I wish they were translated into all languages of all Christian people, that they might be read and known, not merely by the Scotch and the Irish, but even by the Turks and the Saracens. I wish that the husbandman may sing parts of them at his plough, that the weaver may warble them at his shuttle, that the traveler may with their narratives beguile the weariness of the way.

Thus the Bible is a major tool in Christian education today, for reading in public worship, group study, individual devotions, and theological study. United Bible Societies and Wycliffe Bible Translators make the Bible available in new languages. As of 2013, of the more than 6,800 languages known in the world, only 518 have the whole Bible. Other languages have the full OT or NT, or at least one Bible book, meaning that about 90 percent of the world’s population has at least some of the Bible in a language they know. About 209 million people still lack any scripture in their own language (the world population is about 7 billion); they are primarily located in Central Africa and Nigeria, mainland and Southeast Asia, and Indonesia and the Pacific islands.

Issues in Bible Translation Translations vary in style and content, because of their contrasting foci. Some focus on the original (or source) language, translating “word by word,” aiming to use the source language’s sentence structure as far as possible (e.g., in English, NASB, ESV). These are sometimes (wrongly) called “literal” versions, but all versions involve some changes to make the translations understood in the target language (Strauss 2005). Others focus on the target language, translating “thought by thought,” aiming to convey the original’s meaning using the structures of the target language. Strongly target-language-focused versions are paraphrases, sometimes offering striking phrasing (e.g., in English, The Message). Many versions use a mediating approach, aiming to convey the meaning clearly in the target language without distorting the original (e.g., in English, NIV, HCSB, NRSV). Another focus is the target audience: some versions aim at children (e.g., Living Bible), or second-language readers (e.g., Good News Bible). In some languages, “inclusive” language is important—for example, in English, when both women and men are included in the original, “people” and “humanity” are better than “men” and “man” (Carson 1998). Translating terms for people with disabilities sensitively is also important (Wynn 2001). Human language keeps changing, so Bible translation never ends, continuing to convey God’s Word in contemporary human words, to enable the church to learn and grow. See also Learning Biblical Languages References and Resources Beekman, J., and J. Callow. 1974. Translating the Word of God. Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan. Carson, D. A. 1998. The Inclusive-Language Debate: A Plea for Realism. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Books. Fee, G. D., and M. L. Strauss. 2007. How to Choose a Translation for All Its Worth. Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan. France, R. T. 1997. Translating the Bible. Grove Biblical no. 3. Cambridge, UK: Grove. Sheeley S. M., and R. N. Nash Jr. 1997. The Bible in English Translation. Nashville, TN: Abingdon. Strauss, M. L. 2005. “Form, Function, and the ‘Literal Meaning’: Fallacy in English Bible Translation.” Bible Translator 56: 153–168. Wynn, K. H. 2001. “Disability in Biblical Translation.” Bible Translator 52: 402–414. United Bible Societies. http://www.unitedbiblesocieties.org/. Wycliffe Bible Translators. http://www.wycliffe.org/.

—Steve Walton

Bible, Early Vernacular Translations of the

Bible, Early Vernacular Translations of the Since the ordinary reader cannot read the Bible in the original Hebrew and Greek languages, there has long been a need to translate the scriptures into the languages of the world. While the Latin Bible, particularly the Latin Vulgate created by Jerome between AD 383 and 405, remained dominant through the early centuries of Christianity, other translations in the vernacular began to appear in England and continental Europe in the early part of the Middle Ages and went hand in hand with the Reformation. English Translations The first translation of the complete Bible into the English language was undertaken by John Wycliffe (c. 1330–1384) and his colleagues and was completed in 1382 (Metzger 2001, 56). A second version was made by Wycliffe’s secretary, John Purvey, a short time later. Both were literal renderings of the Latin Vulgate. It is unlikely that Wycliffe himself took part in the actual work of the translation. Rather, it was under his inspiration that his friends and coworkers completed the work (Bruce 1978, 12–15; Vos 1975, 575; Cairns 1996, 245–246). The first English translation of the New Testament to be printed was that of William Tyndale (c. 1494–1536). Translated from Erasmus’s Greek New Testament, it was published in two editions at Worms in 1525 and was significant because it had such a great influence on subsequent translations (Metzger 2001, 60). However, Myles Coverdale (1488–1569) is credited with publishing the complete Bible in English in 1535. Known as the Coverdale Bible, it was translated from the Latin Vulgate, rather than directly from Hebrew and Greek (Vos 1975, 576). In 1537, a volume by John Rogers (c. 1500–1555) appeared, known as Matthew’s Bible. About two-thirds of the translation is the work of Tyndale (Bruce 1978, 25; Cairns 1996, 321; Vos 1975, 576). With two versions being freely circulated and read in England, Oliver Cromwell (1599–1658), Lord Protector of the British Commonwealth, encouraged the revision of the Matthew Bible to make it more acceptable to the public. The task of the revision was entrusted to Coverdale and published in 1540. It became known as the Great Bible because of its size, the largest English Bible published to that point (Vos 1975, 576; Bruce 1978, 67–71). Roman Catholic persecution of Protestants in England in the mid-16th century made further translations impossible in that country; thus several Protestant scholars fled to Geneva, where they worked on another revision of the Bible. William Whittingham (1524–1579) began the work with the revision of the New Testament in 1557

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and the completion of a revision of the complete Bible in 1560, a task taken on by several scholars. The Geneva Bible was based primarily on the Great Bible for the Old Testament and Tyndale’s translation of the New Testament (Vos 1975, 578; Bruce 1978, 86–92). Two lesser-known translations appeared between the publication of the Geneva Bible and the widely embraced and yet to come King James Version. The Bishop’s Bible (1568) was produced by the bishops of the Church of England and ceased printing in 1602. The authorities of the Roman Catholic Church approved the RheimsDouay Bible, made from the Latin Vulgate. The Old Testament (1610) was published at the University of Douay in northern France, and the New Testament was produced at Rheims, France (1582) (Vos 1975, 578; Bruce 1978, 113; Metzger 2001, 67–69). The most enduring English translation of the Bible from the Renaissance is the King James Version (1611). Unhappy with the existing translations, King James I called for a new version of the Bible, to be prepared by 47 of the best scholars in England. The translators used other translations (primarily the Bishop’s Bible) as a basis, but it was translated out of the original tongues. Commonly called the Authorized Version, the KJV is still the most popular and widely read English Bible (Vos 1975, 578; Bruce 1978, 96–100). Translations in the Languages of Continental Europe In Germany, Martin Luther (1483–1546) completed the translation of the New Testament in 1522, based on Erasmus’s edition of the Greek New Testament. The complete Bible, including the Apocrypha, was published in 1534 (Cairns 1996, 285; Green 1974, 127). The German Bible did not just put the scriptures into German; it began a critical epoch in the Reformation. J. H. Merle d’Aubigne noted, “It worked an entire change in society . . . . When the Bible began to be read in the families of Christendom, Christendom itself was changed” (1832, 78). In Switzerland Luther’s New Testament was adapted to the Swiss dialect in 1524; the whole Bible was published in 1530 (Schaff [1910] 1988, 63–64). In France, Jacques Lefevre (1455–1536) completed a translation of the Bible into French, based largely on the Latin Vulgate, in 1525 (Cairns 1996: 309); he also worked from an earlier version of a French Bible (Lindsay 1907,142). Lefevre’s version was disregarded by some Christians, and Pierre Olivetan (c. 1506–1538) wrote a new translation based on the Hebrew and Greek texts (Cairns 1996, 308–309). The first New Testament written in the Dutch language was published in 1523 (Cairns 1996, 315). The earliest version of the complete Dutch Bible was the Mennonite Bible (1558), later known as the Biestkens

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Bible (Lane 1977, 372). The first complete Czech Bible translated from Hebrew and Greek was the Kralice Bible (1593), published by the Unity of the Brethren in six volumes (Evans 1996, 185–186). The Danish Bible was the Christian III Bible, translated by the Danish Reformed Church in 1550 (Lane 1977, 372); Juan Perez de Pineda (c. 1500–1568) completed translating the New Testament into Spanish in 1556, while the first complete Spanish Bible appeared in 1569 (Lane 1977, 372); the first Finnish Bible was completed in 1642 (Liechty 1996, 107). References and Resources Bruce, F. F. 1978. History of the Bible in English. 3rd ed. New York: Oxford University Press. Cairns, Earle E. 1996. Christianity Through the Centuries. 3rd ed. Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan. D’Aubigne, J. H. Merle. 1832. History of the Reformation of the Sixteenth Century. Vol. III. Translated by H. White. New York: American Tract Society. Evans, R. J. W. 1996. “Bohemian Brethren.” In The Oxford Encyclopedia of the Reformation, Vol. 1, edited by Hans J. Hillerbrand, 185–186. New York: Oxford University Press. Green, V. H. H. 1974. Luther and the Reformation. n.p.: Mentor Books. Lane, Tony. 1977. “A Flood of Bibles.” In Eerdmans’ Handbook to the History of Christianity, edited by Tim Dowley, 368–372. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. Liechty, Daniel. 1996. “Finland.” In The Oxford Encyclopedia of the Reformation, vol. 2, edited by Hans J. Hillerbrand, 106–108. New York: Oxford University Press. Lindsay, Thomas M. 1907. A History of the Reformation. Vol II. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons. May, Herbert Gordon. 1965. Our English Bible in the Making. Philadelphia: Westminster Press. Metzger, Bruce M. 2001. The Bible in Translation. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic. Schaff, Philip. (1910) 1988. History of the Christian Church. Vol. VIII. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. Vos, J. G. 1975. “Bible, English Versions.” In The Zondervan Pictorial Encyclopedia of the Bible, vol. 1, edited by Merrill C. Tenney, 571–582. Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan. Wegner, Paul D. 1999. The Journey from Texts to Translations. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic.

—Harley T. Atkinson

Bible, Relationship of Education to the The Bible often functions as educational content—in both church and formal schooling settings, it has been an important part of what is taught, not only in theologically focused classes, but also, for example, as a literary text and source of literary allusions. Such use of the Bible

raises educational questions concerning adaptation to the needs and abilities of particular learners. The Bible has also acted as an impetus to education, for example, through its calls to believing parents to teach their children carefully, or through the emphasis on literacy that accompanies an emphasis on Bible study. The Bible may, however, also play a more directive role as a source of, or controlling framework for, particular educational approaches. This involves reflection on what it might mean for educational approaches to be biblically directed, rather than on the insertion of the Bible into existing educational approaches. Main Approaches In the history of interaction between the Bible and education, the Bible has been brought to bear on education in various ways. Prominent among these are the following. Character The Bible teaches a normative view of character, sometimes specifically in connection the teaching role (2 Tim. 2:22–25). This may be applied both to the character of the Christian teacher and to the character that educational efforts seek to encourage in learners, inviting biblically informed reflection on how character is formed and on moral aspects and effects of broader pedagogical choices. Doctrine/Worldview Approaches to education necessarily assume particular views of human nature and flourishing, the nature of knowledge and truth, the nature of reality, what knowledge is important, and the ends to which skills are to be applied. The Bible is a source of theological teaching on such topics, and biblical teaching in these areas can inform and critique education. This is approached sometimes through direct appeal to what the Bible is held to teach about education, and sometimes through the Bible’s shaping of a broader worldview that is then related to educational thinking. Narrative Narrative theology has pointed to the importance of narrative in the Bible, both its small stories and its overall narrative shape. Similarly, some educational theory has approached curriculum and the shaping of students’ worldviews in terms of both subject content stories and overarching narratives. This has suggested approaches to Christian education in terms of resonance with biblical narrative patterns and emphases. Imagination The Bible is rich in patterns of imagery that can inform not only theological, but also educational, imagination.

Bible, Use of the

The role of metaphors (e.g., learners as containers) in shaping educational thought and practice is generally acknowledged. Biblical imagery (including, e.g., gardens, light, pilgrimage, bread, foundations) used to think about teaching and learning has linked education to biblically informed patterns of seeing. Canon/Modeling The formation of the canon of scripture implies a process and a final arrangement of materials intended to serve the educational and intergenerational continuity of the faith community. Some have looked to the various pedagogical emphases modeled in the Bible and their canonical arrangement as offering a basis for approaching education biblically. A related approach looks to the pedagogy discernible in Jesus’s teaching, as represented in scripture, as a model for education. Practices The Bible is a source not only for Christian doctrine, but also for a range of Christian practices, such as Sabbath, hospitality, or intentional community. Some approaches to Christian education explore the formational intent and pedagogical insights of these practices against their biblical background and in relation to educational practice. These approaches may be adopted singly or in combination. The list is not exhaustive and is complicated further by questions of the degree to which the Bible is approached as an unproblematic authority or in light of its use to support stances seen as needing critique, as in some postcolonial and feminist contexts. Even this brief map may indicate some of the complexity of the relationship between the Bible and education. References and Resources Badley, Ken. 1996. “Two ‘Cop-outs’ in Faith-Learning Integration: Incarnational Integration and Worldviewish Integration.” Spectrum 28 (2): 105–118. Brueggemann, Walter. 1982. The Creative Word: Canon as a Model for Biblical Education. Philadelphia: Fortress Press. Melchert, Charles F. 1998. Wise Teaching: Biblical Wisdom and Educational Ministry. Harrisburg, PA: Trinity Press International. Smith, David I., and John Shortt. 2002. The Bible and the Task of Teaching. Nottingham, UK: The Stapleford Centre.

—David I. Smith

Bible, Use of the There is a range of ways in which the Bible can shape the life and thinking of Christian educators and thereby make a difference to how they fulfil their calling in the home,

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church, school, or any other context in which teaching and learning take place. A very common approach to relating the Bible to education moves by deduction from the statements of scripture or from basic beliefs derived from the Bible to conclusions for educational practice. Our basic Christian beliefs about human nature and relationships and about the nature of reality can have a deep impact on our thinking about educational issues. However, it is important to note that pure deduction is not the only possible relationship between Christian beliefs and educational practices. For example, biblical presuppositions may commend or permit rather than require certain practices, and they may exclude others. They may function in the manner of a “filter” rather than as the “pump” of logical entailment. There may also be fewer formal relationships between beliefs and practice. Classroom methods and techniques may be patterned as a result of a teacher being shaped by a whole set of beliefs rather than by following a particular strand of biblical teaching. One way in which this patterning relationship can take effect is through metaphors. Metaphors can generate different patterns of belief and practice, and they therefore function far more centrally than would the mere literary adornments they are sometimes taken to be. Similar-sounding metaphors may have very different roots. The Christian educator John Amos Comenius saw teaching as gardening. He derived this from the biblical idea of a garden as being originally God’s good creation but corrupted by the Fall and in need of God’s redemptive activity. This differs quite radically from Jean-Jacques Rousseau’s later use of a similar-sounding metaphor, which saw the teacher’s role as a matter of bringing up the child in a natural state free from harmful adult influences. The Bible may shape us through metaphors that are drawn directly from the Bible (e.g., teacher as shepherd) or those that fit well with what it teaches. Parker Palmer, for example, proposes that in place of our Western view of knowing as power and mastery, we should see knowing in more biblical terms, as loving. The Bible comes to us mainly in narrative form and with an implicit meta-narrative of creation, fall, and redemption. It shapes us as we seek to live and to teach in that big ongoing story rather than in the alternative meta-narratives of consumerism, humanism, rationalism, and so forth. Both the big story and the little stories that we tell in our living and in our teaching will be biblical if there is a “fittingness” to the biblical meta-narrative. The Bible also provides us with models for teaching and learning, in the teachers that it portrays—especially Jesus—and in the ways of teaching that it exemplifies.

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Walter Brueggemann (1982) said that the three main divisions of the Old Testament exemplified three modes of teaching. The Torah gives us an orderly, trustworthy lifeworld, a framework of accepted meaning. The Prophets focus on the critiquing of received understandings and the imagining of alternatives. The Wisdom books explore the potential and limitations of everyday life relationships and communal experience. All of these can be seen as necessary and complementary dimensions of education. Jesus himself taught in all three of these modes. The lives and teaching of Christian educators can be shaped by the Bible through its principles, metaphors, grand narrative, and models of teaching. As a result, they become in their persons and actions “living letters” to be known and read by those they teach. References and Resources Badley, Ken, and Harro Van Brummelen, eds. 2012. Metaphors We Teach By: How Metaphors Shape What We Do in Classrooms. Eugene, OR: Wipf & Stock. Brueggemann, Walter. 1982. The Creative Word: Canon as a Model for Biblical Education. Philadelphia: Fortress Press. Palmer, Parker J. 1983. To Know as We Are Known: A Spirituality of Education. San Francisco: Harper & Row. Smith, David I., and John Shortt. 2002. The Bible and the Task of Teaching. Nottingham, UK: The Stapleford Centre.

—John Shortt

Biblical Education by Extension Biblical Education by Extension (BEE) was originally founded in Vienna, Austria, in 1979 by five mission agencies working in Eastern Europe to train church leaders in creative access countries where formal theological education was restricted. Due to the oppression of the communist governments, Protestant denominations were unable to provide adequate theological training for their clergy or initiate new institutions for theological leadership development. BEE was a cooperative educational mission whose informal extension program offered biblical education to ecclesiastical leaders behind the Iron Curtain. The first general director was Joseph (Jody) C. Dillow (1979–2011), with Al Bridges as the managing director, and Lois McKinney and Fred Holland as educational advisors. The new organization worked with staff and resources from the following organizations: Campus Crusade for Christ, Church Resource Ministries, the Conservative Baptist Foreign Mission Society, East European Bible Mission, European Christian Mission, Grace Community Church of Sun Valley California, International Teams, the Navigators, Open Doors, Operation

Mobilization, Slavic Gospel Association, and Taking Christ to the Millions. Before the political upheaval in the area that occurred from 1989 to 1991, BEE trained leaders across various denominations in Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, East Germany, Hungary, Poland, Romania, and the Soviet Union. The educational materials were produced in English and translated into seven languages of the geographic region. The instructional tools included textbooks and self-study guides, coupled with covert seminars to thwart government opposition. The focus of the training was studying the Bible, theological doctrine, and pastoral care. The overall purpose of BEE was to establish educational centers in churches that would train leaders to reproduce the program throughout their own nations. By the late 1980s, several thousand church leaders had connected with the BEE program. After the Cold War ended in 1992, denominational leaders in Eastern Europe established their own training institutions of theological learning. This became a catalyst for BEE in the mid-1990s to adopt strategies to meet the changing educational needs. BEE materials were incorporated in national training programs, and the institution moved toward educational consultancy and the supply of resource materials. By 1994, the BEE board of directors had authorized the formation of BEE World, a new ministry that would utilize the same philosophy, curriculum, and discipleship strategy to expand the BEE training model to other restricted access countries in Africa, Asia, and the Middle East. BEE World, headquartered in Colorado Springs, Colorado, continued under the leadership of Jody Dillow to address the growing worldwide leadership crisis by providing biblical training to pastors and church leaders who otherwise would have no access to biblical education. BEE World follows the methodology of sending teachers to the various restricted access countries to start discipleship groups, which study BEE’s curriculum translated into the national language. The facilitation involves modeling the teaching method itself, so that each student can potentially multiply the process by having his or her own training group. BEE World partners with the Internet Biblical Seminary to publish seminary-level doctrinal curriculum that students can access via printed book, CD-ROM, or online study. These courses include studies of the Old and New Testaments, books of the Bible, and issues of Christian living such as marriage and parenting, business leadership, and church relations. Since 1979, more than 50,000 students in 15 countries have taken BEE courses, and at least half of them have completed the curriculum and continued on to train others. In 1998, the first BEE Women’s Ministry track was launched in several countries of southeastern Asia,

Biblical Models of Education

emphasizing the equipping of women in ministry to develop their roles as wives, mothers, and Christian leaders. This has resulted in more than a thousand women leaders being trained in East Asia, Myanmar, Nepal, northern India, and Vietnam. —Robert L. Gallagher

Biblical Models of Education In exploring their discipline, educators employ the terms theory and model to distinguish between why something works and how it works. In proffering an answer to the “Why?” question, a theory answers, “Because.” In proffering an answer to the “How?” question, a model responds, “Like this.” While the theoretical question “why” is a legitimate investigative concern, the focus of this article is on identifying biblical models that describe “how” education occurs. Distinguishing between Biblical Models “Biblical models of education” can refer to models that incorporate scripture or models that emanate from the text itself. Models That Incorporate Scripture There is no denying the value and validity of educational models that incorporate scripture to inform and inspire. Within this category, we find models such as Yount’s (2010) discipler’s model and Beechick’s (2004) model of learning. These, and others like them, are supported by scripture and have “proved quite workable for setting down a biblical theory of learning” (Beechick 2004, 47). Models That Emanate from Scripture It is when educators turn to the scriptures as the source of, not just a resource for, their models that the power and practicality of a Bible-based educational theory is fully experienced. A number of educational models emerge from scripture as instructional templates. Two popular and frequently utilized models for curricular development and design can be found in the Shema of Deuteronomy 6 and the early Church’s program, recorded in Acts 2:42ff. Paul’s prayers for the Philippian and Colossian congregations (see Phil. 1:9–11 and Col. 1:9–12) provide a model for teachers and leaders as they construct lesson plans and select methods of instruction for their charges. In addition to these popular biblical models, two other passages also provide a framework for a disciple-making ministry. The rest of this article focuses on the biblical “how” of education as it is identified in Philippians 4:9 and Proverbs 2.

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Biblical Processes: Philippians 4:9 “Whatever you have learned or received or heard from me, or seen in me—put it into practice. And the God of peace will be with you” (Phil. 4:9). Concise yet comprehensive, this summary of the processes of education anticipated by the apostle suggests a three-phase strategic model for the education process. (1) The proclamation of pertinent information, (2) the provision of an appropriate model to imitate, and (3) the promotion of practical experience and life change provide a framework for an effective procedure upon which every educational endeavor and teaching-learning experience can be constructed and implemented. In essence, every educational experience must include these biblical processes: instruction, illustration, and implementation. Proverbs 2: A Teaching-Learning Process Metamodel If Philippians 4:9 provides a telescopic model of education, the metamodel of Proverbs 2 provides the microscopic model. Here we find the details of the teachinglearning process suggested by the wisest man who ever lived, thus providing ancient wisdom for contemporary education. Using Solomon’s advice on education in Proverbs 2, we find that first (v. 1), the pupil must choose to participate in the learning and “accept my words.” The tutor obtains the student’s attention and motivates the individual to learn. Second (v. 2a), the learner engages in “turning your ear”— the process of receiving the intended message. Utilizing a variety of methods and materials, the teacher stimulates the senses. Third (v. 2b), the student participates in critically reflective listening, thinking, emoting, and making choices by “applying your heart.” The instructor will inspire the individual to study intently and master the content. Fourth (vv. 5, 9), the scholar will “then . . . understand”—raising the learning levels beyond knowledge to understanding and wisdom (vv. 5, 6, 9, 10, 12). The mentor utilizes probing questions and stimulating exercises and experiences to encourage growth. Fifth (v. 20), the educated follower experiences life change and “walk[s] in the ways of good men.” Learning has occurred when the disciple is a “doer of the word,” which is affirmed by the prophet Isaiah in 6:8–10, confirmed by the apostle in John 12:37–41, and illustrated by the missionary in 1 Thessalonians 2:13, 14. These five stages constitute a biblical model of Christian education that can be implemented in any venue, at any age, and for any audience. References and Resources Beechick, R. 2004. Heart and mind: What the Bible Says about Learning. Fenton, MI: Mott Media. Groome, T. H. 1980. Christian Religious Education: Sharing Our Story and Vision. San Francisco: Harper & Row.

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Mitchell, M. R. 2010. Leading, Teaching, and Making Disciples: World-class Christian Education in the Church, School, and Home. Bloomington, IN: CrossBooks. Richards, L. O. 1975. A Theology of Christian Education. Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan. Westerhoff, J. 1994. Spiritual Life: The Foundation for Preaching and Teaching. Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press. Wilson, J. A., M. D. Robeck, and W. B. Michael. 1969. Psychological Foundations of Learning. New York: McGraw-Hill. Yount, W. 2010. Created to Learn. Nashville, TN: B&H Publishing.

—Michael R. Mitchell and Benjamin K. Forrest

Biblical Theology The study of the Bible is essential to all Christian theology and a central activity in all Christian education, since the Bible is the only reliable source for understanding God and His world. Jesus testified (Luke 24:27; John 5:39) that the scriptures were centered on Himself and thus have a unified, purposeful theme. This is the focus of biblical theology. Biblical theology understands that the Bible is God’s self-revelation. He is the Author of the sacred scriptures, even as He used almost 40 writers over 15 centuries. The goal of biblical theology is to discover, describe, organize, and clarify distinctive theological themes from the Hebrew and Christian scriptures. Because biblical theologians recognize the Bible as presenting a divinely authoritative message, the biblical text and biblical terminology are essential to the enterprise. Biblical theology always reflects the diversity of the biblical material while also espousing the deeper truths and unity of the Bible, especially as being Christo-centric and salvific. Identifying the specific characteristics of biblical theology is not difficult, although it remains a subject of discussion and debate even among its practitioners. Biblical theology is a subcategory of Christian theology between exegetical theology and systematic theology. It grows out of exegetical theology and is foundational for systematic theology. Although its exclusive focus is on the Bible and its proper interpretation, biblical theology is (aside from practical theology) the most collaborative of theological approaches. Historical studies are used in seeking the Sitz im Leben (situation in life) of the biblical material. Systematic theology’s organizational classifications or structures are frequently followed, and dogmatic topics are often the thematic subjects of study. Only philosophical speculation and scientific (both natural and social) are eschewed for the most part, since

they can lead the reader away from a biblical text rather than into its spiritual depth. The term biblical theology has been attributed to an inaugural address by Johann Philipp Grabler in 1797. In his introductory oration as professor of theology at the University of Altdorf, De justo discrimine theologiae biblicae et dogmaticae regundisque recte utriusque finibus (On the Proper Distinction between Biblical and Dogmatic Theology and the Specific Objectives of Each), Grabler describes the uniqueness of this theological discipline. Thus, the designation of biblical theology as a distinct and specific approach to theological study is of relatively recent origin, yet biblical theology can claim to be as ancient as the New Testament. While most frequently associated with theologians from a Reformed tradition, who have maintained the most consistent usage of the term, some Catholic and many Lutheran theologians understand the term similarly. For example, Martin Luther taught biblical theology in Wittenberg, following his training at the Eremetic Augustinian monastery in Erfurt, Germany. As such, he followed the medieval practice of studying the sacred page (sacra pagina) of scripture. The ancient church fathers, such as Augustine and Bernard, followed a similar approach to the text of scripture as the object of historical and grammatical scrutiny. Methodologically, biblical theologians ask the simplest of questions: “What does the Bible say?” The historical context of the biblical passages is considered, yet there is a sense of continuity with all of scripture. Some specialists will focus on Old Testament or New Testament theology or the theology of St. Paul or the theology of the Gospel of John. However, even these special studies contribute to the larger field of biblical theology. Engaging in biblical theology is fairly easy, at least initially. After reading a passage of scripture in the original language or in a translation, questions may be addressed to the text: What does this passage say about God? What does it say about humanity and the world? What does this section of scripture say about God’s plan of salvation in Christ Jesus? A more focused question on a specific topic may also be asked, for example: What does Paul mean by “grace”? If the student desires a more topical study, a concordance may be used to determine where there are other references in the Bible to the same subject. Or, if the scholar wishes to limit study to one book or selected books or testament, thematic threads may be discovered, assembled, and synthesized into a coherent whole. Ultimately, biblical theology is a foundational exercise for both the expert scholar and the general Bible reader. The goal is to hear God speak a word that convicts the reader of sin, or assures the reader of God’s

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gracious love in Christ, or directs the reader to Christ’s saving promises. References and Resources Childs, Brevard. 2002. Biblical Theology: A Proposal. Minneapolis, MN: Fortress Press. Hafemann, Scott. 2002. Biblical Theology: Retrospect and Prospect. Wheaton, IL: InterVarsity Press. Mead, James K. 2007. Biblical Theology: Issues, Methods, and Themes. Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press. Scobie, Charles. H. H. 2003. The Ways of Our God: An Approach to Biblical Theology. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. Vos, Geerhardus. 1975. Biblical Theology: Old and New Testaments. Carlisle, PA: Banner of Truth.

—Timothy Maschke

Biblicism Biblicism is a theory of scripture that understands the Bible to be exclusively authoritative, free from error, and comprehensively relevant to human life. Commonly, biblicism involves ideas of the Bible’s exclusive authority, infallibility, perspicuity, self-sufficiency, internal consistency, universal applicability, self-evident meaning, and other features understood to be corollaries of a doctrine of sola scriptura. In emphasizing a literal reading of the Bible and adopting a negative stance toward most versions of historical criticism, most modern forms of the view differ from ancient and medieval strategies of biblical interpretation, which saw the Bible as fundamentally cryptic and thus needing to be interpreted spiritually (often by means of allegory or typology). Although, as H. Richard Niebuhr (1956) pointed out, liberal Protestantism’s emphasis on a particular view of the historical Jesus was a form of biblicism, most instantiations of it function as an aspect of Protestant fundamentalism or conservative evangelicalism, often providing an intellectual basis for theological construction in those traditions. Biblicism usually involves a weak emphasis on the diversity of the forms and intentions of scripture or its uses in the church historically or in the present. Biblicists often claim to be reading the Bible inductively, simply to be drawing from it what it clearly states, without the interference of the reader’s prejudices. Yet the plurality of positions on major theological topics (e.g., free will and divine sovereignty, theories of atonement, creation and evolution, marriage and divorce, eschatology) among biblicists seems to belie this self-understanding. The limits of the viewpoint have informed recent attempts by evangelicals to engage in ecumenical dialogue

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in the context of the World Council of Churches, leading to a reconsideration of biblicism that attempts to reframe the idea in ways that would more adequately respect the plurality of voices in the Bible and the hermeneutical assumptions and contextualization issues lying behind contemporary appropriations of the sacred text. Evangelical responses to the Edinburgh 2010 missions conference of the World Council of Churches, for example, have emphasized the role of the Bible as the leading theological resource for the church, not one among many, while seeking to eliminate literalism and disrespect for other religious traditions. Still other thinkers have sought to distance Evangelicalism from biblicism by arguing for a more robust role for the church and its traditions in the understanding of scripture. In many conservative churches, however, biblicism is a necessary underpinning for theological formation, because the doctrines of those churches draw upon a particular, allegedly literal, reading of the biblical text. Ideas such as creationism, as well as more theologically weighty topics such as notions of atonement or providence, often depend on a strategy of reading the Bible that denigrates knowledge from other sources. Biblicism is thus part of a larger network of ideas that function together to create a thought world and so cannot easily be separated from the experiences of communities espousing it. References and Resources Barr, J. 1978. Fundamentalism. Philadelphia: Westminster Press. Malley, B. 2004. How the Bible Works: An Anthropological Study of Evangelical Biblicism. Walnut Creek, CA: AltaMira Press. Niebuhr, H. R. 1956. The Purpose of the Church and Its Ministry. New York: Harper & Bros. Noll, M. 1994. The Scandal of the Evangelical Mind. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. Smith, C. 2012. The Bible Made Impossible: Why Biblicism Is Not a Truly Evangelical Reading of Scripture. Grand Rapids, MI: Brazos Press.

—Samjung Kang-Hamilton

Bibliodrama Bibliodrama is a role-playing, exegetical pedagogy in which the roles are taken from the biblical text. While it is often done in traditional educational settings, it can also be used with any group desirous of engaging a sacred text. Peter Pitzele, in his book Scripture Windows: Toward a Practice of Bibliodrama, is widely viewed as the authoritative voice in bibliodrama.

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Goals The goal of bibliodrama is to interact with the text in ways that engage the entirety of the person. Bibliodrama instructors desire their participants to gain a deeper understanding of the original story or pericope through a more comprehensive examination of experiential and cognitive learning modalities. Whereas most exegetical methods are purely intellectual, bibliodrama requires participants to interact emotionally and physically in order to provide new insights into the text. According to Pitzele: There is a traditional Jewish commentary that talks about the Bible as having been composed in black and white fire. The black fire is seen in the form of the printed or handwritten words in the page or scroll; the white fire is found in the spaces between and around the black . . . . Bibliodrama takes place in the open spaces of the text for the black fire, the black letters, are the boundaries. (1998, 23–24)

These open, or white, spaces are areas that allow for interpretation of the text to occur. Bibliodrama thus moves beyond a literal reading of the biblical material and allows participants to think, act, and move as if they were part of the original story. Challenges Bibliodrama poses several challenges that are not commonly addressed in a typical academic classroom. Whereas traditional exegesis requires texts and desks, bibliodrama requires space to move. It may also require that participants be willing to engage in theatrical conventions that may be unfamiliar or uncomfortable to them, such as improvisation, stage movement, and emotional recall. Further, instructors using bibliodrama must be able to maintain order and prevent participants from moving too far afield from the biblical source text. From an exegetical standpoint, because of its interpretive nature bibliodrama can quickly move away from the actual biblical text and place extended attention on the “white” spaces of interpretation. It also runs the risk of devolving into an examination of motivations that may be impossible to verify. Finally, bibliodrama interpretations have the potential to merely mirror a preexisting hermeneutic. Through his own experiences, Alex Sinclair (2004) determined that there are four hermeneutical approaches to engaging in bibliodrama: conservative, which stays closest to the biblical text; moderate, which may seek to identify participant biases; radical, which denies meaning can come from the text; and critical, which seeks to release the reader from the ideologies of the text. These approaches, borrowed from S. Gallagher, seem to progress from conservative to critical through a bibliodrama

session unless proper care is taken by all involved. “Our hermeneutic analysis has indicated that it is a technique that is much more weighted towards relevance than authenticity” (Sinclair 2004, 71). Practice Even with the challenges mentioned above, bibliodrama can be an effective tool to explore biblical stories and find application and relevance for today’s Christian. The ways that bibliodrama can manifest are many. Participants traditionally take on the role of a biblical character in a specific portion of biblical text, but this is not always possible or necessary. Other options might be playing the part of objects, such as Moses’s staff, or the role of the author of a certain text in order to examine possible reasons for writing in a certain style; everyone may play the same character to examine different motivations or reactions; or participants may “sculpt” a human picture of an instant frozen in time. The intention of bibliodrama is to examine what is happening in the story around the text. Therefore there is no “right” way to do bibliodrama, as long as hermeneutical considerations are addressed throughout the exercise. A typical bibliodrama exercise may have the following structure: the director determines how a portion of biblical text is going to be played and what questions will be asked; the director then communicates the intention to the class, who then add additional goals or questions; this is followed by the acting phase, in which participants role-play the story; and finally the session is completed by a reviewing phase, which includes getting out of character, sharing about the experience of being a character, exegeting and comparing what was done with the biblical text, consulting other sources such as commentaries, and processing and talking about how the bibliodrama was conducted. References and Resources Erlenwein, Peter. 2002. “Bibliodrama: A Modern Mind-Body Hermeneutics.” Asia Journal of Theology 16 (2): 327–340. Krondorfer, Björn, ed. 1992. Body and the Bible: Interpreting and Experiencing Biblical Narratives. Philadelphia: Trinity Press International. Pitzele, Peter A. 1998. Scripture Windows: Toward a Practice of Bibliodrama. Los Angeles: Torah Aura Productions. Rogers, Frank. 2011. Finding God in the Graffiti: Empowering Teenagers Through Stories. Cleveland, OH: The Pilgrim Press. Sinclair, Alex. 2004. “An Exercise in the Theory of Practice: The Hermeneutics of Bibliodrama in the Sinclair Classroom.” Journal of Jewish Education 70 (3): 61–73.

—Jeffrey Tirrell

Billy Graham Library

Billy Graham Center and Library The Billy Graham Center (Wheaton, IL) and The Billy Graham Library (Charlotte, NC) were both named for William Franklin “Billy” Graham Jr. (1918– ). Graham is an American Christian evangelist who was shaped by the fundamentalism of his southern upbringing and that of the institutions he attended: Bob Jones College in Cleveland, Tennessee; Florida Bible Institute in Temple Terrace; and Wheaton College in Wheaton, Illinois, where he graduated with a degree in anthropology (1943). Graham was the pastor of several congregations and served as president of Northwestern Bible College. However, unlike many evangelists, he had very little theological training and no advanced degree. He was famous for his crusades, student ministry, international ministry, and involvement outside the church serving as an advisor to various national and international leaders. He progressively shaped the evangelical movement of the 20th century in three ways. First was taking a stand against racial discrimination through his association and work with Martin Luther King Jr., by eliminating segregated seating for his own crusades, and through the hiring of a significant number of black Americans for his own staff. Second was when he crossed theological lines to work ecumenically with Roman Catholic, neoorthodox, and mainline Protestant movements. Third was taking the Gospel message internationally through his crusades. “Taking the gospel message to the world” has been the central focus of his lifelong ministry and mission. This focus continues to live on intentionally in both the Billy Graham Center and The Billy Graham Library. Billy Graham Center While the Billy Graham Center serves as the repository of many of Graham’s materials, its boarder purpose is to accelerate global evangelism. The center was dedicated in September 1980 and opened its doors in 1981. Since then, the vision and mission of the center have been fulfilled by providing strategic programming and resources through the work of 50 ministries that reach around the world and by housing program materials that benefit schools, churches, and the general public. The first floor of the center is dedicated to the history of Protestant evangelism in America and to the work of Billy Graham’s Evangelistic Association (BGEA). In keeping with Graham’s ministry, the center conveys the Gospel message in a simple graphic presentation. The Wheaton graduate school departments of theological studies, Christian ministries, psychological studies, and communications are all located on the second floor

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of the center. The center’s library collection is housed on the third floor and includes books, periodicals, dissertations, microforms, and historical publications on missions and evangelism worldwide. The administrative offices for the center’s archives are located on the fourth floor. This floor also houses a collection of archives, the focus of the joint vision of Wheaton College and BGEA, which started in 1973 when Wheaton College offered to serve as the repository of Graham’s personal papers and BGEA records after it was determined that a center was needed to serve the combined roles of a historical society, training center, and research institute for the Protestant evangelical movement. The center has continued to serve churches, providing new resources concerning trends and needs of the present and future. These archives recognize the broader impact of the Protestant evangelical churches of America and house not only the work of Graham but also that of other 20th-century interdenominational, Protestant evangelical leaders, workers, and organizations, in this way providing a repository for documents that would otherwise be lost, as evangelicals have been more concerned with the advancement of the Gospel than with preserving the movement’s history.47 The center has a current website with up-to-date information at www.wheaton.edu/bgc. —Jeffrey Tirrell

Billy Graham Library The Billy Graham Library is located in Charlotte, North Carolina, near where Graham was raised. It is a crusade of its own as visitors tour the library, which is modeled after a dairy barn, and tour the restored family home, reminiscent of his family life and humble boyhood. The library was dedicated in 2007. In attendance with Billy Graham were former Presidents Carter, Clinton, and G. H. Bush. Following Graham’s wishes, the library’s core experience is the Gospel and the transforming power it has on a life that says “yes” to Jesus Christ. The entrance to the library is in the shape of a cross, a visual reminder to visitors that it is only through the Cross of Christ that we can be reconciled to God. The primary focus of the site is the delivery of the Gospel of Jesus Christ and an invitational call, which is delivered through a multimedia presentation. The library is organized around the themes of the man (Graham), the ministry, the message, and the mission, with the message (Gospel of Jesus Christ) being preeminent. Its Journey of Faith 47. R. Shuster, “Library and Archival Resources of the Billy Graham Center,” International Bulletin of Missionary Research 5, no. 3 (1981): 124–126.

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tour focuses on what God did in the life of a young farm boy who grew up in rural North Carolina, who ultimately committed his life to Jesus Christ at a local revival, and who then through God’s grace became America’s pastor and evangelist to the world. There is a year-round calendar of events for men, women, and children and group tours that are ministry oriented and supportive of the mission and vision of the library. Many events include special guest and speakers, especially those who have had an impact on Graham and have partnered with him in ministry. The site has a bookstore for visiting tourists, which often announces book signings by Christian authors. The library has its own website: www.billygrahamlibrary.org. References and Resources Hopkins, J. 2011. “The Legacy of Billy Graham: Critical Reflections on America’s Greatest Evangelist.” Fides Et Historia 43 (1): 113–114. Shuster, R. 1981. “Library and Archival Resources of the Billy Graham Center.” International Bulletin of Missionary Research 5 (3): 124–126. Vajko, R. J. 2012. “The Surprising Work of God: Harold John Ockenga, Billy Graham and the Rebirth of Evangelicalism.” Mission Studies 29 (1): 132–133. The Billy Graham Center at Wheaton Center. www.wheaton .edu/bgc The Billy Graham Library. www.billygrahamlibrary.org

—Karen L. Estep

Bioethics, Christian Contributions to Gradually developing in the aftermath of World War II, bioethics is a relatively new discipline that originated in interdisciplinary discussions about medical issues. The first centers for the study and teaching of bioethics emerged in the United States in the 1970s. The Hastings Center was founded in 1970, and the Kennedy Institute at Georgetown University opened in 1971. Both have housed eminent theologians of different denominations. While basing their understandings on biblical teachings and a tradition dating back to the first centuries of Christianity, Christian theologians have, however, not spoken with one voice on the issues at the center of Christian bioethical dialogue and teaching. The Orthodox churches have taken a strong pro-life stand against abortion and euthanasia, as has the Roman Catholic Church, basing itself not only on Holy Scriptures and tradition, but also on natural reason. Strong pro-life positions have also been adopted by many of the evangelical churches. Other churches, while defending human life

and dignity, have often been less opposed to abortion, provided there are serious reasons. Voicing great concerns about many of the developments in medicine in this and the last century, the Roman Catholic Church has made significant statements about reproductive technologies, embryo research, and euthanasia, in addition to voicing its traditional objections to abortion in Declaration on Abortion, published by the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith (CDF) in 1974. Contraception was denounced by Pius XII in his 1930 encyclical Casti Connubi, following the Anglican Communion’s sanction of contraception that year. When Paul VI in 1968 repeated the condemnation in his encyclical Humanae Vitae, he declared that the unitive (relational) and procreative aspects of spousal sexual intercourse must never be separated. It was because of this declaration about the inseparable connection between spousal intercourse and procreation that the CDF was later, in Donum Vitae of 1987, to speak out against reproductive technologies bypassing spousal sexual intercourse. In vitro fertilization (IVF) was also condemned to the extent that it involves destruction of human embryos. This was on the understanding that human life must be protected from the time of conception, which likewise rules out research involving embryo destruction. The teaching of Donum Vitae was reiterated in the CDF’s instruction Dignitas Personae of 2008, in which the church cautioned against germ-line gene therapy and condemned human cloning as contrary to human dignity. Euthanasia was denounced by the CDF in its Declaration on Euthanasia of 1980. And in 1995, Pope John Paul II published his encyclical Evangelium Vitae, upholding the traditional doctrine of the sanctity of human life as a gift from God. While speaking out against euthanasia, as well as against destruction of embryonic and fetal human life, John Paul II distinguished euthanasia from “medical procedures which no longer correspond to the real situation of the patient, either because they are by now disproportionate to any expected results or because they impose an excessive burden on the patient and his family” (para. 65). Also taking also a strong pro-life stand, the Southern Baptist Convention (SBC), the largest Protestant denomination in the United States, stated in its 2008 resolution directed against Planned Parenthood, America’s largest abortion provider, that “Scripture speaks to the sanctity of human life in the womb (Psalm 139:13–16).” And defending human life from the time of conception, the Resolution on Human Embryonic and Stem Cell Research of 1999 records the SBC’s “decades-long opposition to abortion except to save the physical life of the mother and their opposition to destructive human embryo research.” By implication, this statement also rules out IVF, inasmuch as it is linked to embryo wastage. In the Resolution

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on Euthanasia and Assisted Suicide of 1992, the SBC also rejected any other action which of itself or by intention causes death. This declaration was followed in 1996 by another against assisted suicide. Organ donation after death is allowed provided the deceased or relatives have given their permission for the procedure. The Lutheran churches, however, have not presented a united front in the case of abortion. The Evangelical Lutheran Churches in America (ELCA), the largest Lutheran grouping in America, allows abortion in the case of threat to the woman’s life, rape, and “extreme fetal abnormality,” as explained in the teaching statement Abortion of 1991. There is no firm consensus on embryo research. And use of reproductive technologies is left to the conscience of couples. Euthanasia and assisted suicide are denounced in the social teaching statement End of Life Decisions, published by the Church Council of the ELCA in 1992. As explained in its earlier statement, Death and Dying (1982), however, ELCA allows withdrawal of life-sustaining treatment that is overly burdensome or disproportionate to expected benefits. The Presbyterian Church (U.S.A) (PCUSA), the biggest Presbyterian organization in America, also expresses divided opinions on abortion, as witness the Report of the Special Committee on Problem Pregnancies and Abortion of 1992. As regards euthanasia, it might be justifiable in extreme cases, according to the PCUSA document Life and Death Belong to God: Euthanasia, Assisted Suicide and End of Life Issues (1995). On the other hand, the more conservative Orthodox Presbyterian Church is opposed to abortion, as declared in its Report of the Committee to Study the Matter of Abortion (1971). The same position is taken in the 1987 Report of the Ad Interim Committee on Abortion, adopted by the Sixth General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church of America. Having sanctioned responsible use of contraception at the Lambeth Conference of 1930, the churches of the Anglican Communion allow procreation to be separated from sexual intercourse. Speaking for the Anglican churches, the Church of England’s Board for Social Responsibility (BSR) has adopted a different approach to medically assisted conception than that of the Roman Catholic Church. In a report in 1984 the BSR welcomed IVF and artificial insemination, both with and without gametal donation. But “to promote good family relationships,” the BSR recommended openness with the donor child from the start. This report was a response to the work of the Warnock Committee, set up by the UK government; its recommendations led to the globally trendsetting Human Fertilisation and Embryology Act of 1990. Arguing that unborn life gradually deserves more respect as it grows, the BSR accepted the Warnock proposal to allow embryo research up to 14 days after fertilization or the appearance

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of the primitive streak. While Anglicans take different views on abortion, most would allow it in case of rape or serious risk to the mother’s life or health. On the question of euthanasia, the Anglican churches take the same view as the Roman Catholic Church. The Lambeth Conference of 1998 declared that euthanasia is not compatible with Christian faith and should not be permitted in civil legislation. Futile treatment can, however, be withdrawn or withheld, allowing a person to die with dignity. The Orthodox churches, like the Roman Catholic Church, are conservative in their views, but generally tend to adopt a more pastoral approach. While not an official statement, the document Marriage, Family, Sexuality and the Sanctity of Life, published by the Holy Synod of Bishops of the Orthodox Church in America in 1992, provides a comprehensive account of Orthodox thinking on bioethical issues. Orthodox views on bioethics are also spelled out at length in the official statement Basis of the Social Concept of the Russian Orthodox Church, adopted at the Sacred Bishops’ Council of the Russian Orthodox Church in 2004. Declaring that life begins at conception, both documents describe abortion as an act of homicide and a grave sin. The Russian Orthodox document expresses, however, a forgiving view if the woman is repentant. And while not supporting the general use of contraception, the Orthodox churches may, it is explained in the 1992 OCA Synod document, allow it for the sake of the woman’s health. Moreover, the 2004 Russian Orthodox statement makes it clear that clergy should not coerce or induce couples to refuse conjugal relations. While denouncing gametal donation and surrogacy as violations of personal integrity and of the exclusiveness of marriage, both documents declare that the Orthodox churches accept artificial insemination by the husband. Since the Orthodox churches see conception as the beginning of life, they can, however, not allow embryo research or IVF if it involves destruction of human embryos. Cloning is also denounced in the Russian document, as are germ-line manipulations. Faithful to the commandment not to kill, the Orthodox churches also reject euthanasia and assisted suicide, as stated both in the 1992 OCA Synod document and in the 2004 document by the Russian Orthodox Church. Futile life-prolonging treatment may, on the other hand, be halted, the OCA Synod explains. And both documents sanction organ donation, provided the donor has given informed consent. References and Resources Board for Social Responsibility, Church of England (BSR). 1975a. Dying Well: An Anglican Contribution to the Debate on Euthanasia. London, UK: Church Information Office. Board for Social Responsibility, Church of England (BSR). 1975b. On Dying Well: An Anglican Contribution to the Debate on Euthanasia. London, UK: Church Information Office.

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Board for Social Responsibility, Church of England (BSR). 1984. Human Fertilisation and Embryology: The Response of the Board for Social Responsibility General Synod of the Church of England to the DHSS Report of the Committee of Inquiry. London, UK: Church Information Office. Board for Social Responsibility, Church of England (BSR). 1985. Personal Origins: The Report of a Working Party on Human Fertilisation and Embryology of the Board for Social Responsibility. London, UK: Church Information Office. Church Council of the Evangelical Lutheran Churches in America (ELCA). 1992. End of Life Decisions. Available at www.elca.org. Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith (CDF). 1974. Declaration on Abortion. Available at www.vatican.va. Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith (CDF). 1980. Declaration on Euthanasia. Available at www.vatican.va. Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith (CDF). 1988. Donum Vitae. Available at www.vatican.va. Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith (CDF). 2008. Dignitas Personae. Available at www.vatican.va. Evangelical Lutheran Churches in America (ELCA). 1982. Death and Dying. Available at www.elca.org. Evangelical Lutheran Churches in America (ELCA). 1991. Abortion. Available at www.elca.org. Holy Synod of Bishops of the Orthodox Church in America. 1992. Marriage, Sexuality and the Sanctity of Life. Available at www.oca.org. John Paul II. 1995. Evangelium Vitae. Available at www.vatican .va. Office of the General Assembly, Presbyterian Church (U.S.A.). 1992. Report of the Special Committee on Problem Pregnancies and Abortion. Available at www.pcuse.org. Paul VI. 1968. Encyclical Letter Humanae Vitae. Available at www.vatican.va. Pius XII. 1930. Encyclical Letter Casti Connubi. Available at www.vatican.va. Sacred Bishops’ Council of the Russian Orthodox Church. 2004. Basis of the Social Concept of the Russian Orthodox Church. Available at http://orthodoxeurope.org/page/3/14 .aspxSacred. Southern Baptist Convention (SBC). 1992. Resolution on Euthanasia and Assisted Suicide. Available at www.sbc.net. Southern Baptist Convention (SBC). 1999. Resolution on Human Embryonic and Stem Cell Research. Available at www.sbc.net.

—Agneta Sutton

Biola University The Bible Institute of Los Angeles (Biola) was established in 1908 by Lyman Stewart and T. C. Horton to fulfill a specific need in Christian higher education. Its set objec-

tive reads: “for the teaching of the truths, for which the institute stands, its doors are to open every day of the year, and all people, without reference to race, color or class will ever be welcome to its privileges” (Biola, n.d., 90 Years of Following in His Steps, 49). Renowned Christian educator Dr. Reuben Archer Torrey pioneered the institution’s vision as the first dean. In response to changing societal needs over the past 106 years, the university has expanded its academic mission and programs, first from a Bible institute to a Bible college, then as a Christian college with an associated theological seminary, and most recently as a Christian university. The Bible Institute program eventually became a four-year course with degrees in theology, Christian education, and sacred music. In a bid to accommodate non-Bible courses, the Bible Institute was renamed Biola College. The Christian educational standard maintained by Biola opened the door for many students to choose the institution. Striving to accommodate the vast number of students and the vision of the institution toward a more broadened Christian teaching, Biola College became Biola University. Biola’s foundation has remained the same: commitment to Jesus Christ, the inerrancy of scripture, and biblical Christianity (within an evangelical Protestant framework), as well as the spiritual, academic, and holistic growth of those who are personally committed to Him (Biola, 21). As a Christian institution of higher education without any denominational affiliation, Biola’s terminal and preparatory programs lead to service in church-related vocations and the many other vocations and professions embraced by the present curricula. The university is composed of the following schools: Talbot School of Theology, Cook School of Intercultural Studies, Rosemead School of Psychology, Crowell School of Music, School of Arts and Sciences, School of Education, School of Professional Studies, and School of Business. Biola states its mission as “biblically centered education, scholarship and service, equipping men and women in mind and character to impact the world for the Lord Jesus Christ” (Biola, n.d., 90 Years of Following in His Steps, 11). The school exists for committed Christian students with a quest to graduate followers of the Lord Jesus Christ as competent professionals in their respective fields. With the mission of teaching and learning, all students invest at least 20 percent of their course hours in biblical studies and integration of their academic discipline with theology. The university seeks to nourish faculty and students alike in a Christian environment that prizes research of the highest quality, in addition to dialogue and critical thought within the context of common faith. The mission statement comes alive through the university’s annual conferences (the Missions Conference

Bishops, An Overview of the Teaching Role of

and Torrey Memorial Bible Conference), aimed at inspiring students toward missionary activity and providing information about missionary work. The Torrey Memorial Bible Conference is devoted to students’ spiritual growth, with specific topics aimed at their spiritual needs. Another conference is the Biola Media Conference, a one-day event that aims to advance the integration of faith and the arts, bringing together Christian media leaders and other Christians for education, inspiration, and networking. Biola’s high educational standards and desire to foster strong moral character require students to attend 8 conference sessions and 30 chapel services each semester or face a penalty. Undergraduate students at Biola are also required to take 30 units of Bible classes, irrespective of their major; this requirement constitutes a minor in theological and biblical studies. In meeting the four-year general education requirements of Biola University, the great book program of Torrey Honors Institute equips students to pursue truth, goodness, and beauty through intellectual and spiritual community, enabling them to become strong Christian leaders. The mission of Biola University is based on the assumption that God is truth, the beginning of wisdom is to know God, and the quest for knowledge and truth cannot be separated from our individual and collective quest to know God. The university recognizes the authority of the Bible as revealed in Holy Scripture and seeks to evaluate all human knowledge in light of the Bible’s teaching and authority. Biola’s education program for students is geared toward preparing them to become effective teachers in either the elementary or secondary classroom in a Christian or public school setting. The institution prepares prospective Christian teachers with a biblically centered teacher education program, providing integration seminars designed to allow students to search the Bible and literature of education. Students discover how the Word of God and the discipline of teaching are integrated. Upon completion of the teaching credential program, students gain satisfactory subject matter knowledge, ethical standards, and sound Christian philosophy of education (Biola, n.d., 90 Years of Following in His Steps, 126). The School of Intercultural Studies serves the mission of the university with the objective of providing educational opportunity at the graduate level, for mature, experienced students to reflect on their cross-cultural ministry. This is made possible through exposure to missiological concepts, social science methodologies, and the refinement of ministry-related research skills. Talbot School of Theology is a structural entity of Biola University. Its mission is to develop a community of colleagues who desire to make an impact through

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commitment to evangelical orthodoxy. The objective is displayed through effective classroom teaching, student mentoring, world of ideas and scholarship, and interpersonal sensitivity and skill. The school provides discerning evangelical biblical/theological scholarship and instruction, as well as facilitating integration, in order to interpret orthodoxy in the pursuit of knowledge and to equip lay and vocational Christian leaders for the challenges of significant and meaningful ministry (Biola, n.d., 90 Years of Following in His Steps, 12). One of the objectives in the philosophy of general education for Biola University is “the enabling of students to become thinking Christians” (Biola, 1995, 36). To accomplish this objective, faculty members and programs engage students in dialogue and critical assessment of beliefs and practices prominent in the contemporary world. The faculty and administration of the school are committed to academic freedom within the framework of historical commitment to the Christian faith. References and Resources Biola University. n.d. 90 Years of Following in His Steps. La Mirada, CA: Biola University Publications. Biola University. 1995. Joint Self-Study and Joint-Visit. Biola University, Association of Theological Schools. La Mirada, CA: Biola University. Biola University Archives. n.d. Connections: The Institutional Magazine of Biola University. Vols. 1–11, 1990–. Henry, J. O. 1977. “A History of Biola University” (The manuscript of the historical account of Biola University since 1908). Talbot School of Theology. 1995. Self-Study Report of Talbot School of Theology, a Graduate School of Biola University. Biola University, Association of Theological Schools. La Mirada, CA: Biola University.

—Ogechukwu Ibem

Bishops, An Overview of the Teaching Role of The teaching ministry of bishops in the early church was a life-encompassing activity. As pastors charged with shepherding God’s people, their teaching was primarily rooted in the church and done for the sake of building it up. This wide range of teaching was characterized by both profound learning and deep devotion, with the words of scripture, or the language of faith, pervading everything that was done. Moreover, instruction in Christian faith and virtue was grounded in the liturgical life of the church, so that knowledge and devotion, prayer and learning, worship and ethics were united. Bishops presided at the rites of baptism and the Eucharist, which

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gave their teaching a spiritual, moral, and catechetical scope. They also gave catechetical lectures, talks that introduced both inquirers and those preparing for initiation into the body of Christ to the church’s teaching as confessed in the creed, the distinctive narrative of scripture, and the particular form of life received in the sacrament of baptism. In their teaching bishops sought to form Christian identity, grounded in the truth of reality, as revealed by God’s Word. This teaching engaged the whole person; the mind, affections, and will. The cultivation of human wisdom and virtue was inseparable from learning to worship God. Arguably, the most important means of teaching was preaching, as bishops offered biblical expositions in the Sunday liturgy and in services of the Word that were conducted during the week. Scripture served as more than a source book for sermons, providing a larger world, an intellectual and linguistic framework for unfolding the realities of Christian revelation and for instructing Christian assemblies about God, Christ, the world, the church, and the spiritual and moral life. Because those who were charged with elaborating technical theology were also preachers, their aim was to articulate and shape the experience of ordinary Christians. The church’s worship was not simply an appropriation of the past but a present, corporate experience of God articulated by the church’s faith. The preacher’s task was to put into words the wisdom of what the church was being given to apprehend and know: its present appropriation of the risen Lord and his saving work in the world.48 The intimate connection of theology and life in the early church was significant since, according to patristic wisdom, holy lives are the best apology for the truth and goodness of the Gospel. There was little room for the modern divisions that have contributed to a separation of theological convictions and the life of the church. Pastoral and church practice was tested by Christian wisdom that was the fruit of reading scripture, while the study of scripture was informed by the wisdom of pastoral and ecclesial practice. Faithful preaching of the Gospel requires and leads to a reconciliation of theology and practice grounded in, and demonstrated by, truthful witness to Christ, which is manifested by the concrete reality of the church. The Christian vision is meant to be translated into virtue: the faith that apprehends God’s gratuitous forgiveness in Christ must be translated into joyful obedience and sanctified living. Such teaching cultivates a form of life that is shaped by the Gospel and enlivened by the Spirit to participate in, and witness to, the restoration and 48. Rowan A. Greer, Broken Lights and Mended Lives: Theology and the Common Life in the Early Church (University Park: Pennsylvania State Press, 1986), 1–20.

renewal of humanity, on the way from Pentecost to the return of Christ. References and Resources Greer, Rowan A. 1986. Broken Lights and Mended Lives: Theology and Common Life in the Early Church. University Park: Penn State Press. Harmless, William. 1995. Augustine and the Catechumenate. Collegeville, MN: Liturgical Press. Wilken, Robert Louis. 2003. The Spirit of Early Christian Thought. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Young, Frances M. 2003. Biblical Exegesis and the Formation of Christian Culture. Peabody, MA: Hendrickson Publishers.

—Michael Pasquarello III

Bishops, New Testament Foundations of the Teaching Role of The Greek term episkopos, the root of our contemporary term for bishop, is generally translated as elder, overseer, or guardian, and it appears five times in the New Testament (Acts 20:28; Phil. 1:1; 1 Tim. 3:2; Tit. 1:7; 1 Pet. 2:25). These references indicate a position of leadership within the early Christian community, and it is sometimes used interchangeably with the term presbyteros (See Tit. 1:5; 1 Pet. 5:1–3). New Testament evidence paints this leadership role in broad strokes, indicating general oversight of the community. This general oversight is frequently associated with guarding against false teaching or handing on the right teaching to the community. Acts 20:28–30 warns the episcopos to guard the community against those “speaking perverse things, to draw away the disciples after them” (v. 30). First Timothy 3:1–7 and Titus 1:5–16 both list the ideal qualities of the episcopos, specifically naming teaching among these. First Timothy notes the “ability to teach” as a specific skill, inserted in what is otherwise a list of character traits (Tim. 3:2). Titus gives the most elaborate description for the role of episcopos, following a list of character traits with the specific skill of teaching: “holding fast the faithful word which is in accordance with the teaching, so that he will be able both to exhort in sound doctrine and to refute those who contradict” (v. 8). This description provides a glimpse of the New Testament period of parallel Christian communities emerging and seeking to appropriate and interpret the Gospel message, while sometimes being at odds with each other in doing so. In this context, those who preached or taught the Gospel message in multiple contexts had to be tested and found authentic. The Didache (first century) gives a similar impression, as it describes in detail how to spot a false

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teacher or prophet (chapter 11), while also encouraging the community to appoint bishops and deacons to serve as prophets and teachers for them (chapter 15:2). In this early period, leaders who could authentically interpret and hand on the content of faith preserved the community’s association with the Christ event, and thus validated the identity of the community as Christian. The teaching role of the episcopos to hand on the faith thus protected the community against false or misleading teachings and preserved the authenticity of the community as rooted in the life, death, and resurrection of Jesus Christ. In this sense, the episcopos was a guardian of the identity of the community, a role that would remain manifest in teaching and administration, as well as in the concern for “apostolicity” in forming what constituted canonical scripture and orthodox doctrine during the first centuries of the Christian church. In a parallel fashion, the teaching role of bishops as guardians of communal identity would also emerge sacramentally as bishops presided over the initiation process of new Christians, from teaching the content of faith to administering the sacraments, to breaking open the word in mystagogical catechesis. References and Resources Sullivan, Francis. 2001. From Apostles to Bishops: The Development of the Episcopacy in the Early Church. Mahwah, NJ: Paulist Press. Wood, Susan, ed. 2003. Ordering the Baptismal Priesthood: Theologies of Lay and Ordained Ministry. Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press.

—Daniella Zsupan-Jerome

Blind, Current Trends in the Education of the Contemporary Christian education perceives blind and visually impaired people in the light of ecclesiology of the communion. Through baptism they become members of the church. By the sacrament of confirmation, they are more perfectly bound to the church and are enriched with a special strength of the Holy Spirit. Hence they are, as true witnesses of Christ, more strictly obliged to spread and defend the faith by word and deed. The Eucharist is the efficacious sign and sublime cause of that communion in the divine life and that unity of the people of God by which the church is kept in being. The sensory deficit does not lower their dignity as children of God. At present, the suffering of the blind is not idealized, denied, or underestimated. The consequences of the damaged sight are reliably studied in various sociopolitical contexts. In the pastoral work, various conse-

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quences—physical and health, orientation and cognitive, psychosocial and ecclesial—are taken into consideration. Poverty of the blind is still a challenge for Christian communities. Both in poor and developed countries, poverty is manifested by an unequal access or no access to goods and values making it possible for an individual to participate fully in social life. This is also connected with economic poverty, namely the lack of access to necessary material goods. Blind people are to a greater or lesser extent touched by cultural poverty, which prevents them from fully making use of intellectual and spiritual values. These challenges shows the maturity of the church. Concern about the blind means recognizing in them the dignity of the children of God created in His image, after His likeness. Nowadays, pastoral service is not limited to giving alms or providing help, even in an organized manner. Pastoral care develops in the direction of creating interpersonal relations with blind people, and taking into consideration their distinctness and weakness, is manifested by accompanying them in everyday life. However, it is not only interpersonal relations that matter here. Pastoral care aims at helping a blind person to create a bond with Jesus Christ. Therefore, the Bible, the catechism, and other aids are continually printed in Braille, which makes it possible for the blind to prepare well for meeting Jesus in sacraments and to conduct a continuous dialogue. Contemporary Christian education takes into consideration a multidimensional formation of the family of a blind person. It supports parents from the beginning of a child’s life, when there may be doubts concerning defects in the fetus. The teaching of the church draws attention to the aim of the potential prenatal tests, which should always be favorable for a child and a mother and cannot lead to abortion. Nowadays, not only parents are educated about this, but also doctors, and other health-care employees are taught to provide information concerning the state of the fetus and support concerning the desire for a child as the only, unique human being. Also, later on parents are supported and formed in truth that a family is the most natural environment providing multidimensional development to a blind child. Nowadays, pastoral efforts go in the direction of integrating blind people into parish communities. Attempts have been made to overcome their confinement to specialist ministry, which is significant in itself because it has qualified staff and all the necessary facilities. Volunteers help the blind get to the Sunday Eucharist and participate in pilgrimages and other open religious meetings. Without doubt, contemporary media, such as the Internet, enable them to access religious literature and contact members of a big Christian community. Present centers for the blind make use of the most contemporary achievements of typhlopedagogy, but they

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do not forget that their main aim is redemptive teaching and compliance with the teaching of Christ. Therefore, it is more and more common that patronage is withdrawn when the centers founded by convents and congregations are taken over by private owners or by the state, and catholic teaching is endangered. Of course, blind people in these centers are not left without pastoral care, but it is a clear sign of being faithful to the Gospel in order not to become spiritually blind, which was mentioned by Jesus: “Woe to you, blind guides” (Matt. 23:16). The concept of disability and the way disabled people are perceived are being transformed in societies. These changes are accompanied by changes in the ministry for the blind and, in order to ensure pastoral activity adequate to their needs, many theological departments in the world carry out scientific research devoted to this topic. References and Resources Axelrod C. 2006. And the Journey Begins. Washington, DC: Gallaudet University Press. Secretariato Nacional de Catequesis. 1995. Annunciar a los pobres la Buena Noticia. Magisterio de la Iglesia y minusvalías. Madrid: Edice. United States Conference of Catholic Bishops. 1989. Pastoral Statement of U.S. Catholic Bishops on Persons with Disabilities. Washington, DC: USCCB. Walthers R. 2003. Einführung in die Blinden- und Sehbehindertenpädagogik. München: Reinhardt Verlag.

—Andrzej Kiciński

Blind, History of the Christian Education of the When analyzing the history of the Christian education of the blind, one should get to know the Old Testament approach to the blind. Disability was then perceived as either God’s punishment for sins or a test. The first approach may be found in the words: “The Lord will strike you with madness, blindness and panic” (Deut. 28:28), while the second one can be found in the biblical story of Tobit, who was deprived of eyesight for four years (Tob. 2:10) and then regained his sight (Tob. 11), which carries a message that suffering is a temporary test sent by God, who rewards it with much bigger prosperity. The basis for various approaches in the OT is categorical prohibition of hurting the blind and the disabled in general, included in the words: “You shall not curse the deaf, or put a stumbling block in front of the blind” (Lev. 19:14). Jesus of Nazareth brought a radical change in the approach to blind people. He met them everywhere, like the two near Jericho whose sight was restored by Him (Matt. 9:27–31). Evangelists report frequents meetings of

Jesus with the blind, which may be summarized in the response Jesus gave to the question of the disciples of John the Baptist: “Go and tell John what you hear and see: the blind regain their sight . . . and the poor have the good news proclaimed to them” (Matt. 11:2–6). However, a very significant meaning for the history of the Christian education of the blind is carried by the story of a man blind since birth being healed by Jesus (John 9:1–41). The disciple’s question is still repeated all over the world, in different cultural contexts: “Rabbi, who sinned, this man or his parents, that he was born blind?” What Jesus replied was and still is surprising: “It was not that this man sinned, or his parents, but that the works of God might be made manifest in him.” Jesus rejected a commonly accepted opinion that blindness is a punishment for sins and at the same time showed a mystical role of the disabled in the life and activity of the church. Disciples of Jesus shared brotherly love especially with the poor and the disabled. The first caring institutions created in Christian ancient times also took the blind under their roof. The first houses for the blind were founded as early as in the fourth century in the area of Jerusalem, Caesarea, and Damascus. According to Theodoret (†460), the hermit Limnaeus created a settlement for the blind where they could get education, pray, and work. Also, convents created hospitals and special caring homes for the blind. In the Middle Ages various places were founded by magnates. The most famous was the fund set up by King Louis IX of France. In 1256, he set up Hospice des Quinze-Vingts in Paris, where 300 blind people made their home. Smaller homes were set up by various fraternities for the blind. Juan Luis Vives (1492–1540)—the pioneer of social pedagogy and a devout believer—created the concept of the system of social pedagogy and working with disabled children. He based it on the conviction that God accepts the existence of both able and disabled people so that they enrich one another. He demanded education for visually impaired children, both boys and girls. However, it was not until the 18th century that education of the blind was developed. In 1749, Valentin Haüy set up Institution des Jeunes Aveugles in Paris, which became the model and inspiration for schools, workshops, and dormitories for the blind. At the same time, Abbé Charles Michel de l’Epée (†1789) organized education for the deaf and blind. In 1849, Pauline von Mallinckrodt (1817–1881) founded the Sisters of Christian Charity in Paderborn. This congregation still works with the blind in South and North America, Europe, and the Philippines. Father Yves Mollata (1896–1934) influenced the contemporary ministry for the blind. He emphasized the need for providing spiritual support to the blind and founded the Croisade des Aveugles (Crusade of the Blind). In

Board Governance

the United States, Father J. Stadelman founded Xavier Society for the Blind, which still helps the spiritual development of the blind. In the last few decades, specialist organizational structures of the ministry for the blind both in the Episcopal conferences and in particular dioceses have sprung up. Many convents and congregations in developed countries run their own education centers or support religious education of the blind in state structures. In poor countries, they often provide the only educational structures for the blind. References and Resources Brown, N. 1972. Pastoral Care of the Blind. Great Wakering Essex, England: Mayhew-McCrimmon. Paukowitsch, W., and E. Schmid. 1980. “Die Katechese bei Blinden.” Christlich-pädagogische Blätter 93: 240–243. Reynolds, T. 2008. Vulnerable Communion: A Theology of Disability and Hospitality. Grand Rapids, MI: Brazos Press. Szagun, A. K. 1983. Behinderung: Ein gesellschaftliches, theologisches und pädagogisches Problem. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck&Ruprecht.

—Andrzej Kiciński

Board Governance One of the most significant and frequently overlooked influences on institutional effectiveness for Christian education and other nonprofit organizations is the role and function of the group charged with the legal oversight of the organization: the governing board. When mission drift, operational dysfunction, or other crippling crises occur in organizations, it is not unusual to find the root causes to be with the board’s approach to governance. In the United States, there are about 1.6 million nonprofit organizations. An estimated 15 percent, or about 40,500, of these organizations are intentionally Christian in nature and motivation. The first educational enterprises in the United States were faith-motivated and sustained. The Council for Christian Colleges and Universities represents about 120 national and nearly 50 international institutions. Another organization that plays an important role in promoting Christian education is the Association of Christian Schools International. Founded in 1978, it has 28 regional offices worldwide, serving 23,400 member schools in more than 100 countries. In light of their growing influence, greater scrutiny by donors and government groups at the state and federal levels of these organizations is taking place—particularly in the areas of board governance. This makes it necessary for governing entities to be more proactive in supervision. While the administrative leadership

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(presidents/head masters/principals and their executive teams) carries the primary responsibilities for implementing the mission, boards are strengthening their commitments to both the explicit duties (as defined by accrediting, certifying, best practices, and governmental requirements) and their implicit promises (holding in trust the mission and integrity of the organization on behalf of its stakeholders). Guarding and guiding the organization is the highest responsibility of a faith-based nonprofit board of trustees. Unfortunately, there is a tendency among some faith-based boards not to manage closely and hold accountable their CEOs. There are numerous reasons for this. In some cases, there is a theological resistance to touching God’s anointed, a feeling that the leader was brought to the organization by a divine call, so full support and trust is needed rather than close scrutiny and questioning. In some organizations, the boards consist of the close friends and confidants of the CEO, making it difficult to exercise the oversight required. Faith-based boards also recognize that their leaders are serving sacrificially, so they tend to make allowances for idiosyncrasies and inconsistencies. In addition, board members are busy with their own obligations and are only able to contribute limited attention and time. Finally, many CEOs discourage in-depth oversight, making it difficult for boards to fulfill their moral as well as fiduciary responsibilities as overseers. A Biblical Basis for Board Governance Accomplishing such an important task in guiding and governing the Lord’s mission of Christian education is a serious and demanding assignment for boards. Those who govern Christian schools and colleges have an obligation to ensure that the spiritual, moral, fiduciary, and legal requirements of their sacred calling are addressed. The early church recognized that organizing God’s people in ways that best deployed their gifts and guided their activities was essential to achieving their high callings in Christ Jesus. The apostle Paul (1 Tim. 3) highlighted two basic categories of workers, those we have come to call servant leaders. Elders carried the oversight responsibilities of the work, ensuring that the spiritual foundations were sound and the fundamental principles of Christ-centered life and work were practiced. These were the trustees charged with the effective governance of the mission and ministry. Deacons administrated and did the day-to-day work, using their abilities and resources to serve the people performing their functions under the oversight and within the nurturing of the governing/ruling elders. For many of today’s most effective faith-based institutions, similar patterns of governance and administration

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are evident. While often relegated to local church or denominational formats, the model of elders who govern and deacons who administrate provides clarity of purpose and a connection to the history of the Christian movement. In Christ-centered education, the elders are the boards of trustees. The deacons in these institutions are the senior administration, led by the chief operating officer, who serves as the primary liaison between the trustees and the institution. Scripture uses other titles to describe these oversight functions, including bishops, overseers, and stewards. Here the concepts of overseer and steward are used, since Jesus highlighted these in His teachings. Our Lord used stories of responsible and irresponsible, faithful and unfaithful stewards, in His parables (Matt. 25:14– 30; Luke 19:11–27). Jesus referred to Himself as the Good Shepherd who gives His life for the sheep (John 10:10)—the ultimate illustration of someone who takes seriously the stewardship oversight of another’s flock, in this case His Heavenly Father’s. This Good Shepherd model contrasts with hirelings who, in difficult times, flee and abandon their trust because they are motivated only by that which benefited them (John 10:12–13). Jesus demonstrates the attitude and actions of the ideal steward-overseer, sacrificing what is necessary to protect and advance what has been entrusted to Him. A Profile of a Steward Overseer Trustee In light of these biblical principles and examples, what characteristics and commitments are needed for trustees to lead faith-based organizations in the most effective use of the people, resources, and opportunities God has entrusted to their governance? Robert Andringa identified five key qualities that characterize the most effective Board members: wisdom, work, wealth, witness, and wallop.49 While not every board member will possess every quality equally, those who understand that they have received a divine call to serve in such a capacity have a commitment to the full development of these qualities within the limits of their own potential. Good governance begins with good character, out of which grows good actions. Called board members demonstrate wisdom by helping formulate and monitor wise policies. They are available to advise staff when called upon and offer suggestions to the administrative leadership team. This wisdom comes out of a lifetime of professional experiences, as well as spiritual growth. The apostle James (3:17) suggests several hallmarks of the wisdom needed for effective 49. The Engstrom Institute, “Board Governance: A Downloadable Resource,” www.engstrominstitute.com, pg. 11 (2008).

governance that apply to the board member’s functions and attitudes. Purity of purpose and motivation guides the most reliable board members in their work. They avoid personal agendas and hobbyhorses that are not in keeping with the mission of the organization. These wise governors are gentle peacemakers who make decisions for the greater good in ways that promote and preserve unity. Deeply committed to the essential principles and practices of the organization, they yield to the collective wisdom of their colleagues and are merciful to those whose opinions and actions may conflict with their own. The decisions they make are without partiality and are consistent with their true character and convictions and thus without hypocrisy. In their dealings with one another, and with the staff, they model a servant’s heart and demonstrate the good fruit of the Spirit-filled life of love, joy, peace, patience, kindness, goodness, and faithfulness (Gal. 5:22, NIV). Board members who are called work, faithfully attending committee and board meetings. They come fully prepared to understand and contribute to the essential processes of governance. These board members understand that their position carries with it a duty to be well equipped and meaningfully involved. They study board meeting materials thoroughly, taking particular note of those aspects that address the mission of the organization, support the staff responsible for implementing the mission, and speak to their fiduciary responsibilities as overseers of a tax-exempt charity. Outside of board meetings, they work on behalf of the organization’s needs. They help with fund-raising campaigns and special public relations events and willingly mentor staff, deploying their talents and passions for the advancement of the organization’s vision and mission. Called board members share their wealth by being donors of record. They model sacrificial giving. Moreover, they willingly encourage others in their circles of influence to be financial contributors. Given challenging financial times, board members sacrificially give to motivate others to support. Their giving adds credibility to the organization’s requests for support. Such board members are witnesses, integrating precepts with practice in setting policies and monitoring processes that are consistent with the highest standards of the Christian faith. They recognize that since the organization represents a ministry of Christ, only the highest standards of ethics and performance are acceptable. They set an example for staff as well as students and supporters about following Christ in the marketplace, at home, and in the church. Finally, called Board members exercise wallop, bringing their knowledge and experience to bear on their work in ways that only they can do. They ask themselves,

Board Governance

What one thing could my position and network accomplish that others on this board could not? As serious Christians, they sense that God has a unique and distinctive contribution for them to make to the life, culture, and mission of the institution. Effective governance is anchored to the character and the quality of those who govern, particularly in faith-based institutions. Policy-Based Governance Recognizing that good governance begins with good people, we conclude this review with a focus on good practices. Is there a best approach to developing board governance that honors and exemplifies these principles? For many of the most effective institutions, a form of policy-based governance has been helpful. John Carver developed the policy governance model in 1990. Most who use the Carver model, however, adapt rather than adopt it. The key is for the board to understand the strategic differences between governing and managing the organization. What distinguishes governing from managing and administering is the board’s delegation of responsibility to the CEO and senior staff for operating the business of the organization within clearly established, approved, and monitored policies. Governing boards are policy focused, using clearly defined parameters to guide the operating and oversight of their own and the staff’s work. However, a full implementation of a policy versus the administration style of governance is often challenging in faith-based settings. It is not unusual for faith-based organizations to have boards that function more like working or managing boards than governing boards. Sometimes the lack of resources and sudden changes in leadership personnel require board members to be implementers—to both administer as well as govern. There is a significant potential for conflicts of interest without clearly defined policies and procedures. Policies protect as well as guide, clarifying the differences between the governance role and the implementer role for those who work across the two arenas of service. A well-documented and regularly updated board policy manual establishes the parameters that help navigate in both the best and worst of times with wisdom, grace, humility, and courage. But what policies are most important for effective governance? Robert Andringa has a helpful template for a board policy manual, available at www.TheAndringa Group.com/pages/bob_andringa. It is important that particular attention be paid to the following items needed for policy formulation and monitoring: • Clear, compelling statements of organizational vision and institutional mission.

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• A description of the core values needed to guide the organization in fulfillment of its stated mission and implied promises. • A clarification of the moral owners to whom the organization feels accountable and responsible, along with a description of the organization’s beneficiaries. • An overview of the major functions as well as the primary strategies the organization uses to serve its beneficiaries, keep faith with its moral owners, and fulfill the promises implied in its declaration of mission. • A summary of both short- and long-term goals to achieve its stated objectives, along with the monitoring tools (key performance indicators) to measure success and validate results. • Clear delineation of executive parameters that guide the CEO and administration in the implementation of programs and services to fulfill the missional promises of the organization. Board members of faith-based organizations often feel unprepared personally, spiritually, and theologically to give direction, viewing the staff as superior in professional experience, spiritual condition, biblical knowledge, and vision. The fact that many who choose to lead these organizations do so at significant personal sacrifice causes the board to resist unnecessarily burdening or limiting their already overworked staff. Charismatic, visionary leaders may view a policy approach as restricting their ability to lead the organization aggressively and entrepreneurially. And some CEOs may view such a policy-guided direction as an expression of a lack of trust and confidence. In reality, however, policies that are thoughtfully developed and wisely administered free the CEO and staff to give more time to the ministries of the ministry, knowing that the important parameters that govern the business of the ministry are in place. The policy-guided approach minimizes confusion and limits conflicts, helping boards and CEOs understand their functions, responsibilities, and expected outcomes. The policy approach also allows the board to focus on the larger issues of strategic visioning, since many of the administrative necessities that too often consume board agendas are routinized. Effective board governance for faith-based schools and colleges requires that trustees be steward-overseers doing God’s work God’s way for His ultimate glory. Policy-based governance uses the scriptural concepts of collaboration, discernment, consensus, and responsible oversight to guide the effectiveness and guard the integrity of the important work these organizations do to advance Christ’s Kingdom through Christian education. When Christian character and clear policies join forces, good governance is the likely result.

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References and Resources Andringa, R. C. 2007. The Nonprofit Board Answer Book: A Practical Guide for Board Members and Chief Executives. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Laughlin, Fredrick L., and Robert C. Andringa. 2007. Good Governance for Nonprofits: Developing Principles and Policies for an Effective Board. New York: AMACOM Press American Management Association. www.policygovernance.com www.policygovernanceassociation.org http://www.christianleadershipalliance.org/?page=engstrom _institute http://www.ecfa.org/KnowledgeCenter.aspx http://www.cccu.org/ http://agb.org/knowledge-center http://www.ats.edu/Resources/Pages/default.aspx http://www.abhe.org/resources

—David Gyertson

primarily focus on missionary kids. Some MKs are homeschooled. Missionary kids schools include Carachipampa Christian School (Cochabamba), Santa Cruz Learning Center (Santa Cruz), and Highlands International School (La Paz). In recent years, five Christian universities have been founded. Religious Freedom The Christian community enjoys religious freedom. The present government, however, is requiring churches to be involved in a social program of their choosing, such as Compassion, which helps local children with nutrition and homework while providing Bible classes. Unique Methods of Educating Christians Semiliterate believers learn Bible study methods through the Mobile Bible School, a ministry of Mosoj Chaski. Entering remote mountainous communities, they teach Bolivia’s largest group in Quechua. For the first time, these believers are studying the Bible individually and corporately.

Bolivia and Christian Education Reference The Origin of Christianity in Bolivia After the Bible Society in the early 19th century, the Gospel came to Bolivia primarily through faith missions. The first included the Brethren Assemblies (1895), Canadian Baptists (1898), Methodists (1901), Bolivian Indian Mission (1907) (later Andes Evangelical Mission, which merged with SIM), and Seventh-day Adventists (1907). Major Denominations and Institutions The largest protestant denomination in Bolivia is the Assemblies of God, followed by the Evangelical Christian Unión (established primarily by the Andes Evangelical Mission), Seventh-day Adventists, Bolivian Baptist Unión (founded by the Canadian Baptists), and Methodists. Although Bolivia boasts some 65 seminaries and Bible institutes, most are very small. In 2012 the largest, based on number of students pursuing degrees of four years or more (listed with the number of students in programs of shorter duration), were the Bible Seminary of the Evangelical Christian Unión (127/64 students, Cochabamba), Hebron Theological Seminary (64/54, Santa Cruz), Southern Theological Seminary (42/40, Sucre), Evangelical Bible Seminary (20/270, La Paz), and Baptist Theological Seminary (15/85, Cochabamba). Only the first two seminaries have master’s programs. Typical Means of Educating Christians Most Christians attend public school, but there are private Christian schools that either educate Bolivians or

Wagner, Peter. 1970. The Protestant Movement in Bolivia. South Pasadena, CA: William Carey Library.

—Michael W. Wheeler

Bonhoeffer, Dietrich Dietrich Bonhoeffer (1906–1945) was a German scholar, educator, theologian, and Lutheran pastor who became well known for his opposition to the Nazi regime. He is considered to be one of the most influential modern theologians.50 Background and Education Bonhoeffer was born in Breslau, Germany, but he grew up in Berlin, where his father was a professor of neurology and psychiatry at the University of Berlin, from which Dietrich earned a doctorate in theology at the age of 21. His doctoral dissertation was praised by Karl Barth as a “theological miracle.”51 After serving at a vicarage in Barcelona, Spain, he was admitted to the theology faculty at the University of Berlin. Bonhoeffer spent one year at Union Theological Seminary in New York for postgraduate study and then returned to Germany to give lectures 50. Neil Holm, “Classroom Formation and Spiritual Awareness Pedagogy Based on Bonhoeffer’s Life Together,” Journal of Education and Christian Belief 12, no. 2 (2008): 159. 51. Geffrey B. Kelly and F. Burton Nelson, Editors’ Introduction to A Testament to Freedom: The Essential Writings of Dietrich Bonhoeffer, ed. Geffrey B. Kelly and F. Burton Nelson (San Francisco: HarperCollins, 1990), 7.

Bonhoeffer, Dietrich

in systematic theology in Berlin. He was ordained on 15 November 1931. Adolf Hitler’s rise to power had a dramatic impact on Bonhoeffer’s career. In February 1933, two days after Hitler became chancellor, Bonhoeffer broadcast a lecture over Berlin radio in which he criticized the German public for blindly following a “leader” who would inevitably become a “misleader” if he did not cease holding himself up as an idol to be worshipped. Before Bonhoeffer could finish, the broadcast was interrupted.52 In 1935, Bonhoeffer received a call from the Confessing Church to head a clandestine seminary in Finkenwalde, Pomerania. The Confessing Church stood in opposition to the Nazi regime. The Nazis kept him under surveillance, however, and in 1937 the seminary was closed by the Gestapo. “From then on his life was devoted to tasks assigned by the Confessing Church and the Resistance.”53 He moved around the country, speaking to covert groups and acting as a courier between them. With the help of his sister Christel’s husband, Bonhoeffer joined the Abwehr, a German military intelligence organization that secretly worked against Hitler. Ostensibly, Bonhoeffer’s international contacts would be useful to the German war effort. In reality, he was part of the resistance movement and carried communiqués to and from the Allies during his travels. On 5 April 1943, Bonhoeffer was arrested and imprisoned; during this time, guards often did him favors and preserved his papers. After the failed assassination of Hitler in July 1944, documentation was discovered linking Bonhoeffer with the German Resistance. At the age of 39, he was martyred in Flossenburg prison, on 9 April 1945.54 Significant Contributions to Christian Education Dietrich Bonhoeffer’s contributions to Christian education still have impact today. “He studied with Adolf von Harnack, the greatest liberal theologian of his time, but he was shaped more decisively by Karl Barth. Barth believed, and Bonhoeffer stressed, that the preaching of the Word of God in Holy Scripture was at the very heart of what it means to be a faithful follower of Jesus Christ.”55 He taught students from all levels of ability, from catechumens to university students. Probably he would consider his crowning educational achievement the organization of the Confessing Church seminary, which “was a new 52. John W. Doberstein, Introduction to Life Together, by Dietrich Bonhoeffer, trans. John W. Doberstein (San Francisco: Harper & Row, 1954), 10. It was speculated that the Nazi regime was behind the interruption. 53. Ibid., 12. 54. Ibid., 7. 55. Timothy George, “Bonhoeffer Today,” in Life Together: Walking with Bonhoeffer, Community Worship, Spring 2013, by Samford University Beeson Divinity School (Birmingham, AL: Samford Office of Communication, 2013), 3.

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undertaking, demanding in turn a rare combination of scholarship, a passion for the principles of the Reformation, and a certain fearlessness in those who would direct those seminaries.”56 Bonhoeffer believed that the proper way to educate seminarians “could only be done in community shaped by Christian service and sustained by regular spiritual exercises and worship.”57 Holm uses Bonhoeffer’s work Life Together as a way of discovering proper forms of classroom practices, and he notes that Bonhoeffer’s words offer encouragement to Christian teachers who work in isolation in secular classrooms and those who are disillusioned by working in faith-based schools that seem to lack true Christian unity and depth.58 From Bonhoeffer, educators can learn that allowing time for silence, meditation, and reflection is beneficial for schoolchildren. Holm fittingly summarizes Bonhoeffer’s approach to Christian education: Ultimately, Christian teachers seek to prepare students, in Bonhoeffer’s terms, to throw themselves utterly into the arms of God and to participate in God’s suffering in the world, to find their true selves as existing for humanity, to take their part in the social life of the world, not lording it over others, but helping and serving them to live in Christ and to exist for others.59

Most Notable Publications Bonhoeffer’s major works include The Communion of Saints (published as Sanctorum Communio in 1930); Act and Being (1931); The Cost of Discipleship (1937); Life Together (1939); Letters and Papers from Prison (written 1943–1945); and Ethics (which was unfinished and was published posthumously in 1949). A comprehensive, 16-volume collection of Bonhoeffer’s works, translated into English, is available from Augsburg Fortress Press. References and Resources Doberstein, John W. 1954. “Introduction.” In Life Together, by Dietrich Bonhoeffer, translated by John W. Doberstein, 7–13. San Francisco: Harper & Row. George, Timothy. 2013. “Bonhoeffer Today.” In Life Together: Walking with Bonhoeffer, Community Worship, by the Samford University Beeson Divinity School, 3–4. Birmingham, AL: Samford Office of Communication. Holm, Neil. 2008. “Classroom Formation and Spiritual Awareness Pedagogy Based on Bonhoeffer’s Life Together.” Journal of Education and Christian Belief 12 (2): 159–175. Kelly, Geffrey B., and F. Burton Nelson. 1990. “Editors’ Introduction.” In A Testament to Freedom: The Essential Writings 56. 57. 58. 59.

Kelly and Burton, Editors’ Introduction, 25. Ibid. Holm, “Classroom Formation,” 162. Ibid., 163.

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of Dietrich Bonhoeffer, edited by Geffrey B. Kelly and F. Burton Nelson, 3–46. San Francisco: HarperCollins.

—Kevin Voss

Book of Kells The Book of Kells is an ornately illustrated manuscript of the four Gospels, with several historic records and a limited glossary of Hebrew names. Around AD 800, the book was translated from Jerome’s Latin Bible (completed in 384) and intermixed with readings from the earlier Old Latin translation, as well as a concordance of Gospel passages compiled in the fourth century by Eusebius of Caesarea, summaries of the Gospel narratives, and prefaces characterizing the evangelists. Named after the Columban monastery of Kells in County Meath, Ireland, tradition holds that the work was begun at the scriptorium of the island monastery of Iona (Argyllshire), off the western coast of Scotland, to honor Columba (d. 597). After a Viking raid in 806, the Columban monks fled to Kells, taking the manuscript with them, where it was completed. Medieval monks had an eternal perspective of time as they lived under God’s providence, and wrote their books as an act of worship and a hallowed custody for future generations. “The pages are ploughed by the divine letters and the seed of God’s word is planted in the parchment, which ripens into crops of completed books.” Some archivists see the Book of Kells as purely a sacred work of art—an altar book intended to be displayed and viewed rather than read and designed for ceremonial use on special occasions such as Easter, rather than for daily services. This is possible given the number of uncorrected errors throughout the text (letters and whole words omitted and already copied texts repeated), as well as the size and splendor of the book. Or was it a liturgical document used at the altar within the religious calendar’s public reading of scripture, with the decoration used to emphasize important points of the biblical reading? The question remains of how the images and graphically articulated texts made the liturgy more meaningful. The script is one of the finest examples of Irish handwriting in existence, the creation of three artists and four major scribes. It has 340 pages, each a 13-by-9½-inch piece of glazed parchment, with many of the letters adorned with a variety of colors, such as the opening words of each of the Gospels, which were decorated and fill a whole page. There were also full pages of decoration for the symbols of the evangelists Matthew (the Man), Mark (the Lion), Luke (the Calf), and John (the Eagle); the Virgin and child surrounded by angels; a portrait of

Christ; and narrative episodes such as Christ’s temptation by the Devil and His arrest in the garden. Lavish creativity exudes in the interlacing of humans, animals, birds, and fanciful beings coiled in geometric patterns throughout the text. Emblems of vines, dragons, fish, serpents, and the cross are combined exquisitely in the most delicate manner, without any irregularity or repetition. For instance, archivists have counted more than 158 interlacings of “white ribbon with a black border on either side” in the space of one square inch. The aim of the decorations was to glorify Christ’s life and teachings by keeping His attributes and symbols ever before the reader. This may be seen in the repeated images of the face of Jesus, the cross, the Eucharist (with its grapes, chalices, and communion hosts), and the symbols of the resurrection (the lion, peacock, and snake). Various historic mentions of the book occur, such as in the Annals of Ulster, which described the manuscript as “the chief treasure of the Western world” and recorded that in 1006 it was stolen from the stone church of Colum Cille at Kells, the gold was removed from the ornate cover, and it was buried in the ground. It remained at Kells for eight centuries and was fairly well preserved. Then, in the interest of its safety, Henry Jones, scoutmaster general to Oliver Cromwell’s army in Ireland, when he became bishop of Meath in 1661 presented the book to the library of Trinity College in Dublin, where it is on permanent display. References and Resources Calkins, Robert G. 1983. Illuminated Books of the Middle Ages. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. Farr, Carol. 1997. The Book of Kells: Its Function and Audience. London: British Library. Henderson, George. 1987. From Durrow to Kells: The Insular Gospel-Books, 650–800. London: Thames and Hudson.

—Robert L. Gallagher

Borromeo, Charles Early Background and Education St. Charles Borromeo was born in Castle Arona in Italy in October 1538. While he may be best remembered as a major figure in the Catholic Counter-Reformation and as an organizer of the Council of Trent, Borromeo should serve as an inspiration to all Christian educators. His legacy is Christian “Sunday school,” which grew out of his zeal for education in Christian principles. Borromeo was a cardinal-priest and archbishop of Milan. He died at the age of 46, in 1584, and is the patron saint of catechists and catechumens.

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Borromeo became a monk, receiving the tonsure at the age of 12, and studied in Milan. He later attended the University of Pavia, studying civil and canon law and earning a doctorate in 1559. That same year his uncle was named Pope Pius IV; he appointed Charles the secretary of state for the Vatican. At the age of 22, Borromeo helped organize the continuation of the Council of Trent (1562–1563). Significant Contributions to Christian Education Borromeo was a fierce reformer, who believed that the Protestant Reformation and attendant heresies were a result of the people’s ignorance of orthodox Christian beliefs. In Milan, he supported the establishment of the Confraternity of Christian Doctrine (CCD) for the teaching of children and adults by priests and laity, which survives today in Catholic religious education and in Protestant Sunday schools. Prior to this time, bishops and priests were required only to teach the basic precepts of the Apostles’ Creed and the Lord’s Prayer, and only a few times each year. Borromeo required that all priests in every parish of his diocese give instruction on Sundays and feast days, either themselves or through trained and morally upright members of the laity. In Milan, Borromeo trained 3,000 catechists, who in turn instructed up to 40,000 of the faithful in an expanded and codified curriculum of church doctrine (Glancey 1908). During the Council of Trent, Borromeo used the opportunity to compile a comprehensive summary of doctrine into the first printed version of the Roman Catechism (Catholic News Agency 2013). He also established an Academy of Literature in Rome, as well as numerous colleges and seminaries for the education of the clergy. Reformer and Healer As archbishop of Milan, Borromeo undertook an uncompromising and ultimately dangerous systematic reform of the clergy and monastic orders. A man of integrity, Borromeo began with his own house first, banishing most of the staff and selling off family properties to support feeding the poor. He forbade the selling of indulgences and purchase of clerical positions, which had prompted much of the fervor of the Protestant Reformation. In 1569, his reforms prompted one group, The Order of the Humiliati, to try to murder him while he was at prayer in his chapel. Struck by a cannon ball, he instructed his household to continue at prayer as he prepared himself for death. When prayer ended, he was found to have a relatively superficial wound (Glancey 1908). During an outbreak of the plague in 1576, Borromeo became a healer, personally attending to parishioners who were infected, in their homes and at St. Gregory

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hospital. Understanding the gravity of his actions, he had already prepared his own will. Believing that the illness was punishment for sin, he walked the streets in procession, barefooted, with a rope around his neck to do penance for his people. Many were reported to be comforted by his presence. Even the clergy who so opposed his reforms were persuaded to return to the city and assist him (Glancey 1908). He ordered that decorative fabrics from the churches be used to clothe the poor and incurred personal debt in an attempt to feed over 60,000 people each day (Swetnam n.d.). Borromeo was canonized in 1610 by Pope Paul V. References and Resources Catholic News Agency. 2013. “St. Charles Borromeo.” 4 November. Accessed 26 May 2013. http://catholicnewsagency.com/ saint.php?n=645. Glancey, Michael. 1908. “New Advent.” In The Catholic Encyclopedia: Confraternity of Christian Doctrine. Accessed 25 May 2013. http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/03711b.htm. Swetnam, Susan. n.d. “Saint Charles Borromeo 1539–1584.” Loyola Press: A Jesuit Ministry. Accessed 26 May 2013. http:// www.loyolapress.com/YourPrintPage.aspx.

—Angelique Montgomery-Goodnough

Bosnia/Herzegovina and Christian Education Bosnia and Herzegovina is located in Central Europe, east of Italy across the Adriatic Sea. The estimated population is close to 4 million. The primary ethnic groups are Bosniak, Serb, and Croat. Arrival of Christianity Bosnia and Herzegovina lies along the religious fault line where three cultures converge. The Croat people have strong ties with Roman Catholicism from the West, the Serbs have equally strong ties to Orthodox beliefs from the East, and the polytheistic Slavic peoples who originated from the north were easily converted to the Islamic faith (beginning in 1463) during the Turkish Ottoman Empire’s conquest from the south. Within the country, religion was often based on politics and culture rather than a personal relationship with Christ and was loosely held. A determination of when Christianity arrived in Bosnia and Herzegovina depends, in large measure, on which ethnic heritage is being considered. There has long been some Christian presence, at least at a superficial level. On the other hand, the Bosniaks are one of the least-evangelized groups in the world; for them, Christianity has not yet arrived.

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Religious Identity in Modern Bosnia Ethnic identity is complicated, determined more by family history and political circumstances than by race, language, or place of origin (Vanderwerf 2008). The Bosniaks, who account for 48 percent of the population, are predominantly Muslim. Only an estimated .03 percent are Christian (Joshua Project 2013). The next largest segment of the population (37 percent) is the Bosnians of Serb ethnic origin. Approximately 80 percent are Orthodox, while 18 percent have no religious affiliation (Joshua Project 2013). Among the Croats (14 percent of the population), 95 percent are Roman Catholic, and 5 percent have no religious affiliation (Joshua Project 2013). Methods of Christian Education As is true in many European countries, children study religion in the public schools. International oversight has helped to create Catholic, Orthodox, and Muslim curricula that provide basic religious education (beliefs and history) without inciting animosity toward other faiths. However, a large percent of the public schools now have students of only one religious faith, due to the demographics of the communities they serve. There are private religious schools in the country, operated by the Catholic Church and the Orthodox Church. In the seven Catholic schools, enrollment is open to all faiths, and multicultural tolerance is actively encouraged (www.reliefweb.int 2013). Evangelicals have one school in Mostar and one in Sarajevo. There are also educational opportunities at various evangelical centers scattered around the country. Evangelicals who wish to pursue theological studies or Christian vocational studies need to go outside of the country (e.g., to Croatia, Hungary) for higher education. Evangelicals among the Bosniaks use a wide variety of methods to reach and teach the people. They have used English as a Second Language (ESL) classes, backyard Bible clubs, day camps, sports camps, music ministry, puppet ministry, women’s groups, small group studies, chronological Bible storying, mentoring, home Bible studies, and more. In 2002, a translation of the New Testament into the Bosniak dialect was published. It continues to be distributed and used for study. Religious Freedom Religious freedom today must be understood within the context of the war that took place from 1992 to 1995. After World War II Yugoslavia, of which Bosnia and Herzegovina was a part, became a communist country. Unlike in many Central European states under commu-

nism, religion was treated as an irrelevant nuisance rather than a mortal enemy of the state. During the communist years, under the dictatorial leadership of Josip Tito (1945–1980), Bosnians prided themselves on their religious tolerance. In Sarajevo, the Catholic cathedral, an Orthodox church, a Muslim mosque, and a Jewish synagogue stood within a few blocks of one another, and worshippers attended them peacefully. After Tito’s death, however, political factions wrestled for control of Yugoslavia until the 1990s, when the republics broke apart. The republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, with a history dating back to at least the 12th century, declared its independence in 1992. The vicious war that followed was waged on religious grounds, although the people are of the same racial ethnicity. Neighbors who had barely known one another’s cultural religious affiliation were suddenly divided in bloody conflicts of ethnic cleansing and genocide. An international peacekeeping force intervened and froze the position of the combatants along the then-existing dividing lines. The three ethnic nationalities, which took refuge in separate areas during the fighting, have been segregated to a large extent since the war. Following the war, evangelical agencies, other Christian organizations, nongovernmental agencies, and representatives of other faiths poured humanitarian aid and personnel into the country. Islamic funds also poured into the country, and mosques were built. People who were nominally affiliated with the three major religions have a heightened sensitivity to their religious identity. Tensions remain, even more than a decade after the war’s end. While daily life is generally peaceful, there is the constant possibility of militant religious activity. Religious freedom is guaranteed under the constitution, but incidents do occur, and governmental response is not always even-handed. Bosnia-Herzegovina is considered a high-security area for evangelical Christian workers. References and Resources “Catholic Schools an Oasis in Bosnia’s Ethnic Strife.” n.d. Accessed 30 April 2013. http://reliefweb.int/report/bosnia-and -herzegovina/catholic-schools-oasis-bosnias-ethnic-strife. Fletcher, Richard. 1997. The Barbarian Conversion: From Paganism to Christianity. New York: Henry Holt. Joshua Project. 2013. “Bosniaks, Croats, Serbs.” Accessed 17 April 2013. http://www.joshuaproject.net/people-profile.php. Spinka, Matthew. (1933) 1968. A History of Christianity in the Balkans: A Study in the Spread of Byzantine Culture among the Slavs. Hamden, CT: Archon Books. U.S. Department of State. 2011. Bosnia and Herzegovina: Executive Summary 2011. Accessed 30 April 2013. http://www .state.gov/documents/organization/193003.pdf.

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Vanderwerf, Mark. 2008. “A Missiological Examination of National Identity in Bosnia-Herzegovina.” PhD diss., Western Seminary, Portland, OR. World Factbook. n.d. Accessed 30 April 2013. https://www.cia .gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/bk.html. http://www.joshuaproject.net/interactive-map.php

—Carol Olsen

Boston College’s Institute of Religious Education and Pastoral Ministry Boston College’s Institute of Religious Education and Pastoral Ministry (IREPM) was founded as a summer institute in 1971, adding an academic year faculty and curriculum the following year. Residing within the Boston College Department of Theology and in partnership with the university’s School of Education, it first offered MEd and CAES degrees in religious education. It soon added a PhD in religious education (1977) and an MA in pastoral ministry (1978). The IREPM entered into innovative partnerships with other schools of Boston College to offer joint and dual degrees, enabling people to prepare for vocations that combine competence in religious education and ministry with, for example, social work, counseling psychology, church management, nursing, or Catholic school leadership. It has also offered programs of sabbatical renewal and continuing education and has more recently added a rich curriculum of noncredit online Christian education (CE) courses. The institute’s cofounder (with Richard McBrien) and first director was Prof. Jack McCall; subsequent directors were Professors Richard McBrien, Philip King, Robert Imbelli, Claire Lowery, Mary Ann Hinsdale, and Thomas Groome. Its distinguished faculty (regular summer adjuncts and academic year) has included Richard McCormack, George McRae, Gabriel Moran, Bernard Cooke, Bernard Anderson, Maria Harris, Walter Brueggemann, James Fowler, Henri Nouwen, Gustavo Gutierrez, Paulo Freire, Raymond Brown, Dan Harrington, Michael Himes, Maryanne Confoy, Shawn Copeland, Richard Gaillardetz, John Baldovin, Mary Boys, Padraic O’Hare, Jane Regan, John Shea, Colleen Griffith, and many others. The IREPM was founded in response to the movement of renewal and reform launched by the Second Vatican Council (1962–1965); it has continued in the Council’s spirit of resourcement and aggiornamento. Its defining commitment has been to prepare and renew religious educators and pastoral minsters who will enable the church to be an effective instrument of the in-breaking

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of God’s reign of justice, peace, and fullness of life for all as inaugurated in Jesus Christ. The institute became distinguished for its pedagogy, which maintains a dialectical unity between theory and praxis to encourage both the knowing and living of faith. Its overall curriculum has consistently reflected commitment to academic rigor, spiritual formation, and pastoral preparation. Committed to such holistic education for all functions and forms of religious education, ministry, and faith-based service, the IREPM has been a leader in the emerging movement of lay ecclesial ministries in the U.S. Catholic Church and beyond. Though distinctly Catholic in commitment and ethos, it has been ecumenical in its faculty and outreach. Over time, Boston College’s IREPM has come to enjoy an international as well as a national reputation, attracting students from throughout the world. Its thousands of graduates serve as leaders in religious education and in every conceivable function of ministry and faith-based service. In particular, the graduates of its small but highly regarded PhD program (now in theology and education) are among the most prominent scholars and leaders in contemporary religious education. On 1 June 2008, the IREPM merged with the Weston Jesuit School of Theology to form the Boston College School of Theology and Ministry (STM). It continues its distinguished service and defining commitments as the Department of Religious Education and Pastoral Ministry (DREPM) within the STM. —Thomas H. Groome

Bounds, E. M. E. M. (Edward McKendree) Bounds was an American Methodist author and minister. He was born on 15 August 1835, in Shelby County, Missouri. Bounds was the second youngest child in a family of three sons and three daughters. Originally from Maryland, his parents were married in 1823 and subsequently moved westward in search of greater opportunities for their young family. Bounds’s father served as a county clerk, and the family was relatively prosperous. Bounds was educated in a one-room schoolhouse in Shelbyville (where his father worked). He was 14 when his father died of tuberculosis, and although the family was financially stable, they were emotionally adrift. Consequently, he and his older brother Charles traveled westward in search of gold in California. The brothers returned home four years later, and Bounds decided to study law. He passed the bar at 18 and had a successful legal practice in Shelby County for five years.

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At the age of 24, Bounds sensed God’s call upon his life. In 1859, he experienced a “second blessing,” which resulted in his devoting himself entirely to Christian ministry. (Wesleyan perfectionism is the notion that sinlessness is possible, and this “second blessing” is subsequent to a struggle and decisive act of faith. Similar to the Wesleyan notion is that of the Keswick victorious life, wherein the believer experiences the complete control of the Holy Spirit and struggle with the flesh ceases; however, the sin nature is not completely eradicated as in the Wesleyan view.) Bounds became an ardent reader of scripture and an avid admirer of John Wesley’s sermons, in addition to the biographies of David Brainerd and John Fletcher. Bounds closed his law office and began evangelizing and preaching. Early in 1860, he was licensed to preach by the Hannibal Station Quarterly Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church, South, and he pastored his own congregation in Brunswick, Missouri. When the American Civil War officially began in 1861, the state of Missouri was a border state politically. Union martial law was imposed upon Missouri in September 1862, and Bounds was imprisoned by Union troops and charged as a Confederate sympathizer. He was a prisoner of war for a year and half; early in 1863, the 26-year-old was transferred to Tennessee and was eventually released in Arkansas (although the Union Army forbade his return to Missouri). During his imprisonment, Bounds ministered to others who had been arrested. He was never provided the opportunity to swear allegiance to the Union and was not a slaveholder. Bounds was spiritually committed to the Confederate prisoners and thus allied himself with the Confederacy as a chaplain in February 1863. He ministered courageously in definitive battles at Atlanta (GA), Franklin (TN), and Vicksburg (MS). He also preached messages of restoration and revival to the civilian population who experienced devastation from the Civil War. Bounds pastored churches in Alabama and Tennessee after the war. In Selma, Alabama, he met Emma Barnett (daughter of a prominent Methodist minister), and the couple married in 1876; both were 41 at the time and had never previously married. Emma gave birth to three children; she died in 1884. Nineteen months later, Bounds honored Emma’s wishes and married her cousin, Harriet Barnett, with whom he also had children. In 1883, he became associate editor of the St. Louis Christian Advocate, and in 1888, he began work as the associate editor of the Nashville Christian Advocate (the official paper of the Methodist Episcopal Church, South). Bounds wrote passionately against the liberal “New Theology” and to promote revival within his own beloved denomination. In 1894, when the General Conference

rejected the office of evangelist, he resigned his position and moved his family to Washington, Georgia. Bounds dedicated the last 17 years of his life to writing devotional works, such as the classic work Power through Prayer (1902; originally published as the Preacher and Prayer). During this time, Bounds would wake every morning at 4:00 a.m. to pray for several hours. He also wrote a series on heaven, entitled The Resurrection (1907). His other works were compiled and edited by Homer W. Hodge, including Essentials of Prayer (1925), The Necessity of Prayer (1929), Prayer and Praying Men (1921), Purpose in Prayer (1920), Reality of Prayer (1924), and Weapon of Prayer (1931). Although only two of his books were published in his lifetime, a definitive collection is available: The Complete Works of E. M. Bounds. Wilder Publications, 2009. The definitive biography is E. M. Bounds: Man of Prayer, by Lyle Wesley Dorsett (1991). Bounds died on 24 August 1913 at his home in Washington, Georgia. References and Resources Dorsett, Lyle Wesley. 1991. E. M. Bounds: Man of Prayer. Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan. Irvin, Willis. 1983. The Prayer Warrior: A Mini-biography of Dr. E. M. Bounds. Augusta, GA: Author. King, Darrel D. 2009. E. M. Bounds Speaks to the Modern Church. Alachua, FL: Bridge-Logos. Perry, Howard W. 1952. “A Comparative Study of Views of Prayer as Held by E. M. Bounds, Andrew Murray and George Arthur Buttrick.” BD thesis, Western Evangelical Seminary Portland, OR. Riddle, John. 2003. For God and Country: Four Stories of Courageous Military Chaplains. Uhrichsville, OH: Barbour. Zylstra, Cornelius. 1981. The Best of E. M. Bounds. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Books.

—Ron J. Bigalke

Boys, Mary Early Background and Education Mary Boys was born on 4 November 1947 in Seattle, Washington, and grew up steeped in the Latin Mass of the pre–Vatican II Catholic church. Her early experiences in the richly varied neighborhoods of Seattle meant that she was regularly in conversation with youth from diverse religious traditions, as well as those with no faith tradition at all. The Second Vatican Council was begun in 1962 and generated a significant and exciting degree of new openness in the church. In August 1965 Boys joined a Roman Catholic women’s religious order, the Sisters of the Holy Names of Jesus and Mary, a community to

Boys, Mary

which she professed final vows in 1972. She has noted that the promulgation of the Vatican II document Nostra Aetate in 1965, which initiated a revolution in relations between Catholics and Jews, was always a key stimulus for her thought. After completing a BA in religion and humanities at Fort Wright College of the Holy Names in Spokane, Washington, Boys began her teaching career as an instructor in religion and in English at the Holy Names Academy. She completed an MA in religion and education in 1975 and an EdD in religion and education in 1978, both at Columbia University and Union Theological Seminary in New York City. From 1977 to 1994, she was on the faculty of Boston College, progressing from instructor to full professor. In 1994, she returned to her alma mater, Union Seminary, as the Skinner and McAlpin Professor of Practical Theology, a chair she continues to hold. On 1 July 2013, she assumed the position of dean of academic affairs at Union. Significant Contributions to Christian Education Boys’s earliest contributions to the scholarship of Christian education were centered in deep attention to biblical texts in the context of religious formation. Engaging historical critical scholarship, which was only then taking root in the Catholic context, she wrote numerous articles, chapters, and eventually a book, Biblical Interpretation in Religious Education (1980). That contribution had a significant impact in the community of Christian religious educators and drew her more deeply into the work of the Association of Professors and Researchers in Religious Education, an association that would later become the host for her remarkable scholarly collaboration with Dr. Sara Lee in Christian-Jewish learning and dialogue. Her most significant and lasting contributions to the field of Christian religious education have been her work on “learning in the presence of the other.” She has fundamentally reshaped not only Christian-Jewish dialogue, but also the scholarship of learning in multifaith contexts across myriad traditions. The recipient of multiple large grants, she has been a senior advisor to several national projects, including the Valparaiso Project in the Education and Formation of Faith, the Catholic-Jewish Colloquium, Educating for Religious Particularism and Pluralism, and the ATS Project on Christian Hospitality and Interreligious Education. Most Notable Publications Boys’s Educating in Faith: Maps and Visions gave the field its first thorough framework for mapping the history of religious education in the U.S. context. She wrote that a series of foundational questions within religion (about revelation, conversion, faith and belief,

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and theology), when paired with a series of foundational questions in education (about the goal(s) of education, the understanding of knowledge, use of the social sciences, definition(s) of curriculum and teaching, and a tradition’s stance toward education as a political term), could offer a clear picture of religious education within a specific tradition. In doing so, she provided a means by which diverse religious educators could engage in thoughtful and respectful conversation about what mattered to their individual communities without ignoring the particular differences between them. Her commitment to these conversations grew into a substantial and foundational project exploring Jewish and Christian history and practice in mutual relationship within religious education. One of her books from that research, Has God Only One Blessing? Judaism as a Source of Christian Self-Understanding, first published in 2000, was awarded a Catholic Press Association’s Award in Theology in 2001. This book offers an alternative account of Christian origins, replacing the supersessionism that has so permeated Christianity with an accessible narrative for Christian life and thought that remains rooted in scripture and practice. Awards Boys received the International Council of Christians and Jews Sir Sigmund Steinberg Award in 2004, the Eternal Light Award from the Center for Catholic-Jewish Studies at St. Leo University in 2012, and the Ann O’Hara Graff award from the CTSA Women’s Consultation on Constructive Theology in 2013. She has honorary doctorates from four institutions and has given endowed lectures at multiple colleges and universities, including the Madeleva Lecture at St. Mary’s College, Notre Dame, Indiana, and The Cardinal Willebrands Lecture in Amsterdam, Netherlands. She was a Henry Luce fellow in 2009–2010. References and Resources Boys, Mary. 1980. Biblical Interpretation in Religious Education. Birmingham, AL: Religion Education Press. ———, ed. 1981. Ministry and Education in Conversation. Winona: St. Mary’s. (Editor) ———. 1989a. Educating in Faith: Maps and Visions. San Francisco: Harper & Row. Sheed & Ward. ———, ed. 1989b. Education for Citizenship and Discipleship. New York: Pilgrim. (A Korean translation was published in 1999.) ———. 1997. Jewish-Christian Dialogue: One Woman’s Experience. New York/Mahwah, NJ: Paulist Press. ———. 2000. Has God Only One Blessing? Judaism as a Source of Christian Self-Understanding. A Stimulus Book. New York/ Mahwah: Paulist Press.

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———, ed. 2005. Seeing Judaism Anew: Christianity’s Sacred Obligation. A Sheed & Ward Book. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield. ———. 2013. Redeeming our Sacred Story: The Death of Jesus and Relations between Jews and Christians. A Stimulus Book. New York and Mahwah: Paulist Press. Boys, Mary, Philip A. Cunningham, Joseph Sievers, Hans Hermann Henrix, and Jesper Svartvik, eds. 2011. Christ Jesus and the Jewish People Today: New Explorations of Theological Interrelationships. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. Boys, Mary, and Sara S. Lee. 2006. Christians and Jews in Dialogue: Learning in the Presence of the Other. Woodstock, VT: SkyLight Paths Publishing.

body rests in the Pantheon in Paris, “the highest honor that France can bestow upon its dead” (Spungin 2009, 6). Braille’s revolutionary alphabet system gives people who are blind a medium for literacy. Braille literacy gives them access to written culture and is also positively correlated with increased academic achievement and employment opportunities. Moreover, Braille literacy provides individuals who are blind with personal access to read and study God’s written word. There are multiple versions of the Bible (e.g., New King James Version, New International Version) available in Braille in multiple languages, as well as children’s Bibles, concordances, and Bible dictionaries.

—Mary Hess

Braille, Louis Early Background and Education Louis Braille was born on 4 January 1809 in a small town near Paris, France, called Coupvray. When Braille was three years old, he injured an eye while playing with a sharp tool in his father’s workshop. The wound became infected, the infection spread to his other eye, and by the age of five Braille was blind in both eyes. Though it was challenging, Braille adapted to being blind, refusing to allow his disability to slow him down or keep him from doing things his peers were doing. In addition to learning to play the cello, piano, and organ, Braille was also an avid student and at the age of 10 received a scholarship to attend the Royal Institution for Blind Youth in Paris. Braille’s school had 14 books with raised letters that students could read by tracing over them with their fingers. However, this method was slow and difficult for students to master. Significant Contributions to Christian Education Braille’s inspiration for the code that bears his name today came from a retired military officer in Napoleon’s army named Charles Barbier de la Serre (1767–1841). Barbier developed a “night writing” system using 12 raised dots for the mostly illiterate soldiers to communicate without light or sound to avoid alerting the enemy of their position. While the code was not well embraced by the army, Barbier was invited to demonstrate it at Braille’s school. Braille, 12 years old at the time, recognized the potential of such a system and spent the next three years revising it into a more efficient reading and writing system using combinations of 6 dots. While Braille’s system was largely developed by the time he was 15 years old, he continued to refine it throughout his lifetime, even adding mathematical and musical symbols. Braille died on 6 January 1852, at the age of 43, after a long struggle with tuberculosis. His

Most Notable Publications Braille’s alphabetic code was first published in 1834, was universalized in 1950 by UNESCO, and is presently used by people who are blind across the globe. His musical notations were published in 1839. Perhaps most remarkable, “for over two centuries Braille’s system has remained essentially as he designed it” (Spungin 2009, 6). References and Resources Mellor, Michael. 2006. Louis Braille: A Touch of Genius. Boston: National Braille Press. Spungin, Susan Jay. 2009. “Louis Braille Celebration: Past and Present Remembrances of Louis Braille.” Journal of Visual Impairment and Blindness (January): 5–6, 64. National Braille Press. http://www.nbp.org/ic/nbp/aboutus/ index.html.

—Lucinda S. Spaulding

Brazil and Christian Education Christianity is the predominant religion in Brazil, and the Roman Catholic tradition played a strong and definitive role in the process of diffusion of the Christian religion in the country from the time of Portuguese colonization. Currently, 64.6 percent of the population is Catholic, a significant decrease over the last few decades. Protestants make up 22.2 percent, and the predominant trend in this group is the Pentecostals. Pentecostal churches are religiously dispersed in Brazilian culture. They are characterized by a strong element of religious syncretism from Afro-Brazilians, currently totaling only 0.1 percent of the population. However, even though the majority of Brazilians do not declare themselves members of an Afro religion, there is a strong religious influence of these traditions, including Spiritism. There are three main aspects of Christian education in Brazil. First is the family and its capacity for intergen-

Brethren Church Christian Education

erational religious transmission. Second is the efforts by religious institutions to transmit the Christian message by means of evangelization. Third is the current debate in the country about confessional religious education in public schools. Regarding the first aspect, some research demonstrates that inside the family, the mother has a determinative role in the religious formation of the children. But there has been a decrease in intergenerational religious transmission, a consequence of the modernization of Brazilian families, who give religion a secondary status as an institution able to educate children. This trend expresses the desire to assure freedom of choice for children. Regarding the second aspect, there is a dispute between Catholics and Protestants, mainly the Pentecostals. Christian education in the Catholic Church occurs inside the parishes, through traditional catechism; through Catholic TV and radio, with a strong emphasis on charismatic Catholic renewal; and through mass events, such as World Youth Day, directed at the public, which has increasingly abandoned Catholic identity in recent decades. Among the Protestant churches similar strategies are used, including a strong presence in the media to guarantee the diffusion of the Christian message with acute proselytizing. However, the Pentecostals have continued to use Afro-Brazilian religious symbols, reactivating and resignifying the figure of the demon. Finally, Christian education in Brazil has been dispersed in the traditional Catholic and Protestant confessional schools (private), with a strong emphasis on human values and formation of character, and also in public schools. The Brazilian states have autonomy to form their own educational policies regarding religious education, but the Christian traditions, and particularly the Catholic Church, have been privileged in this process. In 1997, the Brazilian government instituted religious education in the public schools. Although the Brazilian state is secular, there are three models of religious education that can be followed. First is confessional education, with an emphasis on an exclusive religious tradition, usually Catholic or traditional Protestant. Second is interconfessional religious education, in which the Bible is used in the study of Christian traditions for comparative analysis. The third model understands religion as a social phenomenon. Its theoretical approach comes from the social sciences and the phenomenological perspective and aims at the development of a pluralistic point of view. The model most often applied is confessional religious education, in which each Christian tradition in the country fortifies its own doctrine and religious message. —Sílvia Regina Alves Fernandes

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Brethren Church Christian Education Throughout Christian history, but especially since the rise of Protestantism, many distinct movements have identified themselves simply as “brethren” or similar biblical terms. One such arose in Ireland and Britain in the first third of the 19th century. It soon came to be called (by others) after the English port of Plymouth, where a large congregation had assembled. (In recent years there has been increasing willingness to accept the designation “Christian Brethren.”) Major causes for this new movement were distress over denominational divisions, the close linkage throughout Europe of the majority of the church with the civil government, and the sharp distinction between clergy and laity. None of these factors seemed to these Brethren to have been envisaged for the church in the New Testament. (Interestingly, about the same time, across the Atlantic, an unrelated movement arose known as “Restorationism,” which was quite similar in some ways, but distinct in others.) Within a couple decades after the founding, Brethren congregations had spread into many countries of Europe and a few beyond. They also began what has continued to be a very extensive foreign missions outreach. When combined with emigration from Europe, the result is that today there are some 28,000 Brethren congregations in about 130 countries, with approximately 2 million regular adult attenders. Wherever they are found, except on some small islands, the Brethren are only a minority within Evangelicalism. In some countries, however, they are a significant part of the non-Pentecostal/charismatic wing of Evangelicalism. Their doctrinal distinctives have been in the areas of ecclesiology and eschatology. In the former, they stressed the spiritual giftedness of all true believers, not just clergy, and this is now widely accepted in Evangelicalism. But while Brethren have always had those who were ministering full-time at home or abroad, they have not considered them “ordained” as a separate class, and instead place a strong emphasis on “lay” leadership and ministry. In the 19th century, education even for leadership was to take place within the framework of the local congregation, and this practice continues for some. Also, until recent generations most full-time ministers were itinerant, but in recent decades more have functioned locally. Brethren also traditionally observed the Lord’s Supper weekly and separately from the preaching service, though this also is changing, at least in some countries. Eschatologically, the view known as dispensationalism was developed within the Brethren (though not held by all of them). However, it soon was adopted and spread widely throughout

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Evangelicalism by means of teachers from other denominations who did not accept Brethren ecclesiology. After its first two decades, the Brethren divided into two categories: “Open” (essentially congregational, hence varying in practice) and “Exclusive” or “Closed” (unofficially but tightly connected with each other, hence very similar). Initially most of the members and prominent Bible teachers sided with the Exclusives, affirming that they best expressed the intended unity of the body of Christ. The more evangelistically and missionary minded were generally with the Opens. The widely traveled John Nelson Darby (1800–1882) was unofficial Exclusive leader. Within a generation of his death, the Exclusives had divided into seven distinct factions. Subsequent subdivisions, partial reunions, and the tendency of many Exclusives to evolve into Opens mean that now probably 90 percent of all Brethren are historically linked with the latter. But given their strong congregational emphasis, in countries where Open Brethren have a long history and large numbers, there is clearly a spectrum of belief and practice. This of course would be true of all Protestant denominations, except that the Brethren range stays within the evangelical spectrum. Educationally, the Brethren have functioned much as have other evangelical congregations, educating children and youth with Sunday schools and the like. Sometimes Brethren produce their own teaching materials, but many are content to use interdenominational ones. When it comes to Bible training programs for older youth and adults, Exclusives and the more conservative Opens still prefer to handle training within the congregation. But in most countries where Open Brethren are well established, they do create schools and training programs in which students can come together for a few weeks for one or more years or even for a longer period of time. This is not seen as preparing clergy, although many who attend become full-time Christian workers at home or abroad. Possibly the earliest still functioning Brethren tertiary school began in Berlin in 1905; it relocated after World War I to the village of Wiedenest, near Cologne. It is also a missionary service agency, along with performing other functions for many German Open Brethren, but many students come from other groups. Tilsley College in Scotland arose from an Australian initiative after World War II and has been primarily associated with a Brethren missions agency. In Australia itself there is the small Emmaus Bible College, while French Switzerland has the older Emmaus Institute, dating from the 1920s. The small and now bachelor’s-granting Emmaus Bible College was started in Canada in 1945, but in 1954 it merged with its Chicago branch and then was relocated to Dubuque, Iowa, in 1984. Though its faculty remains Brethren, presently the majority of the students are from

other evangelical groups. These schools are to varying degrees part of the higher education systems of their respective countries, but they have long functioned in the way that numerous other Bible and missionary and ministry training schools have done—both within the Brethren as well as in countless other evangelical groups. Such schools arise in response to the recognition that, though not essential for Spirit-empowered ministering, they can be very helpful preparations for beginning or improving it. Unlike other denominational families of European origin, Brethren have not developed liberal arts colleges, much less comprehensive universities. The most significant educational contribution from Brethren has been the development since the 1940s of Emmaus Bible correspondence courses, for a long time in conjunction with the aforementioned school that started in Canada, but now functioning separately under the name ECS Ministries and reaching far beyond Brethren boundaries. These courses are generally on a secondary level and are both evangelistic and instructional. By the 1960s there were some 35 courses, with at least one in each of 80 languages and some three million courses in circulation. A special focus has led to some four million courses being used in 3,000 prisons around the world. Overall, Emmaus courses are available in 120 languages in 90 countries, administered from some 1,200 centers. —Donald Tinder

Brethren of the Common Life Brethren of the Common Life, a late 14th- to early 16thcentury fraternity in Deventer and Zwolle in north Holland after 1384, was inspired by the life and teaching of Gerard Groote (see Groote, Gerard), whose preaching and example advocated renewal of church and society. The Deventer and Zwolle houses, and a handful of others, commissioned members to found new houses and hostels, so that by the end of the 15th century Brethren were found in towns across the Netherlands, Flanders (modern Belgium and northern France), and northern Germany. Brethren houses generally consisted of two priests aided by two or more clerks—often priests in training—and one or two lay folk. Brethren were neither laymen, nor pursuing a religious life in a monastery, but living in voluntary poverty and serving others in the midst of society. In the decades before the invention of printing, Brethren houses earned their living by copying books on commission and operating hostels for students at municipal Latin schools. After the invention of printing, some Brethren became printers, while others made direct contributions to schooling. Groote saw spiritual work with students as important, because the piety of a generation of leaders

Brethren of the Common Life

would bring wider renewal. The earliest Groote-inspired community was Sisters of the Common Life, organized in his house in Deventer in 1379; female houses also spread around Flanders and the lower Rhine basin, but since students were nearly always male, the Sisters had few or no hostels and little connection to education. The late 14th and early 15th centuries witnessed church scandal and calls for reform. Two popes claimed leadership of the church and established rival courts. Financial and sexual compromises, abuse of privilege, and pursuit of luxury touched both the higher clergy and monastics. Yet recurrent plague heightened awareness of the brevity of life, the closeness of judgment, and Hell. The Brethren’s motivation for working and living in common was based on Acts 2:32–35, in which the earliest church members sold personal possessions to live, preach, and serve together. The Brethren’s communal life confessed a committed faith to often less-than-welcoming townspeople. Brethren wore the distinctive hairstyle (“tonsure”) indicating full religious commitment, and a gray habit to below the knees; at some times and places they wore overlarge shoes to emphasize humility. They attracted curiosity from laypeople and jealous attention from established monastic orders, which saw them as undermining their own reasons for being. The Brethren’s work was provocative enough that it was investigated and exonerated by the Council of Constance in 1415. While earlier scholars thought that the Brothers made a significant educational impact through administration of schools and teaching, that assertion was questioned by R. R. Post’s The Modern Devotion (1968). Post’s archival research revealed that no house ever sent a man to university—yet a master’s degree was essential for other than auxiliary teaching. While the Brothers, later in their history, sponsored the main school of a town such as Liege or Maastricht, for the most part city or church leaders tended to prevent or harass private schools in order to maintain the town school’s reputation and viability. Only when a town such as Utrecht was larger than a single parish was it possible to establish a private school. Even then, shortages of masters or pupils would lead to one school possessing rights denied to its competitors. John Cele, the effective schoolmaster of the Zwolle Latin school, was a close friend of Groote and adherent of his movement. Cele’s influence passed via John Sturm’s academy at Strassburg to John Calvin’s widely admired Geneva Academy. Sturm expressly credited Cele’s model for his organization. However, Post, also the author of a history of Dutch medieval schooling, showed that the Zwolle school was unusual only in having two higher levels than most Latin schools. Groote’s influence on Cele appears to have been less educational than it was personal and religious.

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Hostels, though, could have a significant influence. The priest or clerk in charge of the hostel would not only provide room and board, give devotional messages, and hear confession—a privilege claimed early on and maintained by the Brethren—but also assist the boys with schoolwork. Hostel overseers came to know schoolmasters well for the sake of their mutual charges, so the division between school and hostel was not watertight. Hostels had some tendency to evolve into schools in their own right; for example, the Sorbonne was first a residence for University of Paris students. However, because even those Brothers who were ordained as priests lacked theological training beyond the basics, Brethren hostels did not have the intellectual wherewithal to evolve. But the influence of godly Brothers on students could be and was marked: the Brothers were highly successful recruiters for vocations in monastery and priesthood. Earlier scholars believed that the Brethren’s educational contribution was humanistic learning that prepared reformers such as Luther. The lack of evidence for school sponsorship, administration, or teaching, plus the Brethren’s lack of training for any such influence, however, means that they have to be seen in the light of broader intellectual and spiritual trends. While Groote himself did postgraduate study at the University of Paris and was a noted bibliophile, humanistic (classical Greek and Roman) learning was not a mark of the Brethren houses. Humanism’s growing influence was apparently not connected to Brethren student work. Casting the net more widely, the philosopher Charles Taylor notes that the late medieval drive to reform was manifested in “attempts to bring a more intense devotional life into niches of personal and social existence where they had hitherto been absent,” marked especially by “mediaeval movements like the Brethren of the Common Life, which aim(ed) precisely to integrate the life of prayer more closely into everyday life” (2007, 144). The growing orientation to individual piety tended to devalue church ceremonies as primary ways of staying right with God, and Martin Luther’s Reformation from 1517 onward confirmed the nonritualistic tendency. Luther attended a Brethren-connected school at Magdeburg. The Brethren were perhaps responsible for bringing Luther to a focus on God in everyday life. But neither Groote nor the Brethren departed from church teachings. Based on the current understanding of the Brethren, their widespread Low Countries work for church and social renewal was not unlike that of a present-day denominational ministry on a university campus. References and Resources Fuller, R. 1995. The Brotherhood of the Common Life and Its Influence. Albany: State University of New York Press.

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Hamilton, D. 1989. Towards a Theory of Schooling. London: Falmer Press. Henkel, J. S. 1968. “School Organizational Patterns of the Brethren of the Common Life.” In Essays on the Northern Renaissance, edited by K. A. Strand, 35–50. Ann Arbor, MI: Ann Arbor Publishers. Hyma, A. 1950. The Brethren of the Common Life. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. ———. 1968. “Introduction: The ‘Devotio Moderna’ and the Humanists.” In Essays on the Northern Renaissance, edited by K. A. Strand, 9–31. Ann Arbor, MI: Ann Arbor Publishers. Jacob, E. F. 1952. “Gerard Groote and the Beginnings of the ‘New Devotion’ in the Low Countries.” Journal of Ecclesiastical History 3 (01): 40–57. King, S. 1992. “The Sisters of the Common Life at Deventer, 1374–1418: A New Beginning?” Mystics Quarterly 18 (4): 120–130. Post, R. R. 1968. The Modern Devotion: Confrontation with Reformation and Humanism. Leiden: E. J. Brill. Strand, K. A. 1968. “The Brethren of the Common Life and Fifteenth-Century Printing.” In Essays on the Northern Renaissance, edited by K. A. Strand, 51–64. Ann Arbor, MI: Ann Arbor Publishers. Taylor, Charles. 2007. A Secular Age. Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press. Van Engen, J. 2008. Sisters and Brothers of the Common Life. The Devotia Moderna and the World of the Late Middle Ages. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. Weiler, A. G. 1999. “The Dutch Brethren of the Common Life, Critical Theology, Northern Humanism and Reformation.” In Northern Humanism in European Context, 1469–1625: From the “Adwert Academy” to Ubbo Emmius, edited by Fokke Akkerman, Arie Johan Vanderjagt, and Adrie H. Laan, 307–332. Brills Studies in Intellectual History, no. 94. Leiden and Boston: Brill.

—Ted Newell

Brothers of the Christian Schools The Brothers of the Christian Schools, also known as the De La Salle Brothers and Institute of the Brothers of the Christian Schools, are the largest group of religious laymen in the Catholic Church dedicated to education. With close to 800 Brothers in the United States and Toronto and nearly 5,000 Brothers around the world, they are dedicated to an educational ministry, particularly for the poor. In the United States, there are 6 colleges and universities, 54 high schools, 16 middle schools, and 15 education centers led by the Brothers of the Christian Schools (Christian Brothers Conference 2008). St. John Baptist de la Salle (1651–1719) was the founder of the Brothers of the Christian Schools. The

church declared him the patron saint of teachers of youth in 1950. La Salle was trained in the classical subjects of grammar, syntax, Latin, Greek, and philosophy at the College de Bon-Enfants, and in 1678 the archbishop of Reims ordained La Salle. Shortly after his ordination, he looked after the Sisters of the Holy Child Jesus. This community’s principal mission was to educate poor young girls. Through this work, La Salle met Adrien Nyel, who intended to start a school for young boys. After opening three schools, de La Salle found that the logistics of running these schools and the training necessary for instructors needed official structure. The young laymen brought in to teach at these schools had little education and no formal instruction in teaching pedagogy. To address this issue, in 1681 La Salle formally brought these teachers to live with him in his home, forming the first community. With a community of teachers now living together, La Salle formalized the community’s prayer life, kept regular hours, and provided formal teacher training. The educational methods built on experience working with the poor boys in “charity schools.” During this time, these laymen also formalized their attire to an unadorned black robe and collar, similar to what is worn today. In 1686, La Salle insisted that the Brothers of the Christian Schools take formal vows of obedience and recognize a superior for each teaching community. Many scholars have noted that there are some key features of La Sallian education rooted in the French school of spirituality. These theological themes are “Christocentrism, theocentrism, reliance on Providence and the action of the Holy Spirit” (Koch, Calligan, and Gros, 2004, 21). Notably, the reliance on providence was one of the founding theological principles during the life of La Salle, as he referenced it in times of widespread poverty and institutional famine. While the Brothers of the Christian Schools may have expanded their theological aims, it is clear that La Salle’s emphasis on educating poor students continues to this day. Current core principles include “Faith in the Presence of God,” “Proclamation of the Gospel,” “Inclusive Community and Respect for all Persons,” “Quality Education,” and “Concern for the Poor and Social Justice.” Located in nearly 80 countries worldwide, the Brothers of the Christian Schools continue the legacy of their founder, dedicating their lives to the education of young men. They are not to be confused with the Congregation of Christian Brothers (Christian Brothers), whose founder is Irish Catholic, Blessed Edmund Rice. References and Resources Brothers of the Christian Schools. n.d. Lasallian Core Principles. Accessed 17 December 2012. http://www.brothers vocation.org/pdf/BrosVocation_StarofFaith.pdf.

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Introduction Johannes Bugenhagen (1485–1558), a native of the duchy of Pomerania, was a theologian, church organizer, and educator responsible for introducing the Protestant Reformation to Denmark and his homeland, as well as founding numerous churches and church schools in north Germany. He was a theological companion of Martin Luther and contributed greatly to the advancement of the Reformation cause.

tenberg’s Protestant reformers; Philipp Melanchthon suggested that Bugenhagen substitute teach a class on the Psalms for Luther while he was away at the Diet of Worms. In 1525, Bugenhagen initiated conversation on Huldreich Zwingli’s Eucharistic theology and largely put forth a distinctively Lutheran theology of the Eucharist. In 1533, he earned a doctor of theology degree from the University of Wittenberg (now Martin Luther University), among the first to do so. The following year, Bugenhagen assisted Luther in translating the Bible from Latin into Low German, and he continued to establish himself as a leading authority on biblical exegesis. In 1535, after teaching at Wittenberg, Bugenhagen was made a professor and continued to pastor in the region. Bugenhagen later organized numerous Protestant churches and church schools in northern Germany and Scandinavia. He developed ministry regulations for several churches, including congregations in Braunschweig, Hamburg, Hildesheim, and Luebeck, and in Denmark, where he crowned King Christian III in 1537. In 1539, he became the superintendent of the Lutheran Church in Saxony. He proved himself to be an effective leader and organizer, earning the title “Second Apostle of the North.” After Martin Luther passed away in 1546, Bugenhagen cared for his widow and children up until his death in 1558.

Early Life and Education Bugenhagen was born in Wollin (now Wolin), duchy of Pomerania, on 24 June 1485. His father, Gerhard, was a member of the city council, and ensured that Johannes received an excellent education. Bugenhagen studied humanism at the University of Greifswald from 1502 to 1504 and became rector of a local Latin school at Treptow an der Rega (now Trzebiatow) after concluding his studies at Greifswald. He was ordained a priest in 1509 at St. Mary’s Church in Treptow, despite never having received a theological education. In 1517, Abbot Johann Boldewan appointed Bugenhagen as a lecturer to canons at the Premonstratensian Abbey of Belbuk, just outside Treptow. He taught an introductory course on scripture with emphasis on the Psalms and Pauline epistles, and his scholarly reputation spread among humanist circles. In the same year, the duke of Pomerania, Bogislav X, commissioned Bugenhagen to compose a history of Pomerania in the Latin language. In 1520, Bugenhagen encountered Martin Luther’s Prelude on the Babylonian Captivity of the Church and at first rejected Luther’s arguments. However, he came to agree with Luther, supported the Reformation, and moved to Wittenberg to study theology in 1521. In Wittenberg, Bugenhagen became a trusted companion of Luther and established himself as a leader among Wit-

Contributions to Christian Education For the majority of his adult life, Bugenhagen served both educational institutions and the church. He diligently devoted himself to educating the church and future church leaders, maintaining this practice until his death. As Martin Luther’s colleague and theological companion, Bugenhagen sought to educate a new generation of church leaders who ministered under a commitment to Reformation principles, such as the priesthood of all believers, the authority of scriptures, and justification by faith alone. Luther allegedly proclaimed Bugenhagen to be the greatest theology professor in the entire world, next to Philipp Melanchthon. Bugenhagen assisted in the translation of the Bible from Latin into Low German, demonstrating a desire to educate the masses of German-speaking Christians. He also founded two lectoriums, learning institutions for adults unable to attend university, in Hamburg and Luebeck. These lectoriums sought to educate laypeople in various subjects, including theology and philosophy. Bugenhagen’s years spent as a church reformer and organizer led to many educational efforts in northern Germany and Scandinavia. Though the university occupied his focus and time, he introduced numerous schools for young boys and girls to learn their native language and attain religious instruction. Bugenha-

Christian Brothers Conference. 2008. Brothers of the Christian Schools United States/Toronto Region: 2007–2008 Statistical Report. Accessed 15 January 2013. http://www.brothers vocation.org/getinvolved/resources/pdf.asp. Gerard, H., ed. 1963. LaSallian Panorama History of the Institute of the Christian Schools: Beginnings. The Christian Brothers National Public Relations. Accessed 1 January 2013. http://www.brothersvocation.org/pdf/printresources/Lasal lianPanoramaVol1Beginnings.pdf. Koch, C., J. Calligan, and J. Gros. 2004. John Baptist de la Salle: The Spirituality of Christian Education. New York: Paulist Press.

—Patrick Bruner Reyes

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gen proved himself an effective administrator of these schools, devising their administrative structure, ensuring financial solvency, and crafting curriculum. He, like Melanchthon, believed firmly in the need for Latin schools. However, he sought to provide education to the masses, as evidenced by his German translation of the Bible and founding of schools for children taught in their native tongue. Bugenhagen thus not only sought to form and educate the laity, but also to instruct the next generation of church leaders and ministers.

the Bible, teachings on the church, life and Christian traditions, main Christian denominations, and other religions. It also has an ethical and social as well as historial and philosophical dimension (Andonow 2007). In Bulgaria one can study theology at the four faculties of theology; religion teachers are trained at Velikoturnovski Universitet ‘Sv. Kiril i Metodii’ in Sofia and the Spiritual Academy in Sofia under the authority of the Bulgarian Orthodox Church.

References and Resources

Andonow, B. 2007. The Criteria for Good Religious Education Classroom Text Books in Bulgaria, Good Practice in Religious Education in Europe. Edited by P. Schreiner, F. Kraft, and A. Wrigt, 31–41. Berlin: Münster. Berov, H. P. 2011. Religion in the Public Education System of Bulgaria, [w:] Religion in Public Education. Red. G. Robberts. Trier: Otto Sagner Verlag München-Berlin. Kielian, A. 2010. Modele nauczania religii rzymskokatolickiej w krajach europejskich. Kraków: UNUM.

References and Resources Hendel, Kurt Karl. 1975. “Johannes Bugenhagen’s Educational Contributions.” PhD diss., The Ohio State University. LeRoque, Noel C. 1997. Martin Luther’s Friends. Franklin, TN: Providence House Publishers. Lockhart, Paul Douglas. 2007. Denmark, 1513–1660. The Rise and Decline of a Renaissance Monarchy. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Lohrmann, Martin J. 2012. Bugenhagen’s Jonah: Biblical Interpretation as Public Theology in the Reformation. Minneapolis, MI: Lutheran University Press.

—Marian Zając

—Benjamin Espinoza

Burroughs, Nannie Bulgaria and Christian Education Christianity was introduced in Bulgaria c. AD 52, when the apostle Paul visited the area (Rom. 15:12). After the Edict of Milan of 313, there was a rapid growth of Christianity in that area. After the Muslim domination, which lasted from 681 to 852, the Bulgarian king Boris I accepted baptism from the Byzantine Empire, and with the help of Greek clergy he proceeded to christianize the nation. In 1767, the Church of Bulgaria was subordinated to the jurisdiction of Constantinople. The Bulgarian Orthodox Church dominates in the religious structure, which is 82.6 percent Orthodox, 12.2 percent Muslim, 1.2 percent other Christian denominations, and 4 percent other religions (Kielian 2010). In public schools in Bulgaria, Christian classes are conducted as part of the curriculum; however, these classes mainly focus on knowledge from the Orthodox tradition. Therefore, they can be called supraconfessional. In the school year 1998/1999, religious education was introduced as a facultative subject of a confessional character: the Orthodox one. Under the Education Act of 2003, religious education is carried out in all types of schools—primary as well as junior and senior secondary schools through final examinations—and its funding is the responsibility of the state. Teaching takes place once a week for one hour. The program covers the basics of

Early Background and Education Nannie Helen Burroughs was an American educator and champion of the interests of African American women during the first 60 years of the 20th century. Born around 1879 to former slaves in Virginia, she grew up in Washington, DC, where she and her mother moved for Nannie’s education. Burroughs graduated with honors in 1896 from the M Street High School, a school known not only for the quality of its faculty, but also for the achievements of many of its graduates. Early Adult Experiences Turned down for a teaching position with the Washington schools, Burroughs took a position as associate editor at The Christian Banner, a Philadelphia newspaper. She also worked part-time for Lewis G. Jordan, the corresponding secretary of the new National Baptist Convention (NBC) Foreign Mission Board. He asked her to collaborate with the Southern Baptist women’s auxiliary in organizing the women of the NBC. When the NBC moved its offices to Louisville, Kentucky, Burroughs took a job with Jordan. In Louisville, Burroughs founded the Association of Colored Women, one of many women’s clubs she organized over the years. It grew into a well-received school, offering evening classes in business and domestic subjects.

Burroughs, Nannie

At the NBC convention in 1900, Burroughs delivered a speech entitled, “How the Sisters Are Hindered from Helping,” the climax of a five-year struggle to establish a women’s convention. The men voted in favor of the Women’s Convention, auxiliary to the National Baptist Convention. Burroughs was elected as corresponding secretary, a position similar to a modern-day executive director. The Women’s Convention (WC) had no salary or budget, but Burroughs traveled and corresponded relentlessly for the next year from her position with Jordan. She organized 12 societies, traveled 22,125 miles, and wrote 9,234 letters (Washington 2006, 33). The first women’s convention authorized a salary and expenses for Burroughs’s work. Her contact with women across the convention and her experience with the women’s classes in Louisville led Burroughs to propose that the WC sponsor a school for African American women. It took persistent appeals and her personal fund-raising efforts to finally persuade the 1907 convention to create such a school. The National Training School for Women and Girls, Inc. opened in 1909 in Washington, DC, with Nannie Burroughs as president. Her positions with the school and with the Women’s Convention, leading African American Baptist women, established a national platform for the next 50 years. She served as corresponding secretary until 1948 and then took the official helm as president, until her death in 1961. She came into the national (and even international) spotlight at a point in history when “uplift” ideology for the formerly enslaved race and the “women’s clubs movement” were at their zenith. Significant Contributions to Christian Education Burroughs fought for equal opportunities and equal rights, but her weapon of choice was Christian education, teaching women how to make a difference in every arena of life, beginning with the local church. She was instrumental in training and mobilizing African American women in the church through her speaking and writing, which was prolific. She emphasized the value of education for African American women to train for service in whatever capacity they might find themselves in. With this goal always in her mind, she structured the National Training School (NTS) as a mix of industrial education (business and domestic arts) and liberal arts, with a strong component of black history and inculcation of racial pride. Through the Women’s Convention, she wrote and disseminated materials that walked even the least experienced church volunteer through the process of organizing and leading church activities. She also set up summer

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institutes to prepare local leaders for service in their communities and churches. In her nationally syndicated columns, she addressed a myriad of social issues, including but not limited to racial struggles. She brought noted African American leaders such as Thurgood Marshall, Booker T. Washington, and Martin Luther King Jr. to address the women during the annual meeting of the WC. Her collaboration with Annie Armstrong and the Women’s Missionary Union of the Southern Baptist Convention continued for decades and benefited the members of both organizations. Burroughs never let go of her vision of community service–oriented churches. For her, Christian beliefs had to be lived in everyday life. Notable Publications The papers and publications of Nannie Helen Burroughs represent a sizable collection at the Library of Congress. Her contribution to the literature of Christian education lies in the extent of her writing (reaching individuals and into homes and churches around the world, crossing barriers of class and color) and its timeliness to the issues of the day. The following publications are most often cited and considered relevant even today: 12 Things The Negro Must Do for Himself (written in the early 1900s) 10 Things Whites Must Stop Doing to the Negro (written in response to the bus boycotts during the civil rights protests) The Worker (magazine) annual reports to the Women’s Convention “How the Sisters Are Hindered from Helping” (address to the National Baptist Convention) address to the initial meeting of the Baptist World Alliance, London, 1905

References and Resources Easter, Opal V. 1992. “Nannie Helen Burroughs and Her Contributions to the Adult Education of African-American Women.” EdD diss., North Illinois University. Harrison, Earl L. 1956. The Dream and the Dreamer: An Abbreviated Story of the Life of Dr. Nannie Helen Burroughs and Nannie Burroughs School at Washington, D.C. Washington, DC: Nannie Helen Burroughs Literature Foundation. Washington, Sondra. 2006. The Story of Nannie Helen Burroughs. Birmingham, AL: WMU. Wolcott, Victoria W. 1997. “Bible, Bath and Broom”: Nannie Helen Burroughs’s Training School and African-American Racial Uplift.” Journal of Women’s History (22 March): 18–36.

—Carol Olsen

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Bushnell, Horace Early Background and Education Horace Bushnell (1802–1876) was born in Bantam, Connecticut, the oldest of six children, to a Methodist father and Episcopalian mother who both were of Huguenot descent and rejected Calvinistic predestination and total depravity.60 Bushnell grew up on the family farm and was greatly influenced by the piety of his mother. Despite his youthful religious doubts, Bushnell joined the New Preston, Connecticut Congregational Church that his parents attended at age 19 and entered Yale College three years later.61 After completing his baccalaureate degree, he worked as a journalist before returning to Yale to study law, tutor, and successfully pass the bar examination. When a revival swept Yale, Bushnell experienced conversion and turned from law to enter Yale Divinity School.62 He came under the influence of Nathaniel William Taylor and the New Haven theology, but was impacted even more by Samuel Taylor Coleridge’s Aids to Reflection, which he read as a Yale undergraduate, and by the works of Friedrich Schleiermacher.63 When Bushnell assumed the pastorate of North Church in Hartford in 1833—where he would serve until his retirement—the last major influence that would shape his theology and understanding of Christian formation was in place. Within the context of pastoral responsibility for an urban, middle-class congregation and the challenges of responding to revivalism’s exaggerated emphasis on crisis individual conversion experience and Princeton theologian Charles Hodge’s charges of heresy, Bushnell would articulate a theological perspective mediating between New England Calvinism and American romanticism and craft an organic understanding of the Christian education of children. His approach was an attempt to blend differing emphases into a larger vision of Christian faith: a theology of comprehension. Bushnell argued for the centrality of human experience in knowing God; an integrated view of God’s ordinary and extraordinary presence and work; and an understanding of biblical and theological language as poetic, aesthetic, evocative, organic, and lacking scientific or logical precision. He believed the appeal of Christianity was primarily to the heart and spirit.64 60. James E. Reed and Ronnie Prevost, A History of Christian Education (Nashville, TN: Broadman & Holman, 1993), 314; and John M. Mulder, Introduction to Christian Nurture, reprint ed., by Horace Bushnell (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House, 1979), viii. 61. Reed and Prevost, History of Christian Education, 315. 62. Sydney E. Ahlstrom, A Religious History of the American People (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1972), 610. 63. Mulder, Introduction, xvi; and Ahlstrom, Religious History of the American People, 610. 64. Mulder, Introduction, xv; and Ahlstrom, Religious History of the American People, 611.

Significant Contributions to Christian Education Horace Bushnell has the dual distinction of being considered the “father of the Christian education movement” and the “father of American religious liberalism.”65 His pioneering efforts to move beyond the impasse between rigid Calvinistic theological rationalism and naturalistic theological liberalism eventually earned him the disapproval of both camps, resulting in charges of heresy from the former and opposition to his getting the Hollis Professorship in Divinity at Harvard from the latter. Bushnell’s contribution to Christian education found expression in his most famous work, Christian Nurture. Easily misunderstood if not read within the context of 19th-century American revivalism, Bushnell famously declared “that the child is to grow up a Christian, and never know himself as being otherwise.”66 Bushnell never intended his words to deny the human inclination for sin, undermine belief in the need for Spirit-initiated transformation, or even represent a rejection of the need for revival. Bushnell had actually led revival services for his North Church congregation and affirmed the reality of miracles and spiritual gifts in the New Testament and in his time.67 His own words demonstrated his belief in the depravity of human nature: “The natural pravity of man is plainly asserted in the Scriptures, and, if it were not, the familiar laws of physiology would require us to believe, what amounts to the same thing.”68 What Bushnell argued against was “an extreme individualism” that sees children as sinners needing dramatic conversions regardless of godly parental influence. He posited an organic view of family, church, state, and society and the idea that Christian education “begins with nurture or cultivation.”69 His contribution to Christian education was a visionary theological and psychologically positive view of children. He especially saw family and church as the main social influences for the Christian formation of children. While his broader theology represented efforts at integrating how God works supernaturally and naturally, he clearly believed the work of the Spirit and the grace of God were central to Christian nurture. He helped to draw attention to the educational needs of children as children and anticipated the 20th-century emphasis on socialization as a primary means of formation. While he em65. See Alhstrom, Religious History of the American People, 613; Reed and Provost, History of Christian Education, 319; and Mulder, Introduction, vii. 66. Horace Bushnell, Christian Nurture, reprint ed. (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House, 1979), 10. 67. Reed and Provost, History of Christian Education, 316; and Ahlstrom, Religious History of the American People, 612. 68. Bushnell, Christian Nurture, 22. 69. Ibid., 30.

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phasized the role of the family in Christian nurture, his categorization as a theological liberal caused much of his work to be ignored by evangelicals. His understanding of the cognitive capacities of children anticipated the work of Piaget and other developmental theorists and the use of developmentally structured programs and curriculum. Most Important Publications Without doubt, Horace Bushnell’s Christian Nurture was his most important publication in Christian education and theology. His basic purpose in that book was to refute the idea that children remain outside the grace of God until they are old enough for a conversion experience. Bushnell’s God in Christ was his explanation of his view of the Trinity (modalistic) and his understanding of the atonement (moral influence theory). His proposal in that work that biblical and theological language is poetic and evocative as opposed to scientific and logical led to an apologetic for his understanding of God in Nature and the Supernatural, as Together Constituting the One System of God. His other works include The Age of Homespun, an idealized perspective on the family; and Women’s Suffrage: The Reform Against Nature, expressing his opposition to women’s having the right to vote. Late in life, he also published The Vicarious Sacrifice and Forgiveness and the Law, both works arguing against penal substitution atonement theory. Bushnell’s death left a final work on the Holy Spirit incomplete.70 References and Resources Ahlstrom, Sydney E. 1972. A Religious History of the American People. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Bushnell, Horace. (1861) 1979. Christian Nurture. New York: Charles Scribner; reprint ed., Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Books. Eavey, C. B. 1964. History of Christian Education. Chicago: Moody Press. Gangel, Kenneth O., and Warren S. Benson. 1983. Christian Education: Its History and Philosophy. Chicago: Moody Press. Mulder, John M. (1861) 1979. Introduction to Christian Nurture, by Horace Bushnell. New York: Charles Scribner; reprint, Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Books. Reed, James E., and Ronnie Prevost. 1993. A History of Christian Education. Nashville, TN: Broadman & Holman. Stratham, Todd. 2011. “Bushnell, Horace (1802–1876).” In Dictionary of Christian Spirituality, edited by Glen G. Scorgie, Simon Chan, Gordon T. Smith, and James D. Smith III, 325. Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan.

—James P. Bowers 70. Mulder, Introduction, xii.

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Byzantine Medieval Church The Byzantine Empire, according to most historians, came into being when the city of Constantinople (or new Rome) was established in AD 324 and ended when the Ottoman Turks besieged that same city in 1453. During those 11 centuries, the empire experienced significant political and geographical transformations (Mango 1980, 1). For the most part, its geographical center was between the Black Sea and the eastern part of the Mediterranean Sea. At times, the empire existed as far west as Italy and Spain and embraced parts of North Africa. While multiple groups and languages existed in the expansive territory, Greek and Latin were the languages that predominated, and the Greek population eventually survived as the core group. In reality, there never was a Byzantine Empire, which is a contemporary scholarly term of reference; rather, it was an ever-evolving Roman Empire. From its onset, Christianity spread throughout the region that would ultimately be known as the Byzantine Empire. Christians, however, were widely persecuted, and by the end of the third-century persecution of Christians peaked under Diocletian and Maximian. With the Edict of Milan (313), toleration for both pagan and Christian subjects was proclaimed, and in 381 Theodosius I declared Christianity to be the state religion. Discord and theological differences plagued the empire and church until the Great Schism occurred in 1054. At this point, the church divided into the Eastern (Greek) and Latin (Roman) branches. The Eastern faction eventually became known as the Eastern or Greek Orthodox Church (also known as Byzantium) and the Western faction was the Roman Catholic Church (Anthony and Benson 2003, 136). Byzantine society, at least its middle and upper classes, was an educated society (Hussey 1961, 145), and as Christianity triumphed over paganism, liberal education continued unchanged since the Hellenistic period (Mango 1980, 125). The instruction of boys (and occasionally girls) comprised three stages: primary, secondary, and higher education. Education in the primary school included the rudimentary subjects of reading, writing, counting, and knowledge of the alphabet. The secondary stage was supervised by a more qualified teacher who taught basic grammar as well as a select number of classical authors, especially the works of Homer. The method of studying the texts included four operations: (1) correction, (2) reading aloud (recitation of the text), (3) explanation, and (4) criticism (identifying the moral lessons). Higher education, available only to students from wealthier families, included rhetoric, philosophy, science, medicine, and law (Mango 1980, 125–126).

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In the early Byzantine years, catechetical schools dominated Christian education. These schools emerged out of a need to equip able men to lead the church and supplied the early church with some of its greatest minds and apologists (Eavey 1964, 88). Chief among the catechetical schools was the one at Alexandria, though others developed at centers such as Caesarea, Edessa, Jerusalem, Antioch, and Nisibis. The methods and teaching strategies of the catechetical schools differed greatly from those of the contemporary schools. While some instruction occurred in groups, much of the teaching took place on an individual basis and in the homes of the tutors and instructors (Mulholland 2001, 111). In the universities that evolved from the catechetical schools, classical literature prevailed, whereas the monasteries were dedicated more to the investigation and study of Christian writings (Elias 2002, 231). Perhaps no other aspect of Byzantine education was more important than the monastic schools. Monasticism was a lay movement and emerged in two forms, the solitary and the communal. Regarding the former, these monastics were ascetics or solitaries who took up residence in the mountains and deserts. This type of monastic life was modeled by St. Anthony (251–356), an early leader of Eastern monasticism, who “often went without sleep, never washed and never anointed his body with oil” (Mango 1980, 106). The communal form of monasticism brought together religious men with like desires to retreat from the evil effects of society. Early Byzantine monasteries often formed around learned teachers such as St. Basil the Great (329/330–379) and Pachomius (d. 346).

According to John Elias, the theology that characterized the Byzantine church emerged as monastic theology, since the monks were the defenders and proponents of Orthodox teachings (2002, 228). He also suggests that the Christian education that developed in this period had liturgical, spiritual, mystical, and formative marks of monasticism (228). References and Resources Anthony, Michael, and Warren Benson. 2003. Exploring the History & Philosophy of Christian Education. Grand Rapids, MI: Kregel. Eavey, C. B. 1964. History of Christian Education. Chicago: Moody Press. Elias, John. 2002. A History of Christian Education: Protestant, Catholic, and Orthodox Perspectives. Malabar, FL: Krier Publishing. Gangel, Kenn, and Warren Benson. 1983. Christian Education: Its History and Philosophy. Chicago: Moody Press. Hussey, J. M. 1961. The Byzantine World. New York: Harper & Row. Mango, Cyril. 1980. Byzantium: The Empire of New Rome. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons. Mulholland, D. A. C. 2001. “Catechetical School of Alexandria.” In Evangelical Dictionary of Christian Education, edited by Michael Anthony, 110–111. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic. Treadgold, Warren T. 1997. A History of the Byzantine State and Society. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press.

—Harley T. Atkinson

C elements, and then weaving them together by reason and going over the nature of the entire universe and each of its parts . . . . In the end he brought us, by his clear teaching and the arguments . . . to the point where a rational wonder replaced the irrational one in our souls. (109)

Caesarea, School of The school at Caesarea was established by Origen (AD 184/185–254/255) after he was expelled from the school at Alexandria and subsequently made Caesarea in Palestine his home (AD 234). While sometimes called a catechetical school (Anthony and Benson 2003, 111), it may have been less so than others in that in addition to clerics, pagans and neophytes frequented the school. Nonetheless, according to church historian Philip Schaff ([1858] 1996), this new philosophical and theological institution soon outshone his former one at Alexandria (789). One of the early church fathers who advocated an integrative approach to Christian education, Origen promoted the study of disciplines beyond theology. In his letter to St. Gregory (AD 213–270), one of his most renowned students, he writes: But I am anxious that you should devote all the strength of your natural good parts to Christianity for your end; and in order to this, I wish to ask you to extract from the philosophy of the Greeks what may serve as a course of study or a preparation for Christianity, and from geometry and astronomy what will serve to explain the sacred Scriptures, in order that all that the sons of the philosophers are wont to say about geometry and music, grammar, rhetoric, and astronomy, as fellow-helpers to philosophy, we may say about philosophy itself, in relation to Christianity. (Origen 1989, 393)

References and Resources

Gregory (1998), in a letter to Origen, provides insight into the practices and methods of the teacher at Caesarea, bringing his students from the irrational to the rational: He raised us up and put us straight with other lessons, those in physics, explaining each existing thing, and analyzing them with great wisdom down to their most basic

Gregory gives a further clue to Origen’s methodology: “He would trip us up in speech, challenging us in thoroughly Socratic fashion, every time he saw us fighting the reins like unbroken horses, veering off the road and running aimlessly every which way” (1998, 107). He taught by example and was concerned that his students become masters not only of doctrine, but of impulses, deeds, and virtues as well (113). Curriculum or content was taught according to the division of philosophy at the time, including logic (a blend of dialectics and criticism), physics (above all geometry and astronomy), moral doctrine, and theology (Crouzel 1963, 1044–1045). The school at Caesarea was a place of learning not only for St. Gregory Thaumaturgaus, but for many other early church leaders as well, including St. Basil the Great (AD 329–379) and Gregory of Nazianzusas (AD 325–389). Here also, Origen and Pamphilus (d. AD 309) built the famous library that boasted the most extensive clerical collection of sources at that time, approximately 30,000 rolls.

Anthony, Michael, and Warren Benson. 2003. Exploring the History & Philosophy of Christian Education. Grand Rapids, MI: Kregel. Crouzel, H. 1963. “School of Caesarea.” In New Catholic Encyclopedia, edited by William J. McDonald, 1044–1045. Washington, DC: The Catholic University of America. Gregory. 1998. “Address of Thanksgiving to Origen.” In St. Gregory Thaumaturgus: Life and Works, edited by Thomas

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P. Halton et al., 91–126. Translated by Michael Slussor. Washington, DC: The Catholic University of America Press. Origen. 1989. “A Letter from Origen to Gregory.” In The AnteNicene Fathers, vol. 4. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. Schaff, Philip. (1858) 1996. History of the Christian Church. Vol. 2. Peabody, MA: Hendrickson Publishers.

—Harley T. Atkinson

Calvin College Introduction Calvin College is an evangelical, Christian liberal arts college affiliated with the Christian Reformed Church in North America, located in Grand Rapids, Michigan. The college enrolls approximately 4,300 students from mostly the United States, but also from many countries around the globe. Offering numerous programs in the liberal arts, sciences, and professional fields, Calvin College remains a bastion of evangelical and Reformed scholarship. History Calvin College is affiliated with the Christian Reformed Church in North America (CRCNA), which traces its theological heritage back to the work of Abraham Kuyper (1837–1920). At the core of Kuyper’s theology was the sovereignty of God in all spheres of human life. The CRCNA is evangelical, is Reformed, and places a priority on engaging culture with a distinctively Christian worldview. It holds to three confessions of faith: the Belgic Confession, the Heidelberg Catechism, and the Canons of Dort. These theological underpinnings bear on the work of those affiliated with Calvin College. Founded in 1876 by the CRCNA with only seven students, the college’s primary purpose was to train men for pastoral ministry. Initially Calvin adopted a six-year curriculum, consisting of four years of liberal arts studies and two years of theological studies. By 1894, the college had expanded the curriculum to include nontheological studies, and in 1900 it expanded further to train students for nonministerial careers. In 1906, the institution’s literary department became known as John Calvin Junior College and held its first commencement the same year. In 1907, the student newspaper Chimes was first published. In 1910, the cities of Muskegon and Kalamazoo offered the institution $10,000 and a tract of land to have the institution be relocated to their cities. However, Grand Rapids, eager to maintain the institution, also offered it $10,000, causing the college to remain in Grand Rapids. It moved to the Franklin Street Campus in 1917. In 1919, the college elected its first president, J. J. Hiemenga, a Dutch American minister, under whom the institution gradually became a full, four-year college, eliminating

the preparatory program in 1924. Calvin awarded its first bachelor of arts degree in 1921. Between 1926 and 1930, the college appointed its first female professor and dedicated its library seminary building. The institution grew very slowly in its early years, but experienced radical growth by 1930, when it enrolled approximately 350–450 students. Due to the need for additional campus space, the synod of the Christian Reformed Church allowed the college to purchase a farm in 1956, which expanded its original space from 100 to 390 acres. In 1960, President William Spoelhoef, eager to expand the institution, oversaw the construction of a new building for Calvin Theological Seminary. The seminary began holding classes in 1962. During this time, the institution was operating on both the Knollcrest and Franklin campuses. In 1973, it consolidated at the Knollcrest campus. In 1975, Anthony Diekema became president; he embarked on successful fund-raising campaigns, curriculum restructuring, and the expansion of the student body to just over 4,000 members. Under Diekema, Calvin College and Calvin Theological Seminary became separate institutions. In 1995, Gaylen Byker was elected president of Calvin College. Under his leadership, Calvin College added numerous buildings, including a communications and political science building, and expanded the fieldhouse. Calvin’s enrollment was approximately 4,300 in 2013. Notable Academic Programs Calvin College remains committed to a rigorous liberal arts curriculum, offering programs in the arts, literature, history, government, anthropology, philosophy, sociology, languages, economics, and much more. The institution offers more “professional” programs as well, such as business, ministry studies, recreation, education, and social work. In addition, it offers strong science-based programs, including biology; biochemistry; engineering; mathematics; and numerous programs offering preparation for further study in medicine, dentistry, optometry, and veterinary medicine. Beyond offering a myriad of degree programs, Calvin College also houses numerous centers of research and learning. The Calvin Institute of Worship seeks to promote thorough research into the theology, history, and practice of Christian worship and renewal of worship in Christian communities across the globe. The H. Henry Meeter Center for Calvin Studies is devoted to the study of John Calvin, the Reformation, Reformed theology, and early modern studies. The Kuyers Institute for Christian Teaching and Learning is devoted to the study and promotion of teaching and learning from a distinct Christian perspective. The Nagel Institute for World Christianity

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studies Christian movements across the globe. Other institutes study free enterprise, business management, and Christianity and politics, among other interests. Each institute offers lectures and events while promoting critical study of its disciplines. Mission and Philosophy Calvin College seeks to be an agent “of renewal in the academy, church, and society” and “pledge[s] fidelity to Jesus Christ, offering [its] hearts and lives to do God’s work in God’s world.” The institution embraces rigorous scholarship and a commitment to teaching and learning, but also emphasizes the importance of being a community of worship. Calvin College has three stated purposes: (1) “to engage in vigorous liberal arts education that promotes lifelong Christian service,” (2) “to produce substantial and challenging art and scholarship,” and (3) “to perform all our tasks as a caring and diverse educational community.”1 As a community, Calvin College is committed to justice, compassion, discipline, and humility, as well as the renewal of hearts and minds for expansion of the Kingdom of God. The institution’s mission and purposes fall in line with its distinct Dutch Reformed theological roots, emphasizing the submission of all spheres of life under the sovereign reign of Christ. References and Resources Calvin College. n.d.-a “History.” Accessed 29 March 2013. http://www.calvin.edu/about/history.html. ———. n.d.-b “Our Mission.” Accessed 30 March 2013. http:// www.calvin.edu/about/mission.html. Calvin College Heritage Hall. n.d. “The Presidents of Calvin College.” Accessed 30 March 2013. http://www.calvin.edu/ hh/calvin_college_presidents/pres_mainpage.htm. Kromminga, John H. 1983. Perspectives on the Christian Reformed Church: Studies in Its History, Theology, and Ecumenicity: Presented in Honor of John Henry Kromminga at His Retirement as President of Calvin Theological Seminary. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Books. Ringenberg, William C. 2006. The Christian College: A History of Protestant Higher Education in America. 2nd ed. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic.

—Benjamin Espinoza

Calvin, John John Calvin was born 10 July 1509 at Noyon in Picardy, France. His father was an attorney who practiced both canon and civil law. In 1523, John Calvin matriculated 1. Calvin College, “Our Mission,” http://www.calvin.edu/about/mission .html (accessed 30 March 2013).

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at the University of Paris; from 1528 to 1532, he studied at Orléans as a law student. Calvin was divided from Martin Luther by a generation, but though they never met, Calvin was introduced to Luther’s teachings in Paris. The majority of his biographers date his sudden and unexpected conversion to 1533. By 1536, he had disengaged himself from the Roman Catholic Church and planned to leave France permanently. However, war between Francis I and Charles V took him to Geneva. In 1599, Calvin founded a school of theology, the Geneva Academy, which was modeled on Johannes Strum’s earlier Protestant school at Strasbourg. Geneva Academy was divided into two components: (1) the schola privata (“private school”) was devoted to the teaching of Greek and Latin, in addition to grammar and dialectic as preparation for university study; and, (2) the schola publica (“public school”) was originally designed as a seminary for the training of Protestant ministers but eventually was enriched with faculties of medicine and law (later gaining renown as the University of Geneva). Calvin remained in Geneva until his death on 27 May 1564. Theodore Beza (1519–1605) succeeded Calvin as leader of the Genevan church. Calvinism is a theological system of thought developed from the work of John Calvin (1509–1564). Calvin’s thought was articulated most clearly in Institutes of the Christian Religion (1536), which was dedicated to King Francis I. Institutes formed the basis of the historical development of Calvinism. Arminianism is a theological system of thought developed from the work of Jacobus Arminius (1560–1609). Arminianism was primarily a response to Lutheranism and the Calvinist doctrine of predestination. Calvinists and Lutherans taught that predestination was God’s eternal decree before the creation of the world to elect unconditionally some individuals to salvation, and this was solely by the grace of God and according to His sovereign good pleasure. Arminius argued that predestination was based on God’s foreknowledge in seeing through the corridors of time those individuals who would either accept or reject the free offer of salvation in Christ Jesus. Arminian teaching also asserted that salvation freely accepted could be freely lost, which was also contrary to Calvinist and Lutheran teachings. The followers of Arminius outlined their opposition to Calvinism in 1610, issued as five doctrinal articles collectively called the “Remonstrance.” Intense controversy arose among the churches in the Netherlands. The Synod of Dort (Dordrecht) convened in 1618–1619 to resolve the controversy and formulated the standard summary of the essential elements of Calvinism. Arminianists (i.e., the Remonstrants) were condemned point by point in a fivefold set of decrees (canons). Theological students have used the acronym TULIP

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as a mnemonic device for remembering these doctrines: Total depravity, Unconditional election, Limited (particular) atonement, Irresistible grace, and Perseverance of the saints. The sovereignty of God was fundamental to the theology of Calvin. Although the Protestant Reformation began officially on 31 October 1517 with Martin Luther posting his “95 Theses” on the church door at Wittenberg, Calvin was the systematic theologian of the Reformation. His thought and practice were the foundation for several Reformed confessions: the Gallican Confession (1559), the Belgic Confesssion (1560), the Scots Confession (1560), the Thirty-Nine Articles of the Church of England (1563), the Heidelberg Catechism (1563), the Second Helvetic Confession (1566), the Second Scots Confession (1581), the Canons of the Synod of Dort (1619), and the Westminster Confession (1647). Consequently, the term Reformed is broader than the term Calvinistic. Calvin’s theology also formed the basis for ethical, political, and social beliefs that profoundly impacted Protestant cultures and have continued to influence Western civilization. The doctrine of the sovereignty of God, which so permeated his Institutes, emphasized human responsibility and activity. Calvin repudiated any notion of separation between the so-called sacred and the secular, regarding all aspects of life as equally significant spheres for divine and human activity. Calvinism was the doctrinal foundation for both English and American civil liberties and rights. The deeply respected Harvard historian George Bancroft esteemed Calvin as one of the foremost republican pioneers. “He that will not honor the memory, and respect the influence of Calvin, knows but little of the origin of American liberty.” The profound German historian Leopold von Ranke asserted boldly: “John Calvin was the virtual founder of America.” The second president of the United States, John Adams, even esteemed Geneva as the “first Puritan state.” At the time of the American Revolution, Adams exhorted, “Let not Geneva be forgotten or despised. Religious liberty owes it most respect.” Calvinism was the social and political ethic for the early American colonies. When German sociologist Max Weber (1864–1920) wrote The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism in 1905, he articulated the Protestant ethic as a moral standard emphasizing asceticism, hard work, and serving God as the logical organization of one’s life. Weber argued that capitalism developed in Protestant countries because they instilled virtues within the people that ultimately encouraged it. Both colonial virtues and belief in predestination contributed to the end of serfdom and establishment of a free economy and politic. The Protestant revival of biblical theology and virtues in the sixteenth century was highly regarded as a major factor

in the development and growth of Western capitalism and civilization, even though it was not the intent of the reformers, who strove only to preach justification before God in Jesus Christ alone. References and Resources Boettner, Loraine. 1932. The Reformed Doctrine of Predestination. Phillipsburg, NJ: Presbyterian and Reformed. Boice, James Montgomery, and Philip Graham Ryken. 2002. The Doctrines of Grace: Rediscovering the Evangelical Gospel. Wheaton, IL: Crossway. Bouwsma, William J. 1988. John Calvin: A Sixteenth Century Portrait. New York: Oxford University Press. Calvin, John. 1960. Institutes of the Christian Religion. 2 vols. Edited by John T. McNeill. Translated by Ford Lewis Battles. Louisville, NY: Westminster John Knox Press. Hancock, Ralph C. 1989. Calvin and the Foundations of Modern Politics. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. Hoekema, Anthony A. 1989. Saved by Grace. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. Hopfl, Harro. 1982. The Christian Polity of John Calvin. New York: Cambridge University Press. Koetsier, L. S. 2003. Natural Law and Calvinist Political Theory. Victoria, BC: Trafford. McNeill, John T. 1954. The History and Character of Calvinism. New York: Oxford University Press. Niesel, Wilhelm. 1980. The Theology of Calvinism. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Books. Palmer, Edwin H. 1972. The Five Points of Calvinism. Grand Rapids, MI: Guardian Press. Pelikan, Jaroslav. 1983. The Christian Tradition: A History of the Development of Doctrine, Volume 4: Reformation of Church and Dogma (1300—1700). Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Schreiner, Thomas R., and Bruce A. Ware, eds. 2000. Still Sovereign: Contemporary Perspectives on Election, Foreknowledge, and Grace. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic. Steele, David N., and Curtis C. Thomas. 1963. The Five Points of Calvinism: Defined, Defended, Documented. Phillipsburg, NJ: Presbyterian and Reformed. Van Til, Cornelius. 1963. The Case for Calvinism. Philadelphia: Presbyterian and Reformed. Webster, William. 1997. The Gospel of the Reformation. Battle Ground, WA: Christian Resources.

—Ronald J. Bigalke

Calvin’s Geneva, the Educational Principles of Although his name would forever be identified with the city of Geneva (in Switzerland), John Calvin was a Frenchman, born in 1509. He received a liberal arts

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education in Paris and legal training at Orléans and Bourge that would later make an indelible mark on both Geneva’s church and the state. After his conversion to Protestantism sometime in 1533 and his implication in the Cop Affair, Calvin fled the city of Paris. The following year, at the instigation of royal persecution in response to the Affair of the Placards, he headed to the city of Erasmus. There he published the first edition of Institutes of the Christian Religion, which was only the beginning of his successful and fruitful contributions to Protestantism. When a window of opportunity opened to return to France, Calvin settled his affairs and left his native country for the last time in 1536. On his way to Basel, Calvin was unexpectedly diverted to stay overnight in the city of Geneva. By then Geneva had already embraced the Reformation under the leadership of Guillaume Farel; nevertheless, Farel believed that Calvin’s contributions would be critical to the next steps for the city. With a sense of providence at work and at Farel’s behest, Calvin chose to stay. His first task was to provide public education on the New Testament, and with this work, Calvin embarked on what would be one of the most enduring and important contributions of his pastoral ministry; the education of Christians. In his capacity as Protestant reformer of Geneva, Calvin made numerous contributions to the education of current and future pastors as well as the laity, both children and adults. Upon his return to Geneva in 1541 from Strasbourg, Calvin drafted the first of his Ecclesiastical Ordinances, in which he presented a vision for universal education: “[B]ecause it is necessary to raise offspring for time to come, in order not to leave the church deserted to our children, a college should be instituted for instructing children to prepare them for the ministry as well as for civil government.”2 Taking a page out of Luther’s book, Calvin advocated for the public education of both boys and girls. In fact, the city council had already ruled in favor of mandatory elementary education when it adopted Protestantism in May 1536. The Collège de Rive was created that year, but the Latin and Greek education offered there was only available to a minority of boys. By 1541, a separate primary school for vernacular education was opened for girls, which was a crucial step toward the Protestant vision of forming all Christians in scripture. Education was also closely tied to catechesis. Calvin was aware of this widespread need by 1537, when he noted the ignorance of Genevan families in Articles Concerning the Organization of the Church. Consequently, he developed a French catechism that year (revised in 1542), 2. John Dillenberger, “Draft Ecclesiastical Ordinances—1541,” in John Calvin: Selections from His Writings, ed. John Dillenberger (Collegeville, MN: Scholars Press, 1975), 234.

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which was followed by a Latin version in 1538 (revised in 1545). The French catechism became an integral part of church life for centuries, and it was taught weekly on Sunday afternoons to children and sometimes adults.3 Though in 1537 Calvin envisioned parents as the primary educators, with clergy serving merely as examiners, by 1541 he began to identify the education of children as the responsibility of the church and the work of the clergy. Parents were expected to read scripture at home, attend sermons, and frequent Sunday catechisms in order to provide adequate teaching for the household. Public catechesis and recitation was particularly encouraged in preparation for the quarterly administration of the Eucharist. Meanwhile, Calvin’s theology shaped the liturgy, and the congregation became familiar with the psalms through singing. His theological companion to the Bible, the Latin Institutes, was translated into French in 1541 to assist a wider audience of readers. In addition, beginning with Romans in 1540, Calvin published commentaries on almost every book of the Bible, and over the course of his lifetime nearly 800 of his sermons were printed. In these ways, Calvin educated Christians in the right understanding of scripture. By 1559, his dream for equipping future leaders of the church and state through higher education was realized with the establishment of the Geneva Academy. Calvin’s contribution to Protestantism reached well beyond the bounds of Geneva and the 16th century. —Jennifer McNutt

Cambridge Platonism Early Background and Education The English philosophers and theologians Benjamin Whichote (1609–1683), Henry More (1614–1687), Ralph Cudworth (1617–1680), John Smith (1618–1652), and Nathaniel Culverwell (1618–1652) are well known as the Cambridge Platonists. They were the seminal figures in a movement of philosophical theologians (and More, a poet) who were educated and then taught at Cambridge University, mostly at Emmanuel College and Christ’s College. They are distinguished by their advocacy of a Platonic (and neoplatonic) tradition within Christianity that stressed the inherent, essential goodness and beauty of God and the indispensable role of reason as a God-given faculty they frequently described as “the candle of the Lord.” They firmly stood against deterministic and mechanical views of human 3. Randall Zachman, “Building up the Faith of Children: Calvin’s Catechisms, 1536–1545,” in John Calvin as Teacher, Pastor, and Theologian: The Shape of His Writings and Thought (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker, 2006), 131–146.

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nature and instead advocated understanding human persons as free, purposive beings who are called by God to live a life of redemption and reconciliation through Jesus Christ and the power of the Holy Spirit. They fully embraced the emergence of modern science (More and Cudworth were members of the Royal Society of Science) and yet resisted an exclusive adherence to science that precluded appeals to our grasp of eternal and immutable ethical truths and to conscious awareness. They saw Thomas Hobbes as a prime example of how a mechanistic worldview may lead one to undermine the reality of consciousness, freedom, and values. They argued for toleration during a time of great violence, the English Civil War (1642–1651), and often spoke against the capricious use of political power. Cudworth is probably the only professor or minister to instruct a major political body on the right answer to Plato’s Euthyphro dialogue. On 31 March 1647, Cudworth delivered a sermon in which the main message was that God loves that which is good because it is good. Goodness is not the result of God’s arbitrary power. The Cambridge Platonist writings will be quite familiar to those who study contemporary philosophy of religion, as many of their topics and terminology have become standard. They introduced terms such as “theism,” “philosophy of religion,” and “consciousness,” and they were the first philosophers in English to develop what have come to be known as ontological, cosmological, moral, and teleological theistic arguments, as well as a theistic argument based on religious experience. Significant Contributions to Christian Education First, the Cambridge Platonists held that a good education cannot take place in a moral or spiritual vacuum, but must be informed by both personal virtue and a virtuous community open to divine wisdom. In keeping with Plato and the Platonic tradition, they held that learning required the exercise of virtue. To learn of wisdom, one must pursue it wisely; to assess the value of love, one must do so lovingly; to assess courage, one must pursue it courageously; and so forth. The vices tend to atrophy or tarnish learning and the practice of philosophy. Second, the Cambridge Platonists, especially Cudworth, put an enormous stress on history as a source of wisdom and knowledge. They believed that divine wisdom can be found in many non-Christian sources. In this, they followed the tradition of Florentine Platonism, especially the work of Marsilio Ficino. Third, they held that religion without reason can be subject to disordered fantasy. A religious education should highlight the role of reason. Fourth, they identified the relationship of religion and science as important and fruitful. From the standpoint of

their philosophy, an education in religion would include the study of science and vice versa. Finally, they practiced philosophical theology in public venues, such as in Cudworth’s address to the House of Commons. They would not have limited education to the university or academy. They believed Christian philosophers can help inform public reflection on justice and other vital areas. References and Resources Cudworth, Ralph. 2004. The True Intellectual System of the Universe. Whitefish, MT: Kessinger Publishing. More, Henry. 1671. Divine Dialogues, Enchiridion Metaphysicum, and the Immortality of the Soul. London: J. Flesher, and for William Morden, Cambridge.

—Charles Taliaferro

Campus Ministry Throughout history, Christians have regarded campus ministry as “an integral part of the Church’s mission to the world” (Shockley 1989, 2). However, ministry to the academy has changed in many ways over time. The apostle Paul interacted with scholars on his missionary journeys (Acts 17:16–34) and established what appears to have been a school of Tyrannus (Acts 19:8–10). Many early church fathers resided in the city of Alexandria to pursue their research and writing (Pedersen 1997, 17), while others worked tirelessly to unite philosophy and religion (Olson 1999). During the medieval period monasteries, cathedral schools, and universities provided education for missionaries, scholars, and teachers (Gonzalez 2010, 172). The first universities were established in Bologna (law), Paris (philosophy and theology), and Oxford (monastic) around the 10th and 11th centuries (Zonta 2006, 28). In New England, most of the colonial colleges were founded for the express purpose of training Christian leaders. The vast majority of these appointed ordained clergy as presidents and hired faculty on the basis of their theological persuasion and Christian character. Clarence Shed (Shockley1989, 12) identified two types of early campus religious programs that emerged in the United States that likely paralleled campus ministries in other countries: student-centered church work and church-centered student work. Examples of the first include the Christian Society at Harvard in 1706; the Holy Club at Oxford, which included John and Charles Wesley; and the “haystack prayer meeting” at Williams College in 1806, which gave birth to the student missionary society. By the mid-19th century, student Christian associations such as the YMCA, the YWCA, and the World Student Christian Federation (harbinger of the World Council of

Canada and Christian Education

Churches) had gained prominence. The significance of these as lay-led movements and movements giving voice to women in higher education was monumental. Typically these groups were formed to deepen the devotion of their members through prayer, theological discussion, and engagement with mission (Shockley 1989, 12–24). After World War I, a second type of campus religious program developed. Land grants allowed universities to become public institutions, unmooring them from denominational loyalties and governing boards. As the role of the college presidents changed, college chaplains were hired and became the spiritual leaders of the campus community. Black colleges were founded, typically retaining a relationship with the church and focusing on service much like the early colonial colleges. Graduates of these schools became instrumental in the civil rights movements. Mainline denominations established campus ministry foundations to “keep their own within the flock” and to protect against the fierce secularity of modern culture (Shockley 1989, 24–37). Campus ministry faces new challenges today. On many measures young adulthood is now the “least religious” time in the life span. With little biblical or theological foundation, students are taken captive by cultural forces and “meander” in the journey toward adulthood and faith (Arnett 2006, 122). On a more hopeful note, some campus ministries are thriving. For example, Cru (Campus Crusade for Christ) is present in 191 countries around the world; it focuses on the simple strategy of “preaching the Gospel, discipling converts, and training them to convert others to evangelical Christianity” (Balmer 2002, 106). Many ministries may fit under the umbrella of campus ministry, including chaplains at hospitals and military bases, Christian government fellowships, homes for the aged, ministries in jails and prisons, home school co-ops, and many other outreaches “beyond the church” (Shockley 1989), each of which extends the influence and the scope of Christian education. References and Resources Arnett, Jeffrey Jensen. 2006. Emerging Adulthood: The Winding Road from the Late Teens through the Twenties, New York: Oxford University Press. Balmer, Randall H. 2002. The Encyclopedia of Evangelicalism. Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press. Collins, Kenneth J. 2003. John Wesley: A Theological Journey. Nashville, TN: Abingdon Press. Gonzalez, Justo L. 2010. Story of Christianity. Vol. 1, The Early Church to the Dawn of the Reformation. New York: HarperCollins. Olson, Roger E. 1999. The Story of Christian Theology: Twenty Centuries of Tradition & Reform. Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press.

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Pedersen, Olaf. 1997. The First Universities: Studium Generale and the Origins of University Education in Europe. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Shockley, Donald G. 1989. Campus Ministry: The Church Beyond Itself. Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press. Van Dyke, Paul. 1926. Ignatius Loyola, the Founder of the Jesuits. New York: C. Scribner’s Sons. Zonta, Claudia A. 2006. The History of European Universities: Overview and Background in Sanz, Nuria, and Sjur Bergan. The Heritage of European Universities. Strasbourg: Council of Europe Publishing.

—Chris Kiesling and Viktor J. Rozsa

Canada and Christian Education The first Europeans to inhabit what is now Canada came from Norse countries about AD 1000 to spend at least two winters at L’Anse aux Meadows, on the northwestern tip of Newfoundland. No evidence remains of any Christian religious activity on the part of these occupants. During the age of exploration, Europeans from many nations came to Canada for various reasons, including trade, political expansion, and Christian missions to the First Nations peoples already living in Canada. As a result of such mission work and the replication or expansion of churches from the European countries of origin of immigrants, church-sponsored education was widespread by the time Canada gained nationhood in 1867. When Ontario, Quebec, New Brunswick, and Nova Scotia became the first four provinces to form the Canadian Confederation, the British parliament included Section 93 in the 1867 British North American Act (by which Canada was legally created). This section guaranteed provincial control over education and gave members of the Protestant minority of Quebec and of the Roman Catholic minority of Ontario the right to operate their own tax-supported schools. This protocol and the funding it implies were later extended to some other territories as they became provinces and were also recognized in Section 15 of the Constitution Act of 1982 (Canada’s constitution). In the case of Manitoba, which joined Canada in 1870, the funding of Protestant and Catholic school systems was guaranteed in the Manitoba Act. But the Manitoba provincial government created a single public school system in 1890, overturning the guarantees to the denominations. This action, now known as the Manitoba Schools Question, led to a constitutional crisis, eventually settled by the Privy Council in London in favor of funded denominational schools. Section 29 of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms (1982) recognizes the right of all Canadians to provide for their children the kind of education they desire, including religious education. Various courts have made

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clear since 1982 that the Charter does not give parents the right not to educate their children; children must be educated. In 1995, the Supreme Court of Canada (in Bal v. Ontario) declined to rule on an Ontario Court of Appeals finding that Section 15 of the 1982 Constitution Act did not imply that the Ontario government was required to fund religious schools other than member schools of funded Catholic boards. That is, the Charter’s right to choice in education does not imply the right to funding. Secularization in Canada has brought about changes. Protestant school boards in Ontario, Alberta, Saskatchewan, and Manitoba have become secularized “public” school boards. Religious practices and religious instruction disappeared in Ontario public schools after landmark court cases in the 1980s and 1990s. Through a constitutional amendment in 1999, Quebec replaced its denominational school systems with linguistically based school boards, thereby ending nearly four centuries of full or partial church control over education. Newfoundland, which had a denominational school system beginning in 1843 but only joined Canada in 1949, abolished its denominational system in 1998 over the protests of Roman Catholic and Pentecostal churches and educators. Parents and churches have established independent Christian schools in all provinces of Canada. Many of these hold membership in one of two major Christian school organizations (Christian Schools International and Association of Christian Schools International). Membership in these organizations is highest in Ontario, British Columbia, and Alberta. Other schools are connected to Lutheran, Seventh-Day Adventist, Mennonite, or other church denominations. Some independent schools, sponsored by individual church congregations, have no affiliation. A few elite academies, mainly in Ontario and British Columbia, are associated with mainline churches. Since the turn of the 21st century, some Roman Catholic educators and parents in Ontario have formed independent schools, eschewing tax support in favor of greater independence. Government funding of independent schools varies from province to province, ranging from zero funding in some provinces (New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, Ontario) to partial operational support in others (Alberta, British Columbia), depending on levels of teacher certification and adherence to provincial curricula. Some independent schools have become alternative schools within public boards (notably in Alberta and Saskatchewan), thereby receiving full support for operations and salaries, but not for capital projects.

Brennan, T. K. 2011. “Roman Catholic Schooling in Ontario: Past Struggles, Present Challenges, Future Direction?” Canadian Journal of Education 34 (4): 20–33. Clarke, P. 2005. “Religion, Public Education and the Charter: Where Do We Go Now?” McGill Journal of Education 40 (3): 351–381. ———. 2012. “Religion and Public Schools in Quebec: The Supreme Court of Canada Has Spoken . . . at Least for Now.” Education & Law Journal 21 (2): 167–183. LeBel, L. 2006. “Supreme Court of Canada Case Law Regarding Fundamental Rights in Education.” Education & Law Journal 16 (2): 137–157. Peters, F. 1998. “Religion and Schools in Canada.” Catholic Education: A Journal of Inquiry & Practice 1 (3): 275–294. Stewart, A. 2008. “Funding, Religious Education, and Multiculturalism in Canada.” Religion & Education 35 (2): 42–58. Sweet, L. 1997. God in the Classroom: The Controversial Issue of Religion in Canada’s Schools. Toronto: McClelland & Stewart.

—Ken Badley

Canonical Criticism, Educational Model of Attempts to relate the Bible to education via a focus on the implicit pedagogy of the canon grew out of canonical criticism in biblical theology. Canonical criticism developed in reaction to historical criticism and its focus on identifying earlier redactions, settings, and sources of biblical texts. A canonical approach focuses on the final form of scripture, prioritizing theology over historical antecedents.

References and Resources

Canon and Education Some have sought to use canonical criticism as a framework for educational investigation. Walter Brueggemann, whose book The Creative Word offers a programmatic statement of this approach (albeit focused only on the Old Testament), argues that the formation of authoritative scriptures that are to be handed on through the generations is a confessional and an educational act.4 Examining the modes of knowing and the substance to be known in the constitutive parts of the canon may suggest the contours of a biblical approach to education. Brueggemann approaches the Old Testament canon in terms of the threefold division in Jeremiah 18:18 that distinguishes the Torah of the priest, the counsel of the wise, and the word of the prophet. A canonical emphasis invites both exploring the particular pedagogies implicit

Bouchard, N. 2009. “Living Together with Differences: Quebec’s New Ethics and Religious Culture Program.” Education Canada 49 (1): 60–62.

4. Walter Brueggemann, The Creative Word: Canon as a Model for Biblical Education (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1982).

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in each division and considering how the whole canon places each in context. Torah The Torah is the foundational canonical layer, offering the basic narratives, promises, and commands that authoritatively frame the ethos of the community of faith. The teachings of the Torah are not offered for debate or creative elaboration. When children ask what the practices of Israel mean (e.g., Exod. 12:26, Deut. 6:20, Josh. 4:6) there is a stable, communally shared answer that is to be passed on without change through the generations. The acts, commands, and promises of God are to be faithfully recited and remembered, and this shared knowledge of the community is placed higher than individual, private insight or personal experience. Torah and its pedagogy establish and maintain core communal identity. Wisdom The wisdom writings (a frequent target of efforts to derive pedagogical insight from the form of scripture) do not appeal to the authority of the Torah or of a direct word from God, but rather to experience and the patterns to be discerned within creation during daily living. Wisdom writing relies on the order of what God has given, while also remaining playful and insisting on the persistence of mystery. Pedagogically, it invites attentiveness to the world combined with a proper humility. This brief schema is open to further elaboration in relation to the Old Testament, considering, for instance, the psalms as a distinct canonical element. Spina applies it to the pedagogy of higher education under the headings of revelation, reformation, and re-creation.5 Further consideration of how the New Testament adds to the canon as a model of education is also needed; some explorations of the pedagogy of Jesus as represented in the Gospels may have affinities with a canonical approach. The basic trajectory of the approach is to explore how the canon as a whole models a variety of approaches to knowledge, the creative tension between them, and their configuration into a theologically normative whole. Prophets The prophets build upon and appeal to the Torah, but also proclaim God’s judgment on institutions and practices held sacred by the community and poetically announce an inbreaking newness rooted in God’s grace rather than past precedent. Prophetic voices speak from 5. Frank A. Spina, “Revelation, Reformation, Recreation: Canon and the Theological Foundations of the Christian University,” Christian Scholar’s Review 18, no. 4 (1989): 315–332.

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the margins, often against the priests and kings who guard the traditional ways, and confront the community with the suffering of people and of God. Working with parable and poetic speech, they interrupt the community’s consensus, positing the need to nurture openness to voices that come from outside normal expectations. The pedagogy here evokes fresh imagination, disrupts old certainties, and calls to obedience. References and Resources Brueggemann, Walter. 1982. The Creative Word: Canon as a Model for Biblical Education. Philadelphia: Fortress Press. Childs, Brevard S. 1985. The New Testament as Canon: An Introduction. Philadelphia: Fortress Press. Melchert, Charles F. 1998. Wise Teaching: Biblical Wisdom and Educational Ministry. Harrisburg, PA: Trinity Press International. Sanders, James A. 1984. Canon and Community: A Guide to Canonical Criticism. Philadelphia: Fortress Press. Spina, Frank A. 1989. “Revelation, Reformation, Recreation: Canon and the Theological Foundations of the Christian University.” Christian Scholar’s Review 18 (4): 315–332.

—David I. Smith

Cappadocian Fathers The Cappadocian Fathers are the three early Christian theologians, the church fathers from Cappadocia—St. Gregory of Nyssa, St. Gregory of Nazianzus, and St. Basil the Great—of whom only the latter two received a full classical education. Though united by common interests of mind and spirit as well by the bonds of brotherhood or friendship, each had a different type of personality: Basil is known as a man of action, Gregory of Nazianzus as a rhetorics master, and Gregory of Nyssa as a thinker. Their teachings were a continuation of Origen’s school, who found in them conscious defenders of his virtues and extremes, and although they sometimes disagreed with Origen, they kept his spirit. The three scholars set out to demonstrate that Christians could hold their own in conversations with learned Greek-speaking intellectuals and that Christian faith, while it was against many of the ideas of Plato and Aristotle (and other Greek philosophers), was an almost scientific and distinctive movement, having at its center the issues of healing man’s soul and his reunion with God—illustrated best by monasticism. They made major contributions to the definition of the Trinity finalized at the First Council of Constantinople in AD 381 and the final version of the Nicene Creed. In this splendid theological triad the work of Athanasius found its continuation and reached its climax. However, the Cappadocian Fathers emphasized for the first time

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the significance of culture and stated that the Christian religion in their times had not developed; instead they revealed in their works ideas showing that the doctrine proclaimed by them was a part of an entire civilization; the theology was a marvelous science based on the highest erudition and philosophical work of the mind. The Cappadocians intended to unite the Christian man with the entire intellectual culture, utilizing in this endeavor their best education, conspicuous in their writings. Regardless of religious beliefs contradicting the rebirth of the classical Greek religion, the Cappadocian Fathers did not hide their great appreciation for the cultural heritage of ancient Greece. Thanks to them, Christianity appears as an heir to what in the Greek tradition is worth saving. They had a lasting influence on the universal church through their contribution to the progress of theology, the restoration of peace, the expansion of monasticism, and especially the solution of the problem of relations between Hellenism and Christianity. In the latter issue, education and educational values were their concern. None of the fathers composed a philosophy of education or an educational manual (only Basil wrote a brief essay, for young people), yet their educational model—the act of schooling a human being into a cultivated person, whose ultimate goal is the formation of a godlike ikon— became the lasting model for the future generations. References and Resources Gregg, R. C. 1975. Consolation Philosophy: Greek and Christian Paideia in Basil and the Two Gregories. Cambridge, MA: The Philadelphia Patristic Foundation Ltd. Howard, N. D. 2004. “Classical and Christian Paideia in FourthCentury Cappadocia.” Medieval Perspectives 19: 195–222. Jaeger, W. 1965. Early Christianity and Greek Paideia. Cambridge, MA: The Belknap Press of Harvard University. Van Dam, R. 2003. Families and Friends in Late Roman Cappadocia. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press.

—Marcin Wysocki

Caribbean Evangelical Theological Association (CETA) Background The Caribbean Evangelical Theological Association (CETA) is a Caribbean-wide association of evangelical theological institutions formally launched at Victory Heights, Trinidad and Tobago, in 1973. Its 46 member schools are scattered throughout the English-, French-, and Spanish-speaking Caribbean. The schools are affiliated with some 15 church groups, making CETA an interdenominational and theologically diverse organization. Presently the CETA member schools offer theo-

logical training to more than 4,000 students enrolled in diploma, bachelor’s, and master’s degree programs. The association is governed by an executive committee, chaired by the president, and a biennial association meeting with an independent chairman, which is its highest authority. The association maintains offices in Maracas, St. Joseph, and Trinidad and Tobago. The Caribbean Evangelical Theological Association maintains strong ties with significant international and regional bodies. Internationally, it is a charter member of the International Council for Evangelical Theological Education (ICETE), a global network of eight regional accrediting associations covering all five continents and more than 100 countries. ICETE is affiliated with the World Evangelical Alliance (WEA), a network of churches in 121 nations, with more than 100 international organizations joining together to give a worldwide identity, voice, and platform to more than 335 million Christians. Several continental networks sponsor ICETE, including the Accrediting Council for Theological Education in Africa (ACTEA), Asia Theological Association (ATA), Caribbean Evangelical Theological Association (CETA), European Evangelical Accrediting Association (EEAA), Euro-Asian Accrediting Association (E-AAA), Association for Evangelical Theological Education in Latin America (AETAL), Association for Biblical Higher Education (ABHE) of the USA, and South Pacific Association of Bible Colleges (SPABC). The association is also a member of several regional bodies. It holds membership in the Evangelical Association of the Caribbean, which it helped establish in the late 1970s. It is a member association of Caribbean Tertiary Institutions (ACTI) and of the Caribbean Area Network for Quality Assurance in Tertiary Education (CANQATE), which is part of the International Network for Quality Assurance Agencies in Higher Education (INQAAHE). Through its membership in ICETE, ACTI, and CANQATE, CETA maintains strong links with the world of higher education internationally, both on the theological and nontheological fronts. CETA Services The Caribbean Evangelical Theological Association fulfills its main objective, the development and promotion of standards of excellence among member institutions, through several means, including consultations, graduate education, accreditation services, and a theological journal. Consultations Since 1971, CETA has held biennial educational consultations designed to strengthen theological education in

Carolingian Renaissance

the Caribbean. These consultations focus on critical issues related to theological education. Nineteen consultations have been held so far throughout the three linguistic groups that make up the association’s membership. Caribbean Graduate School of Theology The Caribbean Evangelical Theological Association established and sponsors the Caribbean Graduate School of Theology (CGST), founded in the mid-1980s to further strengthen theological education. A fully accredited institution of higher learning, the graduate school (soon to become the Caribbean Christian University) has produced graduates who teach at and lead CETA-affiliated schools in the region, as well as other Christian institutions and denominations. Accreditation Services As a result of the absence of accreditation services in the Caribbean region in the early 1970s, graduates of many theological institutions in the region found the credentials accepted by their denominations had no currency in the wider society and internationally. Only a handful of theological schools affiliated with the mainline churches had their degrees recognized by the University of the West Indies. The formal accreditation movement in the Caribbean is relatively recent, beginning with the Joint Board of Teacher Education, established in the 1980s; the University Council of Jamaica, established in 1987; and the Trinidad and Tobago Committee for the Recognition of Degrees (CORD) and later the Accreditation Council of Trinidad and Tobago, in 2004, and similar agencies elsewhere. Thus CETA emerged to provide this critical service to the vast majority of theological institutions in the Caribbean. Caribbean Journal of Evangelical Theology (CJET) CJET is an annual academic journal designed to promote scholarly study and research, provide a forum for the expression of ideas and opinions from a Caribbean evangelical theological perspective, and stimulate the application of this research to the Caribbean region. An agreement was recently reached to include CJET in the EBSCO host research database. Reference http://www.cetaweb.info/

—Errol E. Joseph

Carolingian Renaissance The Carolingian Renaissance, during the reign of Charlemagne (768–814), was led by educational advisors,

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particularly Alcuin of York and Theoldolf of Orleans. This emphasis on Christian learning emerged within monastic settings but also in the cities under the direction of cathedrals. Charlemagne himself established a palace school that was significant in that it provided a classical education to laity. This involved the seven liberal arts (grammar, logic, rhetoric, arithmetic, music, geometry, and astronomy), learning the psalter, chanting, and grammar. The long-term influence of these schools was seen in the eventual emergence of the university, a form of Christian education that widened the curriculum while separating from the monastic context if not completely from its wisdom and spirit. The Carolingian dynasty was named after its most well-known representative, Charles “the Great” (Charlemagne or Carola Magnus). He ruled over what today are France, Saxony, Switzerland, Bavaria, and Italy north of Rome. His importance in the development of medieval institutions was far reaching. By assuming supremacy over the Western church, he was able to influence and give direction to its leadership, polity, doctrine, and liturgy. Perhaps his most important contributions were his decrees related to education. He directed that every parish should provide a school for all children of the church regardless of class. He also mandated legislation affecting matters of theology, discipline, liturgy, and education. He devoted particular attention to legislation for the education of clergy, charging bishops and monasteries with the responsibility for teaching those priests who were capable of learning. Charlemagne viewed religion as the basis of culture and believed that faith and learning were inseparable partners. As in the patristic period, preaching was the most important means of Christian evangelization and catechesis. While his vision of a united Christian culture, a Holy Roman Empire, was carried out by nobles, civil servants, and armies, Charlemagne also looked to the church, its leaders, its schools, and its monastics. The monks in particular provided the intellectual and spiritual vision of a new culture that had been inherited from the fathers. In addition to promoting missionary preaching among rival barbarian tribes, Charlemagne and Alcuin regularized preaching in parish churches as an official policy of church reform. Attendance on Sundays and holy days was decreed, while bishops were responsible for seeing that parish priests preached each Sunday and holy day. This was a significant step, in that many parish priests were not sufficiently educated in literary, biblical, or theological studies. To advance the implementation of this educational goal required establishing schools and libraries. Alcuin also regulated the lectionary, the scripture lessons appointed for reading and preaching in the liturgy according to the

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Christian calendar. This move was accompanied by collections of sermons and other educational aids for use by priests. Preaching was to be scriptural in its substance and catechetical in its aim, covering Christian doctrine, the creed, the Lord’s Prayer, and Christian virtues. In addition to this strong emphasis on increasing Christian knowledge, the Carolingian Renaissance was a major factor in preserving extant writings of the classical authors of antiquity and thus played an essential role in the transmission of the Western intellectual tradition. Just as important, however, was the manner in which this tradition was assimilated for the understanding of Christian learning and the scriptures. References and Resources Fichtenau, Heinrich. 1978. The Carolingian Empire. Translated by Peter Munz. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Keefe, Susan A. 2002.Water and the Word: Baptism and the Education of Clergy in the Carolingian Empire. Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press. Thomson, John A. 2002. The Western Church in the Middle Ages. New York: Oxford University Press.

—Michael Pasquarello III

Catechesis/Catechism Catechesis is the religious and/or spiritual education of children or adults. In general, it includes the teaching of Christian doctrine in a systematic yet conversational way as part of an initiation into Christian life.6 A catechism is the summary or collection of the teachings and questions used in the catechesis. Many catechisms are in the form of a series of questions and answers that a catechumen (student/disciple) will progress through with the help of a catechist (teacher or guide). The term “catechesis” is derived from the Greek word catechein, originally meaning “to echo.” This etymology helps in understanding catechesis as the essence of our faith, as it is echoed or passed on from person to person.7 In the New Testament the word “katecheo” means to resound, learn, or instruct. Again, it is the handing down of what has been learned from another. To be a catechist is to receive the teaching of the faith and pass along what has been received.8 Paul uses this word (in italic) in Galatians 6:6–8 and emphasizes that the process of catechesis in the New Testament is indeed one of sowing and reaping: 6. John Paul II, “Catechesi Tradendae,” Apostolic Exhortation 18 (1978). 7. Colin Brown, ed., The New International Dictionary of New Testament Theology (London: Paternoster Press, 1978), 3:771–772. 8. Pierrer De Cointet, Barbara Morgan, and Petroc Willey, Catechism of the Catholic Church and the Craft of Catechesis (San Francisco: Ignatius Press, 2008), 62.

The one who is taught the word is to share all good things with the one who teaches him. Do not be deceived, God is not mocked; for whatever a man sows, this he will also reap. For the one who sows to his own flesh will from the flesh reap corruption, but the one who sows to the Spirit will from the Spirit reap eternal life. (NASB)

At some point very early in the church’s life, instruction in the faith (catechesis) became an important part of the period preceding baptism. Many feel these first catechisms were modeled after Jewish forms of instruction found in the synagogue. Oral catechisms, repositories of knowledge and wisdom from elders and teachers, were passed down to new believers through stories and sayings. The Sermon on the Mount in the Gospel of Matthew may be an example of such a teaching of the oral torah given to disciples from a rabbi (teacher). Some books, such as the Didache, served as an early transcript of sorts in the early church for these teachings on faith and wisdom.9 The process of catechesis is not simply a time to disseminate information, but also to assess the intentions and character of the catechumen. By the third century AD, we see this period of instruction and assessment prior to baptism lengthened considerably compared to the New Testament (almost immediate baptism), to perhaps as much as three years.10 The catechetical process during this time includes a conference between the person who desires to follow Christ and leaders from the congregation. This potential catechumen is confronted with the implications of discipleship before beginning the process. Throughout the process, he receives instruction on the faith as well as how to live. Both orthodoxy and orthopraxis were important in the early church and are still an important part of catechesis today. Periods of renewal in the history of the church have also included moments of catechesis. Cyril of Jerusalem, John Chrysostom, Ambrose, and Augustine all wrote catechetical works that served as models for many Christians.11 But not all Christians had easy access to printed materials or the ability to read them. Prior to the ability to easily print catechisms, oral teaching and preaching remained essential to passing down the faith. Religious art, in the form of paintings, statues, and 9. Phillip Carrington, The Primitive Christian Catechism: A Study in the Epistles (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1940), 5. Carrington will also mention the popular Jewish theme of the “Two Ways” or the “Way of Life,” which was present in the Gnomai, and embodied, in his opinion, in the Didache, the Epistle of Barnabas, and the Mandata of Hermas. 10. Robert E. Webber, Common Roots: The Original Call to an AncientFuture Faith (Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan, 2009), ch. 11 (e-book). Webber cites Hippolytus of Rome (AD 215), who writes, “Catechumens will hear the word for three years. Yet if someone is earnest and perseveres well in the matter, it is not the time that is judged, but the conduct” (17.1). 11. David Bordwell and The Vatican, Catechism of the Catholic Church Revised (New York: Continuum, 2002), 8.

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stained glass that depicted stories from the Bible, became a visual catechetical tool. During the Middle Ages in Europe, “mystery” or “miracle” plays developed, which dramatized events like the Nativity, Holy Week, Easter, and other popular stories. Sometimes these plays were quite elaborate and imaginative.12 Even today, many still find visual tools an important and effective part of catechesis. Upon the arrival of the printing press, catechisms could now be standardized and present the teachings in a more consistent and uniform way. This was done partly to combat the ignorance of some clergy as well as to ensure that all believers received instruction consistent with the church’s teachings. Martin Luther was a great proponent of this and published several of his own catechetical writings. His Kleiner Katechismus (Small catechism) was published for laity and children in 1529; 40 years later, more than 100,000 copies had been printed.13 Today, catechesis is still an important time in the life of a new believer. While they may not use the term “catechesis” or “catechism,” many churches still have classes for new believers and offer a spiritual mentor to guide them through the process. All Christians need to be a part of the catechetical process; that is, all should have received teaching and instruction (both orthodoxy and orthopraxis), and all should be a part of the process that echoes or passes down the teaching that has been given. The goal of catechesis is to help the new believer to grow and mature. This initial growth is but the starting point; catechesis should also prepare believers to communicate their faith to others. This ability to echo what has been spoken about the faith throughout generations is an important element of discipleship and evangelism. References and Resources Bordwell, David, and The Vatican. 2002. Catechism of the Catholic Church Revised. New York: Continuum. Brown, Collin, ed. 1978. The New International Dictionary of New Testament Theology. London: Paternoster Press. Carrington, Phillip. 1940. The Primitive Christian Catechism: A Study in the Epistles. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. De Cointet, Pierrer, Barbara Morgan, and Petroc Willey. 2008. Catechism of the Catholic Church and the Craft of Catechesis. San Francisco: Ignatius Press. John Paul II. 1978. “Catechesi Tradendae.” Apostolic Exhortation 18 (Vatican). Kelly, Liam. 2000. Catechesis Revisited: Handing on Faith Today. Mahwah, NJ: Paulist Press. 12. Liam Kelly, Catechesis Revisited: Handing on Faith Today (Mahwah, NJ: Paulist Press, 2000), 20–21. 13. Ibid., 21–23. Luther would also publish other catechisms, including A Brief Form of the Ten Commandments, The Creed and the Lord’s Prayer, and his Grosser Katechismus (Greater Catechism) for clergy.

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Sherrill, Lewis Joseph. 1950. The Rise of Christian Education. New York: Macmillan. Webber, Robert E. 2009. Common Roots: The Original Call to an Ancient-Future Faith. Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan.

—James P. Bowers and Michael McMullin

Catechesis in the Early Church Catechesis is the instruction of the fledgling believer or convert in the basics of Christian doctrine and faith. It is one of the most important contributions of the Christian Church to pedagogy. It means to teach orally, especially to echo something that has already been spoken. In this case it means that the catechist is echoing God’s Word that has already been proclaimed. In the Acts and the Epistles there are many passages that are didactic in nature. Catechesis continued the Jewish tradition in which great truths are repeated again and again until they become part of a believer’s consciousness. Also included in this tradition are early Christian works such as Didache and Epistle of Barnabas. With Irenaeus and Tertullian catechesis became a systematic literary genre. The former’s Demonstratio and the latter’s De Baptismo expounded the stages of salvation history in catechetical form using typology to interpret sacraments. The Passio Perpetuae relating to visions has been considered a sacramental catechesis. Hippolytus speaks of instruction imparted to catechumens for three years by an elder, and Eusebius speaks of extensive catechetical activities in Alexandria, where Pantaenus was the rector of a school. There the catechesis had genuine exegetical content, and catechumens were trained also as apologists defending the faith against pagan philosophers. Origen’s Homilies expounded the truths of baptism, Easter, and other holy days and sacraments. During Easter the neophytes and initiates listened to the so-called mystagogues, who explained the mysteries of the faith and the meaning of the sacraments. The sacraments were generally conferred before they were explained, since they were experienced as events before they were explored doctrinally. In the catechism preached by Cyril of Jerusalem in 348, the Protocatechesis is followed by 18 catecheses on oral preparation, penitence, God’s mercy, baptism, summary of the dogma, confirmation, the Eucharist, and various elements of the creed. Another series consists of eight catecheses by John Chrysostom on baptism, exorcism, and anointing. They are addressed to neophytes as well as others and explain the Eucharist as well as the obligations of the new life after baptism, witnessing, moderation, continuous conversion, veneration of relics, prayer, almsgiving, and the way to plan one’s day in the morning. Another series of 16 catechetical homilies by Theodore of Mopsuestia explains the creed, the Lord’s

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Prayer, baptism, Eucharist, anointing, and confession. Ambrose of Milan has left a number of clues whereby we can follow his work as a catechist. He devotes his early work to salvation history and to sacraments associated with Easter. In Milan, unlike in Africa, the Lord’s Prayer or Pater was reserved for neophytes during the Easter week, and they were encouraged to pray at all times. The tradition of the Pater after the creed signified the unity of the faith. The Pater was considered a summary of the Gospel and thus was the subject of many catecheses by Tertullian, Cyprian, Augustine, Ambrose, and Gregory of Nyssa. With Augustine, the contents of a catechesis become more organized. His treatise Catechizandis Rudibus is addressed to an audience hearing the Gospel for the first time. The central event is the Resurrection, and radiating around it are Creation, Old Testament Covenant with Abraham, and David. Strangely, Exodus does not figure in this order. Elsewhere his Enchiridion develops moral precepts and explains the creed in the context of the great heresies of the day: Manichees, Modalists, Arians, Gnostics, Docetists, Montanists, Donatists, and Luciferans. Augustine’s use of the catechesis differs according to his audience and according to their needs and the extent of their exposure to heresies. To fortify their faith he explores the various interpretations of elements of the dogma. In 404 Rufus of Aquileia wrote Commentary on the Creed, aimed less at catechumens than at catechists. It gives a list of canonical books of the Bible and a list of heresies. In 385 Gregory of Nyssa wrote Oratio Catechetica Magna, addressed to Neoplatonic intellectuals who needed a more systematic exposition of the Gospel. Egeria’s Peregrinatio describes the use of catechesis in Jerusalem toward the end of the fourth century. The instructions covered salvation history, creed, and sacramental rites. These instructions were addressed solely to those who were baptized or those who were due to be baptized. The catechetical homilies of Chromatius of Aquileia refer to baptisms at the Easter vigils and also to the presence of the Holy Spirit. In the fifth century Peter Chrysologus of Ravenna refers to the practice of Disciplina Arcani, who forbade the writing down of the creed lest it fall into the hands of heretics. References and Resources Riley. H.M. 1492. Christian Initiation (Studies in Christian Antiquity). Washington, D.C.: The Catholic University of America Press.

—George Thomas Kurian

Catechesis of the Good Shepherd Catechesis of the Good Shepherd (CGS) is an approach to the spiritual formation of children that happens in a

sensory rich, specially prepared environment. This work began in Rome, Italy, in 1954, and has spread to 37 countries on five continents. The first training for CGS in the United States was held in 1975. There are at least 1,000 churches in the United States that participate in CGS, primarily, but not exclusively, within the Roman Catholic, Episcopal, and Lutheran traditions.14 History The origin of CGS was unintentional. In 1954 Sofia Cavalletti, a notable Italian Hebrew and biblical scholar, was asked to meet with a reluctant seven-year-old to help him understand the Bible. To Cavalletti’s astonishment, the boy was so enthralled with what he was hearing that they spent two hours on the first page of Genesis. This experience planted a seed for the beginning of CGS, even though Cavalletti had no prior experience with children. Cavalletti sought the help of Gianna Gobbi, who was skilled in the Montessori Method. (See Montessori, Maria, in volume 2.) Using concrete materials for children from ages 3 to 12, Cavalletti and Gobbi worked together for the next 50 years developing and refining biblical content and the liturgy. Development and Structure Catechesis of the Good Shepherd unfolded through the careful observation of children. It was grounded in scripture and in the experience of the child. “If the children were captivated by the subject and repeatedly drawn to the materials that made it concrete, Cavalletti and Gobbi concluded that the children’s religious needs were being met. The interest, activity, and, most of all, the joy of the children guided and refined the curriculum.”15 They noticed that younger children found it easier than older children to begin to know God as loving and were especially responsive to that love.16 As Cavalletti and Gobbi searched to find essential themes and elements corresponding to the needs of the children, they made many mistakes and had to discard some of the materials, keeping only those that aroused interest and deep joy. They were seeking the most essential, simplest materials that would help the personal work of the children to grasp the message of the scripture and the liturgy. Therefore, anything that was not essential was removed from the atrium—whether materials or spoken words. Their ongoing quest was to “‘know, love, and serve the child,” especially in regard to his or her relationship with God.17 14. National Association of Catechesis of the Good Shepherd, United States, www.cgsusa.org. 15. Tina Lillig, “The History of the Catechesis of the Good Shepherd,” NAMTA Journal 24, no. 2 (1999): 31. 16. This insight is supported by the fact that Atrium Level I (for three- to six-year-olds) is the most frequently occurring level. 17. Gianna Gobbi, Listening to God with Children: The Montessori Method Applied to the Catechesis of Children (Loveland, OH: Treehaus, 1998), viii.

Catechetical Directories (Post–Vatican II)

The children themselves led Cavalletti and Gobbi to develop the design of CGS. Wooden materials for the parable of the Good Shepherd became a pillar of the work: a sheepfold, shepherd, and 10 sheep. Cavalletti first thought that the children were drawn to the Good Shepherd for the protection represented by the shepherd but came to realize that it was the relationship, and their security within that relationship, that was so appealing. The children showed such respect for the materials as they used them that the figures, made by the women themselves, lasted for decades. For older children the parable of the Vine and the Branches became the pillar because of the life-giving relationship between the branches and the vine. As in Montessori’s approach, materials in the atrium were characterized by simplicity and order, everything having its place. It included a baptism area, an altar, a geography area, and a prayer corner. The children were shown how to walk slowly and speak softly. Even though everyone was busy, the space was filled with rich silence. For older children the atrium became like a refuge; they responded with deep joy, reflection, and contemplation.18 It was as if the spirit of the child had met the Spirit of God. Impact and Influence Catechesis of the Good Shepherd has an impact not only on the children who participate but also on those who are trained as catechists for the atria. The training is prolonged, often a year long for each level. Each person must then develop her or his own plan for the lesson presentations. Consequently, there are no published materials for CGS. The intentional pace and experiential process of the training become spiritually formative for the trainees. Catechists testify to “falling in love with the Good Shepherd” in a whole new way through this process. Not surprisingly, as CGS spread, modifications of the work developed. Some of these variations are known as Godly Play (developed by Jerome Berryman), Young Children and Worship (Sonya Stewart and Jerome Berryman), Beulah Land (Gretchen Wolff Pritchard), and The Way of the Child (published by Upper Room). The development of these newer approaches is obvious: Montessori, to CGS, to their current forms. Modifications are evident for Protestant churches. Tina Lillig, a director of CGS, notes: “Though guided by the same principles, atriums around the world are noticeably different. They reflect the conditions and characteristics of the place and culture, as well as the economic capacities of the parishes that organize them. But all carry the vision of the child’s dignity and desire to come closer to God.”19 18. Lillig, “History of the Catechesis of the Good Shepherd,” 34. 19. Ibid., 37.

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Contribution to Christian Education Christian educators will benefit from four observations Jerome Berryman made about CGS: (a) It is an experience that is spontaneous rather than prompted by an adult; (b) it is complex, involving feelings, thoughts, and actions; (c) it is not limited to cultural conditioning; and (d) the experience is deep rather than simply sensory.20 In an atrium, a child’s spiritual growth may include a deep joy, “mysterious” knowledge or insight that does not come from the adult, awareness of meaning in the environment that is apart from the material itself, and a capacity for deep prayer of praise and gratitude.21 References and Resources Berryman, J. 1983. Preface to the English edition of Religious Potential of the Child, by S. Cavalletti, 3–20. New York: Paulist Press. Cavalletti, S. 2007. “Annual Report from the Italian Association.” Catehesi Del Buon Pastore, no. 6, 4–11. Gobbi, G. 1998. Listening to God with Children: The Montessori Method Applied to the Catechesis of Children. Loveland, OH: Treehaus, 1998. Lillig, T. 1999. “The History of the Catechesis of the Good Shepherd.” NAMTA Journal 24 (2): 29–37. May, S. 2007. “Sofia Cavalletti.” Christian Educators of the 20th Century. http://www.talbot.edu/ce20/educators/catholic/so phia_cavaletti/ National Association of the Catechesis of the Good Shepherd. n.d. http://www.cgsusa.org/history.shtml/

—Scottie May

Catechetical Directories (Post–Vatican II) No document directly dedicated to catechesis was prepared at the Second Vatican Council. However, after the Council two General Directories for Catechesis 1971 and 1997 addressed to the entire Catholic world were published. Some countries also prepared their own catechetical directories. General Catechetical Directory Several years after the Council, on 18 March 1971, the Vatican Congregation for the Clergy issued a document entirely devoted to the directory, entitled General Catechetical Directory. This document was addressed to those responsible for catechesis and was intended to provide guidance for individual countries and dioceses. 20. Jerome Berryman, Preface to the English edition of Religious Potential of the Child, by Sofia Cavalletti (New York: Paulist Press, 1983), 10. 21. Ibid., 11.

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The directory comprises a detailed presentation of the cultural context in which the church functioned at the turn of the 1960s and 1970s and discusses the nature of catechesis, its purpose, and its functions, as well as forms and methods. It presents the basic principles of the transfer of catechetical contents; that is, the principle of integrity and hierarchism. The directory is also, to a large extent, devoted to the issue of the addressees of catechesis (GDC no. 92–97) as well as the formation of catechists and organizational matters of catechesis. General Directory for Catechesis On 15 August 1997, the same Vatican Congregation for the Clergy issued a new catechetical directory entitled General Directory for Catechesis. The motivation for the issuance of this document was the changes occurring in the church and in the world and the adaptation of current catechetical guidelines to the documents published in 1971, primarily those such as Pope Paul VI’s encyclical Evangelii nuntiandi of 1975, John Paul II’s apostolic exhortation Catechesi tradendae of 1979, and the Catechism of the Catholic Church of 1992. Cardinal Avery Dulles notes: “The General Directory does not simply go back to pre-Vatican II models. . . . [I]t takes advantage of the reforms of catechesis in the past forty years” (2002, 25). Directory for Catechesis places catechesis in a widely understood evangelization; it distinguishes it, however, from the first proclamation of the Gospel. It argues that the first proclamation of the Gospel is addressed to those who do not believe or who have a neutral attitude to faith, while catechesis “promotes and matures initial conversion, educates the convert in the faith and incorporates him into the Christian community” (Dulles 2002, 25). According to the authors of the directory, it is necessary to “distinguish clearly between religious instruction and catechesis” (Congregation for the Clergy 1998, 73). Teaching religion at school is “called to penetrate a particular area of culture and to relate with other areas of knowledge” (73), while the purpose of the catechesis is to “put people not only in touch, but also in communion and intimacy, with Jesus Christ” (80). The tasks of catechesis understood in the above manner comprise the following: Promoting knowledge of the faith, Liturgical education, Moral formation, Teaching to pray, Education for Community Life and Missionary initiation (85–86). In the directory one can observe the distinction between mistagogic catechesis (introducing the sacramental life and deepening it) and continuous catechesis, in which the transfer of the whole deposit of the Catholic faith takes place. The authors of the directory devoted a lot of place to the addressees of catechesis, enumerating adults at the first position, followed by children, young people, and

the elderly, as well as the disabled and marginalized. What is more, tasks for different entities responsible for catechesis in the church were specified in this document. The directory recommends that individual dioceses and episcopal conferences perform an analysis of the situation and of their needs and develop a program of action and practical tools for catechization (Congregation for the Clergy 1998, 279–285). Local Directories for Catechesis While implementing the guidelines of the “General Directory for Catechesis,” some countries have developed their own catechetical directories, including, inter alia. the United States (2005) and Poland (2001). The directories issued by episcopal conferences of individual countries focus on the presentation of the specific nature of catechetical activity in the context of the local culture. They also develop guidelines adequate to those conditions and relating both to content and the form of catechesis. References and Resources Congregation for the Clergy. 1998. General Directory for Catechesis. Washington, DC: United States Conference of Catholic Bishops. Dulles, A. 2002. “The Catechetical Process in the Light of the General Directory for Catechesis.” In Hear, o Islands: Theology & Catechesis in the New Millennium, edited by J. Redford, 24–35. Dublin: Veritas Publications. United States Conference of Catholic Bishops. 2005. National Directory for Catechesis. Washington, DC: USCCB.

—Paweł Mąkosa

Catechetical Schools in the Early Church In the rudimentary educational system of the ancient world, each school was linked to a philosopher or teacher (magister), but it had no ties to the state or the social or political unit in which it existed. Students were drawn mostly from the upper class, and the subjects of study varied according to the interests of the teachers. There were no textbooks, and pedagogic methods varied from teacher to teacher. Some schools were headed by peripatetic or itinerant teachers whose students followed them from town to town. There were no buildings specifically designated as schools. The only exceptions seem to have been Maeceniae Scholae of Autun, described by Eumenes in 298 in his speech to the emperor, and the great scholae of Mactar in Ostia and present-day Tunisia, which were actually youth clubs that served occasionally as classrooms. Ancient schools were organized on three levels. The ludus literarius or primary schools enrolled pupils

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from ages 7 to 12 and taught them to read, write, and count. The Grammaticus taught students the great classical writers, and the third level taught rhetoric to students over the age of 18. At this level, students learned ars grammatica, or grammatical theory, based on the great grammarians Donatus, Servius, and Priscian. Initially instruction was in both Greek and Latin, but Latin replaced Greek in the West, while Greek remained the language of instruction in the East until the time of Justinian. Teachers received little or no pay but lived on stipends or contributions from their pupils. Often pupils never paid or haggled with their teachers or left school without paying. Corporal punishment was universally accepted as a method of correction and was considered an appropriate pedagogical tool. Augustine records with anguish his memory of his teacher’s rod or the ferula. Ostian and Horace also record their experiences with the plagosus in school. To the ancients childhood and adolescence were thankless ages that had no purpose other than to prepare a person for adulthood, or legitima or aetas perfecta. Girls were excluded from all schools. Early Christian schools were created ab ovo and had little connection to the Greek or Roman schools of the time. There were designed principally as instruments of evangelism, and there was no attempt to set up an institution that competed with pagan schools for the training of the young. But with the decline of the Greek world, Christian schools became by default the centers for the transmission of knowledge. Christian students were trained to fill ecclesiastical offices rather than to serve as administrative state officials. For a period during the decline of the ancient world, Christian training academies did not emulate secular schools and offer secular and classical instruction or the sciences, but confined themselves to scriptural studies. They did not initially introduce any new system of pedagogy or innovation except for the emphasis on memorization, by which children were taught passages of the Bible. But gradually the church grew accustomed to its new role as schoolmaster as part of its magisterial function. Learning and teaching were integral parts of Christian growth, and teaching itself was a ministry as defined by Paul. The transmission of the Gospel to succeeding generations as well as evangelization could not be accomplished except through teaching. Education thus entered the great armory of the Christian faith designed to combat paganism and secularism, and this function continued to govern the church’s mission as a schoolmaster. Christianity became a learned religion wherein knowledge was a handmaiden of faith. Early Christian writers like Melito of Sardis, Theophilus of Antioch, and Athenogoras, themselves educated in pagan schools and academies, helped to establish the Christian school as an adjunct to the church.

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Though the classical world continued to influence learning, it became heavily Christianized as idioms of thought and learning shed their classical flavor. But even as Christian schools supplanted classical schools, another development became a permanent feature of Christian education. Gradually the catechetical schools, which trained catechumens in the fundamentals of the faith and prepared the clergy for their theological roles, became separate from the Christian schools that trained common people in academic subjects. Here both Christians and non-Christians received training in the basic arts and sciences from Christian teachers, usually with some biblical teaching. This division still exists. The effort to reconcile the best of classical culture with Christian thought persisted through the first millennium. Justin, Clement, and Origen, all of whom studied in pagan schools, felt no incompatibility between Christianity and Hellenism, and they made a fairly easy transition from the classical modes of thinking to the Christian. However, there was clear opposition to Hellenism in Tertullian, Arnobius, and Lactantius, who wrote that Christian education must be limited to the scriptures. Basil the Great’s Exhortation to the Young on the Way to Profit from Pagan Literature has been wrongly seen as a defense of Greek culture; he clearly warns readers to disavow all ideas from Hellenism that are contrary to the scriptures. Likewise, Theodore of Cyrrhus, in On the Way to Cure Hellenic Maladies, pointed out the harmful errors of Hellenism in contrast to the luminous clarity of Christianity. There were also attempts to define the role of Christian pedagogy in the spiritual growth of Christians. Chrysostom in De Inani Gloria et de Liberis Educandis and Jerome in Ad Laetam de Institutione Filae addressed the task of Christian teachers in terms and ideas drawn from the scriptures. The question they raised was how to remain faithful to the Gospel while living in a pagan world. There was, however, considerable interaction between Christian and pagan teachers, although initially Christians were discouraged from teaching in pagan schools. Origen taught grammar in a pagan school in Alexandria, where Anatolius, bishop of Laodicea, also taught. Many Christian teachers were esteemed by pagans and vice versa. The pagan rhetor Libanius had many Christian pupils and was a friend of Basil the Great and Chrysostom. Prohaeresius was a Christian rhetor who was esteemed by pagans and listed in the Lives of the Sophists, while Themistus, a pagan, was the tutor of Emperor Theodosius I. An attempt to marginalize Christian teachers was made by Julian, but it was short-lived. From the middle of the second century Christian schools were flourishing in all cities and in all parts of the Roman Empire. Justin, after teaching for a while in Ephesus, founded a school in Rome in or about 165. A

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catechetical school known as Didaskaleion was founded in Alexandria by Pantaenus. In 189 Clement became its director and wrote the Pedagogue, which expresses his ideas clearly. The School of Alexandria reached its apogee under Origen, who assumed its direction in 204 at the age of 18. He taught secular literature and philosophy. He founded another school at Caesarea. In Thanks to Origen, Gregory Thaumaturgus left a record of this school, which taught astronomy, geometry, and natural science in the context of the scriptures. In a letter that appears as chapter 13 of his Philocalia, Origen invites his students to take from Greek philosophy all that can serve encyclical teaching and is useful for the interpretation of the Holy Scriptures. In addition to these institutions, many church fathers, such as Apollonaris of Antioch, Didymus the Blind of Alexandria, and Gregory Nazianzen of Constantinople, held lectures attended by many disciples From the middle of the fourth century many monasteries had schools attached to them, where the novices were instructed not only in the scriptures but also in basics of spiritual life. Monasteries also had large collections of books on a variety of subjects not limited to the scriptures. All the initiates were taught to read and write under the direction of a literate monk and were provided with books, tablets, and pens. Church schools continued to exist even after the dissolution of the empire and the eclipse of Greek and Roman culture. Parochial schools took over many of the functions of the schools and were open to boys who were destined for a clerical career and many who were not even Christians. The Council of Vaison of 529 decreed that parish priests should double as teachers. This decree marked the birth of the parochial school. Throughout the Dark Ages that lasted until the 15th century, these schools served as feeble beacons of light, preserving and transmitting knowledge and training men and women in the most elementary arts and sciences as well as reading and writing. Alongside a great mass of illiterati there survived an elite class of clerics and monks. In the East the Christian school survived until the Turkish conquests sounded its death knell. References and Resources Bonner, S. F. 1977. Education in Ancient Rome. London: Metheun. Marrou, H. I. 1964. History of Education in Antiquity. New York: New American Library.

—George Thomas Kurian

Catechetical Sermons In the early church, as people identified that they wished to become Christians, they would be brought to church

leaders to determine if this desire was genuine; if so, they were welcomed into portions of the church’s worship experience, where they would hear teaching from scripture and be encouraged to turn away from sin and live a righteous life. During this phase, which might last three or more years, they were viewed as catechumens. When there was sufficient evidence that they were ready to become members of the church with all of its responsibilities, and that their lifestyle was marked by obedience to God, church bishops set aside a special time of teaching to prepare these believers for their baptism and entry into the church. During this time they were identified as competentes, and they would hear a series of didactic sermons on the basics of the faith. The time for this instruction was often during the season of Lent, leading up to baptism on Easter Sunday. In the week following baptism, additional sermons (termed mystagogy) were shared with these “neophytes” to explain the meaning and significance of the baptism and Eucharist they had just experienced and other aspects of moral living. These sermons during Lent and following Easter were “catechetical sermons,” teaching the basics of the faith that every Christian was expected to know and understand, and to live out. Examples of catechetical sermons include those by John Chrysostom, archbishop of Constantinople (late 300s, early 400s), which were designed for 30 days of instruction leading to baptism, and additional instruction on the meaning of baptism in the week after the sacrament. He saw this time as like being in a wrestling school, providing exercise and practice in the battle against Satan, learning how to overcome sin. Cyril, archbishop of Jerusalem (mid- to late 300s) developed a series of 18 sermons for instruction in the faith leading to baptism, seeking to help competentes put off the old life of sin and put on a new life of righteousness, and five sermons for the week following baptism. Cyril’s prebaptism sermons focused primarily on an explanation of the creed, and the postbaptism sermons focused on baptism, the Eucharist, and the Lord’s Prayer. Other examples of catechetical sermons for various settings are The Great Catechism by Gregory of Nyssa, First Catechetical Instruction and On Christian Doctrine by Augustine of Hippo, and De Principiis by Origen, given at the catechetical school in Alexandria. Catechetical sermons provided orientation to a Christian understanding of the nature of God, the world, the human condition, and salvation, often in stark contrast to the religious and philosophical backgrounds of those who wanted to join the church. Having this time of focused instruction that all competentes and neophytes experienced contributed to a common understanding of the faith and what it meant to participate in the life

Catechism

of the Church and to pursue obedience to God in daily life. These catechetical sermons of the early church era influenced the scope and content of catechetical work in the Church through the medieval period and the Reformation and continue to influence catechetical instruction today in many church traditions. References and Resources Dujarier, M. 1979. A History of the Catechumenate: The First Six Centuries. New York: Sadlier. Harmless, W. 1995. Augustine and the Catechumenate. Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press. Westerhoff, J. H., III, and O. C. Edwards Jr. 1981. A Faithful Church: Issues in the History of Catechesis. Wilton, CT: Morehouse-Barlow Co. Note: Copies of the various catechetical sermons mentioned in the article are readily available online.

—Kevin E. Lawson

Catechism The word “catechism” is derived from the Greek word katecheo. It appears in Acts 21:21, 24, where it is translated as “informed.” In the early church katecheo referred to teaching by oral instruction, as Christians prepared non-Christians for baptism and membership in the church, and it soon it took on the meaning of teaching by using questions and answers. Individuals instructed were known as catechumens, and the instructors were catechists. By the early Middle Ages some catechists used written materials for Christian catechizing. After the invention of the printing press in the mid-15th century, Martin Luther’s Small Catechism (1529) became the first printed catechism. Consistent with catechism meaning teaching with questions and answers, Luther’s catechism used that format. He wrote it primarily for fathers to instruct their children and servants in basic Christian doctrines. It consisted of five parts; in 1531 Andrew Osiander, a Lutheran pastor, added the sixth part to Luther’s catechism. Luther also published Large Catechism in 1529. But unlike his Small Catechism, it was an instruction manual only for pastors and teachers. It contained no questions and no answers. Luther’s two catechisms soon prompted other Protestant reformers to write catechisms. In 1537, John Calvin published his Geneva Catechism. In 1549, the Church of England included a catechism in its Book of Common Prayer, and in 1563 the German Reformed churches adopted the Heidelberg Catechism (aka the Palatinate Catechism), authored by Zacharias Ursinus and Caspar Olevianus. It had 129 questions and answers

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and consisted of three parts: Of the Misery of Man, Of the Redemption of Man, and Of the Gratitude Due from Man. In 1693, the British Baptists published Keach’s Catechism (aka The Baptist Catechism), which some Baptist churches also used in the United States in the 1700s. In 1892, some congregations of the Southern Baptist Convention (founded in 1845) used A Catechism of Bible Teaching, authored by John A. Broadus. American Presbyterian bodies have also used catechisms, including the Presbyterian Church in the United States of America, the Presbyterian Church in America, the Evangelical Presbyterian Church, and the Orthodox Presbyterian Church. These bodies have both a shorter and a longer catechism. Some Methodist congregations in the 19th century used The Short Scriptural Catechism, published in 1811. But in the 20th century, given Methodism’s increasing acceptance of theological liberalism, its congregations rarely used catechisms for Christian instruction. Regarding the Roman Catholic Church, the Council of Trent (1545–1563), apparently in response to Luther’s two popular catechisms, decreed that the Tridentine Catechism should be published, but it did not appear until 1566, two years after the Council of Trent ended its sessions. In 1885, the Third Plenary Council of Baltimore published The Baltimore Catechism for Catholics in the United States. The Roman Catholics revised this catechism in the 1960s. This revision is known as St. Joseph Revised Baltimore Catechism. However, this is not the only catechism used in Catholic churches today. The Roman Catholic Church published Catechism of the Catholic Church in 1994. It is not an instructional manual with questions and answers; rather, it sets forth the principal doctrines of the Roman Catholic Church in several hundred pages and bears the imprimatur of Pope John Paul II. In the realm of America’s numerous denominations, Lutherans and Catholics have made the most consistent use of catechisms. Hence, the word “catechism” is usually a familiar word in Catholic and Lutheran circles, because most Catholics and Lutherans learned from one, usually before they attained adulthood. The content of Christian catechisms varies, given that they usually reflect the doctrinal emphases of their respective denominations. Most consist of parts. The six parts of Luther’s Small Catechism are the Ten Commandments, the Apostles’ Creed (divided into three articles), the Lord’s Prayer (spelled out in seven petitions), the Sacrament of Baptism, Confession, and the Sacrament of the Altar (Lord’s Supper). Catechisms of other denominations also consist of several parts. The Heidelberg Catechism, for example, has three parts: Man’s Sin and Guilt, Man’s Redemption and Freedom, and Man’s Gratitude

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and Obedience. The St. Joseph Revised Baltimore Catechism of the American Catholic Church has four parts: the Creed, the Ten Commandments, the Sacraments, and Prayer. Eastern or Greek Orthodox churches tend to use more than one catechism, also laid out in several parts. References and Resources Catechism of the Catholic Church. 1994. Liguori, MO: Copeland, David A. 2001. Benjamin Keach and the Development of Baptist Tradition in Seventeenth Century England. Lewiston, NY: Edwin Mellen Press Graebner, Theodore. 1928. The Story of the Catechism. St. Louis: Literary Licensing. Harnack, T. H. 1856. Der Kleine Katechismus D. Martin Luthers in seiner Urgestalt. Stuttgart: Esefeld & Traub. Reu, Michael. 1918. Catechetics. Chicago: Kessinger.

—Alvin J. Schmidt

Catechism and Catechizing Practices, Development of the In the early church, when people came seeking to become Christians, their baptism was preceded by a period of instruction in the basics of the faith, both in doctrine and in how to live in obedience to God. This early instructional effort was called catechumenal instruction, and the person receiving it was a catechumen. After infant baptism became standard practice in the church, instruction in the basics of the faith became the responsibility of godparents, parents, and priests. This process became known as catechizing, and the content of instruction was the “catechism” (Greek katechizo, to sound down or to make hear). Throughout most of the medieval period, the catechism was in an oral form, learned by memory from those responsible for the child’s or adult’s spiritual care. The exact content of the catechism changed over the centuries, at times being limited to the Apostles’ Creed and the Lord’s Prayer, later expanding to include the Ave Maria, Ten Commandments, seven deadly sins, seven principle virtues, and seven sacraments. During the time of Charlemagne (eighth to ninth centuries), godparents took on primary responsibility for instructing their godchildren in the more limited form of the catechism. By the 13th century, as a result of the Fourth Lateran Council’s requirement that all Christians receive communion at least once a year, catechizing became an important priestly activity to prepare people to make a good confession in preparation for communion. In 1281, Archbishop Peckham, in York, England, required priests to teach their parishioners the content of the more expanded catechism four times a year. By 1357, the first of-

ficial printed catechism in the vernacular in England was created under the leadership of Artchbishop Thoresby. Other printed catechisms followed, some in dialog form (e.g., Life of Soul). During the Reformation, instruction in the basics of the faith was again a major concern. Luther borrowed a question and answer format from Kindergragen (Children’s interrogatory) and used it to develop both a simple Small Catechism that addressed the Ten Commandments (showing our sin), the creed (showing God’s provision), and the Lord’s Prayer (showing how to ask for grace), and a more thorough Large Catechism for the instruction of priests, to prepare them for their responsibilities for teaching their parishioners. Most Protestant traditions followed suit. In the Council of Trent (1545–1563), the Catholic Church responded to the Protestant use of catechisms by developing its own, which had four main parts: (1) faith and the Apostles’ Creed; (2) the sacraments; (3) the Ten Commandments and divine law; and (4) the nature and necessity of prayer, the Lord’s Prayer. Catechetical publication and instruction flourished in both the Catholic and Reformation churches, with many different catechisms being developed and used in the established church and in mission settings. Catechizing, which in previous centuries had been connected first with baptism and later with preparation for confession, became a major part of preparing for the rite of confirmation. In the Protestant traditions, catechizing tended to take place in three different settings. First, parents were to teach the catechism to those in their household, which included their children and any young servants. Second, in the local schools, the catechism was often included in the primers used to teach reading and writing. Finally, in some church traditions, the priest or pastor devoted time to teaching, reviewing, and explaining the catechism to parishioners, either at the church on Sunday afternoons or Holy Days, or in their homes. Catechisms were developed for children and youth (ages 6 to 20), moving from rote learning, to explaining the meaning of the doctrines that had been memorized, to checking the understanding of the youth regarding what they had learned, to encouraging catechumens to put their knowledge and understanding into practice in their lives. Catechisms were also developed in Greek, Hebrew, and Latin for use in university settings, providing familiar content as a means for learning the languages. Though the use of catechisms has declined in many church traditions out of concerns over the limitations of this instructional method, it continues today, particularly in those traditions that practice infant baptism and confirmation of adolescents. It serves as a means to teach the foundational aspects of Christian faith and life, preparing the young to take on responsibility for

Catholic Reformation, The Educational Principles of the

the faith they have been raised in and their participation in the life of the church. References and Resources Green, I. 1996. The Christian’s ABC: Catechisms and Catechizing in England c. 1530–1740. Oxford, UK: Clarendon Press. Marthaler, B. L. 1995. The Catechism Yesterday & Today: The Evolution of a Genre. Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press. Van Engen, J., ed. 2004. Educating People of Faith: Exploring the History of Jewish and Christian Communities. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. Westerhoff, J. H., III, and O. C. Edwards Jr. 1981. A Faithful Church: Issues in the History of Catechesis. Wilton, CT: Morehouse-Barlow Co.

—Kevin E. Lawson

Catechumenate From the Greek verb katēcheo, meaning to inform or instruct, the catechumenate is the period during which people receive elementary instruction in the Christian faith prior to baptism. It is not clear when a formal pattern of instruction began to precede baptism. It has been debated whether this practice is already attested in the New Testament itself. In Acts 18:25, Apollos is described as having been “instructed in the way of the Lord,” while Hebrews 5:12–6:2 lists certain elementary teachings received at the beginning of the Christian life and distinguishes these from further instruction given to the mature. The evidence from the second century AD is also ambiguous. In 2 Clement 17:1 (an anonymous homily dating from AD 130–160), Christians are commanded “to draw people away from idols and instruct them,” but there is no explicit connection with baptism. Justin Martyr (1 Apol. 61.2) asserts that those preparing for baptism are “taught to pray and entreat God with fasting . . . while we join in their prayer and fasting,” but it is not clear that this involved any form of systematic or extended instruction in the faith. Catechumens (i.e., a distinct class of persons receiving formal instruction prior to baptism) are first attested around AD 200 in North Africa (Tertullian Haer. 41; De corona 2; Marc. 5.7). Origen (Contra Celsum 3.51), writing nearly 50 years later in Palestine or Syria, reports that when people requested baptism, their motives and the character of their lives were examined, and they were given private instruction. Those who manifested a serious commitment to the Christian life were then introduced to the congregation as candidates for baptism. Later texts give further information about the vetting of candidates for baptism, sometimes including lists of professions that

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were prohibited because they involved sexual immorality, idolatry, magic, divination, or bloodshed and the taking of human life (see, e.g., ps.-Hippolytus Trad. apost. 16). In some cases, a sponsor who was already a member of the church may have been required to vouch for the character and sincerity of the person requesting baptism. Admission to the catechumenate could be marked by various ritual gestures such as receiving the sign of the cross, laying on of hands, exorcism, and the offering of salt to the candidate (which the candidate was supposed to taste). Catechumens were then allowed to attend the worship service and listen to the scripture readings and the sermon, but were commonly required to leave before the anaphora or Eucharistic prayer. During Lent the catechumens were expected to commit the baptismal creed to memory and to attend regular (often daily) instruction. This typically consisted of a synopsis of the history of salvation drawn from the Old and New Testaments and a popular exposition of basic Christian doctrines, loosely structured around the elements of the baptismal creed. The catechumenate fell into disuse after the fourth century, although survivals remain in later liturgies. The Second Vatican Council revived interest in the catechumenate, leading to the development of the Rite of Christian Initiation of Adults (RCIA). References and Resources Conversion, Catechumenate and Baptism in the Early Church. 1993. Edited by Everett Ferguson. New York: Garland. Dujarier, Michel. 1979. A History of the Catechumenate: The First Six Centuries. New York: Sadlier. Finn, Thomas M. 1992. Early Christian Baptism and the Catechumenate: Italy, North Africa, and Egypt. Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press. Harmless, William. 1995. Augustine and the Catechumenate. Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press. Harmless, William M. 1999. “Catechesis, Catechumenate.” In Augustine through the Ages: An Encyclopedia, edited by Allan Fitzgerald and John C. Cavadini, 146–149. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. Turner, Paul. 2000. The Hallelujah Highway: A History of the Catechumenate. Chicago: Liturgy Training Publications.

—Byard Bennett

Catholic Reformation, The Educational Principles of the Origins The Catholic reformation had deep roots in the humanist learning of the Renaissance and built on the flowering of the Middle Ages (Roest 2004), even as it reflected the

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development of new technologies such as the printing press, the expansion into new lands far from Europe, and the rise of powerful, centralized states. While it was in part a response to the emergence of new, separate communities of Christian faith north of the Alps, the Catholic reformation was far more than that (Gundani 2005). The Council of Trent (1545–1563) was a part of these developments, but developments sometimes associated with the Council, such as the catechism (Boer 2013) and the form of the mass, were not products of the Council in themselves (O’Malley 2012). A direct result of the Catholic reformation, however, was a new kind of focus on religious education (Bireley 1999). Goals Two goals emerged as particularly critical for religious education as a result of the Catholic reformation. The first was a wider and deeper level of instruction of children. Village schools came to be opened under the leadership of the church to provide catechetical training, often under the direction of the local priest or schoolmaster, depending on the context (Carter 2011; Grendler 1984). The second goal was growth in personal spirituality. This was the era of the great baroque churches, with all their exuberant color, paintings, and statuary, and their attendant processions, incense, and pageantry (Soergel 2007). Such sensuous surroundings were meant to invigorate a markedly sacramental imaginary (McBrien 1981), complementing the increased emphasis on preaching, reading spiritual books, and being a part of specifically spiritually oriented religious organizations such as sodalities. Emblematic of the approach to Christian education characteristic of the Catholic reformation were the new educational institutions established throughout the Catholic world (Grendler 1990). These colleges, which typically spanned from the later years of grammar school through the early years of what would later be seen as undergraduate studies, were critical in forming educated leaders deeply formed in the Catholic faith. The schools sponsored by the Society of Jesus are the classic example. Initiated at the start of the Catholic reformation, Jesuit schools began in 1548 in Sicily and at their peak in this period had about 700 schools worldwide, all of which were, following the guidelines of Ignatius, the founder of the Jesuits, tuition-free and open “to rich and poor alike, without distinction” (O’Malley 1993, 211). The success of the Jesuits inspired numerous others to open similar schools, or ones specialized to meet particular needs, such as those in the poorest parts of the city, as in the case of the Brothers of the Christian Schools (Calcutt 1994). Jesuit spirituality and its educational mission also served as the model for numerous new communities of women

religious, who opened schools for young women, as in the case of the Ursulines and Vistation sisters. Jesuit colleges were not about the specialized learning of the universities but rather the humanistic learning for service to society of well-formed leaders who would see their civic and social responsibilities hand in hand with their religio-moral responsibilities (Coleman 1995). Education in religion, arts, literature, and rhetoric was seen as mutually supportive and critically important for faithful and virtuous leadership (McGuinness 1995). Reflecting the twin goals of religious knowledge and a religious aesthetic characteristic of the Catholic reformation, Jesuit college architecture had much in common with the features of baroque churches, and they were often side by side. The complex typically included a space for theater as well, since artistic expression was an important part of college life (McCabe 1983). With a vision of education of the whole person and seeing God in all things, the schools tended to emphasize arts and humanities, particularly classical languages and literature, but also devoted attention to emerging fields within natural philosophy, particularly mathematics and science. The underpinning of the educational system came from two principles: the magis and the cura personalis, both of which were adapted from the spirituality behind the training of those becoming Jesuit priests (Cesareo 1993). The term magis refers to a seeking for more, in the sense of always demanding more of oneself. This is counterbalanced by the concept of cura personalis, the care of the person. Thus, educators were to inspire their students to do more while caring for them as persons. The origin of these principles was within Jesuit spirituality itself, as may be seen within the Jesuit Constitutions and particularly the Spiritual Exercises (O’Malley 1993). These principles and the overall convictions of the Society of Jesus animated life in the schools. Thus, the ratio studiorum of 1599, the plan of studies that guided Jesuit school life for centuries (Duminuco 2000), could be dry and technical, since the mission itself resided in the spirituality and ethos of the religious order. Teaching methods included recitation as a means to ensure that each student personally absorbed the material—and ultimately developed strong rhetorical skills. The underlying vision was education that led to the cultivation of virtue, and skills of leadership and persuasive argumentation were seen as key. All was directed toward the greater glory of God—ad maiorem dei gloriam was woven into the architecture, written on the daily assignments, and otherwise built into the culture. This includes all aspects of education—including but by no means exclusively the reading and hearing of scripture, the study of church history and teaching, the lives of the saints, and practices of prayer and worship. With this profoundly

Catholic Schools

religious education, graduates of the schools in Europe, the Americas, and Asia went on to become civic leaders— and more than a few entered the religious order themselves, thereby continuing the spiritual formation process in which they had already in some measure participated. Trajectory While quite different in context from the experience of religious education in the Middle Ages or the patristic period, there are some important constants. Religious education, as always, was a matter of acquiring information and cultivating spiritual practices (Elias 2002). These were uniquely combined within a culture informed by a Renaissance-inspired love of learning and art and took place within specific institutional and personal environments. Though suppressed in 1773 by the Franciscan pope Clement XIV as a result of pressure from absolutist Catholic monarchies, the Society was restored in 1814, after the power of those monarchies had dissipated. The approximately 3,000 Jesuit schools in the world today continue this trajectory, though in a considerably different context. Nonetheless, the link between knowing and acting remains an animating feature of this vision of Christian education. References and Resources Bireley, R., SJ. 1999. The Refashioning of Catholicism, 1450– 1700: A Reassessment of the Counter Reformation. Washington, DC: Catholic University of America. Boer, P. 2013. Catechism of the Council of Trent for Parish Priests. Issued by Pope St. Pius V. Translated by J. McHugh, OP, and C. Callan, OP. Edmond, OK: Veritatis Splendor Publications. Calcutt, A. 1994. De La Salle: A City Saint and the Liberation of the Poor Through Education: A Figure for Our Times from the Age of Louis XIV. Manila, Philippines: De La Salle Publications. Carter, K. 2011. Creating Catholics: Catechism and Primary Education in Early Modern France. Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press. Cesareo, F. 1993. “The Collegium Germanicum and the Ignatian Vision of Education.” Sixteenth Century Journal: The Journal of Early Modern Studies 24 (4): 829–841. Coleman, D. 1995. “Moral Formation and Social Control in the Catholic Reformation: The Case of San Juan de Avila.” Sixteenth Century Journal: The Journal of Early Modern Studies 26 (1): 17–30. Duminuco, V., SJ., ed. 2000. The Jesuit Ratio Studiorum: 400th Anniversary Perspectives. New York: Fordham. Elias, J. 2002. A History of Christian Education: Protestant, Catholic, and Orthodox Perspectives. Malabar, FL: Krieger. Grendler, P. 1984. “The Schools of Christian Doctrine in 16th Century Italy.” Church History 53 (3): 319–331.

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———. 1990. “Schooling in Western Europe.” Renaissance Quarterly 43 (4): 775–787. Gundani, P. 2005. “‘Catholic Reformation’ or ‘Counter-reformation’: Historiographical Implications of the Debate.” Studia historiae ecclesiasticae 31 (1): 39–50. McBrien, R. 1981. “The Reformation: A Catholic Reflection.” Theology Today 38 (3): 298–304. McCabe, W., SJ. 1983. An Introduction to Jesuit Theater. St. Louis, MO: Institute of Jesuit Sources. McGuinness, F. 1995. Right Thinking and Sacred Oratory in Counter-reformation Rome. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. O’Malley, J. 2012. Trent: What Happened at the Council. Cambridge, MA: Belknap. O’Malley, J., SJ. 1993. The First Jesuits. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. ———. 2000. “How the First Jesuits Became Involved in Education.” In The Jesuit Ratio Studiorum: 400th Anniversary Perspectives, edited by V. Duminuco, SJ, 56–74. New York: Fordham. Roest, B. 2004. Franciscan Literature of Religious Instruction before the Council of Trent. Leiden: Brill. Soergel, P. 2007. “Ritual and Faith Formation in Early Modern Catholic Europe.” In Educating People of Faith: Exploring the History of Jewish and Christian Communities, edited by John van Enger, 314–329. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans.

—Bryan T. Froehle

Catholic Schools Children’s right to an education in accordance with their parents’ religious convictions has been enshrined in the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948) and reaffirmed in subsequent UN Declarations and Conventions, including the Declaration of the Rights of the Child (1959) and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (1966). However, international law, while recognizing such parental rights, does not place an obligation on any signatory state to provide or support schools with a specific religious character. Some choose to do so, such as the United Kingdom, with slightly differing arrangements in the country’s constituent parts. In a similar way, stateprovided schools in the Netherlands—special (religious) and general-special (i.e., neutral)—are government financed, all of them receiving equal financial support if certain criteria are met. Other jurisdictions, for example, the United States, allow religious denominations their own schools but do not support them financially with revenue generated from general taxation. Catholic schools are subject both to the appropriate civil laws of particular jurisdictions and the laws of the

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Catholic Teaching Orders

Catholic Church. Catholic canon law is one of the major world legislative systems. It comprises the norms and regulations underpinning the structure of a universal church. The essential purpose is to define and protect the rights of individuals with respect to the rights of others and the community as a whole. The current 1983 Code is constructed to be in conformity with the decrees of the Second Vatican Council and recognizes the principle of subsidiarity, leaving as much latitude as possible for the local bishop. The relevant sections are in Title III (Catholic Education) of Book III (The Teaching Office of the Church), canons 793–806. Under those provisions a Catholic school is one operating under the supervision and/or control of the local bishop, either directly or through a religious order operating in the diocese, and has been given his specific consent to bear that title (canons 803, §§1, 3; 806, §1). Acting through its dioceses and various religious orders, the Catholic Church is the world’s largest nongovernmental agency providing education. It runs 67,848 kindergartens with 6,383,910 pupils; 93,315 primary schools with 30,520,238 pupils; and 42,234 secondary schools with 17,758,405 pupils. The church also cares for 1,968,828 high school pupils and 3,088,208 university students. In many jurisdictions, Catholic schools are popular and successful in meeting the educational and social aspirations of parents, both Catholic and non-Catholic, though the overall numbers hide considerable variation in different countries depending upon their local demographics and the nature of state/church relationships. For example, in countries such as the Republic of Ireland, where the overwhelming majority of people are (nominally) Catholic, approximately 90 percent of schools are owned and managed by the church. In contrast, though France has a significant Catholic population, Catholic schools serve just 10 percent of the school population. In Wales, where Catholics form a significant minority of the general population, approximately 6 percent of pupils attend Catholic schools. Church/State School Relationships in England and Wales Successive Acts of Parliament first set up and subsequently confirmed a “dual system” of education, recognizing a distinction between schools provided by the state under statute and those voluntarily provided by nonstatutory groups, such as churches. The legislative concept is of separate but collaborating bodies. This means that, for the Catholic sector, dioceses are coordinate with, not subordinate to, local education authorities, whose responsibilities and powers in relation to each other are clearly delineated in civil law. In relation to individual Catholic voluntary aided schools, the courts have af-

firmed the position that local education authorities have only those powers specified in legislation. Any powers not mentioned in statute as being the responsibility of any particular body remain with the individual governing body of the school. Legislation enacted in 2010 and 2011 established a new type of independent state school funded directly by the state, named academies, which are run by a trust, a charitable company limited by guarantee. The established statutory framework does not apply to them, being replaced by charity and company law and a contractual relationship with the secretary of state. In theory the legal safeguards for voluntary schools with a religious character (which currently can continue to coexist with academies) should transfer if such a school changes its legal status. However, in practice those safeguards are extremely difficult to secure. The Catholic sector in England generally has been very wary of relinquishing the statutory protections that voluntary aided status provides for the financial advantages of fully funded academies, despite the capital costs incurred by the church in building the schools and keeping them in good repair. References and Resources Barber, Paul. 2013. “Nineteen Forty-Four and All That: Christian Schools and the Political Settlement.” In Re-Imagining Christian Education for the 21st Century, edited by Andrew B. Morris, 9–28. Chelmsford, England: Matthew James Publishing. Caparros, Ernest, Michael Thériault, and Jean Thorn, eds. 2004. Code of Canon Law Annotated. Montreal: Wilson & Lafleur Limitée. Judge, Harry. 2001. Faith-based Schools and the State, Catholics in America, France and England. Oxford: Symposium Books. McLaughlin, Terence, J. O’Keefe, and B. O’Keeffe, eds. The Contemporary Catholic School: Context, Identity and Diversity. Washington, DC: Falmer Press. Schuttloffel, Merylann J. 2012a. “New Models for a New Era.” In Catholic Education: Universal Principles, Locally Applied, edited by Andrew B. Morris, 139–148. Newcastle upon Tyne, UK: Cambridge Scholars Press. ———. 2012b. “Traditional Catholic Schooling in the United States of America.” In Catholic Education: Universal Principles, Locally Applied, edited by Andrew B. Morris, 66–76. Newcastle upon Tyne, UK: Cambridge Scholars Press. Storr, Christopher. 2011. Serving Two Masters? Catholic School Governors at Work. Leominster, England: Gracewing.

—Andrew B. Morris

Catholic Teaching Orders In Christian history, teaching orders are established corporate bodies, ordained especially for the purpose of

Catholic Teaching Orders

teaching. Members are typically bound by a set of rules and a governing hierarchy. During its long centuries of existence, the Catholic Church has produced many such teaching orders, especially from monasticism. Some of these groups have served more local or regional areas, while others have played hugely formative roles in the development of Western education as a whole. Many of the most famous Catholic teaching orders come from the medieval and early modern eras. And even though they perhaps originated in other times, or in other lands, the study of Catholic teaching orders nonetheless offers insights into pedagogical and philosophical issues confronting modern educators today. A broader consideration of some of the most important Catholic teaching orders can be highly instructive in this regard. Catholic Teaching Orders and Early Monastic Endeavors The word “order” derives from the latin ordo, a quite straightforward cognate with the English equivalent word, meaning “ranking” or “class.” Arguably, the first formal teaching “order” really began with the Cluny reforms of Benedictine Rule starting in 910. Because it involved specific papal sanction and the enforcement authority that came with it, the Cluniac movement is often described as the first “formally recognized” order. On the other hand, earlier monastic movements in the Catholic West—especially the Benedictines—certainly founded orders. They also were generally approved, albeit less formally, by the early medieval popes. From ancient times, “monks” (cf. the Greek word “monos,” meaning “single” or “alone”) helped foster the close bond between faith and the contemplative life that has played such a vital role in Christian thought ever since. In the East, the ascetic movement of the third and fourth centuries produced famous “hermit saints,” like Saint Anthony (c. 251–356) and the “Hairy Mary,” Mary of Egypt (c. fifth century), the saint equated—like Mary Magdalen—with being a reformed prostitute and hermit, one whose long, unkempt hair covered her famished and otherwise naked body. Both Anthony and Mary of Egypt featured quasi-legendary hagiographies that emphasized lives of seclusion, prayer, and physical deprivation. (The tonsured scholars of Europe’s first universities often found inspiration in this model of self-deprivation and inward intellectual focus.) Austere communities of like-minded followers soon arose along the lines of the hermit-saint model. In the West, Saint Augustine of Hippo (354–430) helped blend education with monastic living. A teacher by profession, Augustine’s famous autobiography The Confessions recounts his early years of schooling, including some fascinating insights and glimpses into early

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childhood education in Tagaste, Algeria. His career included prestigious teaching appointments—he taught the ancient discipline of rhetoric—at the “universities” in Rome and Milan. Upon his conversion to Christianity in 386, Augustine returned to North Africa, where he founded a monastic community. The Augustinian community also prominently featured a school. His hugely influential book The City of God (425) became a classic of the Christian literary canon. Though somewhat overshadowed in the early Middle Ages by the growth of Benedictine monasticism, Augustine’s approach to faith and intellectual matters was highly influential. In the 11th century, a new “Augustinian” movement revived Augustine’s old order. The order emphasized intellectual acuity and the austere approach to living favored by Augustine. In this, the revived Augustinians contrasted with the more easygoing and by then arguably corrupted approaches of the Benedictines. The Augustinians were especially prevalent in education. Martin Luther served as an Augustinian monk prior to his break with Rome. On a related note, the Cistercian order gained sanction in 1098. Somewhat like the Augustinians, the Cistercians chafed at the growing wealth and worldliness of the Benedictine order. They were often highly educated, with Saint Bernard of Clairvaux (1090–1153) as one of their most prominent founders. But their sublime learning heavily emphasized the seclusion of the cloister. The Benedictine Rule The true “father of monasticism”—at least in Western Christianity—was Saint Benedict (c. 480–c. 550). Living in Italy during the unsettled years after 476, Benedict founded the famous monastery at Monte Cassino in AD 529. Perhaps most significant in this regard is that Benedict promulgated the famous “Benedictine Rule,” a written document establishing an “ordered” way of life for the adherents of Benedictine communities. Rule by an “abbot” (from the Syrian abba, meaning father) established a system of self-governance, therefore promoting more orderly societies. Under the authority established by the Benedictine Rule, Benedict’s way modified the extremes characterizing ascetic saints, channeling them in an arguably more constructive and controlled direction. The Benedictine Rule called for each Benedictine community to establish a school. Along with each Benedictine school, the monks usually created a library. In this way, the Benedictines made their famous contributions to education. From their origins in Italy, Benedictine communities spread throughout the Catholic West. They eagerly employed their scholarly abilities with such invaluable tasks as the teaching and training of initiates, the writing and copying of manuscripts (there was as yet no printing

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press), and the articulation of Christian theology. They also made enormous contributions to Western culture in the arts, especially in such areas as liturgical music, ecclesiastical art and architecture, and written prayers. The “system” of Benedictine monasticism that developed all across Catholic Europe was highly decentralized. Each abbot presided over what was essentially a selfgoverning community of like-minded adherents. Many of the monasteries were in almost unbelievably remote geographical locations, making interference from outside authorities not only illegitimate in an institutional sense, but practically impossible. Of course as the years went by and the monasteries grew richer, with vaster landed estates, lay involvement inevitably increased. Perhaps the only significant counterpart to Benedictine monasteries in Western Christianity was in Ireland, where abbeys like the one begun by Saint Finnian (c. 549) at Clonard flourished. Irish monasticism was a vital brand of Christianity that similarly fostered learning and education. Irish monks were key in bringing Christianity to the Picts of Scotland, as well as in encouraging literacy and training for the peoples they found there. It must also be remembered that the early monastic movements fostered a female-centered counterpart, the convent. Nuns and convents appear as early as the sixth century and seem to have been established alongside with their male counterparts. Nuns were the most educated women of medieval times, arguably until the Renaissance. They have played a vital, indeed an essential, role in Catholic education ever since. Elite Private Schools? Catholic teaching orders raised many larger philosophical issues that still resonate with modern educators. What was the basic purpose of teaching, and who should be taught? Such important and ongoing questions are hinted at in the study of medieval teaching orders. In fact, many of the most important teaching orders of the Middle Ages corresponded more to modern notions of elite private education than to a modern Western “teaching school.” Mass public education was by no means a medieval goal or even an ideal. Learning was a specialized enterprise. If one wanted to be a teacher or a scholar (occupations practically monopolized by clerics and monks), literacy was necessary. Otherwise, it was probably not. A blacksmith no more needed to read than a scholar needed to know how to work iron. Illiteracy was rampant, even among the nobility. After all, the nobles in these years still reflected their ancestors, the Germanic “barbarians” who had overrun the Roman Empire. The Frankish ruler Charlemagne (r. 768–814) himself was largely illiterate, according to his personal biographer Einhard. There seems to have been no particular shame in that fact.

Another interesting observation is that monastic scholarly activities more closely resembled the sorts of activities pursued in a modern research university, as opposed to the more basic teaching of a “teaching institution.” There was relatively little emphasis on teaching as the term might be understood by a modern teacher. To the extent that “teaching” occurred, it was largely focused on training younger initiates for the monastic life—perhaps not unlike the sort of teaching that senior doctors provide to interns, or that senior lawyers provide to junior lawyers. Certainly there were great and beloved teachers. But this teaching largely belonged to a rarified circle of discipleship and apprenticeship. More generally, the scholars of the early Middle Ages pursued numerous activities besides teaching, like the copying of manuscripts. While they provided an invaluable service to society and culture, they were not, strictly speaking, teaching. Teaching was not necessarily their main job. With the rise of universities and the lecture hall, this changed somewhat, but not necessarily a lot. Finally, another way in which the teaching orders of the early Middle Ages resembled modern private schools is in their relatively elite nature and their inevitable embracing of worldly riches and status. Though derived from ascetic roots, monasteries soon became victims of their own success. They grew increasingly wealthy and even prestigious. In a world governed by primogeniture with regard to titles and inheritance, nobility often placed second- and third-born children in monastic or ecclesiastical roles. Placement in a monastery generally required a generous grant of land from the family to the abbey, further increasing the monastery’s role as a haven for the privileged and the affluent. Not unlike private schools and universities, monasteries began to boast of substantial “endowments,” permanent bases of wealth. Like many private schools today, they became top-heavy with the children of the rich and well-connected. Notorious and widespread abuses like simony and nepotism became increasingly common in this period. Teaching Orders and the Challenge of the Carolingian “Palace School” Movement During the famous “Carolingian Renaissance” under Charlemagne (r. 768–814), a movement arose for the first time that challenged the monopoly of the Benedictine order on teaching and learning: the “palace schools” movement. Despite his lack of a formal education, Charlemagne’s founding of “palace schools” became one of the most famous features of his reign. This movement encouraged an arguably somewhat broader notion of teaching and education. As their name implies, palace schools—sometimes called cathedral schools—were educational institutes housed in palaces or cathedrals and

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generally supported by Charlemagne and the Frankish ruling establishment. Palace schools constituted a significant alternative to the increasingly insular and lucrative monopoly on learning enjoyed by the teaching orders. Admittedly monks still dominated palace schools—an example being the great Alcuin (735–804), brought in from England to serve in Charlemagne’s palace school at Aachen. But palace schools nonetheless represented a broader range of focus, in both topics taught and student clienteles. While by no means representing the modern ideals of universal education for all children, palace schools did educate a broader cross-section of students than had the monasteries. They also fed directly into the development of the universities that occurred during the High Middle Ages. Like palace schools, universities were still heavily interwoven with monastic traditions in education. But they also began to manifest Europe’s move away from reclusive religious education to a broader curriculum and a more diverse base of students. Mendicant Teaching Orders During the High Middle Ages (1000–1300), other teaching orders arose in Catholicism, many more directly responding to the new challenges confronting western Europe. To the extent they existed at all, cities, relatively depopulated in the early medieval period, began to flourish. Along with the growing urban population came many of the attendant problems, including disease, poverty, and a growing urban underclass of unlettered masses. In this period, newer orders dedicated to teaching featured a greater emphasis on serving all the people, following the example of Christ and the New Testament church. Such movements generally espoused leaving the “cloister,” literally and figuratively, and living among the people, often even going to the extreme of living as “beggars.” Called “mendicant” orders, these movements injected an important new element of reform into the church. Among their other activities, they were heavily involved with teaching as a basic form of outreach. One of the new mendicant orders was that of Saint Dominic (1170–1221). Dominic was a Spaniard. Alarmed at how the Cathar heresy was spreading through neighboring France, Dominic approached Pope Innocent III (r. 1198–1216), obtaining papal sanction for a new order. Often called the Black Friars, the Dominicans took vows of poverty and lived among the poor. Dominic’s group also emphasized teaching, especially since refuting the powerful heresies of the 13th century required careful teaching and instruction. As battlers against heresy, the Dominicans began the first Inquisition Court in Southern France, helping to defeat Catharism.

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Dominic’s group played a vital role in intellectual life, deeply shaping learning in the Middle Ages for many years to come. Thomas Aquinas (1225–1274), perhaps the High Middle Ages’ most supreme intellect, was a Dominican. Responding to the special challenges facing Christian doctrine in the wake of Aristotle’s reintroduction to Western learning, Aquinas’s magisterial treatise Summa Theologica ushered in a sophisticated new doctrinal and intellectual framework, often called Thomism. It formed the basis for much learning and religious teaching in future centuries. An arguably even more important development with regard to mendicant teaching orders was that of the beloved Saint Francis of Assisi (1182–1226). Born into a well-to-do family of merchants, Francis began his life as did many privileged young men of the day, even serving in the military for a time. While still a young man, Francis received a divine vision, after which he renounced his family’s wealth and background and began to live on the outskirts of Assisi, occasionally appearing in the streets of town as a beggar. According to the “legends” of Saint Francis, he was mocked by his former compatriots for his extremes. But he eventually won over hearts and minds with his consistently simple example of love, faith, and service. He acquired a small group of followers. In 1210, Francis approached Innocent III seeking recognition of his group as a formal order. Innocent balked at first, but approval finally came. Subsequently, Francis’s group spawned one of the most important movements of the Middle Ages. The Franciscan movement played an important role in education. They emphasized the learning and teaching of the highest theology. At least initially, Franciscans eschewed the trappings of wealth and exclusive social status that so many learned people had adopted by the 13th century. In each city where the Franciscans established a presence, they founded a house that served as a residential center, as a mission of sorts, and as a school. Often this house operated in conjunction with the local university, if the city had one. While the Franciscans became noted for learned doctrinal treatises, Francis himself envisioned his schools as operating primarily for the poor and the disenfranchised, including children. He also envisioned more practical approaches to education, believing that basic training in crafts and trades could help alleviate the wretched poverty found in many Italian cities of the day. Indeed, the hagiographical tale of Francis building a dilapidated Byzantine church on the outskirts of Assisi enshrines a core belief in the human dignity and value of manual labor. As would some humanists in the years following Saint Francis—notably Thomas à Kempis, credited with writing The Imitation of Christ, a treatise on simple Christian

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humility—Francis loathed the intellectual arrogance of his time. Unfortunately, by the end of his life some of his followers were exploiting the popularity of the saint and the status of the Franciscan order as approved by the pope, moving the Franciscan houses and schools in what was often a more worldly direction. The Years of “Counter-Reformation” In the final years of the Middle Ages, the Reformation defined many of the most important themes and issues of the day, both internationally and at the local level. The Catholic Church responded to the Protestant challenge with a vital reformation of its own, often called the “Counter-Reformation.” The Counter-Reformation saw the establishment of many new teaching orders, uniquely chartered to respond to the special challenges of the times. In the true spirit of the Catholic reformation, many of these new orders deeply affirmed the deepest values and teachings of the ancient church, while simultaneously addressing many of the abuses, hypocrisies, and injustices that Protestant reformers had so vehemently attacked. The result was a revitalized Catholic spirit in education and training. Moreover, many of these new orders played a critical role in spreading Catholicism in the New World, as well as in Africa and Asia. Many new teaching orders emphasized education of the young, especially those who were disadvantaged. Some of these orders arguably foreshadowed more directly modern Catholic schools and the emphasis on education of children. The Ursuline order of nuns was named for the legendary fourth-century Saint Ursula, martyred in Cologne, Germany, reportedly along with thousands of her sisters. Saint Angela Merici (1474–1540) established the order. In 1564, almost 25 years after her death, the order received papal sanction. Angela was a Franciscan who had devoted her services especially to the education of poor women. In an important break with established traditions, the Ursuline sisters did not take vows or wear religious attire. They also lived in the city, “unenclosed,” and were able to move freely from place to place without special permission. In 1575, still another important new order was added to Catholic Christendom, the Oratorians, founded on the austere teachings of Saint Philip Neri (1515–1595). A Florentine by birth, Saint Philip’s teachings emphasized a humble and austere social outreach, making this order an especially important source for Catholic schooling going forward, especially in poorer urban areas. The Jesuits emerged as arguably the most important of the Counter-Reformation’s new teaching orders. Founded by the Spaniard Ignatius Loyola (1493–1556) during the height of the Counter-Reformation, the Jesuits successfully combined high standards of educational

excellence with zeal for service to others (no small feat!). Their efforts produced one of the most effective of all responses to the Protestant challenge. By the beginning of the early modern period—usually considered to have begun around 1648, following the conclusion of the Thirty Years’ War—Jesuits presided over some of the finest schools in western Europe. The Jesuits were noted for their outreach and missionary zeal. Saint Francis Xavier famously took the gospel to Asia, living in various southern Indian locales, including Ceylon. He also lived for a time in Malacca, where he won the favor of the pearl-diving inhabitants. He later went to Japan, where he was afforded the use of a deserted monastery to begin his evangelical activities. Xavier had a true gift for learning languages, and his ability to gain proficiency in the Asian dialects where he traveled made his efforts at teaching and ministry much more effective. Similarly, in the New World, the famous and quite successful missionary journeys of Jacques Marquette (1637– 1675) and Louis Joliet (1645–c. 1700) also exhibited the classic Jesuit traits of physical vigor, intellectual curiosity, and relating to the people on human terms. Marquette and Joliet were among the most important figures in expanding the French presence in upper North America. Early Modern Developments The early modern era—described as beginning sometime in the mid-17th century—continued to see the important development of teaching orders within the Catholic Church. St. Vincent De Paul and his followers (1581– 1660), known as Vincentians, founded the order known as the Sisters of Charity. Serving both young males and females, the Sisters of Charity helped bring education to the young in France in the years prior to the French Revolution’s upheavals. The Frenchman John Baptist de la Salle (1651–1719) is another important figure in the founding of teaching orders during the baroque era. Ordained a priest in 1678, his early assignments included founding two schools for poor boys in Reims, France. A teacher’s teacher, de la Salle became convinced of the need for education among the children of the poor—both boys and girls. He was also appalled at the snobbery toward the children of the poor that he encountered in conversation with members of his own class. In these years, there was still no concept of mass public education, so he was something of a visionary in this regard. He had soon founded the famous order Brothers of the Christian School. Schools on the de la Salle model soon appeared in numerous French areas and even in England. In addition to emphasizing practical education in vernacular languages, the order also encouraged young boys to learn a trade.

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References and Resources De la Salle, John Baptist. 2004. The Spirituality of Christian Education. Edited by Carl Koch, Jeffrye Calligan, and Jeffrey Gros. Mahwah, NJ: Paulist Press. De Paul, Vincent, and Louise de Marillac. 1995. Rules, Conferences and Writings. Edited by Frances Ryan and John Rybolt. New York: Paulist Press. Haskins, Charles Homer. 1923. The Rise of Universities. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. Southern, R. W. 1970. Western Society and the Church in the Middle Ages. New York: Pelican Books.

—David Leinweber

Catholic University of America Established in 1887 by the United States Conference of Catholic Bishops (USCCB), Catholic University of America (CUA) is the national university of the Catholic Church. It is sponsored by the Catholic bishops of the country with the approval of the Holy See. It seeks to offer a comprehensive Catholic and American education that is dedicated to the unity of truth in all of its forms. It aims to further the dialogue between faith and reason as a free and autonomous center of study that serves the nation and the church in light of the Christian faith. Located in the northeast quarter of Washington, DC, CUA is adjacent to the offices of the USSCB and is home to the Basilica of the National Shrine of the Immaculate Conception. The National Shrine is the largest church in North America and one of the 10 largest churches in the world. This Byzantine-Romanesque cathedral is a center for pilgrimage, worship, evangelization, and reconciliation. As a research university, in 2013 CUA was home to 13 distinct schools and 21 research faculties. Its School of Theology and Religious Studies has been offering graduate degrees since 1889. The School of Canon Law was founded in 1923, and a separate School of Philosophy was established in 1937. Each of these ecclesiastical faculties offers canonical degrees, adding to its distinctive status among American Catholic universities. At the time of writing 17 current cardinals and more than 40 current Catholic bishops are graduates of the university. Notable faculty scholars include John Tracy Ellis, Avery Dulles, Fulton Sheen, Charles Curran, Raymond E. Brown, Joseph Fitzmeyer, Joseph Komonchak, and Bernard Marthaler. Like many other Catholic universities, CUA has struggled to balance its commitment to freedom of academic inquiry and its Catholic character. The circumstances surrounding the firing of moral theologian Charles E.

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Curran over his public support for women’s reproductive rights are paradigmatic of the university’s efforts to address this tension. References and Resources A Brief History of Catholic University. 2013. January. http:// www.cua.edu/about-cua/history-of-CUA.cfm. Catholic University of America. 1991. “Statement on Academic Freedom.” Origins 21 (June): 103–104. Nuesse, C. J. 1990 The Catholic University of America: A Centennial History. Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press. White, J. 2010. “A Seminary for the Nation’s Pontifical University: The Founding of Theological College of the Catholic University of America.” U.S. Catholic Historian 28 (3): 19–42.

—Theodore James Whapham

Catholic Youth Organizations Catholic Youth Organization (CYO) began in 1930 as an athletic program for elementary and high school youth in the Archdiocese of Chicago. Bishop Sheil founded CYO as a parish-based program. His experiences as a prison chaplain taught him the benefits of athletic programs. The organization emphasized training young people in boxing and later expanded to include other sports. In 1932, the CYO Center was established in Chicago, and in 1937 the Catholic Youth Bureau was established in Washington. In 1940, the bishops united the separate groups “in order to better promote Christian ideals and better safeguard the young from the many pitfalls they encounter.”22 The National Council of Catholic Youth included a college and university section and a diocesan section. The first convention was held in Cincinnati in 1951. In 1961, the NCCY Diocesan Section was renamed the National CYO Federation, with teenage and young adult sections. Staff from the United States Catholic Conference (USCC) organized the biennial conventions. The National CYO Federation, primarily a federation of youth councils, served diocesan youth offices with programming suggestions and resources for establishing a local CYO, adult training programs, and examples of other diocesan activities. Youth ministry was growing in other denominations. Some youth programs within the Catholic Church focused on social events to the exclusion of sports or catechesis; others focused exclusively on sports. Scouting also has a 22. http://www.nfcym.org/about/history.htm.

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religious component. To address this diversity, the USCC Department of Education wrote “A Vision for Youth Ministry” in 1976, stating that “no one aspect of youth ministry is independent of others; they are all interdependent elements of a unified total vision.” The bishops reaffirmed that vision in their 1997 document, Renewing the Vision— A Framework for Catholic Youth Ministry. In 1980, two youth-serving structures operated separately in the USCC. The bishops decided that any group that could fund a staff should become independent. On 20 January 1982 in Malvern, Pennsylvania, a unanimous vote of the adult advisory board brought to life the National Federation for Catholic Youth Ministry, Inc. (NFCYM). Its office opened at the College of St. Paul in Washington and sponsored the first National Conference on Catholic Youth Ministry (NCCYM) in November 1982. Sport was one aspect of a much larger vision for ministry with youth. In 1987, NFCYM published Sports Psychology for Youth Coaches, along with the parish and diocesan resource guides for The Challenge of Adolescent Catechesis document. Eventually, NFCYM developed professional standards for youth ministry, launched the New Diocesan Directors Institute (NDDI), and supported World Youth Day in Denver (August 1993). Throughout the 1990s NFCYM continued its focus on publications and conferences. In 2003 more than 24,000 people attended the National Catholic Youth Conference (NCYC) in Houston, Texas. In 2004, 2,200 people attended the National Conference on Catholic Youth Ministry (Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania). In that same year, due to the significance of sports as one aspect of a comprehensive youth ministry, NFCYM established the National Center for Catholic Youth Sports as a service center within the federation. The national structure of the federation as a membership organization for dioceses, and a common vision for youth ministry, spawned the development of numerous “youth organizations.” Life Teen, for example, was founded in 1985 and has become a parish-based, Eucharist-focused approach to youth ministry. Franciscan University of Steubenville launched a summer youth conference in 1978. The Center for Ministry Development, founded as the Northeast Center for Youth Ministry in 1978, provides formation and programming for youth ministry. These organizations are collaborating members of NFCYM. The NFCYM celebrated its 30th anniversary in 2012 with 170 affiliated dioceses and 60 collaborating members. The National CYO Sports Center provides formation programs for Catholic coaches and connects parish athletics to a comprehensive youth ministry. Another service center in NFCYM, the National Association of Catholic Youth Ministry Leaders, is the national profes-

sional network. The National Catholic Committee on Girl Scouts and Camp Fire was a founding member of NFCYM. The Catholic Youth Foundation USA (CYFUSA), a subsidiary of the federation, assures “a faithful future”23 by providing financial resources for the development of youth ministry. The original charter for CYO, back in the 1930s, stated that the purpose of the organization was “to promote among Catholic youth a recreational, educational, and religious program that will adequately meet their physical, mental and spiritual needs in their after-school hours . . . [and] to inspire, direct, and guide the natural creative instincts of young people into those worthwhile channels, which permit the widest expression of personality, individually or in groups, while instilling in their minds and hearts a true love of God and country.”24 In many ways, through the unifying power of vision, many “youth organizations” are working together to realize Bishop Sheil’s dream. —Donald R. McCrabb

Cavalletti, Sofia A lifelong resident of Rome, Italy, Sofia Cavalletti (1917–2011) was a Roman Catholic master Hebrew scholar. In 1954 she developed a Montessori-based approach to religious education called Catechesis of the Good Shepherd (CGS). The intent of CGS is to enable children as young as three years of age to experience awe and wonder as they encounter the God of the biblical story—as if the child might say, “Help me to come closer to God by myself.” Background and Education Sofia spent her entire life in a magnificent home in the center of old Rome, not far from the Vatican. The house had been in her family for over three centuries. There her mother taught her to read and write. Sofia attributed her own Christian formation to her loving family, who provided a solid base on which she was certain of God’s love. Being from a privileged background, Sofia was tutored in her home. When finally permitted to attend school, she learned Latin and Greek “with great joy and pride,” though these were otherwise unsatisfactory years.25 Cavalletti later discovered a love for ancient languages, particularly Hebrew, and became an expert consultant to 23. CYFUSA Mission Statement. 24. As quoted by Rev. Msgr. Francis G. Weldgen in “A Brief Look at the Growth of Catholic Youth Work in the United States,” in Hope for the Decade—A Look at the Issues Facing Catholic Youth Ministry (Washington, DC: National CYO Federation, USCC, 1980). 25. Sofia Cavalletti, electronic personal correspondence, 24 May 2007.

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various ecumenical groups in Rome. For more than 50 years she went to the library daily to study, consistently reading Hebrew. The extent of her scholarship is evident from a bibliography created in 1978, which contains 165 entries for her works. In addition to ancient languages, she also spoke five modern ones. Due to her family’s nobility, Sofia was a marchesa, a title akin to baroness. Birth of Cavalletti’s Life’s Work In 1954, through interaction with a seven-year-old boy named Paolo, Cavalletti began her catechetical work. Using only her Bible, she began unfolding to Paolo the first page of Genesis. His response was one of pure joy. They spent two hours on that page, using the way of reading scripture she had learned from Rabbi Zolli. “Everyone is seated with open Bibles, as co-listeners to the Word of God. Each phrase is pondered and wondered about with utter fidelity to the text.”26 Paolo’s response led to the development of CGS. Cavalletti said, “We started without knowing we started,”27 for she had never worked with children and had no background in human development. Gianna Gobbi, who had assisted Maria Montessori, soon was recruited to work with Sofia. The two were co-laborers until Gobbi’s death in 2003. As Gobbi taught Sofia the principles of Montessori, Cavalletti began reading about the unfolding work of Erikson and Piaget. This reading, along with her interactions with Paolo, became the impetus for her life’s work and calling. Development of Catechesis of the Good Shepherd Soon a systematized approach began unfolding, organized around three levels or atriums, a Montessorian term. Three rooms of the Cavalletti home28 were used for this purpose, each for a different age level for learning the scriptures and liturgy. For younger children, the pillar of their work became the Parable of the Good Shepherd; for older children, it was the Vine and the Branches. These pillars remain because scripture, as Cavalletti stated, does not change. In the third-level atrium, children ages 9 to 12 focus on the unity of salvation history, including Jesus’s miracles and “hard sayings.” The setup in an atrium immediately shows the influence of Montessori’s approach. Simple wooden materials were made for the children to use while reflecting on the scripture they had just heard. It would seem that Cavalletti fulfilled Montessori’s desire to return her method to the church as a means of religious education. As Montessori had done before her, Cavalletti found that children responded with joy and dignity when work26. Ibid. 27. Lillig, “History of the Catechesis of the Good Shepherd,” 32. 28. Dr. Cavalletti continued to work with children in the atria of her home into her late eighties.

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ing in the carefully prepared environment of the atrium. Joy comes from what appears to be fulfillment of the child’s deep needs. Dignity results when the child is in relationship with God—a freedom, independent of the adult. A third quality is efficiency of words and materials. Nothing is superfluous.29 The intent of CGS is also significant for Christian parents, for the approach can be modified for home use. Several assumptions influenced Cavalletti’s thinking. First, a child is able to experience God. Second, it is a holistic experience for the child, in that it touches the child’s entire being. Third, a person is not fully developing as a human unless “religious potential is stimulated and growing.” Fourth, the Judeo-Christian tradition has language that is a powerful agent—evocative, descriptive, and expressive—for experiencing God.30 Note her Christocentric focus: Cavalletti believes that the child’s first exposure to the faith should be centered in the person of Jesus Christ. From her research, the aspect of Christ that most speaks to the young child is Jesus the Good Shepherd, who calls his sheep by name creating a personal relationship with him, who lays down his life for the sheep, nurtures and protects them.31

Spread of Catechesis of the Good Shepherd From its simple beginnings, CGS has spread to 37 countries on five continents. The first CGS training course in the United States took place in 1975. There are now more than 130 leaders who train catechists and more than 1,000 atriums of various levels in the United States.32 The majority of participating churches are Roman Catholic, Episcopal, and Lutheran. The following modifications of CGS have spread the approach even further: Jerome Berryman’s Godly Play, Sonya Stewart’s Young Children and Worship, and Upper Room’s Way of the Child. Contributions to Christian Education Cavalletti’s observations can help educators, practitioners, and parents alike become aware that “God and the child get along well together,”33 and that a child may “find the full realization of himself only in the world of the transcendent, a world in which he has shown he moves completely at his ease.”34 29. Sofia Cavalletti, “Discovering the Real Spiritual Child,” The NAMTA Journal 24, no. 2 (1999): 7. 30. Berryman, Preface, 9. 31. Scottie May, “Sofia Cavalletti,” 2007, http://www2.talbot.edu/ce20/ educators/view.cfm?n=sophia_cavaletti. 32. National Association of Catechesis of the Good Shepherd, www .cgsusa.org. 33. Sofia Cavalletti, Religious Potential of the Child (New York: Paulist Press, 1983), 44. 34. Ibid., 178.

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Her approach emphasizes qualities that are missing in many churches and homes: reflection, contemplation, meditation, awe, wonder, and mystery. When these qualities are present, they affect not only the children but also the adults who are involved.35 (See CGS for a fuller description.) Relevant Published Works Though many of her works have not been translated into English, including all of her commentaries, following are two relevant books for Christian educators: The Religious Potential of the Child. 1983. Translated by Patricia Coulter and Julie Coulter. New York: Paulist Press. The Religious Potential of the Child 6–12 Years Old: A Description of an Experience. 2002. Translated by Rebekah Rojcewicz and Alan Perry. Chicago: Liturgy Training Publications.

References and Resources Berryman, J. 1983. Preface to the English edition of Religious Potential of the Child, by S. Cavalletti, 3–20. New York: Paulist Press. Cavalletti, S. 1964. “The ‘Maria Montessori’ School of Religion (Rome).” In The Child in the Church, edited by E. M. Standing, 124–139. St. Paul, MN: Catechetical Guild. ———. 2006. Electronic personal correspondence with author, October 21. ———. 2007. Electronic personal correspondence with author, May 24. Lillig, T. 1999. “The History of the Catechesis of the Good Shepherd.” NAMTA Journal 24 (2): 29–37. ———. 2007. Electronic personal correspondence with author, May 20. May, S. 2007. “Sofia Cavalletti.” Christian Educators of the 20th Century. http://www.talbot.edu/ce20/educators/catholic/so phia_cavaletti.

—Scottie May

Celebration as Christian Practice For many contemporary evangelicals, the word “celebrate” conjures up images of birthday parties, anniversaries, weddings, and holidays such as New Year’s Eve. While we do in fact “celebrate” on joyous occasions such as these, the concept of celebration as it relates to Christian ministry and Christian education practice is much more profound. Properly understood, the concept of biblical celebration is comprised of two distinct but related meanings. First, celebration is a form of commemoration to remind believers of God’s provision and redemptive work at regu35. May, “Sofia Cavalletti.”

lar intervals. Second, celebration is a spiritual discipline that enables believers to joyfully express their faith through worship. In both respects, celebration can be understood to be an activity or event that allows a community to express pleasure in marking a special occasion or important occurrence. The biblical concept of celebration is rooted in the Lord’s “feasts” or “festivals,” which are observed throughout the year by the Jewish people (Lev. 23:1–2). In the Old Testament, two primary words are translated as “feast” or “feasts”: mo’ed (‫ )מעד‬and chag (‫)חג‬. Mo’ed means “appointed season or an appointed time, place, or meeting.” The word is first used in Genesis 1:14 to describe the purpose of the sun and the moon—signs to distinguish the seasons and the day from the night. In Leviticus 23:1, mo’ed is translated as “feasts.” In contrast, chag means “a festival gathering, a feast, or a pilgrim feast.” Chag is associated with leaping, dancing, moving in a circular pattern, and giddiness. In Leviticus 23:6, chag is translated as “feast.” In Exodus 12:14–32, we read an account of the first occasion that Jews celebrate even today: the Passover. Through Moses and his brother Aaron, God sought to liberate the Israelites from the Egyptians, who had held them in captivity for many generations. In Exodus 12:14, the Lord instructs the Israelites to establish the day of the Passover as a “memorial day” to “keep . . . as a feast to the Lord” throughout all generations in order that future generations will know of God’s protection and provision in Egypt on the evening of the Passover, when the Lord “passed over” the homes of the Israelites when bringing the 10th plague—the death of the firstborn—upon the land of Egypt. God appoints seven festivals in three seasons throughout the year. In Nissan, the first month of the Jewish calendar, the Israelites celebrated the Passover, the Feast of Unleavened Bread, and the Feast of First Fruits. In the third month of the year, Sivan, Israelites celebrated the Feast of Pentecost, also called the Feast of Harvest or Feast of Weeks, to commemorate the giving of the law on Mount Sinai (Exod. 34:22). In the seventh month, the Israelites celebrated the Feast of Tabernacles, also known as the Feast of Ingathering to remember the Israelites staying in tents during their 40 years in the wilderness. The Feast of Trumpets and the Feast of Atonement were also celebrated in this month. In addition to the annual feast, Israelites were to celebrate a weekly mo’ed by observing the Sabbath, a regular interval of rest that reminds us of our reliance on the Lord. Although the Old Testament is clear that the “feasts” and “festivals” are the Lord’s and can be observed by anyone (Deut. 16:11), these feasts have not been widely celebrated by Christians. Rather, Christians annually celebrate Christmas (the birth of Christ) and Easter (the death and resurrection of Christ). In recent years, there

Celtic Monastic Movement

has been a growing emphasis on celebrating Advent and Lent, the spiritual preparatory seasons preceding Christmas and Easter. Along with the growing interest among Christians in celebrating Advent and Lent is the burgeoning desire to revive the historic practice of celebrating the Sabbath, a respite greatly needed from the hustle and bustle of 21st-century life. In these ways, to celebrate means to commemorate, to remember. But celebration is also described as a spiritual discipline in which one expresses jubilation over God’s works and words. Christians have historically been hyperaware of the toils, dangers, and sorrows of the world, and this, along with their reserved, intellectual approach to the Christian faith, causes them to be hesitant to practice joyful celebration as a spiritual discipline. There are indeed many reasons in the world to be disheartened. The Bible neither dismisses these reasons to be downcast nor turns a blind eye to the evil in the world. Yet throughout the scriptures, believers are enjoined to joyfully celebrate the Lord with gratitude for who He is and what He has done for us. There are several things we can do to celebrate the Lord as a spiritual discipline. First, we can write or repeat prayers and songs that celebrate the goodness of God. Second, we can enthusiastically participate in worship each week at church or at home during our devotional time. Third, we can keep a gratitude journal in which we record the many gifts God brings us on a daily basis. This can be done as a family or as individuals. Finally, we can attune ourselves to God’s presence and the way God is working in our lives each day. The discipline of celebration serves as a meaningful corrective to a world characterized by apathy and pessimism, reminding us that the joy of the Lord is greater than the evil and sorrows of the world. References and Resources Booker, Richard. 2008. Celebrating Jesus in the Biblical Feasts. Shippensburg, PA Destiny Image. Calhoun, Adele. 2005 Spiritual Disciplines Handbook. Downers Grove, IL: Intervarsity Books. Strong, James. 2010. The New Strong’s Expanded Exhaustive Concordance of the Bible. Nashville, TN: Thomas Nelson.

—Halee Scott

Celtic Monastic Movement By the fifth century, under the “organizing genius”36 of Patrick, Christianity was established in Ireland after just 36. Dale T. Irvin and Scott W. Sunquist, The History of the World Christian Movement, Vol. I, Earliest Christianity to 1453 (Maryknoll, NY: Orbis Books, 2007), Kindle location 7194.

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30 years of his mission.37 While Patrick acknowledged monasteries,38 he promoted a diocesan structure and parish-based formation of church because of his experience in Britain.39 With local leadership under priests and the bishop as the most significant leaders, this structure failed in Ireland, since bishops needed towns and connected villages from which to rule.40 Unlike other parts of the world during this era, Ireland was comprised of mobile, tribal settlements along coastal lands. There were few roads.41 Subsequently, the formation of monasteries among tribal settlements actually became the more effective missional impetus, rather than parish churches with priests. This meant abbots and abbesses were conferred with more spiritual authority than bishops or even Rome,42 which greatly influenced the education of people living in the settlements. This mission focus also contrasted with Eastern monasteries, which formed to escape materialism or other corruptions of society and therefore were built in remote regions where no people lived. In other words, the Celtic monasteries served and promoted society by living among rather than apart from people.43 The rapid spread of monasteries in Ireland, with their outward focus, formed one of Christian education’s first and most influential models. Finnian of Clonard “established the scholastic tradition of the monasteries,”44 from which Columba and other contemporaries, such as Columbanus, were sent. Columba is thought to have been one of the most prolific founders of monasteries throughout Ireland and eventually Scotland (Iona).45 From a noble family and educated in Latin, the scriptures, history of Ireland, and poetry at the monastery of Clonard, Columba reproduced monasteries with an educational impulse for people in the surrounding settlements. Local monasteries became central institutions “in the life of the tuath (small ethnopolitical group, loosely ‘tribe’).”46 As central shapers of society, monasteries welcomed children of commoners and nobility alike for studies in Latin, the Greek classics, and the scriptures, without the requirement that they 37. Brendan Lehane, Early Celtic Christianity (New York: Continuum, 2005), 48. 38. He is known to have said, “The sons of the Irish and the daughters of their kings are monks and brides of Christ” (http://www.earlychristian ireland.org/special_pages/irish_monasticism.html; accessed 4 June 2013). 39. Lehane, Early Celtic Christianity, 48. 40. Ibid., 101. 41. http://www.earlychristianireland.org/special_pages/irish_monasti cism.html (accessed 4 June 2013). 42. Irivin and Sunquist, History of the World Christian Movement, Kindle locations 7194 and 7223. 43. http://www.earlychristianireland.org/special_pages/irish_monasti cism.html (accessed 4 June 2013). 44. Lehane, Early Celtic Christianity, 59. 45. Ibid., 113. 46. John T. Koch, gen. ed., and Antone Minard, ed., The Celts: History, Life, and Culture (Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, 2012), 1:589.

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become monks or nuns. “Permeable walls” and mutuality marked Celtic monasteries, as people from the community—teachers, craftsmen, artists, farmers, families, etc.— moved in and out of the monastery property, offering and receiving knowledge. The community also participated in the life of the monastery by farming and tending animals alongside the monks. Scholars suggest that by the end of the sixth century, an extensive proportion of the few hundred thousand Irish would have had advanced education, and these likely passed on their education to “a smattering of those who [did] not.”47 —Shelley Trebesch

Censorship Controversy regarding censorship in education has occurred for millennia, emerging during the classical era. Plato viewed censorship as a constructive and even essential aspect of education, arguing that students should only receive exposure to positive models of citizenship, both real and fictitious; therefore, students should not be exposed to stories depicting cruel behavior, which should be banned entirely. Aristotle, on the other hand, asserted that fictional characters should be believable rather than be model citizens, allowing for a greater level of freedom and individual responsibility as it pertains to the process of discerning deficiencies in characters. As the church accommodated the tradition of classical education, it inherited this debate. Generally defined as the suppression or modification of public language, in spoken and written forms, censorship occurs when content is deemed unacceptable according to the standards or preferences of an authoritative body. With the rise of individual political rights, censorship has become an increasingly significant issue. Reasons for censorship typically include political, religious, moral, and other ideological objections to the content of the offending language. Although the debate between freedom and censorship has remained relatively constant in many fundamental ways throughout the history of the church, the specific issues and materials in question at any given time are likely to change. Historically, both Roman Catholic and Protestant churches have been involved in censorship, going all the way back to the origins of Christianity. For example, the Book of Acts mentions the burning of sorcery scrolls by new converts who formerly practiced occult magic (Acts 19:19). Also, the Nicene Creed (AD 325) established standards of right Christian belief to prevent or counter ideas that threatened orthodoxy. Starting around the 47. Lehane, Early Celtic Christianity, 101.

fourth century, texts that were heretical or seditious in nature tended to be of most concern to censors, and these remained their most prominent issue for almost a millennium. Pope Gelasius II established the first official list of banned books in AD 496. By the 12th century, ecclesial clashes with dissident ideologies had become frequent, with the first Inquisition occurring in France, which involved the censorship of subversive views, the burning of books that promoted them, and the persecution of the heretics who wrote them. By the 15th century, with the invention of the printing press, the availability of objectionable books increased with the population of literate readers, and the church’s control of printed material became more difficult to maintain. In the middle of the 16th century, the Sacred Congregation of Roman Inquisition became a powerful ecclesial body with the expressed purpose of opposing Protestantism and censoring objectionable print material. In 1559, the Index Librorum Prohibitorum (Index of Forbidden Books) severely limited the intellectual freedom of most European residents, banning the scientific writings of Nicolaus Copernicus and Galileo Galilei. And during the 17th century, works by other famous writers—including Voltaire, Hugo, Kant, Descartes, and Milton—appeared on the list. In the 19th century, the church turned its attention to limiting public access to salacious or lascivious materials. And in the 20th century, pornography and obscenity dominated popular debates on censorship, particularly in Christian circles. Censorship in the United States dates back to 1650, when the first recorded book burning in colonial Massachusetts occurred; the object of controversy was a theological treatise written by William Pynchon that challenged Puritan Calvinist doctrines, dominant at that time. Religiously motivated censorship has remained a powerful force in America ever since, particularly as it pertains to the public education system. In the 20th century, a textbook boycott in Kanawha County, West Virginia, became the most violent protest over school curricula in the history of the country. When fundamentalists rejected the proposed list of 325 books to be taught in Kanawha County in 1974 because of their purportedly anti-Christian, immoral, and unpatriotic content, and the school board approved of the books anyway, bombs were placed in the schools and violence broke out in the streets. In the end, the conflict gave rise to the private Christian school movement in the state, largely in response to secular and progressive educational trends. Similarly, in 1984 the Hatch amendment to the Education for Economic Security Act recognized a concern related to the teaching of secular humanism in public schools by denying funding to any such instruction. This led to widespread debate and increased resistance to the literature and textbook choices of education boards; pressure from parents

Center for the Study of Global Christianity

primarily, but also from fundamentalist and conservative political organizations, caused many teachers, librarians, and school administrators to withdraw challenged materials without litigation. However, due to the vagueness of the term “secular humanism,” the Hatch amendment was deleted within the year. Still, the reaction against instruction in secular humanism continued to characterize censorship at the local level in schools, although religious and ideological objections then had, and continue to have, little success in affecting government policy. Today, questions about the acceptable content of books in educational curricula include topics of sexuality (particularly homosexuality), profanity, violence, the occult, political ideology, racism, and evolution, which remain points of contention between education professionals and protestors. Nevertheless, consensus has largely been reached on decisions to legally censor obscene and pornographic material from schools, as well as content deemed by the law to be harmful to minors. In 2000, the Children’s Internet Protection Act provided public schools with funding for Internet filtering to ensure student safety. The American Library Association’s definition of “intellectual freedom” frequently serves as a starting point for debate about censorship, especially as it relates to educational institutions, calling it “the right of every individual to both seek and receive information from all points of view without restriction.” Some suggest that Christian educational institutions have a responsibility to their particular mission, which logically leads to restricting the materials to which they allow their faculty and students access. Thus, Christian educators can justify the protection of their given community from texts that might have deleterious spiritual or emotional influence, while simultaneously investing in resources that further their schools’ specific goals and aims. Yet others claim that practices of censorship function to stifle the earnest pursuit of wisdom for the sake of maintaining peace and accord among members of the academic community. References and Resources American Library Association. n.d. “Freedom and Censorship Q & A.” Accessed 15 January 2013. http://www.ala.org/of fices/oif/basics/ifcensorshipqanda. Atlas, James. 1992. Battle of the Books: The Curriculum Debate in America. New York: Norton. Delfattore, Joan. 1992. What Johnny Shouldn’t Read: Textbook Censorship in America. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Diekema, Anthony J. 2000. Academic Freedom and Christian Scholarship. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. Heins, Marjorie. 2001. Not in Front of the Children: “Indecency,” Censorship, and the Innocence of Youth. New York: Hill and Wang.

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Kincheloe, Joe L. 1983. Understanding the New Right and Its Impact on Education. Bloomington, IN: Phi Delta Kappa. Ravitch, Diane. 2003. The Language Police: How Pressure Groups Restrict What Students Learn. New York: Knopf. Smith, Gregory A. 2004. “Intellectual Freedom and the Bible College Library.” Christian Higher Education 3 (3): 241–259. Accessed 15 January 2013. doi:10.1080/15363750490433269.

—Jeffry Davis

Center for the Study of Global Christianity The Center for the Study of Global Christianity (CSGC) produces research publications and online databases to assist Christian organizations in research and strategic planning. The CSGC creates many partnerships to enhance the research knowledge base and increase overall effectiveness; it has key relationships with GordonConwell Theological Seminary and Boston University. These partnerships provide world-class research professionals with the opportunity to collaborate on Christian education, demographics, and other church-related topics. Globally, the CSGC also provides research to scholars and laypeople who are studying aspects of global Christianity. The CSGC was originally founded by David Barrett in 1965 in Nairobi as the World Evangelization Research Center (WERC). In 1985 the WERC relocated to Richmond, Virginia, to partner with the Southern Baptist International Mission Board. Barrett created the Global Evangelization Movement (GEM) and joined WERC with it. In 2003 Todd Johnson, the current director of CSGC, relocated the GEM to the Gordon-Conwell main campus as the Center for the Study of Global Christianity. The CSGC has actively provided Christian scholarship and statistics to support churches, mission organizations, and institutes of higher education. Its published books are Atlas of Global Christianity (Edinburgh University Press, 2009), World Christian Encyclopedia (Oxford University Press, 2001), and World Christian Trends: Interpreting the Annual Christian Megacensus, AD 33–AD 2001 (William Carey Library, 2001). The CSGC also maintains the World Christian Database and the World Religion Database, along with various individual global data sets. The Atlas of Global Christianity depicts more than 100 years of status changes to global Christianity. This atlas shows the shift of Christianity to the global South along with Christian affiliations and traditions in every country. Contextual maps cover world issues and major religious traditions (Todd Johnson and Kenneth Ross, Eds. 2009. Edinburgh University Press). The book has five

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distinct parts, separating facts into logical units. The five parts are included for a deep comprehension of countries, languages, data, and thematic maps on world issues and major Christian traditions. The World Christian Encyclopedia (WCE) offers an extensive survey of Christianity and religion in general. It covers every country in the world, with statistical tables focusing on the status of Christianity. The research includes a breakdown of the Christian population, Christian denominations, languages, cities, and provinces of the world. The World Christian Trends (WCT) is a companion to the World Christian Encyclopedia that includes an empirical survey of Christian martyrdom, historical trends, future projections, and finance. The trends can be viewed in charts, tables, and lists. These demographics and data provide an overview of Christian history focusing on specific key transitions. World Christian Database (WCD) is a massive collection of more than 400 categories of information. The CSGC staff weekly evaluates new sources in order to refine and improve the WCD. The WCD sources include approximately 5,000 statistical questionnaires, field surveys and interview in over 200 countries, a mass of unpublished materials, and more than 5 million distinct and separate book titles. The statistics have three primary uses: to assist in understanding the past, to provide analysis of the present, and to provide assistance with planning for the future. The World Religions Database (WRD) offers estimates of world religion demography for the period 1900 to 2050. Source materials and best estimates for every religion are included. The user can search detailed statistics on religious affiliation for every country of the world. The WRD is continuously updated by key researchers, making it a great tool for Christian organizations or individuals attempting to understand past, current, or future religious trends. The CSGC offers “Global Data,” consisting of “Global Diagrams,” “Global Commentary,” “Global Maps,” and “Global Tables and Lists.” The “Global Diagrams” display one-page snapshots of data such as martyrdom, global religious change, deployment of missionaries, human need, and enumerating Christian traditions. The “Global Commentary” contains documents about trends and world evangelism. The “Global Maps” reveal trends in evangelism and Christianization. The “Global Tables and Lists” denote the world’s 19 major distinct religions and global top 10 lists on 145 major missiometric categories. Christian education has been impacted by CSGC’s research and statistics, which have provided resources for mission boards, denominational leaders, Christian institutions of higher education, and local church leaders.

The CSGC scholarship is a tool for these entities to use to make strategic decisions about their future. Demographic trends provide organizations and planning teams with growth patterns for church planting and expansion planning. Researchers can mine the WCD and the WRD to discover historical and forecasted data. References and Resources “About the World Christian Database.” n.d. Accessed 16 March 2013. http://worldchristiandatabase.org/wcd/about/ more.asp. Atlas of Global Christianity. n.d. Accessed 16 March 2013. http://www.gordonconwell.edu/resources/CSGC-Resources .cfm. Barrett, David, George Kurian, and Todd Johnson, eds. 2001. World Christian Encyclopedia. 2nd ed. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Barrett, David, and Todd Johnson. 2001. World Christian Trends: Interpreting the Annual Christian Megacenus, AD 33–AD 2001. Pasadena, CA: William Carey Library. Center for the Study of Global Christianity. n.d. Accessed 16 March 2013. http://www.gordonconwell.edu/resources/ Center-for-the-Study-of-Global-Christianity.cfm. Johnson, Todd, and Kenneth Ross, eds. 2010. Atlas of Global Christianity. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. “Status of Global Mission—Updated for 2012.” n.d. Accessed 16 March 2013. http://www.gordonconwell.edu/resources/ CSGC-Resources.cfm. “World Christian Database Methodology.” n.d. Accessed 16 March 2013. http://www.gordonconwell.edu/resources/doc uments/WCD_methodology.pdf. “World Christian Database Source Information.” n.d. Accessed 16 March 2013. http://www.gordonconwell.edu/resources/ documents/WCD_sources.pdf. World Religion Database. n.d. Accessed 16 March 2013. http:// www.worldreligiondatabase.org/wrd_default.asp.

—Steve Yates

Centering Prayer as Christian Practice While the concept and practice of centering prayer is relatively new (an emphasis and invitation after Vatican II for Roman Catholics to renew their spirituality and spiritual pursuits),48 its origin is based in contemplative prayer described in the 14th-century classic The Cloud of Unknowing and developed by Christian mystics such as Teresa of Avila, John of the Cross, Therese of Lisieux, John Cassian, Francis de Sales, and Thomas Merton. Extending beyond the emphasis after Vatican II, contemplative prayer also 48. “History of Centering Prayer,” http://www.contemplativeoutreach .org/history-centering-prayer (accessed 1 March 1, 2013).

Chambers, Oswald

encourages correction to modern, Enlightenment-focused theologizing (Roman Catholic and Protestant)—with its emphasis on rationality and the mind—and calls for theologians to embrace contemplative prayer to build the life of the mind into union with God. “In early Christianity a theologian without spirituality was not considered a theologian. One had to have the experience of the divine union as well as the capacity to articulate it.”49 Prayer, conversation with God, is the way one enters into union with the “Ultimate Reality. God is Reality, the source and presence of everything that exists.”50 In the 1970s, three Trappist monks from St. Joseph’s Abbey in Spencer, Massachusetts (Father William Meninger, Basil Pennington, and Thomas Keating) developed this “simple, easy to learn” practice of silent prayer for “noncontemplative” people.51 Their method became known as “centering prayer,” for Thomas Merton’s description of contemplative prayer “centered entirely on the presence of God.”52 Centering prayer is “the opening of mind and heart—our whole being—to God, the Ultimate Mystery, beyond thoughts, words, and emotions.”53 Here, one focuses on deepening one’s relationship with God, moving beyond conversation into communion and union. Therefore it involves silence and stillness and contemplating a word or phrase, which acts as an icon or gateway into the conscious presence of God.54 The retreats at St. Joseph’s Abbey sparked a movement of centering prayer in the United States, extending to other countries. Based on Jesus’s command, “But when you pray, go into your room, close the door and pray to your Father, who is unseen. Then your Father, who sees what is done in secret, will reward you” (Matt. 6:6), centering prayer is a relatively simple method, which brings monastic contemplation into two 20- to 30-minute prayer periods each day. “This is an invitation to withdraw form the external world and open ourselves to the spiritual level of our being . . . to . . . stop being dominated by events . . . [and] distractions.”55 The practice enables one to rest deeply in God in silence and to let go of the thoughts, emotions, memories, images or sensations that will inevitably come into awareness during prayer. The fundamental dynamic of centering prayer is not to stop 49. Thomas Keating, “Transformational Christianity,” Sewanee Theological Review 53, no. 3 (2010): 258. 50. Ibid. 51. Joseph G. Sandman, “Centering Prayer: A Treasure for the Soul,” America 183, no. 6 (September 2000): 12–14, http://xw6fk7fu6k.search .serialssolutions.com (accessed 1 April 2013). 52. http://www.contemplativeoutreach.org/history-centering-prayer (accessed 1 March 2013). 53. http://carm.org/centering-prayer (accessed 1 April 2013). 54. Sandman, “Centering Prayer,” 12. 55. Keating, “Transformational Christianity,” 258.

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thinking or to combat thoughts as they arise, but rather to let them go gently so they can pass through one’s awareness. Thus the believer can return with his or her whole being to an awareness of God.56

After years of teaching the method in retreat settings, Thomas Keating offers four simple guidelines: 1. Choose a sacred word as the symbol of your intention to consent to God’s presence and action within. 2. Sitting comfortably with eyes closed, settle briefly and silently and introduce the sacred word as the symbol of your consent to God’s presence and action within. 3. When you become aware of thoughts, return ever so gently to the sacred word. 4. At the end of the prayer period, remain in silence with your eyes closed for a couple of minutes.57 Ultimately, centering prayer opens one to the presence and activity of God and thus to transformation into the image of Christ. Practicing centering prayer enables freedom as one sheds the domination of busyness, entertainment, or addictions. “Interior silence is one of the great ways of undermining our over-dependence on thoughts and feelings.”58 In this sense, one sheds aspects of a false self and uncovers and/or calls forth the true self united with God. “The true self emerges little by little in silence. . . . Humans especially manifest who God is.”59 Research addressing the outcomes and benefits of centering prayer is on the rise. Studies demonstrate that centering prayer reduces physiological anxiety60 and daily stress61 and even increases emotional well-being in cancer patients undergoing chemotherapy.62 —Shelly Trebesch

Chambers, Oswald Oswald Chambers was born in Aberdeen, Scotland, on 24 July 1874. When Oswald was 15, his family moved to 56. Sandman, “Centering Prayer,” 14. 57. Ibid. 58. Keating, “Transformational Christianity,” 258. 59. Ibid., 260. 60. Joshua Michael Kruse, “Differential Effects of Centering Prayer and Progressive Muscle Relaxation as an Intervention for Anxiety Reduction” (PhD diss., Rosemead School of Psychology, Biola University, 2012). 61. Jane K. Ferguson, Eleanor W. Willemsen, and Maylynn V. Castañeto, “Centering Prayer as a Healing Response to Everyday Stress: A Psychological and Spiritual Process,” Pastoral Psychology 59, no. 3 (June 2010): 305–329. 62. Mary E. Johnson, Ann M. Dose, Teri Britt Pipe, Wesley O. Petersen, Mashele Huschka, et al., “Centering Prayer for Women Receiving Chemotherapy for Recurrent Ovarian Cancer: A Pilot Study,” Oncology Nursing Forum 36, no. 4 (Jul 2009): 421–428.

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London, where shortly thereafter Clarence Chambers took Oswald to hear Charles Spurgeon. On the way home from the service, Oswald gave his life to Christ, and he soon found himself involved with other young people in openair meetings and in services at the Summer Road Mission. Oswald was convinced he should be an artist. He received his art master’s certificate in 1895 and went on for additional study at The University of Edinburgh from 1895 to 1897. Falling under the influence of Professor Baldwin Brown, Oswald was encouraged to discover connections between art and both classical and biblical literature. Notable pastors in the city also left their mark on Oswald, most especially George Matheson, Walter Smith, and Alexander Whyte. From all this God issued a call to Oswald to the ordained ministry. Oswald had nowhere to go for training. One day in the mail information appeared about Dunoon College, a theological training school near Glasgow. But he only finalized his decision after hearing Hudson Taylor, founder of the China Inland Mission, speak about the need for people to completely trust in God. Oswald enrolled in Dunoon in 1897. Events in his life after this moved swiftly, through an extended ministry with the League of Prayer (1901– 1911), which included preaching all over Great Britain and in the United States (with an opportunity to also teach at God’s Bible School in Cincinnati) and Japan (where he met the founding families of the Oriental Missionary Society, the Cowmans and Kilbournes). On a ministry trip to the United States in 1908, he met 24-year-old Gertrude Hobbs, whose aunt had asked Oswald to look after her on the journey. She was on board to take a job in New York City—a job that included shorthand transcription. As Oswald and Gertrude (whom he affectionately called “Biddy”) traveled to the United States, they also fell in love, culminating in marriage on 25 May 1910. Their daughter, Kathleen, was born on 24 May 1913. By 1911, Oswald and Biddy were both ready to settle down and engage in a less travel-oriented ministry. They were led to establish the Bible Training College in London. Oswald served as principal (and primary faculty member), and Biddy was the first lady and provider of day-to-day hospitality for the students. For four years, the Chambers were blessed to have the opportunity to educate men and women for ministry in the church. With the outbreak of World War I, Oswald responded to another call from God: to serve as a YMCA chaplain to British troops in Egypt. Oswald taught nearly every day (1915–1917), with Biddy transcribing his messages into shorthand. This ministry ended unexpectedly with Oswald’s death on 15 November 1917, from complications from an appendectomy performed several days earlier.

A great voice was silenced. If Biddy had not transcribed Oswald’s messages into shorthand, we would never have learned so much about the man and his ministry. Within several months of his death, Biddy began to make Oswald’s messages available. This became the ministry that occupied her, in one way or another, until her death on 15 January 1966. Kathleen was also involved in this work. Thanks to these two women, along with other devoted friends, we have the voluminous writings of Oswald Chambers, none more influential than the daily readings entitled My Utmost for His Highest (1927), thought by some to be the most-read Christian book except for the Bible. The reference list below contains a sampling of other publications, including Discovery House Publishers’ volume containing all of Chambers’s works—the result of Biddy’s loving and extensive shorthand transcriptions as she sat in churches, lecture halls, and military tents listening to Oswald preach and teach. We will never know how many individuals, Sunday school classes, and small groups have used these materials in Christian education ministries. We will never know how many preachers and teachers have quoted Oswald Chambers all around the world. But it is certain that many will continue to do so for generations to come. References and Resources Chambers, Gertrude. 1933. Oswald Chambers: His Life and Work. London: Simpkin Marshall, Ltd. Chambers, Oswald. 1927. My Utmost for His Highest. Printed by various publishers in a variety of editions, especially Grand Rapids, MI: Discovery House Publishers. ———. 1970. Still Higher for His Highest. Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan. The Complete Works of Oswald Chambers. 2000. Grand Rapids, MI: Discovery House Publishers. McCasland, David. 1993. Abandoned to God: The Life Story of the Author of “My Utmost for His Highest.” London: The Oswald Chambers Publication Association. Published in the United States: Grand Rapids, MI: Discovery House Publishers. ———. 2008. The Quotable Oswald Chambers. London: The Oswald Chambers Publication Association. Published in the United States: Grand Rapids, MI: Discovery House Publishers.

—Steve Harper

Changing Paradigms of Theological Education Recently, changing paradigms of theological education have emerged. The situation confronting theological education today is characterized by rapid changes in three ways. First, the contemporary situation has created an environment resulting in the need for changing

Changing Paradigms of Theological Education

the definition of theology. Theology has evolved since the Reformation from habitus, sapiential knowing, to a cluster of sciences (Farley 1984, 116–122; 1985). Second, the contemporary situation has been dominated by cultural and religious pluralism: the division of society into different groups with distinct, even incommensurable, cultural and religious traditions (Kim 2001, 260–286). Third, the contemporary situation has led to contextual changes in theological schools, with increasing numbers of women, ethnic minority, and international students, as well as an older student population, partially because of rising numbers of those pursuing second careers (Hough 1990, 8–9). Contextual changes in theological schools have raised serious questions about the adequacy and efficiency of traditional theological education and have called for facing contemporary issues. Recent discussions about theological education have varied according to the forms and the foci of scholars and their theological perspectives. However diverse their proposals have been, most scholars have summarized recent phenomena of theological education in three ways: (1) the clerical paradigm, (2) the theory-to-practice paradigm, and (3) the structure of theological education (Kim 2007, 422). 1. The clerical paradigm: Theological education became identified with clergy education and was therefore confined to schools with this purpose (Farley 1987, 35–66). According to Joseph Hough Jr. and John Cobb Jr. (1985), the aim of theological education was to teach “effective church leaders who are able to guide congregations and church organizations in developing an authentic theological identity and thereby becoming contexts for nurturing and guiding mission in the world” (19). 2. Theory-to-practice paradigm: The movement of theological education from theory to application in reality broadened the gap between theory and ministerial practice and fostered a a narrow conception of theology as a vocational matter. Craig Dykstra (1991) proposed a reorientation of the ways of thinking theologically about practice and called for a more dynamic view of practice and cooperative human activities that have been socially established over time (35–36). 3. The structure of theological education: Theological disciplines in education developed into secluded cognitive territories that only related to ordained ministers. Furthermore, the false dichotomy between theory and practice was reinforced and supported by a narrow conception of theology as a vocational concern. This fragmented structure of theological education resulted in what Edward

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Farley (1984) called a certain void or lacuna in the theological curriculum (20). In the face of religious and cultural pluralism as well as contextual changes in theological education, serious questions have arisen about the nature of theological education. Many scholars have criticized the clerical paradigm, the theory-to-practice paradigm, and the fragmented structure of theological education and curriculum adopted by theological education. These problems have resulted in a critical dichotomy between theological education and congregations, between theory and practice, between the content and process of education, and between the community of faith and society (Kim 2007, 432–433). Christianity has played an important role in people’s lives and offered both an interpretive mode of the ultimate context of existence and a sense of commitment and obligation to moral norms. With rapid changes in society, however, Christianity has been confined to the private sphere, centering primarily on personal, subjective needs (Luhmann 1984; Osmer 1990). Moreover, Christianity is everywhere a minority in contemporary society, including in Korea. This phenomenon has also affected the role of theological education, focusing on its private function of answering purely religious questions, not on those regarding social life as a whole. This phenomenon has prompted a call for a different paradigm for theological education, generating a new ethos of concern for theological wholeness, bridging the gap between theory and practice and between the community of faith and society. References and Resources Cobb Jr., John B. and Joseph C. Hough Jr. Christian Identity and Theological Education. Chico, California: Scholars Press, 1985. Dykstra, Craig. “Reconceiving Practice.” Shifting Boundaries: Contextual Approaches to the Structure of Theological Education, edited by Barbara G. Wheeler and Edward Farley, 35–66. Louisville, Kentucky: Westminster/John Knox Press, 1991. Farley, Edward. “Theological Education: Some Strategies for Change.” Trinity Seminary Review 6, (June 4–6, 1984): 116–112. Hough Jr., Joseph C. “Theological Education, Pluralism and the Common Good.” Theological Education XXVII, no. 1 (1990): 8–20. Kim, Hyun-Sook. “Changing Paradigms in Theological Education: Dreams and Visions of Christian Higher Education.” Christian Responses to Asian Challenges: A Globalization View on Christian Higher Education in East Asia, edited by LeungYuen Sang and Peter Tze Ming Ng Philip, 421–439. Hong Kong: Centre for the Study of Religion and Chinese Society, 2007.

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———. “Christian Education for the Postconventional Christian Identity in the Modern Context.” International Journal of Practical Theology, vol. 5, no.2. (Fall, 2001): 260–286. Luhmann, Niklaus. Religious Dogmatics and the Evolution of Society, trans. Peter Beyer. New York: The Edwin Mellen Press, 1984. Osmer, Richard. R. Teachable Spirit: Recovering the Teaching Office in the Church. Louisville, Kentucky: Westminster/ John Knox Press, 1990.

—Hyun-Sook Kim

Chaplaincies In countries where universities have historically been shaped in some way by Christianity, there tend to be university chaplaincies. When the more ancient of such universities were formed, in a Christendom type of culture, it was axiomatic that the church should be part of education. Universities were, as the name suggests, about truth, perceived to have a unity in God. The chaplain, with his prayers, learning, and sacraments, would be a natural part of such a community, helping it engage with God. Chaplains helped the faithful learn more about the faith and contributed as Christians to the more general educational work of the university. As later universities developed, some with Christian influence, some not, chaplaincies developed in different ways. They typically persist even in more pluralist and secular cultures, where any Christian origins of the university are likely to be not as central to the consciousness of the university as they once were. Typically, chaplaincy is now a partnership between church and university, though the partners may have differing agendas. For example, from the church’s perspective, chaplaincy may be a gift to the university, the educational work of which it recognizes as a public good and which it wishes to support as such. It may also be a recognition that ministry focused on geographical, residential areas fails to deal with those parts of life lived away from home. Chaplaincy is the church putting itself in the workplace; in the case of the university, in places where cultures and individuals are formed as part of the work of higher education. Through chaplaincy the church seeks to influence that formation with and for the Gospel. In some cases, there may be an overt proselytizing element; how far it is appropriate for universities to facilitate such work is contested and varies according to context. What the university wants from chaplaincy differs across continents and depending on the nature of the university. A ministry of care is likely to be one feature. Others include community building; creating links with the world outside the university; giving advice on what

may be regarded as the increasingly complex, and perhaps problematic, matter of religion; purveying ritual to the university; providing services and support for those who are religious; and teaching on religion in universities without a theology or religious studies faculty. Models of chaplaincy do vary. A traditional Christian one is that of “ministry to the institution,” often expressed now in terms of the chaplain working with people of all faiths and none and engaging in the life of the university as fully as possible, including in education, working on the agendas that arise as gospel and university are brought together. Another is “student worker”; the chaplain works with students of her or his own faith, educating and supporting them in faith and ensuring adequate provision is made for them in the university. Traditionally, chaplaincy has been a Christian ministry, often undertaken by the ordained. In the second half of the 20th century, it became more multifaith, with members of chaplaincy teams being appointed from a variety of religious and, occasionally, nonreligious traditions. Chaplaincy thus becomes a focus for interreligious learning. It becomes a place for facing difficult questions, such as which groups should formally be recognized by the university and which not; for example, should socalled new religious movements be recognized? It can also be criticized for bringing together under a basically Christian nomenclature groups that may have different understandings of chaplaincy, if that word is one they would naturally use at all. Thus chaplaincy finds itself “on the edge” and facing the sorts of questions that arise in that place. They are important questions in a world learning to live with diversity. Living with such questions, chaplains gain learning important for both church and university, a reminder that chaplains have a ministry to the church as well as to the university. References and Resources McGrail, Peter, and John Sullivan, eds. 2007. Dancing on the Edge. Chaplaincy, Church and Higher Education. Chelmsford, England: Matthew James Publishing. Shockley, Donald G. 1989. Campus Ministry: The Church Beyond Itself. Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press.

—Stephen Heap

Character Character education has always been of significant concern in the church. Generally, character refers to the moral and ethical life of a Christian, which includes judgments, attitudes, and actions. In the first three centuries AD, character formation was taken seriously in a society hostile to the Christian faith. It was viewed as part of one’s

Character Development

relationship with God and not an independent discipline or philosophical subject. While the home and family were seen as essential in the training of children, one of the most significant developments came about through the establishment of the catechumenate. Culminating in baptism and church membership, catechumenal schools were designed to train the adult convert in the Christian faith and way of living. More recently, character is commonly referred to as moral development and has largely been viewed through the lens of psychological development and social learning. Sociologists see character development as primarily influenced by one’s social relationships and therefore emphasize the importance of influential mentors and role models such as parents, teachers, community leaders, and other social contacts. In psychology, Lawrence Kohlberg’s research and writing has dominated the study of moral development. His claim that moral character is formed in the cognitive structure of the person has been controversial among Christian educators. While many religious educators have utilized Kohlberg’s theories and integrated them into character education curriculum, many others have criticized his theories as being inadequate and incompatible with biblical teaching. Most previous emphases in character development and education have been most closely associated with virtue ethics and have often emphasized behavioral outcomes. More recent educational approaches have attempted to strike a balance between the internal and external activities of character development. It is important to develop and maintain a sensitive conscience as the seat of one’s moral standards as well as a lifestyle of obedience to God as evidenced in moral actions and disciplined personal habits. Changes in behavior are not regarded as a direct objective but as an indirect outcome of the person who is responding to God’s love. Spiritual formation curriculum emphasizes the development of a Christlike character through the regular practice of spiritual disciplines. The only way to demonstrate publicly the outward actions of Christ is by privately practicing the disciplines He practiced, such as prayer, fasting, and solitude. Such discipline is intended to result in a greater responsiveness to God through the work of the Holy Spirit and deeper relationships in Christian community. Current thought in character development is returning to the classical thinkers such as Aristotle and theologians like Augustine to root character development in the concept of the flourishing life, which sees God as the supreme good. This model of character development views the development of a Christlike character as essential to the flourishing life. Most agree that parents have the greatest influence on character development in their children. This has

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been consistent in character development curriculum throughout the centuries. Other influences include the church, Christian schools and universities, as well as one’s mentors and broader social community. —Thomas Kimber

Character Development Definition Character education is the long-term process of helping young people develop the knowledge, skills, and abilities to make informed, wise, and responsible choices. From a Christian perspective, character education encourages students to be transformed into the image of Christ through an emphasis on helping students grow spiritually and the consistent modeling of good character by adults in their lives (Selig and Arroyo 1989). History of Character Education During the early days of the American colonies, there was concern on the part of the adults to instill in the hearts and minds of the young a moral code. This was consistent with passions that drove such people as the Puritans to immigrate to America and establish a new society centered on the worship of the Almighty. Schools during the colonial era, although not always called Christian schools, were essentially an outgrowth of the local churches and were unabashedly Christian in their practices and worldview. Between 1776 and 1825, America began to move away from the religiously based community schools toward a publicly supported form of education that became increasingly secular (Kaestle 1983). In large part, this was due to the growing number of immigrants from abroad who had more diverse religious backgrounds. The effects of increasing secularization in society, culminating in the philosophy of secular humanism and laws that eventually made mention of religion virtually illegal in the 1960s, are thought by many to be causes of an erosion of character in the American culture (Arroyo and Jordan 2011). Despite schools becoming increasingly secular, a plethora of books and articles were published in the 1990s about the need to instill character in our children from a traditional Judeo-Christian perspective. William Bennett (1993), former U.S. secretary of education, wrote the best seller The Book of Virtues: Treasures of Great Moral Stories. Lickona (1993), Kilpatrick (1992), and Ryan (1993) also wrote books and articles for educators on the reasons for and methods of character education in all schools. Organizations such as the Character Education Partnership and Character Counts offer programs and training particularly for public schools in the area of character education. In addition, state and federal legislation for

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Character Education

public school improvements highly encourages character education initiatives and programs. Teaching Character Christian educators have been struggling for many years to find an effective educational model that has the depth and breadth to serve as a springboard in helping students develop the Christian character we desire. One model that seems to hold a lot of promise in creating the framework for the development of a model to teach character is an approach posited by Selig, Arroyo, and Tonkin (2009), which proposes that character education can be broken into four primary groups. These groups are the foundation from which a character education framework can be developed and specific strategies can be created for both groups and individuals. These are the four groups, with examples of some of the supporting character qualities:

Kilpatrick, W. 1992. Why Johnny Can’t Tell Right from Wrong: And What We Can Do About It. New York: Simon and Schuster. Kliebard, Herbert M. 1986. The Struggle for the American Curriculum, 1893–1958. Boston: Routledge and Kegan Paul. Lickona, T. 1993. “The Return of Character Education.” Educational Leadership 51 (3): 6–11. Ryan, K. 1993. “Mining Values in the Curriculum.” Educational Leadership 51 (3): 16–18. Selig, W. G., and A. A. Arroyo. 1989. Loving Our Differences: Building Successful Family Relationships. Virginia Beach, VA: CBN Publishing. Selig, W. G., A. A. Arroyo, and S. E. Tonkin. 2009. Handbook of Individualized Strategies for Building Character. Los Angeles: Western Psychological Services. Smith, W., ed. 1973. Theories of Education in Early America 1655—1819. Indianapolis, IN: Bobbs–Merrill Co.

—W. George Selig and Alan A. Arroyo • Workmanship: Becoming productive individuals who accept responsibility and are faithful to what we are called to do. Supporting qualities include dependability, organization, perseverance, and initiative. • Self-control: Giving up our rights in deference to the rights of others and not thinking more highly of ourselves than we ought. We strive to mature in our faith and actions by controlling our natural desires. Supporting qualities include restraint, flexibility, patience, and discipline. • Relationship: Getting along with others and working cooperatively, demonstrating loyalty and trustworthiness in all our actions, and encouraging others to fulfill their destiny. Supporting qualities include sensitivity, forthrightness, loyalty, and honesty. • Empathy: Putting ourselves in the place of others to understand their plight and reach out to them in a loving, faithful, and sensitive manner. Supporting qualities include forgiveness, sincerity, attentiveness, and humility. The developers of a character education curriculum should strive to make it a seamless part of the total curriculum. This allows an integration of Christian character into every aspect of students’ lives, so that as the years progress they begin to reflect the character of Christ in all that they say, do, and think. References and Resources Arroyo, A., and H. Jordan, eds. 2011. The Secret Kingdom for Educators. Boston: Pearson. Bennett, W. J. 1993. Book of Virtues: A Treasury of Great Moral Stories. New York: Simon and Schuster. Kaestle, Carl F. 1983. Pillars of the Republic: Common Schools and American Society 1780–1860. New York: Hill and Wang.

Character Education For many centuries character education was at the heart of K–12 schooling. One should not be surprised that moral training and instruction played such a central role, because (1) for centuries Western educational traditions viewed the moral component of schooling to be education’s primary focus, and (2) those European settlers who first arrived in North America cultivated and maintained that as their primary focus throughout schooling (Dupuis 1966; Marrou 1956). Regarding the first point, beginning with Plato, Aristotle, Cicero, Quintilian, the early Christians, Augustine, Martin Luther, Calvin, and Erasmus, virtually all key Western educational leaders believed that the character component of schooling was the most indispensable (Jeynes 2007). As John Elias (1995, 41) notes, “Since antiquity the development of the moral or virtuous person has been the primary aim of education.” The Christians in the first few centuries following Christ’s birth also emphasized righteousness. One focal point of the early Christian emphasis on education was equality (Cubberley 1920; Jeynes 2007; Marrou 1956). Of all the cultures and philosophies in the world, the early Christians were the first to declare that all humans were equal. In every other locale on Earth, it was naturally assumed that the leaders of the country were superior to the remainder of the populace. In Galatians 3:28 the Bible states: “There is neither Jew nor Greek, there is neither slave nor free, there is neither male nor female.” As a result of this belief, 80 percent of the early Christians were either slaves or women (Dupuis 1966). As the centuries passed, Christians continued in their insistence that the Bible be the center of the curriculum.

Character Education

The centrality of character instruction was evident in the practices of the early European settlers, particularly the more religious ones. The Puritans were strong believers in what many have called the “holy triad” of the home, church, and school, with each institution supporting the other two and communicating with the other two in order to secure desirable moral and academic outcomes (Bailyn 1960; Jeynes 2007, 2010). This emphasis was evident also in higher education. From the perspective of educators the professor was “in the first place be a man of virtue. For . . . it be the main end of education to make virtuous men” (Clarke as cited in Jeynes 2010, 93). A variety of leaders at the time of the Revolutionary War also advocated the primacy of moral instruction. Benjamin Rush, the most prominent physician at the time, who signed the Declaration of Independence, believed that in order for character instruction to be successful, the Bible had to be at the center of the curriculum. Rush (1951, 5) declared, “Every precept of the Gospel inculcates those degrees of humility, self-denial, and brotherly kindness.” Benjamin Rush believed that teachers needed to not only instruct students in love and kindness, but also exhibit this behavior. Blinderman (1976, 11) notes that Benjamin Franklin, “like Luther, . . . believed that it is easier to educate youth than to cure adults.” Charity schools, private religious schools that educated the vast majority of students for little or no tuition, were the main means of schooling children at the time. Over time the charity schools, including the New York Free School Society, became well known for the efficacy of their moral education programs. DeWitt Clinton, the president of this group, stated: “Of the many thousands who have been instructed in our free schools in the City of New York, there is not a single instance known of anyone being convicted of a crime” (quoted in Fitzpatrick 1969, 54). For decades leaders of the American public school movement, such as Horace Mann, Henry Barnard, and Emma Willard, also declared the character education should be at the center of the curriculum. This importance of character education was assumed by Americans until the early 1960s. In the 1950s and early 1960s, the United States was in the midst of spiritual revival and at its economic zenith. Statistics on morality and spirituality were encouraging. By 1960, 69 percent of Americans were members of a church, which was one of the highest percentages in the nation’s history. Many social scientists referred to the 1950s as the “Eisenhower revival.” It was a period in which Billy Graham was drawing millions of people to his crusades, and toy stores made prayer dolls that could pray out loud. The economic situation in

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the United States was equally impressive. Although the United States had only 5–6 percent of the world’s population, it produced 55 percent of the world’s goods. With all these data in mind, one might not expect that actions were about to be taken that would dramatically change the spiritual and moral atmosphere of the country. And yet, if one in retrospect examines the scenario at that time, the situation in the 1950s and early 1960s invited complacency and mobilized antireligious forces that resented the fact that the United States was experiencing a period of spiritual renewal. The U.S. Supreme Court, in three decisions in 1962– 1963, removed prayer and Bible readings from the public schools. The decision has been a very controversial one over the years, largely for two reasons. First, many believe it violates the freedom of religious expression. Second, in the first few decades following the decision, juvenile crime soared, and many social scientists believed the removal of character education that was associated with these activities was partially to blame. In contemporary times, there have been various isolated efforts to revive character education in the schools, apart from a religious context. It remains to be seen whether many schools will again recognize the salience of character instruction. References and Resources Bailyn, Bernard. 1960. Education in the Forming of the American Society, Durham, NC: University of North Carolina Press Blinderman, A. 1976. Three Early Champions of Education: Benjamin Franklin, Benjamin Rush, and Noah Webster. Bloomington, IN: Phi Delta Kappa Educational Foundation. Cubberley, E. 1920. The History of Education. Boston: Houghton Mifflin. Dupuis, A. M. 1966. Philosophy of Education in Historical Perspective. Chicago: Rand McNally. Elias, J. L. 1995. Philosophy of Education: Classical and Contemporary. Malabar, FL: Krieger Publishing. Fitzpatrick, E. A. 1969. The Educational Views and Influence of DeWitt Clinton. New York: Arno Press. Jeynes, W. 2007. American Educational History: School, Society & the Common Good. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Publications. ———. 2010. A Call for Character Education and Prayer in the Schools. Westport, CT: Praeger. Marrou, H. I. 1956. A History of Education in Antiquity. New York: Sheed & Ward. Rush, B. 1951. Letter to Richard Price, 25 May 1786. In Letters of Benjamin Rush, edited by L. H. Butterfield, I:388–389. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.

—William Jeynes

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Charlemagne

Charlemagne Charlemagne, Holy Roman Emperor Charlemagne (2 April 742–28 January 814), also known as Karl or Charles the Great, was a Frankish king best known for being the first emperor of the Holy Roman Empire (25 December 800–his death). Charlemagne’s greatest contributions to Christian education were those steps he took that led to and characterized the Carolingian Renaissance. Charlemagne’s father, Pepin III (the Short), was mayor of the Merovingian palace; he exercised power over much of the Frankish kingdom and is generally recognized as the first of the Carolingian kings. Upon Pepin’s death in 768, Charlemagne reigned jointly with his brother, Carloman, but rivalry between the two proved to be divisive. When Carloman died in 771, Charlemagne took over complete control of the Frankish realms. Upon gaining power, Charlemagne sought to unite all Germanic people and to convert all of his realm to Christianity. In 799, Pope Leo III, having been physically attacked, fled Rome. Late the next year, Charlemagne led in restoring Leo III to the papal office. On Christmas Day in 800, Charlemagne attended mass at the basilica of St. Peter. There, Leo III crowned Charlemagne and proclaimed him “emperor of the Romans.” After his coronation, Charlemagne never returned to Rome, having no one seat of government, but holding court mostly in Aachen (also known as Aix-la-Chapelle and located on the western edge of today’s Germany). The Carolingian Renaissance From Aachen, Charlemagne increased commerce within his dominion and with Muslims, Venice, and Byzantium. The young Charlemagne had been illiterate, but he would eventually study Latin and Greek as well as other subjects such as logic and rhetoric. In 776, he added to the already established palace school the eminent scholars and grammarians Peter of Pisa and Paulinus of Aquilea. Through his association with these men and his exposure to the learning of Muslim scholars, he became open to new ideas and concerned about the state of education in the church and among all his subjects. In Charlemagne’s kingdom, many of the clergy and monastics were barely literate—even those dedicated to copying biblical manuscripts. Furthermore, there was little or no consistency regarding Latin, the scholar language, nor writing, nor punctuation. With the implementation of the standardized writing style called Carolingian minuscule, the Latin alphabet and Latin writing would be more easily read and comprehended throughout the Holy Roman Empire. In his “Capitulary of 787,” Charlemagne, while noting and complimenting the piety among the clergy and monks, expressed concern over their poor grammar

and writing skills. He also observed that a better educated clergy could better understand and communicate scripture. Toward that end, Charlemagne brought to his palace school the Anglo-Saxon scholar and Benedictine monk Alcuin of York (c. 735–804), to teach him and his sons and to design a curriculum for the palace school—a course of study that would also better educate the clergy and the monks. What Alcuin and the other palace scholars devised was the origin of the medieval approach to the seven liberal arts. These had been presaged in Aristotle’s Politics, VIII, 3, in which the philosopher noted “the liberal sciences” for the moral and intellectual education of citizens in a democracy. These would later be outlined by the fifth-century Roman writer Martianus Capella (in his De Nuptiis) and would include the trivium (grammar, logic, and rhetoric, which taught people to write, to think, and to persuade) and the quadrivium (arithmetic, geometry, music, and astronomy). This would be the foundational curriculum for medieval universities and become a vital part of the revival of learning known as the Carolingian Renaissance. The Carolingian Renaissance, initiated by Charlemagne, had innumerable and profound impacts on learning, education, and society. More schools were established. Christian knowledge proliferated. Scholarship in the church improved. Religious practices became more consistent. The culture grew more homogeneous. References and Resources Collins, Roger. 1999. Early Medieval Europe: 300–1000. 2nd ed. New York: St. Martin’s Press. Elias, John L. 2002. A History of Christian Education: Protestant, Catholic, and Orthodox Perspectives. Malabar, FL: Krieger Publishing. Gamble, Richard M., ed. 2010. The Great Tradition: Classic Readings on What It Means to Be an Educated Human Being. Wilmington, DE: ISI Books. Noble, Thomas F. X., trans. 2009. Charlemagne and Louis the Pious: The Lives by Einhard, Notker, Ermoldus, Thegan, and the Astronomer. University Park: The Pennsylvania State University Press.

—Ronnie Prevost

Chautauqua Movement The Chautauqua Institution is a nonprofit educational community “dedicated to the exploration of the best in human values and the enrichment of life through a program that explores the important religious, social and political issues of our times” (Chautauqua Institution 2013). Located on a 750-acre site on Chautauqua Lake in New York State, the institution offers a nine-week sum-

Children and Worship, Sonya Stewart’s Views of

mer program focusing on the arts, education, religion, and recreation. The institution was founded in 1874 as the Chautauqua Lake Sunday School Assembly (CLSSA) by Methodist pastor John H. Vincent, along with Lewis Miller, a wealthy Methodist layman. Both Vincent and Miller had unique backgrounds that contributed to the immediate and ongoing success of Chautauqua. Lewis proposed the lakeside setting as an ideal venue for education combined with recreation, which contributed significantly to the endeavor’s early and enduring popularity. Vincent wanted to provide an equal educational opportunity of lifelong learning for adults of all ages and social status, insisting that the “‘Chautauqua idea’ must awaken . . . a fresh enthusiasm in true living, and bring rich and poor, learned and unlearned, into neighborship [sic] and comradeship, helpful and honorable to both” (Vincent 1886, 2). He believed that those who did not have the opportunity for formal education should still have the opportunity to more fully develop their intellectual capabilities. Furthermore, Vincent insisted that such learning was a Christian obligation for everyone, because “all knowledge, religious or secular, is sacred to him who reverently surrenders himself to God, that he may become like God” (Vincent 1886, 13). The institution originally intended to provide courses for Sunday school teachers corresponding to the courses provided for public school teachers in “normal schools.” However, course offerings were soon expanded to include other general education subjects as well as music, art, and physical education. The institution initially welcomed participants from all Protestant denominations and subsequently extended its programming to all religions. Wanting to provide college-level learning for people who had neither the money nor the time to pursue it, Vincent formed the Chautauqua Literary and Scientific Circle (CLSC) in 1878. As Vincent explained, “it puts the preparatory and college curricula into good readable English, and helps people out of college to know what is going on there” (Vincent 1886, 74). Increasing access to higher learning, the CLSC was one of the first systematic attempts at distance learning, consisting of a four-year correspondence curriculum. The CLSC was responsible for the worldwide expansion of Chautauqua, so that by 1886, Vincent could claim “more than one hundred thousand names on its record books, and more than half of them pursuing . . . one or more of its prescribed courses” (Vincent 1886, 74). All Chautauqua programs offered through the original New York site were reorganized as a single entity under the name Chautauqua Institution in 1902. Following the success of the CLSC, similar endeavors called “chautauquas” were established throughout the United States. This gave rise to the “Chautauqua movement,” spreading the Chautauqua ideal of providing women and men with learning opportunities

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“aimed at intellectual and moral self-improvement and civic involvement” (Chautauqua 2013). By 1915, at the movement’s height, more than 12,000 communities in the United States had hosted their own, independent “chautauquas.” With increasing mobility due to the automobile and the growing popularity of movies and radio as sources of entertainment, the Chautauqua movement died out by the late 1930s. The increase in educational access and professional opportunities, especially for women, also contributed to the movement’s eventual demise. The impact of the Chautauqua Institution goes far beyond its current summer offerings in New York or the earlier, widespread influence of its nontraditional educational programs and their diverse offshoots. John Vincent anticipated and implemented many principles for the education of adults that became foundational for the modern adult educational movement decades later. Noted adult educator Harold Stubblefield has described the abiding contribution of Chautauqua and Vincent: A substantial case can be made for arguing that John H. Vincent’s The Chautauqua Movement (1886) presents the first modern theory of adult education in the United States. The legacy of Chautauqua to the adult education movement encompasses both its educational innovations and its educational thought. Its contribution to educational thought—the idea that learning should extend throughout a person’s lifetime—merits greater recognition than it has yet received. (Stubblefield 1981, 199)

References and Resources Chautauqua. 2013. History of the Chautauqua Movement. Accessed May 9, 2013. http://www.chautauqua.com/history _movement.html. Chautauqua Institution. 2013. About Us/Our History. Accessed May 9, 2013. http://www.ciweb.org/our-history/. Scott, John. 1999. “The Chautauqua Movement: Revolution in Popular Higher Education.” Journal of Higher Education 70 (4): 389–404. Stubblefield, Harold. 1981. “The Idea of Lifelong Learning in the Chautauqua Movement.” Adult Education Quarterly 31: 199–208. Vincent, John H. 1886. The Chautauqua Movement. Boston: Chautauqua Press.

—John Lillis

Children and Worship, Sonya Stewart’s Views of In the early 1980s a professor of Christian education at Western Theological Seminary in Holland, Michigan, Dr. Sonya Stewart, picked up a copy of Sofia Cavalletti’s seminal work, The Religious Potential of the Child: Experiencing

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Scripture and Liturgy with Young Children. Along with Stewart’s own thinking and previous studies on how children learn, Cavalletti’s research influenced Stewart’s understanding of how children experience faith, which ultimately led her to design a rich worship experience for children in the church, which she called Young Children and Worship. In 1985 Stewart took two of her Western Theological Seminary students to attend a workshop at Christ Church Cathedral (Houston) led by and based on the work of Episcopal priest and canon educator Jerome Berryman and his pedagogical model, which he later termed Godly Play. Berryman, also deeply influenced by the work of Sofia Cavalletti as well as Maria Montessori, refers to his work in Godly Play as the fourth generation of the religious Montessori pedagogical tradition, the second being the work of E. M. Standing (1887–1967) and the third that of Sofia Cavalletti (1917–2011).63 Out of that Houston workshop grew a writing partnership between Stewart and Berryman, who presented their coauthored book, Young Children and Worship, for publication (1988). Twelve years later Stewart published Following Jesus (2000). More than simply learning about God, Stewart’s intention with Young Children and Worship was a mission to create a sacred space where children can encounter God and experience worship of God—a place to be still with God—where they come to nurture their spiritual lives. Stewart provided three reasons for using a worship context for telling and working with biblical stories rather than a school environment: First, through worship participation God is experienced as we enter into scripture and allow the Holy Spirit to convince us of the truth of His word. Second, worship transforms ordinary time and space into sacred time and space. The experience of God is one of mystery, awe, and wonder. The time and space of worship engage a special form of remembering that involves imagination and forms meaning within the ancient-future Christian community throughout all time. Third, young children need God and a religious community to provide love, security, appropriate freedom, continuity, order, and meaning.64 The rituals of worship in the Young Children and Worship space meet these needs for meaning and order amid the chaos of life. Although specifically designed to nurture three- to seven-year-olds, Stewart’s method has been effectively used with people of all ages, including the elderly and the infirm in nursing homes and hospitals. Young Children and Worship is now used in churches across America, as well as in South Africa, England, South Korea, Mexico, and Japan. 63. Jerome Berryman, Teaching Godly Play: How to Mentor the Spiritual Development of Children (Denver, CO: Morehouse, 2009), 24. 64. Jerome Berryman and Sonja Stewart, Young Children and Worship (Louisville, KY: Westminster, 1988), 13–14.

Stewart earned degrees from Muskingum College, Pittsburgh Theological Seminary, and the University of Notre Dame. She served on the Western Theological Seminary (WTS) faculty from 1970 until ill health led to her early retirement in 2002. She died in 2006. Unlike the classroom model of pedagogy, Stewart fashioned her distinctive approach around the rhythm of Christian worship. In the years following her development of Young Children and Worship, she could regularly be seen carrying a familiar gold “parable” box into her classroom at WTS, where she would begin a story by looking carefully at the gold box and saying softly that parables always come in a gold box because they are very precious . . . like gold. Young Children and Worship differs from other similar methods (Godly Play, Catechesis of the Good Shepherd, etc.) in that is puts more emphasis on the form and action of worship and the fourfold order of Christian worship: gathering—preparation for worship/ the approach to God; listening—proclamation of the Word of God; responding—thanksgiving and response to the Word proclaimed; and sending—going out in God’s name.65 The key distinctive, however, is that while Berryman’s Godly Play method puts emphasis on the function of religious language—parables, sacred story, and liturgical action—in the moral and spiritual development of children, Stewart’s Young Children and Worship emphasizes Christian worship and the function of symbols and religious imagination in Christian formation.66 The singing as a part of worship, the presentation of the Christ candle, and opening the biblical text following each story are essential components of Stewart’s Young Children and Worship model. Some have referred to the work of Sonja Stewart as a fifth generation model of the religious Montessori pedagogical tradition, following the work of Sofia Cavalletti, E. M. Standing, and Jerome Berryman. Her two books are useful additions for any church or school incorporating the Godly Play or Catechesis of the Good Shepherd materials. Stewart’s books provide detailed training, lessons (including scripture and layout), and complete patterns, so that churches may easily and inexpensively create their own figures and other materials.67 —Trevecca Okholm

Children at Church, Protecting Society has changed a great deal over the last few decades. People can no longer leave the doors of their homes 65. Ibid., 17. 66. Ibid., 7. 67. http://www.childrenandworship.org.

Children at Church, Protecting

unlocked and allow their children to play freely outside all day with no supervision. Churches must be aware of these changes and protect their children, leaders, and ministries as a whole. At the same time, there has been an alarming increase in cases involving the abuse of children. These issues present a direct challenge to the integrity of the church. If educators fail to vigorously confront these issues, there will be no winners, only losers. At stake is one of the most valuable assets any society or culture has to offer. At issue is the “child” and his or her survival in the institutional church. Addressing this issue requires an aggressive course of action on the part of every minister and congregation. There are numerous educational programs available for children in the church setting. They require a large number of caregivers and teachers, most of whom have had no formal training in teaching, child care, or safety and security. Because the church is “one of the leading providers of programs for small children in the United States, churches need to give special attention to providing safe environments for infants and preschoolers” (Nye, 2009, 25). It is vital for churches to create specific policies and procedures designed to best protect the children placed in their care. The book of Titus reminds the church, “Your message is to be sound beyond reproach, so that the opponent will be ashamed, having nothing bad to say about us” (Titus 2:8, HCSB). It is the responsibility of the church to conduct every program in such a way that when the world looks upon it, they will see that everything possible has been done to protect the children. Church leaders must take every precaution “through a systematic program of inspection, and training both paid and volunteer staff members to recognize unsafe conditions and correct them, and to follow safe procedures in the care of children (Pollock, n.d.). Maintenance for safety and security is an ongoing process that must be reevaluated on a regular basis. It is necessary for church leaders to stay as current as possible with local, state, and national guidelines. Also, proper insurance is a necessity for all church programs no matter the size of the congregation. It is important for the church leadership to consult an attorney to review all safety and security policies and insurance requirements. This plan should be updated on a regular basis. Following are some areas of concern that should be reviewed by the church leadership (adapted from Hudson, n.d.). (This is not an exhaustive list.) • Criminal background checks should be conducted for all leaders, staff, and volunteers who come into contact with children and/or the children’s ministry areas of the church. Those who work with children should be asked to complete an application that provides a

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work history, listing both secular and church-related service. References should also be provided. Specific check-in and check-out procedures should be required for all children attending any program offered at the church. These procedures must be followed for every child in attendance, including the children of any staff members or employees. Handbooks should be in place containing detailed guidelines and procedures for parents, staff, and volunteers, including comprehensive emergency plans for fire, tornado, earthquake, and lockdown, as well as discipline, child restroom guidelines, and a strategy for handling reports of child abuse. The church must meet the state fire codes, and the building must be inspected by the fire marshall on a regular basis. Place emergency exit instructions in each classroom and schedule maintenance tests for smoke and carbon monoxide alarms. Playground equipment should be maintained on a regular schedule. These areas should be fenced in and provide protective material for the fall zones around equipment. Handbook for Public Playground Safety is available at the Consumer Product Safety Commission website (http://www.cpsc.gov). A first aid kit should be available in each classroom. Workers should be trained in first aid and CPR. Equipment and furniture should be kept in good condition and have a schedule for regular maintenance. Infant classrooms should have fire safe cribs that meet Consumer Product Safety Commission guidelines. All cribs should be positioned away from blinds and cords. See the Consumer Product Safety Commission website (http://www.cpsc.gov) for updated guidelines. Each classroom should have age-appropriate toys and furniture. The toys should be checked regularly for choking hazards and to ensure that they are not broken. Each classroom should also have antibacterial disinfectant on hand, and all toys must be cleaned after each use. There should be at least two adult teachers in a classroom at all times. If possible, have two women and one man in each class. For legal reasons, if a husband and wife are teaching together, there should be a third adult teacher in the classroom. Follow the state child/teacher ratio guidelines. Changing tables must have safety straps and be stocked with wax paper, nonlatex gloves, and antibacterial disinfectant. Ultrahazardous activities should be avoided. Overnight activities should be avoided unless absolutely necessary. All precautions should be taken and adequate supervision be maintained.

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• All areas where children and youth are involved should be monitored constantly. This includes restrooms. • All electrical outlets should be covered with safety plugs. There should be no cords hanging down from any appliances (such as TVs or CD players)—children could pull the appliance off the surface by the cord. • Adequate lighting both inside and outside facilities, as well as playgrounds, should be maintained. • There should be a zero tolerance policy for anyone who has abused a child in any way. • There should be a policy regarding restrictions on teenagers’ involvement with children. Many churches and Christian schools have difficulty putting these types of plans in place. Church members and parents are comfortable in familiar surroundings and trust the people they have worshipped with for many years. They also want to be able to welcome newcomers and visitors with open arms. It is the responsibility of church leadership to see the big picture and protect all of their children by providing a safe and secure place to learn about the love of God and His Word. References and Resources James F. Cobble, Jr. and Richard R. Hammar. (2007). Risk Management Handbook for Churches and Schools. Carol Stream: Your Church Resources. Commission, C. P. (2010, November). Handbook for Public Playground Safety. Retrieved from Consumer Product Safety Commission: http://www.cpsc.gov/PageFiles/116134/325.pdf Hudson, Dale. N.d. Best Practices for Protecting Kids at Church, http://www.relevantchildrensministry.com/2013/02/best -practices-for-protecting-kids-at.html Nye, Rebecca. 2009. Children’s Spirituality (What It Is and Why It Matters). London: Church House Publishing. Pollock, David. N.d. Churches at Risk: Insurance isn’t the Only Way to Protect Yourself. Resource Ministries, http://www .resourceministries.net/articles_details.php?articlesID=10

—J. Gregory Lawson and Valerie Davidson

Children of Unchurched Parents Some children’s parents are “unchurched.” They are considered to be unchurched because they do not have an ongoing relationship with an organized religion or do not attend church regularly. However, the children have a desire to know as much as possible about God and how God is available to them. When talking with these unchurched children, they are open to learning about God and church. They are curious and have questions about God, Jesus, and the Bible. Defining “unchurched” can be very dif-

ficult, because some definitions will group these parents and children with those who have no prior knowledge of the church or religion, while other definitions or surveys will include those who have knowledge about church or religion, but do not regularly attend church. Consequently, the term unchurched can be misleading, because it gives the idea that this group of parents and their children are not interested in attending church or developing a relationship with God. The first impression might be that the people thus labeled have little or no knowledge of the church. However, the idea that all of the unchurched and their children are unknowledgeable about the church and their spirituality is incorrect. In many cases, the unchurched are not parents who are unbelievers. It is more accurate to understand that many of the parents labeled unchurched and their children are individuals who attend church occasionally, not on what the church considers to be a regular basis. Many of the unchurched were once active participants in church, but they have become dissatisfied with organized religion and are now not actively participating. The unchurched are considered to be marginalized in Christianity and dormant in their faith. However, this does not mean that they are not seeking to have or do not already have a relationship with God. Some of the unchurched have distanced themselves from the church for various reasons, such as hurts and wounds, perceived hypocrisy, and disbelief. The church has not appeared to be a welcoming place for the children of the unchurched. They are not confident that their lifestyle would be accepted in the organized church. However, many of the children of the unchurched would attend church if they were invited. Research by Thom Rainer reveals that in many instances a crisis situation will bring unchurched parents and their children to church. During a crisis could be one of the best times to approach the unchurched and the children of the unchurched, but in approaching them the church must be intentional and sincere. References and Resources Kinnaman, David, Gabe Lyons, and George Barna. 2009. What a New Generation Thinks About Christianity . . . and Why It Matters. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Books. Rainer, Thom. 2008. Surprising Insights from the Unchurched and Proven Ways to Reach Them, Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan.

Children, Spiritual Dimension of The field of children’s spirituality is a relatively new area of exploration. Broadly speaking, it is concerned with children’s ability to relate to and connect with Self, Other, nature, and a transcendent dimension, which Christianity explicitly names as God. Because of its close connec-

Children, Spiritual Dimension of

tion with religion, nurturing the spiritual dimension of children has been of interest and concern for Christian educators in both formal educational institutions and faith-forming contexts. Christian educators also require some understanding and appreciation of the spiritual lives of children to ensure that the programs they design and implement nurture this particular dimension. Recent Historical Contexts A number of factors have led to a growing interest in children’s spirituality. In England and Wales, concern for nurturing spirituality in education emanated from the British Education Act of 1944 and has been reinforced more recently in various educational documents, such as the National Curriculum Council’s Spiritual and Moral Development (1993), which stressed the need for schools to include spiritual education as an integral part of the curriculum. In the United States a focus on the spiritual dimension in childhood has occurred through the notion of holistic development, wherein education is not just envisioned in terms of a transmission of knowledge but is also inclusive of other noncognitive dimensions of learning. Such holistic learning is also understood to extend beyond the classroom environment in an attempt to empower the spirituality of children (see Hart 2003). In countries such as Australia and New Zealand, an interest in spirituality has arisen more generally in terms of the well-being and resilience of children and young people. Factors such as youth suicide and drug and alcohol abuse, combined with an escalation in delinquency, have negatively affected well-being. It has been demonstrated that a sense of connectedness with family and the wider community can act as a protective factor and as a means by which to build resilience in young people (Eckersley 2005). Religious Language, Awareness, and Responses to Everyday Phenomena Since the connection between religion and spirituality has traditionally been considered close,68 much of the early research into children’s spirituality tended to assume that expressions of spirituality were dependent upon the use of religious language and concepts: “God talk.” This was largely the case with the valuable contributions of Elkind and Elkind (1962), Heller (1986), and Coles (1990) to this field. 68. Although there is a close connection between religion and spirituality, it should be noted that they are not synonymous. Spirituality refers to the primal experiences of the individual or community, while religion refers to the codified ways in which individuals and communities may give expression to their spirituality. For a detailed discussion see James (1977), O’Murchu (1997), Tacey (2000), and Ranson (2002).

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Recognizing that not all children belong to or are active members of faith communities, more recent research into children’s spirituality has tended to focus not so much on the expressions of religious language and concepts as on the perceptions, awareness, and responses of children to ordinary and everyday activities in discerning clues to the spiritual dimension of their lives. The work of McCreery (1996) and the Children and Worldviews Project (Erricker et al. 1997) are typical of this latter approach.69 Relational Consciousness A major investigation in this area, which also took into account the perceptions, awareness, and responses of children to ordinary and everyday activities, was David Hay and Rebecca Nye’s project in the late 1990s, which resulted in their seminal work The Spirit of the Child (Hay with Nye 2006). Their investigation noted that the children who participated in their research exhibited high levels of consciousness and perceptiveness in their interview conversations. These were embedded in the context of how the children related to themselves, to other people, to the world, and to the transcendent (God). They coined the term “relational consciousness” to describe this quality of the children’s spirituality. Two particular features of these children’s relational consciousness were of significance. First, it was possible to identify for each child a personal “signature” that pertained to the way that child expressed her or his spirituality. This was referred to as the “signature phenomenon.” Second, in their conversations, the children were able to use both traditional religious language and implicit spiritual discourse to express their spirituality. The latter refers to dialogue which, although lacking clear traditional religious or metaphysical terminology, nonetheless contained sensitive, profound, and philosophical reflections concerning ultimate meaning and value. Ultimate Unity De Souza (2006) took the notion of relational consciousness further, proposing the notion of Ultimate Unity. Influenced by neurophysiological research, de Souza proposed that at the deepest levels of connectedness, an individual experiences more than just a conscious relationship with Other. She proposed that at the deepest levels of connectedness, an individual might experience becoming unified with the Other. That is, Self and Other become one and the same. Mystics in both Christian and Eastern traditions have experienced this and have long 69. The work of Robinson (1977), although earlier than that of McCreery (1996) and Erricker et al. (1997), is also an example of this latter approach. While it involved adults reflecting retrospectively on their childhood experiences, it was not reliant on the use of religious language to express the spiritual.

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understood the unity said to exist between Self and the Divine (Davis 2006). De Souza prosed that spirituality involves a movement toward Ultimate Unity, which at the deepest level entails Self becoming one with Other. However, one does not need to be a mystic to experience Ultimate Unity. Ordinary people can and do experience such unity (see James 1977), and such experiences can be placed along a continuum on which at one extreme, an individual experiences complete separation from Other, and at the other, an individual’s sense of connectedness to Other is so great that she or he experiences becoming unified with Other. Importantly, the research of Hyde (2008) suggests that young children are also capable of experiencing Ultimate Unity, albeit for short periods of time. Characteristics of Children’s Spirituality In order to nurture spirituality in children, Christian educators need to know how to recognize spirituality when children express it. A number of authors have detailed possible characteristics of children’s spirituality, including Hart (2003), who proposed the characteristics of wisdom, wonder/awe, the relationship between one’s Self and Other, seeing the invisible, and wondering. Hyde (2008) proposed four characteristics of children’s spirituality. The felt sense refers to children’s conscious perception of bodily awareness and being able to draw upon the wisdom of the body as a natural way of knowing. Integrating awareness refers to children’s ability to integrate a new emerging wave of consciousness with an initial level of awareness, typically centered on the felt sense. Weaving the threads of meaning refers to children’s ability to draw upon their sense of wonder to make meaning of events and to piece together a worldview based on their attempts at meaning-making. Spiritual questing refers to children’s ability to seek and explore new and possibly more authentic ways of connecting with Self, others, the earth, and God. Growing Interest in Children’s Spirituality Although it is a relatively new field of investigation, interest in children’s spirituality continues to grow. This is attested to by the International Journal of Children’s Spirituality (published quarterly by Taylor & Francis), which provides an international forum for those involved in research and development of children’s and young people’s spirituality, and also by the International Conferences of Children’s Spirituality, the annual conferences of the Association for Children’s Spirituality (which also has a growing membership).

Coles, R. 1990. The Spiritual Life of Children. London: HarperCollins. Davis, O. 2006. God Within: The Mystical Tradition of Northern Europe. London: Darton, Longman & Todd. de Souza, M. 2006. “Rediscovering the Spiritual Dimension in Education: Promoting a Sense of Self and Place, Meaning and Purpose in Learning.” In International Handbook of the Religious, Moral and Spiritual Dimensions in Education, edited by M. de Souza, K. Engebretson, G. Durka, R. Jackson, and A. McGrady, 1127–1139. Dordrecht, The Netherlands: Springer. Eckersley, R. 2005. Well and Good: Morality, Meaning and Happiness. 2nd ed. Melbourne, VIC: Text Publishing. Elkind, D., and S. Elkind. 1962. “Varieties of Religious Experience in Young Adolescents.” Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 2: 102–112. Erricker, C., J. Erricker, D. Sullivan, C. Ota, and M. Fletcher. 1997. The Education of the Whole Child. London: Cassell. Hart, T. 2003. The Secret Spiritual World of Children. Makawao, HI: Inner Ocean. Hay, D., with R. Nye. 2006. The Spirit of the Child. rev. ed. London: Jessica Kingsley. Heller, D. 1986. The Children’s God. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Hyde, B. 2008. Children and Spirituality: Searching for Meaning and Connectedness. London: Jessica Kingsley. James, W. 1977. The Varieties of Religious Experience: A Study in Human Nature. London: Fountain Books. McCreery, E. 1996. Talking to young children about things spiritual in Best R. (ed.) (1996) Education for Spiritual, Moral, Social and Cultural Development, 196–205. London: Continuum. National Curriculum Council. 1993. Spiritual and Moral Development: A Discussion Paper. York, UK: NCC. O’Murchu, D. 1997. Reclaiming Spirituality: A New Spiritual Framework for Today’s World. Dublin: Gateway. Ranson, D. 2002. Across the Great Divide: Bridging Spirituality and Religion. Strathfield, NSW: St. Paul’s. Robinson, E. 1977. The Original Vision: A Study of the Religious Experience of Childhood. Manchester College, Oxford: The Religious Experience Research Unit. Tacey, D. 2000. ReEnchantment: The New Australian Spiritualty. Sydney, NSW: HarperCollins. Wills, R. 2012. “Beyond Relation: A Critical Exploration of ‘Relational Consciousness’ for Spiritual Education.” International Journal of Children’s Spirituality 17 (1): 51–60.

—Brendan Hyde

Children’s Bibles References and Resources Adams, K., B. Hyde, and R. Woolley. 2008. The Spiritual Dimension of Childhood. London: Jessica Kingsley.

Children’s Bibles fall into two main categories: a collection of biblical stories and actual biblical text presented

Children’s Church

in an easier to understand translation or paraphrase. The New Century Version (NCV), Good News Translation, and New International Version (NIV) are the most popular among the latter. A Bible for children is defined by ease and readability of translation, pictures and other child-friendly artwork, study aids, and lists that assist and encourage the child in use and understanding. A children’s Bible storybook is a collection of biblical stories paraphrased for child comprehension, often with great liberty taken in the paraphrasing. The Children’s Bible (Philadelphia, 1763; first published in London in 1759) was the earliest Bible for children printed in America; it consisted of a collection of stories. Other well-known story Bibles are Christian Gottlob Barth’s Bible Stories, which became popular in India during the 1840s, and Logan Marshall’s The Wonder Book of Bible Stories (published in the United States by Qontro Classic Books in [1904]/2010). This version was beautifully illustrated with color plates and woodcuts. Although the original has not been in print since 1925, it is still available in reproductions today. The Bible Story, by Arthur Maxwell, was published by Pacific Press Publishing (now in the 23rd ed./1980) from 1953 to 1957, with narratives of 411 biblical stories told in a 10-volume hardcover series. These books were marketed in the United States for many years by placing the first volume in doctors’ offices with postage prepaid postcards included for readers to order the set. Original stories were based on the King James Version (KJV) and Revised Standard Version (RSV) of the Bible, later editions used the NIV. Originally in English, The Bible Story was later translated into French and Spanish. In 2007 Zondervan published The Jesus Storybook Bible, by Sally Lloyd-Jones. What makes this volume unique among the plethora of story Bibles available is that in Lloyd-Jones’s book the individual Bible stories are woven together into the overarching story of God’s plan of redemption and salvation, offering a valuable meta-narrative quality for 21st-century readers in a postmodern culture. The most comprehensive analysis of Bibles for children to date is The Bible for Children: From the Age of Gutenberg to the Present, by Dr. Ruth B. Bottigheimer (1996). Dr. Bottigheimer traced the evolution of the genre from the time it first emerged in Germany, with the invention of the printing press, to the late 20th century, graphically demonstrating that Bible stories for children teach far more than the Bible or biblical content. When choosing a children’s Bible, one should consider not only the artwork appeal and developmental level of the child, but also the integrity of the presentation visà-vis the original biblical narrative; what sort of aids are

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included along with the text; which Bible translation is used; the addition of moral object lessons, and sentimentalization, simplification, cultural assumptions, and adaptations of textual intent. With the plethora of children’s Bibles and Bible storybooks now on the market, one should choose with intelligent care, as publishers may be more influenced by commercial concerns than by faithfulness to the message. —Trevecca Okholm

Children’s Church In the early part of the 20th century, a new model for children’s ministry came into being: a worship experience designed specifically to meet the needs of children. It was typically called “junior church” in the early years and was developed to help children both understand and practice worship. This new model of ministry was based on an understanding of children’s developmental stages. A cogent defense of this model has recently been articulated by Ra McLaughlin (2011): “Many pastors’ sermons are further beyond the comprehension of children than Elizabethan English is beyond adults. The arguments are often complex and the vocabulary is often very difficult for smaller children. . . .Worship isn’t worship if it isn’t understood.”70 Paul made this point in 1 Corinthians 14 when he affirmed that teaching in a corporate meeting must be done for edification and that teaching in the church must be done in a tongue that is readily understood. Maximizing understanding is why the reformers chose to conduct services in the vernacular rather than Latin, why the Bible was translated into English by Wycliffe and Tyndale, and why many churches use modern translations instead of the King James Version. This same logic rightly applies to children’s ministries. If children can’t understand a service, it is not likely to help them very much. Children’s church generally includes a much wider age span than Sunday school. The most common age divisions offered are a preschool church and an elementary church. Kindergartners may be placed in either group. These wide age ranges can be quite challenging for curriculum writers and teachers. The developmental gap between a child who just turned three and a five-year-old is quite large, as is the gap between first graders and fifth graders. Models for the format of children’s church are typically either entirely a large group experience or a large group teaching time followed by small group interactions and 70. Ra McLaughlin, Third Millennium Ministries, “Children’s Church,” http://thirdmill.org/answers/answer.asp/file/40071 (copyright 2011).

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reinforcement activities. A third fairly common model is to have children sit with their parents or other adults during part of the adult worship before being dismissed to children’s church. A number of trends have emerged in recent years. (1) Many churches no longer offer Sunday school or midweek programs. Children’s church is their sole offering for kids. Without Sunday school or midweek programs, these churches generally view education rather than worship as the principal objective of children’s church. (2) A number of mega-churches (and smaller churches) write their own curricula. Prominent examples of curriculum that have been published for wider use are 252 Basics, from Northpointe Community Church in Atlanta, and Promiseland, from Willow Creek Community Church in Chicago. (3) The format has become quite varied, moving from Bible storytelling with some variety provided by object lessons, puppetry, etc. (which was fairly standard for many decades), to what has been described as “edutainment.” Comedy, drama, game show type activities, selfexpressive art, and experiential activities are components of the most widely used curricula. (4) Increased emphasis has been placed on family ministry, with some curricula requiring that parents attend programming with their children. A reinforcement activity is often provided for parents to complete at home with their children. (5) With a decreasing pool of volunteers to staff children’s ministries, many churches are hiring vocational children’s pastors or ministry directors. This trend follows the pattern of hiring youth pastors and ministry directors that became common in the last three decades of the 20th century. (6) The children’s worship spaces, especially at mega-churches, are often designed with elaborate props and sets. A significant number of churches have used professional designers, some of whom have worked for Disney World and other theme parks. Although they are a minority, a growing group of churches have decided to abandon children’s church and insist that children gain more by worshipping with their parents in the adult service. In this regard, David Ng and Virginia Thomas (1981) suggest that the child will associate the adult worship service with “feelings of warmth, acceptance, comfort, and love. . . . Without knowing much of what is going on . . . . the child can still feel it is a good place to be and an action worthy of trust.”71 More important is that if children attend the adult service, they will have opportunities to observe and/ or participate in the sacraments, develop a sense of community with all age groups in the congregation, and gain an understanding of the worship practices and traditions 71. David Ng and Virginia Thomas, Children in the Worshiping Community (Atlanta, GA: John Knox Press, 1981), 37, 38.

of their church. Marva Dawn (1997) indicates that there is research showing that children who are “trained in the practice of worship” are more “likely to participate as adults.”72 Catherine Stonehouse (1998) suggests several alternatives for accomplishing these objectives: “Some churches include children in intergenerational worship each Sunday. Still others have children . . . worship with adults for the first part of the service before going to children’s worship. Whatever a church decides on children’s worship, children need to be included in some congregational worship experiences throughout the year.”73 References and Resources Dawn, Marva. 1997. Is It a Lost Cause? Having the Heart of God for the Church’s Children. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. Jutila, Craig. 2006. Children’s Ministry for the Twenty-first Century. Loveland, CO: Group. McLaughlin, Ra. 2011. “Children’s Church.” Third Millennium Ministries. http://thirdmill.org/answers/answer.asp/ file/40071. Miller, Sue, and David Staal. 2004. Making Your Children’s Ministry the Best Hour of Every Kid’s Week. Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan. Ng, David, and Virginia Thomas. 1981. Children in the Worshiping Community. Atlanta: GA: John Knox Press. Stonehouse, Catherine. 1998. Joining Children on the Spiritual Journey. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic. Wideman, Jim. 2003. Leading Children’s Ministry. Loveland, CO: Group.

—Keith Springer

Children’s Devotional Literature The invention of the printing press made possible the creation of many new genres of books, including those for children. The spread of Bibles in the vernacular and the growing interest in the education of laypeople, linked to this technological innovation, led to the creation of a range of literature aimed at inculcating Christian faith in children. The first recognizable such work was Martin Luther’s Passional of 1529, which combined excerpts of biblical texts with woodcuts aimed at communicating the basics of the faith. Since that time, children’s devotional literature has expanded to include special Bibles, didactic poetry, songs, paraphrases of Bible stories, creative fiction, and lives of saints (often with Foxe’s Book of Martyrs as a source or a model). The variety of literary genres, uses of graphic arts (and now audio and video, such as 72. Marva Dawn, Is It a Lost Cause? Having the Heart of God for the Church’s Children (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1997), 70, 71. 73. Catherine Stonehouse, Joining Children on the Spiritual Journey (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker, 1998), 40.

Children’s Devotional Literature

in VeggieTales), and theological ideas makes defining the category difficult, however. For example, “devotional literature” in English has a wider meaning than the corresponding German Erbauungsliteratur, which often has a more strongly emotional, pietistic coloring. Still, it is possible to describe some works aimed at inculcating Christian faith in children. Bibles and Bible Storybooks Heavily illustrated Bibles and synopses of biblical stories, usually with a moralizing or spiritualizing interpretation, appeared in the first generation of the Reformation and became widespread in the 17th and 18th centuries (and remain so today, especially with the advent of the Internet). Nicolas Fontane’s French history of the Bible (1670) influenced subsequent works in England and America as late as the mid-19th century. Bibles and books retelling biblical stories aimed at children and low-literacy adults (as well as whole families, by the mid-18th century) proliferated across Europe and the New World. Many of these works practiced what Bottigheimer (1996) has called “tipping the narrative balance” in order to reject “God the smiter of the unrighteous and [draw] instead on biblical imagery of God the protector, friend of the pious.” In fashioning a Bible suitable for children, publishers and authors in some respects have sought to recast the Bible in the theological image of their own times. Often biblical characters become moral exemplars, even when their original portrayal in scripture is more complex or even troubling. Moralism poses a major problem in such works, in part because biblical teaching can easily be stripped of its complexity and richness in an effort to make difficult texts more accessible. Catechisms With his two catechisms, Luther initiated a process, that still continues, by which children memorize and recite key theological ideas, often drawn from the great creeds and confessions. As part of the confirmation process, the catechism aims to simplify and clarify key biblical and theological ideas in order to prepare users for full participation in the church’s life. Accordingly, theories of catechetical instruction, such as Isaac Watts’s Discourse on the Way of Instruction by Catechisms (1730), insisted on the value of the documents for summarizing religion for children. Fiction Early fiction for children often took the form of adaptation of adult materials such as Aesop’s Fables or John Bunyan’s Pilgrim’s Progress. In the 19th century, The Life of Our Lord by Charles Dickens (1846–1849), Louisa May Alcott’s Little Women, and several novels

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by Nathaniel Hawthorne, as well as hundreds of less famous works, joined the list of adventure novels by Walter Scott and others popular among young readers, fashioning for them imaginative worlds in which Christian morality, at least as understood by the Victorians, combined with a romantic view of the conflict between good and evil. Religious journalism, far more popular in the 19th century than now, often contained short stories for children emphasizing family and faith. Given the pervasive influence of Christianity prior to the 20th century, it is not always easy to distinguish between religious and secular fiction aimed at children, and in some ways the distinction is meaningless or at least anachronistic. Fictional works provide a way for readers to imagine the implications of Christian theology and morality in their own lives. More recent writers, such as C. S. Lewis, Madeleine L’Engle, and J. R. R. Tolkien, have gained fame with books that frame Christian teaching in the context of fantasy. Such work has crossed over into the mainstream culture, where its religious undertones may be obscured in some respects. More explicitly didactic works by authors such as Max Lucado have been translated into many languages and retain their popularity. Picture books, with or without words, have long played a role in the faith development of children. The pictures and words often have a complex relationship, communicating messages at multiple levels. The subtlety of the visual art, combined with the words, can stimulate deeper reflections in children as well as in adults reading the books to them. Prayers, Hymns, and Poems The same is also true for liturgical works. Children have had access to key prayers and songs from the beginning of the church. The simplicity of the “Our Father” and major creeds, especially as they were often repeated, would allow for their use by children. However, it is important also to acknowledge the long history of hymns, prayers, and religious poems written explicitly for children, from Isaac Watts’s Divine Songs for Children (1715) to the present. Traditional hymnals often contain songs aimed at children, and special religious songbooks for children, as well as increasingly digital media aimed at them, have proliferated. Simple tunes, accessible, often moralizing lyrics, and frequent use of gestures and bodily movements make such songs easily memorable and fun ways of reinforcing values and beliefs in children. Conclusion The future of children’s devotional literature seems bright as old genres find new life in digital media as well as older print forms. The need to inculcate knowledge of,

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and attachment to, Christianity in children remains compelling. The steady expansion of the Christian market(s) for books and digital media in many formats that foster faith in a range of acceptable ways indicates continued desire on the part of parents, educators, ministers, and churches to open to their children avenues of age-appropriate spiritual growth. Also increasingly important will be the role of Christian educators in creating and selecting theologically and developmentally appropriate treatments of the Bible and Christian theology that nurture faith in children. References and Resources Bottigheimer, R. B. 1996. The Bible for Children: From the Age of Gutenberg to the Present. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Gold, P. S. 2004. Making the Bible Modern: Children’s Bibles and Jewish Education in Twentieth-Century America. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. Khamis, K. 1994. The Best Christian Children’s Books, 1942– 1992: A Bibliography of Books for Pre-School Through High School. Oswego, NY: Ephemeron. Slive, D. J. 2012. Four Centuries of Religious Books for Children: Exhibition of the Elizabeth Perkins Prothro Galleries. Dallas, TX: Bridwell Library, Perkins School of Theology. Vander Stichele, C., and H. S. Pyper, eds. 2012. Text, Image, and Otherness in Children’s Bibles: What Is in the Picture? Atlanta, GA: SBL.

—Samjung Kang-Hamilton

Children’s Ministers With the founding of the Religious Education Association in the early 20th century came a movement to establish church religious education as a profession distinct from but related to theology and education. Both seminaries and theological schools began to offer degree programs in religious education and open up professional schools devoted to the discipline. In 1906, the Chair of Sunday School Pedagogy was established at Southern Baptist Theological Seminary in Louisville, Kentucky. There are records from 1907 of the first paid Sunday school superintendents in local churches. These people often lacked theological training and sometimes even college training. This underscored the Religious Education Association’s concern for more professionalism. These paid Sunday school superintendents were sometimes seen more as promoters and organizers than as educators. Many churches hired them to grow the Sunday school. The profession grew between 1910 and 1930. Directors of religious education, as they came to be called, were

represented in several denominations. The Religious Education Association established the Association of Directors and Ministers of Religious Education, and in 1915 Southwestern Baptist Seminary in Fort Worth, Texas, founded the School of Religious Education. Early on the profession was dominated by men, but by 1926 both sexes were equally represented. Also by 1926, churches had hired 800 directors of religious education. The profession experienced a decline between 1930 and 1945. The Great Depression caused churches to cut back on programming and staff positions. Schisms over theological positions and biblical interpretation began to divide churches and denominations, and misunderstanding about the vocation itself persisted. Toward the end of World War II, with the uptick in the U.S. economy, the role of the religious or Christian education professional was once again in demand. With this new interest, denominations began to establish certification standards for those entering the profession. Generally these church staff members were known by one of two titles, usually related to their level of education. First was the director of Christian education or DCE, who generally had some postsecondary education but little theological or professional training. Second was the minister of Christian education. These educators were theologically trained, some holding ordination in their denomination. Most were employed full time by their churches. In the latter half of the 20th century, enrollment in training programs increased, and seminaries created various kinds of degree programs, such as the master of Christian education, the master of religious education. the master of arts in Christian education, and the master of divinity with a specialization in Christian education. Professional organizations and conferences were created and well attended. During the 1960s and 1970s, large churches began to see the benefit of hiring age level specialists to oversee the various age groups served by the church. The concept of the children’s pastor or minister to children was born. This position, depending on the church, is generally highly administrative. The children’s pastor is responsible for the planning and execution of all the church’s ministries involving children, not just the Sunday school. According to the authors of Children Matter: Children’s Ministry is one of the most complex and time consuming ministries in the congregation. The children’s minister works with children but is also the leader of a large group of adult volunteers. Complicating the role is the need to communicate often and clearly with parents, some of whom y be demanding. Add to these responsibilities the need to be an advocate for the Children’s Ministry, a director of ministry, development and education, a cheerleader for volunteers, a supervisor of custodial care

Children’s Ministry

in the children’s area, a security watchdog, a facility designer, an equipment procurer, an evaluator of resources, and a representative of the church to the community.74

Also, some churches include in their job descriptions the pastoral care of children and their families. The education of the children’s pastor varies from situation to situation. Some churches require seminary training; others hire people with college degrees in education; and others hire their best children’s ministry volunteer, regardless of background or education. In the new millennium, many seminaries, colleges, and Bible colleges have begun to offer courses and both undergraduate and graduate degree programs in children’s ministry. Several mainline denominations continue to offer some kind of certification program for professional church children’s ministry staff. The International Network for Children’s Ministry has been at the forefront of promoting church children’s ministry. Founded in 1980, the organization is best known for its yearly Children’s Pastors Conferences, at which close to 5,000 children’s pastors engage in networking, inspiration, and continuing education. Other organizations that serve children’s pastors are Group Publishing and Orange ministries, which both offer a yearly conference for children’s ministry workers. Many areas of the country have children’s ministry networks, in which local children’s pastors meet monthly or quarterly for support and continuing education. Some of these are sponsored by independent Sunday school curriculum publishers. Websites such as CMConnect and Kidology aim solely to serve the children’s ministry professional. Each offers message boards on which children’s pastors can communicate with and ask questions of other people in the profession. Many high-profile children’s pastors write blogs offering inspiration and support for other children’s pastors. Many of the first children’s pastors were men, but now the profession is dominated by women. Most likely, as long as churches can afford it, the role of the professional children’s pastor is here to stay. The days of Sunday school as the only children’s ministry program a church offers and of the volunteer Sunday school superintendent or coordinator are long gone.75 References and Resources May, Scottie, Catherine Stonehouse, Linda Cannell, and Beth Posterski. 2005. Children Matter. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. 74. Scottie May, Catherine Stonehouse, Linda Cannell, and Beth Posterski, Children Matter (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 2005), 165. 75. Scottie May, Catherine Stonehouse, Linda Cannell, and Beth Posterski, Children Matter (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 2005), 333.

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Reed, James E., and Ronnie Prevost. 1993. A History of Christian Education. Nashville, TN: Broadman & Holman. Stubblefield, Jerry M. 1993. The Effective Minister of Education. Nashville, TN: Broadman & Holman.

—Ivy Beckwith

Children’s Ministry Education, formal or informal, is one of the most important processes through which societies systematically engage with and socialize children in the larger community. Through the process of socialization, children learn how to perform according to the norms and structures of the society to which they belong. As creative and curious creatures, children must be educated to become autonomous beings; that is, beings who have developed cognitive and emotional faculties that will allow them to live their lives with intelligence, responsibility, and authenticity. Thus, when education focuses exclusively on the process of socialization, it dismisses the aim of educating children toward autonomy, responsibility, and agency. From the perspective of Christian communities, children’s ministry encompasses all the elements intended to engage children in the life of the community nurturing their spiritual life. Defining the vision a congregation holds regarding children is very important in the process of shaping a comprehensive and effective ministry in which genuine love and care for children become visible through words and deeds. The perception the congregation has of children is fundamental to determining what kind of ministry the church envisions: whether its emphasis is on a ministry with children or to children. As a vital dimension of the communal life, children’s ministry should not be limited to a set of activities or a program, nor should it be restricted to Sunday school hours. Attractiveness and entertainment-oriented styles of teaching should not be the elements that dictate what children’s ministry encompasses. Accordingly, rather than delivering information and assuming children to be empty vessels ready to be filled, contemporary emphasis in children’s ministry ought to recognize children as genuine members of the religious body, not mere recipients of ministry but active participants in the life and mission of the congregation. Understanding that children are a blessing from God is only the first step in understanding that they deserve our attention, affection, and guidance so that they can learn how to live their lives as faithful disciples of Jesus Christ. One of the tasks of the ministry with children is to offer them language and tools through which they can express their religious experience as they seek meaning for their lives. From a socio-constructivist standpoint, language is a primary form of interaction through which

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a cultural group shares with its members the rich body of knowledge that exists in their sociocultural context. According to a postmodern understanding of children, they are active subjects, and like adults, engage in a process of interpretation, creation, and construction of meaning for their existence using the lenses of the culture they are living in. For socio-constructivist theorists, children’s meaning-making is socially constructed and emerges out of their social interactions with others and the environment in which they are inserted. Therefore, the social interactions children have with teachers and other members of the church are necessary conditions to construct knowledge based on dialogue, cooperation, and different perspectives that promote and advance faith formation through conversations and cooperative experiences. Through these exchanges, children learn about the symbols, history, values, and ethical and theological principles cherished by the community. In this framework, the teacher as a provocative partner and co-constructor of knowledge has the responsibility to create learning opportunities according to the emerging needs of the children. Educators do so by observing and discerning if and when children are able to advance in their learning process. More specifically, in the context of children’s ministry, the responsibility to spiritually nurture children by showing God’s love for them should be the goal of any ministry concerned with how to genuinely welcome children, care about their well-being, and advocate for those in situations of risk and social vulnerability. In order for the educational process to be effective, it is imperative that those involved with children’s ministry become familiar with the characteristics and needs of different age groups, with the purpose of providing children with an environment that is safe and inspiring and that allows them to reach their full potential. Drawing insights from educational theorists and psychologists, Christian educators can offer children a holistic approach that takes into account their physical, emotional, developmental, and spiritual needs without dismissing how learning experiences are intrinsically connected to social and cultural contexts. By fostering this kind of formation, educators open spaces for the transformative action of the Spirit to transform each child in the likeness of Jesus Christ. In addition, this cross-fertilization among the theoretical approaches can help children’s ministry leaders select the elements that best assist them in understanding the group while offering children meaningful opportunities for engagement and spiritual formation. Taking into consideration the knowledge and skills necessary to those who work with children, the church should be compelled to assist ministers and laypersons alike in their own formation before they begin their ministry with children. By doing this, the church enables

ministers to exercise their ministry more effectively and also fulfills its commitment to nurture one another and grow spiritually as a dynamic body of Christ. Considering the previous assertions, the church shares a responsibility with parents and extended family to provide an environment in which children feel safe, engaged and encouraged to witness to the Christian faith as full participants in the worshipping community, as witnesses of God’s love for the world. Children will be able to learn how to love God and one another, and to care for the environment, when they see the love and consideration the community expresses toward them. Welcoming children’s participation in worship, study, mission, fellowship, service, and other aspects of the life of the church sends a clear message that their presence and contribution are important and that they are fully embraced as active members of the community. Furthermore, when adults act in this fashion, they are corresponding to the way Jesus treated children: as paradigm of the realm of God and as metaphors of entering into relationship with God. By welcoming children and giving them a place of honor, Jesus challenged the cultural values and social conventions of His time, establishing a new paradigm of inclusion and commitment, which we should follow. References and Resources Beckwith, Ivy. 2004. Postmodern Children’s Ministry: Ministry to Children in the 21st Century. Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan. Cavalletti, Sofia. 1983. The Religious Potential of the Child. New York: Paulist Press. May, Scottie, et al. 2005. Children Matter: Celebrating Their Place in the Church, Family, and Community. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. Mercer, Joyce Ann. 2005. Welcoming Children: A Practical Theology of Childhood. St. Louis, MO: Chalice Press. Miller-McLemore, Bonnie J. 2003. Let the Children Come: Reimagining Childhood from a Christian Perspective. Families and Faith Series. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Vygotsky, L. S. 1978. Mind in Society: The Development of Higher Psychological Processes. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

—Débora Junker

Children’s Sermon At least since the mid-20th century, churches have designated a time during corporate worship when children are invited to the front of the worship area to sit with one of the pastors to listen to a mini-sermon directed specifically at their level of understanding. This time has also been referred to as “Chat with Children,” “Children’s Message,” and “A Time with Children.”

Children’s Spirituality

Preaching to children is not new; as early as the 1800s publishers found a market for collections of children’s sermons. Bringing the sermon down to the understanding of children has taken place in one form or another as long as children have been part of the church.76 This practice, however, has taken on more significance since the mid-20th century, when it became common practice to offer Sunday school for children and youth during adult worship. Calling children forward for a special time with the pastor was developed as an attempt to allow children to be more connected to the worshipping community before being dismissed from corporate worship to attend Sunday school. This time in worship can be a meaningful way to draw the congregation’s attention to the importance of children in their midst while speaking the truth of the Christian faith to children on their level of understanding and helping them to realize that they are valued members of the church family.77 However, the danger in giving children’s messages or sermons during congregational worship is the temptation to use the children as entertainment for the adults by setting them up to make comments or give answers that draw laughter from the adults. The children’s message demands thoughtful and prayerful preparation in order to bring God’s Word to the children as well as to the congregation that will be overhearing the message. When object lessons are used, the speaker should be careful to stay within a theological perspective for the purpose of bringing the children into the presence of God while avoiding the temptation to moralize. Some creative thought from the minister or worship committee can make room for more meaningful worship for all. For example, a blessing could be added before the children are dismissed. This could take the form of a congregational response of blessing the children before they leave corporate worship and the children repeating a blessing over the congregation. Another meaningful model is for the children to remain where they are seated and the children’s message to be directed at the children and their parents together. Because there is great value in and a mandate for all generations to participate in corporate worship, the minister and worship committee should be intentional in their plans for incorporation and avoid pitfalls such as allowing the congregation to become spectators who are being entertained by the children rather than participants together in worship; sending children the message that they are expected to entertain the adults, thereby teaching 76. Wilber Van Dyk, “Will All the Children Please Come Forward?” Reformed Worship.org (June 1995). 77. Ibid.

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them that church is a place to be embarrassed, to show off, or not to be taken seriously; or failing to connect the children’s message to the thematic integrity of the order of worship, inviting liturgical fragmentation.78 David Ng, author of Children in the Worshiping Community (1981), advised: “Children’s sermons, if they are done at all, must enable children and the entire congregation to worship God and to respond to God’s Word in gratitude and commitment.”79 —Trevecca Okholm

Children’s Spirituality Although children are born with an inherent capacity for spiritual awareness, too often adult caregivers provide little space or opportunity for this innate desire to develop. Instead, well-meaning adults surround children with noise, action, and entertainment that unintentionally discourage and hinder spiritual growth. Children’s spirituality develops in quiet reflective space created with opportunities to wonder and reflect. It also develops with the modeled behavior from significant adults in their lives. Sociologist Elise Boulding recognized the need children have for solitude: “It is possible to drown children and adults in a constant flow of stimuli, forcing them to spend so much energy responding to the outside world that the inward life and the creative imagination which flows from it become stunted or atrophied.” She called for “enabled times of solitude,” even shared solitude within the home, so that children may have “a sense of who and what they are, whence they came, [and] their place in God’s world.”80 Homes where “silence is lived” become inviting and restorative, “allowing the spirit-illumined intellect” to be developed and utilized creatively.81 Spirituality is the process of growing the intrinsic capacity for self-transcendence, in which the self is embedded in something greater than the self, including the sacred.82 Children’s Christian spirituality has been defined as the child’s development of a conscious relationship with God, in Jesus Christ, through the indwelling of the Spirit and within the context of a community of 78. Ibid. 79. David Ng, “Children’s Sermons,” in Concise Dictionary of Preaching, ed. Will Willimon and Richard Lischer (Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press, 1995), 68. 80. Elise Boulding, “Children and Solitude,” International Journal of Religious Education 43, no. 1 (1967): 7–9 and 36–67. 81. Scottie May et al., “Children’s Place in the New Forms of Church: An Exploratory Survey of these Forms’ Ministry with Children and Families,” in Understanding Children’s Spirituality: Theology, Research, and Practice, ed. Kevin Lawson (Eugene, OR: Cascade, 2012), 238. 82. Roehlkepartian et al., The Handbook of Spiritual Development in Childhood and Adolescence (Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage, 2006), 5–6.

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faith that nurtures that relationship.83 Simply because children have an intrinsic capacity to know and worship something or someone greater than the self does not mean that all spirituality and faith formation is Christian; therefore the Christian church and the Christian family are charged, through scripture, with providing an intentional structure for biblical spiritual formation in their children from an early age. A structure for quiet reflection and wondering should be framed within the biblical narrative, whereby children are led to find their story in God’s Story and their spiritual longing is fulfilled in the Christian narrative. It is also important to note that spirituality does not necessarily go hand in hand with faith development. In mid-20th-century research on faith formation by James Fowler, he provided a systematic theory for faith development in humans; however, for Fowler the development of faith has little to do with learning a particular content or set of cognitive beliefs. And as James Loder of Princeton pointed out, Fowler’s work is not about “stages of faith in any biblical or theological sense.”84 Fowler sees faith as subjective, not objective, and describes faith as a dynamic, evolving pattern of the ways in which our souls find and make meanings in our lives.85 In other words, according to Fowler, faith is a “universal quality of human meaning making”86 that all human beings—regardless of their religions and including the self-proclaimed nonreligious— are engaged in across throughout their lives.87 Much has been written on the subject of children’s spirituality, how it develops, and how it grows. Two pioneers in this field of research and study are Dr. Robert Coles, who published much of his findings in The Spiritual Life of Children (1999), and Sophia Cavalletti, who published, among other works, The Religious Potential of the Child (2nd ed. 1992). Two other leading studies in this area are Barbara Kimes Myers’s Young Children and Spirituality (1997) and David Hay and Rebecca Nye’s Spirit of the Child (2006). Both of these studies concentrated on secular educational settings in the attempt to carve out a place in education for children’s spirituality to be fostered without reference to religious faith.

83. Adapted from P. Sheldrake, “What Is Spirituality?” in Christian Spirituality, ed. K. J. Collins (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Books, 2000), 21–42, and S. K. Morgenthaler, ed., Exploring Children’s Spiritual Formation: Foundational Issues (River Forest, IL: Pillars Press, 1999), 6. 84. James Loder, The Logic of the Spirit (San Francisco: Jossy-Bass, 1998), 255. 85. James Fowler, Faithful Change: The Personal and Public Challenges of Postmodern Life (Nashville, TN: Abingdon, 1996), 21. 86. James Fowler, “The Vocation of Faith Development Theory,” in Stages of Faith and Religious Development, ed. James Fowler, Karl Ernst Nipkow, and Friedrich Schweitzer (New York: Crossroads, 1991), 22. 87. Gary Parrett and S. Steve Kang, Teaching the Faith, Forming the Faithful (Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press, 2009), 226.

More recent research and study on children’s spiritual development, primarily from a Christian perspective, has been made available as a result of collaboration among the members of the Society for Children’s Spirituality, the International Association for Children’s Spirituality, and The International Journal of Children’s Spirituality. Important dialog is taking place as a result of these associations, and much of it has been published and made available to the public, including books such as Children’s Spirituality: Christian Perspectives, Research and Applications (Ratcliff 2004); Nurturing Children’s Spirituality: Christian Perspectives and Best Practices (Allen 2008); Children’s Spirituality (What It Is and Why It Matters) (Nye 2009); and Understanding Children’s Spirituality: Theology, Research, and Practice (Lawson 2012). References and Resources Allen, Holly Catterton. 2008. Nurturing Children’s Spirituality: Christian Perspectives and Best Practices, Eugene, OR: Wipf & Stock Publishing. Lawson, Kevin. 2012. Understanding Children’s Spirituality: Theology, Research, and Practice, Eugene, OR: Wipf & Stock Publishing. Nye, Rebecca. 2009. Children’s Spirituality (What It Is and Why It Matters), London: Church House Publishing. Ratcliff, Donald. 2004. Children’s Spirituality: Christian Perspectives, Research and Applications, Eugene, OR: Wipf & Stock Publishing.

—Trevecca Okholm

Chile and Christian Education Christianity arrived in Chile with the sword of the Spanish Conquest in the 16th century. Catholicism remained almost the only denomination in Chile until it gained independence in 1810. Formal education was limited to the male elite. At the popular level, the use of the catechism in local parishes provided religious formation. In 1756, San Felipe University opened its doors to offer education in theology and law to the elite. The new republic opened the gate to Protestant groups. Methodists and Presbyterians arrived early in the 19th century. At that time the government began implementing a systematic and programmatic educative agenda, opening schools everywhere in the country under the concept of the state as educator. The University of Chile was born in 1842, and with that the Catholic Church lost its exclusive role in higher education. The constitution of 1925 marked the separation of state and church. Today there is wide and guaranteed religious freedom. Almost 70 percent of the population professes Catholicism. About 18 percent is Pentecostal.

Chongshin University

Between 2 and 5 percent professes some historical Protestant denomination. Christians have the freedom to educate people at all levels of religious formation. The Catholic Church has offered religious education almost from the beginning of the colonial period. Among Protestants, Sunday schools have been the main method of Christian training at popular levels. Protestant seminaries appeared in the 20th century. References and Resources Aedo Richmond, Ruth. 2000. La educación privada en Chile: Un estudio histórico-analítico desde el período colonial hasta 1990. Santiago, Chile: RIL. Castro-Paredes, Moyra Marcela. 2012. “Política, educación y territorio en Chile (1950–2010): De las acciones colectivas a las acciones del mercado.” Educación y educadores 15: 97–114. Deiros, Pablo Alberto. 1992. Historia del cristianismo en América Latina. Buenos Aires: Fraternidad Teológica Latinoamericana. Hoover, Willis Collins, and Mario G. Hoover. 2000. History of the Pentecostal Revival in Chile. Santiago, Chile: Imprenta Eben-Ezer. León León, Marco Antonio. 2010. “De la compulsión a la educación para el trabajo: Ocio, utilidad y productividad en el tránsito del Chile colonial al republicano (1750–1850).” Historia crítica 41 (2010): 160–183. Salinas Campos, Maximiliano A. 1987. Historia del pueblo de Dios en Chile: La evolución del cristianismo desde la perspectiva de los pobres. Santiago, Chile: Rehue.

—Nelson Morales

China and Christian Education Christianity came to China in four distinct periods. The Nestorian missionary of Alopen came to China in the early Tang dynasty, in AD 635, and the religion was banned in AD 845. The Mongolians brought Christianity back again in the 13th century, yet it was gone after the fall of Mongolian rule in AD 1368. The third period was the arrival of Roman Catholic missionaries—Jesuits, Franciscans, Dominicans, and Augustinians—in the 15th and 16th centuries. The most famous of these missionaries were Matteo Ricci and Francis Xavier. Catholic missionaries were expelled in the early 18th century. Protestant Christianity came to China in the early 19th century, with the arrival of Robert Morrison of the London Missionary Society. Since the Qing government had already adopted a closed door policy, no foreign missionaries were allowed to enter China, and Morrison had to work in Macau and Canton as an interpreter. It was

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only after the opening of treaty ports in China in 1842 that the missionaries could re-enter and preach in China. Christian education began in China as a tool for evangelization, because the missionaries could not preach to the Chinese people directly. According to the statistics from the Review of the Time (1868), there were about 70 mission schools in a dozen cities on the Chinese Mainland and Hong Kong. By 1900, there were thousands of missionaries in China from a great variety of missionary societies, from different denominations (e.g., Presbyterian, AnglicanEpiscopalian, Methodist, Wesleyan, Lutheran, Baptist, and the Christian and Missionary Alliance) and different countries (e.g., Great Britain, Ireland and Scotland, Switzerland, Portugal, Dutch, Norway, Netherland, Germany, and the United States). But except for the training of missionary helpers, the missionary societies did not have a well-established educational policy. It was only after a long debate during the two general conferences of the Protestant Missionaries of China (1877 and 1890, respectively) that there was a consensus in support of Christian education; hence the motto “Education for the sake of evangelization.” There were three main components in the curricula of mission schools: Bible/religious education, Chinese studies, and Western studies. Bible/religious education had originally been the core and compulsory subject for Christian education. However, as time went on, the subject gradually lost its centrality; it was marginalized and became an optional subject, especially after the registration of mission schools with the National government in the 1920s. The Chinese government’s regulation of 1925 stated clearly that curriculum of mission schools “should not include religious courses among the required subjects.” After that religious courses were among the elective courses in schools. When the Korean War broke out in 1950, the Communist government imposed a major educational reform in China to dismantle all Christian education in the country. The history of Christian education in China came to an abrupt end. —Peter Tze Ming Ng

Chongshin University Chongshin University is a major Korean Christian university and seminary, with two locations in greater Seoul, South Korea. Chongshin has historical roots in the Presbyterian Church in Korea (Hapdong). The sponsoring denomination has more than 3 million members and 11,000 local congregations. Founded in 1901 by the Korean Presbyterian General Assembly in Pyongyang, North Korea,

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Chongshin was originally known as Pyongyang Chosun Jesus Presbyterian Seminary but was commonly called Pyongyang Seminary. Samuel A. Moffatt, a Presbyterian missionary from the United States, was the first president. The original course of study included two years of preparatory courses followed by a three-year seminary. During the Japanese occupation of Korea (1910–1945), all students were required to bow to a Shinto shrine. To avoid this requirement, the seminary was closed in 1938. In 1948, the seminary was relocated to Seoul and reopened as Presbyterian Theological Seminary. The seminary was renamed Chongshin University and Seminary in 1969. A four-year college was established in 1969, and the seminary became an accredited graduate school in 1978. The seminary and college became Chongshin University in 1995. The university has two campuses, located in Seoul and Yangji. The main campus in Seoul is located in Sadang-dong in two primary buildings, Shin-Kwan and Chonghap-Kwan, with a combined floor space of over 22,800 square meters of educational space. Male and female dormitories and a student center building comprise the remaining building at the Sadang-dong campus. The Yangji campus is located approximately 60 km from Seoul and is used primarily for theological education. These facilities include dormitories for men and women, academic classrooms, and a library. Most Notable Academic Programs Chongshin’s history exhibits a continual expansion of its degree programs, offering undergraduate to terminal degrees in several fields. The university became a four-year liberal arts university in 1967. It confers baccalaureate and postgraduate degrees (BA 1970; MA and ThM 1978; MDiv 1980; PhD 1987; and ThD 2000). At the undergraduate level Chongshin currently offers degrees in eight areas: theology, Christian education, English education, social work, children’s studies, church music, history education, and early childhood education. Graduate degrees are awarded in the seminary and other graduate schools in theology: master of arts, master of music, and doctor of theology. In addition, there are separate schools for education, mission, biblical counseling, and social work. New additions to Chongshin’s offerings are ThM and MA degrees in intercultural studies. South Korea’s Ministry of Education and Human Resources Development provides accreditation for Chongshin University and Seminary. In 1998, Chongshin Seminary received the highest rating from the Council of University Education. In 2011, the enrollment of full-time students in the undergraduate and graduate programs was listed as approximately 1,100 and 1,800, respectively.

Summary of Christian Philosophy and Mission of Education Philosophy Chongshin University and Seminary has defined its guiding philosophy as developing and sharing Bible-centered knowledge from the Reformed worldview, raising servants of the Lord for His kingdom and the church under the supervision of the Presbyterian Church in Korea (Hapdong). The university’s mission statement identifies the mission of the school as developing students to be mature Christians, competent scholars, godly individuals, zealous evangelists, and dedicated church leaders. Chongshin has identified six objectives that undergird this mission: love of the Bible as the inerrant Word of God, bearing the fruits of the Spirit under the sovereign Lordship of Jesus Christ; pursuing academic excellence in teaching; passionate witness of Jesus Christ across the world, transforming worldviews and culture with a Reformed perspective, and the exercise of pastoral leadership in the church. Mission The purpose statement identifies the mission and objectives of the university. Intentionally evangelical in perspective, Chongshin is a major influence on the church in Korea. Through training and equipping ministers and university students, Chongshin impacts Korean society in a positive manner. As a leading Christian liberal arts university in Korea, Chongshin brings a solid evangelical perspective to education as it trains and equips ministry leaders for Korea and the world. An active international program that seeks to train individuals from across the globe enhances the stature of the university. References and Resources Chongshin University. 2013. “Chongshin University.” Accessed 1 April 2013. www.chongshin.ac.kr. Presbyterian Churches of Korea. 2013. “World Council of Churches.” Accessed 1 April 2013. www.oikomene.org.

—Stephen K. McCord

Christ and Culture Since the publication of H. Richard Niebuhr’s Christ and Culture in 1951, it has provided the classic fivepoint typology for the ways in which Christianity has responded to a fundamental tension between the radical call of Christ and the inescapable reality that followers of Christ live in cultures replete with a plurality of values, though in recent decades it has come under scrutiny. For each approach Niebuhr offers historical examples, bibli-

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cal sources, and—with the exception of his favored fifth type—theological critique. The first approach sets Christ against culture. Christians of this sort are radicals who call for uncompromising loyalty to the Lordship and authority of Christ and for rejection of the rival claims of culture. Niebuhr points to early Christians, Mennonites, and Tertullian as historical examples of this posture, and cites 1 John and Revelation as supporting biblical sources. In stark contrast, the second approach advances a Christ of culture, an accommodating Christ whose truth and beauty are recognized though the values of culture. These liberals have historical antecedents in the Gnostics and their writings, as well as in Abelard, Kant, and Schleiermacher, each of whom, Niebuhr suggests, sought to bring together Christian ideals with those celebrated by the culture of their time in a harmonious manner. These first two approaches represent the polar opposite extremes of Niebuhr’s typology, which can be synthesized in varying permutations, resulting in the three remaining approaches that more closely describe the majority of Christians who live out their faith in what he calls “the church of the center.” As a synthesis, the third approach places Christ above culture. Christ and culture are neither synonymous with nor in opposition to each other. In this view, Christians are called to a dual, though unequal, allegiance, typified in Jesus’s instruction to “Render to Caesar what is Caesar’s and to God what is God’s.” These synthesists, exemplified by Justin Martyr, Clement of Alexandria, and Thomas Aquinas, construe culture as simultaneously human and divine in origin and thus accept that certain cultural claims and values are not only compatible with Christianity, but vital to its discernment. Dualists offer another alternative synthesis, which sees Christ and culture in paradox. Like the radicals, proponents of this approach observe a dichotomy that is operative, not only between church and society, but also within human hearts and between a righteous God and sinful humanity. Niebuhr finds precedent for this as a Christian response in Marcion, Luther, and Kierkegaard, as well as in Paul’s epistles. Christ transforming culture is Niebhur’s favored approach. This conversionist type offers an optimistic synthesis of synthesist and dualist types, emphasizing God’s present reality in the here and now and thus calling forth Christians to live into that fullness in the world. The Gospel of John provides a biblical source for this type, with its conversion motif and its own partial translation of the Gospel into the terms of Hellenistic culture. Though Calvin is mentioned briefly, Niebuhr’s great exemplar is Augustine, whose life, theology, and historical context testify to the transformation of persons and society writ large toward devotion to Christ.

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Niebuhr, however, does not consider any of these types to be “the Christian answer.” Instead, he opts for a “social existentialism” that accepts the fragmentary nature of human knowledge and nonetheless proceeds to make historically informed and culturally relative decisions in the faith that “the world of culture . . . exists within the world of grace” (Niehbuhr 1951, 256). Since the late 1980s, scholarly interest in critical engagement with Niebuhr’s typology, especially in the light of postmodern culture, has steadily been gaining momentum. This engagement can be traced back to John H. Yoder, an Anabaptist contemporary of Niebuhr, who penned a critical review of Christ and Culture in 1958, though it remained unpublished until 1996, when it appeared alongside related analysis and proposals from Glen Stassen and Diane Yeager. Others, including Charles Scriven, Stanley Hauerwas, and Craig Carter, have offered additional Anabaptist critiques. Scriven (1988) supports Niebuhr’s image of “transformation” as the proper relation of Christ and culture but questions how this transformation ought to be sought. He favors a “radical solidarity with Christ” approach wherein the church is the witness, and thus should function as an alternative society and transformative example. Carter (2007) maintains that Niebuhr’s five-point typology, depicted in Christ and Culture, served as an apt apology for Christendom as manifested in the cultural dominance of liberal Protestantism in the United States in the first half of the 20th century, to which neo-evangelicals and Catholics alike aspired. However, in an increasingly more post-Christian West, Carter offers an alternative post-Christendom typology in which he contrasts Christendom types—regarded as more docetic and coercive in nature—with non-Christendom ones—presented as more Nicene in theology and noncoercive. Critical engagement has also come from outside Anabaptist quarters. Anglican Graham Ward challenges the presupposition that “there is Christ and there is culture,” suggesting that theology must be done in the light of the fact that Jesus Christ was a God-Man whose humanity in the first-century Jewish-Palestinian culture cannot and should not be abstracted from his divinity. D. A. Carson (2012) utilizes a lens of biblical theology to suggest that each of Niebuhr’s options—save the scripturally indefensible accommodationist one—corresponds to each of the great turning points in biblical theology: Creation, Fall, Israel, Jesus, Church, and Eschaton. Thus, instead of authorizing Christians to choose a contextually appropriate approach, Carson asserts that the Bible provides a comprehensive and cohesive understanding within which Niebuhr’s options are mere emphases. Despite such criticism, Niebuhr’s model has had an enduring impact, notably on both religious educators

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and religious schools. Thomas Groome affirms Niebuhr’s penchant for the transforming model in pursuit of his dialectical model, shared Christian praxis. Robert Pazmiño uses the classic typology to highlight the danger of evangelical emphasis on piety leading to isolationism, naiveté regarding the influence of culture, and neglect of Christian culture-shaping responsibility. Religious educators aware of the pervasive influence of culture and media will be inclined to ask a further question regarding the utility of cultural products and media in religious education. Educational use of culturally developed media— book, film, song—is widely taken for granted. The use of cultural products such as popular movies, music, and television shows in religious formation, however, is more controversial. Theologian Robert Johnson regards film— a particular cultural product—as a resource for Christian spirituality, and adapts Niebuhr’s model to develop his matrix of Christian responses, including avoidance, caution, dialogue, appropriation, and divine encounter. Even without direct reference to Niebuhr, religious institutions of higher education bear marks of his influence in the strategies they have adopted for situating reason— a culturally constructed human capacity—in relation to revelation as an authoritative source for the formational task. Particularly, many notable Christian liberal arts institutions have utilized Niebuhr’s model in articulating and practicing their commitments to the integration of faith and learning, although leaving the precise nature of this integration often unspecified or implied. For Further Reading Carson, D. A. 2012. Christ and Culture Revisited. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. Carter, Craig A. 2007. Rethinking Christ and Culture: A PostChristendom Perspective. Grand Rapids, MI: Brazos Press. Groome, Thomas. 1999. Christian Religious Education. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Niebuhr, Helmut Richard. 1951. Christ and Culture. San Francisco: Harper & Row. Pazmino, Robert. 2008. So What Makes Our Teaching Christian? Teaching in the Name, Spirit, and Power of Jesus. Eugene, OR: Wipf and Stock Publishing. Scriven, Charles. 1988. The Transformation of Culture: Christian Social Ethics After H. Richard Niebuhr. Scottsdale, AZ: Herald Press. Stassen, Glen Harold, Diane M. Yeager, John Howard Yoder, and Helmut Richard Niebuhr. 1996. Authentic Transformation: A New Vision of Christ and Culture. Nashville, TN: Abingdon Press. Ward, Graham. 2005. Christ and Culture. Oxford: WileyBlackwell.

—S. Steve Kang and Christopher James

Christian and Missionary Alliance and Christian Education The Christian and Missionary Alliance (C&MA) is an evangelical denomination of more than 2,000 churches that focus on church planting and missionary work both in North America and abroad. Its constituents have a vested interest in evangelism and discipleship as they educate Christians. It boasts having “approximately 20,000 fellowships in 81 countries around the world with nearly 5 million Christians calling themselves ‘Alliance’” (C&MA n.d.). Historical Introduction and Christian Tradition The Christian & Missionary Alliance received official church and denominational recognition in 1974. It had been active long before that; in 1887 its founder, A. B. Simpson, a Presbyterian minister, drew Christians together from a number of evangelical denominations through an interdenominational missionary publication that he had developed on the “deeper spiritual life for the support of an aggressive missionary ministry” (“Christian and Missionary Alliance” 2003, 410). That publication was The Word, the Work, and the World, and it was the model for the current periodical of the C&MA, Alliance Life (“Christian and Missionary Alliance” 1992, 66). Simpson’s large readership resulted in a summer conference in Old Orchard, Maine in 1880 (“Christian and Missionary Alliance,” 410), inaugurating a series of missionary conventions. From these conventions sprang two separate organizations, The Christian Alliance (local branches) and The Missionary Alliance (mission-sending agency). Each intended to train and develop Christian workers for its expanding ministries both at home and abroad. In 1897, these organizations were combined to form the Christian and Missionary Alliance (410). The Christian & Missionary Alliance makes its theological home in the Wesleyan tradition, which began in the mid-18th century as a result of the influence of the Anglican clergyman John Wesley. The Second Great Awakening, toward the beginning of the 19th century, which came about partly from the influence of Wesley’s theological perspective, also played an important role in the development of the Holiness movement, of which the C&MA is a part (Schmidt 1988, 813–829). This movement sought to emphasize a number of things that mainline churches at that point in history had not, such as the gifts of the Holy Spirit, new forms of worship, sanctification, and a second work of grace that leads to perfection (Shattuck 2001b, 314). This broad theological and historical background laid the foundation for the C&MA academically and educationally.

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Academic Programs A. B. Simpson was an active figure in the development of Christian education. In 1882, he established the second Bible college in North America (in New York City), The Missionary Training Institute (Shattuck 2001a, 69). Today this institution, founded to educate men and women for service, is known as Nyack College. The institution grew, and eventually graduate programs were added through the Alliance Theological Seminary and Graduate Schools. Together these institutions offer more than 50 majors and enroll more than 3,000 students (Nyack n.d.-a). Nyack’s mission statement declares that it is “a Christian and Missionary Alliance educational institution, through its undergraduate, graduate and seminary programs, [that] pursues its historic mission of preparing men and women to ‘take the whole Gospel to the whole world’” (Nyack n.d.-b). Nyack’s core values are “to exalt Jesus Christ and fulfill its mission by being: academically excellent, globally engaged, intentionally diverse, personally transforming, and socially relevant” (Nyack n.d.-b). In addition to this institution, the C&MA now has four other colleges in North America, which all have similar mission statements and values: Toccoa Falls College, Crown College, Simpson University, and Ambrose University College & Seminary (Canada). Toccoa Falls College, founded in 1907 and located in northeast Georgia, offers 29 majors and 38 minors (Toccoa Falls College n.d.). Crown College, located west of Minneapolis, Minnesota, was founded in 1916 as St. Paul Bible Institute and now offers more than 30 majors (Crown College n.d.). Simpson University, founded in 1921 as the Simpson Bible Institute in Seattle, Washington, was moved to San Francisco in 1955 and renamed Simpson College. In 1989 it relocated to Redding, California, and was renamed Simpson University (Simpson University n.d.-a). It now offers 23 bachelor’s degree programs and several master’s programs (Simpson University n.d.-b). Finally, Ambrose University College & Seminary was originally founded as two separate schools (Canadian Bible Institute in 1941 and Calgary Bible Institute in 1921) from two separate denominations (C&MA in Canada and The Church of the Nazarene in Canada). These institutions went through various changes throughout the years, but in 2007 they became a single entity, located in southwest Calgary (Ambrose University College & Seminary n.d.a). Together they offer 19 undergraduate degrees and 9 graduate programs (Ambrose University College & Seminary n.d.-b). Christian Philosophy and Educational Mission Each educational institution, in addition to its ministry preparation degrees, now has a liberal arts emphasis and

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is a member of the Council for Christian Colleges and Universities (CCCU), which states as its mission: “To advance the cause of Christ-centered higher education and to help our institutions transform lives by faithfully relating scholarship and service to biblical truth” (Council for Christian Colleges & Universities n.d.). Ambrose University College & Seminary is waiting accreditation with the CCCU. The philosophical and educational mission that stands behind these colleges, universities, and graduate school institutions carries an urgency to proclaim the Gospel of Jesus Christ to the farthest reaches of a spiritually lost world. A. B. Simpson drove home this emphasis as a result of his theological framework, forged within the Wesleyan/Holiness perspectives of the late 19th century. He developed what was called “The Four-Fold Gospel” (Simpson 1925). This perspective “emphasized the all-sufficiency of Christ for all of life: Christ as Savior, Sanctifier, Healer, and Coming King” (“Christian and Missionary Alliance” 1992, 67). “Strongly evangelical, the Alliance believes in the inspiration and inerrancy of the Bible, the atoning work of Christ, the reality of supernatural religious experience, sanctification, and the pre-millennial return of Jesus Christ” (“Christian & Missionary Alliance” 2001, 156). From these foundations one can see the historical background in action, for Simpson had a deep desire for Christians in any location to reengage with the importance of personal holiness as a means of advancing the Gospel of Jesus Christ. Genuine spiritual conversion is needed for personal spiritual growth and holiness (sanctification) to take effect and for believers to live lives of faithful obedience to God and in service to Him. This is also true for the regional and local churches that make up the C&MA. The C&MA policy manual explicitly describes this as: a process by which the Holy Spirit works through the inspired Scriptures, related materials, and Spirit-empowered believers to lead individuals to Christ, build them up in Christ, and equip them for effective lifelong ministry for Christ . . . . [This] disciple-making ministry is purposely and intentionally designed to make healthy disciples at every age level by teaching children, youth, and adults to obey everything God has commanded . . . . [These disciples are to] reproduce themselves and whose lives reflect balance in winning the lost, building believers, equipping workers, multiplying leaders, and sending called-ones . . . . [Curriculum for this task] includes the resources and experiences used in nurturing individuals to maturity in Christ. Curriculum must be biblically based, purposefully selected, and systematically taught to address the spiritual growth issues of individuals at every age level. (“Philosophy and Guidelines for DiscipleMaking Ministries” 2011, A20–1, 2)

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Since its inception, the Christian and Missionary Alliance has faithfully worked to follow the Great Commission mandate to make disciples of all nations: “All authority in heaven and on earth has been given to me. Therefore go and make disciples of all nations, baptizing them in the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit, and teaching them to obey everything I have commanded you. And surely I am with you always, to the very end of the age” (Matt. 28:18–20, NIV). References and Resources Ambrose University College & Seminary. n.d.-a. “About Us.” Accessed 10 June 2013. https://ambrose.edu/content/our -history. Ambrose University College & Seminary. n.d.-b. “Programs.” Accessed 10 June 2013. https://ambrose.edu/enrolment/ programs. “Christian and Missionary Alliance.” 1992. In An Encyclopedia of Religions in the United States, edited by W. B. Williamson, 64–67. New York: Crossway Publishing. “Christian & Missionary Alliance.” 2001. In Handbook of Denominations in the United States, 11th ed., edited by F. S. Mead and S. S. Hill, 156–157. Nashville, TN: Abington Press. “Christian and Missionary Alliance.” 2003. In Encyclopedia of American Religions, 7th ed., edited by J. G. Melton, 410. Farmington Hills, MI: Gale. The Christian & Missionary Alliance (C&MA). n.d. “About Us.” Accessed 5 June 2013. http://cmalliance.org/about/. Council for Christian Colleges & Universities. n.d. “About CCCU.” Accessed 7 June 2013. http://www.cccu.org/about. Crown College. n.d. “About Crown.” Accessed 10 June 2013. http://www.crown.edu/about/quick-facts/. “Holiness Family.” 2003. In Encyclopedia of American Religions, 7th ed., edited by J. G. Melton, 79–82. Farmington Hills, MI: Gale. Holy Bible. 1995. New International Version. Nashville, TN: Broadman & Holman. Nyack. n.d.-a. “Nyack Facts.” Accessed 6 June 2013. http:// nyack.edu/content/NyackFacts. Nyack. n.d.-b. “Who We Are.” Accessed 6 June 2013. http:// nyack.edu/content/WhoWeAre. “Philosophy and Guidelines for Disciple-Making Ministries.” 2011. In Policy and Procedure Manual for Districts and Churches (A20–1, 2). Unpublished manuscript, South Atlantic District. Schmidt, J. M. 1988. “Holiness and Perfection.” In Encyclopedia of the American Religious Experience, edited by C. H. Lippy and P. W. Williams, II:813–829. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons. Shattuck, G. H. 2001a. “Bible Schools.” In Encyclopedia of American Religious History, edited by E. L. Queen, S. R. Prothero, and G. H. Shattuck, 69–70. Boston: Proseworks.

———. 2001b. “Holiness Movement.” In Encyclopedia of American Religious History, edited by E. L. Queen, S. R. Prothero, and G. H. Shattuck, 314–317. Boston: Proseworks. Simpson, A. B. 1925. The Four-Fold Gospel. Harrisburg, PA: Christian Publications. Simpson University. n.d.-a. “About Simpson.” Accessed 10 June 2013. http://simpsonu.edu/Pages/About/Simpson/ History.htm. Simpson University. n.d.-b. “Academics.” Accessed 10 June 2013. http://simpsonu.edu/Pages/Academics/index.htm. Toccoa Falls College. n.d. “About Toccoa Falls College.” Accessed 10 June 2013. http://www.tfc.edu/about-tfc.

—Donald R. Shepson III

Christian Camps Christian camps move participants from the comfortable security of everyday life to a new environment, typically outdoors, in order to deepen their understanding of God and further their spirituality. Although to “go apart” from the world in order to grow closer to God is an ancient and honored practice, current models of organized Christian camping originated in North America in the late 19th century. These early Christian camping efforts grew out of the evangelistic camp meetings that originated during the late 18th and early 19th centuries on the American frontier. Like these revival meetings, early Christian camping involved basic facilities such as wagons and makeshift tents, which enabled those of even the most limited economic means to participate. Having evolved and spread throughout the world, evangelical Christian camping is now more sophisticated and organized internationally as an alliance of national and regional associations under the auspices of Christian Camping International. Camping provides a unique opportunity to develop relational, transformational, and vocational dimensions of a more holistic spirituality. Jesus, the Living Word, walked with His closest disciples for an extended period of time and allowed them to learn experientially what it means to know God, to love one another, and to minister the Gospel. Camping provides similar opportunity, albeit over a shorter time, for today’s disciples to “walk” with the Word in a more intense, comprehensive, and “roundthe-clock” manner. Formative programs and experiences can last for longer periods of time (usually a weekend or a week) than the typical once weekly, hourly meetings of most church educational programs. Extended, focused periods such as these allow for learning experiences more conducive to transformation. These experiences also occur as a break from the normal flow of events, provid-

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ing a retreat from the stresses and distractions of everyday life. The context naturally provides learning experiences that emulate the informal, but effective, teaching of Jesus as He walked with His disciples. With the exception of solo camping, most organized camping allows Christians to practice the relational dynamics of community living and experience the interdependence of living as the family of God. Although practiced most frequently in age-segregated groups, with particular focus on youth, camps involving whole families can introduce an intergenerational aspect through which participants can experience the church as “extended family.” Activities designed to build a climate of trust, as well as interdependence and commitment, can enhance the individual and corporate spirituality of the Body of Christ. Formation occurring in the outdoor context provides a greater opportunity to “be at one” with God’s creation, thereby giving a deeper understanding of God as creator as well as a greater appreciation for His creation. This context also provides occasion for reflection and discussion concerning the “earth-keeping” responsibilities that Christians have as stewards. Beholding the beauty of God’s creation in a camping context evokes a response of awe, wonder, worship, and praise not experienced in most Western Christians’ daily, urban environments. References and Resources Graendorf, Werner, and Lloyd Mattson. 1984. An Introduction to Christian Camping. Chicago: Moody Press. Mattson, Lloyd. 1998. Christian Camping Today. Wheaton, IL: H. Shaw Publishers. Venable, Stephen, and Donald Joy. 1998. How to Use Christian Camping Experiences in Religious Education. Birmingham, AL: Religious Education Press.

—John Lillis

Christian Education Christian education is the church’s attempt to inculcate faith in its adherents. Historian Jaroslav Pelikan suggests that “[t]he church is always more than a school, but the church cannot be less than a school.”88 So the church orchestrates its efforts to teach knowledge, habits, attitudes, and beliefs; doing so though three intermingling means: an informal or socialization process, a formal or schooling endeavor, and informal or self-directed learning. But John Westerhoff warns: “Teaching religion is not very important”; at best, it only produces “educated 88. Jaroslav Pelikan, The Christian Tradition: A History of the Development of Doctrine, 5 vols. (Chicago: University of Chicago press, 1971–1989), 1.

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atheists.”89 In fact, Soren Kierkegaard thought Christian education was the main obstacle to Christian belief.90 What indictments! Consider, however, the unfortunate experience of Sergei Bulgakov. He was born into a family of Russian Orthodox priests and attended a seminary to train for the same profession, where he experienced a loss of faith. He later returned to the church: “How did I come to lose my faith? . . . It occurred when the poetry of my childhood was squeezed out of my life by the prose of seminary education. I realized that I could not be satisfied with the apologetics of the textbooks. Instead of helping me, they further undermined my faith.”91 This is a tragedy and obviously the opposite of what any educational efforts in faith would desire. How can the church effectively accomplish its goals? The Goal of Christian Education Thomas Groome (1999) defines Christian education as a political activity with pilgrims in time that deliberately and intentionally attends with them to the activity of God in our present day, to the Story of the Christian faith community, and to the Vision of God’s Kingdom, the seeds of which are already among us. What it means to be Christian is that we are a people who affirm to find true destiny only by locating our lives within the story of God. And this “story of God” has both practical and transcendent dimensions. Hauerwas says: “The Church is but God’s gesture on behalf of the world to create a space and time in which we might have a foretaste of the Kingdom. It is through gestures that we learn the nature of the story that is the very content and constitution of that Kingdom. The way we learn a story, after all, is not just by hearing it. It must be acted out.”92 Christian education, then, is the training in those gestures through which we learn the story of God and God’s will for our lives. What does Christian education seek to accomplish? Simply put, transformation. Individual believers and communities of faith are to be changed in thinking, doing, and feeling. First, those who grow in faith will increasingly love and obey God rather than replacing their worship and devotion with other things. Second, maturing disciples will love their neighbors as themselves. Compassion, forgiveness, and submission will be the rule rather than selfishness, bitterness, and pride. Third, they will seek to honor God in all they do, including their jobs and the way they spend their time. Last, they will feel the 89. John Westerhoff, Will Our Children Have Faith? rev. ed. (Harrisburg, PA: Morehouse Publishing, 2000), 18. 90. Howard V. See and Edna H. Hong, The Essential Kierkegaard (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2000). 91. Sergei Bulgakov, Father Sergius Bulgakov, 1871–1944: A Collection of Articles (London: Fellowship of St. Alban and St. Sergius, 1969). 92. Stanley Hauerwas, “The Gesture of a Truthful Story,” Theology Today 42 (1985): 181–189.

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need and possess the ability to share their faith with those around them in an honorable way. Challenges to Educating Christians in the 21st Century Despite the Reformation, which called for the text of scripture to be made available in the common language of laypeople, the Christian laity remains theologically uneducated. Farley wonders why the vast majority of Christian believers remain largely unexposed to Christian learning: to historical-critical studies of the Bible; the content and structure of the great doctrines; 2,000 years of classic works on the Christian life; and basic disciplines of theology, biblical languages, and Christian ethics.93 How is it possible one can attend or even teach Sunday school for decades and at the end of that time lack the interpretative skills of someone who has taken three or four weeks of an introductory course in Bible at a university or seminary? Murphy calls Christian education “a discipline struggling for legitimacy and respectability, a discipline whose intellectual complacency and lack of critical awareness have not only led to its marginalization in the academy but also left it bankrupt of the necessary resources to carry out the urgent task of forming and transforming the lives of Christians.”94 Theologians accuse Christian educators of not being theologically informed; educators criticize theologians for neglecting the task of being educators. Theologians wrongly assume that because one may know theology, one assuredly can teach it. Some churches are hindered by ministers who have little facility in or appreciation for the educational enterprise. Yet theology is as useless without good education as Christian education is dangerous without informed theology (Groome 1999). Four obstacles may thwart efforts to fulfilling this mission of Christian education:95 First is disconnectedness between biblical truth and the lives of believers. Education in faith must be at the same time an investigative process that guides people in the exploration of our experience with God; a critical process that liberates us from the patterns of thinking, feeling, valuing, and behaving that make it difficult for us to participate in this experience; and a caring process through which we graciously invite one another to enter freely and ever more deeply into this experience. Without meaning, Christian education is mere history. 93. Edward Farley, “Can Church Education be Theological Education?” Theology Today 42 (1985): 158–171. 94. Debra Murphy, Teaching That Transforms: Worship as the Heart of Christian Education (Grand Rapids, MI: Brazos, 2004), 22. 95. This material is adapted from Mark A. Lamport and Darrell Yoder, “Faithful Gestures: Rebooting the Educational Mission of the Church,” Christian Education Journal (Spring 2006): 58–78.

Second is a lack of theological reflection and honest searching for God’s ways in the world. When church education does not introduce laypeople to methods of theological reflection on biblical and theological texts, they are confined to their own opinions and interpretations. Theological naïveté is the result of a lack of critical thinking rooted in and modeled by the educational practices of the church. Without reflection, Christian education is mere activism. Third is a tenet that the Christian life is a solitary journey, filled with personal decisions to be individually negotiated, with a corresponding diminution of the community of faith. In the context of religious community, education is our attempt to help one another understand this mystery (of God) in its breadth and depth and its implications for ourselves and the world. Without community, Christian education is mere speculation. Fourth is a flawed presumption that those who hear biblical truth will ipso facto make the leap of application and revise their thoughts, attitudes, and actions toward virtuous ends. Creativity and innovation will mark effective teaching in the Christian realm, which engages the student in learning and stretches faith by interacting with lived reality. Where passivity embodies Christian education, words are the primary motif. Without action, Christian education is mere verbalism. The Practice of Christian Education The content of Christian education is the story of God that the church is called to live by, and the task of Christian education is to create conditions in which this story can do its transformative work. Cannon describes this call to action in this way: “Engagement in spiritual practices leads to Christ-centered action through works of justice such as service, discipleship and reconciliation. At the same time, justice-oriented action also leads back to reflection through spiritual practices such as silence, prayer and study. The correlation between reflection and increased social action is not linear . . . .The spiritual practices are recursive disciplines that simultaneously draw people closer to the heart of God through reflection and action.”96 Four practices are vital to effective Christian education and nurturing faith: First, worship incubates faith. In corporate worship the lives of Christians are formed and transformed; Christian identity is conferred and nurtured. Through worship, Christians grasp their place in the cosmos. 96. Mae Elise Cannon, Just Spirituality: How Faith Practices Fuel Social Action (Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press, 2013), 15.

Christian Education Journals

Second, community makes faith operational. Involvement in a faith community describes believers’ position as co-learners in a mutual quest. Community endemically binds us to others. Through community, Christians grasp their position in the cosmos. Third, reflection makes faith meaningful. It is this exercise that gives Christians perspective on the meaning of scripture and the world’s issues. Through theological reflection, Christians grasp God’s perspective on the cosmos. Fourth, engagement makes faith come alive. Interaction outside the church has the potential to test, strengthen, correct, and even substantiate faith. Through this interface with other cultures, philosophies, and faith traditions, Christians find opportunities to explain their faith and often identify weaknesses in thinking, such as the perennial human tendencies toward triumphalism and self-deception. Through outside interaction, Christians grasp passion for mission in the cosmos. References and Resources Carroll, Jackson, and Wade Clark Roof. 2002. Bridging Divided Worlds. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Dykstra, Craig. 1999. Growing in the Life of Faith: Education and Christian Practices. Louisville, KY: Geneva Press. Foster, Charles. 1994. Educating Congregations. Nashville, TN: Abingdon Press. Groome, Thomas. 1999. Christian Religious Education: Sharing Our Story and Vision. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Nelson, C. Ellis. 1967. Where Faith Begins. Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press. Wolfe, Alan. 2005. The Transformation of American Religion: How We Actually Live Our Faith. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

—Mark A. Lamport

Christian Education Journals A hallmark of any developing discipline is robust written discussion and interaction among academics and practitioners, and this has been so in the field of Christian education. Academic journals have been published as the discipline has developed, to share research, contemporary thinking, and the challenges and opportunities of informed educational practice. This list encompasses current (as of March 2013) English-language journals that address Christian education issues in a reasonable proportion of their content.97 97. A more comprehensive annotated list of the current journals is available in Allan G. Harkness, “Exploring the Interface between Christian

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• British Journal of Religious Education (BJRE). 1934–. Previously Religion in Education and Learning for Living, BJRE provides a UK-based ecumenical forum for school-based religious education, along with the complementary fields of values education, spiritual education, and intercultural education.98 • Christian Education Journal (CEJ). 1980–. Published by Talbot School of Theology in cooperation with the National Association of Professors of Christian Education (NAPCE), CEJ’s focus is “to strengthen the conception and practice of Christian education in church and parachurch settings.”99 • Christian Educators’ Journal (CEducatorsJ). 1961–. Published by the Christian Educators Association (USA) with supporting institutions, to encourage dialogue among “all educators committed to the idea of Christian day school at the elementary, secondary and college levels.”100 • Christian Higher Education: An International Journal of Research, Theory, and Practice (CHE). 2002–. Sponsored by the International Association for the Promotion of Christian Higher Education and others, CHE provides an interdisciplinary and international forum to focus on the study and practice of Christian higher education.101 • Christian Teachers Journal (CTJ). 1992–. The academic journal of Christian Education National (which has arisen from the Christian-parent-controlled schools movement), in Australia, providing “a forum for the exchange of ideas and practices to advance the cause of Christ centred education.”102 • Common Ground Journal (CGJ). 2002–. The online journal of the CanDoSpirit Network (USA), from educational foundations, providing “a resource for Christian congregations seeking to understand and faithfully live out their calling as the people of God in the world.”103 • ICCTE Journal (ICCTE). 2006–. An academic online forum of the U.S.-based International Christian Community for Teacher Education, exploring “the relationship between Christian belief, teacher education and related fields.”104 Faith and Education: An Annotated List of Current Journals,” Journal of Education and Christian Belief 17, no. 1 (2013). 98. http://www.retoday.org.uk/benefit/bjre (accessed 27 December 2012). 99. http://journals.biola.edu/cej/about (accessed 20 December 2012). 100. http://www.cejonline.com/about/ (accessed 11 March 2013). 101. http://www.tandfonline.com/action/aboutThisJournal?show=aims Scope&journalCode=uche20 (accessed 27 December 2012). 102. http://www.cen.edu.au/journal.aspx#3 (accessed 27 December 2012). 103. http://www.commongroundjournal.org/resources.html#mission (accessed 27 December 2012). 104. http://icctejournal.org/home/authors-guidelines (accessed 27 December 2012).

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• Journal of Beliefs and Values: Studies in Religion and Education (JBV). 1965–. The journal of the Association of University Lecturers in Religion and Education (UK), which “supports the community of academics in the United Kingdom researching and teaching at the interface of religion and education.”105 • Journal of Christian Education (JCE). 1958–. Published by the Australian Christian Forum on Education (formerly the Australian Teachers Christian Fellowship), JCE’s purpose is “to consider the implications of the Christian faith for the entire field of education,”106 although historically it has focused more on school-based educational issues. • Journal of Education and Christian Belief (JECB). 1968–. Initially Spectrum, and published by the Association of Christian Teachers (UK), JECB is cosponsored by the Kuyers Institute of Christian Teaching and Learning (Calvin College, U.S.). It provides an international forum for “current educational thinking from a Christian perspective” (JECB byline). • Journal of Religious Education (JRE). 1952–. Sponsored by the Faculty of Religious Education, Australian Catholic University, JRE presents primarily Roman Catholic perspectives on “the academic exploration of the task of religious education in modern society.” 107 • Journal of Research on Christian Education (JRCE). 1992–. Sponsored by the School of Education of the Seventh Day Adventist Andrews University (U.S.), JRCE “provides a vehicle for the scholarly interchange of research findings relative to every level of Christian education”108—especially Protestant schools. • Panorama: The Intercultural Annual of Interdisciplinary Ethical and Religious Studies for Responsible Research. 1989–. Initiated by the International Seminar on Religious Education and Values and published in Germany, Panorama encourages international dialogue on the interface between religious education and societal issues. • Religion and Education (R&E). 1973–. Originally sponsored by the now-dissolved National Council on Religion and Public Education (U.S.), R&E explores the relationship between education and beliefs and values across a broad religious spectrum. • Religious Education (RE). 1906–. Under the auspices of the Religious Education Association (U.S.), RE “offers an interfaith forum for exploring religious identity, formation, and education in faith com105. http://www.aulre.org.uk/ (accessed 2 January 2013). 106. http://www.jce.org.au/about.php (accessed 15 December 2012). 107. http://www.acu.edu.au/about_acu/faculties,_institutes_and_cen tres/education/faculty_ publications/journal_of_religious_education (accessed 27 December 2012). 108. http://www.andrews.edu/jrce/index.html. Accessed 27 Dec. 2012.

munities, academic disciplines and institutions, and public life and the global community.”109 • Religious Education Journal of Australia (REJA). 1985–. REJA is the academic forum for the Australian Association for Religious Education, a professional body for those who teach RE and/or are chaplains in Australian schools. • TEACH Journal of Christian Education (TEACH). 2007–. From the School of Education, Avondale College of Higher Education (Seventh Day Adventist), Australia, TEACH provides an academic forum for Christians in formal education across the age spectrum. A number of journals have ceased publication, including the following: • AICEP Journal (AICEP). Early 1990s. Sponsored by the Association of Instructors of Christian Education in the Philippines, when AICEP actively contributed to Asian Christian educational concerns. • Dialogue: A Catholic Journal of Education. 1966– 1976. A progressive journal challenging cherished educational perspectives, sponsored by a group of Roman Catholic academics in Victoria, Australia. • International Journal of Education and Religion (IJE&R). 2000–2003. Published in association with the ecumenical and international Education and Ethos Network, after a short tenure this journal was refocused as the Journal of Empirical Theology. • International Journal of Religious Education (IJRE). 1929–1961. A journal of the ecumenical National Council of the Churches of Christ (U.S.) and International Council of Religious Education. • Research on Christian Higher Education (RCHE). 1990s. A publication of the Council for Christian Colleges & Universities, United States. • Teaching with Compassion, Competence, Commitment. 2007–2010. A journal published by the School of Education, Mount Vernon Nazarene University, United States. Scope of the Journals The journals reflect the diverse and somewhat amorphous scope of the endeavors that explore academically the interface between the Christian faith and theology and educational issues—for which there is no one sufficiently inclusive term. The boundaries are fluid between the contexts for education, Christian, and broader religious and cultural perspectives, and “academic vis-à-vis practical” concerns.

109. www.tandfonline.com/action/aboutThisJournal?show=aimsScope &journalCode=urea20 (accessed 27 December 2012).

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The dominant content focus of the journals varies considerably: • Christian perspectives on the processes in formal educational institutions (schools, colleges, and universities), especially in the public/state sector: JCE, JECB, TCCC, TEACH. • The processes of the specific Christian/religious education courses offered in schools—both public and church administered—and the chaplaincy services in schools: BJRE, REJA; also a complementary focus for JCE and JECB. • Education in Christian- and church-administered school/tertiary settings: CEducatorsJ, CHE, CTJ, ICCTE, JRCE, JRE, RCHE, TEACH. • Educational issues in confessional settings, represented mainly by Christian churches and organizations, and more broadly: AICEP, CEJ, CGJ, IJRE, RE. • The interface among education, religion, and world issues: JBV, Panorama, R&E. The content of these journals also overlaps with a complementary range of journals addressing issues in theological education, children, youth, adult, and gerontological spirituality and ministry, as well as spirituality/ spiritual formation. The journals arise out of a broad spectrum of theological/religious traditions: • Protestant, especially evangelical and Reformed: AICEP, CEJ, CEducatorsJ, CGJ, CHE, CTJ, ICCTE, JCE, JECB, JRCE, RCHE, TCCC, TEACH. • Ecumenical, primarily Protestant but may also include Roman Catholic: BJRE, IJRE, REJA. (RE draws on the Jewish tradition also.) • Roman Catholic: Dialogue, JRE. • Nonsectarian and interreligious: JBV, Panorama, R&E. The journals usually draw a wider readership than that represented by their sponsors/publishers. Most of these journals, as academic publications, are also open to submissions that may not represent their theological/ religious tradition. With the exception of the short-lived AICEP, the journals are all from Western settings, reflecting the historical locus of the CE/RE academic discipline. Editors The journals’ editors are usually acknowledged, competent scholars. The lists of former and current journal editors highlight key contributors in the CE/RE disciplines internationally, including scholars like John Hull

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and Robert Jackson (BJRE); Perry Downs and Kevin Lawson (CEJ); Anna Hogg and Brian Hill (JCE); John Shortt, David Smith, and Trevor Cooling (JECB); and Randolph Crump Miller, John Westerhoff III, and Jack Seymour (RE). Challenges and Opportunities The journals play an undisputedly strategic role. However, their viability is often tenuous, on several counts: Quality and flow of articles: Sustainability is dependent on a regular flow of publishable items. Generating relevant thinking and writing (especially in public education settings) is often deemed by educational professionals to be “extracurricular” and so of lesser priority. Submissions—both unsolicited and commissioned—are often not sufficiently significant and journal-appropriate to justify publication. Journal issues may comprise papers from a conference or forum, but the quality may vary. Publishing schedules: Many of the CE/RE journals struggle to maintain their publication schedules, due usually to both a lack of suitable material and the sheer busyness of the part-time editors in their institutions and as scholars in their field. The editorial process is protracted when most manuscripts need to be revised following peer review. Financial viability: Few of the CE/RE journals, as limited circulation publications, are financially profitable. Some are underwritten by their sponsoring institutions/organizations and struggle to survive when that support is withdrawn. The production of other journals is contracted out to a commercial entity (e.g., Taylor and Francis), which often results in subscription rates that deter individuals and institutions, especially in majority world countries. Internet: The global reach and accessibility of the Internet and international mergers will doubtless have a significant impact on the future of CE/RE journals, although—as in other disciplines—amplifying the challenge of scholarly quality. —Allan Harkness

Christian Education Movement The Christian education movement in North American Protestant churches was launched with a critique of the theological assumptions made by the religious education movement, which had in turn sought to reform the theological and pedagogical assumptions of the Sunday school movement. The critique appeared in H. Shelton Smith’s Faith and Nurture (1941), published as North

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American Protestant congregations coming out of the Great Depression were recognizing the seriousness of the political crises in Europe and Asia. The catalyst for Smith’s critique was Harrison Elliott’s recently published Can Religious Education Be Christian (1940), a work highlighting key religious education movement themes. Through his doctoral studies in religious education at Yale, Smith had become familiar with those themes. Further reading in the works of Reinhold Niebuhr, Karl Barth, and other neo-orthodox theologians, however, directed his critique not to the pedagogical assumptions of the movement, but instead to its emphasis on the immanence rather than the transcendence of God, the historical Jesus rather than the Christ of faith, and the Kingdom of God reenvisioned in democratic terms. After the publication of Faith and Nurture, Smith turned his attention to the study of historical and ethical issues. Several other academic Christian religious educators, however, drew on his critique to articulate a new vision for the purposes and functions of Christian religious education. That group included, among others, Paul Vieth (1945), Randolph Crump Miller (1950), James Smart (1954), G. Stanley Glen (1961), Campbell Wyckoff (1961), Sara Little (1961), and Lewis Sherrill (1963). Miller highlighted the unifying principle of this new movement when he identified theology as The Clue to Christian Education (1950). A reinvigorated commitment to the theological foundations of a Christian religious education was at the same time also reshaping Roman Catholic discussions of Christian religious education, at first in Austria during the 1930s, in what became known as the kerygmatic movement, which then spread throughout Europe and into the United States and among North American evangelical Protestants, who in a similar fashion were increasingly emphasizing biblical scholarship and doctrinal sources in their understanding of religious education processes. Mission The distinguishing feature of the Christian education movement was the attention it gave to the doctrinal impetus and framework of educational practice. Its advocates viewed Christian religious education as a theological discipline. Theology was its source; critical theological reflection on the life of faith was its end. Theological training was crucial for its teachers and leaders. Much attention consequently was given by both academic and professional Christian educators to the objectives and design of the educational mission of congregations. That work culminated in two documents produced ecumenically under the auspices of the National Council of Churches of Christ in the United States. The first established an explicitly theological objective, adopted

by many Protestant denominations to guide their approaches to youth ministry. That objective was later appropriated in the second document as the objective for all Christian education. It created a theologically systematic framework for curriculum development and the training of teachers and leaders: The objective for Christian education is that all persons be aware of God through his self-disclosure, especially his redeeming love as revealed in Jesus Christ, and that they respond in faith and love—to the end that they may know who they are and what their human situation means, grow as sons of God rooted in the Christian community, live in the Spirit of God in every relationship, fulfill their common discipleship in the world and abide in the Christian hope.110

In The Church’s Education Ministry: A Curriculum Plan (1965), produced by The Cooperative Curriculum Project of the National Council of Churches, academic and professional Christian educators collaborated in developing an elaborate and comprehensive design for curriculum resources based on each phrase of this objective statement. The intent of the project was for each participating denomination to produce its own resources, thereby emphasizing at once their common objectives and their distinctive traditions, beliefs, and practices. The articulation of a shared objective with programmatic implications was timely. The shared cultural ethos cultivated by the partnership of Sunday and public schools had collapsed as schools struggled to respond to the increasing religious diversity they encountered among their students and teachers and with judgments by the U.S. Supreme Court ruling out school-sponsored devotional practices. North American mainline Protestant denominations were now faced with providing the reinforcing structures for Christian education in their congregations. This new curricular framework for the content of congregational teaching and learning consequently functioned for denominational leaders as a new unifying principle to replace that which had been lost. Method Academic and professional Christian educators who identified with the goals of the Christian education movement generally did not challenge or call into question either the agency of the Sunday school or the pedagogical practices associated with the discovery methodologies of the religious education movement. Yet the movement had two distinguishing pedagogical features. The first 110. “The Objective of Christian Education for Senior High Young People,” National Council of the Churches of Christ in the U.S.A., quoted in Robert L. Browning, Communicating the Faith with Junior Highs (Nashville, TN: Graded Press, 1968), 25.

Christian Education Research

emphasized the teaching role of pastors as congregational theologians-in-residence. In the second, its leaders increasingly refined and honed the discovery methodologies they had inherited in laboratory settings for the training of volunteer teachers, which in turn became models for their own practice in the Sunday school or what they now increasingly called the church school. In the newly organized United Church of Christ, the Methodist Church, the Episcopal Church, and several other denominations, Christian education leaders increasingly drew on the training experience of the National Training Labs in Bethel, Maine, to deepen their understanding of the links between theological knowledge about God and the lived experience of teacher and student faith. At the same time, they were drawing on the developmental theories of Erik Erikson, Robert J. Havighurst, David Elkind, and later James Fowler, to align expectations for learning with age group capacities. These two emphases focused much attention on the communication of the gospel in the learning environment, in books ranging from Randolph Crump Miller’s Language of God, to Reuel Howe’s The Miracle of Dialogue, to David Hunter’s Christian Education as Engagement, to Robert Browning’s Communicating the Faith with Junior Highs. Impact The momentum of the Christian education movement, however, was soon subverted. With the dissolution of the partnership of the school of the church with the public school, denominational agencies and congregations no longer had a supporting cultural ethos for their Christian education efforts. Denominational restructuring—prompted by church mergers, the desire for managerial and fiscal efficiency, and the backlash of many church people against the role of clergy and denominational agencies in the civil rights movement and their support of protests against the Vietnam War—culminated in the general dismantling of denominational agencies supporting and reinforcing local church education. Despite strong Christian education faculties in many colleges and seminaries, support for theologically trained professional leadership in Christian education in many mainline Protestant denominations declined. Some seminaries did not replace their Christian education faculty, and many colleges disbanded their academic programs in the field. Still, the Christian education movement has had an impact—perhaps most notably in the area of curriculum development. For a time denominational curriculum resources engaged all age groups in explicitly robust theological learning. With the collapse of volunteer teacher and leader training programs, resources produced by those same denominational and some inde-

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pendent publishers lost much of their theological rigor, but not their theological focus. A second continuing impact may be seen in the expanding ecumenical dialogue in conferences, publications, and academic degree programs on Christian religious education as a form of practical theology. —Charles Foster

Christian Education Research For the first two and a half centuries following the founding of Harvard, Christian colleges dominated the landscape of academic research in what is now called the United States of America. This occurred largely because 121 of the first 122 colleges established in the nation were Christian universities. During these 250 years academic research was, in some sense, almost by definition Christian education research. In the late 1800s, the forces of secularization began to affect many of America’s most prominent Christian universities. This trend had the gradual effect of diluting the quality of Christian education research. Concurrent with these trends was the fact that due largely to vast increases in taxation by the government to support public schools, the percentage of elementary and secondary school students attending Christian schools decreased, from a majority of the nation’s students to a distinct minority. As a result, the portion of the nation’s students that constituted the population of Christian education students slowly went from nearly all to a small minority of them. Christian education research was energized in the early 1960s when, in a series of three decisions, the U.S. Supreme Court removed prayer and Bible readings from the public schools. In the aftermath of these decisions, juvenile crime soared, SAT scores plummeted for an unprecedented 17 consecutive years, and many parents and educators wondered whether the Court’s decisions had had some unintended consequences (Jeynes 2010). As a result of the 1962–1963 Court decisions, Protestants established private schools in record-breaking numbers, joining numerous Catholics, who already had established a strong system of schools. James Coleman (1988) arose as the leading academic to quantitatively compare Christian schools and public schools and came to the conclusion that Christian school students had an advantage over their counterparts in public schools. Furthermore, he concluded that much of this advantage was due to a Christian school culture that existed at the faith-based schools. A growing number of quantitative studies consistently indicate that students at private religious schools outperform their counterparts in public schools, even when

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controlling for socioeconomic status, race, and other relevant variables. A recent meta-analysis in the Peabody Journal of Education indicates that this advantage for students at faith-based schools also extends to their counterparts in public charter schools (Jeynes 2012). Quantitative research suggests a number of reasons for this advantage, most of which are consistent with Coleman’s original thesis (Bryk, Lee, and Holland 1993). These findings have helped generate a great deal of debate about the potential merits of school choice, which have been argued in books and even in a White House symposium on urban education (Chubb and Moe 1990). References and Resources Bryk, A., V. Lee, and P. Holland. 1993. Catholic Schools and the Common Good. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Chubb, J. E., and T. M. Moe. 1990. Politics, Markets, and America’s Schools. Washington, DC: Brookings Institute. Coleman, J. 1988. “Social Capital in the Creation of Human Capital.” American Journal of Sociology 94: S95–S120. Jeynes, W. 2010. A Call for Character Education and Prayer in the Schools. Westport, CT: Praeger. ———. 2012. “A Meta-analysis on the Effects and Contributions of Public, Public Charter, and Religious Schools on Student Outcomes.” Peabody Journal of Education 87 (3): 265–305.

—William Jeynes

Christian Education, Challenges to Any obstacle that diminishes or thwarts the truth of God from being integrated into the minds, hearts, and lives of Christians and the church is a challenge to the objectives of Christian education. Some of these challenges are provoked from outside the church (e.g., secularism, pluralism); others (confoundingly!) are fueled from inside the church (e.g., misguided content and methods). Still other challenges are promulgated by individual Christians (e.g., defiant attitudes, unrelenting sin, nominal “Christianity”). What then are the unique and most critical challenges to educating Christians? Challenges by Individual Students The basic axiom of learning in any educational setting is based on the students’ motivation and capability. A student may be willing but not able. A student may be able but not willing. And of course a student may be neither willing nor able. If students are both willing and able, learning will be muted. Questions about motivation and capability for being educated in Christianity are not often considered with perspicuity. Whereas rewards through high grades or awards may drive a student in formal school settings to

learn, no such formal evaluation is part of most informal growth in faith. Whereas cognitive wherewithal is the primary operating vehicle for formal school education, Christian education is primarily about nurturing faith and spiritual virtues. An understanding of the most salient principles of human learning can only increase the chances of student motivation and encourage students in their abilities: (1) students cannot recall and apply knowledge unless they practice retrieval and use; (2) better learning results when teachers vary the conditions of learning; (3) when learners integrate knowledge from both verbal and visual representations, they can recall it and apply it with greater ease; (4) prior knowledge or belief determines what students will learn; (5) what instructors and learners believe about knowledge acquisition (epistemology) influences what will be learned; (6) experience is a poor teacher, because corrective feedback is rare; (7) lectures fail to promote understanding, because understanding is an interpretive process in which students must be mentally involved; (8) remembering is a creative process that influences what learners will and will not be able to recall and apply; (9) trying to cover large amounts of material and information reduces understanding and recall; and (10) what learners do will determine what they will learn, how well they can recall it, and the conditions under which they can use it. What these principles should convey to Christian educators is that passivity must be replaced by student engagement in thought and deed. Challenges Inside and Outside the Church Although deduced more than half a century ago, James Smart’s analysis of the rigor of educating in faith seems just as applicable today.111 He warned that challenges to Christian education arise, first, from the rigidity of tradition (in which tired and ineffective means continue to sway theory and practice); second, from the prevalence of moralism (when Bible stories merely attempt weak moralistic drivel instead of firm conviction for life change); third, from the imbalance of the burden (in which highly competitive forces in the lives of students compete with a focus on Christian education); fourth, from the inadequacy of time (due to a disproportionate number of occasions to address faith development); fifth, from the subordination of priorities (implied by the degree to which churches emphasize meaningful learning for students); sixth, from the quality of programs (exhibited by the inferior training of the teachers and haphazard investment in educational resources); sev111. James Smart, The Teaching Ministry of the Church: An Examination of the Basic Principles of Christian Education (Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1954).

Christian Education, Fundamental Questions of

enth, from the timidity of curriculum (in which definitive postures are explicitly taken on relevant ethical issues as a concession to postmodern ambiguity); eighth, from the fragmentation of revelation (demonstrated by the lack of meta-narrative Christians have on the overarching story and mission of God); and ninth, from the confusion of purpose (demonstrated by the lack of cohesion in program design and lack of measurable results from Christian education initiatives). The challenge of educating in faith also creeps in from outside the church. Perhaps the most incipient danger is the secularizing effects alluring postmodern men and women away from absolute truth. When Christians are not instructed how to properly interpret and apply scripture, the prevailing result is experiential feelings and cultural drift as the operative hermeneutic. When the church cowers to a democratic method of personal choice about lifestyle that is not inclusive of the faith community’s power of discipline, the unfortunate consequence is an individualistic faith based on a mixture of religion, fate, homespun clichés, and the reduction of God to a negotiated benevolent friend (and servant). The church and its revealed and authoritative teachings must remain countercultural to be vigilant and compassionately and courageously speak the values of a God who is sovereign. Meeting the Challenges of Christian Education Consider these words from Colossians 1:9–12: For this cause we also, since the day we heard it, do not cease to pray for you, and to desire that ye might be filled with the knowledge of his will in all wisdom and spiritual understanding; That ye might walk worthy of the Lord unto all pleasing, being fruitful in every good work, and increasing in the knowledge of God; Strengthened with all might, according to his glorious power, unto all patience and longsuffering with joyfulness; Giving thanks unto the Father, which hath made us meet to be partakers of the inheritance of the saints in light.

Observe the purposes of reading scripture herein. The starting point is to be filled with the knowledge of God’s wisdom (v. 9). The purpose of this is not to acquire knowledge merely in a passive, fact-accumulating way, but to incorporate these biblical truths in our lives. The point is that Christians should live rightly; that is, walk worthy of the Lord (v. 10). As the truth confronts Christians, this requires a response to the challenges from scripture (v. 10); that is, obedient action to conform. The result of this obedience is to “produce fruit” (v. 11), which enables Christians to reduce nonconformity to the nature of God within and to know God better: not to know more about God, but to know God and be changed or educated in God’s intentions and story (v. 12).

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Teaching experiences of the Bible with students, then, observes a sensible approach that elicits learning. First, teachers should creatively “hook” students: capture the personal interest and motivate continued participation in what is intended. The teacher knows the importance of what is to be taught; the students don’t—yet. The hook gets their attention, sets goals, and is a natural link to Bible study. Second, teachers should introduce the “book.” This is the biblical perspective on the topic at hand. The book clarifies the meaning of the passage, helps students understand it. The goals here are information and meaning. Third, teachers provide a “look” at how the relevant life situation of the student can be integrated with the book. This look provides the meaning for living now; it guides individuals to provide implications. Fourth, teachers anticipate a “took”; that is, what can be taken from this study for their lives. This personal application helps students pinpoint how they could and would respond. The challenges of Christian education are many. As teachers pray for the guidance of the Holy Spirit, engage in proven educational teaching and learning practices, and know the needs of their students, effective Christians are more likely to be the result. References and Resources Groome, Thomas H. 2011. Will There Be Faith? A New Vision for Educating and Growing Disciples. San Francisco: HarperOne Publishers. Roberts, Carlos C. 2009. Christian Education Teaching Methods—From Modern to Postmodern: Teaching the Faith to Post-Moderns. Bloomington, IN: AuthorHouse. Wilson, Douglas. 1996. Repairing the Ruins: The Classical and Christian Challenge to Modern Education. Moscow, ID: Canon Press.

—Mark A. Lamport

Christian Education, Fundamental Questions of The enterprise of Christian education, as it exists in churches and parachurch organizations, has traditionally been long on methods and innovations and rather more limited on thinking with intention about its purposes, principles, and philosophies of educating in Christian-specific ways. The educational mission of the church is to be accomplished with redoubtable effect in all geographical locations, in all sociopolitical environments, through all the Christian centuries, and in all developmental life stages. While Jesus emphatically commanded the church to teach all the things He did (Matt. 28:19–20), He was not particularly specific about how this was to be accomplished.

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The Teaching Conceptions of Jesus Jesus is known even by those of non-Christian religions as a “master teacher,” no doubt because His influence has continued uninterrupted through 20 centuries and because one-third of the world’s population claims Christianity. In His day, He was called rabbi by both those who were supportive and those who were combative. So what may be gleaned from the teaching ministry of Jesus about the content and methods that inform Christian education in our 21st-century, postmodern context? Certainly there are clues from Jesus’s own content and methods. He spoke much of the kingdom of God and distinctive ethics introduced in the Sermon on the Mount. And Jesus used a variety of teaching methods, most often stories and parables. Madeline L’Engle quips that Jesus was God who told stories. More often than not, these stories came in the form of parables. Parables are common images used in uncommon ways to tease learners into new ways of seeing and being in the world. They work on a strategic pattern of orientation, disorientation, and reorientation. He also taught by aphorism—a subversive saying wearing the disguise of a proverb; it attempts to challenge, even undermine, the hearer’s perspective (e.g., Luke 14:11; Mark 8:35, 10:25). Remarkably, the Bible Jesus knew—the Old Testament—had stories in it, but Jesus did not tell them. His stories were distinctly different and often left hearers (and later, readers) uncertain about their meaning.112 In addition, Jesus had no materials, no meeting space, and no schedule. His curriculum, therefore, seemed rather haphazard and spontaneous, without discernible scope and sequence. However, Jesus’s teaching was relational and reality-oriented, authoritative and effective, loving and affirming, creative and engaging. So how can Christian educators make the leap from the teaching conceptions of Jesus to contemporary attempts at teaching and learning? Eight Foundational Categories How does one start to conceptualize the foundational ideas of educating Christians? To what extent do churches and parachurch organizations have a plan that details both the content and the process? D. Campbell Wyckoff appropriately asserts: “The ultimate test of any program of Christian education is this: Is it a true and appropriate way for the church of Jesus Christ to carry on its educational work?”113 Further, he adds, as a crucible for a properly located launching point: “It appears, then, that the most promising clue to orient112. I am indebted to Charles F. Melchert for stirring my thoughts here; see his Wise Teaching: Biblical Wisdom and Educational Ministry (London: Bloomsbury T&T Clark, 1998). 113. D. Campbell Wyckoff, “Theology and Education in the Twentieth Century,” Christian Education Journal (Spring 1995): 12–26. Noted Christian educator Kendig Brubaker Cully called D. Campbell Wyckoff the “architect of education.”

ing Christian education theory so that it will be both worthy and communicable is to be found in recognizing and using the gospel of God’s redeeming activity in Jesus Christ as its guiding principle.”114 Evidently a Christocentric approach will steer both the content and methods. Over several decades, Wyckoff refined fundamental categories or questions that should be addressed in order to design a comprehensive plan for Christian education:115 1. What purposes is it intended to achieve? 2. Who is necessarily involved in the educational transaction? 3. With what knowledge and experiences is it concerned? 4. By what essential processes is it to seek to achieve its ends? 5. What are its duration, it sequences, and its rhythms likely to be? 6. What is its characteristic timbre, its sound and feel? 7. In what setting or settings may it best take place? 8. What institutional forms are necessary? While a variety of reasonable answers may be argued for each of these questions, which may vary from culture to culture and generation to generation, responses that embrace an educational outlook exposing students to relevant biblical knowledge in tandem with application to life and engagement with God’s mission to the world may be viable strategies in the overarching task of growing faith in Christians. References and Resources Browning, Don. 1995. Fundamental Practical Theology. Philadelphia: Fortress Press. Osmer, Richard R. 2008. Practical Theology: An Introduction. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. Veling, Terry A. 2005. Practical Theology: On Earth as It Is in Heaven. Maryknoll, NY: Orbis Books.

—Mark A. Lamport

Christian Education, Greek Precursors to and Influences on Paidia, Greek for education, was a concern of Greek culture throughout its long history. Education was directly 114. D. Campbell Wyckoff, The Gospel and Christian Education: A Theory of Christian Education for Our Times (Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1959), 98. 115. Ibid., 23. The original “six questions” articulated underwent modification over the course of his career and morphed near the end of Wyckoff’s writings into eight. Thomas Groome, who acknowledges a “resonance” between his own position and Wyckoff’s, used Wyckoff’s six foundational questions as an organizational framework for his own book; see Groome, Christian Religious Education: Sharing Our Story and Vision (San Francisco: Jossey-Bass, 1980), 151, n36.

Christian Education, Greek Precursors to and Influences on

tied to the social structures of each period of Greek history. Stated simply, a good man was a good citizen requiring a good education to acculturate to the Greek way of life. Greek education has a long history of development and has had a profound impact on its neighboring cultures, including education. Its nine centuries of development can be summarized in three periods. Early Greek education (eighth–sixth centuries BC) coincides with the rise of the city-states and is characterized by the writings of Homer. His Iliad and Odyssey became the foundational textbooks of Greek education, introducing children to the heroic images of Achilles and Odysseus as models of civic virtue and heroism. For this reason Plato would later call Homer “the educator of Greek” (Marrou 1956, 9). During his period, education was principally the work of the family, and possibly a pedagogos, a slave or servant dedicated to tutoring the children of a nobleman’s family. The pedagogos became a permanent feature of Greek education, and later of Roman education as well, particularly for preschool-aged children. Classical education (sixth–fourth centuries BC) was marked by the rise of a dual educational tradition: Athens focused on the liberal arts and sciences, while Sparta focused on military academies. While Sparta’s approach to education resembled a boot camp, the Athenian tradition had a broader impact on culture and a lasting influence on the Western world. In Athens, education became more formalized than during the Homeric period, with the introduction of schools. They were voluntary and only for those who could afford the tuition, but they were among the first attempts to establish formal instruction outside the familial context within Western society. Three principal elementary schools developed, each centered on a teacher and subject. The Grammatist taught reading, writing, and letters. The Kitharistes taught music, poetry, and literature. The Paedeotribe taught physical education, gymnastics, and athletics. In addition to these three forms of elementary school, the classical Greek culture developed two tiers of instruction, corresponding to elementary and higher education. In Greek education, the highest form of learning was philosophy, as exemplified by Socrates’s critique of the Sophists, and later the writings of Plato and Aristotle. At the same time, the Sophists became popular

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between 470 and 370 BC, paralleling a time of economic and commercial expansion. Sophists taught the art of rhetoric and dialectics simply as skills for personal, political, and economic gain; for example, oratory skills could win an argument or influence a judge in a legal case. Finally, the Hellenistic period (fourth–first centuries BC) was advanced by the conquests of Alexander the Great, not only expanding Greece’s geographical reach, but also expanding and integrating Greek culture and learning throughout the eastern Mediterranean, a process known as Hellenism. When Rome encountered the superior Greek culture, the latter heavily influenced the direction of Rome’s cultural development, resulting in the rise of the Greco-Roman educational tradition. During the Hellenistic era, education became more structured and formalized. It advanced from a two-tiered system (elementary and higher education) to a three-tiered system of elementary, secondary, and higher education; for example, it developed into three levels of grammar instruction: Gramatist (elementary), Grammaticus (secondary), and Rhetor (higher education). Greek education essentially ended at the end of the first century, when a distinctively Roman, Latinbased education supplanted it. Table C.1 illustrates the principal structure of Greek education. How did Greek education influence Christianity and Christian education? The culture of Greece is reflected in virtually every page of the New Testament, including the language in which it is written. Romans 1:14 reflects the typical educational divisions of the day. The terminology used by its authors is borrowed from Greek education; for example, paidia (Heb. 12:5; Eph. 6:4) and gymnasia (1 Tim. 4:8; Pet. 2:14). Similarly, Paul employs a familiar educational term, pedagogue, metaphorically to describe the Law (Gal. 3:24; 1 Cor. 4:15). 1 Corinthians 1:20 and 2:8 reflect the higher education traditions, including the Greek emphasis on “the wise.” Paul directly encountered the Athenian intelligencia, the Epicurean and Stoic philosophers, in Acts 17:16–34, which assessed him as a “babbler,” an unlearned man. Christianity not only encountered Greek culture, but it indeed influenced early Christian thought and practice, including the influence of Stoic thought on Paul, and later of Platonic thought on St. Augustine.

TABLE C.1 The Structure of Greek Education Early Greek Education

Classical Education

Hellenistic Education

Education in the home via parents and pedagogos

Home instruction via parents and pedagogos Elementary education: three schools: grammar, music, and physical education Higher education (e.g., Sophists, philosophers)

Home instruction via parents and pedagogos Elementary education: grammar, music, and physical education Secondary education (outgrowth of Plato’s Academy) Higher education (e.g., philosophy, rhetoric, and medicine)

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References and Resources Barrow, Robin. 1976. Greek and Roman Education. London: Bristol Classical Press. Clarke, M. L. 1971. Higher Education in the Ancient World. London: Routledge and Kegan Publishing. Estep, James. 2005. “Philosophers, Scribes, Rhetors . . . and Paul? The Educational Background of the New Testament.” Christian Education Journal, Series 3, 2 (1): 30–47. Hibler, Richard W. 1988. Life and Learning in Ancient Athens. New York: University Press of America. Jaeger, Werner. 1945. Paideia: The Ideals of Greek Culture. 3 vols. New York: Oxford University Press. Marrou, H. I. 1956. A History of Education in Antiquity. New York: Sheed & Ward.

—James Riley Estep Jr.

Christian Education, Jewish Precursors to and Influences on Judaism was the religious context out of which Jesus, His inner circle (the Twelve), and most of the earliest Christians came. The impact on Christian education of the many dimensions of Jewish education before and during the first century cannot be overstated. It echoes throughout the New Testament and other early Christian education and writings. Purpose The Septuagint (LXX), a third- or second-century BC Greek translation of the Jewish Bible, was the scripture of the earliest Christians. Within the LXX, the Torah was authoritative for Judaism and the core of Jewish education. The Sayings of the Fathers (II, 21) cites Rabbi Tarfon as referring to the great prize one finds in studying Torah. Such study not only inculcated Judaism’s radical monotheism, but also educated Jews to become a holy people and to equip them for propagating their faith. Likewise, Paul, in 2 Timothy 3:16–17, accentuates the importance of studying scripture for many similar purposes. Judaism was also the source for New Testament ethical teaching. Jesus’s caution against judging (cf. Matt. 7:1) resonates with Rabbi Ishmael, who, according to Sayings of the Fathers (IV 10), said, “None may judge alone save One.” Pedagogy The Hebrew word ‫( יָ ַדע‬transliterated yada) or “to know” implied an intimate knowledge. Hence, Jewish pedagogy was experiential and included Judaism’s liturgy, rituals, feasts, and festivals as means by which participants experienced that which was being taught or remembered. The poetry, prophetic acts, object lessons, parables, and so forth mentioned throughout the Old Testament books of history, wisdom, and prophets also had their

pedagogical purposes. Each of Jesus’s methods of teaching (e.g., puns, proverbs, parables, hyperbole, poetry, simile, riddles, etc.) has precedents in the Old Testament. Likewise, Jesus’s final earthly meal (observed as a Passover meal and the pattern for the ensuing Christian observance of the Lord’s Supper or Communion) can be said to have been instituted with an educational purpose. Rising out of Deuteronomy 6, Jewish education emphasized children and was practical in nature as well as didactic and developmental. Josephus, in Against Apion 2:18, and according to Sayings of the Fathers (v. 24), Judah, son of Tema, both described Jewish education as starting with children at an early age and progressing through developmental stages as the child matured. Jewish education of children probably included rote and reading aloud. Being carried upon one’s breath, each spoken word, to the ancient Jews, had its own life. This rendered reading aloud (or at least moving one’s lips) important in Jewish life and especially when reading scripture. (This may explain Phillip’s hearing the Ethiopian eunuch reading for Isaiah, as recorded in Acts 8:30.) Places The Jewish Temple was a place of both worship and education. The Temple was a focal point for observing the Jewish feasts and festivals. Even the sacrifices had their teaching role in reminding how creation joined in bearing the brunt of human sin(s). The synagogue was already growing in importance as a place of worship and teaching—especially in the diaspora—even before the destruction of the Temple in AD 70. During his missionary journeys the apostle Paul’s practice was to first go to the synagogue. There he would have expected to find those who not only accepted the authority of scripture as he did, but also expected to study and learn. The family was vital in Jewish education. Deuteronomy (e.g., 6:4ff, 13:6–11) vested fathers with responsibility for leading and instructing children in faithfulness to God. Further, Exodus 20:12 and Proverbs 10:1, 17:6, and 23:24 are but a few Old Testament passages that reminded parents of the importance of children and training their children in wisdom and righteousness. In Colossians 3:20–21 and Ephesians 5:21 and 6:1–4, Paul’s double implication is that children are to learn from their parents; however, parents are not to take advantage of their higher position in ways that embitter their children. People Throughout the history of Judaism, various people and offices played their respective pedagogical roles in and outside of the Tabernacle, the Temple, and the synagogues. Among these were priests, Levites, sages, prophets, scribes, and rabbis. Especially in the synagogues of later Judaism, the scribes and rabbi were particularly

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important as teachers in the synagogue schools. Paul, in 1 Corinthians 12:28 and Ephesians 4:11, assumed teachers were an important role and teaching was a vital gift within the early church. References and Resources Cory, Catherine, and Michael J. Hollerich, eds. 2009. The Christian Theological Tradition. 3rd ed. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall. Elias, John L. 2002. A History of Christian Education: Protestant, Catholic, and Orthodox Perspectives. Malabar, FL: Krieger Publishing. Hertz, Joseph H. 1945. Sayings of the Fathers or Pirke Aboth. New York: Behrman House Publishers. Reed, James E., and Ronnie Prevost. 1993. A History of Christian Education. Nashville, TN: Broadman & Holman. Shelley, Bruce L. 2008. Church History in Plain Language. 3rd ed. Nashville, TN: Thomas Nelson. Stein, Robert H. 1994. The Method and Message of Jesus’ Teachings. rev. ed. Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press.

—Ronnie Prevost

Christian Education, Postmodern Postmodernism presents challenges to what is meant by both “education” and “knowledge.” It seeks to uncover systems of power or coercion in the process of making knowledge claims. Assent to what is considered “common knowledge” is not merely presumed without first being questioned. Likewise, the relationship between knowledge claims and their relationship to uses of authority or power positions in society and interpersonal relationships is also a point of concern. Some have unfairly portrayed postmodern sensibilities as a mere repudiation of truth and forthright rejection of Christian perspectives in education. Others, however, see the postmodern as a challenge to Enlightenment-based modernist ideals, thus opening up opportunities for a more robust perspective on Christian education that looks beyond the reductionism of empiricism and rationalism. A modernist-based Christian education (and the tendency of modern education in general) tends to err toward information-based models of instruction, emphasizing cognitive-centered input and logical, rational analysis. Postmodern perspectives accent humans as affective, emotional, imaginative learners in combination with cognitive aspects of humanity. One primary example of a call for this approach is found in James K. A. Smith’s Desiring the Kingdom. Smith argues for a reframing of Christian education that is more formative rather than informative in its approach (2009, 18). If we think of humans simply as thinking things rather than emotional, passionate, creative beings, that will inevitably influence how we regard and apply

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Christian education (18, 31). For Christian education to be truly Christian, it must center its concerns on the shaping of human desires through worship practices (19, 32, 34). Human beings must not be reduced to walking brains, but rather must be seen as embodied souls who love, hope, desire, and think. In this regard, a postmodern Christian education would presuppose the need for both knowledge of scripture and the nurturing of Christian practices in community for the ongoing development of our beliefs. The consistent application of Christian practices actually takes major priority in the development of our faith. When the practices become habits, they become automatic and central to our identity formation and Christian character (81–82). A postmodern Christian education would look toward the recurring integrative relationship between philosophy of education and pedagogical practices. In terms of philosophy, it seeks understanding beyond modernist reductionist borders of knowledge and information, while considering emotions, desires, and imaginative aspects of learning. Further, pedagogical practices with postmodern sensibilities may embrace a variety of methods apart from long lectures with complex or fancy PowerPoint presentations. Pedagogy will be more attuned to the influence of the imagination and story on human learning, and Christian education in particular will draw upon the Holy Spirit’s work in Christian learning and formation. Postmodern Christian education will also emphasize learning by practicing with others in community more than learning simply by explaining to others. Teachers will take humble learning postures with their students to model the importance of relationality, community, and participation in a climate of postmodernity. References and Resources Oliver, Anita. 2001. “Postmodern Thought and Christian Education.” Journal of Research on Christian Education 10 (1): 5–22. Smith, James K. A. 2009. Desiring the Kingdom: Worship, Worldview, and Cultural Formation. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic. Smith, James K. A., and David I. Smith, eds. 2011. Teaching and Christian Practices: Reshaping Faith and Learning. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans.

—Ronald T. Michener

Christian Education, Roman Precursors to and Influences on Roman education developed over the course of 13 centuries, but in four phases. Native Roman education (eighth–fourth centuries BC) was independent from Greek models, with little or no Greek influence and purely Latin grammar. Transitional Roman education

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(third–second centuries BC) involved the beginnings of Greek influence and bilingual Greek and Latin grammar. During the phase of Greco-Roman education (second– first centuries BC), Rome mimicked Greek education in virtually every way (context, content, and process), using almost exclusively Greek grammar in Roman schools. In the fourth phase, Roman education (first century BC– fifth century AD) became independent from its reliance on Greek education, returning to only Latin grammar. The objective of Roman education throughout all these developments was the Vir bonus (Lat. good man), which was continually redefined throughout Roman history. Christianity was born in a period of educational transition, between the Greco-Roman educational tradition of the second and first centuries BC and the distinctively Roman educational tradition arising in the first century AD, wherein Rome was growing ever more independent of Greek culture and influence. For example, Rome’s foremost educator, Quintilian (AD 35–95?), wrote Institutio Oranto (The Instruction of Orators) in AD 93 to describe educational practices that were Roman, with little attention given to its Greek predecessor. Whereas education in Rome was essentially Greek in both content and language during the former period, it transitioned to Latin in the first century AD. Homer was replaced by Virgil, rhetoric replaced philosophy, and Latin grammar replaced Greek. However, Roman education preserved the three-tiered educational system of the Greeks: elementary (ludus) school for ages 7–12, secondary schools (schola) for ages 12–16, and higher education for ages 16–20, focusing typically on rhetoric. As in Greece, three levels of grammatical instruction and instructor developed in Roman education: litterator (Lat., teacher of letters) or ludi magister (Lat., school master), like the Greek grammatistes; grammaticus, like the Greek kitharistes; and finally the most advanced, rhetor, which preserved the Greek Sophists’ and Isocrates’s emphasis on oration. Another Greek element preserved in Roman education was the pedagogue, a slave or servant tasked with tending to the needs of a nobleman’s children, including preparing them for school each day, escorting them to school, and tutoring. However, throughout the development of education in Roman society, the family was affirmed as the principal educator and responsible for the instruction of the children. Roman higher education was indeed broader than its Greek counterpart, valuing rhetoric over philosophy for the formal education of a future statesman. How did Roman education intersect and influence Christian education? The New Testament makes several references to it. While teaching in Ephesus, Paul did so in the schola of Tyrannus (Acts 19:9), using a building typically used for Roman secondary education. As in Greek education, Paul employed a familiar educational term, pedagogue, metaphorically to describe the Law

(Gal. 3:24; 1 Cor. 4:15). The New Testament seems to also engage Roman higher education. Paul challenges the elitism of Roman higher education in 1 Corinthians 1:20 (“the debater”) and 2:4, regarding “persuasiveness of speech.” Paul seemed to distance himself from these in 2 Corinthians 11:6. However, Apollos seems to have had the rhetorical skills for which Alexandria in Egypt was famous (Acts 18:24–25). Perhaps the most profound influence on the development of Christian education was that Rome taught Christianity how to go to school. The Christian schooling tradition was born out of a Roman educational heritage, including the rise of the Alexandrian tradition of Clement and Origen. Likewise, the question of integrating Christian belief with Greek and Roman knowledge led to the schooling controversy of the third century AD, led by Tertullian, who advocated Christian abstinence from public education. However, his was the minority opinion, with the majority of church authorities favoring the integrative approach advocated by the Alexandrian tradition. Centuries later Augustine’s Contra Academicos (Against the Academics) would provide a critique of the overtly skeptical and solely academic Platonic school of Athens, a pursuit that never attains a meaningful life. Perhaps the most evident interaction of Roman education goes relatively unnoticed. Why is the New Testament written in Greek and many significant early church authorities in Latin? This reflects not only the rising authority of the Latin church in Rome, but even more the shift from the educational tradition and practice of Greco-Roman culture (Greek) to a distinctive Roman educational agenda (Latin). References and Resources Barrow, Robin. 1976. Greek and Roman Education. London: Bristol Classical Press. Bonner, Stanley E. 1977. Education in Ancient Rome. Los Angeles: University of California Press. Clarke, M. L. 1971. Higher Education in the Ancient World. London: Routledge and Kegan Publishing. Estep, James. 2005. “Philosophers, Scribes, Rhetors . . . and Paul? The Educational Background of the New Testament.” Christian Education Journal, Series 3, 2 (1): 30–47. Gwynn, Aubrey. 1964. Roman Education from Cicero to Quintilian. New York: Russell and Russell. Marrou, H. I. 1956. A History of Education in Antiquity. New York: Sheed & Ward.

—James Riley Estep Jr.

Christian Education, 21st-Century Approaches to Approaches to Christian education fall into two broad categories: education in faith and education in religion.

Christian Formation, A Biblical View of

The distinction hinges on the intention—whether to enhance students’ growth in faith or to increase their knowledge and understanding. Each term covers a multiplicity of models. Education in faith, also called “catechesis,” includes the transmission model, the experiential model, and Thomas Groome’s “shared praxis” approach (Christian Religious Education, 1980). These models are vastly different in the fundamental assumptions made about the student, the subject matter, and the pedagogy. Similarly, education in religion may, for example, seek to explore one’s own tradition analytically and critically, or, adopting a phenomenological model (Knight, 2006) or a typological model (Moore and Habel, 1982), compare religious traditions, that is, an interfaith approach. In a faith-based educational context, the intention will be essentially pastoral: to contribute to spiritual growth and to a commitment to a Christian way of life. However, equating a pastoral intention with education in faith can be misleading if this is understood to refer to deepening the faith of those who already have faith. One cannot assume that all students are, in fact, believers: some may be firmly within the Christian tradition, eager to learn in more depth what that tradition means for life in the 21st century; others may be in a stage of questioning the faith tradition in which they have been raised; and some will have rejected Christianity. Although the context in which the education takes place is significant, whether in a school setting or as part of a voluntary group, the approach to Christian education needs to take cognizance of the needs of all recipients. The approach perhaps best suited for Christian education in the 21st century is education for faith. The intention is to develop knowledge and understanding of the Christian faith tradition, to remove obstacles to belief, and to guide students in their journey toward an adult faith commitment. Students’ knowledge and understanding of their Christian faith tradition is enhanced. They learn to respect the wisdom of the tradition, inherent in the lived reality of adherents over the centuries and in the present, and are invited to commit to that tradition as a source of hope and guidance for life in today’s complex world. The Bible is interpreted in accordance with the insights provided by contemporary biblical scholarship. Education in religion is also a component of education for faith. With globalism increasingly a feature of the international scene and multiculturalism a reality in more and more countries, knowledge of other religious traditions is essential, especially for adolescents. A key feature of education for faith is how it is conducted. The educational climate encourages dialogue and personal engagement and is respectful of both the religious tradition and the individual. The Christian tradition is presented faithfully, sensitively, and rationally,

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not defensively. The role of the teacher is to engage, to explain, and to invite. The starting point of the dialogue that characterizes education for faith is the individual: to bring the gospel message to young people seeking their way in the postmodern secular world. The approach to religious belief begins with acceptance of students at their present existential position, in terms of both their beliefs and questioning and their attitude toward religion: for example, respect for students’ freedom, including their freedom of response to the Christian message; respect for students’ right to privacy with regard to the expression of their personal beliefs; and the portrayal of personal belief and commitment as an invitation to engage more deeply with the Christian message and to develop a personal relationship with Jesus Christ. The approach to teaching is to focus on the learner’s active participation in acquiring knowledge and skills, which includes openness to ideas and their expression in a dialogical setting; respect for the Christian message; commitment to learning and to extending knowledge and understanding; and the development of cognitive skills, including critical thinking. Education for faith is directed toward the flourishing of the human person (John 10:10b). Young people are not only confronted with personal challenges as they move toward adulthood, but are also aware of the challenges facing contemporary society. To balance these personal and societal demands, Christian education can reinforce in the young a faith in life itself, in themselves, and in the future. The religious heritage of Christianity is, in essence, the hope contained in the gospel message and the faith lived in the Christian community. Ideally, education for faith seeks to present this heritage to the next generation and to lead young people to an awareness of the transcendent and immanent One who is the source of all life. References and Resources Groome, Thomas. 1980. Christian Religious Education. San Francisco: Harper & Row. Knight, George. 2006. Philosophy & Education: An Introduction in Christian Perspective. 4th ed. Berrien Springs, MI: Andrews University Press. Moore, B., and N. Habel. 1982. When Religion Goes to Sschool, Adelaide: SACAE. 184–218.

—Margaret M. T. Kelleher

Christian Formation, A Biblical View of The New Testament Epistles present a goal of Christian discipleship as that of maturity (Eph. 4:13–15; Col. 1:28; Heb. 5:14), and formation for Christians toward that goal is both a gift and work. It is a gift in the sense that a new

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Christian Formation: An Overview

identity is given at baptism (John 3:3–8; Col. 2:9–13), which makes the fruit and gifts of the Spirit available (Gal. 5:22–23; 1 Cor. 12:1–11), and work because the new status offered through baptism has to be actively lived up to (Rom. 6:1–14, 12:1–21). Christian education as the work of formation has traditionally offered catechesis for initiates, both children and adults. However, formation cannot be limited to a catechetical class, as there is a sense in which all discipleship activities of the Christian, such as prayer, liturgical worship, hearing and acting on the Word, receiving the sacraments, confession and absolution, seeking justice and the common good, and so forth can contribute to formation. The Christian Formation reader edited by Astley et al. (1996) deals theologically with some of these aspects in essays from a wide range of authors. There is an important question throughout the history of the church about how intentional formation should be beyond the gift of baptism and some basic instruction. It has generally been agreed that there is a proper initial formation required of those called out for the threefold order of ministry (however that is understood) of deacons, priests, and bishops. These vocations require a further renewing of identity if they are to be taken up faithfully, and there is good recent literature reflecting on formation for ministry roles (Leach 2010; Bunting 2009; Overend 2007; Leach and Paterson 2004). The issue of how the laity are formed intentionally as opposed to implicitly by attendance at regular worship and fellowship persists for all denominations. James Fowler’s Stages of Faith (1981) sharpened the question. He suggests, not without dispute, that adult faith can move through different developmental phases throughout life, all of which need careful negotiation and accompaniment. On the other hand, Astley’s Ordinary Theology (2002) shows that implicit theological formation continues even if intentional Christian education of adults is absent. Lifelong learning or intentional formation for the people of God remains an aspiration rather than a reality. Christian education as formation raises further critical issues. While formation includes the cognitive and psychomotor domains of learning in Bloom’s typology, it focuses on the affective domain, which is notoriously more difficult to define or measure. This presents educators with a dilemma in the design and delivery of educational programs of ongoing formation, such as the training of spiritual directors. Does forming people in the Christian faith preclude their being able to reflect critically on it? That is, is there a sharp distinction between formative education (of which enculturation is a part) and critical education? Astley discusses this fully (1994, 78–107) concluding that, contra Groome (Christian Religious Education, 1999), it is

possible that the formative elements of the faith that are learned hold within themselves transformative and critical possibilities. Perhaps most suggestively, there are deeper questions about how the growth and formation of the Christian self proceeds, which have been researched by Alison Le Cornu (2006), based on the ideas of Peter Jarvis about learning as internalization. Through interview data she identifies a taxonomy of formation, delineating four different types of believers, who have either a strong or weak sense of self and give different weight to either their faith framework or experience. Each is formed differently and has a range of learning needs. References and Resources Astley, Jeff. 1994. The Philosophy of Christian Religious Education. Birmingham, AL: Religious Education Press. ———. 2002. Ordinary Theology: Looking, Listening and Learning in Theology. Aldershot, UK: Ashgate. Astley, Jeff, Leslie J. Francis, and Colin Crowder, eds. 1996. Theological Perspectives on Christian Formation. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. Bunting, Ian. 2009. “Formation and Validity.” Journal of Adult Theological Education 6 (1): 8–30. Fowler, James. 1981. Stages of Faith: The Psychology of Human Development and the Quest for Meaning. New York: Harper & Row. Le Cornu, Alison. 2006. “Theological Reflection and Christian Formation.” Journal of Adult Theological Education 3 (1): 11–36. Leach, Jane. 2010. “The End of Theological Education: An Analysis of the Contribution of Portfolio Learning to Formation in Ministry within a University Context.” Journal of Adult Theological Education 7 (2): 117–204. Leach, Jane, and Michael S. Paterson. 2004. “Surfing the Waves: Formation for Ministry in the Christian Tradition Revisited.” Journal of Adult Theological Education 1 (1): 9–27. Overend, Paul. 2007. “Education or Formation? The Issue of Personhood in Learning for Ministry.” Journal of Adult Theological Education 4 (2): 133–148.

—Nigel Rooms

Christian Formation: An Overview “Formation” refers to giving shape (pouring concrete into forms), a kind of performance (being in top form), organization (presented in outline form), a function (the verb’s form), and decorum (proper form). When the term is used in the context of Christian education, it often refers to shaping the whole person—body, mind, and spirit—and is contrasted to education and guidance, which are considered less holistic.

Christian Formation, Approaches to

When “formation,” “education,” and “guidance” are all construed in their narrow sense, they share an emphasis on other-direction. The narrow sense of “education” shrinks to skills, drills, memory, and will. The narrow sense of “formation” reduces it to shaping a lump of clay, as if people were formless until formed by another. Guidance is restricted to telling, rather than showing, people what to do. When “formation,” “education,” and “guidance” are all thought about more broadly, they emphasize drawing things out rather than pounding things in. “Education” is derived from the Latin word educo (I lead out) in contrast to duco (I lead). This view of formation draws out what is known by personal experience, intuition, and God’s action. A larger view of guidance shows the way, like a mountain guide. Spiritual directors, educators, and guides, viewed in the broadest sense, all share the ethos of the mountain guide, someone who leads a party up the mountain, not in theory or by advising from below. The guide ropes up with the climbing party and does the route finding; if someone falls the rope attached to the lead climber keeps the person from falling all the way down to injury or death. Guides, as well as spiritual directors or educators, are more than spiritual companions, but the guide’s authority cannot be reduced to one’s place in an organization or by certificates hanging on an office wall. Like Joseph Campbell’s “hero with a thousand faces,” the guide is someone who has made the spiritual journey, encountered and survived tests and dangers, and returned to guide others. The same is true of spiritual directors and educators. For example, Maria Montessori thought of education as a function of children’s spirituality, rather than the other way around, so the spirituality of teachers was important to her. Priests are concerned with the maintenance of the church organization, constructive thinking for the community, and healthy religious practice. It is good to have a guide, clergy or lay, who has made the journey and yet has access to the wisdom of two millennia of spiritual practices in the church and the support of a healthy community. Spiritual formation is solitary in the sense that it cannot be delegated, but it is a community practice in the sense of the individual’s need for support, a safety net, and a regular practice to maintain growth and creativity. The distinction between religion and spirituality is a false one, because any spiritual practice is one’s religion, whether it is in a church or not. The question is whether one has a community, a common language, and a way to evaluate one’s spiritual journey. This is largely a matter of education, overlapping with spiritual direction and guidance. There are always two questions to ask about formation, in addition to what the word means. Is the seeker set free

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or trapped in dependency on the leader? Does the leader take advantage of the seeker’s vulnerability? Creating dependency and preying on vulnerability disqualify anyone from being a spiritual director, teacher, or guide, because spiritual maturation is about God’s creative presence in the seeker’s journey, not meeting the needs of the leader. —Jerome W. Berryman

Christian Formation, Approaches to Formation is the term used to describe the shaping of Christian character or spirituality. It is typically a wider concept than “education” or “training” and is often used of ministers or clergy. Thus “ministerial formation” will often refer to the whole process of preparing men and women for Christian ministry and involve the shaping of attitudes, lifestyle, and devotional practices as well as the intellectual training that goes with this. In order to achieve a “total environment,” ministerial formation will often take place residentially (rather than online or parttime) and ensure daily worship. In addition to the formation of clergy, the formation of converts through catechetical instruction may also be considered. Here the main focus is on the apprehension of doctrine and doctrinal formulae and, in its simplest form, will include set questions and set answers that must be memorized, as in Luther’s Small Catechism. More broadly, formation may be included within the program of Christian education delivered by schools or churches. In the case of schools, Christian education may involve an emphasis on the pastoral care of pupils, collective worship, and almost certainly, the curriculum. In Roman Catholic schools in Europe, for instance, the curriculum will ensure that church history may be taught in such a way as to provide a perspective on the Reformation sympathetic to Catholicism. It will also include moral teaching on, for instance, the Roman Catholic position on birth control and on its historical opposition to abortion. In the case of churches, Christian education may be provided formally to adults on Sunday mornings, as is customary in classroom settings in many North American congregations, or through proclamations from the pulpit. Where preaching is the chosen method, formation may be intentional, as, for instance, in systematic exposition of the biblical texts addressing Christian marriage, or diffuse, as in exhortations to pray or evangelize. Some churches will use the Alpha Course or other structured programs for the benefit of new converts or young people, while others may take the terminology of “discipleship training” for small group interaction with a mentor, but all these approaches are essentially formative.

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Christian Higher Education and Globalization

Distinctions have been made between person-centered (or child-centered) nurture approaches, modeled on maturation and formation, and molding approaches, which shape the learner in the ways described above. These distinctions may be overlaid with an understanding of the typical trajectory of intellectual development, described by James Fowler (1981) (from concrete and contractual to abstract and principled modes of understanding), so that nurturing and formation take place along lines in keeping with normal intellectual development. Emotional development is less easy to chart and, in any case, has been historically conflated with intellectual development, especially in the context of worship and community. If we conceive of formation as induction into a worldview, however, then we can also accept that those who are spiritually mature will have “to a significant degree developed the capacities and dispositions to think, feel and act in accordance with their world view no matter what the circumstances” (Lindbeck 1996).116 Consequently, formation, despite its treatment of the human being as a whole, never aims to destroy personal autonomy. References and Resources Astley, Jeff. 1994. The Philosophy of Christian Religious Education. Ch. 5. Birmingham, AL: Religious Education Press. Astley, Jeff, and Leslie J. Francis, eds. 1994. Critical Perspectives on Christian Education: A Reader on the Aims, Principles and Philosophy of Christian Education. Sections 4, 6, and 8. Leominster, UK: Gracewing Fowler Wright. Astley, Jeff, Leslie J. Francis, and Colin Crowder, eds. 1996. Theological Perspectives on Christian Formation: A Reader on Theology and Christian Education. Sections 7 and 8. Leominster, UK: Gracewing Fowler Wright. Fowler, James W. 1981. Stages of Faith: The Psychology of Human Development and the Quest for Meaning. London: Harper & Row. Lindbeck, George. 1996. “Spiritual Formation and Theological Education.” In Theological Perspectives on Christian Formation: A Reader on Theology and Christian Education, edited by Jeff Astley, Leslie J. Francis, and Colin Crowder, 287. Leominster, UK: Gracewing Fowler Wright.

—William K. Kay

Christian Higher Education and Globalization Globalization is the process of integration, arising from the exchange of products, ideas, and other facets, among 116. George Lindbeck, “Spiritual Formation and Theological Education,” in Theological Perspectives on Christian Formation: A Reader on Theology and Christian Education, ed. Jeff Astley, Leslie J. Francis, and Colin Crowder (Leominster, UK: Gracewing Fowler Wright, 1996), 287.

cultures, both local and global (Martin and King 1990). The advent of globalization is debated and pinpointed throughout various points in history. Robert (2002) argues that the “First Globalization” was the Christian missionary movement, as central to its inception was the idea of universal evangelism. Most commonly, scholars date the beginning of globalization to the 19th century with the rise of interdependence of international economics (Joshi 2009). The economist Theodore Levitt is recognized for coining the term globalization and first defined and applied it in 1985 to economics. Thereafter, globalization language quickly entered the discourse of many disciplines, including education. In the initial editorial of Globalisation, Societies and Education, the editors state, “Formal education is the most commonly found institution and most commonly shared experience of all in the contemporary world” (Dale and Robertson 2003, 7). Globalization in education has resulted in a number of consequences for educational institutions. Satellite, distance, and even virtual campuses have allowed institutions to expand into regional, national, and international markets (Loomis and Rodriguez 2009). With the increase in mobility and distance education, estimates project that students in higher education will increase from 97 million in 2000 to 263 million worldwide in 2025. With this increased enrollment is a concomitant increase in diversity. Inherent in the expansion of higher education opportunities across the globe is the concern for serving diverse student bodies, as well as providing quality education with assurance and accreditation (Adrian 2007). Ensuring compatible quality education across borders so that degrees will be internationally accepted “will lead to an expanded role for distance education” (Altbach and Knight 2007, 303). This in turn will generate increased opportunities and influence for higher education institutions. Further, having the knowledge, skills, and ability to function effectively in a global society is critical to individual and societal advancement. The role of higher education institutions in developing these aspects among students has become apparent. Many universities are creating initiatives to promote global competence. For example, Georgia Tech University makes use of international educational partnerships and offers students the opportunity to have a “third” culture experience by studying at partner institutions in places such as Hong Kong and South Africa. The Council of Christian Colleges and Universities has recognized the importance of globalization for Christian higher education institutions with the creation of the Advancing Intercultural Competencies initiative. The aim of this initiative is to assist Christian colleges, universities, and seminaries in implementing strategic plans, policies, and procedures that prepare their students, faculty, and staff to function effectively in an increasingly diverse and

Christian Higher Education in Postmodernity

interconnected world and that reflect the kingdom of God. Slimbach’s (2001) discussion of globalization within an eschatological framework, for example, asks higher education institutions to reflect upon globalization in terms of kingdom ideals, and in which he provides a 25item checklist of true global Christian institutions. References and Resources Adrian, William. 2007. “Globalization and the Christian Idea of a University (Or, the Lexus, the Olive Tree, and Higher Education).” Christian Higher Education 6 (4): 299–320. http:// ejournals.ebsco.com.ezproxy.liberty.edu:2048/direct.asp?Art icleID=4A7E8DD9B5812E6C2878. Altbach, Philip G., and Jane Knight. 2007. “The Internalization of Higher Education: Motivations and Realities.” Journal of Studies in International Education 11 (3–4): 290–305. doi: 10.1177/1028315307303542. Böhm, A., D. Davis, D. Meares, and David Pearce. 2002. Global Student Mobility 2025: Forecasts of the Global Demand for International Higher Education. Sydney, Australia. IDP Education Australia Limited. Dale, Roger, and Susan L. Robertson. 2003. “Editorial Introduction.” Globalisation, Societies and Education 1 (1): 3–11. Joshi, Rakesh Mohan. 2009. International Business. New Delhi and New York: Oxford University Press. Loomis, Steven, and Jacob Rodriguez. 2009. “Institutional Change and Higher Education.” Higher Education 58 (4): 475–489. http://www.jstor.org/stable/40269197. Martin, Albrow, and Elizabeth King, eds. 1990. Globalization, Knowledge and Society. London: Sage. Robert, Dana L. 2002. “The First Globalization: The Internationalization of the Protestant Missionary Movement Between the World Wars.” International Bulletin of Missionary Research 26 (2): 50–67. Ruby, Alan. 2005. “Reshaping the University in an Era of Globalization.” Phi Delta Kappan 87 (3): 233–236. http://www .jstor.org/stable/20441975. Slimbach, Richard. 2001. “Globalization, the Kingdom of God, and Christian Higher Education.” Council for Christian Colleges & Universities, 25 April. http://cccu.org/news/ar ticles/2001/globalization_the_kingdom_of_god_and_chris tian_higher_education. Stromquist, Nelly P. 2002. Education in a Globalized World: The Connectivity of Economic Power, Technology, and Knowledge. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield.

—Amanda J. Rockinson-Szapkiw & Emerson K. Keung

Christian Higher Education in China Christian higher education in China came into existence in the first two decades of the 20th century. Protestant Christianity arrived in 1807 with Robert Morrison of the

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London Missionary Society. With the opening of treaty ports in China after the Opium War (1842), the missionaries began to set up schools, first in treaty ports, then in major cities. By 1918, there were more than 6,380 Christian schools in China, of which 28 were colleges and 156 were teachers’ training schools. In the 1920s and 1930s, these tertiary schools were consolidated into 13 Protestant and 3 Roman Catholic colleges and universities, with more than 1,000 faculty members and 6,000 students.117 There were three main components in the curricula of Christian colleges: theology, arts and social sciences, and natural sciences. Theology / religious education had previously been the most important subject for Christian colleges. However, the subject gradually lost its centrality and became marginalized and reduced in significance, especially after the registration of these institutions with the Nationalist government in the 1920s. When the Korean War broke out in 1950, the Communist government imposed a major educational reform in China to dismantle all Christian higher education institutions in the country and incorporated them with other public universities. As a result, the history of Christian higher education in China came to an abrupt end. Revival of Christian higher education began in a new form after the 1980s. —Peter Tze Ming Ng

Christian Higher Education in Postmodernity The cultural and intellectual changes brought about by postmodernity are generating new educational contexts for Christian higher education. Theoretical Contexts Beginning with ontology, postmodernity posits an image of reality that is fragmented, paradoxical, contingent, 117. The Protestant colleges were: a. b. c. d. e. f. g. h. i. j. k. l. m.

Yenching University in Beijing Shangtung Christian University (Cheeloo) in Jinan University of Nanking (Jinling) in Nanking Ginling Women’s College in Nanking University of Shanghai (Kujiang) in Shanghai St. John’s University in Shanghai Hangchow University in Hangzhou Soochow University (Dungwu) in Suzhou Central China University (Huazhong) in Wuhan West China Union University (Huaxi) in Chengdu Fukien Christian University in Fuzhou South China Women’s University in Fuzhou Lingnan University in Canton.

The three Catholic University universities were: a. b. c.

Fu Jen Catholic University in Beijing Tientsin University of Industry and Commerce in Tientsin Aurora University in Shanghai.

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without a center, and in a continual process of becoming. This postulation of change as the constant feature of reality directly impacts the concept of knowledge in higher education. Logical, predictable, and manageable schemata are unwanted, and knowledge is no longer seen as unified, harmonious, and stable, but rather as transient, subject to quick aging, and contextual. This environment challenges traditional educational philosophies that have been closer to idealistic and realistic ontologies, including those in the Christian tradition. Postmodernity also ushers in a major tension in epistemology, debating the place of reason as the instrument of obtaining positive knowledge. As universal decidability, legitimation, consistency, and syntactic completeness are replaced by paradox, paralogism, and the situatedness of the individual, educational philosophies traditionally rooted in the Enlightenment, modern rationalistic ideals, and a commitment to meta-narratives are becoming increasingly marginalized. Higher education is also being redefined in terms of purpose. The teleological commitment to culture that was born in Greek Paideia, universalized by European medieval universities, reinforced in the Enlightenment, and generally welcomed by the Christian tradition sits uncomfortably in postmodernity. The vision of liberating the mind to contemplate the breadth of human existence, truth, and virtue in order to impact society is today being demystified, and the cultural mandate of education is being replaced by a commitment to performativity. Universities today are increasingly called to generate skills rather than ideals, income rather than culture, employability rather than virtue, and knowledge economies rather than political communities. Practical Contexts The theoretical commitments of postmodernity introduce practical transformations that can be seen, for example, in a new relationship to authority, in changing curricula, in practices of teaching and learning, and in attitudes toward accreditation and credentialization: • In postmodern higher education, authority is enlisted within unwanted power dynamics and is no longer seen to reside in the teacher, in the hermeneutics of authoritative texts, or in science and reason. Autonomy takes the place of authority, and education becomes student centered. Students consider themselves consumers, teachers are viewed as life coaches, and knowledge is subjectively constructed with peers. • In postmodern higher education, the hierarchy of learning curricula is inverted compared to traditional higher education, as an ethic of change and

survival makes practical skills and competencies gravitate toward the top and theoretical abstraction toward the bottom. Furthermore, postmodern curricula are uncommitted to unity and are thus unstructured, fragmented, and modular and increasingly privilege practical, bite-sized, lifelong learning. • In postmodern higher education, teaching and learning defy classification and categorization and are characterized by plurality, innovation, imagination, and creativity. This is in contrast with structured engineering approaches, which pretend to understand, predict, and prescribe andragogy. • In postmodern higher education, the commitment to change, modularity, lifelong learning, and student-centeredness calls for new thinking regarding credentialization and the issuing of degrees, for it becomes difficult to attest arrival points, completion benchmarks, and standards of achievement. The shortening life span of useful knowledge, the internationalization of education that reduces the comprehensibility of degrees, and the inflation of credentials that has followed the massification of education further contribute to the demise of degrees and the rise of learning portfolios. • In postmodern higher education, accreditation must work to the new values of subjectivity, playfulness, and performativity, which are manifestly in conflict with those of traditional, standard-based quality assurance, which is typically grounded in constancy, consistency, and coherence. The Challenges Together with its many accolades, the postmodern educational revolution is not without its darker sides, and new forms of higher education are criticized for losing robustness and becoming emaciated, for weakening community, for silencing the voice of the university in the public sphere, and for commercializing and potentially dumbing-down education. Postmodern higher education is also seen as contributing to unprecedented levels of anxiety as students are overcome by the pressures to stay ahead, the short life span of knowledge, the compulsory nature of freedom, the constancy of motion, the isolation of the present, the information overload, the indeterminacy of happiness, and the hurriedness of culture. These new contexts present Christian higher education with fresh challenges. On the one hand, there is an opportunity to focus on and renew a commitment to that which is inherently and uncompromisingly “Christian” about higher education. On the other hand, there is a chance to courageously discard theoretical commitments and practical habits that are artifacts carried over from the Babylonian captivity of modernity.

Christian Higher Education in the Secular University

Reference Oxenham, M. 2013. Higher Education in Liquid Modernity. London: Routledge.

—Marvin Oxenham

Christian Higher Education in the Secular University Secular universities are those that do not embrace a religious identity; have no, or nominal, church affiliation; and have a nonsectarianism policy of being open to all. Three criteria are usually used to determine a secular university. Two are found in the university’s mission statement and one in its curriculum: (1) no religious goals are included, (2) no statement of faith or church affiliation exists, and (3) core curriculum does not require Bible or Christian courses (Arthur 2006; Mixon, Lyon, and Beaty 2004). Christian Higher Education in the Secular University in the Past Most of the early American institutions of higher learning fostered a distinguished Christian identity and church affiliation and “first functioned at the preparatory level of the academy and many later developed into universities, they were typically founded with title of ‘college’” (Burtchaell 1998, 852). According to George Marsden (1994), American universities took their shape in the late 19th century, and Christian higher education was present in the colleges and universities during that time, as evidenced by some form of theological teaching. However, Robert Michaelsen (1964) affirms that with the founding of theological seminaries, the study of theology was mostly relegated to them. In the first half of the 20th century, Christian higher education reentered some tax-supported universities because of a recovery of interest in religion. This was done under the auspices of religious studies departments, which placed an emphasis on representationality, emphasizing equal representation and time, so that a Christian had to teach Christian studies, a Jew taught Judaic studies, a Hindu taught Hinduism, and so forth (Marty 1989). Around the 1970s, a new approach surfaced, called neopositivism (Marty 1989), which required (Christian) professors to be objective, distanced, and uninvolved. This, however, gradually changed with the development of the phenomenological method, in which teachers aware of their presuppositions “bracketed” them in order to understand the objects of their study. In addition, scholars enlarged the concept of religion as part of the anthropological condition and gained a place in the hu-

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manities, thereby establishing a connection and partnership with other scholars. Challenges to Christian Higher Education in the Secular University in the 21st Century America itself is undergoing many changes that are having important impacts on the university and how Christian higher education influences might be processed. Among these are the following: 1. Cultural pluralism is an ongoing concern due to an increase in immigrants and their second generation born in America, who would rather maintain their own cultural heritages, identities, and religions (Phan 2004). Relativism, which is unsatisfactory to the Christian, can emerge when cultural pluralism is taken far enough. To counter this, Christians in the university need to demonstrate that the global church itself is composed of a healthy, spiritual, multicultural diversity of people who could provide a cultural and cross-cultural dialogue (Mouw 1997). 2. Richard Mouw (1997) suggests that academic incivility or meanspiritedness exists among some secular university decision makers in matters that would promote Christian higher education, such as hiring Christian faculty, student admission criteria, curricular philosophies, reading lists, research agendas, and labeling systems. There are three ways for Christian academics to promote civility at the university: (1) conversionist tactics in the classroom should not be used, but rather invite students to consider possibilities that they may have previously ruled out because of antireligious or secular biases; (2) lead students and faculty of different disciplines to a consideration that there is a prearranged and underlying unity and connectedness to reality that affects different disciplines; and (3) teach and interact with colleagues with humility, communicating an incomplete knowledge of all things but also exuding a confidence that Christ is Lord of all. 3. The teaching of ethics (morality, values, virtues, duties, etc.) with God as a foundational basis is a challenge to Christian higher educators in the secular university. However, there are several ways “Christian ethics” can be included in the curriculum. Probably the most common has been to speak of the “divine command” theories of ethics, wherein God’s word supplies the authority and content. A second way is to explore religious relationships to ethics in the formation of moral character of a personal and community nature. A third way takes into consideration that a person can try to be good without religion, but justification and

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Christian Higher Education, Technology in

motivation to please God is a present or hidden factor for ethical behavior (Gill 1997). References and Resources Arthur, James. 2006. Faith and Secularization in Religious Colleges and Universities. New York: Routledge. Benne, Robert. 2001. Quality with Soul: How Six Premier Colleges and Universities Keep Faith with Their Religious Traditions. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. Burtchaell, James. 1998. The Dying of the Light: The Disengagement of Colleges and Universities from Their Christian Churches. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. Gill, David, ed. 1997. “Ethics With and Without God.” In Should God Get Tenure? Essays on Religion and Higher Education, 89–111. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. Hauerwas, Stanley. 2007. The State of the University: Academic Knowledges and the Knowledge of God. Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing. Marsden, George. 1994. The Soul of the American University: From Protestant Establishment to Established Nonbelief. New York: Oxford University Press. Marty, Martin. 1989. “The Changing Role of Religion in Higher Education.” In Religion and Higher Education: 1989 Paine Lectures in Religion, edited by Joel Brereton and Patricia Love, 231–251. Columbia: University of Missouri-Columbia. Michaelson, Robert. 1964. The Study of Religion in American Universities: Ten Case Studies with Special Reference to State Universities. Society for Religion in Higher Education. New York; Harper & Row. Mixon, Stephanie, Larry Lyon, and Michael Beaty. 2004. “Secularization and National Universities: The Effect of Religious Identity on Academic Reputation.” Journal of Higher Education 75 (4): 400–419. Mouw, Richard. 1997. “Evangelical Civility and the Academic Calling.” In Should God Get Tenure? Essays on Religion and Higher Education, edited by David Gill, 47–63. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. Phan, Peter. 2004. “Culture, Religion, and Power: Proclaiming Christ in the United States Today.” Theological Studies 65 (4): 714–727.

—Steve Overton

Christian Higher Education, Technology in In Exodus 4:2, God said to Moses, “What is that in your hand?” God used Moses’s staff to make his message clear. Technology in Christian higher education similarly provides a tool in the hand of educators to make God’s message clear. Three premises guide the general methodological foundations for the use of technology in higher education. (1) Technology is a tool used to enable

students to learn more efficiently. (2) Technology allows students to have greater access to and interaction with new information. (3) Technology encourages students to be more effective in their vocation. An additional premise is added for Christian higher education: (4) Technology should make students more productive in their ministry and ultimately in their incarnational calling. Within this context, Christian higher education technology choices require strategic thinking focused on expanding God’s influence in the lives of students, faculty, staff, and their greater community. Initially, educators must consider whether the technology choice itself has an educational purpose. While this seems obvious, educators sometimes opt for a tool simply because of its trendiness, believing something “new” will engage learning. This is a false assumption. Many excellent tools exist, and these tools will prove to be most effective when carefully aligned with learning. Current trends in educational technologies focus on • connecting students and presenting content in social contexts (These are referred to as Web 2.0 technologies, such as Facebook and Twitter.) (Blankenship 2011); • technologies for motivating and engaging students (like classroom performance systems/CPS clickers); • digital tools associated with research, information discovery, and analysis (e.g., e-books, cloud computing, Internet-based technologies and resources, podcasts, data analysis tools); and • mobile technologies (from smartphones to tablets, hardware to apps). Already familiar to both younger and older generations, these tools prove to be excellent choices for e-learning environments. These technologies can assist students in learning about God’s creation and His individual purpose for His children. They enjoy no moral standing, but merely act as tools in the faculty member’s cadre of educational approaches. Christian colleges and universities ask similar questions about current, specific trends, notably the smartphone or tablet. The potential for connecting in ubiquitous ways took several large steps forward when these devices became so widely accessible. Partially as a result, Christian colleges and universities must develop student information literacy skills to be successful consumers and discerners of truth in a world of digitally accessible information. Clickers, presentation tools, and Internet research devices essentially become meaningless without the deliberate thinking of an instructional designer passionate about his or her subject area of interest. The savvy Christian educator must think pur-

Christian Higher Education, The Future of

posefully about the use of technology in the context of a learning environment. Augmented reality and the “Internet of Things” (connecting data with the “real world” and smart objects, a further step in bringing the Internet to a more convenient access level), gesture-based computing (popularized by gaming consoles), and the further development of game-based learning with higher education engagements (Johnson, Adams, and Cummins, 2012) continue to be important considerations as near-future trends (at the time of this writing). The current college classroom hardly pulls all of these technologies into daily instructional practice, but the Christian faculty member may employ one or more with a specific goal in mind: the engagement of the student in a thoughtful manner, presenting a set of content so learning may occur. The goal is always learning first, lest technology become an end unto itself. Our last caveat is that the Bible warns of idolatry; technology deserves no exception from this directive. References and Resources Blankenship, M. 2011. “How Social Media Can and Should Impact Higher Education.” Education Digest 76 (7): 39–42. Johnson, L., S. Adams, and M. Cummins. 2012. The NMC Horizon Report: 2012 Higher Education Edition. Austin, TX: The New Media Consortium.

—Randall Dunn and Benjamin K. Forrest

Christian Higher Education, The Future of We are in a critical season of change and challenge for Christian higher education. Every institution has been impacted to some degree by the financial crises that began in the first decade of the 21st century. Shortfalls in endowment earnings and corpus value losses; sharp increases in infrastructure and health-care costs; unpredictable enrollments, particularly in retaining students through to graduation; and uncertainty about the implications of government regulations in areas such as “right to hire” have conspired to make this perhaps the most volatile time for Christ-centered education at every level. While new student enrollments, on average, seem to be rising faster than anticipated, particularly in the online and adult learning arenas, these increases are not in themselves sufficient to guarantee these institutions future stability. There are other, subtler changes occurring that could also impact the future of Christian higher education. The majority of these institutions are residential, traditional college age, and liberal arts focused. These parameters have served the vision and mission of these institutions

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well for over a century. However, certain realities make it essential to review these three foundations and make adjustments to fit the market and financial realities. How will these decisions and directions impact the core mission of these institutions? What culture changes will occur as they address the adult student’s needs, changes in delivery of content due to technology, and perhaps most important, the significant decline in understanding and priorities of the liberal arts as the foundational core of these institutions’ historic missions? It appears that the future of Christian higher education will look dramatically different from the recent past. A Brief History Before Looking at the Future The earliest history of Christian higher education in the United States is identical to that of higher education in general. Harvard and Yale began as places to train ministers. It was not until the mid-19th century that the growing liberalization and secularization of those colleges, and the westward expansion of the nation, encouraged the creation of smaller colleges in the Midwest, usually under the auspices of religious denominations or revival-fueled movements. Though largely intended to promote the education of church workers, these colleges often subscribed to the idea that a broad (liberal) education was desirable. Francis Asbury, for example, believed that the early Methodist circuit riders needed to carry a Bible in one hand and a newspaper in the other, emphasizing that effective ministry required an awareness of culture and current issues as well as theological acumen. As a result, these institutions evolved into more than just seminaries or teacher academies, becoming full-fledged liberal arts colleges with intentional Christian roots. Education for Christian citizenship emerged as an important rationale for the presence, importance, and costs of these institutions. Early in the 20th century, with the growth of the European research university model among the larger and more prestigious institutions (especially on the East Coast), and with the emergence of the modernist versus fundamentalist theological controversies, many institutions took theoretical and conceptual sides. Some remained orthodox, while others drifted from their religious roots and priorities. By the mid-1900s, still in reaction to this secularization, a new class of religious institutions, Bible colleges, had emerged to focus on preparation of leaders for a worldwide missions movement. They also were formed to stem the tide of secularization in higher education. Since that time, the earlier Christian liberal arts colleges and the later Bible colleges have overlapped in purpose and function. In the current era, while independent Bible college associations still exist, within the

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Council for Christian Colleges and Universities there are intermingled institutions from both long-standing liberal arts and Bible college traditions. A good example of such intermingling is Biola University, which has retained its emphasis on biblical instruction while expanding significantly in both the liberal arts and vocational preparation beyond the church. Market Forces Shaping Higher Education A number of market forces are at work producing greater competition for students and resources, making it increasingly difficult for these historic Christian institutions to keep pace. The increasing democratization of education (more people expect access) and continued secularization of the culture (religious contrasts are increasingly stark) have created a number of trends that are threatening the missions and visions of all institutions of higher education, particularly those that identify themselves as Christian. Vocational and Professional Education Economic conditions, increased lifestyle expectations, and gender equity exert pressures on students to acquire specific vocational skills that will translate directly into higher paying jobs. While many books describe the sequences of differing student generations (e.g., “boomers,” “Xers,” “millennials’) the broader trend is predominantly vocational. Coupled with a growing consumer-focused mind-set, students ask, “What will this investment do for me?” “What job or profession can I enter with this major?” “What career path will this education open?” Some are suggesting that formal degrees will be replaced by badged competencies—certifications of skill sets—that are not necessarily tied to a formalized course and/or degree structures as we have known them for the past 200 years. Graduate Education Just as the standard of the high school diploma gave way to the college degree, now it seems to take a graduate degree to be perceived as fully qualified in many fields—the MBA is a prime example. Many states require master’s degrees for permanent certification of their public schoolteachers. This degree inflation is significantly changing the landscape of all higher education and impacting the predominant undergraduate focus of the majority of most Christian colleges. Online Education The same expanding market that has created the trend to vocational and professional education has also, in conjunction with the technology revolution, opened doors to deliver education off-site and asynchronously. The historic model of bricks-and-mortar-based institu-

tions is rapidly being called into question, from both an economic as well as a technological vantage point. Some educational futurists believe that it may not be long until most brick-and-mortar institutions disappear. Many non-brick-and-mortar institutions exist, with thousands of students, mostly online, making some larger than either the State University of New York system or the California university system. Adult Education There are increasing numbers of adults (over 25 years of age) engaged in postsecondary education. This fact is tied to, and even arises from, each of the preceding forces. It also is attributed to improved health care and the resulting extension of the working career well past traditional retirement age. Depending on how the terms are defined, approximately half of all college attendees are nontraditional students (e.g., they work, are married, have children, study part-time, etc.). The current economic conditions are driving more of these adult learners back into the educational system to either update skills or acquire new and more marketable ones. The increase in recent college enrollments is driven by these large numbers of adult learners returning to school to become more competitive in the current job market. Cultural Forces Shaping Higher Education In addition to these market forces, there are also cultural forces at work shaping the missions and visions of institutions of higher education, especially Christian ones. These include globalization and secularization. Globalization Institutions are recognizing how much more connected and interdependent they are than they once were. This is partly due to the presence of international students in the United States who are increasingly turning to smaller liberal arts colleges for highly valued American diplomas as well as the desired English fluency. Even more important, however, is the pressure to provide Western students with international opportunities. A working career today inevitably will involve cross-cultural and likely international travel and connections. Whether in business, science, politics, or fine arts, international perspectives and competencies are expected. In a global culture influenced by Facebook, Twitter, SKYPE, and relatively inexpensive air travel, the world is much smaller. Providing study abroad has become a fiercely competitive but essential element in any comprehensive education, from the liberal arts to professional curricula and from secular to Christian worldview orientation. Globalization also means paying attention to the growing ethnic diversity within the United States. Student

Christian Higher Education, The Future of

bodies are increasingly diverse not only in age, but also in ethnicity. This reality requires adjustments to not only curricular programs but also co-curricular ones. The dramatic increase in Hispanic students, for example, is reshaping curricular emphases and offerings at most higher education institutions. Secularization A second cultural force at work in American higher education, especially for Christian institutions, is the increasingly secular tone of society and formal governmental entities with their funding and social agenda priorities. Western culture appears to be in a post-Christian age. Open hostility to faith on state and even secular private campuses benefits many Christian institutions. Their enrollments have boomed in recent years, because concerned parents seek safer havens for their children, especially their daughters. But on the downside, administrators on those same campuses believe it is inevitable that access to state and federal financial aid by their students will be so closely tied to government policies of nondiscrimination regarding religion that they will be put in the impossible position of choosing between hiring Christian faculty and remaining in business. Secularization also is apparent in terms of the core orientation of students to absolutes in values and behavioral standards. The vast majority of today’s Christian-raised young people have serious questions about ideals that promote a singular focus, standard, or Truth. The exclusive claims of the Christian faith are difficult for them to embrace in this culture of tolerance and skepticism about universal beliefs and practices. The very essence of Christcentered education is predicated upon the ideas and convictions of singular Truth and its implications for universal standards of behavior. Relativism is becoming the dominant value orientation of Western thought and practice in the vast majority of education, be it Christian or secular. Quite probably this secularizing trend of relativism, with its tolerance of any and all ideas, will be the most challenging for intentional Christ-centered institutions to navigate in the near future. Historically, the belief in unchanging absolutes based on an intentional Christian worldview has been the market distinctive of Christian education at all levels. The Need for a Strategically Planned Future Christian higher education is buffeted by market and cultural forces, necessitating adjustments of programs and facilities, faculty and administration, strategic plans, and perhaps even its mission and vision if it is to have a viable role in the future. That future for many Christian institutions will require proactive responses to the forces identified above, but in ways that do not abandon or

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compromise the distinctives that have made Christian education a meaningful alternative to other forms of education. It is likely that many institutions will undergo significant changes in the way they deliver their mission, minimizing the costs of traditional, residential, and liberal arts education. Some institutions will find ways to collaborate, cooperate, and perhaps even merge to create more programmatically relevant and economically viable alternatives. And some likely will need to go out of business, recognizing that they served God’s purposes for previous generations. What must not happen is to just let events occur without an intentional commitment to realistic assessments and viable alternatives. The next generation of effective Christian educational enterprises must be engaged in ongoing conversations about the dynamic interplay of all these forces and the implications for their missional as well as fiscal health and program viability. Creative, Spirit-directed, and God-resourced innovation will be the most important factor in the new mission of future Christian institutions. Author’s note: A debt of gratitude is owed to Dr. V. James Mannoia, whose discussions, writing, counsel, and creative spirit played a key role in the development of this article. He is the author of Christian Liberal Arts: An Education That Goes Beyond (Rowman & Littlefield, 2000). Innovation Books for Higher Education Bennis, W., and P. Biederman. 1997. Organizing Genius. New York: Addison-Wesley. Brown, T., and B. Katz. 2009. Change by Design. New York: HarperCollins. Davila, T., M. Epstein, and R. Shelton. 2006. Making Innovation Work. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Wharton School Publishing. Day, G., and P. Schoemaker. 2006. Peripheral Vision. Boston: Harvard Business School Press. Gryskiewicz, S. 1999. Positive Turbulence. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Hamel, G. 2002. Leading the Revolution. New York: Plume. Kelley, T. 2001. The Art of Innovation. New York: Currency Doubleday. Martin, R. 2009. The Design of Business. Boston: Harvard Business Press. Schrage, M. 2000. Serious Play. Boston: Harvard Business School Press. Skarzynski, P., and R. Gibson. 2008. Innovation to the Core. Boston: Harvard Business Press. Sutton, R. 2002. Weird Ideas That Work. New York: Free Press. Wacker, W., and R. Mathews. 2002. The Deviant’s Advantage. New York: Three Rivers Press.

Innovation Articles for Higher Education Davenport, T. 2003. “Who’s Bringing You Hot Ideas, and How Are You Responding?” Harvard Business Review 81 (2): 58–64.

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Fraser, H. 2006. “Turning Design Thinking into Design Doing.” Rotman Magazine (Spring/Summer): 24–28. Hamel, G. 1999. “Bringing Silicon Valley Inside.” Harvard Business Review 77 (5): 71–84. Hargadon, A., and R. Sutton. 2000. “Building an Innovation Factory.” Harvard Business Review 78 (3): 157–166. Kotter, J. 1995. “Leading Change: Why Transformation Efforts Fail.” Harvard Business Review 73 (2): 59–67. Liedtka, J., and R. Friedel. 2008. “Possibility Thinking.” Rotman Magazine (Winter): 15–19. Lojacono, G., and G. Zaccai. 2005. ‘The Evolution of the Design-inspired Enterprise.” Rotman Magazine (Winter): 10–15. Oster, G. (2008). “Divining the Need: Compensatory Behavior of Customers.” Regent Global Business Review 2 (2): 14–18. Rodriguez, D., and R. Jacoby. 2007. “Innovation, Growth, and Getting to Where You Want to Go.” Design Management Review 18 (1): 10–15. Schrage, M. 1989. “Innovation and Applied Failure.” Harvard Business Review 67 (6): 42–47. Suri, J. 2006. “Informing Our Intuition: Design Research for Radical Innovation.” Rotman Magazine (Winter): 52–57. Thomke, S. 2001. “Enlightened Experimentation: The New Imperative for Innovation.” Harvard Business Review 79 (2): 67–75.

—David Gyertson

Christian History/Church History What Is Church History? As Bradley and Muller (1995) have argued, “Anything that the church does in the world is arguably a part of church history.” This must be taken to include both the practices of the church as well as its thought, not merely the recitation of events and personalities that make up the story of God’s people on this earth. In a sense, that history consists of all that has happened to and through those people, from the Garden of Eden until the present day. The intellectual discipline of writing church history, however, is a particular subset of literature and academic study, which has developed in particular directions over the last few thousand years. The Educative Purposes of Church History The Pentateuch and prophetic historical books of the Old Testament scriptures (Genesis to Esther) consist largely of church history, retold from a particular angle and with specific authorial agendas. In the New Testament, the Gospels, but especially also Acts, may be classified as works of church history, with evangelistic (John 20:30– 31) or edificational (Luke 1:1–4; Acts 1:1) purposes.

Other biblical books contain or appeal to church history, however, such as 1 Corinthians 14:36, in which Paul asks, “Was it from you that the word of God came? Or are you the only ones it has reached?” This appeal to church history, like so many others, was intended to promote humility in Paul’s audience through an acknowledgment of God’s wider and longer-term dealings with people. Broadly speaking, the early Christian church (most notably Eusebius of Caesarea) wrote its own history as a way of promoting its claims to be an ancient religion (not a recent innovation), the true religion (as opposed to the teachings of heretics), and (through martyrologies) a religion worth suffering for. Later, it also adopted the archetypal pattern of human transgression followed by divine punishment and deliverance, as seen in biblical historical narratives, as a grid through which to read its own postbiblical history. This led to some tendentious claims to prophetic insight into God’s providence, especially when written by the “victors” (as history proverbially is). However, as John Burrow (2009) notes, this pervasive trope also “makes human beings the prime movers of history only through their transgressions,” a perhaps unintentionally Gospel-shaped historiographical side effect. Other church historians, such as Bede (born 673), gave their writing a deliberate didactic moral purpose, to promote godliness by recounting significant examples of both good and bad conduct. Hagiography, writing the lives of the saints, was ever popular for the same reasons. During the Reformation, Protestant and Roman Catholic historians ransacked church history in order to solidify their rival claims to continuity (doctrinal or institutional) with the past and inspire the saints to endure persecution (e.g., the martyrology of John Foxe and the standard Roman insinuation, “Where was your church before Luther?”). At the onset of the 18th century “Enlightenment,” with its twin concerns for scientific analysis of original documents and freedom to interpret those sources apart from confessional biases, “professional” church history became more of a secular discipline, seeking to discern more natural explanations of events even when written by Christians who retained a belief in the supernatural. As David Bebbington (1979) relates, “The canons of ordinary historical scholarship have not permitted References and Resources to God for nearly 200 years.” References and Resources Bebbington, D. 1979. Patterns in History: A Christian Perspective on Historical Thought. Leicester, England: IVP. Bradley, J. E., and R. A. Muller. 1995. Church History: An Introduction to Research, Reference Works, and Methods. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. Burrow, John. 2009. A History of Histories. London: Penguin.

Christian Humanism

Van Liere, K., S. Ditchfield, and H. Louthan, eds. 2012. Sacred History: Uses of the Christian Past in the Renaissance World. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

—Lee Gatiss

Christian Humanism In the broadest sense, humanism has been applied to various movements throughout history, though with different stresses or emphases: Greek humanism, classical humanism, Renaissance humanism, Christian humanism, and secular or scientific humanism. In each version of humanism there was or is an emphasis of some sort on the value of the individual or human existence. According to D. Bruce Lockerbie, much of contemporary Christian education has its roots in the early principles of Christian humanism (2001, 136). Humanistic educational theory of this time emphasized the study of Greek and Latin literature and challenged the learner to rediscover himself as a distinctly free human being (Anthony 2001, 146). The bookends of humanism are the brand of Greek philosophy of the fifth and sixth centuries, reflected in the dictum of Protagoras, “Man is the measure of all things,” and the secular or scientific humanism of the 20th and 21st centuries. Recent contributors (historically speaking) include Bertrand Russell (1872–1970) and John Dewey (1859–1952), both of whom contributed extensively to education and educational theory (Lockerbie 2001). The Renaissance and Humanism The Renaissance brought a radical “demand for a broader expanse of knowledge, a new style of living, and a greater recognition of the status of the individual” (Burns 1969, 395), and it was a broad cultural movement that involved changes in politics, philosophy, theology, and the fine arts. However, the essence of Renaissance humanism is found in educational reform (Elias 2002, 67). Two phases emerged historically within the realm of Renaissance learning and education. The initial phase took place in Italy from the early 14th century to the close of the 15th century. The second phase took place in northern Europe, primarily in Holland, England, and Germany, and manifested a significantly profounder emphasis on religious matters. It was this variety of humanism, John Elias rightly proposes, that influenced or formed the educational ideals of those who established institutions of higher education in North America. Humanism of this period has influenced both Protestant and Catholic efforts in contemporary Christian education (Elias 2002, 66–67).

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Christian Humanism of Northern Europe Christian humanism was embraced by the Protestant reformers such as Martin Luther (1483–1546), Philip Melanchthon (1497–1560), Ulrich Zwingli (1484–1531), and John Calvin (1509–1564). However, the most influential humanist was Desiderius Erasmus (c. 1466–1536), the Prince of Humanists, who remained a Roman Catholic. Desiderius Erasmus: The Prince of Humanists Born out of wedlock in Rotterdam, Holland, Erasmus studied with the Brethren of the Common Life. The primary aim of his educational endeavors was to nurture good, intelligent Christians who were more concerned with deeds and high moral values than creeds and dogmatic extravagances (Reed and Prevost 1993, 182; Burns 1969, 434). Erasmus’s view of Christianity is reflected in his Handbook of the Militant Christian, in which he expressed the notion that knowledge and prayer should be complementary resources for the daily battle Christians fight against the forces of evil. He also set forth guidelines or rules for living the practical Christian life (Elias 2002, 79). More of an educational theorist than practitioner (Reed and Provost 1993, 182), Erasmus was passionate about good education and wrote extensively on educational ideals. He strongly advocated universal education, especially when it included the study of scriptures (80). In regard to teaching style, he advocated gentle, kind teaching, in which students enjoyed learning (Ulich 1975, 99), and took a strong posture against corporal punishment (Elias 2002, 81). Teachers, he argued, should be well educated and trained (Gutek 1997, 82; Reed and Prevost 1993, 182) and understand the nature of the learner and laws germane to the educative process (Ulich 1975, 99). As a Christian humanist, Erasmus gave equal weight to the study of Christian writings of the church fathers and the classics (Greek and Latin languages and their literature). The vernacular and sciences, on the other hand, received no attention (Ulich 1975, 100; Gutek 1997, 82–83). Erasmus also understood the importance of method in teaching and recommended play, visual aids, games, prizes, competitions, and rewards in the teaching of children (Elias 2002, 81; Ulich 1975, 101). Finally, in regard to the learner, he believed that humans possess imagination and other innate urges, including self-preservation, ambition, imitation, desire for attachment, and power of reason (Ulich 2002, 101; Elias 2002, 81). The Reformers and Christian Humanism The humanist movement within the Reformation differed from the humanism of Italy in that it had “less

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of the humanist confidence in the ability of men and women to shape themselves, emphasizing. . . the necessity of divine initiative and grace for all worthwhile human activity (Elias 2002, 86). Collectively, the reformers sought educational reform in the churches, public schools, universities, and the home. Martin Luther Luther differed from Erasmus in that while he appreciated the antiquities, he felt that they were of no consequence to religious devotion, whereas Erasmus held to the notion that “the goals of culture is the union of antiquity and Christianity” (Ulich 1975, 95). For Luther, only Christian revelation is sacred. Compared to other humanists, including Erasmus, who made piousness and culture the chief goals of education, Luther was more concerned with educating individuals to serve others in churches and civic orders (Elias 2002, 86). Three theological principles drove his zeal for educational reform: (1) the authority of the Bible (sola scriptura), (2) justification by faith (sola fide), and (3) the priesthood of all believers. These principles fostered a new vision for Christian education, whereby the aim was to train all believers to be priests before God. This meant making education universal, since one could know God personally, in part through the reading of scriptures (Pazmiño 1997, 144). Philip Melanchthon Working closely with Luther in educational reform was the Christian humanist Philip Melanchthon. A professor of Greek at Wittenberg, along with the scriptures, Melanchthon held the traditional liberal arts in high regard. It is this program, argues Carl Meyer, that made Melanchthon a Christian humanist; this in turn helps us understand him as an educator (1975, 145–146). Along with Luther, Melanchthon played a significant role in the reform of the Saxony school system. Together they drew up a proposal for school reform, including the specification of subjects to be taught, hours of instruction, division of classes, and governance of schools (Meyer 1975, 153; Elias 2002, 91; Gutek 1997, 91). John Calvin Like Luther and Melanchthon, John Calvin’s educational ideals were embedded in the humanist tradition. His foundational ideal was pietas literata, “a piety enlightened by classical learning” (Elias 2002, 93). Calvin’s most notable contribution to education was the Geneva Academy, which had a seven-year classical curriculum. The school was divided into a Schola privata (for children up to the age of 16) and a Schola publica, the university. The training in the college was clearly humanistic in nature.

The students were thoroughly grounded in the Greek and Latin classics, in speaking and writing good Latin, and religious instruction (Elias 2002, 93; Towns 1975, 170–171). Ulrich Zwingli Ulrich Zwingli, a reformer and priest from Zurich, Switzerland, was a strong supporter of humanism. Unlike Erasmus, who was concerned with the education of the elite, Zwingli shared the desire of his fellow reformers to bring education to the masses. He emphasized the study of scriptures and favored an education of the young that would result in greatness in Christian living. He introduced elementary schools to Switzerland and published a short essay, Of the Education of Youth. In this treatise he presented the proper goal of education as rendering the pupil as much like Christ as possible (Pipkin 1975, 131; Elias 2002, 92). References and Resources Anthony, Michael J. 2001. “Humanism, Christian.” In Evangelical Dictionary of Christian Education, edited by Michael J. Anthony, 345–349. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic. Burns, Edward McNall. 1969. Western Civilizations: Their History and Their Culture. 7th ed. Vol. I. New York: W. W. Norton. Elias, John. 2002. A History of Christian Education: Protestant, Catholic, and Orthodox Perspectives. Malabar, FL: Krieger Publishing. Gutek, Gerald L. 1997. Historical and Philosophical Foundations of Education: A Biographical Introduction. 2nd ed. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice-Hall. Lockerbie, D. Bruce. 2001. “Christian Humanism.” In Evangelical Dictionary of Christian Education, edited by Michael J. Anthony, 136–137. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic. Meyer, Carl S. 1975. “Philip Melanchthon.” In A History of Religious Educators, edited by Elmer L. Towns, 144–160. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Books. Pazmiño, Robert W. 1997. Foundational Issues in Christian Education. 2nd ed. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic. Pipkin, H. Wayne. 1975. “Huldreich Zwingli.” In A History of Religious Educators, edited by Elmer L. Towns, 124–136. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Books. Reed, James E., and Ronnie Prevost. 1993. A History of Christian Education. Nashville, TN: Broadman & Holman. Towns, Elmer L. 1975. “John Calvin.” In A History of Religious Educators, edited by Elmer L. Towns, 92–102. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Books. Ulich, Robert. 1975. “Erasmus.” In A History of Religious Educators, edited by Elmer L. Towns, 167–175. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Books.

—Harley T. Atkinson

Christian Reformed Church Christian Education

Christian Liberal Arts Colleges and Universities Christian liberal arts colleges typically are privately funded, small, residential, and primarily undergraduate institutions of higher education. Most of these institutions are found in the United States. They embrace the traditional aims of liberal arts education by focusing on shaping whole students fit for all of life through a comprehensive education in the humanities, social sciences, sciences, and arts; this educational approach is often contrasted with more narrowly professional or vocational training. Appropriating the liberal arts tradition in the interests of an explicitly Christian mission that equips students intellectually, morally, and spiritually for faithful service to God, these institutions approach the entire curriculum from the standpoint of the truth of historic Christian convictions. They also pursue an educational strategy that brings those beliefs to bear upon every realm of knowledge, emphasizing the importance of grounding in biblical and theological study to provide a basis from which to approach the full range of academic disciplines. Often this quest is referred to as the cultivation of a “Christian worldview” or the “integration of faith and learning.” At the same time, these institutions function as intentional Christian communities that foster their students’ growth in discipleship through compulsory codes of conduct, as well as co-curricular components such as chapel attendance (sometimes required), Bible studies, and service projects. Many of these colleges require applicants to profess a personal allegiance to Christ in order to maximize a genuine Christian educational experience, while others admit non-Christians into a more diverse academic community that gives Christian viewpoints a privileged position. Similarly, many institutions restrict their faculty to those with Christian belief, as defined by their school’s faith tradition, while other institutions hire faculty from a broader range of religious traditions or those without any faith commitment. Most Christian liberal arts institutions are associated with the evangelical Protestant movement in North America, where more than 100 such institutions participate in the Council for Christian Colleges and Universities (CCCU). Well-known representatives include nondenominational entities such as Gordon College (MA), Taylor University (IN), Westmont College (CA), and Wheaton College (IL). Others are associated with specific denominational traditions, such as Calvin College (MI), which is Christian Reformed; Union University (TN), which is Southern Baptist; and Roberts Wesleyan College (NY), which is Free Methodist. Similar colleges increasingly are found around the world, such as Uganda

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Christian University, Daystar University (Kenya), Tokyo Christian University, and Handong Global University (South Korea). Christian higher education is a rapidly growing movement internationally. Some Roman Catholic institutions, such as Ave Marie University (FL) or Franciscan University of Steubenville (OH), are comparable in their educational philosophy with the evangelical Protestant colleges and are intentional in forming students within the Roman Catholic intellectual tradition. Other Protestant institutions, such as Pepperdine University (CA), Azusa Pacific University (CA), and Samford University (AL), share many of these traits, but transcend the liberal arts model as larger entities organized on a university pattern featuring graduate schools in professional fields such as law, business, education, nursing, and pharmacy. References and Resources Davis, Jeffry C., and Philip G. Ryken, eds. 2012. Liberal Arts for the Christian Life. Wheaton, IL: Crossway. Holmes, Arthur F. 1985. The Idea of a Christian College. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. Ringenberg, William C. 2006. The Christian College: A History of Protestant Higher Education in America. 2nd ed. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic.

—Jeffrey P. Greenman

Christian Reformed Church Christian Education The Christian Reformed Church in North America (CRCNA) is a denominational branch of the Reformed theological tradition. It is a binational denomination represented by approximately 1,000 congregations in the United States and Canada. The Christian Reformed Church (CRC) was founded in 1857 by Dutch immigrants who wanted to practice their commitment to Reformed theology and Christian education in a distinct way that set them apart from the general culture. The CRC places strong emphasis on the importance of K–12 Christian education. Congregations collect offerings to provide supplemental financial support for CRC families to send their children to Christian school. Historical Overview The events that culminated in the formation of the CRC began in 1848 when a group of Dutch immigrants led by Albertus van Raalte settled at Holland, Michigan. These settlers were fleeing both hard economic times and liberalizing forces in religion in the Netherlands. The Holland settlers eventually forged a union between their congre-

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gations and the Dutch Reformed churches in New Jersey. A small group of 130 families split from this merger in 1857. They cited as their reasons weak adherence to the traditional Reformed confessions, a lack of strong doctrine in preaching, the practice of “open communion,” a lack of piety, adaptation to American culture, singing of hymns in worship rather than the psalms, and a lack of sympathy for secessionist churches in the Netherlands that were opposing declining orthodoxy in the Reformed churches there. The CRC members continued to observe worship in their native language and to emphasize the importance of traditional orthodoxy. Newly arrived Dutch immigrants added to the ranks of the CRC in the late 19th century and also introduced the thought of Dutch statesman and theologian Abraham Kuyper (1837–1920) to their American predecessors. Kuyper had infused Dutch secessionism with a strong theology of cultural engagement to accompany its defense of Reformed orthodoxy. Kuyper famously declared that “not one square inch” of the creation is beyond the bounds of Christ’s lordship over creation. Kuyperians acknowledged the concept of “sphere sovereignty,” the idea that God has designated specific authorities to govern particular areas of the creation and has ordained that those authorities exercise their influence in a manner consistent with their divinely delegated responsibilities. Having imbibed this philosophy of cultural engagement, members of the CRC began to make the difficult transition from their native Dutch language and customs to a closer engagement with American culture in the early 20th century. The denomination began the publication of the Banner, the official CRC news publication, in 1915. The CRC grew increasingly Americanized after World War II and also cooperated more closely with the growing Canadian Christian Reformed Churches, necessitating the recognition of binational cooperation in the name of the denomination. Educational Contributions The CRC prioritizes the importance of cultural engagement in all aspects of its educational ministry. The CRCNA continues to model its educational ministries according to the theological and cultural tradition of Abraham Kuyper. Christian Reformed educators believe that God fashioned creation with a particular structure and with the intent that humans would develop that creational structure. This cultural mandate continues to be the calling of the Christian church as believers seek to create and influence culture in a manner that brings glory to God. A strong network of Christian elementary and secondary schools throughout the United States and Canada provides for the training of young people from a Christian Reformed perspective. These institutions

are faithfully supported by Christian Reformed families through the attendance of their children and the collection of offerings to supplement the cost of a private education for families in their congregations. The Christian Reformed commitment to Christian education includes higher education as well. The CRC established Calvin College and Theological Seminary in 1876 at Grand Rapids, Michigan. Calvin continues to function as an entity of the CRCNA, reporting an enrollment of 4,008 for 2012. In 1953, members of the CRC founded Midwest Junior College, which was moved in 1954 to Sioux Center, Iowa. The institution was renamed Dordt College in 1956 and was expanded to offer four-year degrees in 1962. Dordt College reported an enrollment of 1,400 students for the 2012–2013 academic year. Some CRC faculty and administrators also serve at Redeemer University College in Ontario and Trinity Christian College in Palo Heights, Illinois. The Institute for Christian Studies in Toronto was established in 1967 as an independent graduate school in the field of philosophy that operates from the Kuyperian perspective. References and Resources Christian Reformed Church Centennial Committee. 1957. One Hundred Years in the New World: The Story of the Christian Reformed Church from 1857 to 1957. Grand Rapids, MI: Christian Reformed Publications. Hofman, Tyman E. 2004. The Canadian Story of the CRC: Its First Century. Belleville, ON: Guardian Books. Schaap, James C. 1998. Our Family Album: The Unfinished Story of the Christian Reformed Church. Grand Rapids, MI: CRC Publications. Swierenga, Robert P., and Elton J. Bruins. 2000. Family Quarrels in the Dutch Reformed Church of the Nineteenth Century. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans.

—Scott Culpepper

Christian Scholarship in Politics Christians did not attempt to formulate a theory of relationship between the church and the state until Christianity became legalized in the fourth century. Prior to Christianity being made a state religion, when the church had no legal right to exist, believers heeded the biblical admonition “to be in subjection to the governing authorities” (Rom 13:1), except when such submission conflicted with the explicit command of God with regard to the proclamation of the Gospel message (cf. Acts 5:29). The reason for subjection is that “there is no authority except from God.” Authorities do not derive their power from the consent of the governed; rather, civil authority is derived from God (cf. Dan 2:21; John 19:10–11). All

Christian Scholarship in Politics

human beings are made in God’s image and have God’s “Law written in their hearts, their conscience bearing witness” (Rom 2:15; cf. 13:5). Therefore, even non-Christian lawmakers can outlaw evil without cognizance that their criterion “for good” is derived from God, and the church can obey knowing that civil authorities accomplish the work of both punishing the evil and rewarding the good (Rom 13:1–7). Pope Gelasius I initially stated the doctrine of “two swords,” especially in his well-known letter to Emperor Anastasius in 494. Gelasius asserted that the world is ruled by two entities, established by God and having distinct purposes: “the sacred authority of the priesthood and the royal power.” He wrote those words in the context of Roman bishops assuming responsibility for judicial matters, military defense, and other secular matters (to some extent as a consequence of ineffective leadership in the Western Roman Empire and authority believed to be inherent in the bishop of Rome as the successor of Peter). The “two swords” doctrine was commonly accepted throughout the Middle Ages; however, questions still persisted with regard to the exact nature of that supremacy. Indeed, the church struggled for freedom from intrusion by governing authorities throughout the early Middle Ages. The crowning of Charlemagne as emperor (AD 800) by Pope Leo III was most significant for resolving tension with Constantinople. Pope Innocent III (1198–1216) created much controversy when he declared that “royal power” was subordinate to “the sacred authority of the priesthood.” With regard to both the political and the spiritual, the Protestant reformers challenged the authority of the church in general and the papacy in particular. Martin Luther argued for liberty as the very essence of the Christian faith. In his essay “On the Freedom of a Christian” (1520), he argued that the conscience belongs to God alone and thereby defended Christian charity and freedom against the subjective control of either church or state. The doctrine of faith as a gift of God weakened the effects of the Roman Inquisition and the Holy Office and the “Index Librorum Prohibitorum” (an index of forbidden books published by Pope Paul IV in 1559), and thus articulated a theological foundation for religious liberty. Luther also proclaimed that all work should be done to the glory of God (cf. 1 Cor. 10:31). He taught that all honest work is pleasing to God, and thus all labor was a sacred calling whether one was ministering the gospel, plowing the field, or scrubbing floors. The doctrines of the Reformation contributed to the idea of freedom for the market and society, as apposite economic and political expressions. Capitalism developed as the economic expression of the doctrine of justification. The 17th-century Calvinists articulated the foundation for both Eng-

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lish and American civil rights and liberties (e.g., freedom of speech, press, and religion; the independence of juries; the privilege against compelled self-incrimination; the right of habeas corpus; and the right not to be imprisoned without just cause). Political justice is thus based on a biblical understanding of human nature and human choice. For example, criminals are detained by the state to be held accountable for their actions, as opposed to excusing such behavior as the result of environmental conditioning. The biblical understanding of human nature provides a formative basis by which one can discern flawed political philosophies. For example, many utopian political theories are formulated on flawed assumptions. Plato’s Republic (360 BC) was an ideal government wherein enlightened philosopher-kings would govern. However, the Bible teaches that all humanity is sinful (Rom. 3:23); thus Plato’s proposed leaders would be affected totally by the effects of the Fall and would be unable to manifest the benevolent and enlightened disposition so necessary for the republic to succeed. Similarly, the Marxist view of government was based on the belief that human nature was conditioned by society in general and by capitalism in particular. Marx proposed that if government changed the economy, then human nature would subsequently change. The doctrine of justification by faith promoted individual independence, and thus constitutionalism, egalitarianism, and religious liberty were social consequences of the Protestant Reformation. From the 16th century until modern times, the primary impetus for the renewal of law in the West was the notion of the power of the individual, who—by the grace of God—could impact the world and create new social relations through the exercise of the will. The notion of the individual was foundational to the development of modern laws. Two noteworthy individuals in the history of law are Samuel Rutherford (1600–1661) and Sir William Blackstone (1723–1780). Rutherford’s Lex Rex, or The Law and the Prince (1644), had a profound effect on the British and American governments. Rutherford’s treatise challenged the foundation of politics in his day by proclaiming that law must be based on the Bible, as opposed to the word of any human being. His work contradicted the notion of the divine right of kings, which was the teaching that the king (or the state) ruled as God’s appointed regent, and therefore the word of the king was regarded as law. Rutherford argued, from biblical passages such as Romans 13, that the king (in addition to anyone else) was subject to the law of God. According to Rutherford, the civil authority is a “fiduciary figure,” who possesses authority in trust for the people. Violation of that trust would provide a political basis for civil disobedience.

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Blackstone was an English jurist who is famous for his Commentaries on the Law of England (1765), which embodied the tenets of Judeo-Christian theism and became the definitive treatise for common law in America and England. Blackstone revolutionized his government by teaching that all human law is based on two foundations: the law of nature and the law of revelation (the Bible). Jesus declared, “My kingdom is not of this world” (John 18:38). The Lord’s statement indicates that one’s citizenship in this world is not the ultimate aspiration; rather, it is one’s heavenly citizenship (a personal, individual salvation). Christianity is not a divine rule that governs all aspects of life, as in Judaism and Islam, wherein the political and religious realms coalesce exactly and do so in subjection to the religion’s stipulations. Christians are to “render” obedience to Caesar in his realm (Matt. 20:20–22; Rom. 13:1–7; 1 Pet. 2:13–17); however, the “things that are God’s” are not possessed by Caesar and can only be given to God. Christ acknowledged the right of civil authorities to assess and collect taxes, and scripture binds the believer to pay those taxes. However, the Lord did not indicate that civil authorities have ultimate authority with regard to the political and social realms. All things belong to God (Rom. 11:36; 2 Cor. 5:18; Rev. 4:11), which would include the realm in which any earthly leader exercises authority. References and Resources Baker, Hunter. 2012. Political Thought: A Student’s Guide. Wheaton, IL: Crossway. Germino, Dante. 1972. Machiavelli to Marx. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Johnson, Phillip E. 1995. Reason in the Balance: The Case against Naturalism in Science, Law, and Education. Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press. McCoy, Charles N. R. 1963. The Structure of Political Thought. New York: McGraw-Hill. O’Donovan, Oliver, and Joan Lockwood O’Donovan, eds. 1999. From Irenaeus to Grotius: A Sourcebook in Christian Political Thought. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. Voegelin, Eric. 1975. From Enlightenment to Revolution. Edited by John H. Hallowell. Durham, NC: Duke University Press.

—Ron J. Bigalke

Christian Scholarship, Transformative Nature of Christian scholarship has existed as a driving force throughout history to maintain a depth of theological understanding to aid the believer on his or her journey of faith. Many of these writings have produced transformative changes in people’s lives by challenging them to

live in a more Christlike way and to know and understand God. It isn’t uncommon for non-Christians to accept Christ because of a Christian scholar’s research and writings expounding the Bible. Christian scholarship focuses primarily on theology, but often overflows to inventions, history, science, education, and many other disciplines. Christians who research ideas to improve or define life have made many discoveries and inventions throughout history. Because of its divine nature, founded on the study of God and His Word, Christian scholarship attacks the very core of our natural selfish thinking and approach to life because of its deep transformative nature. Many Bible passages refer to the transformative nature of pursuing life in Christ. Romans 12:1–2 describes the process of renewing our minds and becoming a living sacrifice that is holy unto God. Christian scholarship develops scriptural principles and themes to help all people comprehend biblical themes of God’s character of and how mankind should submit to and serve Him. Romans 12:1–2 also reveals that Christians are to be a living sacrifice and have their minds renewed. If the Christian scholar desires to contribute to the canon of Christian scholarship, he needs to have clarity of purpose and comprehension of exactly what he is trying to create in written form. Biblical scholars of the early church and beyond were responding to current events or attacks on the church. They independently wrote a defense or explanation of God to empower Christians to defend the Gospel and for individuals to know exactly who this God is that they serve. Readers are transformed into the likeness of Christ by contemplating the deep aspects of God, sin, and our eternal destiny through the writings of others and their different perspectives and new insights. Harris Harbison describes the general functions of Christian scholarship as (1) to stand off from one’s beliefs and practices, to analyze them and order them, to attempt to understand them better in light of their origins and growth and conflict with other beliefs and practices; (2) to bring faith into a more fruitful relationship with culture at some moment of crisis in the history of secular civilization; and (3) to reexamine faith in light of some new discovery of the human mind about the nature of the physical universe or of man himself (Harbison 1956, 4–5). Without Christian scholarship, the church becomes weak and unable to respond to current trends. Julie Gorman (2001) discusses how people have an internal desire to pursue a spiritual journey in order to clearly understand God. Learners are challenged or impacted by the teaching and driven closer to God on their spiritual journey. If learners are not being transformed into the image of God, what has the teacher accomplished? Christian scholarship has failed if the church remains weak and

Christian Scholarship, Transformative Nature of

Christians have no characteristics or actions that distinguish them from non-Christians. Gorman also discusses how the truth of God’s Word is transformational, and one can discover and display this truth in everyday living. 1 Corinthians 2:12 correlates how the Spirit of God impacts our discovery of truth and how believers may understand it freely. Understanding and living God’s Word goes beyond mere understanding to a “holistic integration of truth” that guides people to experience God. Christian scholarship must challenge the reader to personally live out God’s truth as a display before the world that Christians may reflect His nature. Non-Christians can experience conviction and salvation through this truth presentation of the Bible and Christian scholarship. Christian scholarship is not about producing head knowledge, but about impacting lives and challenging them to daily live for Christ and accept His Truth. Christian scholarship sometimes concentrates on methods of teaching the Bible rather than how the Bible transforms. Jackie Smallbones (2007) discusses how we need to emphasize theology and the nature of transformation with our Bible teaching. People are not changed by content, but by understanding the essence and purpose of scripture. Transformation is a deep change in one’s life to start a lifelong journey to Christlikeness, not a simple emotional response. Transformation has also been labeled spiritual formation. James Wilhoit (2008) describes how Christian churches sometimes segment real life from the Christian life, when truly the Christian life is all encompassing. Christian scholarship can provide teaching tools and methods to help churches focus on instructing people to conform to Christ. This transformation process is lengthy and requires steadfast persistence and reliance on the power of the Holy Spirit through daily scripture study balanced with studying Bible-based scholarship. The audience is not limited to pastors or church staff but open to all, so as to create the best Christian leaders across all segments of the workforce from a Christian perspective. Lasting change can be a result of Christian scholarship, but only through the transforming power of the Holy Spirit. The reader should be challenged to know God better and increase our knowledge of Him, yet remember that understanding content and facts will not promote long-term, sustainable biblical transformation. A person needs to be confronted with the holiness of God and be motivated to become Christlike. Bible teaching that does not cause us to know God more intimately and reflect the person and nature of Christ is not transformational. Harbinson lists three historical turning points at which the Christian scholar has had influence: (1) the century during which Greco-Roman civilization experienced its death throes; (2) the High Middle Ages; and

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(3) the age of the Reformation (1956, 5–6). Jerome and Augustine were among the first Christian scholars. Jerome translated the first Latin Bible, called the Vulgate, and penned many other documents. Augustine wrote Confessions, The City of God, and On Christian Doctrine, along with many other scholarly works. Each of these men contributed works that point people to God and help us understand the Bible. During the High Middle Ages, Thomas Aquinas wrote Summa Theologica and many other documents about the Bible, which have had a significant impact on Christians from his time through the present day as a comprehensive explanation of Christian theology. Martin Luther and John Calvin were two Reformation era scholars who helped people understand God’s Word; their writings are still applicable and in use today. Luther translated the Bible into German and defended sola scripture—by scripture alone—instead of the many additional church practices. Calvin wrote The Institutes of Christian Religion, along with theological treaties and confessional documents. Christian scholarship has come under attack as being unnecessary to salvation and growth in Christ. Some have denied the validity of deep theological or biblical thinking in order to focus on emotive or experiential concepts. It is difficult for one to wrestle with the transforming power of scripture and allow the Holy Spirit to move in his or her life without knowledge, wisdom, and understanding of who God is; therefore, a balanced approach is needed. A superficial experience or an emotional response to a sermon may not be sustained during trials and doubts. Jesus described this with the parable of the sower comparing seeds sown on the rocks with good soil (Matt. 13:1–23 ESV). Having a proper balance of emotion and knowledge is part of the transformation process. Early American Christian scholarship was sometimes viewed as an anti-intellectual response to the European ethnic and denominational culture (Claerbaut 2004). American revival preacher Billy Sunday stated, “When the word of God says one thing and scholarship says another, scholarship can go to hell.” Theological training was rejected in favor of the spiritual experience; it focused on evangelism and salvation with no education or theology, causing a rejection of formal theological training. Pastoral education through rigorous research and long academic programs was downplayed and replaced with basic Bible training. A void opened between academic scholarship and the practices of the church. Academic inquiry and research should be considered as a tool to help the Christian understand aspects of life and the world not specifically covered in the Bible. Christian scholarship can help people comprehend how to think about any topic from a biblical perspective

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Christian School Organizations

and ascertain the transformative power of God’s Word. Many inventions and discoveries by Christian scholars provide options to display God working. Truth can be captured through Christian scholarship and used for life transformation by pointing people to a Creator God who loves unconditionally.

Wilhoit, James, and John Dettoni, eds. 1995. Nurture That Is Christian. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Books.

References and Resources

The American Association of Christian Schools (602 Belvoir Avenue, East Ridge, TN 37412) represents a constituency of schools mostly sponsored by independent—separatist and fundamentalist—Baptist churches. Founded in 1972 by the Reverend Al Janney, then pastor of New Testament Baptist Church, Miami, Florida, AACS strongly urges resistance against government intrusion into education and promotes the rights of parents to provide for their children’s schooling. The Association of Christian Schools International (PO Box 65130, Colorado Springs, CO 80962–5130) was founded in 1978, following an unwise decision by the National Association of Evangelicals to end its support of the National Association of Christian Schools. A few years later—by which time 1,000 new schools per year were being founded—an amalgamation of Christian schools in Ohio, Pennsylvania, and California formed the core of what is now the largest worldwide federation of transdenominational evangelical Protestant schools, including a strong contingent of indigenous schools overseas. The Association of Classical and Christian Schools (PO Box 9741, Moscow, ID 83843) was founded in 1997 following a surge of interest in a return to classical instruction undergirded by biblical theology and provoked by the publication, in 1991, of Recovering the Lost Tools of Learning by Douglas J. Wilson. ACCS serves Protestant schools explicitly committed to a pedagogy based on ancient Greek and Roman curriculum, offering a progression from grammar to logic and rhetoric through the grades. Whole texts rather than anthologized snippets form the literature; memorization and recitation are significant elements of teaching and learning; history—not social studies—is taught chronologically. Many ACCS member schools developed from homeschooling by individual parents or cooperatives. Christian Schools International (3350 East Paris Avenue SE, Grand Rapids, MI 49512) was formerly the National Union of Christian Schools, founded in 1920 to represent schools operated by parents and churches committed to Reformed theology. Renamed in the mid1970s, CSI serves schools modeled after the historic Canons of Dordt (1619) in The Netherlands and influenced by the teachings of Abraham Kuyper and Herman Dooyeweerd. Whether parent-governed or sponsored by a congregation belonging to the Christian Reformed

Blamires, Harry. 1978. The Christian Mind: How Should a Christian Think? Ann Arbor, MI: Servant Books. Claerbaut, David. 2004. Faith and Learning on the Edge: A Bold New Look at Religion in Higher Education. Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan. Edge, Findley. 1971. The Greening of the Church. Waco, TX: Word Books. Gorman, Julie. 2001. “‘There’s Got to Be More!’ Transformational Learning.” Christian Education Journal, no. 5NS, 23–51. Hagberg, Janet, and Robert Guelich. 2005. The Critical Journey: Stages in the Life of Faith. 2nd ed. Salem, WI: Sheffield Publishing. Harbison, Harris. 1956. The Christian Scholar in the Age of the Reformation. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons. Henry, Douglas, and Bob Agee, eds. 2003. Faithful Learning and the Christian Scholarly Vocation. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. Holmes, Arthur. 1975. The Idea of a Christian College. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. Huffman, Douglas, and Eric Johnson, eds. 2002. God Under Fire: Modern Scholarship Reinvents God. Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan. Hull, Bill. 2010. The Disciple-Making Church: Leading a Body of Believers on the Journey of Faith. Updated ed. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Books. Kim, Jonathan. 2007. “Cognition and Faith Formation: A Reflection on the Interrelationship of Schema, Thema, and Faith.” Christian Education Journal 4 (2): 308–321. Kostenberger, Andreas. 2011. Excellence: The Character of God and the Pursuit of Scholarly Virtue. Wheaton, IL: Crossway. Marsden, George. 1997. The Outrageous Idea of Christian Scholarship. New York: Oxford University Press. Ogden, Greg. 2003. Transforming Discipleship: Making Disciples a Few at a Time. Downers Grove, IL: IVP Books. Pazmino, Robert. 1997. Foundational Issues in Christian Education. 2nd ed. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Books. Smallbones, Jackie. 2007. “Teaching Bible for Transformation.” Christian Education Journal 4 (2): 293–307. Sparks, Kenton. 2008. God’s Word in Human Words: An Evangelical Appropriation of Critical Biblical Scholarship. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic. Wilhoit, James. 2008. Spiritual Formation as If the Church Mattered: Growing in Christ Through Community. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic.

—Steve Yates

Christian School Organizations

Christian Schools

Church or Presbyterian Church in America, these “Covenant” schools offer elementary and secondary education primarily—if not now exclusively—to children whose parents profess the Reformed faith. The Council on Educational Standards and Accountability (3200 Goshen Road, Newtown Square, PA 19073), founded in 2010 by Timothy P. Wiens, John Seel, and Charles T. Evans, offers encouragement and professional support to Christian school leaders. CESA’s membership expresses a commitment to academic integrity and rigor at a higher level than some existing Christian school organizations require. Unlike most dues-supported entities, CESA invites new member schools to join by submitting to a quality-control audit. The National Association of Episcopal Schools (815 Second Avenue, Suite 819, New York, NY 10017) dates from the 1930s, although it was not chartered until 1965. A voluntary federation of some 1,200 schools and early childhood programs identified in the Episcopal tradition, NAES provides professional and spiritual support to school leaders. The National Catholic Educational Association (1005 North Glebe Road, Suite 525, Arlington, VA 22201) traces its history from a meeting of Roman Catholic educators in St. Louis, Missouri, in 1904, at which the Catholic Educational Association was organized. NCEA claims to be the largest organization of professional educators in the world, although the recent closing of numerous urban Catholic schools may well have reduced its numbers. The Seventh Day Adventist Department of Education (Department of Education, Seventh Day Adventist Church, 12501 Old Columbia Pike, Silver Spring, MD 20904) claims some 7,800 schools and colleges around the world. Formed in the 1870s, Seventh Day Adventist schools offer an integrated education that addresses students’ need for physical well-being, intellectual challenge, and preparation for eternity. The Society for Classical Learning (122 Fleetwood Drive, Lynchburg, VA 24501) began in 1995 as a geographic consortium of eastern U.S. classical and Christian schools, founded by Robert Littlejohn in Lynchburg, Virginia. By 2002, the Society for Classical Learning had been formed as an ecumenical association primarily for the purpose of professional development of educators committed to classical and Christian instruction.

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Frost, Gene. 2007. Learning from the Best: Growing Greatness in the Christian School. Grand Rapids, MI, and Colorado Springs, CO: CSI and ACSI. Hauerwas, Stanley, and John H. Westerhoff, eds. 1992. Schooling Christians: “Holy Experiments” in American Education. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. Littlejohn, Robert, and Charles T. Evans. 2008. Wisdom and Eloquence: A Christian Paradigm for Classical Learning. Westchester, IL: Crossway Books. Lockerbie, D. Bruce. 2005. A Christian Paideia: The Habitual Vision of Greatness. Colorado Springs, CO: Purposeful Design. Schultz, Glen. 1998. Kingdom Education: God’s Plan for Educating Future Generations. Nashville, TN: LifeWay Press. Veith, Gene Edward, and Andrew Kern. 1997. Classical Education: Towards the Revival of American Schooling. Washington, DC: Capital Research Center. Vryhof, Steven C. 2004. Between Memory and Vision: The Case for Faith-Based Schooling. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. Wiens, Timothy P., and Kathryn L. Wiens, eds. 2012. Building a Better School: Essays on Exemplary Christian School Leadership. Stony Brook, NY: Paideia Press. Wilson, Douglas J. Recovering the Lost Tools of Learning: An Approach to Distinctively Christian Education. Westchester, IL: Crossway Books.

—D. Bruce Lockerbie

Christian Schools

References and Resources

The history of faith-based primary and secondary education in the United States dates back to 1606, when the first Catholic school was established in St. Augustine, Florida.118 Since the founding of this first Christian school, faithbased schooling has played a significant role in the educational landscape of the nation for over 400 years. Christian schools were founded to provide an educational option for parents who wished to maintain Christian distinctiveness and academic excellence. As early as the mid-1800s, Dutch immigrants founded Christian schools that would provide students with knowledge of Christ and Christian theology, while at the same time providing an understanding of the world around them.119 For many years, the Bible served as the primary text used in Christian schools throughout the United States. As early Christian schools developed new texts and curricular supplements, they included books such as The Protestant Tutor and The New England Primer.120 Each

Beversluis, N. H. 2001. Let Children Come: A Durable Vision for Christian Schooling. Grand Rapids, MI: Christian Schools International. Drexler, James L., ed. 2007. Schools as Communities: Educational Leadership, Relationships, and the Eternal Value of Christian Schooling. Colorado Springs, CO: Purposeful Design.

118. The White House Domestic Policy Council, Preserving a Critical National Asset: America’s Disadvantaged Students and the Crisis in Faith-Based Urban Schools (Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Education, 2008). 119. R. S. Scott, “A Very Brief History of Schooling for Christians,” Evangelium 7, no. 2 (2009): 10–11. 120. T. C. Hunt and J. C. Carper, eds., The Praeger Handbook of FaithBased Schools in the United States (Santa Barbara, CA: Praeger, 2012).

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was meant to provide a core of Christian knowledge to students as they went forward in work and ministry. The Protestant Tutor was also known to speak directly in opposition to Catholic theology and provided students with education from a distinctly Protestant perspective. In response, Catholic schools were founded to provide a coherent Catholic education for many students who sought refuge from the discrimination they experienced in both Protestant Christian and public school systems. Christian school curricula have significantly changed in both Protestant and Catholic schools and today often reflect the comprehensive scope of the modern-day public school system. The Bible may no longer be the primary text, though it is considered by many Christian schools to be the foundational text for all of learning and life. In the mid-1800s, Christian and public schools began to face the impact of the Common School movement, which was spreading throughout the United States. Many within the Common School movement saw faith-based schools as antithetical and potentially harmful to the educational movement meant to ensure a civic-minded graduate.121 Horace Mann, the founder of the Common School movement, felt that the ideals taught within the Common School would bring a better understanding of universal truths and universal morality and engagement.122 Proponents of faith-based schooling disagreed and continued to support the need for faith-based schools in the United States. Faith-based schools have since both thrived and struggled as a result. Over the course of the past 200 years, both conservative Christian and Catholic schools have experienced increasing and decreasing enrollment. During the 2005–2006 school year, faith-based schools comprised 17 percent of all K–12 schools in the United States, educating more than 4.1 million students per year.123 Of these students, more than 2.3 million were enrolled in Catholic schools.124 Evangelical schools have seen an increase in enrollment from 270,000 students in 1983 to more than 750,000 students in 2005. The number of students in conservative Christian schools is estimated to be approximately 1.7 million.125 Between the 1999–2000 and 2005–2006 school years, nearly 1,200 faith-based schools within urban centers closed, displacing almost 450,000 students.126 Catholic 121. Ibid. 122. C. L. Glenn, The Myth of the Common School (Oakland, CA: ICS Press, 2002). 123. White House Domestic Policy Council, Preserving a Critical National Asset. 124. C. T. Evans, “Understanding Our Weaknesses: The Need for Change in American Christian Schools,” in Building a Better School, ed. T. P. Wiens and K. L. Wiens (Stony Brook, NY: Paideia Press, 2012). 125. Ibid. 126. White House Domestic Policy Council, Preserving a Critical National Asset.

schools saw a decline in enrollment by 621,583 students between 2000 and 2012.127 The school choice movement, which includes public, public charter, public magnet, and independent schools, has had a significant impact on Christian school enrollment over the past decade. Christian schools have played a significant role in the educational choice of students throughout the United States over the life span of the nation. From Protestant to Catholic schools, they have served the educational and spiritual needs of many Americans, from the colonists, to early immigrants, to modern-day urban and suburban students seeking an educational alternative to the American public school system. Christian Worldview Education in Public Universities Introduction The public university poses both a threat and an opportunity for Christians. Faced with indifference, criticism, and even denunciation, young Christians are susceptible to marginalization if not erosion of their faith commitments. On the other hand, a secular milieu could strengthen, deepen, and broaden their faith understandings in a context wherein numerous belief systems coexist. Might the latter prevail over the former by means of a Christian worldview education? Worldview Education Christians are not the only people who have faith, though our use of language often belies this fact. Everyone has a faith of some kind, a belief in something that orients her, something she deems to be true, important, or of value in an ultimate kind of way. What that is gives shape to one’s worldview: one’s perception of the world and how to live meaningfully and purposefully in that world. Just as everyone has a faith of some kind, so everyone has a worldview—the two are intertwined. Awareness of one’s worldview provides knowledge of the self (knowing self). Understanding oneself, what one believes and why, is the hallmark of an educated person, and this is no less true for Christians. But awareness of one’s own worldview cannot be gained without knowledge of others (knowing others), or as Max Muller famously put it, “he who knows but one knows none.” Worldview education therefore has to do with knowing self and others. Can a public university assist students, even Christian students, in knowing self and others, in exploring rather than ignoring their worldview? A worldview is shaped and influenced by context. Personal characteristics, abilities, family dynamics, and socioeconomic status impact one’s view of the world. 127. Evans, “Understanding Our Weaknesses.”

Christian Worldview Education in a Public University

Neighborhoods, schools, community organizations, places of worship, ethnicity, and cultural traditions shape who we are. No man or woman is an island; we are shaped by our environment. Elucidating the influence of context in shaping one’s view of the world assists us in better understanding ourselves and others. Our worldviews are shaped, however, by more than context. They also derive from reflecting on life’s big questions: the meaning of life, the nature and purpose of the human, our responsibilities and obligations, discerning right from wrong, the existence of a higher power, being or force beyond the human. Defying simple answers, these questions impinge on us with great potency, especially at critical junctures in our lives, and we search stories, grand narratives, teachings, or support communities for answers, in the hope of securing some ontological and epistemological grounding. Our worldview becomes more defined when universal beliefs and values such as justice, equality, the sacredness of life, and concern for the environment become particularized. These are predicated on the traditions out of which we come and the contexts in which we live. Christians who heed the biblical call to justice and who strive for equality will inevitably wrestle with what these mean in any particular context, giving them clearer insight into their own worldview. A worldview education will assist Christian students in better understanding the influence of context, narratives, beliefs, and teachings that give them ontological and epistemological grounding and certainty. It will elucidate other worldviews and their impacts and influences in the public sphere. Can such a worldview education be achieved in a public academy? Christians and the Public University Higher education has undergone monumental changes, and not the least of these has been the secularization of the academy. The original (1692) seal of Harvard College, for example, read: Veritas, Christo, Ecclesiae. Today it simply reads Veritas. The veritas of Christian theology, at Harvard and so many other public universities, has been replaced by a veritas focused on the natural sciences, or the social sciences. Veritas in service of God has been replaced by veritas in service of consumer capitalism, postmodernism relativism, exclusive humanism, or other ancillary worldview perspectives, pushing and pulling students today in various directions. Not surprisingly, religion is often banished to the margins of the academy and reduced in the minds of all too many as little more than empty, antiquated rituals. Religious literacy has plummeted. Many renounce their faith or simply park it at the gates of the academy. Yet religion has not disappeared, as some predicted, nor is the public

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academy a Godless wasteland. It is not bereft of Christian thinkers. Religious subject matter, though controversial, still draws attention, and increasingly so. Further, spirituality, perhaps more so than religion, is alive and well on the university campuses of today. In this new environment, the public academy could serve as a healthy challenge for Christians to deepen, broaden, and sharpen their own perspectives as they rub shoulders with others. In the context of a supporting community of Christian academics and campus chaplains, a Christian worldview education can be achieved in a public university, where integrating “faith and learning” may well go beyond that encountered in a local church community. —Timothy Wiens

Christian Worldview Education in a Public University Worldview education is interdisciplinary, incorporating the humanities and the sciences. Christians can gain insight from numerous disciplines and experts on a variety of subject matter important in gaining knowledge of self and others. Knowledge is far from the purview of Christians alone. Knowing that worldviews are shaped and influenced by context, Christians can gain much by understanding how their particular contexts have shaped or influenced them. We are all situated, in particular environments, traditions, cultures, and histories. Insights from the social sciences on how these shape one’s Christian perspectives can be quite revealing. It may well be humbling to discover that one’s notion of truth cannot be separated from the context in which that truth is assumed, yet it need not undermine the possibility of discovering truth nor conclude that all truth is relative to context. Christians have distinct views on that which gives meaning and purpose to life. But concepts and language well understood inside faith communities may need more nuancing in order to be understood outside those communities. Today, Christians are challenged to use concepts that are more intelligible to others in the public sphere. Searching for common language can be assisted by dialogue in a secular context. Understanding the nature, purpose, and dignity of the human in light of recent developments in science and medical technology necessitates insights from sources in addition to scriptural texts. Christians will gain from dialogue with others in illuminating their responsibilities and obligations, if only to sharpen points of departure from worldview perspectives such as humanism, individualism, or corporate capitalism. Lessons from various disciplines and even secular worldviews may render insight into no-

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tions or right, wrong, or future actions as Christians themselves wrestle with being biblically faithful in light of new challenging situations and opportunities. Today the question of a higher power, force, or being is contested and debated. Christians affirm the existence of God, but insight into knowledge of God, the nature and being of God, and the power and presence of God in the world requires depth and nuance in light of questions or criticisms from others. So too does our notion of life beyond this life. Many earlier and simple responses seem inadequate in light of new insights gained from science. These no doubt raise huge ontological questions, yet they are to be engaged, not repudiated. Christian worldview education seeks to discern how we know what we know, as well as the basis of our knowledge. It should not retreat from epistemological challenges that surface in a secular setting, knowing full well that reason and science at certain points reach their limits. Perhaps more than others, a Christian worldview recognizes and admits a leap of faith when and where it occurs. Christian faith is grounded in scriptures and strengthened through ritual. Christian living, however, reaches beyond one’s ecclesiastical community. Christian worldview education can assist young minds in remaining grounded in their faith tradition as they expand those minds in a secular context. Insight and understanding of self, others, and the world in which we live can be gained from a variety of perspectives and from a healthy dialogue with them. Christians must not be naïve about that insight and understanding, or ignorant of it. A Christian worldview education discerns larger perspectives operative in the public university. Embracing or challenging them becomes no small undertaking. The academic public sphere provides ample opportunity to discern and sharpen one’s worldview.

sons) by which Christian churches order their worship and celebrations. For low or nonliturgical churches, this can be as simple as celebrating Christmas and Easter on an annual cycle, while for high liturgical churches this means following a daily liturgical calendar that includes liturgical seasons, feast days, and celebration days for the lives and work of saints. Following the liturgical seasons, especially Advent and Lent, is becoming more popular in some lower church traditions that have historically neglected them. The rhythm of the calendar helps to root us in ancient Christian tradition and connects us to the larger body of Christ throughout generations, history, and cultures. At a time in our culture when many young people are walking away from organized church, many are being drawn back in by a longing to belong to a faith that is rooted and grounded in the historical church practices. By following the cycle of the Christian year calendar with meaningful and traditional rituals, many young adults are discovering a connectional polity and alternative reality that give structure and meaning to their faith and their lives. A simple Christian year calendar (see figure C.1) begins with the season of Advent (four weeks of preparation before Christmas Day) and includes Christmas (the birth narrative of the Messiah); Epiphany (the manifestation of Christ to the Gentiles); Season of Lent (40 days prior to Easter); Holy week (Palm Sunday, Maundy Thursday, Good Friday, Holy Saturday Vigil, and Easter Sunday); Easter season; Ascension (when Christ returned to heaven); Pentecost (the indwelling of the Holy Spirit);

References and Resources Anderson, P. M., ed. 1998. Professors Who Believe: The Spiritual Journeys of Christian Faculty. Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press. Plantinga, A. 2011. Where the Conflict Really Lies: Science, Religion and Naturalism. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Taylor, C. 2007. A Secular Age. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Valk, J. 2013. “Christianity through a Worldview Lens.” Journal of Adult Theological Education 9: 2.

—John Valk

Christian Year Also called the liturgical year or church year, the Christian year consists of the cycle of holy days (liturgical sea-

FIGURE C.1

Chrysostom, John

and the Season of Pentecost (also called Ordinary Time— the time between Pentecost and the return of Advent). Using a curriculum based on the Christian year or liturgical calendar is a meaningful way to help students of all ages develop a biblical worldview. This intentional practice can also help to avoid moralizing the biblical text and ensure a structure for lessons that moves through the entire biblical text (usually in a three-year cycle). All humans mark time by their calendars. Our calendars represent our values and form our identities. When we carefully mark time by the passage of the liturgical calendar, we more closely conform to, and are formed by, the values of God’s Kingdom. A book of common prayer offers a useful tool for following the calendar on a daily basis. This daily practice forms us as we mark time with our priorities. There are traditional books of common prayer as well as newer models that appeal more to emergent, missional, neo-orthodox, or new monastic Christian communities. One example of a nontraditional prayer book, Common Prayer: A Liturgy for Ordinary Radicals (Zondervan, 2010), was created by a team from a new monastic community, headed by Shane Claiborne, Jonathan WilsonHartgrove, and Enuma Okoro, to help individuals and today’s diverse churches pray together across traditions and denominations, creating a tapestry of prayers that celebrate the best of ancient traditions. Such prayer books are designed to be user-friendly for those unfamiliar with liturgy and offer the basis for entering the Christian year. —Trevecca Okholm

Chrysostom, John John Chrysostom (c. AD 347–407) was born and raised in Antioch, Syria, and served as the archbishop of Constantinople. He was given the name “Chrysostom,” meaning “golden-mouthed,” due to his eloquence and bold preaching against corrupt church and government leadership. His sermons are well known for being simple, clear, and practical. Moreover, he was concerned with the raising and teaching of children in the church. Early Life and Education Born around AD 347 to Greco-Syrian parents in Antioch, Syria, Chrysostom was raised primarily by his mother, as his father, an elite military official, died shortly after he was born. His mother, Anthusa, used her connections in Antioch to ensure John received a quality education. He studied under Libanius (c. AD 314–394), a noted rhetorician, scholar of Greek culture, and adherent of Hellenistic religion. Chrysostom remained unconvinced

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of Hellenistic religion and persevered in Christian faith. After studying under Libanius, he studied theology under Diodore of Tarsus. After three years of catechesis, John was baptized, in 369. He soon became a lector in the church. Though he supported monasticism and practiced asceticism, John refrained from taking monastic vows, at the insistence of Anthusa. In 375, John became a hermit, and notably stood upright for two full years, memorizing scripture. However, he was forced to return to Antioch when his health became jeopardized by the exertions of his devotional practice. Chrysostom was ordained as a deacon in 381 and as a presbyter in 386, and entered into the practice of preaching, which earned him wide acclaim. Though he is primarily known as an eloquent orator, he was also a skilled exegete and readily attentive to the needs of those to whom he preached. Not only did he interpret and communicate scripture in a clear and simple manner for the masses, he criticized the social, economic, and moral conditions of his day, including lax attitudes toward charitable giving and sexual purity. His preaching was known for being straightforward and prophetic. His homiletical skill and influence earned him the name “Chrysostom,” meaning “golden-mouthed.” In 397 Eutropius, an eastern Roman consul, secretly nominated Chrysostom to succeed Nectarius as archbishop of Constantinople. Though popular with the common people, his tenure as archbishop was not without controversy. He frequently criticized the imperial court and disciplined clergy who had become morally lax under the leadership of Nectarius. The patriarch of Alexandria, Theophilus, strongly opposed the appointment of Chrysostom to Constantinople and accused him of being too influenced by Roman theologians, such as Origen. Chrysostom welcomed four Egyptian monks, known as “the tall brothers,” who were disciplined by Theophilus for espousing the teachings of Origen. In 403, Theophilus conspired with Aelia Eudoxia, the wife of Emperor Arcadius, and other enemies of Chrysostom to depose him from Constantinople. This synod, known as the Synod of the Oak, led to his exile, which, however, was short-lived, as the populace strongly disagreed with the synod’s decision to depose him, and an earthquake, believed to be of divine origin, prompted Eudoxia to request Arcadius to reinstate Chrysostom. Emperor Arcadius reinstated him almost immediately. However, his reinstatement was brief, as he compared Eudoxia to Jezebel and even Herodias when a statue was erected in her honor. Chrysostom was once again forced into exile, this time to Armenia. It was on this journey in 407 that he died, in Cormana. His last words were said to have been “Glory be to God for all things.”

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Chrysostom, John, The Early Preaching Influence of

Contribution to Christian Education Though his homilies and noted rhetorical skill remain his crowning legacy, John Chrysostom contributed significantly to the practice of Christian education. His sermons were bold, logical, expository, and clear. He was attentive to the needs of his hearers and paid attention to the effect his words had on them. John was interested in the way parents influence and teach their children the faith. This is most evident in his On Vainglory and the Right Way for Parents to Bring up Their Children. In this work, Chrysostom maintains a high view of the spiritual potential of children, imploring parents to care for their spiritual health just as a painter takes great care for precise paintings. He argues in this work, as well as others, that children should be taught the Bible first and foremost, and that children are more receptive to teaching through narrative. He argued that a lack of biblical knowledge was breeding ground for heresy, and that the frequent reader and student of scripture would be exempt from heretical teaching and bear fruit. John suggested to parents that they rephrase certain biblical passages in order to accommodate the child’s level of understanding. Pedagogically, Chrysostom was ahead of his times due to his understanding of inherent developmental patterns in human beings. References and Resources Attwater, Donald. 2008. St. John Chrysostom: The Voice of Gold. n.p.: Kessinger Publishing. Kelly, J. N. D. 1998. Golden Mouth: The Story of John Chrysostom—Ascetic, Preacher, Bishop. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. Liebeschuetz, J. H. W. G. 1990. Barbarians and Bishops: Army, Church and State in the Reign of Arcadius and Chrysostom. Oxford: Clarendon. Mayer, Wendy, and Pauline Allen. 2000. John Chrysostom. London: Routledge. Roth, Catharine P., and David Anderson. 1986. On Marriage and Family Life. Crestwood, NY: St. Vladimir’s Seminary Press.

—Benjamin Espinoza

Chrysostom, John, The Early Preaching Influence of Arguably the greatest preacher of the patristic age, John Chrysostom (Golden Mouth, c. 347–407) was a spellbinding pulpit orator who is also remembered for a deep commitment to holiness and Christian virtue as a priest and bishop in Antioch and Constantinople. Chrysostom’s long preaching ministry is amazing for both its productivity and consistency. He preached almost daily, preferring to follow the lectio continua, working his way

through whole books of scripture, beginning each sermon where he had left off at the end of the previous sermon. In addition to this primary expository approach to scripture, he also delivered series of catechetical sermons and festal sermons for the highest times of the Christian year. Chrysostom’s preaching was always marked by a degree of boldness and courage, as he was not opposed to addressing difficult times and controversial issues in the course of his biblical expositions. His prophetic ministry placed him at odds with prominent and wealthy citizens as well as members of the imperial family, which on a number of occasions led to his removal and even periods spent in exile. His faithfulness to the ministry of the Word has been an exemplary model for preachers and teachers across the centuries. Perhaps the most memorable characteristic of Chrysostom’s preaching is his exposition of the scriptures as the Word of God and as the primary guide to life. This practice reflects his rhetorical education with Libanius, the great fourth-century rhetorician. The primary function of the church was educational and focused on learning that was spiritual and moral in nature, with the Bible serving as its curriculum. Chrysostom’s homilies exemplify the kind of reading and study taught in the ancient rhetorical schools, deriving moral principles and ethical models from careful textual study, which included questions related to subject matter and lexical analysis. The content and wording of scripture mirrored divine truths, providing moral and doctrinal teaching for the faith and life of Christian people. For Chrysostom, the purpose of preaching was to produce holy lives, the character and pattern of which are found in the Word of God. Pastoral and moral exhortations pervade his homilies, drawing from biblical models who exemplified particular virtues and lived in a manner worthy of imitation. The assumption of the preacher was that the intention of scripture was the moral improvement of his listeners, and that practical outcome was evinced with respect to one’s dispositions, overall way of life, and moral wisdom. In his preaching, Chrysostom opened up the whole narrative of scripture, treating it as both historical and contemporary. Empathizing deeply with the rhetorical intention of the text, he created by means of biblical figures and types a whole new world, into which he sought to draw his hearers with the eloquence of his speech. Deeply ascetic in his way of life, Chrysostom looked to the monasteries as embodying the new world to which all Christians were called. Along with other Christian leaders of his time, he was concerned to bring monasticism under episcopal authority, to bring its ascetic and moral discipline into relation with the church’s theology. Theology sought to shape the monastic life just as the monastic

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life helped leaders such as Chrysostom establish a full living out of the Christian life that translated its theological convictions into practice. Christians were members of an alien citizenship, by nature sojourners, and their life was informed by ascetical and moral habits most clearly manifested in the culture of monasticism. References and Resources Hartney, Aideen M. 2004. John Chrysostom and the Transformation of the City. London: Duckworth, 2004. Kelly, J. N. D. 1995. Golden Mouth: The Story of John Chrysostom; Ascetic, Preacher, Bishop. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. Mayer, Wendy, and Pauline Allen. 1999. John Chrysostom. London: Routledge.

—Michael Pasquarello III

Church Architecture In the years immediately following the Crucifixion and the Ascension, Christians met in private homes for worship and fellowship. The term church originally meant the congregation or the people of God and only later came to be applied to the building where the congregation met. Churches were distinct from pagan temples, which housed gods without reference to their devotees. They were also different from the Jewish temple or synagogue, which had no outer court and inner court or the holy of holies into which only the high priest could enter. The formal model was the upper room, in which the disciples gathered to celebrate the Last Supper. Thus all later churches were in one sense upper rooms where, as in Acts 13–14, believers constantly devoted themselves to prayer. Paul refers to the faithful meeting in housechurches, the hyphen indicating that wherever the believers met was eo ipso a church. In Rome, house-churches were known as title churches (tituli), which had the name of the owner inscribed on a slab. The earliest example of a formal Christian church as a building was built in the third century at Dura-Europos, now called Qalat-es Salihiye, a town on the Euphrates between Aleppo and Baghdad. Its remains were excavated in 1921. It is a typical Middle Eastern house. The church included a small courtyard surrounded by a room for the instruction of the faithful, large enough for between 50 and 60 people; a baptistery with a canopy over the baptismal tank; a room set apart for an altar and a bishop’s throne; sacristies; and storerooms. There were wall paintings showing David and Goliath, Christ healing the paralytic, and Christ walking on water. Some of the wall paintings are now in the Yale University Art Gallery. All the essential elements of the Christian church had already taken shape by the third century.

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In Rome there were numerous house-churches, such as S. Clemente, Sta Sabina, Sta Prassede, Sta Pudenziana, and Sta. Prisca. However, when Christianity became a legally recognized religion in 313 with Constantine’s Edict of Milan, house-churches became less common, and Christians began to design special buildings for worship. By the fourth century, the Roman basilica or magistrate’s court had become the template for Christian churches. The basilica is the ur-church. The enclosure for the magistrate’s seat and the apse containing the emperor’s statue became the presbytery, with the altar placed on the chord of the apse, which also contained the bishop’s throne or cathedra. (All churches were originally episcopal.) Attendant clergy were seated around the apse. In the late fourth century other additions followed, such as a schola cantorum extending deep into the nave, an ambo for the ceremonial reading of the Gospel, sacristies for the vestments and the plates, a choir, and a baptistery. The transept was introduced between the nave and the choir. Another source of church architecture was the martyrium. Shrines for martyrs were built first in cemeteries, most of them in the fourth century. When Christian martyrs were buried outside of Rome, a martyrium or cella memoriae was built to mark the spot, attached to a large hall where agape or a love feast would be held on the anniversary of the martyrdom. Early martyria were located in Old St. Peter’s, St. Paul’s on the Ostian Way, S. Agnese, and S. Constanza. Martyria and memorial chapels preserved the heritage of faith. As the cult of the saints became strong from the fifth century onward, churches became reliquaries. As large numbers of pilgrims came to venerate the relics, the aisles of the church were wrapped around the apse as an ambulatory, often with radiating chapels. Galleries were added at the triforium level. The altar was the focal point of worship, but there was no church without a baptistery. Early baptisteries were separate from the basilicas, because baptism was considered a private and mystical act. Normally they had sunken pools in the center and resembled a bath. Pilgrimages influenced the architecture of churches. In churches visited by pilgrims, relics were removed from below the altar to a chapel, the choir was raised above the nave, and the side aisles were wrapped around the east end to allow pilgrims free movement. The echelon-apse system, as in St. Philbert de Grandlieu, is a rectangular ambulatory around the crypt with chapels radiating off the eastern side. This architecturally opulent system was adopted by Cluny and its many daughter churches in the 12th century. The Cistercian architecture offered a sharp contrast, the best example being the Abbey of Fontenay. It had a barrel-vaulted nave, without a clerestory, and transverse barrel-vaulted side aisles with windows. In northern Europe, the

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Romanesque churches also had round arches for windows and doors and barrel vaulting for roofs. The orientation of the church was not at first an important consideration, but by the fifth century it had become customary to build a church with the main or high altar at the east end. In Byzantium, it was mandatory for churches to face east. Many churches were entered through an atrium, some with a fountain or cantharus. Unbaptized neophytes were requited to remain in the porch or narthex until the end of the homily and then were readmitted for the final blessing. Larger churches had a double narthex, which in Romanesque churches formed part of the westwork. The Norman Conquest brought the Romanesque to England, and its influence is seen in the great cathedrals of Albans, Canterbury, Rochester, Gloucester, Bury, Norwich, Ely, and Durham. Gothic churches are characterized by the massive use of stained glass, great spaces with windows, pointed arches, and ribbed vaulting. Ribbed vaulting permitted the structural load to be transferred outward through buttresses. The classic examples of the Gothic are the 110-foot Notre Dame de Paris, begun in 1163; St. Denis, where the kings of France were crowned; and the Cathedral of Sens. Gothic became for many centuries an architectural style that transcended time and space, and its influence is felt even today. Suger’s building of the Abbey of St. Denis in Paris was a triumph of the medieval Gothic imagination, with its soaring towers, ribbed vaults, and brilliant lighting. As churches came to fulfill different functions apart from worship and the celebration of the Eucharist, different types of buildings evolved (see box C.1). From the martyrium, came the centrally planned church and the cross-in-square church. The cross-in-square was the preferred style in Byzantium, where it became universal, although the Hagia Sophia itself is not a cross-in-square. In northern Europe, the most common specialized church was the abbey or the priory, used by religious communities. Some abbeys became pilgrimage churches through the introduction of ambulatories, from which radiating chapels were built. Many abbeys eventually became cathedrals. Chantry chapels are a feature of many English cathedrals and monastic churches. In France and Italy, family chapels, like the famed Medici chapels, were built off the aisles between the buttresses of the naves. In English cathedrals, separate areas are linked together in the sequence of nave flanked by aisles leading to the first transept, crowned by a crossing tower where the nave and the transepts meet. The nave is separated from the chancel by a choir screen or rood, which has choir stalls on either side. The choir aisles are closed off by a gate. The original site of the shrine is behind the sanctuary, usually a tomb or a slab. The lady chapel is behind the ambulatory or retrochoir. In some English or Gothic cathedrals,

a second transept crosses the choir. French churches do not have the second transept or the choir screens, thus giving a clear, unimpeded view from the nave to the altar. The French chevet or chancel is usually round, in contrast to the English rectangular design. French churches are taller, and the English ones longer. In Germany, the familiar design is the hall-church. All abbey churches have great towers and portals with fine sculptures. In Italy, these are decorated with marble, mosaics, and bronze. Many have aedicules to contain the statues of saints. Inside the nave, arcades support the triforium with an open gallery or a series of arcaded galleries, above which is the clerestory. Gothic cathedrals in France have simple vaulting, but in England they are elaborate. Windows are of stained glass, with huge rose windows at the end of the transepts. Most English Gothic cathedrals have chapter-houses and cloisters dating back to their monastic past. By the time of the Renaissance, great Italian architects were creating magnificent churches on a scale never attempted before. The Renaissance generated a renewed interest in the classical architectural notions of proportion and harmony. Brunelleschi, Alberti, Bramante, Michelangelo, and Vignola introduced radical changes in the scale and style of religious architecture. Brunelleschi created the Santo Spirito in Florence, in which the aisles are treated as an ambulatory, and Alberti designed S. Sebastiano in Mantua, modeled on the ancient martyria. Michelangelo’s name is forever linked with that of St. Peter’s Basilica. St. Peter’s was initiated by Pope Julius II, and it had six architects in succession: Bramante, Raphael, Peruzzi, Antonio de Sangallo, Michelangelo, and Maderno. The building almost bankrupted the papacy. After the Protestant Reformation, northern Europe parted company with southern Europe. The new Protestant churches were focused more on preaching than on sacraments; consequently the building rubrics had to be changed. Most were built on the centralized plan. Christopher Wren’s building of St. Paul and his development of the auditory church began a new chapter in Christian architectural history. The Great Fire gave Wren the opportunity to build 51 churches, all of which show great ingenuity and originality. St. Paul had a great central dome supported by eight piers, whose arches open to an ambulatory with eight smaller domed spaces. It has a long nave with a domed crossing, and subsidiary domes crossing the aisles. The baroque reached its zenith in Catholic south Germany and Austria in the work of Johan Michael Fischer, the Asam brothers, Neumann, and Fischer von Erlach. The Counter-Reformation witnessed the building of some of the most spectacular churches in Europe. The baroque displayed the eternal church through rich ornaments and opulent altarpieces. The purpose was to prefigure the glory of heaven. Among the most remarkable of

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baroque churches are the Gothic Church of St. Martin in Salzburg and the monastic church of Vierzehnheiligen in Germany. Eventually, Jesuit missionaries would carry this style to the New World and then to the ends of the earth. In the New World, the Puritans who settled in New England created the opposite architectural style with their austere and simple meeting house, devoid of any baroque-style ornaments. The standard Puritan church was a post-and-beam structure to which a spire and porch were added later. The auditory hall was the place of worship. The pulpit was halfway up the first and second floors, and a gallery was introduced on three walls. By the mid-19th century, evangelical Protestants had abandoned the austere New England style. They put cushions on their pews, carpets on their floors, and stadium seating in the sanctuaries. They drew large crowds in the style of tent revivals and built churches to look and feel more like theaters. The arrangement meant that the parishioners often looked down on the minister, a shift from the implicit power structure of the more traditional congregations. At the same time, the new buildings had stages to feature musical performances, which were central to their services. To house more secular community events, cooking facilities were added. By the turn of the 20th century, as Jeanne Kilde noted in When Churches Become Theater, some churches even had bowling alleys. The late 18th century witnessed a revival of both classic and Gothic church architecture. The chief architects of the Gothic Revival were William Burgess, George Frederick Bodley, Sir George Gilbert Scott, George Edmund Street, William Butterfield, and the members of the Cambridge Camden Society. The classical and neoclassical revival was more dominant in Scotland and France. Examples of classical churches in France are the Ste. Genevieve in Paris (renamed the Pantheon during the French Revolution), and the Church of La Madeleine, built by Napoleon in classical Corinthian style. In Germany and Austria, Gothic design was more favored, as in the Church of St. Nicholas at Hamburg (1840), Votifkirche, Vienna (1858), and Cologne Cathedral (1842–1880). The 20th century produced a number of great cathedrals, such as the Basilica of Sacre-Coeur in Paris, built in the Romano-Byzantine style; Le Corbusier’s Pilgrimage Church at Ronchamp; the Anglican cathedral of Liverpool; and St. Patrick’s and St. John the Divine in New York. Spence’s rebuilding of the Coventry Cathedral after World War II is notable for its brilliant use of stained glass and the addition of side chapels to the traditional basilican form. New styles have emerged through the use of new materials and techniques. Frank Lloyd Wright, Le Corbusier, Auguste Perret, and others have experimented with concrete churches. Some of the boldest church designs were created after World War II, such as St. John’s Abbey, Collegeville, designed by Marcel Breuer; Church

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on the Water (1988) and Church of the Light (1989) by the Japanese architect Tadao Ando; Crystal Cathedral in Garden City, California, by Philip Johnson; and the Cathedral of Brasilia by Oscar Niemeyer. Church architecture continues to change. Megachurches with congregations over 25,000 have pushed the envelope in church architecture. For example, in Willow Creek Church in Illinois, the auditory church has been transformed into a mass communication theater. Churches like Willow Creek represent not only a departure from traditional church architecture, but also a radical change in the nature of worship. Rather than insulating worshippers from the world, they make worship entertaining, using lights, TV screens, and auditorium seating. Meanwhile, Roman Catholic and Episcopal parishes are building more traditional churches. Here art is central, as in sculptures adorning the walls and stained glass filtering the sunlight. The Catholic cathedral in Houston is built in the traditional Italian Renaissance design. It has walls more than a foot thick to mute outside noises and accentuate interior acoustics. Our Lady of the Angels Cathedral in Los Angeles, designed by the Spanish architect Jose Rafael Moneo and completed in 2002, eschews right angles. Worshippers enter on the side of the building through massive cast-bronze doors. Oakland’s Cathedral of Christ the Light has an almond-shaped floor plan, along with futuristic wall panels of aluminum and laminated glass. On the other end of the scale, the new urban church is more likely to be a storefront in a strip mall. These are sacred spaces where local residents (and the homeless) can pray and share meals. The Emerging Church movement has gone back to prayer meetings in house-churches with just a dozen or so worshipers, as in the early church. Church architecture has come full circle. References and Resources Heathcote, Edwin, and Iona Spens. 1997. The Church Builders. Bracebridge, Ontario: Academy Press Group. Holly, Henry. 1980. Church Architecture. Aylesbeare, Devon, England: M.H. Mallory Martin, W. W. 1977/2012. Manual of Ecclesiastical Architecture: Comprising a Study of Its Various Styles, the Chronological Arrangements of Its Elements, and Its Relation to Christian Worship. Wilmington, DE: Forgotten Books Norman, Edward. 1990. House of God: Church Architecture, Style and History. London: Thames & Hudson. Ward, Clarence. 1954. Medieval Church Vaulting. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Wilson, Christopher. 1990. The Gothic Cathedral: The Architecture of the Great Church, 1130–1530. London: Thames & Hudson. Withers, Frederick C. 1984. Church Architecture, London: Thames & Hudson.

—George Thomas Kurian

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BOX C.1: TYPES OF CHURCHES abbey: Originally a monastic community and later the building in which the monks lived, including the chapel or church, a cloister, burial ground, cells and dormitories, guest house for travelers, chapter-house, scriptorium, and library. auditory church: Post-Reformation church designed for the preaching of the Word as well as the celebration of the liturgy. The typical auditory church as it evolved in the 16th century in Switzerland, northern Netherlands, and France was simple and devoid of ornaments. Churches were centrally planned so that the preacher’s voice carried to all parts of the building. Galleries enabled twice as many people to hear the message, but there was no segregation of the sexes. basilica: (1) Originally a term meaning “house of the king,” it was the courthouse or commercial exchange in the Roman Empire. In shape it was long and oblong, with doors on the short side and an apsidal projection on the other side where the judge sat. There were aisles on either side, separated by a row of columns. (2) Also a term of honor applied to certain churches, especially the four patriarchal basilicas in Rome: St. John Lateran, St. Peter’s, San Paolo fuori la Mura, and Sta. Maria Maggiore. cathedral: Church with a bishop’s throne, the cathedra. Cathedrals are the principal churches in a diocese. A parish church used as a cathedral is known as the pro-cathedral. A cathedral is administered by a dean or provost who, together with the canons, constitutes the chapter. centrally planned church: Square, round, or octagonal church, often in the form of a Greek cross radiating from a center. The earliest type was the tomb with the arcosolium holding the body of the saint or martyr as the altar. The church of the holy sepulcher in Jerusalem was built as a rotunda with an attached nave. The round or octagonal building was also the preferred style in Byzantium, with extensive use of the cross-in-square design. The central plan was revived during the Italian Renaissance by Brunelleschi, Alberti, and Bramante. St. Peter’s in Rome began originally as a centrally planned church, but it was later transferred to a long-nave design. The plan was later adopted by the auditory church after the Reformation. chapel: (1) Area within a church with a separate altar dedicated to a particular saint. One dedicated to the Virgin Mary is known as a lady chapel. (2) Building in a school, college, or hospital used as a place of meditation or worship. (3) In the United Kingdom, place of worship for nonconformists. collegiate church: Cathedral-like church served by canons without a resident bishop. cross-in-square: Church in which a centrally planned cross is enclosed within a rectangle. The central crossing may be either a simple cross-vault or a dome where the arms of the cross are vaulted. The corner spaces are sometimes used as galleries or closed off as sacristies or side chapels. double church: Church with two tiers one above the other, as in Assisi. A variant is the palace chapel with two levels, one for royalty and the other for the servants. A double-ended church is one with an apsidal projection at both the east and west ends. hall church: Church in which the nave and the aisles are of equal height; it is lit from side windows. It was popular in Germany. minster: Variant term for some cathedrals in England, such as Westminster. oratory: Small chapel, not normally part of a church, set apart in a house or public building for private prayer. It is usually used by a special community of people rather than the general population.

Architectural Features of Churches aisle: Part of a church parallel to the nave and separated from it by piers, pillars, or columns. altar: Place of sacrifice at the end of the church. In early churches, the altar was placed at the eastern chord of the apse, with the bishop’s throne beyond it, with seats for the clergy on either side. ambulatory: Semicircular aisle, enclosing an apse, used in processions. It surrounded the area of the high altar. apse: East end of a church, semicircular or polygonal, covered by a semidome or sectional vault. atrium: Large courtyard, surrounded by a cloister or wall, leading to a major church or shrine. baldachin: Canopy made of wood, metal, stone, or textile, over an altar, with four columns or piers, supporting a domelike top. The most famous baldachin is that made by Bernini in St. Peter’s, Rome. baptistery: Building, generally separate from the church, containing the font. In early churches, the baptistery was of cruciform shape, or hexagonal (in allusion to the Crucifixion on the 6th day of the week) or octagonal (in allusion to the Resurrection on Sunday, the “8th” day). bema: Dais for the clergy in the apse of an early church, corresponding to the sanctuary or chancel. belfry: Upper level in a tower in which the bells are hung. campanile: Italian bell tower separate from a church. it may be circular, square, or polygonal. chancel: Part of the east end of a church containing the altar and places for the clergy and the choir. chantry: Chapel in or adjacent to a church for the celebration of mass for the souls of departed patrons. It was usually founded by the endowment of a benefactor. chapter house: Building attached to a cathedral by cloisters in which church officials meet or transact business. choir: Part of the chancel in which the choir assembles. In medieval churches, a choir screen or pulpitum separated the nave from the chancel. clerestory: Upper part of the main walls of a church above the roofs containing windows. The clerestory passage enables the windows to be repaired without erecting a scaffolding.

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cloister: Enclosed rectangular space surrounded by pavements and a colonnaded arcade, surrounded by a wall. crossing: Place where the nave, chancel, and transepts meet. crypt: Area below the church where the relics are preserved. iconostasis: Screen in Byzantine churches separating the sanctuary from the nave with three doors. The screen, which may be of wood or stone, is generally covered with icons. lych gate: Covered wooden gateway at the entrance to a churchyard. narthex: Vestibule running across the nave, separated from it by columns or a wall. In early Christian churches, neophytes and penitents were assembled in the narthex during the celebration of the Eucharist, to which they were not admitted. nave: The principal area where the laity sit during service. porch: Covered entry to a church, similar to a portico. predella: The step at the back of the altar on which the candlesticks are placed, or the strip of paintings at the base of the altarpiece. pulpit: Elevated structure in the nave from which sermons are preached. sacristy: Room in a church where the vestments and vessels are stored. sanctuary: The main area around the altar, generally limited to the clergy. spire: Steeple-like structure that forms a pointed tower. transept: Part of a church that crosses at right angles between the nave and the chancel. The introduction of the transept distinguished the basilican churches from Latin cross plan churches. triforium: Passage in the interior elevation of a nave above the colonnade facing the nave below the clerestory. undercroft: Crypt, or a vaulted room below a church. vestry: Room where the clergy robe before and after worship. westwork: In Carolingian churches, a tall building flanked by towers containing staircases, leading from the west end of a church into a room connected to the nave.

Church as Learning Organization Since the 1990s, the learning organization has become an important model for organizational change to cope with increasing economic change and social instability in a knowledge economy. There is as yet no integrated theoretical framework for this model. Some scholars focus on organizational learning, discussing the creation and transfer of knowledge from a variety of pedagogical and social perspectives. Practitioners and consultants tend to focus on the learning organization because of an interest in action-oriented interventions (Easterby-Smith and Araujo 1999; see also Garavan 1997). Personal and Organizational Dimensions Senge (2006) focuses on the personal dimension of learning, with his emphasis on the disciplines of personal mastery (accomplishing one’s personal vision), mental models (biased mental pictures of one’s world), shared vision, and team learning. The fifth discipline, systems thinking, which underpins his entire approach, understands business cycles in terms of system-wide, reinforcing, or limiting feedback systems, much of which remains invisible to individual workers. Marquardt (2011), focusing on the organizational dimension, argues that the “systems learning organizational model” must consist of five subsystems if the organization is to be successful: learning dynamics at the core of the company; the organizational subsystem, which deals with vision, culture, and structure; the people subsystem, which empowers stakeholders within and outside

a company to learn from each other; and the knowledge management and technology subsystems, which provide support for productive and effective learning. Social Learning Perspective Wenger (2000) describes social learning systems as communities of competence, in which the tension between personal experience and community competence leads to learning, for instance as individuals develop themselves as more competent community members, or as individuals encounter different communities with competencies that challenge their achieved expertise in their home community. Wenger believes that in a knowledge economy, organizations need to participate in and manage such social learning systems, but they do not define or fully coincide with a social learning system. This perspective provides a bridge to apply learning organization principles to the church. The Church as Learning Organization Everist (2002) conceives of the church as a learning community, since the church’s educational systems are more than delivery systems of Bible and doctrine. How the church teaches is as important as what is taught, so churches are to maintain a healthy learning environment that fosters a holistic sense of Christian identity as members engage with each other and their pluralistic world. Although she does not explicitly refer to the learning organization, Everist clearly situates her views within the social and community perspective on learning (see also Osmer 2005). Jarvis (2004) provides

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evidence that even the early church was very similar to a learning organization and suggests a pedagogical framework for churches today. More recently, two dissertations have examined the effect of learning organization strategies on church growth (Bryan 2009) and spiritual maturity (Coleman 2011). A direct relationship could not be statistically demonstrated, but additional analyses suggested a limited applicability of learning organization strategies. Thus, the learning organization provides a conceptual model for understanding the church’s mission in today’s global village with its knowledge economies, rather than a strong experimental framework for quantitative analysis. Additional theological reflection, similar to the work of Everist and Osmer, will enhance the usefulness of learning organization principles for Practical Theology generally, and for Christian education specifically. References and Resources Bryan, C. S. 2009. “The Application of Learning Organization Principles to Church Growth.” PhD diss., Walden University. Coleman, D. H. 2011. “The Impact of Learning Organization Strategies on Spiritual Maturity as Exemplified in Participation in Home-Based Small Groups.” EdD diss., Indiana Wesleyan University. Easterby-Smith, M., and L. Araujo. 1999. “Organizational Learning: Current Debates and Opportunities.” In Organizational Learning and the Learning Organization, edited by M. Easterby-Smith, e.a. 1–22. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Everist, N. C. 2002. The Church as Learning Community: A Comprehensive Guide to Christian Education. Nashville, TN: Abingdon Press. Garavan, T. 1997. “The Learning Organization: A Review and Evaluation.” The Learning Organization 4 (1): 18–29. Jarvis, P. 2004. “The Church and the Learning Society.” British Journal of Theological Education 14 (2): 136–152. Marquardt, M. J. 2011. Building the Learning Organization: Achieving Strategic Advantage through a Commitment to Learning. Boston: Nicholas Brealey. Osmer, R. R. 2005. The Teaching Ministry of Congregations. Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press. Senge, P. M. 2006. The Fifth Discipline: The Art and Practice of the Learning Organization. New York: Doubleday. Wenger, E. 2000. “Communities of Practice and Social Learning Systems.” Organization 7 (2): 225–246.

—Jack Barentsen

Church Education Movement The church education movement originated in the responses of Christian religious educators to what church historian Martin Marty called the “crisis of morale and

mission”128 in North American churches during the 1960s. This was a challenging time for Christian and Jewish communities of faith. After two decades of rapid growth, membership had begun to decline. Sociologists and journalists were criticizing accommodations the faith communities had made on issues of race, class, and economic justice. United States Supreme Court decisions and public school consolidations had undermined the privileged relationship Protestant Sunday schools had once enjoyed with their neighborhood public schools. The civil rights movement and later protests over the war in Vietnam helped fracture the voluntary consensus in congregational loyalty to denominational standards for teaching and learning and denominationally produced curriculum resources. At the same time new insights—particularly from the social sciences regarding the processes of human development and the formative power of culture in human experience and from theological inquiries into the nature and function of congregations as communities of faith—provided new frameworks for thinking about the purposes and shape of a Christian religious education. C. Ellis Nelson’s Where Faith Begins (1967), in particular, drew on these insights to reenvision possibilities for a Christian religious education grounded in the traditions, practices, and resources of congregations. Nelson noted the obvious—but taken-for-granted—fact that we become members of the culture of a community—including the culture of a congregation and its religious tradition—by participating in it. We learn its language by hearing and speaking it. We learn how to relate to others by interacting with them. We develop a sense of self in relation to the others with whom we live and interact. Building in part on Nelson’s insights, John Westerhoff and Maria Harris reinvigorated discussions of Protestant and Catholic Christian religious education by highlighting how the participation of children, youth, and adults in the practices of congregational life generates and sustains the faith of persons and communities. Grant Shockley, David Ng, and others explored ways Christian educational traditions and practices of African and Asian American congregations further expand our understanding of the influence of culture in transmitting faith across the generations. Mission As cultural and institutional reinforcements for the Christian education of North American Protestants declined, John Westerhoff posed the question that energized the movement: Will Our Children Have Faith? (1976). A 128. Martin E. Marty, The Public Church: Mainline, Evangelical, Catholic (New York: Crossroad, 1981), ix.

Church Education Movement

positive answer to that question for movement leaders required a shift of consciousness in congregations and among their leaders. Theologically, this shift involved paying attention to the ecclesial and missional shape of congregations and their traditions in the formation of belief and religious practice. Pedagogically, it emphasized the agency of the congregation rather than the school in Christian religious education and instruction as preparation for participation in congregational life, worship, and mission. The church education movement consequently shifted the focus of a congregation’s educational effort from conversion, as in the Sunday school movement, and nurture as in the religious and Christian education movements, to the enculturation of children, youth, and adults in the renewal of congregational faith traditions. Method Several features distinguish the church education movement. The first has already been mentioned: the congregation, as a community of learning, is embraced as both context for and agency of Christian religious education. Second, the whole life of the congregation is the curriculum of a congregation’s teaching and learning. The events of congregational life—particularly those concerned with community, liturgy, and mission—consequently become the primary settings for its educational activity. The educational shape of those events includes equipping persons at any age with the knowledge and skills needed to participate in them, engaging them in the practices of those events, and critically reflecting on ways their participation in those practices deepens and expands their faith. These emphases in congregational Christian education involved several pedagogical innovations. The theological role of the pastor is now located in any setting where children, youth, and adults might learn to participate more knowledgably in the liturgical and missional events of the congregation. The congregation as a community of learning draws attention to the necessary interdependence of children, youth, and adults in intergenerational approaches to teaching and learning. Curriculum resource publishers responded to the renewed interest in liturgy and mission by producing “worship readiness” resources designed to prepare children for increasingly knowledgeable participation in their congregation’s worship and lectionary-based resources to engage all age groups in the study of texts they would again encounter in worship. Some congregations envisioned through Christian education the creation of a new kind of congregation encompassing the racial, ethnic, social class, and language diversity of the communities in which they were located. Central to each of these efforts has been a new consciousness of the ways in which one learns to be Christian by participating in practices of being Christian.

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Impact Although the church education movement has had its creative moments, as a movement it has yet to fully realize the possibilities that fed its original impulses. In the 1970s and 1980s, when conferences featuring John Westerhoff or Maria Harris attracted large crowds and many in the field considered Colloquy, a journal edited by Westerhoff, to be essential reading, it often seemed like an emerging new movement in Christian religious education. Its themes were taken up by a number of other scholars, including, among others, Letty Russell (1979, 1981), Walter Brueggemann (1976 1982), Parker Palmer (1983, 1989), Anne Wimberly (1994), Charles Foster (1994, 2012), Dorothy Bass (1997), Craig Dykstra ( 1999), Denham Grierson (1984), and Jerome Berryman (1991). Those themes continue to inform the work of more recent scholars, including, among others, Evelyn Parker (2003), Joyce Mercer (2005), Kathryn Turpin (2006), Fred Edie (2007), and Dori Grinenko Baker (2010). Pastors and local church educators have here and there drawn on some emphasis of the movement to redirect the educational ministries of their congregations. Curriculum publishers have produced resources devoted to the preparation of all age groups to participate in the missional and worship life of congregations. The movement, however, has not had a unifying project or strategy to gather up and join the efforts of its contributors into a shared initiative, as the institution of the Sunday school did for the Sunday school movement, a shared public vision did for the religious education movement, and the development of theologically and pedagogically robust principles in curriculum did for the Christian education movement. The movement consequently has inspired and energized the revisioning of Christian religious education in academic and popular publications; in congregations; in freelance programs such as LifelongFaith Associates, led by John Roberto; and among several religious publishers of liturgical and mission curriculum resources, but the overall impact of these efforts has to this point been more episodic than connected. References and Resources Brueggemann, Walter. 1982. The Creative Word: Canon as a Model for Biblical Education. Philadelphia: Fortress Press. Harris, Maria. 1991. Teaching and Religious Imagination. San Francisco: Harper & Row. Nelson, C. Ellis. 1971. Where Faith Begins. Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press. Ng, David. 1984. Youth in the Community of Disciples. Elgin, IL: Judson Press. Palmer, Parker. 1993. To Know as We are Known: Education as a Spiritual Journey. San Francisco: HarperOne.

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Russell, Letty. 1981. Growth in Partnership. Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press. Shockley, Grant, and Charles Foster. 1989. Working with Black Youth. Nashville, TN: Abingdon Press. Westerhoff, John. 1976. Will Our Children Have Faith? New York: Seabury Press.

———. 1996. “Church-Based Christian Education: Creating a New Paradigm, Part II, Adulthood.” Ames, IA: BILD International. Accessed 30 April 2013. http://bild.org/philosophy/ ParadigmPapers.html. Richards, Lawrence O. 1988. Christian Education: Seeking to Become Like Jesus Christ. Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan.

—Charles Foster

—Steve Kemp

Church-Based Christian Education

Church-Based Theological Education

Church-based Christian education (CBCE) programs are designed for local churches to use to accomplish the core responsibility of development and equipping their people. They are more formal than other forms of Christian education, which are more fragmented and generic. For instance, CBCE provides an integrated, ordered learning path from “convert to mature disciple” and from “cradle to grave,” rather than just an unintegrated set of materials and classes. Further, CBCE is designed with customization by local churches in mind, rather than just one-sizefits-all, off-the-shelf products. “Christian education” is often considered to be the church’s training of children, but training of adults is also an essential part of CBCE. As family units are recognized and utilized as primary social entities in the church, CBCE is really development of families, not just individuals. Research on the stages of human development and dimensions of family development can be used within each part of CBCE, but also to guide the overall shape of the curriculum so that each part fits with the others. Homeschooling that is tightly coupled with the Christian education program of a church is frequently called “church-based Christian education,” largely because it involves various families coming together to share responsibilities, use facilities, and rely on the staff of churches. Church leaders are essentially involved in CBCE because it is recognized to be at the core of what the church is responsible to do. Involvement of church leaders may take the form of curricular design and customization, personal participation in training, assessment of competencies, and recognition of developmental accomplishments.

Church-based theological education (CBTE) is training for ministry leadership that is rooted in local churches. Those being trained emerge from within a church or become part of a church. Those doing the training are the leaders of a church. Participation in the real life of a local church is the essential core. It may be best to understand CBTE by contrasting it with other types of training programs that take place in churches. For instance, church-based Christian education tends to focus on discipleship training for everyone in a church, whereas CBTE is generally understood to refer to the higher levels of training for church leaders. Most distance education and extension programs of traditional academic institutions may use the facilities of a church or allow students to remain in their churches rather than relocate to a campus, but these are usually still “school-based” and only “church-housed,” because the training is not truly rooted in the churches, and church leaders are not truly central to the training. Those being trained must still be admitted by the academic institution to take part in the training, trainers must be approved according to academic criteria, and the curriculum is firmly controlled by the academic institution. Those being trained in CBTE programs are selected by the church leaders and trained by them according to training processes that they develop and control. Many traditional academic institutions grew out of CBTE programs, such as groups of pastors gathering regionally for informal continuing education. Some students enrolled in traditional academic institutions have educational experiences with CBTE features. For instance, some students are on staff with local churches or have extensive ministry experiences within local churches while enrolled. Others maintain mentoring and accountability relationships with leaders of local churches while they pursue traditional school-based forms of theological education. “Nonformal” is often used to describe CBTE, because it is based in a real church situation and relies extensively on real relationships outside the formal structures of traditional academic institutions. The curriculum is composed largely of mentoring and in-service apprentice-

References and Resources Parrett, Gary A., and S. Steve Kang. 2009. Teaching the Faith, Forming the Faithful: A Biblical Vision for Education in the Church. Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press. Reed, Jeff. 1995. “Church-Based Christian Education: Creating a New Paradigm, Part I, Childhood and Adolescents.” Ames, IA: BILD International. Accessed 30 April 2013. http://bild .org/philosophy/ParadigmPapers.html.

Church-Related Colleges, Types of

ships with intentionally designed goals and assessments regarding character development, ministry skills, and biblical and theological understanding. Increasingly, CBTE is being used as an alternative to traditional campus-based and school-based distance education forms of education, particularly for those experiencing midcareer changes and early retirement from nonministry vocations. It often is tied to ordination and other ministry credentialing processes, as high levels of leadership development are achieved. It is also being used extensively to support the in-service training of church planters and leaders emerging from church planting movements. Entire networks of churches in India are using CBTE to train all of their existing and emerging leaders. Biblically and historically, CBTE refers to the manner in which leaders were developed in the first few centuries, as described in 2 Timothy 2:2. Paul was not merely mentoring Timothy one-on-one to take his place, but rather guiding him in a process of in-service learning as he participated with Paul in ministry that included the training of others to train still others in a manner that supported an apostolic movement of exponential church growth. References and Resources Barker, Lance R., and B. Edmon Martin. 2003. “JudicatoryBased Theological Education.” Theological Education 39 (1): 155–173. Reed, Jeff. 1992. “Church-Based Theological Education: Creating a New Paradigm.” Ames, IA: BILD International. Accessed 30 April 2013. http://bild.org/philosophy/Paradigm Papers.html. ———. 2001. “Church-Based Training That Is Truly ChurchBased.” Ames, IA: BILD International. Accessed 30 April 2013. http://bild.org/philosophy/ParadigmPapers.html.

—Steve Kemp

Church-Related Colleges, Types of The last decade of the 20th century saw the publication of two important—but seemingly contradictory—books on Christian higher education. In 1997 William Adrian and Richard Hughes edited a book entitled Models for Christian Higher Education: Strategies for Success in the Twenty-first Century, which featured reports on a number of Christian colleges that celebrated their success in maintaining their Christian identity. Shortly thereafter, in 1998, James Burchaell published Dying of the Light: The Disengagement of Colleges and Universities from Their Christian Churches, which chronicled the secularization of 17 colleges and universities from a number of Christian traditions. His dark conclusion was that the vast majority of church-related institutions were headed toward

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secularization, even the two or three in his study that he approved of. In the early 1990s Burchaell had published accounts of the secularization of several universities in the pages of First Things (April 1991), and his book was accompanied by a number of other books depicting such secularization. (See the entry “Secularization of Christian Colleges” in volume 3 for an enumeration of these books as well as a definition of secularization.) Burchaell seemed to argue that unless a college were completely owned, governed, populated, and permeated by its sponsoring Christian tradition, it was destined for complete secularization. Yet the Adrian and Hughes book contained accounts of Christian colleges and universities that were not so pervasively religious as Burchaell demanded. In response to these two seminal books, Robert Benne, in Quality with Soul: How Six Premier Colleges and Universities Keep Faith with Their Religious Traditions (2001), argued that there are more genuine types of Christian colleges than Burchaell admitted. While Benne did not disagree with the major thrust of Burchaell’s argument, he showed that the world of Christian higher education is more complex and varied than The Dying of the Light averred. He developed a typology that sorted out four types of schools that maintained some sort of relationship with their sponsoring religious traditions. (See box C.2.) The typology has been much used in the literature on Christian higher education to help discern where indeed a school is located on the continuum between being a robustly Christian school on the one hand and a heavily secularized one on the other. Recent books, such as Mentoring for Mission, have refined the categories that Benne elaborated. While the typology is for the most part self-explanatory, it is important to point out that there is a strong dividing line between the two types on the left-hand side of the chart (orthodox and critical mass) and the two on the right-hand side (intentional pluralist and accidental pluralist). The line demarks robustly connected schools from those more weakly connected. In the former, the Christian vision and ethos provide the defining principles and way of life for the school. In the latter, the schools are defined by another organizing principle or by none at all. It seems that the general movement over time of colleges is toward the right-hand side of the chart, but in some cases colleges indeed strengthen their relationship to their sponsoring heritage by moving leftward. In many cases, colleges remain stable in their placement on the continuum. References and Resources Adrian, A., and Richard Hughes. 1997. Models for Christian Higher Education: Strategies for Success in the Twenty-first Century. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans.

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BOX C.2: TYPES OF CHURCH-RELATED COLLEGES Orthodox

Critical Mass

Intentional Pluralist

Accidental Pluralist

Major divide: the Christian vision as the organizing paradigm--------versus the organizing paradigm coming from secular sources Public relevance of Christian vision: Public rhetoric:

Membership Requirements: Religion/theology department:

Religion/theology required courses: Chapel:

Pervasive from an ongoing conversation Unabashed invitation to fellow believers to an intentional Christian enterprise Near 100% . . . orthodoxy tests Large and privileged theology

Privileged voice in an ongoing conversation Straightforward presentation as a Christian school but including others Critical mass in all facets Large flagship theology

All courses affected by shared religious perspective Required in large church at a protected time daily

2 or 3, dialogical effort in many other courses Voluntary at high quality services in large nave at a daily protected time Dominant atmosphere of sponsoring tradition—rituals and habits

Ethos:

Overt piety of sponsoring tradition

Support by church:

Indispensable financial and majority of students from sponsoring tradition Owned and governed by church or its official representatives

Governance:

Important direct and crucial indirect financial; at least 50% of students

An assured voice in an ongoing conversation Presentation as a liberal arts school with a Christian heritage Intentional representation Small, mixed . . . some theology but mostly religious studies 1 course in general education

Random or absent shared point of view

Voluntary at unprotected times . . . low attendance

For the few on special occasions

Presentation as a secular school with scarcely an allusion to Christian heritage Haphazard sprinkling Small, religious studies

Choice in distribution or an elective

Reclusive and Open minority from unorganized minority sponsoring tradition from sponsoring find their private niche tradition (Dominantly secular atmosphere) Important focused indirect; small minority of students

Token indirect, student numbers no longer recorded

Token membership from Minority of board Majority of board tradition from tradition by from tradition, unofficial agreement some official representatives (College or university is autonomously owned and governed)

Benne, R. 2001. Quality with Soul: How Six Premier Colleges and Universities Keep Faith with Their Religious Traditions. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. Burtchaell, J. 1998. The Dying of the Light: The Disengagement of Colleges and Universities from Their Christian Churches. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. Simon, Caroline, et al. 2003. Mentoring for Mission: Nurturing New Faculty at Church-related Colleges. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans.

—Robert Benne

Africa, allow citizens to claim religious membership by virtue of national citizenship, which is civil religion.129 In many of these countries, members of the “state church”— whether it be Lutheran in northern Europe, Roman Catholic in southern Europe and South America, Orthodox in Central and Eastern Europe, Anglican in England, or Southern Baptist in the southern United States—make up the vast majority of the population, yet weekly attendance at worship and active participation in these faith communities is in single-digit percentage. What is the effect of this so-called civil religion on the educational mission of the church?

Civil Religion, Challenge of The historical legacies of Christianity in various regions of the world, especially Europe, South America, and

129. Some of the most vigorous criticism of religious practice has come from Kierkegaard and Bonhoeffer, because Christianity in their respective countries was intertwined with the political and social atmosphere.

Civil Religion, Challenge of

The Fiction We Live By Former U.S. senator Mark Hatfield says many believe that civil religion130 is better than no religion at all; “Civil religion, in my view, is not a harmless, generalized unitarianlike depository of belief, which can help people reflect on God, or even provide helpful ethical guides for the country. Rather, because most civil religion is devoid of both the prophetic dimension of biblical faith and of the centrality of God’s revelation in Jesus Christ, it becomes highly vulnerable to being exploited as a tool of national self-righteousness and even idolatry.”131 There is a double-sidedness in American culture: strong secularity and strong religiosity.132 Americans continue to be the most religiously active citizenry among the industrialized nations; on the other hand, there are increasing rates of crime and violence and eroding morals. Sociologist Rodney Stark, in The Victory of Reason, provocatively contends that Europe and North America thrived because Christianity made possible political and economic freedoms, modern science, and resulting advancement. He thinks the West’s rise was “an extraordinary faith in reason.”133 As American religion is called upon to serve the practical interests of the people (civil religion), and now the interests of the self (therapeutic religion), it has moved from pragmatism to existentialism, and consequently, to relativism. Americans by historical habit wear religion on their sleeve, almost as part of national patriotism.134 This sentiment can be seen from the Puritans, who had the sense that America was perhaps humanity’s last chance to show God’s mercy before the end of the age; to President Eisenhower’s 1954 pronouncement, “Our government makes no sense unless it is founded on a deeply-felt religious faith, and I don’t care what it is!”; to modern religious conservatives who believe America was, and still is, a “Christian” country. The problem is, as Leeming observes: “When we give form to divinity, we derive that form from our own experience. We make gods in our own image because our own image marks the physical limits of our being. We cannot know the gods; we cannot know our experience of them.”135 130. While the unwelcome condition of civil religion exists in several worldwide regions, as referenced herein, we focus here on a case study of the country in which the most Christians in the world live: the United States of America. 131. Mark Hatfield, Between a Rock and a Hard Place (Waco, TX: Word Press, 1976), 101. 132. Will Herberg, Protestant-Catholic-Jew (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, [1955] 1983). 133. Richard N. Ostling, “Christianity Gets Credit for West’s Freedom, Sociologist Claims,” Grand Rapids Press, 28 January 2006, D7. 134. For a perceptive commentary, see Sacvan Bercovitch, The American Jeremiad (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1978). 135. While many would argue with the last sentence, the first two are hard to refute. David Adam Leeming, The World of Myth: An Anthology (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990), 123.

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Yet to the modern secularist, the notion of a Christian America is absurd. The middle-class American subculture has existed in such a close relationship with Christianity that it sometimes is difficult to distinguish what is American from what is Christian. The American form of Christianity and its identity as a people were born simultaneously.136 But America at its founding was anything but Christian. The founding fathers accepted a civil, not a supernatural, religious perspective that falls far short of biblical Christianity. By 1790, 90 percent of the American population was unchurched.137 Even in their present state of secular-church attendance, modern France and Great Britain have double the church attendance of postrevolutionary America. In sum, I argue, Christianity has unfortunately become synonymous with the American way of life. Civil religion, Christian atheism, environmental faith, cultural Christianity—call it what you will. The spirit has gone out of American religious institutions to reshape; rather, they have been shaped by society’s agenda. The Gospel is characterized in the New Testament as an offense, but as some preach the Gospel today it is anything but offensive. The cross is merely adopted as a popular symbol. Because of the continuous exposure of Christianity to the American people, it has rendered the nation immune to the real disease—authentic Christianity.138 The Counterculture Faith We Aspire To Generations ago Niebuhr pointed out how dangerously susceptible the churches were to being overtaken by the values of the larger society.139 American historian Tom Askew perceptively notes: Historians and sociologists have commented on the shallowness of personal commitment that accompanied much of the post-World War II religious resurgence. Church membership could mean little more than respectability and belief in the American way of life.140

But can Christianity overcome its wedding with civil religion and become what it was intended to be, a counterculturalvoice? “Counter-culture comes about when those who transform the culture in which they live 136. For more on this, see William A. Dyrness, How Does America Hear the Gospel? (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1989). 137. George Gallup Jr. and Jim Castelli, The People’s Religion (New York: Macmillan, 1990), 32, 48. 138. It should be noted that the same phenomenon occurs in other religions as well in conditions where the “state religion” is presumed and identified with by virtually all its nations, e.g., Northern Africa and Islam. 139. H. Richard Niebuhr, The Social Sources of Denominationalism (Whitefish, MT: Kessinger Publishing, [1929] 2004) and The Kingdom of God in America (Wesleyan Press, [1937] 1988). 140. Thomas A. Askew and Peter W. Spellman, The Churches and the American Experience: Ideals and Institutions (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker, 1984), 191.

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become critically conscious of what they are doing and elaborate a theory of their deviation from the dominant model, offering a model that is capable of sustaining itself.” 141 American Christianity has been transformed by culture rather than vice versa. As Nietzche might argue, “You have caged [God], tamed him, domesticated him, and the priests have pliantly lent their aid. The roaring bull has become a listless ox. You have gelded God!”142 In this climate, God can no longer be the universal monarch who inspires confidence and awe, but rather a weak mascot who goes along with the crowd. This “god” believed in by so many Americans is the god French sociologist Emile Durkheim described as a symbolic representation of the collective energy and dominant values of the society that worships him. Simply put, if God created Man in His own image, we have more than reciprocated. Campolo offers this comment: [I]n America the cultural deity offers prosperity to his followers; the biblical God calls us to sacrifice all that we have for the poor and suffering peoples of the world. . .the cultural deity invites self-aggrandizement and self-assertion, the biblical Lord calls us to be meek and humble. The cultural deity legitimates the existing social order. We say, “God is with us.” He stands for the American way because we made him in the image of America. But the biblical God stands opposed to this cultural deity. The God of Scripture renders us enemies of the religion instituted by our society.143

Not only are we to be enemies of cultural religion, but cultural religion has become the enemy of authentic Christianity. A three-stage shift has occurred in its relationship with Christianity. The first stage was characterized by an embracing acceptance of biblical Christianity. Students were led in prayer and Bible reading at school. They used McGuffy Readers laden with Christian values. The church was the central focus of the community. The second stage was characterized by tolerance of Christianity. Several ideologies, among which Christianity was one, coexisted in relative peace. Then a rising of discomfort became visible, which had little room for oldfashioned and exclusivistic doctrine. The third stage is characterized by hostility toward Christianity. Christians are depicted as laughable buffoons. In schools, prayer is 141. Umberto Eco, “Does Counter-Culture Exist?” trans. Jennie Condie, in Apocalypse Postponed, ed. Robert Lumley (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1994), 115. 142. Cited in Harvey Cox, Religion in the Secular City (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1984), 200. See also Michael Scott Horton, Made in America: The Shaping of Modern American Evangelicalism (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker, 1991); and Mark Oppenheimer, Knocking on Heaven’s Door: American Religion in the Age of Counterculture (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2003). 143. Anthony Campolo, A Reasonable Faith (Waco, TX: Word Books, 1983), 101–102.

banned; kids take sex-education courses and are taught about alternative homosexual lifestyles, condoms, and “safe sex” in a so-called value-neutral environment. This is the story of American Christianity. Few external problems hinder the ministry of the contemporary Western church. It has money and buildings; top-notch educational institutions to prepare its leaders; ample resources—books, tapes, conferences, training centers, and parachurch ministries; and relative political freedom. Yet inauthentic Christian living encouraged by civil religion negates all these external advantages. What can be done? The Story We Locate Ourselves In Reformer-theologian Martin Luther pleads: “When you have Him you have all, but you have also lost all when you lose Him. Stay with Christ, although your eyes do not see Him and your reason does not grasp Him.” The revisions civil religion inflicts upon the Christian faith remove the vitality and transformational features of God. Religious leaders, Christian Smith advises, need to be more aware of and grapple with the fact that an instrumentalist, public health justification model of faith—inherent in civil religion—as producing healthy and good citizens may increase congregational attendance, but comes at a long-term cultural cost: faith and practice get redefined as instrumental therapeutic mechanisms to achieve personal goals, which themselves may or may not be formed by religious faith and practice.144 The best way to protect Jesus against cultural imprisonment in any era is to pass along the historic doctrines the church has reached regarding Christ’s identity, said 19th-century Princeton theologian Charles Hodge.145 They were true not because they were unambiguous (language always carries ambiguity), but because they respected the central biblical mysteries about Jesus. Dogmas were buffers against the common human practice of making Christ the servant of culture, turning him into a socially useful badge or psychologically therapeutic tool. While much of the Christian world looks to American Christianity as a model, they should also look as a clear warning of at what cost their experience comes. One of the most significant obstacles the education of Christians must overcome is the subtle civil religion that discourages a countercultural faith. References and Resources Beiner, Ronald. 2010. Civil Religion: A Dialogue in the History of Political Philosophy. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 144. Christian Smith, Soul Searching (New York: Oxford University Press, 2005), 270–271. 145. Reported in Richard Wightman Fox, Jesus in America: Personal Savior, Cultural Hero, National Obsession (San Francisco: HarperSan Francisco, 2004), 264.

Civil Rights and the Impact of Legislation on Christian Education Practices of Congregations

Juergensmeyer, Mark. 2005. Religion in Global Civil Society. New York: Oxford University Press. Prothero, Stephen. 2004. American Jesus: How the Son of God Became a National Icon. New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux.

—Mark A. Lamport

Civil Rights and the Impact of Legislation on Christian Education Practices of Congregations Studies of the impact of civil rights legislation on Christian education practices of congregations often focus on social-transformational issues. Harold Burgess (2001) discusses the “classical liberal model of religious education” that dominated the landscape for the first half of the 20th century. He describes it as one that placed more emphasis on human experiences and participation in social and cultural reconstruction as normative. The modern civil rights movement was informed in part by a desire to bring about a social and cultural change that involved many congregations. Impact of Modern Civil Rights Movement Rulings Some government mandates—like President Truman’s Executive Order 9981, issued in 1948, which stressed equality for all persons in the armed forces, and the 1954 Supreme Court ruling in Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas, which declared that public school segregation was unconstitutional and overturned the 1896 Plessy vs. Ferguson case, which had sanctioned the “separate but equal” concept of public education—helped to effect church-based activism across the South. Such activism included the Montgomery, Alabama, desegregation bus boycott, widespread antisegregation and antidiscrimination protests, rallies, and marches from the mid-1950s to the mid-1960s, with black churches in the forefront. These black churches provided four key benefits: provisions of free meeting places to mobilize; many established leaders, such as Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., Rev. Theodore Jemison, and Rev. Charles Steele; a communication network to spearhead campaigns and boycotts; and congregational members to work in the movement. This resulted in the formation of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC), headed by Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., which helped gain broad support from white American congregations and leaders all over the nation. Dr. King’s philosophy of Christian charity, nonviolence, forgiveness, and redemptive healing were Christian education themes that resonated with nonblack churches (McAdam, 1982, 2007).

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Impact of Post–Civil Rights Movement Legislation There have been tensions, conflicts, and court cases involving alleged discrimination caused by civil rights legislation and some religion-exempted practices of congregations. The ministerial exception corollary and the broader church autonomy doctrine derived from the religion clauses of the First Amendment of the Constitution and/or Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 are often referenced. Some examples of these are discussed here. Employment Discrimination Title VII of the Civil Rights Act “allows religious employers unlike other employers, to discriminate on the basis of religion in employment. In 1987 the Supreme Court in Corporation of the Presiding Bishop v. Amos . . . interpreted this . . . to permit a church-run gymnasium . . . to require that its employees be church members” (Minow 2007, 789). The reasoning was that religious organizations had the right to advance their own cause. Gender Discrimination “The federal courts have uniformly found that antidiscrimination laws simply do not extend to the relationships between an organized religious group and its clergy or anyone functioning as a minister” (Minow 2007, 801). For example, in 2002 the case Rockwell v. Roman Catholic Archdiocese of Boston involved Susan Rockwell’s claim that the church excluded women from the clergy. The court dismissed the claim, thus conveying that this was an internal matter within the church, where the courts had no jurisdiction. Sexual Orientation Discrimination Courts have generally sided with congregations, allowing them to continue with Christian education practices that are consistent with their beliefs and bylaws, including enjoying an exemption from nondiscrimination practices regarding sexual orientation. An example is the 2002 case Bryce v. Episcopal Church in the Diocese of Colorado. Lee Ann Bryce worked as St. Aidan’s youth minister, assistant music minister, and adult Christian education coordinator 1997 to 1999. She was terminated in November 1998 after she engaged in a civil commitment ceremony with her partner and coplaintiff, Rev. Sara Smith. The district and the appellate court dismissed the plaintiffs’ claims because of the church autonomy doctrine of the First Amendment. In its ruling, the court stated that the courts have “essentially no role in determining ecclesiastical questions, or religious doctrine and practice” (Tacha 2002). Of course according to Chief Judge Deanell Tacha (2002) of the U.S. 10th Circuit Court of Appeals, churches have to obey the law, “like any other person or organization, they may be held liable for their torts and upon

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their valid contracts. Their employment decisions may be subject to Title VII scrutiny, where the decision does not involve the church’s spiritual functions.”

This ministry sought to promote an earnest Christian life among the young and to provide opportunities for them to express their faith in worship and in service.

References and Resources

Significant Contributions to Christian Education In the years that followed, the Christian endeavor (CE) model was taken up by other congregations and rapidly grew into a national, and eventually an international, society with chapters in local churches and regional and national conventions for its members. The international spread of CE followed the modern missions movement, and by 1908 there were more than 70,000 societies around the world with more than 3.5 million members. The CE ministry model, which began as a nondenominational ministry, became the template for most major denominations as they developed their own ministries during the late 19th and early 20th centuries (e.g., Epworth League of the Methodist Episcopal Church, Baptist Young People’s Union, Luther League). Following his years at the Williston church, Francis E. Clark pastored two other churches in Boston during the later 1880s. But due to the rapid growth and needs of the CE Society, from 1887 on he devoted himself to the development of the youth ministry he had launched, becoming the president of the United Societies of Christian Endeavor and of the World’s Christian Endeavor Union. He was an avid traveler, making multiple trips to most regions of the world, speaking in churches and mission settings and promoting the spread of the CE ministry. Drawing on his interest and experience in journalism from his college days, he became an author and editor, writing many articles and books on ministry and travel topics, and editing the CE’s major publications, including the Christian Endeavor World (which began as The Golden Rule) and many resource books and materials for use by leaders in the CE ministry. Clark was a passionate and tireless ministry leader, an entrepreneur who knew how to use the power of the press to share his ministry ideas. He left the security of parish ministry to pursue the spread of the CE ministry with the young, pouring his time and energy into traveling, speaking, and writing to promote the growth of what he saw as a faithful and fruitful ministry effort. He led this movement for more than 40 years, giving guidance to what became the dominant model of youth ministry in its time in North America and around the world.

Brunner, Borgna, and Elissa Haney. 2007. “Civil Rights Timeline: Milestones in the Modern Civil Rights Movement.” Pearson Education. Accessed 30 October 2012. http://www .factmonster.com/spot/civilrightstimeline1.html. Burgess, Harold. 2001. Models of Religious Education: Theory and Practice in Historical and Contemporary Perspective. Nappanee, IN: Evangel Publishing House. Evangelical Lutheran Church in America. n.d. “What Does My Congregation Need to Know about Laws Affecting Employees?” Accessed 28 April 2013. http://download.elca.org/ ELCA%20Resource%20Repository/Employment_Laws_to _Consider.pdf McAdam, Doug. 1982. Political Process and the Development of Black Insurgency, 1930–1970. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. ———. 2007. “Civil Rights Movement.” In Encyclopedia of Politics and Religion, edited by Robert Wuthnow, 194–200. Washington, DC: CQ Press. Minow, Martha. 2007. “Should Religious Groups Be Exempt from Civil Rights Laws?” Boston College Law Review 48 (4): 781. http://lawdigitalcommons.bc.edu/bclr/vol48/iss4/1. O’Brien, T. C. 1979. “Civil Right.” In Encyclopedic Dictionary of Religion, edited by staff at Corpus Publications, Inc., 79–83. Philadelphia, PA: Corpus Publications, Inc. Tacha, Deanell. 2002. Bryce v. Episcopal Church in the Diocese of Colorado (USCA, 10th Cir.). http://caselaw.findlaw.com/ us-10th-circuit/1302884.html.

—Steve Overton

Clark, Francis E. Early Background and Education Francis E. Clark (1851–1927) was born in Aylmer, Quebec, Canada. Following the deaths of his father (1854) and his mother (1858), he was raised by his uncle, the Rev. Edward W. Clark, and his wife. Francis graduated from Dartmouth College in 1873 and from Andover Theological Seminary in 1876. He was married in1876, and he and his wife, Harriet, were called to their first pastorate at the Williston Church of Portland, Maine. It was during their fifth year in this growing congregation that they began a new ministry effort with youth that birthed the Young People’s Society of Christian Endeavor. On 2 February 1881, following an annual week of prayer in January, they invited the youth and young adults of the church to form the Williston Young People’s Society of Christian Endeavor.

Most Notable Publications Clark, F. E. 1895. Worldwide Endeavor: The Story of the Young People’s Society of Christian Endeavor, from the Beginning and in All Lands. Philadelphia: Gillespie, Metzgar, & Kelley. ———. 1922. Memories of Many Men in Many Lands: An Autobiography. Boston: United Society of Christian Endeavor.

Classical Education

———, ed. 1897–current. The Golden Rule (later renamed Christian Endeavor World).

Reference “Clark, Francis E.” 1911. In Encyclopædia Britannica, 11th ed., edited by H. Chisholm, 385–386 Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.

—Kevin E. Lawson

Classical Education Classical education is a complex tradition with a history of more than 2,000 years; it is a traditional approach to education that combines historic curricula with the pedagogy of the seven liberal arts. The methodology of classical education is evident in the paideia (“education” or “learning”) of the ancient Greeks, whose system included education and training in classical Greek and Hellenistic cultures and thus was a systematic process in the development of a liberal and mature mind. The paideia included subjects such as geography, grammar, gymnastics, mathematics, music, natural history, philosophy, and rhetoric. Dissimilar to the contemporary education system of John Dewey (“the father of modern education”), the paideia was not focused on preparing students for the workforce; rather, the emphasis was on an education that stimulated mental disciplines for the discussion of abstract notions such as aesthetics, justice, and truth. Implementing the Greek notion of classical education, the ancient Romans developed an arrangement of study that was termed the “seven liberal arts” (artes liberales). The methodological arrangement was systematized into two phases: (1) the trivium and, (2) the quadrivium. The trivium was to be mastered at the basic level, whereas the quadrivium was the ultimate goal. The intention of the studies was to produce an articulate, knowledgeable, and virtuous individual. In the early church, the Greek paideia was Latinized to humanitas, which was a model for ecclesiastical institutions of higher learning, such as the school of Alexandria in Egypt, which provided theology as “the queen of the sciences” (the concluding science of the curricula). The term paideia was later combined with engkuklios (kuklos meaning “circle”), which indicated a broad compendium of general education, hence encyclopaedia (i.e., “allround” knowledge). Classical education seems to have been abandoned when the Roman Empire “fell” in the fifth century AD. Through the efforts of Charlemagne (in general) and Alcuin (in particular), classical education was revived and Christianized in Europe by means of the school of the palace. By the 11th century, the term universitas was

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used to refer to an aggregate of students who gathered, either in church buildings or homes, with master teachers to become skilled in the seven liberal arts. Studies were focused on gifted writers and their compositions, as opposed to merely studying subjects. Students began study in the universitas at the age of 14. The first component of the seven liberal arts was the trivium (“three ways”). The beginning years of the trivium were the “grammar” stage. During the elementary years (grades 1–4), children are eager to memorize information; thus students learn many facts, frequently by means of chanting and singing, in addition to the use of discussion, instruction, and reading. The word “grammar” is not used in reference to language exclusively; rather, each subject of study has a “grammar”; thus the particulars in each subject are many and various. Emphasis is not on self-discovery and self-expression; rather, students learn facts that constitute the “grammar” stage and prepare for the dialectic (logic) stage. Middle school students (grades 5–8) are less interested in learning facts and more prone to ask “how” and “why” and to enjoy argumentation and debate. Therefore, principles and relations are emphasized in the dialectic stage, as students focus on cause and effect, the relationship between various subjects, and the manner in which facts can be organized logically. Debate, discussion, and reasoning are intensified by means of the application of logic to all academic subjects. The final phase of classical education (grades 9–12) emphasizes effectual, original, and persuasive speaking and writing. The rhetoric stage thus applies the rules of logic mastered during the dialectic stage to the foundational information acquired during the grammar stage. The rhetoric stage is also the point at which students begin to specialize in particular disciplines of knowledge. The quadrivium (“four ways”) included arithmetic, astronomy, geometry, and music. In addition to the trivium, these subjects formed the basis of the seven liberal arts and constituted the primary foundation of instruction until modern times. Consequently, the seven liberal arts were regarded as the foundation of human knowledge. The trivium prepared students for the subjects contained in the quadrivium. Students who completed education in the grammar schools were thus able to pursue quadrivium studies in the universities. Moreover, the quadrivium was preparation for the culminating science of educational studies: the pursuit of philosophy and theology. Classical education was the dominant methodology in Europe and the United States throughout the 1800s, and initially a form of classical education was taught in a 12-year format. During this time, the three skills of the trivium were not emphasized; rather, subjects were

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incorporated into a 12-year curriculum; as opposed to being taught concurrently, the classical skills were taught consecutively. In the early 1900s, there was an ongoing attrition of classical education, and by 1950 the educational methodology of the United States had changed significantly, from a classical to a progressive form of education. The progressive model resulted in a limited awareness and knowledge of classical education, which is evidenced in the attitude that the classical model is novel and peculiar, even though it was the dominant methodology for centuries and the progressive form is the true innovation. During the 1980s, the homeschool movement revived the modified form of classical education that was once prevalent in colonial America. The inspiration for this revival was a lecture given by author Dorothy Sayers in the 1940s, “The Lost Tools of Learning.” Sayers argued that the three skills of the trivium might correspond to the natural development of a child. Sayers referred to the grammar stage as “poll-parrot,” the logic stage as “pert,” and the rhetoric stage as “poetic.” Classical education is a lifelong process of applying the “tools of learning” throughout the various stages of learning (skills acquired in the grammar, logic, and rhetoric stages). By mastering “tools” rather than content, students who are taught how to learn are able to master more content than otherwise would be possible. References and Resources Adler, Mortimer. 1988. Reforming Education: The Opening of the American Mind. New York: Macmillan. Bauer, Susan Wise, and Jessie Wise. 2004. The Well-Trained Mind, rev. ed. New York: W. W. Norton. Bloom, Alan. 1987. The Closing of the American Mind. New York: Simon and Schuster. Bortins, Leigh A. 2010. The Core. New York: Palgrave. Lewis, C. S. 1946. The Abolition of Man. London: Geoffrey Bles. Postman, Neil. 1986. Amusing Ourselves to Death: Public Discourse in the Age of Show Business. New York: Penguin. Veith, Gene Edward, and Andrew Kern. 1997. Classical Education: Towards the Revival of American Schooling. Washington, DC: Capital Research Center. Wilson, Douglas. 1991. Recovering the Lost Tools of Learning. Wheaton, IL: Crossway, 1991. ———. 2003. The Case for Classical Christian Education. Wheaton, IL: Crossway.

—Ron J. Bigalke

Clement of Alexandria Titus Flavius Clemens was born c. AD 150 into a pagan family, possibly in Athens. He received a systematic

education in philosophy and Greek literature. In adulthood he converted to Christianity, and as was customary in those days, went to be educated by the most eminent Christian teachers. For this purpose, he traveled to southern Italy, Syria, Palestine, and Egypt. He enumerates six illustrious teachers under whom he studied the “true tradition of the blessed doctrine of the holy Apostles.” His first teacher in Greece was an Ionian persona (maybe Athenagoras of Athens); in Magna Graecia he encountered others, and still different teachers in the East, only to find at last the true master whom he had sought in Egypt. There can be no doubt that this master was Pantaenus, to whom Clement is supposed to have expressed his obligation in his Hypotyposes. At that time Pantaenus occupied the post of chief of the catechetical school, and though the accounts of Eusebius and Jerome conflict in their details and chronology, it is certain that upon the death or retirement of Pantaenus, Clement succeeded to his office (and it is not unlikely that he had acted as his colleague before). The period during which Clement presided over the catechetical school (c. AD 190–203) seems to have been the season of his greatest literary activity. Among his pupils in this period, one stood out: his successor at the catechetical school, Origen. In AD 202, during his persecution under Septimius Severus, Clement, forced to leave Alexandria, went to Cappadocia to his disciple and friend, Bishop Alexander, the future bishop of Jerusalem. The same Bishop Alexander, in a letter to Origen in AD 215/216, mentions Clement as already deceased. Consequently, the AD 212 or 215 is presumed to be the year of Clement’s death. Among the extant writings of Clement, three works forming a trilogy stand out and characterize his entire opus, being especially significant due to their depiction of the stages of Christian perfection: The Address to the Greeks (Λόγος προτρεπτικὸς πρὸς Ἕλληνας), The Tutor (ὁ Παιδαγωγός), and The Miscellanies (Στρωματεῖς). Clement’s pedagogical theory is based on five assumptions. First, in the school of the divine Logos are all of those who belong to God’s people, regardless of age groups. Due to the advancements in the process of perfecting pupils, these in turn can be classified into three groups: (1) “slaves,” the sinners with stubborn hearts, enslaved by sin; (2) “faithful servants,” intermediate pupils who have abandoned sinful habits and practice the virtues; and (3) “friends of Christ,” who through a great love were conformed to God. Second, the tutor is the three-faceted resemblance of the Word of the Father, the Son of God, the divine Teacher: (1) the Physician draws sinners away from the bondage of sin; (2) the Tutortrains the faithful servants in virtues; and (3) the Teacher teaches the mysteries. The third assumption is about the methods of divine pedagogy: toward those of hardened

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hearts, one applies punishments and reprimands or encouragements and advices; toward the faithful servants, through the means of an idea of obedience, based on the authority of the perfect Tutor, the teacher motivates good behavior; and toward the friends of God, the motive for action is the perfect love. The fourth assumption is about intellectual and moral formation. Intellectual formation is aimed at general education, knowledge of philosophy that is in accordance with Christ, and the acquisition of wisdom and mystical knowledge; moral formation is to obey the commandments springing from the fear of God, restraint based on hope, practice in good based on the imitation of God’s kindness, and complete union with the will of God—gnostic wisdom. Fifth, the ultimate purpose of the process of formation, the paideia, is to bring one up to perfect love. References and Resources Ashwin-Siejkowski, P. 2008. Clement of Alexandria: A Project of Christian Perfection. New York: T&T Clark. Draczkowski, F. 1980. “Qua paideia Clemens Alexandrinus imbutus appareat in animadvertenda falsa gnosi.” Studia Antiquitatis Christianae 2: 37–83. ———. 1983. “Idee pedagogiczne Klemensa Aleksandryjskiego [Pedagogical Ideas of Clement of Alexandria].” Vox Patrum 3 (4): 64–80. Gallinari, L. 1976. La problematica educativa di Clemente Alessandrino. Wiltshire, England: Cassino Publishing. Karavites, P. 1999. Evil, Freedom, and the Road to Perfection in Clement of Alexandria. Supplements to Vigilae Christianae 43. Leiden: Brill. Kovacs, J. L. 2001. “Divine Pedagogy and the Gnostic Teacher according to Clement of Alexandria.” Journal of Early Christian Studies 9: 3–25. Osborn, E. 2005. Clement of Alexandria. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.

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and became an instructor, providing much of the sign language instruction. In addition to his standing at the school, his fluency in written French and French sign language made him the de facto leader of deaf interests at the school, and he often argued the cases of aggrieved deaf students with other hearing instructors and administrators (Mirzoeff 1995, 87). Clerc’s autobiographical account recalls his journey with the headmaster of the Paris school to London in 1815. While this trip was ostensibly to display the signlanguage-based methods of education for the deaf that were in use at the Paris school, it also provided a convenient reason for the headmaster, Abbé Roch-Ambroise Sicard, a noted royalist, to be out of the country as Napoleon returned from exile. It was on this trip that Clerc was introduced to the American Congregationalist clergyman Thomas Hopkins Gallaudet. Gallaudet was on an exploratory trip, funded by prominent social and religious leaders in Hartford, Connecticut, to learn educational methods for instructing deaf people. Gallaudet accepted an invitation to visit the Paris school and later convinced Sicard to allow Clerc to accompany him to America and establish a sign-language-based school for the deaf (Barnard 1852, 107–108). On their 52-day journey across the Atlantic Ocean, Clerc taught Gallaudet French Sign Language, while Gallaudet taught Clerc written English. Despite being a deaf Catholic Frenchman among hearing people in Protestant New England, Clerc found himself at ease traveling with Gallaudet to raise funds and governmental support for the establishment of their school. His comments appealed to the sensibilities of the American Second Great Awakening, in which religious fervor brought new energy to efforts to build social institutions that facilitated the well-being of those considered less fortunate. In one appeal Clerc stated that he had come to

—Marcin Wysocki

Clerc, Laurent Louis Laurent Marie Clerc was a deaf Catholic French man who immigrated to America in 1815 to help establish and teach at the first American school for the deaf in Hartford, Connecticut. Born in La Balme, France, on 26 December 1785, Laurent Clerc fell into a fireplace as an infant and acquired the telltale scar on his right cheek that later led to his sign language name. Clerc’s parents attributed his loss of the abilities to hear and smell to this accident as well. He entered the Institution for the Deaf and Dumb in Paris, the first free school for the education of deaf people, as a 12-year-old, in 1797 (Barnard 1852, 106). Clerc excelled at this school

speak to you more conveniently of the deaf and dumb, of those unfortunate beings who, deprived of the sense of hearing and consequently of speech, would be condemned all their life, to the most sad vegetation if nobody game to their succor, but who intrusted [sic] to our regenerative hands, will pass from the class of brutes to the class of men. It is to affect your hearts with regard to their unhappy state, to excite the sensibility and solicit the charity of your generous souls in their favor; respectfully to entreat you to occupy yourselves in promoting their future happiness. (Barnard 1852, 112)

Clerc went on to praise the founder of the Paris school, Abbé Charles de l’Epée, for developing his educational methods, and further stated, “[I]t is consequently to him that all the deaf and dumb who know how to write and read, owe their temporal and spiritual happiness”

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(Barnard 1852, 112). Despite the exaggerated praise of l’Epée and general pathos of this appeal, Clerc was clearly making a connection between a Christian obligation to evangelize and general education as a means to achieve this evangelization. He explained the need for this connection by recounting his own experience as a child: My mother, affected at my misfortune, had endeavored to show me the heavens, and make me know God, imagining that I understood her, but her attempts were vain; I could comprehend nothing. . . . I am sure that the deaf and dumb who are in your country, think as I once did. You must be so kind as to aid us to undeceive them. We shall cultivate their minds and form their hearts. (Barnard 1852, 112)

After the establishment of the deaf school in Hartford, Clerc became the primary teacher of students, as Gallaudet continued to gather financial and political support for his school. Clerc, along with Gallaudet’s son, Edward, also became a leading proponent of sign-language-based education for deaf people, in opposition to advocates of oralist methods, which emphasized training deaf people to speak over teaching them general informational content (Lane 1984, 330). Clerc’s contribution to the Christian education of deaf people stemmed from his motivation to establish a meaningful and accessible educational institution arising from Christian sentiments and motivations. References and Resources Barnard, Henry. 1852. Tribute to Gallaudet. A Discourse in Commemoration of the Life, Character and Services, of the Rev. Thomas H. Gallaudet, LL.D. Harford, CT: Brockett and Hutchinson. Lane, Harlan. 1984. When the Mind Hears: A History of the Deaf. New York: Random House. Mirzoeff, Nicholas. 1995. Silent Poetry: Deafness, Sign, and Visual Culture in Modern France. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.

—Kirk A. VanGilder

Clonard Monastery Hagiographers often describe the guidance of angels as significant for their subject, and so it was chronicled that Finnian was led by an angel to Clonard, in County Meath, situated close to the River Boyne, four miles east of Kinnegad. The monastery established by him there occupies a preeminent place in the history of the Irish church. Born into an underprivileged family in County Carlow in the last decades of the fifth century, Finnian, whose name is a derivative of “Find” (Vindos), meaning fair

haired, was educated in the monastic life under the influence of Cadoc in Llangarvan in Wales, a renowned center of sacred and secular learning. Cadoc’s monastery was an austere establishment, with rigorous discipline. In Clonard, Finnian is reported to have lived on water and barley bread during the week, but on holy days and Sundays he had grilled salmon, some wheat bread, and a cup of mead or ale. It was in Wales that Finnian also became friendly with Gildas, the British cleric of the sixth century who wrote “De Excidio et Conquestu Britanniae,” an outspoken attack on the spiritual laxity of the Britain of his day. There can be little doubt that Finnian combined the traditions of Wales with those of his homeland in the establishment at Clonard. The monasteries of Clonard and Llangarvan continued to be closely linked in organization, in that the monks of one shared the rights of the other. A monk in Clonard could become an abbot in Llangarvan, and vice versa. Finnian was in many respects the catalyst for the spread of the monastic ideal in Ireland. Medieval writers described him as the “Magister Sanctorum Hiberniae.” Later tradition designated his leading disciples, who graduated from Clonard, as “The Twelve Apostles of Ireland,” among whom were Ciarán of Clonmacnoise and Columba of Derry, Durrow, and Iona. Disciples flocked to Clonard from all parts of the island of Ireland to learn from “the teacher of the Saints.” It is arguably an exaggeration, but tradition relates that 3,000 disciples followed him to Clonard, primarily for the saint’s knowledge of the Bible, and not one of these left his presence without a Gospel, a crozier, or some other relic around which a monastic settlement, or church, could be established. Instruction in the school was oral in form except for a few manuscripts, which were highly prized. The monastery at Clonard, under Finnian’s leadership, made remarkable contributions to the development of monasticism in Ireland. First, tremendous importance was attached to the study of scripture there. Finnian was famous for his profound knowledge of the Bible. There was also an emphasis on memorization, particularly passages from the psalter. Second, Finnian’s was not just a teaching establishment, but a missionary church. He insisted that his disciples leave and found their own monasteries. Apart from the 12 followers referred to above, we have evidence that in the ninth century, scholars from Clonard traveled not just in Ireland, but throughout Britain and the continent, taking books with them and bringing back literature that they had found profitable. They also left a lasting impression on those they met. Third, Finnian’s success at Clonard defined the course of Irish church history until the 12th century, when the church was reorganized in a diocesan structure.

Clonmacnoise Monastery

At that time Clonard became one of the two episcopal churches of the kingdom of Meath. Clonard was a center of learning that in reputation compared favorably with any other Irish schools, whether secular or spiritual. Finnian left a lasting legacy, and tradition compared him to the apostle Paul. Just as Paul died in Rome, for the sake of his fellow Christians, so it was maintained that Finnian died in Clonard, on behalf of the Gaels, that they might not perish of the Yellow Fever. Along with Christ and Patrick, the founder of Clonard is said to judge the women and men of Ireland at the Last Day. Whatever the hyperbole that surrounds his memory, it is not without significance that this visionary was designated the “Teacher of the Saints in Ireland.” References and Resources Healy, John, Rev. 1802. Insula sanctorum et doctorum: or, Ireland’s Ancent Schools and Scholars. Dublin: Sealey, Briers and Walker. Hickey, Elizabeth. 1998. Clonard: The Story of an Early Irish Monastery 520–1202. Leixlip, Co. Kildare: Elizabeth Hickey (self published). Hughes, K. 2001. “The Golden Age of Christian Ireland.” In The Course of Irish History, edited by T. W. Moody and F. X. Martin, 54–66. Cork and Dublin: Mercier Press. Kenney, J. F. 1993. The Sources for the Early History of Ireland, Ecclesiastical: An Introduction and Guide. Blackrock: Four Courts Press. Ó Fiaich, Tómas, Cardinal. 2001. “The Beginnings of Christianity.” In The Course of Irish History, edited by T. W. Moody and F. X. Martin, 41–53. Cork and Dublin: Mercier Press. Ryan, J., Rev. 1931. Irish Monasticism: Origins and Early Development. Dublin and Cork: Talbot Press. Ryan, John, SJ. 1967. “The Monastic Institute.” In A History of Irish Catholicism, edited by Patrick J. Corish, 1:1–62. Dublin: Gill and Macmillan.

—Robert Jennings

Clonmacnoise Monastery Cluain moccu Nóis (Clonmacnoise), the Meadow of the Descendants of Nós, gives its name to one of the most important monastic houses of its time in Ireland. Situated on the eastern shore of the River Shannon and some 13 miles south of Athlone, it was set up in the mid-sixth century by Ciarán, who had previously founded a monastery in what is now County Roscommon. It was a strategic center, just within the territory of Meath and bordering Connacht. Ciarán was born in the vicinity of the royal site of Rathcronaghan, now a heritage center, and his family came from the Latharna tribal grouping, associated with modern-day Larne, in County Antrim.

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Originally Ciarán was a carpenter and was educated under Finnian of Clonard and Enda of Arran. He established the Community at Clonmacnoise with eight followers. Ciarán died in his early thirties, on 9 September 545, when the monastery was still in the process of construction. He faced death with great courage and faith, and his dying words were, “He who perseveres to the end, shall be saved.” The effect of his brief life was such that soon after his death, Ciarán’s name was revered throughout Ireland. In fact, by the late seventh century, Clonmacnoise was considered one of the leading monasteries in the country. There are hundreds of references to it in the Annals. Because of its wealth and location at the intersection of two principal medieval routes, Clonmacnoise was plundered many times. The first recorded raid was in 833, by Feidlimid mac Crimthainn, an overking in Munster. The Vikings pillaged the site in 842 and 845, when they burned Clonmacnoise, with its wooden churches. Some 30 subsequent assaults and burnings are recorded up to the middle of the 12th century, ironically most of them by Irishmen. The monastery was finally destroyed in the mid-16th century by the English garrison at Athlone. The remnants today include the ruins of eight churches, two round towers, and three high crosses. The high crosses have been removed to the visitors’ center. One of these, the Cross of the Scriptures, is so named because of a supposed allusion to it in chronicles under the year 1060. It is an outstanding example of the craft of the stonecutters of the period. It covers a number of spiritual themes, including the crucifixion and the Last Judgment. Also on the site are a large number of memorial slabs, and many of the kings of the region are buried in the graveyard, which indicates its significance at the time. Clonmacnoise was no mere tribal institution; whereas abbots were generally chosen from the family of the founder, successors to Ciarán came from all parts of Ireland. It was a monastic house of independence and breadth of vision, built upon the life of its founder, suffused with prayer and works of love. Clonmacnoise was a place of great learning, and in this respect the monastic school, with its lecture hall and scriptorium, was of the utmost importance. A president (fer légind), chosen for his scholarly and administrative gifts, led the school. Despite threats to its security, the center attracted a number of learned writers and scribes. The Annals of Tigernach, from the 11th century, and the 12th-century Book of the Dun Cow Century, were produced in the scriptorium. The latter is one of the oldest extant manuscripts in Irish literature, so called because the original vellum on which it was written is alleged to have come from the hide of the pet cow Ciarán brought with him to Clonmacnoise. Sadly, only a few of the

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multiplicity of books that would have been produced by such a prestigious institution are extant. The monastery also gave the church many missionaries to the continent of Europe, prominent among whom were Virgilius, archbishop of Salzburg, and Colgu the Wise, lecturer in theology and rector of the monastic institute and one of the teachers of the British scholar and ecclesiastic Alcuin.

pedagogical style in the way he was finally attired in a ridiculous costume (Mark 15:16–20)? John the Baptist, with his unusual clothing and bizarre diet, can also be understood as a clown-like figure and often provides inspiration for today’s Christian clowns in the way that he used the attention generated by his unusual appearance and behavior to point away from himself and toward Jesus (Mark 1:4–8).

References and Resources Archdall, M., ed. 1786. Monasticon Hiberniae: A History of the Abbies, Priories and Other Religious Houses in Ireland. Dublin. Gwynn, Aubrey, and Neville R. Hadcock. 1970. Medieval Religious Houses in Ireland. London: Longmans. Kenney, J. F. 1993. The Sources for the Early History of Ireland, Ecclesiastical: An Introduction and Guide. Blackrock: Four Courts Press. Office of Public Works. n.d. Clonmacnoise Co. Offaly. Ryan, J., Rev. 1931. Irish Monasticism: Origins and Early Development. Dublin and Cork: Talbot Press. Ryan, John, Rev., SJ, DLitt. 1976. Clonmacnois: A Historical Summary. Dublin: Office of Public Works.

—Robert Jennings

Clowning/Clown Ministry Bible The most obvious biblical reference to clowning is St. Paul’s invitation to become “fools for Christ’s sake” (1 Cor. 1:20–29), imagery that relates directly to the Greco-Roman theatrical tradition in which the fool was a well-known character who was the victim of regular abuse while also serving as the audience’s conscience. A similar depiction of clowning and comedy is found in the Hebrew prophets. Ezekiel ostentatiously shaved his head with a sword (Ezek. 5:1–5) and lay on one side for over a year, restrained by strong ropes and eating food cooked on a fire fueled by human excrement (4:4–15), while Jeremiah made a yoke for himself (Jer. 27:2) and used his underwear as a prop (13:1–11). Such mimetic actions are typical of the classical whiteface clown, though their unpredictable nature shares some of the slapstick characteristics of the Auguste clown, and their social marginalization echoes the traditional tramp or hobo. Similar uses of mime also appear in some descriptions of public worship (Ps. 149:6–9), while later reports of the Feast of Tabernacles depict rabbis using circus skills, juggling with flaming torches (Mishnah, Sukkah IV.9). Some of the hyperbole used by Jesus, about specks and logs (Matt. 7:3–5) or the first being placed last (Mark 10:30), is also arguably best understood in a context of clown-like acting—and was there some intentional parody of Jesus’s

History During the early persecutions of Christians, clown mimes were often the only ones able to challenge the Roman Empire. In 287, a deacon at Antinoe (Egypt) who was fearful for his life hired a professional clown named Philemon to perform a pagan sacrifice on his behalf, but when Philemon had a vision of Christ midway through his performance, he refused to continue with it—whereupon he and the deacon were both put to death. Others who suffered a similar fate include Genesius (302), Gelasiunus (297), Ardalio (298), Porphyrius (362), and Masculas (486). Arius of Alexandria (260–336) is known to have presented a mime of the crucifixion, while the Gnostic Acts of John mentions mimes of the last supper.146 But it was the 12th century before clowns gained any real prominence in the church. Francis of Assisi (1182–1226) exemplified clownish behavior, and his early followers called themselves “fools of Christ.” In the medieval Feast of Fools, minor clergy dressed up as clowns to mock the pretentiousness of their superiors. Beginning as a new year festival, this was eventually limited to one day a year (All Fools’ Day, 1 April), but was subsequently banned toward the end of the 15th century, and it was the mid-20th century before clowning reemerged into mainstream Christian life. Modern Developments The film Parable was a major attraction at the 1964 World’s Fair in New York and went on to win awards at film festivals in Venice, Chicago, and Cannes. Entirely in mime, it depicted Jesus as a clown and the world as a circus. It is recognized in the Library of Congress’s National Film Registry as a film that has had a significant influence on American culture. It provided the inspiration for JohnMichael Tebelak, creator of the musical Godspell (1971), and brought the traditional image of Jesus as Holy Fool to the attention of a wider public. The cultural upheavals of the time were also raising significant questions 146. For accounts of all this, see Joannes Bollandus, Acta Sanctorum (Paris & Rome: Victorem Palmé, 1856), March vii, 751–754; Allardyce Nicoll, Masks Mimes and Miracles: Studies in the Popular Theatre (New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1931), 17–18, 120–128; and Herbert W. Workman, The Martyrs of the Early Church (London: Charles H. Kelly, 1913), 125–126.

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for the understanding and communication of Christian faith, and the potential of the arts as a vehicle for spiritual exploration soon became apparent. Early pioneers in Christian clown ministry in the United States include Floyd Shaffer and Randy Christensen, whose ministries (along with others) were introduced to a wider audience by Janet Litherland in Clown Ministry Handbook (1982). In the United Kingdom, clown ministry was popularized especially by Patrick Forbes, Roly Bain, and Olive Fleming Drane—all of whom found wide acceptance in mainline denominations. Their clowning styles vary, with some specializing in circus skills while others major in mime or storytelling, but the one common thread is an awareness that “the medium is the message.” This single realization set this new breed of clown ministers apart from those who might previously have regarded clowning in church either as an advertising gimmick or as a way of illustrating ideas put forward in sermons or other traditional pedagogical modes. It soon became evident that there is more to Christian clowning than just applying makeup, wearing funny clothes, and doing a few tricks. A Christian clown grows from within, and discovering the clown type, face, clothes, and skills is all part of a more expansive process of personal spiritual formation. More than that, it is an authentic way of doing theology that can offer insights into the nature of God and of humanity that other forms of theological reflection do not always provide. Theological Perspectives It is often observed that etymologically the word “clown” is related to the middle-English “clod” (idiot), offering a perfect image of how God empowers the fools of this world to confound the wise, signaling the transformation of broken humanity through vulnerability. In this respect, clown ministry is deeply rooted in Christology and the absurdity of One who is both king and servant, whose true identity and purpose is revealed through its very hiddenness. Like Jesus, the clown combines challenge and salvation by confronting people with the reality of themselves, but then lifting them up and offering a more hopeful way of being—while remaining fully involved in the situation of others, addressing issues through laughter and in a spirit of personal openness and vulnerability. This incarnational rootedness in the learning process is the distinctively Christian element of clowning in ministry, as the clown takes the custard pie that others might be expecting or deserving. By being fully engaged in the moment and utilizing color and larger-than-life gestures, the clown opens up spaces for people’s own imaginations to explore solutions to their predicaments and encounter God in redemptive ways, while clown makeup itself captures the essence of the Gospel, with the white face of death enlivened by the application of the colors of

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new life. Like the original Holy Fool, the Christian clown never tells people what the message “means,” but through exaggerated gestures and parody highlights the trash that obscures spiritual vision, working in partnership with the Spirit to engage with folk at their point of need in ways that enable them to see things differently and inviting them into experiences of transformation. References and Resources Bain, Roly. 1993. Fools Rush In. London: HarperCollins. Fleming Drane, Olive M. 2004. Clowns, Storytellers, Disciples. Minneapolis, MN: Augsburg. Forbes, Patrick. 1988. The Gospel of Folly. East Wittering, UK: Angel Press. Hays, Edward. 1993. Holy Fools and Mad Hatters. Leavenworth, KS: Forest of Peace Books. Hyers, Conrad. 1987. And God Created Laughter. Atlanta, GA: Westminster John Knox Press. Liebenow, Mark. 1987. Is There Fun after Paul? A Theology of Clowning. San Jose, CA: Resource Publications. Litherland, Janet. 1990. The Clown Ministry Handbook. 4th ed. Colorado Springs, CO: Meriwether. ———. 1993. Everything New and Who’s Who in Clown Ministry. Colorado Springs, CO: Meriwether. Noble, Philip D. 1996. Fool of the Kingdom. Colorado Springs, CO: Meriwether. Shaffer, Floyd.1984. Clown Ministry. Loveland, CO: Group Books. Stewart, Elizabeth-Anne. 1999. Jesus the Holy Fool. Evanston, IL: Sheed & Ward. Whedbee, J. William. 1998. The Bible and the Comic Vision. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.

—Olive Fleming Drane

Coe, George Albert Early Background and Education George Albert Coe, an American religious educational theorist, was born in Western New York in March 1862. The son of a Methodist pastor, Coe attended Rochester University, earning a BA in 1884. As a result of his education, he left behind the more conservative Protestantism of his youth and turned instead to a faith grounded in the “ethical will.” Captivated by his study of zoology, Coe resolved that he would move beyond his former attraction to a priori revelation and instead follow the scientific method “wherever it should lead.” This commitment was expanded during his matriculation at the Boston University School of Theology (MA in theology, 1888; PhD in philosophy, 1891), where Coe came under the mentoring influence of famed philosopher Border Park Bowne. Bowne’s emphasis on both ethical religion and social ac-

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tivism enhanced Coe’s empiricist leanings and stimulated a desire for further study among liberal Protestants at the University of Berlin. Here he was influenced by Albrecht Ritschl, whose theology held that religious authority was to be found not in biblical revelation but in the moral and ethical actions of individual Christians. Adopting the pragmatist leanings of many theologians and educators of his day, Coe began his development from idealism to a more empirically driven realism, locating religious authority in the ethical consequences of human action. This, combined with Ritschl’s emphasis on the Kingdom of God, provided the kernel of Coe’s commitment to the democratic social gospel. Drawing deeply upon liberal theologians’ commitment to biblical criticism, divine immanence, religious progress, and optimism about the realization of the Kingdom of God on Earth, Coe began constructing the outlines of what he later called a “social theory” of religious education. Significant Contributions to Christian Education Coe’s influence was exerted largely through his work as a leader of and theorist within the academic discipline of religious education. During tenures at the University of Southern California (1888–1890), Northwestern University (1891–1909), Union Theological Seminary (1909–1922), and Teachers College, Columbia University (1922–1927), he taught several generations of religious education leaders. In 1903, he was instrumental in the formation and early development of the Religious Education Association, an organization devoted to research in both religious and character education in a variety of educational institutions. As a religious education equivalent of Dewey’s Chicago laboratory school, he established an experimental Sunday school, the Union School of Religion, under the auspices of both Union Theological Seminary and Teachers College. His books were widely read and quoted, and his articles in such prominent journals as Religious Education, Christian Century, and Social Frontier solidified his influence among a wider audience. He worked closely with other religious and progressive educators to bring the fruits of liberal Protestant thinking to such organizations as the Sunday school, the public school, and the YMCA. Coe’s signal contribution was to link the democratic and scientific mind-set of new progressive educational theories to the pedagogical and social insights of Jesus. In fact, Coe often commented that liberal progressive religious educators were merely rediscovering the reverence for personality and democratized social justice represented in Jesus’s life and teaching. Coe developed his “social theory” of religious education by drawing chiefly on the disciplines of psychology, sociology, philosophy, education, and theology. In fact, his educational philoso-

phy can be described as a blending of liberal theology and the insights of progressive educational theorists such as John Dewey and William H. Kilpatrick. For Coe, as for other liberals, democracy constituted both the content and the method of a proper religious education. Deeply influenced by the social gospel, Coe set forth a model of Christian education content that rooted spiritual growth in the corporate realization of a democratic social order marked by love, equality, and human brotherhood. In addition, pedagogical method was to be thought of as democratic in nature. Resisting transmissive models of teaching, in which unchanging information was delivered to passive students, Coe advocated a creative approach, in which students and teachers would work together in the development of evolving truths. Coe’s definition of Christian education in 1917 unabashedly combined the goals of democratic content and method, noting that the goal of such teaching was “growth of the young toward and into mature and efficient devotion to the democracy of God and happy self-realization therein.”147 Coe’s influence, quite strong through the early 1930s, waned with the rise of neo-orthodoxy in the late 1930s and 1940s. As Barthian critiques of liberal theology escalated and liberal optimism gave way to resurgent appeals to doctrines of sin and grace, Coe’s modernist theology and pedagogy held more limited appeal. During the first 30 years of the 20th century, however, George Albert Coe was probably the most influential theorist of the liberal religious education movement. Most Notable Publications Coe, George A. 1900. The Spiritual Life: Studies in the Science of Religion. New York: Eaton and Mains. ———. 1904. Education in Religion and Morals. Chicago: Fleming H. Revell Co. ———. 1917. A Social Theory of Religious Education. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons. ———. 1929. What Is Christian Education? New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons.

References and Resources Coe, George A. 1927. “My Own Little Theater.” In Religion in Transition, edited by Vergilius Ferm, 55–68. New York: Macmillan. Hutchison, William R. 1992. The Modernist Impulse in American Protestantism. Durham, NC: Duke University Press. Kilpatrick, William H. 1952. “George A. Coe: Conception of Moral and Spiritual Education.” Religious Education 48: 83–86.

—David Setran 147. George A. Coe, A Social Theory of Religious Education (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1929), 55.

Cognitive Taxonomy, Bloom’s

Cognitive Dissonance, Jesus’s Use of Cognitive dissonance is a theoretical concept of social psychology defined as an anxiety that results from simultaneously holding contradictory or conflicting attitudes or beliefs. There is a natural human instinct (with even physiological reactions related to fight/flight instincts) to constantly minimize cognitive dissonance by diminishing the relative importance of one of the conflicting beliefs in favor of the other. Leon Festinger (1957), who first identified the phenomenon, showed how advertising functions after a purchase to confirm it by reducing any cognitive dissonance that has arisen because the object of desire has proven less than perfect. John Hull (1985) demonstrates how cognitive dissonance can be used in setting up helpful learning experiences in both adults and children. He notes that it may have more purchase among children and suggests that it needs to be utilized alongside developmental theories if it is to be a powerful tool for adult educators. The work of John Dominic Crossan (1973) and Brandon Scott (1989) on the parables of Jesus showed that certain of them (e.g., the Good Samaritan), rather than having an exemplary purpose, are designed to disturb and turn upside down existing attitudes—Crossan calls them “parables of reversal.” Michael Gillingham (1998) builds on Crossan’s work, alongside that of Andrew Parker (1996), who takes a similar approach, and applies the theory of cognitive dissonance to the attitude change that he thinks is the sole purpose of these parables. Gillingham believes that cognitive dissonance theory explains “why Jesus used parables and the mechanism by which they work” (1998, 299). Many of the hearers of Jesus would be antagonistic to his radical ideas, and other, more sympathetic followers also found his teaching difficult to accept from time to time. This sets up cognitive dissonance in the hearers. The parables therefore work by generating an initial world with which the hearer can be consonant (no cognitive dissonance present), but which, when the twist occurs (the vehemently hated foreigner does a good, loving deed), offers the opportunity for the hearer to see the world afresh and change his attitude from within the parable and act differently out of it. Some notes of caution may be worth presenting here, as the theory of cognitive dissonance may be used uncritically in popular culture and the church to mean any kind of anxiety or bewilderment, something we can’t grasp, and its use in these circumstances can be as an unhelpful “theory of everything which is dissonant.” As Hull notes (1985, 97), there are many different categories of cognitive dissonance, and there are clear limits to its application. We also need to be careful in thinking that the theory of cognitive dissonance explains fully why Jesus

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used parables, not least because we could be in danger of eisegesis at that point. Nevertheless, cognitive dissonance does shed significant light on the “reversal” parables in their original context when set alongside other more literary and metaphorical approaches. References and Resources Crossan, John D. 1973. In Parables: The Challenge of the Historical Jesus. New York, Harper & Row. Festinger, Leon. 1957. A Theory of Cognitive Dissonance. London: Tavistock. Gillingham, Michael J. 1998. “The Parables as Attitude Change.” Expository Times 109: 297–300. Hull, John M. 1985. What Prevents Christian Adults from Learning? London: SCM. Parker, Andrew. 1996. Painfully Clear: The Parables of Jesus. Sheffield, UK: Sheffield Academic Press. Scott, B. Brandon. 1989. Hear Then the Parable: A Commentary on the Parables of Jesus. Minneapolis, MN: Fortress Press.

—Nigel Rooms

Cognitive Taxonomy, Bloom’s The Original Taxonomy A taxonomy is defined as a classification, a systematic arrangement in groups or categories according to established criteria (“Taxonomy” 2008). Benjamin S. Bloom, associate director of the Board of Examinations of the University of Chicago, conceived the idea of an organized framework for classifying learning objectives to facilitate the exchange of test items among university faculty (Krathwohl 2002). Bloom, together with a group of measurement specialists, began meeting in 1949, and in 1956 they published their final draft of the cognitive domain (Engelhart et al. 1956). Bloom’s taxonomy provided a multitiered model of six cognitive objectives, ordered from simple and concrete (knowledge) to complex and abstract (evaluation). The categories were considered cumulative by the taxonomy authors, in that they believed mastery of the simple objectives is a prerequisite to the mastery of the complex ones. For those designing instruction, Bloom’s Taxonomy is a useful tool for classifying learning objectives and determining the complexity and learning level of the desired outcomes. Teachers and trainers using the categories may find that their objectives fall in the simpler knowledge level of learning, and the more complex levels are often neglected. Many would consider the educational goals of understanding and the use of knowledge to be the most important ones, and these fall into the categories of comprehension, application, analysis, synthesis, and evaluation.

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The Revised Taxonomy During the 1990s, Lorin Anderson, a former student of Bloom, and David Krathwohl, one of the editors of the original taxonomy, led a group of representative cognitive psychologists, curriculum theorists, instructional researchers, and testing and assessment specialists with the goal of updating the original taxonomy (Anderson and Krathwohl 2000). The goal of the revision was to incorporate advances in cognitive psychology and to make the taxonomy more usable and teacher friendly even in the lower grades. In summary, the six major noun categories of the original taxonomy—knowledge, comprehension, application, analysis, synthesis, and evaluation—were changed to the verbs remember, understand, apply, analyze, create, and evaluate. In addition, “create” was moved to the highest level of the list, and “evaluate” was moved to second place. The revised taxonomy is not a cumulative hierarchy, in keeping with the nonlinear view of learning held by the authors. However, the cognitive processes do increase in complexity as one moves up the scale. The revised taxonomy is represented in a two-dimensional table, with the four types of knowledge (factual, conceptual, procedural, metacognitive) forming one dimension and the six cognitive processes (remember, understand, apply, analyze, evaluate, create), with their corresponding 19 gerunds, forming the second dimension (Krathwohl 2002). The Taxonomy and Christian Education For Christian educators, Bloom’s original taxonomy can help educators target the “head, heart, and hands” of their students. The goal of Christian education is life change made possible by the truth and grace of God impacting the whole person: how he thinks, what he values, and what he does. Teaching and training can be made more interesting and effective by going beyond the basic levels of rote knowledge and pursuing the more complex levels of learning, resulting in life and attitude change. The taxonomies may be a useful tool for Christian educators in churches and schools for accomplishing higher levels of learning in Christian education. References and Resources Anderson, L. W., and D. R. Krathwohl, eds. 2000. A Taxonomy for Learning, Teaching, and Assessing: A Revision of Bloom’s Taxonomy of Educational Objectives. New York: Longman. Engelhart, M. D., E. J. Furst, W. H. Hill, and D. R. Krathwohl. 1956. Taxonomy of Educational Objectives: The Classification of Educational Goals. Handbook 1, Cognitive Domain. New York: David McKay. Krathwohl, D. R. 2002. “A Revision of Bloom’s Taxonomy: An Overview.” Theory into Practice 41 (4): 212–218.

“Taxonomy.” 2008. In Merriam-Webster’s Collegiate Dictionary, 11th ed. Springfield, MA: Merriam-Webster, Inc.

—Larry Peck

College Chapel Campus worship services convened in a college chapel building and/or a figurative chapel program remain one of the most distinctive and symbolic methodologies in the history of American Christian higher education. Rooted in the British Puritan understanding of the college as a vehicle for the ongoing reformation and revival of church and society, chapel services are as old as the nation’s first college (Harvard, 1626) and endure today in most overtly Christian colleges and universities, as well as in many denominationally affiliated schools. Often the symbolic center of controversy over changes in the soul of a given college or university, 148 college chapels serve as significant campus ethos-shaping institutions— especially where chapel architecture and/or compulsory attendance dominate the campus landscape and schedule.149 Even as contemporary Christian colleges and universities struggle for an adequate theology of worship in a learning community, chapel programs and their staff serve as hubs for most co-curricular spiritual formation and service-learning opportunities on campus. The Origins of the College Chapel Program: Puritan Liberal Education and Revivalism The British Puritan penchant for Christian higher learning crossed the Atlantic Ocean with the first Pilgrims, so that George M. Marsden regards the Puritan founding of Harvard College just six years after their first settlement in the New World as “one of the remarkable facts of American history.”150 Following the model of Emmanuel College, Cambridge—the hotbed of English Puritanism—and the writings of Jonathan Edwards, early American colleges integrated a classic liberal arts education in the classroom with Puritan revivalist worship services in a college church,151 consistent with how Puri148. Widespread use of the word soul to describe the essence of uniquely Christian higher education was initiated by George M. Marsden in 1992 in his essay, “The Soul of the American University: A Historical Overview,” in The Secularization of the Academy, ed. George M. Marsden and Bradley Longfield (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992). It was followed by Marsden, The Soul of the American University (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994); Robert Benne, Quality with Soul: How Six Premier Colleges and Universities Keep Faith with Their Religious Traditions (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 2001); Stephen T. Beers, The Soul of a Christian University: a Field Guide for Educators (Abilene, TX: Abilene Christian University Press, 2008); and others. 149. Benne, Quality with Soul, 11–12, 193–14, 213–14. 150. Marsden, Soul of the American University, 33. 151. William C. Ringenberg, The Christian College: A History of Protestant Higher Education in America (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker, 2006), 38.

College Chapel

tans “combined highly intellectual theology with intense piety.”152 True to the Protestant doctrine of sola scriptura and revivalism’s commitment to preaching as the primary means of conversion and grace, colleges preserved a time and place for students to sit under the biblical preaching of the college president. Compulsory attendance at two Sunday worship services (open to the general public) and daily preaching and/or prayer services for the college community was central to the Puritan conception of higher education and became the standard for Harvard, Yale, and the vast majority of American colleges that followed them. Since these services normally took place in a college chapel building (often the most architecturally dominant and symbolically significant structure on campus), they inevitably became known as chapel services. The College Church and the Preaching President When a college had an especially eloquent president— such as Timothy Dwight at Yale (1795–1817), Francis Wayland at Brown (1827–1855), Charles G. Finney (1852–1875) at Oberlin, or John McLean at Princeton (1854–1888)—“the effect on the students could be electric.”153 Yet while the vast majority of college presidents were clergyman,154 few were remarkable preachers, so that the success of the chapel program often depended largely on periodic religious revivals among the students, lest chapel preaching fall upon hard hearts and deaf ears.155 This only increased the influence of revivalism in Protestant Christian education, especially in the aftermath of the First Great Awakening, when the founding of numerous revival-oriented colleges—such as Dartmouth, Princeton, and Brown—eventually led to the explosion of more than 500 revival colleges across the American frontier during the Second Great Awakening (1790–1840).156 Apologetics and Common Sense Realism At the turn of the 19th century, the challenge of European radical skepticism157 led to a dynamic connection between revival colleges and the philosophical worldview of Scottish common sense realism.158 Apologetic sermons 152. George M. Marsden, Fundamentalism and American Culture (New York: Oxford University Press, 2006), 44. 153. Ibid., 64. 154. In 1840, 80 percent of all college presidents at overtly Christian colleges were clergyman, as well as nearly 60 percent of state college presidents. Marsden, Soul of the American University, 81. 155. Mark A. Noll, Rise of Evangelicalism: The Age of Edwards, Whitefield, and the Wesleys (Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press, 2003), 53–60. 156. George M. Marsden, Jonathan Edwards: A Life (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2004), 499; George M. Marsden and Bruce Longfield, The Secularization of the Academy (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992), 8–9. 157. Particularly David Hume and Voltaire. 158. First proposed by Thomas Reid and developed by Princeton president Thomas Witherspoon, where Timothy Dwight studied. Mark A. Noll, America’s God: From Jonathan Edwards to Abraham Lincoln (New York:

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on moral philosophy joined revivalism as the focal points of the college chapel program. “For the next century, these two programs, the revival and moral philosophy, were the chief collegiate supplements to traditions of regulated worship”159 and laid the foundation for nearly a century of academic ascendancy that “may be called with justice the great age of Christian higher education in the history of the country.”160 Chapel services remained so integrally identified with American higher education that compulsory chapel attendance continued in virtually all colleges—even state universities—until late into the 19th century. 161 Today, many if not most historically denominational colleges maintain college chapel buildings, worship services, and chapel staff who assist students in spiritual formation as well as service-learning opportunities in the local community and global village. The College Chapel Program and the Soul of the American University: Secularization and the Demise of Compulsory Chapel Programs As the most visible symbol of faith on campus, the college chapel has often served as a lightning rod in the well-chronicled tension between the educational and spiritual missions of Christian colleges. Since the demise of the revival college movement (sometimes called the old-time college), only a handful of American colleges and universities have been able to overcome the forces of secularization and maintain their uniquely Christian soul. Some scholars emphasize the demise of compulsory college chapel programs as a unique development in the transition from revival college to modern university.162 They point to the elimination of compulsory chapel at Harvard in 1886 and Yale in 1926 as key points in the 40-year secularization of the American academy.163 Other scholars emphasize the continuity of antispirituality pressures facing Christian colleges since Harvard’s faculty rejected the First Great Awakening in 1741.164 They see Oxford University Press, 2002), 93–113. See also Noll, “The Revolution, the Enlightenment, and Christian Higher Education in the Early Republic,” in Making Higher Education Christian, ed. Joel Carpenter and Kenneth Shipps (Grand Rapids, MI: Christian University Press, 1987), 58–64. 159. Marsden, Soul of the American University, 58. 160. Noll, “Revolution, the Enlightenment, and Christian Higher Education,” 64. 161. Ringenberg, Christian College, 80–82. 162. Such as Ringenberg’s The Christian College; Marsden’s The Soul of the American University; and Julie A. Reuben’s The Making of the Modern University: Intellectual Transformation and the Marginalization of Morality (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996). 163. Reuben, Modern University, 119–122; Marsden, Soul of the University, 21. 164. Such as James T. Burtchaell, The Dying of the Light: The Disengagement of Colleges and Universities from their Christian Churches (Grand Rapids, MI: W.B. Eerdmans, 1998); Michael L. Budde and John Wesley Wright, Conflicting Allegiances: the Church-Based University in a Liberal Democratic Society (Grand Rapids, MI: Brazos Press, 2004); and Benne, Quality with Soul.

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growing pressure against chapel programs in contemporary Christian colleges as part of an ongoing pattern in the history of Christian higher education. Managing the Tensions of Worship in a Learning Community Both sides of this debate recognize that the dualism of post-Enlightenment conceptions of knowledge creates a nearly inevitable force against the life of the Spirit in colleges committed to the life of the mind.165 Today’s college chapel programs face increasing faculty pressure to become more denominationally diverse, historically rooted, and intellectually challenging, even as postmodern, consumer-oriented, doctrine-phobic students demand more experientially based, relationally connected, and individually catered worship experiences.166 Managing these pressures has led to two primary approaches to chapel in Christian colleges. Chapel as an Educational Essential Many colleges view their chapel education programs as an educational essential of a Christian college—not unlike the general studies courses in a college’s core curriculum. Similar to the Puritan college church, they serve the broader educational mission of integrating highly intellectual pursuits with intense personal piety.167 Chapel services are required of most students and are held in a large, often symbolically enriched worship space and at a protected time in the college schedule.168 Ideally, such chapel programs serve as a corporate spiritual discipline that both symbolically and educationally ties together the entire Christian college experience, so that chapel is “foundational for university-wide commitment to integrate faith, learning, and living across campus.”169 Practically, just as in historic revival colleges, weak programming and preaching quickly lead to student dissatisfaction and misbehavior within the captive audience.170 Chapel as a Student Service Other colleges employ a model that views chapel services as one student service among many—not unlike other 165. Marsden, Fundamentalism and American Culture, 7–10. 166. A youth group worldview described as “Moral Therapeutic Deism” by Christian Smith and Melinda Lundquist Denton in Soul Searching: the Religious and Spiritual lives of American Teenagers (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005). See also Kendra Kreasy Dean, Almost Christian: What the Faith of Our Teenagers Is Telling Us about the American Church (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2010). 167. Marsden, Fundamentalism, 44. 168. Benne highlights nondenominational Wheaton College and Baptist-affiliated Baylor University as examples where this model currently appears to be working. Quality with Soul, 150. 169. David S. Dockery, Renewing Minds: Serving Church and Society Through Christian Higher Education (Nashville, TN: Broadman, 2007), 108. Dockery is president of Union University, an educational-essential chapel school. 170. Burtchaell, Dying of the Light, 232, 320.

voluntary cocurricular activities. These chapel services are often (although not always) invested with the time, space, personnel, and financial support required to remain ethos-shaping forces on campus, but not because attendance is enforced.171 As Bethel University’s website declares, “Chapel is the heart and soul of spiritual life on the Bethel campus. Chapel attendance is not required, but we believe it’s a vital part of building community and learning about our shared faith.”172 Students may choose to attend worship services to help them worship God in everything they do, but such colleges believe that such heart practices are best pursued voluntarily.173 Ideally, such an approach enhances the worship experience for all who participate and reduces the need to police student attendance and behavior. Practically, just as in turn-of–the-century colleges, weak programming and preaching can quickly lead to student dissatisfaction and a conspicuously empty chapel.174 The Heritage of the College Chapel Two Theological Poles of Worship While modern Christian colleges have yet to develop a widespread theology capable of managing these tensions at the level of the Puritan model,175 both sides in the debate agree that chapel services should be a time when at the very least a “critical mass” of the college community gathers together to celebrate their common faith in meaningful expressions of corporate worship; learn the central tenants of the Christian faith; and consider together how to live out their faith throughout their campus community, scholarship, personal lives, and future calling. On the one hand, Protestant theologies of worship have consistently emphasized that all of life and not just sacred times and places are potentially acts of worship. The commitment to the life of the mind required to forge a genuinely Christian worldview can make “the classroom 171. Benne, Quality with Soul, 49. 172. Bethel University, “Worship/Chapel at Bethel,” http://cas.bethel .edu/campus-ministries/worship/chapel (accessed15 April 2013). 173. Benne highlights Calvin College (Christian Reformed), Valparaiso University (Lutheran), and the University of Notre Dame (Catholic) as examples where this model appears to be attracting a critical mass of students, at least to Sunday services. Quality with Soul, 145–149, 160–165. 174. Benne adds a third college model of institutions whose voluntary chapel programs are marked by low attendance and without a chapel hour in the college schedule in Quality with Soul, 49. Reuben notes that it was not uncommon for college administrations to discover that there is often no going back from the “disaster” of a voluntary chapel once such critical mass is lost in Modern University, 123–124. 175. See David S. Dockery’s discussion of the lack of thorough theology in Renewing Minds, 124–137. Encouraging starts toward such a theology are found in Duane Liftin, Conceiving the Christian College (Grand Rapids, MI: W.B. Eerdmans, 2004); Cary Balzer and Rod Reed, Building a Culture of Faith: University-wide Partnerships for Spiritual Formation (Abilene, TX: Abilene Christian University Press, 2012); and James K. A. Smith, Desiring the Kingdom: Worship, Worldview, and Cultural Formation (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic, 2009) and Imagining the Kingdom: How Worship Works (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic, 2013).

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as a chapel, scholarship as devotion,” so that, “Christianity at the base of the curriculum and suffusing all studies (is) the essence of Christian education.”176 On the other hand, the affirmation that all of life can be worship need not discount our need for worship services that train our hearts and minds to worship and provide a means of grace by which the Spirit forms our soul in unique and intense ways. As Christian K. A. Smith asserts, “Jesus seems to establish particular hot spots of sacramentality and . . . endues them with a special sense of presence,”177 and there is little doubt that a Christian college chapel service should certainly be one of these hot spots. Back to the Future These two poles of worship guided the Puritan model of liberal education in the classroom and revival in the college chapel precisely because the renewing power of the presence of the Holy Spirit in the chapel is the best defense against hard hearts and deaf ears and in the classroom. Perhaps it is not surprising that both voluntary student-service chapel programs and compulsory educational-essential programs work best in seasons of religious awakening,178 or that both types of chapel programs benefited from the last season of spiritual awakening on American college campuses (1995).179 As the contemporary Christian college movement continues to develop deeper theologies of worship in learning communities, there is reason to hope that such intentionality could lead them back to the future of a second “great age of Christian higher education.”180 References and Resources Balzer, Cary, and Rod Reed. 2012. Building a Culture of Faith: University-wide Partnerships for Spiritual Formation. Abilene, TX: Abilene Christian University Press.

176. James Bratt, as quoted in Paul John Dovre, ed., The Future of Religious Colleges: The Proceedings of the Harvard Conference on the Future of Religious Colleges, October 6–7, 2000 (Grand Rapids, MI: W.B. Eerdmans, 2002), 203. This “all of life can become worship” perspective is also prominent at many schools with required chapel. 177. Desiring the Kingdom, 149. 178. Ringenberg notes this revival effect of compulsory chapel programs in Christian College, 62ff, and Reuben does in voluntary chapel schools in Modern University, 119. 179. In the 1995 campus awakening, voluntary attendance at Hope College chapel jumped from a handful of students to nearly 90 percent of the student body, and student satisfaction with Gordon College’s compulsory chapel program jumped from less than 50 percent to over 90 percent in a single year. James C. Kennedy and Caroline Joyce Simon, Can Hope Endure? A Historical Case Study in Christian Higher Education (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 2005), 188–195; and Lyle W. Dorsett and Timothy K. Beougher, Accounts of a Campus Revival: 1995 (Wheaton, IL: Harold Shaw, 1995), 139–170. 180. Noll, “Revolution, the Enlightenment, and Christian Higher Education,” 64; R. Judson Carlberg, “The Evangelical Vision: From Fundamentalist Isolation to Respected Voice,” in The Future of Religious Colleges, ed. Dovre, 231.

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Beers, Stephen T. 2008. The Soul of a Christian University: a Field Guide for Educators. Abilene, TX: Abilene Christian University Press. Benne, Robert. 2001. Quality with Soul: How Six Premier Colleges and Universities Keep Faith with Their Religious Traditions. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. Budde, Michael L., and John Wesley Wright. 2004. Conflicting Allegiances: The Church-based University in a Liberal Democratic Society. Grand Rapids, MI: Brazos Press. Burtchaell, James T. 1998. The Dying of the Light: The Disengagement of Colleges and Universities from their Christian Churches. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. Carlberg, R. Judson. 2002. “The Evangelical Vision: From Fundamentalist Isolation to Respected Voice.” In The Future of Religious Colleges, edited by Paul John Dovre, 92–110. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. Dean, Kendra Kreasy. 2010. Almost Christian: What the Faith of Our Teenagers Is Telling Us about the American Church. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Dockery, David S. 2007. Renewing Minds: Serving Church and Society Through Christian Higher Education. Nashville, TN: Broadman & Holman. Dorsett, Lyle W., and Timothy K. Beougher. 1995. Accounts of a Campus Revival: 1995. Wheaton, IL: Harold Shaw. Dovre, Paul J. 2002. The Future of Religious Colleges: The Proceedings of the Harvard Conference on the Future of Religious Colleges, October 6–7, 2000. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. Kennedy, James C., and Caroline Joyce Simon. 2005. Can Hope Endure? A Historical Case Study in Christian Higher Education. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. Liftin, Duane. 2004. Conceiving the Christian College. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. Marsden, George M. 1992. “The Soul of the American University: A Historical Overview.” In The Secularization of the Academy, edited by George M. Marsden and Bradley Longfield, 6–34. New York: Oxford University Press. ———. 1994. The Soul of the American University: From Protestant Establishment to Established Nonbelief. New York: Oxford University Press. ———. 2004. Jonathan Edwards: A Life. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. ———. 2006. Fundamentalism and American Culture. New York: Oxford University Press. Noll, Mark A. 1987. “The Revolution, the Enlightenment, and Christian Higher Education in the Early Republic.” In Making Higher Education Christian, edited by Joel Carpenter and Kenneth Shipps, 35–63. Grand Rapids, MI: Christian University Press. ———. 2002. America’s God: From Jonathan Edwards to Abraham Lincoln. New York: Oxford University Press. ———. 2003. The Rise of Evangelicalism: The Age of Edwards, Whitefield, and the Wesleys. Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press.

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Reuben, Julie A. 1996. The Making of the Modern University: Intellectual Transformation and the Marginalization of Morality. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Ringenberg, William C. 2006. The Christian College: A History of Protestant Higher Education in America. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic. Smith, Christian, and Melinda Lundquist Denton. 2005. Soul Searching: the Religious and Spiritual lives of American Teenagers. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Smith, James K. A. 2009. Desiring the Kingdom: Worship, Worldview, and Cultural Formation. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic. ———. 2013. Imagining the Kingdom: How Worship Works. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic.

guaranteed equality for all religious denominations. Changes to the law185 were subsequently made to meet the demands of the new constitution, such as the regulation of religious freedom, signed in 1994, which led to agreements with Protestant churches. By decree, every educational institution must produce a PEI (educational institutional project)186 wherein public and privately accredited schools provide religious instruction within the school curriculum, from preschool to middle school.187 Consequently, the institution identifies the subject and rigorousness of the coursework, as well as the denomination to be studied. However, the law provides adult students and legal guardians with the right to reject such education.

—Gary D. Stratton

Colombia and Christian Education Christianity in the New World Christianity arrived in Colombia in 1546 with the establishment of the mission diocese of Popayan.181 Missionaries played a major role in the defense of the dignity and culture of indigenous peoples during the conquest and evangelization process. Main Denominations in Colombia Studies by the Episcopal Conference (CEC) show that 90 percent182 of the Colombian population is Catholic. However, the Colombian Council of Evangelical Churches (CEDECOL), founded in 1950, represents evangelical churches in Colombia and asserts that 13 percent183 of the Colombian population identifies as evangelical. Church-State Relations Since 1811, the right to religious freedom and education has ben observed at the constitutional level.184 All relations between the state and the Holy See were regulated by the Concordat (1887). After the new constitution of 1991, the law recognized the reality of a plural state with diverse cultures, ethnic groups, and religions, and 181. “Roman Catholic-Episcopal Conference of Colombia Private Policy,” http://www.cec.org.co (accessed March 2013). For further reference, see also Casiano Floristan and Michael Keefe, “Evangelization of the New World: An Old World Perspective.” Missiology 29, no. 133 (April 1992): 143; and Peterson Anna L. and Manuel Vásquez, Latin American Religions: Histories and documents in Context (New York and London: University Press, 2008). 182. “Episcopal Conference of Colombia Private Policy,” http://www .cec.org.co (accessed March 2013). 183. U.S. Department of State Private Policy, “Colombia: International Report of Religious Freedom and Freedom of Worship,” http://www.state .gov/documents/organization/132734.pdf (accessed March 2013). 184. Diego Renato Salazar, Constitution of Republic of Colombia, 4th ed., Spanish version (Bogotá, Colombia: Ediciones Libreria del Profesional, 1998), 24.

Methods of Educating Christians in Colombia Catholic schools teach catechesis and religion according to the catechism of the Catholic Church, sacred scripture, and the documents of the Magisterium. Parishes and churches also teach the ritual of initiation of adults (RCIA), while Protestant evangelical churches encourage the teaching of sacred scripture through communities of faith and Sunday school. Christianity in Colombia is influenced by a mestizaje, or mixing, of elements adopted from popular religious practices. There is a particular devotion to Our Lady of Chiquinquirá, patroness of Colombia, and to diverse local representations of the Virgin Mary. Local practices such as the praying of the rosary, devotions to saints, and processions, pilgrimages, and altar venerations during Holy Week and the novena of Aguinaldos188 are also common. —Claudia H. Herrera

Columba The first great Irish missionary, a pioneer evangelist, poet, political intermediary, and man of deep personal sanctity, Columba was Ireland’s first indigenous saint.

185. “Senate of Colombia Private Policy,” Law 133 of 1994, http://www .secretariasenado.gov.co/senado/basedoc/ley/1994/ley_0133_1994.html (accessed March 2013). 186. “Senate of Colombia Private Policy,” Law 115 of 1994, http://www .secretariasenado.gov.co/senado/basedoc/ley/1994/ley_0115_1994.html (accessed March 2013). 187. “Ministerio de Educación Nacional Private Policy,” Decree No. 4500, http://www.mineducacion.gov.co/1621/articles-115381_archivo_pdf. 188. Traditional Novena of Aguinaldos: This is the most important popular religious tradition for Catholics in Colombia. During the nine days before Christmas, Colombian families and friends get together to pray the novena and to celebrate the road of the Holy Family in Judea. The word aguinaldo is attributed to the tradition of exchanging gifts before Christmas. For further reference, see also Jean-Pierre Ruiz and Mario J. Paredes, La Palabra de Dios y los Católicos Latinos, Spanish ed./The Word of God and Latino Catholics (Notre Dame, IN: American Bible Society, 2012).

Columba

The earliest source for his life is the Amra Choluimb Chille (Columcille—the Wonderful Person). It is a somber eulogy, the oldest surviving copy of which goes back to the 11th century, although linguistic evidence may indicate seventh-century composition. The Amra portrays an ideal, rather than a carefully defined depiction of the saint. The primary source for Columba’s life is Adamnán’s Vitae Colombae, which was written a century after its subject’s death. Adamnán was the ninth abbot of Iona. He was a kinsman of Columba, and because of his family link and position in Iona, oral and written materials about the saint were available to him. He wrote the Life for those connected with the Columban monasteries, to tell them about their founder and spiritual father in the faith and also as a witness to those who might have an interest in this outstanding man of God. Born in Gartan, County Donegal, in December 521, Columba came from royal stock. His father was Feidlimid, and his grandfather was Conall Gulban, from whom the word Donegal (Tír Conaill, Conall’s Land) is derived. Conall Gulban’s father was reputedly the famous Niall of the Nine Hostages, founder of the powerful Uí Néill dynasty. Through his mother Eithne, Columba was descended from a king of Leinster. It is claimed that over a period of 700 years, Columba’s family provided more than 40 high kings of Ireland. Columba was baptized by Crithnechan and originally named Criomthann (fox), but as claimed by legend, he later took the name Columba (Columcille, Dove of the Church). According to the custom of the time, Cruithnechan became Columba’s foster parent and was responsible for his education. At that time a child was fostered for educational purposes and payment was made in terms of cattle, the currency of the day. He later proceeded to Leinster, where in the period of his diaconate he studied classical poetry under the renowned Christian bard Gemman. Columba took holy orders at Clonard and later studied at Moville. Traditionally it is understood that he completed his education at Glasnevin Monastery and while there may have met Comgall of Bangor. The Annals of Ulster record that he founded a new community at Derry in 546. It is a matter of scholarly debate whether Columba was directly involved in the foundation of Derry; certainly there is a very strong tradition that identifies him with that institution. His other major foundation in Ireland was at Durrow in the 550s. In 563, two years after the battle of Cúl Dremne, Columba left Ireland with a group of 12 followers and sailed to Iona off the West Coast of Mull, in Scotland. Medieval legends record that he was forced to leave in penance for his part in the battle, which led to the deaths of 3,000 warriors. Theories about the origins of the battle vary. The

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most widespread tradition is that Columba was involved in a dispute over the copying of a manuscript of the psalter, owned by Finnian of Moville. King Diarmait is alleged to have judged in favor of Finnian, and the battle was a consequence of Columba’s desire for retribution. Another perspective is that Columcille had promised sanctuary to Curnan, son of the king of the Connachta, who was murdered by a kinsman of King Diarmait, and the battle was in revenge for his death. The earliest biographers of the saint make clear that his motives for leaving Ireland were personal sanctification and a desire to spread the Gospel of Christ. The basic text that is said to have inspired him is Isaiah 61:1. For the remaining 30 years of his life, Columba dedicated himself to prayer, study, physical labor, and evangelism. Adamnan recounts that never an hour passed that Columba did not devote to prayer, reading, writing, or some practical work. A famous legend describes him as remaining three days in his cell in prayer, without moving, so much was he under the influence of the Holy Spirit. His main focus of mission was among the Irish speakers of Dál Riada and the Picts. Recent scholars have questioned the traditional assessment of his success in Scotland and northern England, suggesting that there were already some converts among the Picts. Nevertheless, Columba had a remarkable personal impact. His visit to King Bruide of the Great Glen, in the Highlands of Scotland, led to an easing of tension between the Picts and the Scots of Dál Riada and paved the way for mission among those peoples. Legend in Scotland associates Columba with the Loch Ness monster, which at the saint’s command returned to the depths. According to Adamnan, angels and divine manifestations attended Columba throughout his life. Columba returned to Ireland from Iona. In 575, he was involved in a convention held at Druim Cett, near Limavady, County Londonderry, at which he negotiated a compromise between the Scottish and Irish Dál Riatas. He also spoke on behalf of the filid, or bardic order, defending their cultural position against those who wanted them banished from the island. Columba died in June 597 and was buried at Iona. In 878 his bones were brought back to Ireland. However, following a Danish invasion in the 12th century, they were lost. What then was the personal contribution of Columba? Bearing in mind that hagiographers wrote primarily to spiritually edify, rather than for historical accuracy, Columba is portrayed as exhibiting genuine concern for people. He was a kindly man who welcomed repentant sinners, a man of outstanding personal holiness whose prayers fed his spiritual life. He was a teacher very much at one with nature, who by his example inspired others to live and work for Christ.

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Columbia International University

References and Resources Anderson, A. O., and M. O. Anderson, eds. and trans. 1991. Adomnan’s Life of Columba. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Herbert, M. 1996. Iona, Kells and Derry: The History and Hagiography of the Monastic “Familia” of Columba. Blackrock, Ireland: Four Courts Press. Mac Airt, S., and G. Mac Niocaill, eds. and trans. 1983. The Annals of Ulster. Dublin: Dublin Institute of Advanced Studies. Ó Fiaich, Tomás, Rev. 1963. “Saint Colmcille in Ireland and Scotland.” In Irish Monks in the Golden Age, edited by Rev. Prof. John Ryan, SJ, 16–30. Dublin and London: Clonmore and Reynolds. Sharpe, R., trans. 1995. Life of St. Columba. Harmondsworth, UK: Penguin. Walsh, John R., and Thomas Bradley. 2003. A History of the Irish Church 400–700 AD. Blackrock, Ireland: Columba Press.

—Robert Jennings

Columbia International University Columbia International University (www.ciu.edu) is a multidenominational, comprehensive institution of Christian higher education known for its extraordinary contributions to and influence on world evangelization. The institutional mission states, “CIU educates people from a biblical world view to impact the nations with the message of Christ.” Through the institution’s more than 18,000 alumni serving in vocational and marketplace ministry roles in over 115 countries, CIU’s impact on global mission thought and action far exceeds its size. The institution’s five core values dominate institutional priorities and practices: (1) authority of scripture, (2) victorious Christian living, (3) world evangelization, (4) prayer and faith, and (5) evangelical unity. Historical Introduction The institution dates its founding from 1923, when four students enrolled in classes offered in two rented rooms of the Colonia hotel in downtown Columbia, South Carolina. Robert McQuilkin, a dynamic young protégé of Sunday School Times publisher Robert Trumbull and irrepressible proponent of the “victorious life testimony,” which had its roots in England’s Keswick movement, answered the call of the praying “founding mothers” to serve as the institution’s first president. McQuilkin, whose aspiration to serve as a missionary in Africa literally went up in flames when his transport ship sank in the harbor, remained as Columbia’s president until his death in 1952. During McQuilkin’s prodigious tenure, the small Bible school acquired and operated the Ben Lippen (Scottish for “mountain of trust”) conference center in Asheville, North Carolina; received a nearly unprecedented

South Carolina legislative charter to offer degrees (1929); integrated general and liberal arts studies into the Bible school curriculum; initiated a graduate school of theology and missions (1936); launched a secondary boarding school, Ben Lippen School, to educate children of missionaries and Christian workers (1940); collaborated in the founding of the Accrediting Association of Bible Colleges (1947); and by the early 1950s, grew its enrollment to hundreds as World War II veterans answered God’s call to take the Gospel to the ends of the earth. McQuilkin’s associate, G. Allen Fleece, led the institution from 1952 to 1966. A man of prayer and faith, Fleece led in a bold faith-journey of campus acquisition and migration from a historic but cramped downtown Columbia location to the institution’s present 400-acre campus in suburban Columbia, South Carolina. Robert McQuilkin’s son, Robertson, was persuaded by the board to shift from missionary to missionary mobilizer by returning from his missionary post in Japan to assume leadership of the institution from 1968 to 1990. During Robertson’s celebrated tenure, the institution greatly expanded its financial resources while eliminating debt; enhanced its academic reputation and achieved national (ABHE, ATS) and regional (SACS) accreditation; substantially expanded the range and nature of its curricular programs; launched an award-winning Christian radio station; converted Ben Lippen School from a primarily boarding to primarily commuter student population and relocated to new facilities on the college’s Columbia, South Carolina, campus; and became an early adopter of extension and distance education. When Robertson’s wife, Muriel’s, Alzheimer’s disease advanced to a stage requiring constant attention, he stunned internal and external observers by resigning from the presidency in order to devote himself fully to her care. His testimony concerning this life-altering decision, Living by Vows, won him unsought and enduring admiration. Despite relinquishing his executive responsibilities, McQuilkin’s influence grew as people were drawn to his testimony, counsel, speaking, and writing. Three presidents have served the institution since 1990: Johnny V. Miller (1991–1999), George Murray (2000– 2007), and Bill Jones (2007–present). During Miller’s tenure, the institution changed its name from Columbia Bible College & Seminary to Columbia International University, reflecting its increasingly comprehensive scope and its commitment to removing impediments to graduates seeking to serve in the world’s most restricted areas. The university also won approval from its accreditors for a contractual agreement with Freiehochschule Für Missionen (now Akademie für Weltmission) to offer accredited graduate degrees in the German language on its Korntal, Germany, campus. Presidents Murray and Jones have sustained the university’s commitments to its

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historic mission and values while helping to expand its reach, resources, and curricular programs. Notable Academic Programs The institution’s educational programs range from associate of arts to doctor of ministry and doctor of education degrees. All programs of study require a substantial core of biblical and theological studies. In addition to traditional Bible college “church occupation” programs of study, the institution offers a growing array of degree programs that facilitate graduates’ deployment and impact in every venue of global gospel opportunity, including degree programs in business and organizational leadership, chaplaincy, communication, counseling, digital media production, humanities, international theological education, Muslim studies, teacher education, and teaching English as a Foreign Language (TEFL). The institution’s influence on ministry thinking and practice has expanded through establishment of the Lowrie Center for Christian School Education, the Zwemer Center for Muslim Studies, and endowed chairs such as the Stephen Olford Chair of Biblical Preaching and the Thompson Church Planting Chair. Christian Philosophy and Mission of Education The university’s educational philosophy partakes heavily of the Bible college tradition. College leaders often refer to the “three-legged stool” metaphor to describe an educational philosophy that features equal emphasis on rigorous academic study, with the Bible as both a major subject and an object of study; active cultivation of personal virtues, habits, and standards through faculty modeling, authentic personal and community worship, and mutual accountability; and exploration of ministry calling and gifting and development of ministry and professional skills through structured and supervised concurrent ministry experiences. References and Resources Hehl, Allene S. 1973. This Is the Victory: The True Story of Events Leading to the Founding of Columbia Bible College. Columbia, SC: Wentworth Printing Corp. Mathews, R. Arthur. 1973. Towers Pointing Upward. Columbia, SC: Columbia Bible College. McQuilkin, Robertson. 2007. The Five Smooth Stones: Essential Principles for Biblical Ministry. Nashville, TN: B & H Publishing.

—Ralph E. Enlow Jr.

Comenius, Educational Ideas of John Amos Comenius (1592–1670) was a bishop, theologian, and educational reformer, now regarded as the

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father of modern education. His pioneering focus on universal education and on provision of instruction suited to the age and nature of the child has helped shape the history of modern schooling in general; his emphasis on the necessary connection among faith, virtue, and learning makes him important for Christian education in particular. Universal Education In the Pampaedia, a late summation of his educational ideas, Comenius expressed his goal thus: Firstly, the expressed wish is for full power of development into full humanity not of one particular person, but of every single individual, young and old, rich and poor, noble and ignoble, men and women—in a word, every being born on earth, with the ultimate aim of providing education to the entire human race regardless of age, class, sex and nationality.189

Education is to be universal in at least two senses. It is to be universal in reach; it is for “every being born on earth,” without favoritism based on ability, socioeconomic status, gender, or ethnicity. As Comenius puts it, “there is no exception from human education except for non-humans.”190 It is also to be universal in scope, focused on broad-based development into “full humanity” rather than on a narrower range of knowledge or skills. The watchword was to be omnes omnia omnino, or teaching all things to all people with reference to the whole.191 This focus was reflected in Comenius’s commitment to the ideal of pansophism, or universal wisdom, whereby human understanding is brought to grasp God’s ordering of the full panoply of creation. View of the Learner The emphasis on “development into full humanity” also reflects the theological anthropology underpinning Comenius’s view of education. Human nature is understood to be corrupted by sin and so must be recalled to its original vocation and subjected to discipline and training. Nevertheless, as education becomes a channel of God’s redemptive activity, Comenius sees enormous potential for the unfolding of human gifts, a process that is to continue throughout this life and into the next as authentic human nature is increasingly realized. Comenius thus uses imagery both of organic growth and of external discipline to describe the educational process.

189. A. M. O. Dobbie, Comenius’s Pampaedia or Universal Education (Buckland, OH: Buckland Publishing, 1986), 19. 190. Ibid., 31. 191. John Amos Comenius, The Great Didactic of John Amos Comenius, trans. M. W. Keatinge (New York: Russell & Russell, 1967), 76.

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In the Great Didactic he summarizes the view of humanity that orients his approach under three headings: It is plain that man is situated among visible creatures so as to be (i.) A rational creature (ii.) The Lord of all creatures (iii.) A creature which is the image and joy of its Creator.192

These three claims correspond to three basic goals for education: erudition, virtue, and piety. Reason First, rational reflection is to be pursued wholeheartedly. Since God has fitted human reason to the basic order of creation, no boundary is to be set for human reasoning; it is the human calling to speculate and reason about all things. Comprehension is to take priority over memorization, “for it is men that we are forming, not parrots.”193 Reason is not, however, regarded as autonomous—it functions properly when receptive to divine order and working interdependently with faith and virtue. Virtue The second claim derives from Genesis 1:28 and its image of human dominion over the natural world. In Comenius’s scheme, this point correlates with virtue and the exercise of the will in self-control. Human power is to be expressed in service: To be the lord of all creatures consists in subjecting everything to his own use by contriving that its legitimate end be suitably fulfilled; in conducting himself royally, that is gravely and righteously, among creatures. . .[not being] ignorant where, when, how and to what extent each may prudently be used, how far the body should be gratified, and how far our neighbour’s interests should be consulted. In a word, he should be able to control with prudence his own movements and actions, external and internal, as well as those of others.194

Cruelty toward creation is explicitly condemned, and the goal of a proper expression of human power over the world is to be that “all creatures should have cause to join us in praising God.”195 Comenius suggests that the success of Christian education may be judged by the degree to which those raised by it treat the world well and build humane societies.

192. 193. 194. 195.

Ibid., 36. Ibid., 204. Ibid., 37. Dobbie, Comenius’s Pampaedia, 26.

Faith The third assertion ties the image of God to joy and corresponds to growth in piety, which involves learning to bring joy to God while ourselves finding joy in so doing. Piety means: that (after we have thoroughly grasped the conceptions of faith and of religion) our hearts should learn to seek God everywhere . . . , and that when we have found Him we should follow Him, and when we have attained Him we should enjoy Him. The first we do through our understanding, the second through our will, and the third through the joy arising from the consciousness of our union with God. 196

Comenius’s fondness for triadic constructs creates a fractal pattern: the goals of learning are erudition, virtue, and piety, and if we focus on piety we find that it in turn engages mind, will, and spirit. Reason is similarly held to be inseparable from faith and virtue. The interpenetration of these elements is essential to Comenius’s thought. The goal is not to delimit the sphere of each (so that, for instance, reason would be applied to some things and faith to others), but rather to seek the full development of each in harmony with the others, for “these three aspects are so joined together that they cannot be separated.”197 Put in more contemporary terms, the educational, the moral, the spiritual or religious, and the political were not seen by Comenius as legitimately separable. Gardens of Delight The sources of learning, accordingly, are to be scripture, creation, and the words and thoughts of others, with a quest for the point at which these speak harmoniously. Knowledge, service, and joy are all related to these three sources. We are “sent into the world . . . that we may serve God, his creatures, and ourselves, and that we may enjoy the pleasure to be derived from God, from his creatures, and from ourselves.”198 Comenius picks up traditional Christian imagery in urging that schools and classrooms need to be reformed to become places of light and gardens of delight. Teachers and learners, similarly, are people called to be gardens, but who have become wildernesses and must be called back to being gardens of delight, in which erudition, virtue, and joy find expression in just service of the wider community and the wider world. Applications to Educational Reform These core ideas can be seen reflected in Comenius’s various endeavors. He contributed significantly to the 196. Ibid., 218. 197. Ibid., 36. 198. Ibid., 72.

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improvement and modern development of the learning of second and foreign languages. Since all people are made in God’s image and should be approached in terms of learning, service, and delight, learning of others’ languages is vital, and prejudice against foreigners is to be resisted. The same commitments are reflected in his insistence that learning be offered equally to those of varying abilities, gender, and social status. His close association of piety with joy and his insistence on the inseparability of piety, virtue, and learning led him to focus on making learning itself more delightful to learners. This resulted in authorship of a number of innovative and very long-lived textbooks, including the famous Orbis Sensualium Pictus, or Visible World in Pictures, an illustrated language text surveying God, creation, and human society that remained in use for three centuries. His remarkable labors in various aspects of school reform are marked by the coherence of the theological vision that underlay them. References and Resources Comenius, John Amos. 1967. The Great Didactic of John Amos Comenius. Translated by M. W. Keatinge. New York: Russell & Russell. ———. 1998. The Labyrinth of the World and the Paradise of the Heart. Translated by Howard Louthan and Andrea Sterk. New York: Paulist Press. Dagmar Čapková, Jaromír Cervenka, Pavel Floss, and Robert Kalivoda. 1989. “The Philosophical Significance of the Work of Comenius.” Acta Comeniana 8: 5–17. Dobbie, A. M. O. 1986. Comenius’s Pampaedia or Universal Education. Dover, UK: Buckland. Klaus Goßmann, and Christoph Th. Scheilke. 1992. Jan Amos Comenius 1592–1992: Theologische und pädagogische Deutungen. Gütersloh, Germany: Gerd Mohn. Murphy, Daniel. 1995. Comenius: A Critical Reassessment of His Life and Work. Dublin: Irish Academic Press.

—David I. Smith

Comenius, Jan Jan Amos Comenius (1592—1670), Komenský in Czech, was a Protestant Moravian (currently a part of the Czech Republic) pastor, philosopher, and educator who is celebrated especially for his revolutionary approach to education. His universal (holistic) notion of education and international success earned him the epithet “the teacher of nations.” Early Background and Education Comenius was born on 28 March 1592 in Moravia. His family belonged to the Unitas Fratrum (Unity of Breth-

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ren), which was a branch of the Czech Reformation movement begun in 1457. Inspired by the ideas of Petr Chelčický (c. 1380–c. 1460) and Jan Hus (c. 1369–1415), they strove for radical piety and a return to a Christlike simplicity of life. Due to their interaction with the Reformation ideas of the time, the community gradually developed into a Protestant denomination, standing theologically between Lutheranism and Calvinism. Comenius’s life was marked by a series of particularly difficult afflictions, which significantly shaped both his theology and pedagogy. At the age of 12 (in 1604), Comenius lost his parents and two sisters, probably from the plague, and had to live with one of his other sisters and her family. As a 13-year-old boy, Comenius experienced the destructiveness of war; as a consequence of the religious conflict between the Hungarians (Calvinists) and the Habsburgs (Roman Catholics), he lost all his inherited possessions, as well as his guardian family. His church community soon recognized his natural talent and sent him to one of the best high schools in the country. Later Comenius was sent to the Reformed universities in Herborn and Heidelberg, where he encountered some of the most influential ideas of the time (Alstead’s encyclopediasm, Piscator’s irenism, Ratichius’s educational reforms, etc.). Two years after his return from his studies, he was ordained as a minister, and his first pastoral appointment was to the church at Fulnek in northern Moravia. The beginning of the Thirty Years’ War, in 1618, brought about another series of life afflictions for Comenius. His homeland was devastated by various troops of the Habsburg (Roman Catholic) armies. Being a cleric of the Protestant church, Comenius was forced to leave both his family and his community and hide in various locations in northern Moravia. By 1623, he had lost virtually everything: his house was destroyed, his congregation was dispersed, his library was burned by the Jesuits, and his young wife, having just delivered their second child, died of the plague along with the two babies. For the next five years, Comenius led an insecure life, until the final expulsion of all the Protestants from the country. The Brethren found refuge for a short while in Leszno, Poland. Comenius remarried, but his second wife also died, leaving him with four children. His third wife outlived him. In Leszno he became a co-rector of the Brethren’s school and later bishop (the last one) of the denomination. It was during this period that most of his educational works were written. Comenius’s fruitful, 28-year-long Leszno period (1628–1656) was interrupted by three sojourns to other countries—where he was invited to work on educational reforms as his reputation as an outstanding educator spread across Europe. The first invitation came from England (1641–1642), the second from Sweden (1642–1648),

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and the third from (today’s) Hungary (1650–1654). Comenius even received an invitation to work as rector of the newly founded Harvard College in America. The Northern Wars in 1655 between the Protestant Swedish King Charles X Gustav and the Roman Catholic Polish King John II Casimir proved to be fatal for Comenius and his denomination. The Lezsno Brethren community naturally sided with the Swedish party, which the Polish Catholic majority considered to be a betrayal of Poland. As soon as the city of Lezsno was no longer protected by the Swedish troops, the Polish partisans invaded it and burned it. Comenius and his family barely escaped with their lives, lost all their property, and were forced into exile once again. Particularly painful for Comenius was the loss of certain manuscripts on which he had worked for more than 40 years. From Leszno he took refuge in Amsterdam in the Netherlands, where he died in 1670. Contributions to Christian Education Comenius’s contributions to education can be summarized in three main areas. First is the general philosophy of education. He was the first person to formulate the idea of “education according to nature.” However, his ideas were very different from the popular concepts of later thinkers such as Rousseau. Besides his educational interests, Comenius also pursued philosophical ones, which he later developed into a specific notion of universal wisdom called pansophy. Assuming the universe is a harmonic unity created by one Creator, Comenius saw a fundamental parallelism between the cosmos (nature), the microcosmos (human nature), and revelation (scripture). Bringing human nature into harmony with nature and scripture is the real essence of education. It is the “art” (ars) of “forging” such humanity in which the “nexus hypostaticus” (the personal relationship) to God is restored. Second is a holistic approach to education. The notion of “wholeness” or “universality” is essential in Comenius’s education. He often expressed it in the motto omnes, omnia, omneno, meaning that all people ought to learn, in all possible ways, all that is necessary for a good life that honors God. Similarly, on the individual level, Comenius argued that the “whole man” has to be educated; that is, both boys and girls need to be trained not only in knowledge, but also morals and godliness, for according to Comenius humankind has been endowed with three fundamental capacities: (1) to be knowledgeable of things, (2) to have power over things and one’s self, and (3) to turn to God, the source of everything. Epistemologically, Comenius expresses this in the triad theoria-praxis-chrésis (wise use), pointing to the fact that knowledge without virtue and piety is never complete. To accomplish such goals, Comenius designed a complex system of schools based on both horizontal unity

in respect to curricula at a given educational level and vertical unity in the hierarchy of the stages of education. For a time when education had neither stable institutions nor general programs of study, such a proposal was quite revolutionary. The third contribution was in language teaching and learning. In 1633, Comenius himself was surprised by the worldwide success of his Latin textbook Janua linguarum reserata (The Gate of Tongues Unlocked). It was based on the pansophic idea of the encyclopedic organization of material and the interconnection of real things, sense experience, and words. Together with “Principles for Facilitating Teaching and Study,” derived from operations of nature, it proved to be very effective in language learning. This was followed by a series of other textbooks, of which perhaps the most famous is Orbis Sensualium Pictus (The Visible World in Pictures), the first illustrated language textbook. Most Important Works The Labyrinth of the World and the Paradise of the Heart (1631), an allegorical and partly autobiographical narrative describing the quest for hope and meaning in the midst of worldly decay. (John Bunyan, who published his Pilgrim’s Progress in 1678, never knew this book, since it was written in the Czech language.) The School of Infancy (1632), a handbook for parents dealing with the early years of a child’s education. The Way of Light (1642), an outline of a universal plan for peace and harmony among nations. Opera Didactica Omnia (1657), a complete collection of his educational works. De rerum humanarum emendatione consultatio catholica (A general consultation concerning the improvement of human affairs), his final and greatest piece of work, which was lost and remained unpublished for about 250 years. (It was first published in 1966 in Latin.)

References and Resources Comenius, J. A. 1986. “Didactica magna [Great didactics].” In DJAK, vol. XV: 27–49. Praha: Academia. Hábl, J. 2011. Lessons in Humanity from the Life and work of Jan Amos Comenius. Bonn: Culture and Science Publishing. Murphy, D. 1995. Comenius: A Critical Reassessment of His Life and Work. Dublin: Irish Academic Press. Palouš, R. 1992. Komenského Boží Svět [Comenius’ God’s world]. Praha: SPN. ———. 1994. “J. A.Komenský—náboženský myslitel [J. A. Comenius—a Religious Thinker].” Studia Comeniana et Historica, 51, 225–231. Patočka, J. 2003. “Komenského duchovní biografie” [Komenský’s spiritual biography]. In Komeniologické studie III [Comeniological studies, vol. III, 365–395. Praha: Oikoymenh.

—Jan Hábl

Communities of Practice

Communion of the Saints “Communion of the Saints” is the literal translation of the Latin phrase communio sanctorum. Communion is a translation of the Greek term koinonia, an intimate participation or sharing or bonding, while sanctorum refers to the spirit of holiness or holy persons and things. Christianity involves bonding or rebonding, first vertically with God and Jesus Christ through baptism and the Eucharist, and then horizontally with fellow believers and saints through love, compassion, and charity. The bonding agent is the Holy Spirit, which unites the believer not only with the past and present in time but also with heaven and earth in space. The phrase “communion of the saints” does not appear in the New Testament or in any of the ancient creeds of the Eastern or Western churches. Cyril of Alexandria expressed the concept in its broadest sense: “Just as the flesh of Christ in the Eucharist makes us one body with Him, so the Holy Spirit dwelling in us forges in us a spiritual unity. We are one through our communion in the sacred flesh of Christ and through our sharing in the one Holy Spirit” (Commentary on John, Book II). Another definition that prevailed in the West was that the Communion of the Saints was communion with the cloud of witnesses that Paul speaks of; that is, communion with those who have died in the faith, especially those who have shared the same Lord, the same hope, and the same faith. This thought, which first appeared in Augustine, was taken up by Bernard of Clairvaux and Peter Lombard. There is a mystical dimension to this reality that transcends death. It stresses the fact that for a Christian there is no death as the terminus ad quem of human life, but only a continuum in which life on earth morphs into life in heaven. The qualifying element in the phrase is “saints.” Communion is limited to the saints and is not universal. The third Eucharistic prayer in the Roman Rite expressly limits communion to those “filled with the Holy Spirit who become one body and one spirit in Christ.” The communion also transcends time and unites the living with the dead. In the Spirit, Christians are always present and never absent. It also confirms that Christians have access to the rich deposit of faith and charity that is held in common and forms a common legacy and patrimony. The virtues of one believer add the totality of good that is operative in this world. Spiritual wealth, like physical wealth, is always shared. Intercessory prayer is one way in which the reality of the Communion of Saints is transmitted to other believers. Finally, Communion of Saints defines the pilgrimage of life in which each pilgrim receives support and sustenance from fellow pilgrims. As an eschatological con-

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cept, it helps to reduce the isolation and solitude of each human life and provides intimations of the posthuman existence to which human life is a prelude. References and Resources Garijo-Guembe, M. M. 1994. Communion of the Saints: Foundation, Nature and Structure of the Church. Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press. Kirsch, J. P. 1911. The Doctrine of Communion of Saints in the Ancient Church: A Study in the History of Dogma. Beaufort, SC: Sands.

—George Thomas Kurian

Communities of Practice While communities of practice have existed for millennia (as gatherings to share techniques and form apprenticeships for artisans, metalworkers, masons, carpenters, potters, etc.), the meaning of the concept is diverse. “Sometimes it is a conceptual lens through which to examine the situated social construction of meaning. At other times it is used to refer to a virtual community or informal group sponsored by an organization to facilitate knowledge sharing or learning.”199 Given this diversity, definitions of communities of practice vary and have evolved over time as well, from “theory of newcomer learning,” in which identity formation occurs in individuals as they participate in the group, to methods of innovation when communities of practice create “new understanding where canonical accounts of work prove inadequate,”200 to ways organizations endeavor to capture and share knowledge. The information age, requiring rapid sharing of ideas and technological breakthroughs, knowledge, and practices, has inspired new interest in communities of practice, and thus many businesses, organizations, and educational institutions either experiment with or intentionally implement these informal groups. The most widely used definition of communities of practice is “groups of people who share a concern, a set of problems, or a passion about a topic, and who deepen their knowledge and expertise in this area by interacting on an ongoing basis.”201 And in the organizational literature, “the term ‘community’ of practice . . . is . . . a relatively informal, intra-organizational group specifically facilitated by management to increase learning or creativity.”202 199. Andrew Cox, “What Are Communities of Practice? A Comparative Review of Four Seminal Works,” Journal of Information Science 31 (2005): 527. 200. Ibid., 528. 201. Etienne C. Wenger, Richard McDermott, and William M. Snyder, Cultivating Communities of Practice (Boston: Harvard Business School Press, 2002), 4. 202. Cox, “What Are Communities of Practice?,” 538.

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Persons in communities of practice collaborate over lunch, around coffee, via e-mail, on the Internet, and/or by teleconferencing, offering individual disciplines and experiences (the “practices”) in order to “drive strategy, generate new lines of business, solve problems, promote the spread of best practices, develop people’s professional skills, and help companies recruit and retain talent.”203 Each grouping sets their own agendas and leads in ways that are the most conducive to their varied contexts. For constant innovation, communities of practice ask: What are we learning? How can we do our work better? How can we apply a technological advancement to our strategies? How have others addressed this problem? How can we solve this problem? As the community generates knowledge, it becomes self-perpetuating. In this generative process, persons “reinforce and renew themselves.”204 Because they are gatherings of people with similar passions, communities of practice are relatively easy to cultivate. Once persons (or management) identify a particular focus, infrastructure of various types (technology, meetings, conferences, etc.) supports the community and harnesses the ideas. This leads to innovation and synergy. Assessment is nontraditional, usually by highlighting anecdotes or, in the case of one company, showing increased revenue and savings as a result of communities of practice ideas.205 There are limitations on communities of practice. (1) Relationships and conversations take time. With the fast pace of innovations and new technologies, some feel that discussions in communities of practice take too much time.206 (2) Communities of practice “are diametrically opposed to organizational hierarchy,” since hierarchy determines “organizationally sanctioned communication.”207 Some highly structured, hierarchical organizations would find communities of practice threatening, since in them, communication happens across authority lines and functions. (3) Regional and cultural differences may also limit the function of communities of practice, especially between Eastern and Western societies. Typically, Eastern societies are more oriented toward collectivism and the group and thus may welcome communities of practice.208 (Although Eastern cultures are often more hierarchical and therefore may not welcome free-flowing dialogue.) Western societies, which are more oriented toward individualism and 203. Etienne C. Wenger and William M. Snyder, “Communities of Practice: The Organizational Frontier,” Harvard Business Review (January– February 2000): 140. 204. Ibid., 143. 205. Ibid., 144. 206. Steven J. Kemo Jr., “Limitations of Communities of Practice: A Consideration of Unresolved Issues and Difficulties in the Approach,” Journal of Leadership & Organizational Studies 15 (August 2008): 74. 207. Ibid., 74. 208. Ibid., 75.

competition, may find the cooperative aspect of communities of practice difficult. Regarding Christian education, some degree programs build in processes that promote communities of practice. In these, students collaborate through online dialogue, postings, projects, papers, and even a formalized cohort, which studies together for all or parts of a degree program. Some programs require the cohorts to create a community rule of life that guides their work for the duration of their cohort experience. Because of the sharing of resources and ideas, learning increases, and the experience forms ongoing practices of collaboration. Often these communities remain intact after the completion of the degree program. —Shelly Trebesch

Community “Community is an unremitting coterie of relationships set within the context of specific traditions and rooted in a transcendent vision.”209 Three concepts in this definition by Webb-Mitchell—relationships, traditions, and vision—coalesce to provide the groundedness requisite for faith communities to inspire, propel, and challenge the Christian education of their members. The Nature of Community Grace Davies composed a sociologically apt book title— “belonging without believing”—to describe the postmodern phenomenon of fractured cultures, in which individuals are broken and alienated yet anxious to belong.210 She illustrates that some will participate in association with Christian communities even if they cannot (at least yet) accept the theistic beliefs that ultimately bind that religious entity. On the other hand, people can be attracted to faith communities because they exude welcoming, loving postures, which are distinctive, compelling traits, so dissimilar to a bitter and estranging culture. Relationships C. Ellis Nelson paints a lucid portrait of how community is such a powerful force in Christian education: Why this insistence on the communal nature of the church? Because it is by this process that faith can be incubated and nurtured. Faith is a concomitant of human association. This is why the church must a gathering of Christians which is permanent enough to allow individuals to know each other in various facets of their life and 209. Defined then discussed in Brett Webb-Mitchell, Christly Gestures: Learning to be Members of the Body of Christ (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 2003), 12–13. 210. Grace Davies, Belonging Without Believing: Religion in Britain since 1945 (Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell Publishing, 1994).

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regular enough in its meetings to be able to develop a sense of solidarity in Christ and in their mission to the world. The human interaction is the most powerful process we know for creating and sustaining values, and for shaping a distinctive style of life.211

Values, attitudes, and behaviors endemic to the Christian way have a greater chance of being interiorized in the context of a supportive yet challenging faith community than any other means. Formal classrooms (in which the nature of relationships may be constricted) and teacher-centered monologues (which attempt to cognitively transfer content-laden information) are a meager substitute for human socialization into Christian amity. These sentiments have surfaced in social science research.212 Several factors correlate with learning as it relates to the teacher-student relationship: frequent, longterm contact; warm, loving relationships; exposure to the inner states of the teacher; observing the teacher in a variety of life settings; the teacher exhibiting consistency in behavior; correspondence between the behavior of the teacher and beliefs of the community; and an explanation of the lifestyle of the teacher. People believe in Jesus because they wish to belong to the assemblies that preach and celebrate Him. Wright observes: “In Europe, where the churches have tended to stick to charity work and to religious rites narrowly defined, leaving community-building and social fellowship aside, rates of churchgoing and membership and of belief in Christ—are substantially lower.”213 Indeed, Christians are people of the book,214 but they seek concomitant connections with people with whom they share their lives. Westerhoff knows this: “Verbal language, both spoken and written, has dominated Christian education for too long. Perhaps as far as Christian faith is concerned, we have attached too literal an interpretation to the primacy of the word. By sanctifying the oral and verbal traditions, we have lost something of the richness of the early Church where the great truths of the community were enshrined in shared experience.”215 Tradition Christians join churches to have a social life, but not just any social life. They choose a community either because it has preserved religious traditions and customs they cherish

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from the past, or because it proclaims values they have embraced as adults. One reason the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints is expanding so dramatically is that many former Catholics and Protestants see it as the most fully committed to “family values” of any American religion.216 Christianity bends and revises itself based on the subculture in which it exists; it is a transforming faith. In addition, Christianity is best when it retains its essence and the practices that ground it in history; it is also a faith rooted in tradition. These traditions and rituals are significant markers. These ritualizing activities bind faith communities. In societies where rapid social change is customary, the traditions of our faith work to stabilize us in the long history of those who have come before. Churches and parachurch organizations face two challenges: mobility—that is, faith community members in some cultures are geographically transient and leave one church for another; and source—the determination of truth has been culturally conditioned toward democratic opinion and experiential feelings, which impact even one’s interpretation of scripture. To the extent that errant hermeneutics affect sound biblical teaching, the established tradition of the church is compromised. Vision A Christian community is cemented by relationships and guided by traditions, but unlike most other brands of community, it looks beyond itself with a transcendent vision. Hauerwas writes in A Community of Character, “Any community and polity is known and should be judged by the kind of people it develops. . . . The most important social task of Christians is to be nothing less than a community capable of forming people with virtues sufficient to witness to God’s truth in the world.”217 A community of faith is able to engage in fellowship and remain faithful to its traditions because it revels in the hope it has in a vision for not only what God intends for this world but also the next. As Christians are encouraged to see the story and mission of God, they join in the present Kingdom of God and engage in service to the world, which is their calling and destiny. An effective Christian education seeks community not only as the context for nurturing faith, but also as a foretaste of the kingdom to come. References and Resources

211. C. Ellis Nelson, Where Faith Begins (Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press, 1971), 101. 212. Lawrence Richards, Christian Education: Seeking to Become Like Jesus (Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan, 1984), 101–102. 213. N. T. Wright, “The Great Debate,” Bible Review (August 1999), 12, 54. 214. At least they are in theory; in practice, biblical illiteracy is still rampant. 215. John Westerhoff, Will Our Children Have Faith? (Atlanta, GA: Morehouse Press, 2000), 83–84.

Gibbs, Eddie, and Ryan K. Bolger. 2005. Emerging Churches: Creating Christian Community in Postmodern Cultures. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic. 216. Richard Wightman Fox, Jesus in America: Personal Savior, Cultural Hero, National Obsession (San Francisco: HarperSanFrancisco, 2004), 19. 217. Stanley Hauerwas, A Community of Character: Toward a Constructive Christian Social Ethic (Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 1991).

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Janzen, David. 2012. The Intentional Christian Community Handbook: For Idealists, Hypocrites, and Wannabe Disciples of Jesus. Brewster, MA: Paraclete Press. Pohl, Christine D. 2011. Living into Community: Cultivating Practices That Sustain Us. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans.

—Mark A. Lamport

Community-Building as Christian Practice Membership in communities is inevitable and universal. Family life, leisure time, friendships, education, and careers all occur in some way related to communities or groups of persons. Persons are born into a community surrounded by caregivers, and this community and others shape and form one’s ways of behaving and thinking. Each person is educated and taught to have certain perspectives on herself and the world through these communities, and one’s personal identity is derived from the way in which one is perceived and treated by other members of the community and by other communities. With the emergence largely in the late 19th and early 20th centuries of the field of sociology, most commonly defined as the scientific study of the human society, its origins, development, organizations, and institutions, people began to analyze and give more attention to communities and groups and how they are formed and how they function. Sociology began in its earliest form as a focus on social stratification and social class, largely as these communities related to economics. In the 20th century, as the field began to expand, sociology included the study of culture, race, ethnicity, gender and sexuality, and religion, among others topics. Religious sociologists from the very beginning noted that churches are a community of persons often subject to the same kinds of principles that apply to any other group in society. At the same time, however, churches are somewhat unique, in that their stated purpose is to worship God and to live out what the church believes is its calling in the world. In the 20th and 21st centuries, churches began more and more to see themselves as a community of believers and to focus more on how they develop and grow into a strong and healthy community. With increasing distractions and a more mobile society, congregations and parishes have given more attention to how to attract, welcome, and retain new members. Many congregations and parishes have developed new member orientation strategies, and some have employed staff people to aid in new member assimilation and retention. All of this has led to a concentration on the task of community-building, and because many see this task as an educational process, Christian education has emerged

as a key partner in how parishes and congregations become resilient and faithful communities. Drawing from such fields as group dynamics and group building theory, Christian education has helped the church to understand that communities by their nature are clusters of individuals who share a common purpose and common goals through interpersonal interaction and mutuality. They gather around common rituals and share a common narrative or story with understood rules and roles, and the strongest of these communities exhibit a remarkable ability to deal with tensions and conflict, both internal and external, in ways that allow for change and transition while simultaneously maintaining their core identity. Christian education has helped parishes and congregations develop skills and practices such as increasing trust, clearly defining roles and responsibilities, and engaging in group discernment, all of which have helped to build resilient and imaginative communities of faith. References and Resources Johnson, David W., and Frank P. Johnson. 2009. Joining Together: Group Theory and Group Skills. 10th ed. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Pearson. Rydberg, Denny. 1985. Building Community in Youth Groups. Loveland, CO: Group.

—Rodger Nishioka

Comprehensive Schools, The Impact of The rise of comprehensive high schools began in the United States early in the 20th century. They were a “peculiarly American phenomenon.”218 Comprehensive high schools were designed to serve all students in heterogeneous populations, without selective admissions. These schools were designed to prepare students for the labor market or college and to help them become productive citizens. This model contrasted with those of many other nations, in which examinations were used as a sorting mechanism to track students on a particular career path. Comprehensive high schools typically offered multiple tracks for specialization, including a college preparatory track and a vocational track. While this was the intended design, numerous stereotypical assumptions limited the impact of comprehensive schools. Girls were largely relegated to domestic science and eventually secretarial training. African Americans were typically prepared for manual labor, and immigrants were thought to be incapable of taking college preparatory classes. 218. James Conant, The American High School Today (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1959), ix.

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During World War I, there was a growing desire to develop a dual system of education that would separate secondary education between schools that would prepare students for college and schools that would provide vocational training. John Dewey argued against the inherent stratification that would occur and for a unitary system.219 The Commission on the Reorganization of Secondary Education of the National Education Association published the Cardinal Principles of Secondary Education in 1918. The report supported Dewey’s view and provided the foundation on which comprehensive schools were built. The report stated, “The comprehensive high school is the prototype of a democracy in which various groups must have a degree of self-consciousness as groups and yet be federated into a larger whole through the recognition of common interests and ideals.”220 Over the next 40 years, comprehensive high schools became the norm in the United States. At the height of the push for comprehensive high school curriculum, progressive education advocates published Education for ALL American Youth in 1944. The authors advocated common and specialized curricula for all students and open access to higher education;221 however, other influences, including a perceived lack of effectiveness, have eroded support for the comprehensive high school. Comprehensive high schools remain the most common form of public high schools in the United States. However, in numerous cities and districts across the country, schools that specialize in such things as the arts, science, and mathematics are opening in the form of charter or magnet schools. This movement away from comprehensive high schools began with the space race in the 1960s, when some argued that the model should be abandoned in the interest of national security and military efficiency. Adding to this momentum, in 1974 the Panel of Youth of the President’s Science Advisory Committee, chaired by James Coleman, proposed that comprehensive high schools should be replaced by “specialized high schools” and advocated the use of school vouchers.222 This movement toward greater choice and specialization poses a challenge to comprehensive high schools, which have at times struggled to meet the specific needs of all students. The movement toward greater choice and vouchers could be a movement away from 219. John Dewey and Evelyn Dewey, Schools of To-morrow (New York: E.P. Dutton, 1915). 220. Commission on the Reorganization of Secondary Education, Cardinal Principles of Secondary Education (Washington, DC: U.S. Bureau of Education, 1918), 25–26. 221. Education Policies Commission, Education for All American Youth (Washington, DC: National Education Association, 1944). 222. James Coleman, Youth: Transition to Adulthood, Panel on Youth of the President’s Science Advisory Committee (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1974).

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comprehensive high schools. Christian high schools, comprehensive or otherwise, could potentially benefit from this increased choice and flexibility. References and Resources Coleman, James. 1974. Youth: Transition to Adulthood. Panel on Youth of the President’s Science Advisory Committee. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Commission on the Reorganization of Secondary Education. 1918. Cardinal Principles of Secondary Education, 25–26. Washington, DC: U.S. Bureau of Education. Conant, James. 1959. The American High School Today, ix. New York: McGraw-Hill. Dewey, John, and Evelyn Dewey. 1915. Schools of To-morrow. New York: E.P. Dutton. Education Policies Commission. 1944. Education for All American Youth. Washington, DC: National Education Association.

—Jon Eckert

Concordia University System Concordia is the network of institutions of higher education affiliated with the Lutheran Church Missouri Synod (LCMS). “Concordia” refers to the Latin title of the Book of Concord, the collection of Lutheran creeds and confessions. The system consists of 10 institutions: Concordia College, Selma (Alabama); Concordia College, New York (Bronxville); Concordia University, Ann Arbor (Michigan); Concordia University, Chicago (River Forest, Illinois); Concordia University, Irvine (California); Concordia University Nebraska (Seward); Concordia University, Portland (Oregon); Concordia University, Saint Paul (Minnesota); Concordia University Texas (Austin); and Concordia University Wisconsin (Mequon). The LCMS also operates two graduate seminaries—Concordia Seminary (St. Louis) and Concordia Theological Seminary (Fort Wayne, Indiana)—but these are governed separately. History of LCMS Higher Education Lutheranism has always been involved with education. The Reformation was born in a university. Luther and Melanchthon were professors at the University of Wittenberg, an institution built around the humanist curriculum of the Renaissance. The movement’s emphasis on individual Bible reading necessitated a literate laity, so Lutherans very early founded a large network of parochial and municipal schools. Thomas Korcok has defined the Lutheran educational tradition as a combination of the liberal arts plus theological catechesis. He further showed how the theological

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battles waged by Lutherans were often accompanied by educational controversies. The early Anabaptists favored Bible-reading schools but considered the liberal arts to be worldly. The later humanists considered the liberal arts to be sufficient and catechesis to be unnecessary. The Pietists of the 17th and 18th centuries felt the liberal arts were worldly and catechesis was too dogmatic, favoring instead vocational training. The rationalists of the Enlightenment considered the liberal arts to be too conservative and catechesis to be too supernatural, favoring instead a scientific education. Orthodox Lutherans, however, in line with their Two Kingdoms theology, consistently promoted the catechetical teaching of theology along with a liberal education designed to equip Christians for their callings in the world.223 In the 19th century, Orthodox Lutherans in Germany were faced with the problem of the “Prussian Union,” the official project of bringing Lutherans, Calvinists, and other Protestants into one ecumenical state church. The Lutherans who resisted were met with persecution. Thousands of the “old Lutherans” emigrated to the United States, Canada, and Australia. Those who came to America would form the Lutheran Church Missouri Synod. Schools were a priority for the immigrant churches. Parochial schools were an important alternative to the public schools, with their civil religion and generic Protestantism, reminiscent of the Prussian Union. The early LCMS schools, again, were built around the liberal arts and catechesis. But classical education was somewhat compromised as the parochial schools, in an attempt to help their German-speaking students assimilate into their new country, replaced Latin in the curriculum with English. Pastors and teachers, on the other hand, were thought to need a full-blown classical liberal arts education. So the LCMS also established gymnasia, the six-year classical secondary schools, as devised by Melanchthon. Some of the earliest of these institutions no longer exist, but the ones in Milwaukee, Wisconsin (1881); Bronxville, New York (1881); St. Paul, Minnesota (1893); and Portland, Oregon (1905) would evolve into colleges of the Concordia University System. In addition, the LCMS would establish two colleges specifically to train teachers, in River Forest, Illinois (1864), and Seward, Nebraska (1894). Once the German immigrants assimilated into American life, the LCMS throughout the 20th century grew into a large denomination. A new secondary institution was founded in Selma, Alabama (1922), as a ministry to African Americans, and another was founded in Austin, Texas (1926). These were initially four-year high schools, 223. Thomas Korcok, Lutheran Education (St. Louis, MO: Concordia Publishing House, 2011), 63–124.

on the American model, rather than six-year gymnasia. But both institutions would soon be turned into junior colleges. Later, another junior college was founded, in Ann Arbor, Michigan (1963). Under this system, those who wished to prepare for the pastoral ministry would complete the first two years of college at the junior high level, whether at one of the junior colleges or through the six-year high school-junior college combination that was the classical gymnasium. They would then attend Concordia Senior College in Fort Wayne, Indiana, for the final two years of their bachelor’s degree. This institution, whose campus was designed by the great modern architect Eero Saarinen, had a reputation as a stellar finishing school in the classical liberal arts. Students would then enter Concordia Seminary in St. Louis. Products of this system would go to seminary already well-grounded in the theological languages of Latin, German, Greek, and Hebrew, as well as other disciplines of the liberal arts. Those who wished to become teachers in the parochial school system would go to the four-year colleges at Seward or River Forest. (It was possible to become a pastor without this rigorous academic background by attending the “practical” seminary in Springfield, Illinois.) The LCMS became known for its well-educated pastors and teachers. The system, though, was geared primarily to preparing church workers rather than laity. The gymnasia were in effect boarding schools for highschool-aged boys, a model that was increasingly out of synch with American family life. A theological schism in the 1970s, which some blamed on the kind of education seminarians received at the Senior College, contributed to a reorganization of the LCMS higher education system. But the biggest impetus was probably the broadbased desire to conform to the prevailing structures of American higher education. In the course of the 1970s and 1980s, the gymnasia dropped their high school programs to become junior colleges, and then the junior colleges became four-year institutions. (One of the gymnasia-turned-junior college, St. John’s College in Winfield, Kansas, was closed in 1986.) With subsidies from the church bodies dramatically cut back, they added non-church-work programs to serve both Lutheran laity and the general public. The senior college was closed, but Concordia Theological Seminary moved there from Springfield and adopted academic standards similar to those of the seminary in St. Louis. A new four-year institution, Christ College, was started in Irvine, California, in 1974. Concordia University The four-year schools grew, some adding graduate programs. Several changed their names from “college” to

Cone of Learning

“university.” Though the institutions were becoming increasingly independent from the church body, their property was still held by the LCMS, which continued to elect their board members. Thus, their connections to the LCMS remained stronger than is the case at other church-affiliated institutions. The LCMS decided to formalize a new educational structure in 1992, when the Concordia University System (CUS) was organized. This brought all 10 of the colleges and universities under a single organization, facilitating planning, fund-raising, and cooperative programs. The CUS has a president, with offices based in the synodical headquarters in St. Louis. Nevertheless, the CUS is a relatively loose federation. Each institution retains its own president, board, and decision-making authority. References and Resources Lutheran Church Missouri Synod. n.d. “Concordia University System.” Accessed 14 April 2013. http://www.lcms.org/cus. Korcok, Thomas. 2011. Lutheran Education. St. Louis, MO: Concordia Publishing House.

—Gene Edward Veith

FIGURE C.2.

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Cone of Learning Edgar Dale (1900–1 985) was born in rural North Dakota and later served as professor of education at Ohio State University (1929–1970). He made many contributions to the field of education and is sometimes referred to as the father of modern media in education. In 1946, he developed an icon that is still recognized among educators today. The premise of his theory, represented in his “Cone of Learning,” is that students tend to remember more by doing than by hearing. The original name for the cone developed by Dale was the “Cone of Experience,” focusing on the methodologies of teaching delivery and their effectiveness in retention. As shown in figure C.2, Dale argues that the greatest retention (hence the large foundational base) is found in methodologies that include saying and doing. The least retention (represented by the small peak of the pyramid) is found in simply hearing something read. Dale’s conclusion is that teachers who move from the passive to participative in their methodologies will experience a corresponding increase in retention among

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their students. Ironically, most traditional (and more frequently the default) teaching methods gravitate to the top of Dale’s cone rather than the bottom, where the retention is greater. Whereas expediency, budget, and context may limit the options in Dale’s cone, the implication is that the lower levels of the cone are to be pursued by teachers who desire effective retention in teaching. It is important to note what Dale’s cone does not imply. First, it does not imply that teaching and learning must move from the bottom to the top of the cone. Second, there is no implied hierarchy of value in one level of the cone over the others. Third, there is no correlation between age and levels of the cone (i.e., older students do better with higher levels of the cone and younger with lower levels of the cone). Fourth, simply using a video clip or field trip will not automatically cause the student to reach the goal of the lesson. Poorly done videos or ill-planned field trips may actually undermine the goals of the lesson. A number of subsequent versions of Dale’s cone have been created. Some have included percentages of retention listed with each level of the cone. Although these percentages would seem to empirically validate Dale’s theory, those figures cannot be verified. Still, the theory seems to have pragmatic support. Presuming the theory of Dale’s cone is correct, teachers would be wise to ask the following questions: 1. Where do most of my teaching methods lie on Dale’s cone? 2. How can I begin to move my students’ experience from symbolic to engaged? 3. What can I do to make learning more sensory (engage hearing, taste, touch, sight)? 4. When are students able to apply this lesson to reallife context? —Larry H. Lindquist

Confession as Christian Practice In the Old Testament, the Hebrew yada refers both to praise or giving glory to God and to confessing an offence. In Israel, the praise of God was linked to definite past actions of God (salvation or judgment), and the latter (judgment) meant one who praised also confessed his transgressions (Josh. 7:19–21; Kane 2001; Fürst 1986). In the New Testament, the word group refers to confessing openly, publicly (Paul before Felix, Acts 24:10; John the Baptist, John 1:20, Matt. 7:23; Rom. 10:9; Fürst 1986). Confession or homologeo expresses to promise, confess known sin (1 John 1:9); declare, commit oneself, share a common view or be of one mind, agree (Acts

23:8); or concede that something is factually true (Heb. 11:13; Acts 23:8; BDAG 2000). Confession is a sign of repentance, marking a new life of faith. For early Christians, public confession of sin equaled freedom from sin (Mark 1:5), and fellowship in the church was dependent on the public confession of incarnate Christ, the mark of true Christology in the face of heretical movements (1 John 2:22, 4:2f., 15; cf. Titus 1:16; Fürst 1986). Declaration of truth (John 1:20; 1 John 2:2, 4:2, 15), or formal public act of confession, served ultimately as praise to God for who He is and what He has done (Kane 2001). Other related terms are homologia (expression of allegiance as an action, professing), homologoumenos (uncontestable agreement, beyond question), and homoneo or homonoia (like minded, live in harmony). Exomologeo (promise, confess), while greatly associated with legal connotations—terms of treaties and law courts—has come to mean sacramental confession to a priest (exomologeomia). Formative Practices Protestant/Evangelical Many Protestants are intentional in seeking out confessors or spiritual directors for more deep spiritual purging and formative practices, such as confession. However, within Protestantism generally, confession of sin is not emphasized as formally or liturgically as in other traditions. Congregations will often offer prayers asking God for forgiveness corporately or individually with times of silence (e.g., 1 Cor. 11:28) and practice confession in part through accountability groups, small groups, etc. They also emphasize asking forgiveness of sins from God in coming to faith and from others they have offended. Bonhoeffer, while commenting on James 5:16, expressed the depth of confession for some Protestants: In John 20:33 Jesus gave his followers the authority to hear the confession of sin and to forgive sin in His name. . . . In confession the break-through to community takes place. Sin demands to have a man by himself . . . . In confession the profession of a Christian brother, the last stronghold of self-justification is abandoned . . . and truly deter us from further sin. (1954, 114)

Anglican Within Anglicanism, confession is imbedded in the service as confession of faith and confession of sin. The entire liturgy is based on agreeing on belief (Nicene Creed confession), agreeing on the Word preached, and hence then confessing as a community the shortcomings of not living up to those agreements. The confession of sin then is the “hinge” of the liturgy. Liturgy begins with a Collect of Purity (expressing humility and cleansing of the heart),

Confession as Christian Practice

scripture reading, and the sermon. Confession of faith by recitation and agreement on the Nicene Creed follows. This harkens the congregant back to baptism, wherein the believer renounced Satan and accepted Christ. The creed follows preaching of the Word and precedes the Eucharist, because if it (the Word) has been accurately preached, then the believer ought to act according to it and his profession (creed). But if he has fallen short (sinned), then confession of sin is required (Jude 3; 1 Cor. 8:6, 15:1–11; 1 Tim. 3:16). Therefore, prayers of confession and both communal and individual awareness of confession follow: “Let us confess our sins against God and our neighbor.” (Silence.) “Most merciful God, we confess that we have sinned against you . . . we have not loved our neighbors as ourselves.” With confessed sin against God and one’s brothers, one is able to approach the Table (Lord’s Supper) as well as express “The Peace,” wherein one can worship properly, not holding anything against a fellow believer (Matt. 5:23–24, 11:25). With this unity, the Eucharist is celebrated and the liturgy is concluded with a prayer of “humble access.” Formal auricular (pertaining to the ear) or private prayer and absolution is downplayed in the Anglican tradition, though “Maundy Thursday” is an annual time of confession in which congregants may participate in auricular confession. Greek Orthodox. Within the Greek orthodox tradition, confession of sin takes on a more formal auricular practice. Key themes overtly expressed in Orthodoxy are (1) the communality of sin: all sin is sin against God and one’s neighbor; (2) priestly involvement in confession is but a witness for the body of Christ (standing alongside the penitent), a witness for reality of God’s forgiveness, and a witness of the reality of one’s repentance; (3) confession is a healing of the soul, and the priest is merely the physician’s assistant; and (4) confession is part of the process of repentance, which is the essence of the Christian life. Repentance includes awareness, sorrow and contrition, confession, and struggle to change. Without confession, repentance is incomplete (Shanbour 2013). Practically, this takes the following shape. The priest and penitent face iconostasis (icon stand or wall). The penitent usually faces a desk or lectern on which is a cross and icon of the Savior and the Book of the Gospels. The priest intentionally expresses that he is only a witness: “Behold, my child, Christ stands here invisibly and receives your confession. . . . tell all so you shall have pardon from Our Lord Jesus Christ . . . . I am merely a witness.” After confession the priest asks questions as needed, gives advice, and offers a prayer of absolution which, unlike in Catholicism, is in the third person, depreciative, “May God forgive . . .” and not “I forgive . . .” (Ware 1997).

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Roman Catholic In Catholicism, the sacrament of confession is part of penance and considered a sacrament of healing—that is, mankind suffers from illness of the soul. We are all affected by original sin, live in an infected world, and need help. Unlike Protestantism and to some degree Low Anglicanism, confession in Catholicism is to a priest as mediator. In contrition (contritus or ground to pieces, crushed by guilt), when sin is of grievous nature, such that there is a broken relationship with God, the priest acts in Christ’s stead or on His behalf (Persona Cristi), but not of anything on his own merit. Since Vatican II, Catholic practice regarding penance (which includes confession) follows a universal pattern: (1) gathering—introductory rite; (2) preparation—the priest’s welcome, sign of cross, invitation/call to worship (penitent’s intro); (3) listening—celebrating the Word, reading from Word (optional), silent reflection/prayer; (4) sharing God’s action—conversion and reconciliation; (5) confession (general and specific), counsel, acceptance of act of penance, prayer of penitent, absolution, and proclamation of praise; and (6) departing—concluding rite (Dallen 1974, 298–343). In the prayer of absolution, though the priest speaks in the first person—“I absolve you”—the penitent should feel, “God loves me, not my sin.” The role of priest then is primarily ecclesial, not sitting in judgment, a representative of the church community. The role of penitent is coresponsible with priests, as members of the community of the faithful, for mission and worship of the church. References and Resources Bacovcin, H., trans. 1992. The Way of the Pilgrim. New York: Doubleday. BDAG. 2000. A Greek-English Lexicon of the New Testament and Other Early Christian Literature. 3rd ed. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Bonhoeffer, D. 1954. Life Together: The Classic Exploration of Faith in Community. San Francisco: Harper. Dallen, J. 1974. The Reconciling Community: The Rite of Penance. New York: Pueblo Publishing Company. Dewan, W., and J. Pelikan. 2003. “Confessions of Faith.” In New Catholic Encyclopedia, 2nd ed., edited by T. Carson and J. Cerrito, 77–82. Farmington Hills, MI: Thomson & Gale. Fürst, D. 1986. “Confess.” In The New International Dictionary of New Testament Theology, edited by C. Brown, 344–348. Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan. GAFCON. 2009. Being Faithful: The Shape of Historic Anglicanism Today. London: Latimer Trust. Jacobs, H. E. 1979a. “Absolution.” In The International Standard Bible Encyclopedia, edited by G. W. Bromiley, 13–14. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans.

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———. 1979b. “Confession.” In The International Standard Bible Encyclopedia, edited by G. W. Bromiley, 265–266. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. Kane, M. 2001. “Confession.” In Evangelical Dictionary of Christian Education, edited by M. Anthony, 167–168. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic. Latko, E. F. 2003. “Confession, Auricular.” New Catholic Encyclopedia, 2nd ed., edited by T. Carson and J. Cerrito, 75–77. Farmington Hills, MI: Thomson & Gale. Mare, W. H. 2001. “Confession.” In Evangelical Dictionary of Theology, edited by W. Elwell, 285. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic. Shanbour, M. 2013. Confession. Wenatchee, WA: Three Hierarchs Orthodox Church. Thomas, T. 2011. “Confession.” In Encylopedia of Eastern Orthodox Christianity, edited by J. A. McGuckin, 134–135. London: Wiley Blackwell. Ware, T. 1997. The Orthodox Church: New Edition. New York: Penguin. ———. 2013. “John of Kronstadt: Saint of Communion, Saint of Confession.” Sermon given in Bath, England, provided by Fr. Stephen Supicas, Holy Trinity Greek Orthodox, Spokane, WA.

—Steve Clark

Confession, Historical Practices of Confession of sin is central to Christian discipline and practice. Repentance was demanded of converts in the earliest preaching (Acts of the Apostles) and incorporated into baptismal liturgies. The first-century Didache includes a moral code that prefigures later moral codifications in catechetical material. Justin Martyr’s Second Apology (second century) witnesses to prayer for forgiveness, and the third-century apostolic tradition of “Hippolytus” provides formulaic renunciations of sin, death, and the devil. The baptized Christian is understood to have escaped from the death of sin to the life of righteousness. Serious postbaptismal sin—murder, apostasy, and adultery— was at first taught as leading to final exclusion from the church (Heb. 6.4–6; 1 Cor. 5). This was quickly commuted to temporary sentences of exclusion from the church and then exclusion from communion. The taught tradition and discipline developed in the medieval period in three ways: pastoral teaching, which emphasized the need for repentance and pastoral care of the penitent (Gregory the Great’s Pastoral Rule); the incorporation of penitential practice into monastic rules (Rule of Benedict); and the development of lists of sins and matching penances in the eighth century Penitentials and the Summas that took their place starting in the 13th century.

Popular preaching has always had confession as a primary focus and is generally representative of the practice of its age. Chaucer, in the Parson’s Tale, preaches contrition, confession, and satisfaction as the three stages, and the development of the doctrine of purgatory gave the preachers of indulgences a transactional system of confession, prayer, good works, and release from purgatorial pain. The Protestant Reformation abandoned sacramental confession, transferring teaching about sin to catechisms, though Luther still espoused it in the Small Catechism. Repentance for sin remained a prerequisite among magisterial reformers for baptism and before receiving Holy Communion. The Radical Reformation taught the principle of the “ban” as social exclusion (Schleitheim Confession). For the most part, rising literacy and an increasing focus on the spiritual life of the individual shifted the teaching of this discipline from priestly social control to the realm of personal piety. However, the Puritan impulse of the 17th century and the Evangelical revivals of the 18th, both in the Old World and the New, called for deeply felt and publicly expressed conviction of sin, in texts as varied as Bunyan’s Pilgrim’s Progress and William Law’s Serious Call, in revivalist preaching, and in the altar calls of camp meetings and crusades throughout the 19th and 20th centuries. The sacrament of confession remains key in Catholic and Orthodox teaching, while Protestantism continues to privilege personal and mostly private confession. Secularization has not removed the concept from contemporary culture. Rather, it has adapted it to an individualized search for self-esteem and self-fulfillment within a psychological rather than a theological frame of reference. In such contexts, confession is taught and facilitated by counselors and mentors and typically involves the rejection of thoughts, practices, and self-understanding regarded as negative. Even when “God” is removed from the picture, confession remains a potent ritual of cleansing, reorientation, and personal growth. —Adrian Chatfield

Confirmation, Developments in Protestant As part of the Reformation and the emergence of the Protestant traditions, theologians such as Martin Luther, Ulrich Zwingli, and John Calvin rejected confirmation as a separate sacrament, largely because they understood a sacrament to be instituted by God, in which God has joined God’s Word of promise to a visible element, and by which God offers, gives, and seals the forgiveness of sin

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earned by Jesus Christ. As further explanation, the Apology of the Augsburg Confession states: “If we define the sacraments as rites, which have the command of God and to which the promise of grace has been added, it is easy to determine what the sacraments are, properly speaking. For humanly instituted rites are not sacraments, properly speaking, because human beings do not have the authority to promise grace. Therefore signs instituted without the command of God are not sure signs of grace, even though they perhaps serve to teach or admonish the common folk.” Further, because the reformers could not find a scriptural basis for confirmation, Protestant churches did not and do not consider confirmation to be a sacrament. Most Protestant churches do, however, continue to practice confirmation. Most Protestant churches practice confirmation as part of the adolescent journey and see its purpose as all or one of the following. (1) Confirmation as a sealing of the Holy Spirit, meaning that through the laying on of hands, as occurs often in the New Testament and is a common practice in confirmation, the Holy Spirit comes upon the young person. (2) Confirmation as the completion of infant baptism and becoming a member of the church. Occurring among those Protestant churches who practice infant baptism, confirmation is seen as an opportunity for the adolescent to make her own profession of faith, done on her behalf as an infant, and in tandem, to join the church as a full member. (3) Confirmation as the profession of personal faith through baptism after intensive preparation, examination, evaluation, and public commitment. Occurring among those Protestant churches that practice what many term a “believer’s baptism,” confirmation is seen as an opportunity for the young person, when he decides he is ready, and often after rigorous study and an examination by congregational leaders, to be baptized and confirmed at once, having made a public profession of his faith in Jesus Christ. For many congregations, church membership is included in this act. (4) Confirmation as an affirmation of one’s baptism or baptismal renewal, sometimes allowing participation in communion. For some Protestant congregations that practice infant baptism but do not yet allow children to participate in the Lord’s Supper, confirmation acts as a personal affirmation and public profession of their faith in Jesus Christ and admits them to the sacrament of communion. (5) Confirmation as a blessing and commitment or recommitment. For some Protestant congregations, confirmation is seen more clearly as an act along one’s faith journey and an opportunity for a young person to stand before the congregation to signal a new depth of commitment or recommitment to Jesus Christ and for the congregation to bless this individual. These congregations do not see any tie to baptism, communion, or membership in the church.

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Since many Protestant churches view confirmation as a recognition of one’s growth and commitment to Jesus Christ and to the church, Christian education is intricately related to confirmation through the development of a curriculum of study. Most Protestant denominations provide a curriculum, but increasingly, congregations and parishes are developing their own curricula especially for their adolescents. Current trends in Protestant confirmation are emphasizing less joining the church and membership in the church as the culmination of confirmation and more the profession of faith. Increasingly, confirmation is viewed as one step in the journey of faith, albeit a significant one, and congregations are becoming more intentional in recognizing this step, especially for young people. References and Resources Browning, Robert L., and Roy A. Reed. 1995. Models of Confirmation and Baptismal Affirmation. Birmingham, AL: Religious Education Press. Melanchthon, Philipp. 1497. The Apology of the Augsburg Confession: Part 18, article XIII (VIII), Of the Number and Use of the Sacraments. http://bookofconcord.org/augsburgdefense .php. Osmer, Richard Robert. 1996. Confirmation. Presbyterian Practice in Ecumenical Perspective. Louisville, KY: Geneva Press.

—Rodger Nishioka

Confraternity of Christian Doctrine The origins of the Confraternity of Christian Doctrine (CCD) are generally traced back to 1536, when Castello de Castellano, a Roman Catholic priest in Milan, Italy, organized a group of laypeople to educate children, youth, and illiterate adults in the doctrine of the Catholic faith. By the time Charles Borromeo arrived in Milan as cardinal archbishop in 1565, the Confraternity was well established throughout the diocese (Collins 1974). Recognized from the Council of Trent as a strong advocate of education and clergy reform, Borromeo strengthened the CCD with the publication of A Constitution of the Confraternity and School of Christian Doctrine for Use in the Province of Milan. The Constitution provided direction for the CCD that would prove to be important in the subsequent years; it contained a clear pedagogy, detailed description of the size of the classes and the mode of study, an emphasis on the importance of tailoring instruction to the capacity of the learners, and the directive that those involved in teaching should be carefully selected and well trained. Building on the dictates of the Council of Trent (1545– 1563) and the Roman Catechism (published in 1566), the

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Constitution served as a firm foundation for the effective establishment of the CCD. By the time of Borromeo’s death in 1584, there were over 40,000 participants in 740 schools of Christian doctrine (Orsenigo 1943, 349). In 1560, the CCD was brought to Rome, where it gained in popularity. It was officially approved by Pope Pius V in 1571. During the late 16th and early 17th centuries, the influence of the CCD extended to other cities in Italy and throughout Europe. Its influence began to wane during the 18th and 19th centuries, when the work of educating children and youth began to be addressed by the religious communities of men and women that were developing at that time. Renewal of the CCD under Pope Pius X The modern revival of the CCD can be traced to the pontificate of Pius X, who served as pope from 1903 until his death in 1914. His first encyclical, Acerbo Nimis, “On Teaching Christian Doctrine” (1905), highlighted the importance of education in religion and mandated that “in each and every parish the society known as the Confraternity of Christian Doctrine is to be canonically established” (22 IV). Pope Pius X extended the work of religious education beyond the catechesis of children alone, though that is clearly his focus. However, he also highlighted the importance of adult instruction, which was to consist of an explanation of the Catechism of the Council of Trent “to the people in a plain and simple style adapted to the intelligence of their hearers” (22 VI). The mandate for the establishment of the CCD in every parish became part of the Code of Canon Law in 1914 and served as one of the foundation points for the catechetical renewal of the mid-20th century. The Modern CCD Movement in the United States Beginning in the mid-1800s, a series of national conferences of U.S. Roman Catholic bishops were held in Baltimore, with the education of children and youth a concern at each of the conferences. While emphasis was placed on the establishment of parish schools, there was also discussion of the need to provide classes for children who attend public schools. The Third Plenary Council of Baltimore (1884) called for the creation of a national catechism. The publication of the Baltimore Catechism in 1885 did not lead to the hoped for unification of the work of religious education in the United States (Bryce 1972). Criticisms of its content and format led to further questioning of the best focus and approach to doing catechesis, particularly for young people. The first CCD was established in the United States in 1902 at Our Lady of Good Council in New York City (Collins 1975). While recognized by the bishop of New York, it included just a few parishes; the Confraternity in

the Archdiocese of New York was not established until 1936. One of the first diocesan Confraternities was created in the Diocese of Pittsburg in 1908. The following year the Missionary Confraternity of Christian Doctrine was established in Pittsburg to address the needs of those outside the cities, particularly immigrants living in rural areas and in the mining districts. This was one of the first contexts in the United States in which the connection between CCD and the need to address the social situation of the participants was made explicit. No history of the CCD movement in the United States is complete without mention of the pioneering work of Bishop Edwin O’Hara. Ordained a priest in 1905, the same year that Pope Pius X promulgated Acerbo Nimis calling for the establishment of the CCD in every parish, O’Hara invested much of his career in attending to the instructional needs of children and youth, particularly in rural contexts. It was through his guidance and perseverance that the National Center of the CCD was opened in May 1935. Under the direction of this office, the CCD became part of diocesan structures across the country. References and Resources Bryce, Mary Charles. 1972. “The Baltimore Catechism—Origin and Reception.” In Sourcebook for Modern Catechetics, edited by Michael Warren, 140–145. Winona, MN: St. Mary’s Press, 1983. Reprinted from Catechist (April 1972): 6–9, 25. Collins, Joseph B. 1974. “The Beginning of the CCD in Europe and Its Modern Revival.” In Sourcebook for Modern Catechetics, edited by Michael Warren, 146–157. Winona, MN: St. Mary’s Press, 1983. Reprinted from American Ecclesiastical Review 168 (1974):695–706. –——. 1975. “Religious Education and CCD in the United States: Early Years (1902–1935).” In Sourcebook for Modern Catechetics, edited by Michael Warren, 158–175. Winona, MN: St. Mary’s Press, 1983. Reprinted from American Ecclesiastical Review 169 (1975): 48–67. Orsenigo, Cesare. 1943. Life of St. Charles Borromeo. St. Louis, MO: Herder Books. Pius X. 1905. Acerbo Nimis, “On Teaching Christian Doctrine.” http://www.vatican.va/holy_father/pius_x/encyclicals/docu ments/hf_p-x_enc_15041905_acerbo-nimis_en.html.

—Jane E. Regan

Congo and Christian Education Christianity was first introduced in the Democratic Republic of Congo by Portuguese missionaries in the 1480s. But European wars involving Portugal and tribal wars in the Lower Congo forced the missionaries to halt their efforts, and the Christianity implanted in the Congo at that time disappeared. In the late 19th century, King

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Leopold II became interested in the Congo and began to encourage a large Belgian presence in the area. The White Fathers agreed to establish missionary stations when Leopold II offered to finance their work. Other Catholic groups followed the White Fathers, and later on Protestant missionaries also arrived, mainly from Baptist, Methodist, and Disciples of Christ denominations (Sundkler and Steed 2000). The church has had a great impact on education in Congo. For instance, the University of Kinshasa was created in 1953 as a private Catholic university. In 1963, the University of Kisangani was created by Protestant churches. Among private institutions, church-sponsored institutions enroll 60 percent of all students in higher education (World Bank 2005). Although the church in Congo has a trained clergy for both the Catholic and Protestant churches, the political situation in the country has affected the life of the church, especially in its top leadership. Some top leaders of the church have political positions in the government that dilute their prophetic voice. However, the local church has remained active. Women’s ministries are especially vibrant. Some church denominations have their own discipleship material, and the full Bible has been translated into various dialects. The government of Congo gives full freedom for worship. Church members can pray during the day or night. There is need for discipleship that encourages believers to transform their communities and come out of the severe poverty that has characterized the Congolese people for many years of dictatorship, corruption, tribal conflicts, and various human rights violation. References and Resources Sundkler, Bengt, and Christopher Steed. 2000. A History of the Church in Africa. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. World Bank. 2005. Education in the Democratic Republic of Congo: Priorities and Option for Regeneration. Washington, DC: World Bank Publications.

—Faustin Ntamushobora

Congregational Church Christian Education Historical Introduction The Congregational Federation (in England, Scotland, and Wales) inherits the ethos of the 16th- and 17th-century Puritans and Dissenters, born out of the freedom for individuals to read the Bible in their own language and have access to printed copies, and the freedom of congregations to seek the mind of Christ together. The Dissent-

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ing Academies provided a new and exploratory style of learning that has been influential to the present day. The emphasis on experiment and debate rather than tradition encouraged the development of the sciences, industry, global exploration, and philanthropy in the 19th century. Congregationalists, as well as other nonconformists, were prevented from studying at the major universities in England until the 19th century. Once the restrictions were lifted, colleges were established in Oxford and Cambridge. In Scotland, the universities offered theology degrees, which included ministerial training. Ministerial training was offered mainly through these and other colleges until the 1970s, when the Congregational Church in England and Wales split to form the United Reformed Church and Congregational Federation (with other continuing congregational bodies). Education in mission, youth ministries, and a variety of other ministries was offered ecumenically through, for example, Selly Oak College in Birmingham. Academic Programs The Congregational Federation, from its formation in 1972, focused on a distance learning model with the intention of maintaining the high standards of college training, but making it accessible to people being called to ministry who were often already established in life. A training board was formed, and a course developed, based on the model of the then new Open University.224 Over the years the course has been validated by the University of Wales, Lampeter, and the University of Winchester. The admission requirement is study to foundation degree (formerly diploma) level. An unaccredited foundation year served as an access course for those without formal entrance qualifications, but also as a stand-alone course for people simply wishing to explore or enhance their own Christian discipleship. In more recent years, this has been taught locally as well as nationally. Christian Philosophy and Mission of Education The Congregational educational philosophy has always been practical theology; that is, that theology is done through academic study, practical application, and personal development. There is no division between “pure” and “applied”: all is theology. Practical theology can be thought of as a dynamic interaction between the text of life (faith experiences) and the text of faith (biblical and doctrinal traditions), under the guidance of the Spirit.225 224. http://www.open.ac.uk/ (accessed 23 May 2013). 225. Stephen Pattison, “Some Straw for the Bricks: A Basic Introduction to Theological Reflection,” in The Blackwell Reader in Pastoral and Practical Theology, ed. James Woodward and Stephen Pattison (Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, 2000), ch. 9; and E. Graham, H. Walton, and F. Ward, Theological Reflection: Methods (London: SCM, 2005).

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It can also be considered congregational to acknowledge that we do theology this way; that is, to seek and expect to find the guidance of God for the contemporary situations of our congregations. This means that the course modules are themselves integrated. The Bible is studied as a whole, Old and New Testament together, with an emphasis on permitting dissenting voices, such as those that challenge the hierarchical establishment, to be heard. A newly developed BA (Hons) in practical theology makes this focus more explicit, with modules linking religious dissent with dissent in politics and the arts, among other things. Assignments combine traditional essays with vocational activities such as the creation of worship material or mission and community involvement. From an early stage, there was a challenge to see mission and the local church as prime foci. This is further enabled by the distance learning nature of the course, which means that the students are studying in the midst of their lives and discipleship. Congregational principles form a strong element and also help to shape the experience of the course. Churches may call men and women into ministries of different kinds without formal reference to denominational structures or training, so students are often already in ministry before they enter the course. Thus training has to be perceived as being valuable, an enhancement of existing Christian life, rather than simply a required course of preparation before entering on ministry. This leads to a sense of collaboration between tutors and students, which itself models the nature of a congregational church. In the early 21st century there has been a change in emphasis toward learning and development, not only of individuals but also for churches as learning congregations. Thus the existing FdA and new BA(Hons) in practical theology are offered as part of whole church learning. Individuals may elect to take the courses as traditional training in specific ministries, but also for their own development in the life of their local church. The Congregational Federation also offers resources, both financial and in personnel, to local churches or groups of churches for the development of vision through the congregational model of the church meeting and for equipping church members in response to the vision. This may involve engaging with secular agencies, the acquisition of specific skills, or working through local ecumenical structures. But it also calls on more holistic learning in the context of being church in a secular, postChristian society, and in a specific local setting. Ecumenical and International Contribution Congregationalism continues to make a distinct contribution to education and thought. The Congregational

Federation participates in ecumenical life in Britain, for example in the Partnership for Theological Education based at Luther King House in Manchester.226 It is also in partnership globally with other Congregational and Presbyterian bodies through the Council for World Mission,227 which offers opportunities for training in mission and experience enlargement, for example through attendance at seminaries in partner churches. The International Congregational Fellowship (ICF)228 includes the National Association of Congregational Christian Churches in the USA, as well as established and new associations of churches around the world. The ICF Theological Commission produces the International Congregational Journal, a forum for the exploration of theology and its practice in congregational contexts. The commission also offers seminars for gatherings of local churches, with an emphasis on settings in which the resources for this kind of exploration are not readily available. Thus seminars have been held in Latin and South America, South Africa, and Myanmar. Through these activities, and involvement in other teaching and publication, Congregationalists have contributed to the fields of worship development, hymnody, systematic and ordinary theology, feminist theology, and emerging church, among others. They bring to each of these a distinctively nonhierarchical, open perspective, which at its best challenges entrenched positions and opens the discourse to unheard voices. —Janet Wootton and Michael Armstrong

Connectivism Connectivism is a learning theory introduced by George Siemens (2005) in “Connectivism: Learning as Network Connections.” He and others later expounded upon these early ideas, but this initial writing proposes a learning theory that is fundamentally based on the concept that learning is more than what happens within a single individual, that it is about building a network. Learning is understood as the process of developing links. These include links among different people, groups, resources, and technologies. From this perspective, learning is about the ongoing creation of these connections. Once the connections begin, learners must develop the skills necessary to navigate them.229 226. http://www.lutherkinghouse.org.uk/ (accessed 23 May 2013). 227. http://www.cwmission.org/ (accessed 23 May 2013). 228. http://intercong.org/; http://ictheocom.org/ (accessed 23 May 2013). 229. George Siemens, eLearn Space, http://www.elearnspace.org/Articles/ networks.htm, (accessed 14 February 2012).

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Connectivism, emerging from the digital era, often emphasizes the role of the Internet, social media, and emerging communication technologies as key changes that allow one to build such connections. Given that a growing number of individuals around the world have access to the Internet and related technologies, technology also makes it possible for people to build an unprecedented number of connections and relationships that are not limited by time and space. As one grows in the ability to leverage these technologies, that amplifies their capacity to engage in ongoing learning in a wide variety of ways and in a myriad of subjects. In traditional learning theories (e.g., behaviorism and cognitivism), the focus of the theory is on what changes inside the learner, either through visible behaviors or what patterns of thought change. In connectivism, learning is understood as located in the connections that one makes with other people and resources. For this and related reasons, some critics argue that connectivism is not a learning theory as much as it is an educational philosophy that places a heavy emphasis on building connections with others. Regardless of whether connectivism is a learning theory or an educational philosophy, it serves as a means of promoting the importance of connections and relationships in education. It invites those in Christian education to aid learners in the process of cultivating positive connections and relationships with people, communities, and resources that aid them in their spiritual growth, even through the use of current and emerging communication technologies. Examples of such connections are evident in current social media sites, Christian education blogs, the rapid increase in religious material shared in audio and video form, and the many communities dedicated to helping Christians build connections with one another around a variety of shared interests and goals. References and Resources Downes, S. 2012. Connectivism and Connective Knowledge. National Resarch Council Canada. Accessed 3 April 2013. http:// www.downes.ca/files/Connective_Knowledge-19May2012 .pdf. Kop, Rita, and Adrian Hill. 2008. “Connectivism: Learning Theory of the Future or Vestige of the Past?” International Review of Research in Open and Distance Learning 9 (3): 1–13. Siemens, G. 2004. “Connectivism: A Learning Theory for the Digital Age.” eLearn Space. Accessed 14 February 2012. http://www.elearnspace.org/Articles/connectivism.htm. ———. 2005. “Connectivism: Learning as Network Connections.” eLearn Space. Accessed 14 February 2012. http:// www.elearnspace.org/Articles/networks.htm.

—Bernard Bull

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Conscience Conscience is the rational faculty that provides moral discernment. It helps us to think, reflect, and discern what should be done before making a decision or taking action (Reuschling 2011, 368). It cannot be compartmentalized to any one human faculty, but is the holistic integration of reason, emotions, and will (Callahan 1991, 14). In Christianity, it is the God-given ability, possessed by all people, to discern what is right and wrong, good and evil. It is a faculty that empowers self-knowledge and selfjudgment. The Latin term conscientia (literally “knowledge” prefixed by “with”) implies that God has shared with us joint knowledge about himself and knowledge about ourselves. At the Diet of Worms in 1521, when Martin Luther was asked to recant his views, he replied, “My conscience is captive to the Word of God. I cannot and will not recant anything, for to go against conscience is neither right nor safe.” Luther believed that going against one’s conscience would endanger one’s soul. John Calvin described conscience as the sense of divinity and divine justice (Calvin 2006, 3.19.15). The Puritans saw the conscience as a type of “spiritual nervous system” that uses guilt to inform us about right and wrong (Beeke and Jones 2012, 912). It is like a deputy of the soul that arrests our hearts and minds when we have done wrong. From a theological perspective, conscience is one aspect of the imago dei (Reuschling 2011, 367). Traditional Christian theology affirms that our consciences are corrupted by sin. This means that our conscience does not always rightly discern what is morally astute—we sometimes confuse good and evil. Not only that, we sometimes fail to do what is right, even when we appropriately discern what is morally right. Though everyone possesses a conscience, we have “varying aptitudes for understanding right from wrong due to the effects of sin (Rom. 1:12–16)” (Reuschling 2011, 367). Some consciences are even seared (1 Tim. 4:2), exceedingly perverse, and obstinate to God’s holy standard. The power of the Gospel breaks into the depths of our broken humanity, including conscience. Corrupted consciences can be restored, though not perfectly this side of the new creation. For the Christian, conscience is not merely a matter of personal ideal or social norms; the Christian conscience aims to conform itself to Christ (Nelson 1973, 144). The Christian conscience, then, is cultivated by deep spiritual and moral understanding (Augsburger 1990, 103). This occurs through the sanctification of the Holy Spirit and by the power of God’s word. The Christ-shaped conscience must be informed by the Word of God and wed to it.

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One goal of Christian education is to foster moral and spiritual growth so that greater integrity might exist between belief and behavior. As Reuschling explains, “Christian community”—that is, preaching, teaching, and embodying of the Scripture, education, and relationships—“affords a context for moral discourse, deliberation, and discernment with wise mentors important for gaining knowledge, heightening moral awareness, and forming conscience” (2011, 217). Christian education, therefore, is necessary for the cultivation of Christian conscience. References and Resources Augsburger, Myron S. 1990. The Christ-shaped Conscience. Wheaton, IL: Scripture Press Publications. Beeke, Joel, and Mark Jones, eds. 2012. “The Puritan on Conscience.” In A Puritan Theology: Doctrine for Life. Grand Rapids, MI: Reformation Heritage Books, 328-340. Callahan, Sidney Cornelia. 1991. In Good Conscience. San Francisco: Harper. Calvin, John. 2006. Institutes of the Christian Religion (1559 ed.). Translated by Ford Lewis Battles, edited by John T. McNeill. Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press. Curran, Charles E. 2004. “Conscience in Light of the Catholic Modal Tradition.” In Conscience, edited by Charles E. Curran, 3–24. New York: Paulist Press. Gula, Richard M. 1997. Moral Discernment. New York: Paulist Press. Nelson, C. Ellis, ed. 1973. Conscience: Theological and Psychological Perspectives. New York: Newman Press. Reuschling, Wyndy Corbin. 2011. “Conscience.” In Dictionary of Christian Spirituality, edited by Glen G. Scorgie, 217–218. Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan. Zachman, Randall C. 2005. The Assurance of Faith: Conscience in the Theology of Martin Luther and John Calvin. Louisville, KY: Wesminster John Knox Press.

—Kevin P. Emmert

Conscientization Roots of the Term Conscientization, or “critical conscientiousness,” is an aspect of educational philosophy that resonates with liberation theology. Brazilian educational theorist Paulo Freire imported the term into and popularized it in Christian education. Freire’s perspective had been shaped by his own life experience, having grown up in poverty, worked with the poor and illiterate, and lived as a political exile. He was also influenced by Karl Marx and the educational philosophy of Jacques Maritain. Freire held that education cannot be neutral. He believed much of traditional pedagogy to be mere “banking” that not only served as

an instrument of oppression, domestication, and pacification of the oppressed, but also stifled creativity and dialogue. Freire saw it as a tragedy that oppressed people were educated in ways that both blinded them to their oppression and perpetuated it. Definition Conscientization is a process by which education serves a liberating purpose. It begins with self-awareness, brought about by deconstructing the sociocultural myths perpetuated by “banking” pedagogy. It continues to fruition via the process of critical praxis, the process by which one reflects on and—self-awareness naturally resulting in action—works toward changing one’s own situation and context. Thus, freedom is not only the goal but also the method by which that goal is realized. Usage The role of a teacher in conscientization is to serve as a guide while allowing freedom. The teacher must also raise questions and encourage students (and create space) to respond—and genuinely listen when students do so. The teacher must be willing to be a partner and fellow pilgrim in learning who involves students in designing a curriculum and flexible instructional objectives that give direction yet are not determinative. Likewise, students must be self-empowering, selfregulating, and self-determining. They must be willing to take responsibility for and fully participate in dialogue and the development of curricula and learning objectives that address their needs, contexts, and so forth, and for determining and acting on the outcomes. Conscientization calls for the student and her experience to be at the center of the curriculum. It requires curricula and pedagogies to be flexible, collaborative, and dialogical and to provide space for the action, reflection, and new action called for by praxis. Influence on Christian Education Conscientization has been especially influential in education for social justice. However, it has also shaped contemporary approaches to curriculum design and pedagogy in Christian education. Since being introduced by Freire, conscientization and praxis, its associated term, have consistently been the subjects of numerous professional meetings, journals, and books. Some Christian educators have criticized conscientization for being founded more on Marxism than on Christian doctrine. However, others, such as Thomas H. Groome and Maria Harris, have recognized how consistent the roots, goals, and methodologies of conscientization are with the jubilee language of Jesus and its implications for freedom.

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Especially influential has been Groome’s seminal Christian Religious Education: Sharing Our Story and Vision, published in 1980. Groome’s approach is summarized as “shared praxis,” and conscientization is at its core. References and Resources Freire, Paulo. [1974a]. “Conscientisation.” Cross Currents 24 (1): 23–31. ———. 1974b. Education for Critical Consciousness. New York: Continuum. ———. 2000. Pedagogy of the Oppressed. 30th anniversary ed. New York: Continuum. Groome, Thomas H. 1980. Christian Religious Education: Sharing Our Story and Vision. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass.

—Ronnie Prevost

Consciousness Humans have been intrigued by consciousness and how we know, and that we know, throughout history. The Western world has grappled with consciousness from the moment of temptation from the tree of knowledge of good and evil that precipitated the Fall (Bering and Bjorklund 2007; Gen. 2–3, NIV), through Descartes’s ([1644] 1983) famous cogito ergo sum, “I think, therefore I am,” to William James’s ([1890] 2010) introspection and stream of consciousness. However, the field of consciousness studies has particularly burgeoned within the past 40 years, in part fueled by advances in neuroscience, as evidenced by several journals dedicated to consciousness studies (e.g., Consciousness and Cognition, The Journal of Consciousness Studies), conferences, associations, and three recent encyclopedias: The Blackwell Companion to Consciousness (Velmans and Schneider 2007), The Oxford Companion to Consciousness (Bayne, Cleeremans, and Wilken 2009), and The Cambridge Handbook of Consciousness (Zelazo, Moscovitch, and Thompson 2007). Defining consciousness itself proves to be elusive and controversial. Nagel’s (1974) frequently cited article “What Is It Like to Be a Bat?” proposed what is perhaps the most commonly used starting point: consciousness exists if “there is something it is like” to be the organism with consciousness, for the organism with consciousness. In 1996, Chalmers delineated a distinction between the “easy problems” of consciousness, those that consider empirically how we know what we know, and the “hard problem” of consciousness, which is how physical objects can give rise to subjective experiences. For religious educators, the easy problems of consciousness and the science of consciousness offer the

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most direct applications to understanding the learning process. One of the most foundational contributions to education is the understanding of consciousness as nonbinary. Consciousness is not just something one has or does not have, but can be thought of as developing over time in stages (Kegan 1994; Piaget 1954; Rochat 2003). As such, teaching strategies need to be adapted for the developmental stage of the student, with a goal toward the subsequent stages of development (Gidley 2007; Kohlberg 1975). Furthermore, ideas about transformative learning and “consciousness raising” have been refined based on advances in neuroscience. Insight into the workings of the brain suggests how factors such as initial discomfort with an idea, narrative and dialogue, the use of student life experience and interests, and the role of the body in learning can contribute to the ability to adopt new perspectives (Gunnlaugson 2007; Taylor 2008). Current neuroscience also highlights the importance of attention, working memory, and implicit learning (Bor 2012). These insights have led to explorations of pedagogical strategies such as teaching mindfulness (Napoli, Krech, and Holley 2005) and chunking, or hierarchically subgrouping, material so that it can be held in working memory for learning (Gobet 2005). In addition to the pedagogical contributions of consciousness studies to the work of religious educators, other aspects of consciousness studies touch on areas of interest or concern to them. For example, understandings of when consciousness is present affect ethical decision making (Vicini 2012). Another aspect of consciousness studies touches on altered states of consciousness, including different levels of consciousness and mystical experience (Carderia and Winkelman, 2011; Taylor 2005). References and Resources Bayne, T., A. Cleeremans, and P. Wilken. 2009. The Oxford Companion to Consciousness. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Bering, J. M., and D. F. Bjorklund. 2007. “The Serpents’ Gift: Evolutionary Psychology and Consciousness.” In The Cambridge Handbook of Consciousness, edited by P. D. Zelazo, M. Moscovitch, and E. Thompson, 597–629. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Bor, D. 2012. The Ravenous Brain: How the New Science of Consciousness Explains Our Insatiable Search for Meaning. New York: Basic. Carderia, E., and M. Winkelman, eds. 2011. Altering Consciousness: Multidisciplinary Perspectives. Vol. 1, History, Culture and the Humanities; Vol. 2, Biological and Psychological Perspectives. Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO. Chalmers, D. J. 1996. The Conscious Mind: In Search of a Fundamental Theory. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

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Descartes, R. (1644) 1983. Principles of Philosophy. Translated by V. Rodger and R. P. Miller. Dordrecht, Netherlands: Reidel. Gidley, J. M. 2007. “Educational Imperatives of the Evolution of Consciousness: The Integral Visions of Rudolf Steiner and Ken Wilber.” International Journal of Children’s Spirituality 12: 117–135. Gobet, F. 2005. “Chunking Models of Expertise: Implications for Education.” Applied Cognitive Psychology 19: 183–204. Gunnlaugson, O. 2007. “Shedding Light on the Underlying Forms of Transformative Learning Theory: Introducing Three Distinct Categories of Consciousness.” Journal of Transformative Education 5: 134–151. James, W. (1890) 2010. The Principles of Psychology: Volumes 1 and 2. Boston: Digireads.com. Kegan, R. 1994. In Over Our Hheads: The Mental Demands of Modern Life. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Kohlberg, L. 1975. “The Cognitive-Developmental Approach to Moral Education.” The Phi Delta Kappan 56: 670–677. Nagel, T. 1974. “What Is It Like to Be a Bat?” The Philosophical Review 83: 435–450. Napoli, M., P. R. Krech, and L. C. Holley. 2005. “Mindfulness Training for Elementary School Students.” Journal of Applied School Psychology 21: 99–125. Piaget, J. 1954. “The Problem of Consciousness in Child Psychology: Developmental Changes in Awareness.” In Problems of Consciousness: Transactions of the Fourth Conference, edited by H. A. Abramson, 43–59, New York. Josiah Macy Foundation. Rochat, P. 2003. “Five Levels of Self-Awareness as They Unfold Early in Life.” Consciousness and Cognition 12: 717–731. Taylor, E. W. 2008. “Transformative Learning Theory.” In “Third Update on Adult Learning Theory,” special issue, New Directions for Adult and Continuing Education 136: 5–15. Taylor, S. 2005. “The Sources of Higher States of Consciousness.” International Journal of Transpersonal Studies 24: 48–60. Velmans, M., and S. Schneider. 2007. The Blackwell Companion to Consciousness. Malden, MA: Blackwell. Vicini, A. 2012. “Imaging in Severe Disorders of Consciousness: Rethinking Consciousness, Identity, and Care in a Relational Key.” Journal of the Society of Christian Ethics 32: 169–191. Zelazo, P. D., M. Moscovitch, and E. Thompson. 2007. The Cambridge Handbook of Consciousness. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.

—Mary Froehle

Constantine’s Influence on Education “Captive Greece took captive her savage conqueror, and brought civilization to barbarous Latium,” said the Roman poet Horace, speaking generally of the broad in-

corporation of Greek culture into Roman life.230 Romans assimilated and modified to their own ends a broad spectrum of Hellenic civilization, including Greek language, religion, mythology, and education. As Rome’s influence spread, the influence of Greece became more obvious: As time went on, Latin education tended more and more to become absolutely identical with the contemporary Greek education, and as generation followed generation the last relics of the archaic tradition through which Rome had asserted her own originality against Greece gradually disappeared. Increasingly the emphasis is on books, and education as a result becomes more and more a matter of schooling—and Roman schools (to say it once again) had, from the very beginning, been entirely modeled on those of Greece.231

This trend culminated in the Roman world inhabited by and following Constantine I. Context: Enkyklios Paideia Having consolidated a hold over the entire Roman empire, Constantine also consolidated the Roman educational tradition. To mark the Byzantine world as beginning in AD 330, with the foundation of Constantinople and the adoption of Christianity as a formal religion within Rome, as many scholars do, is to acknowledge that the Byzantine world preserved the educational heritage of Greece and Rome for 1,123 years until Constantinople’s fall to the Ottoman Turks in 1543. Constantine, by founding a new capital, a Second Rome, on the foundations of an ancient Greek city, transformed the Roman world into one that was situated within a Hellenistic heritage. By osmosis, Greek language and mores overtook the Latin and Western customs, even as these remained within the bracketed definition of Rome. This education in the Greek, the ενκύκλιος παιδεία, which involved traveling to Greek cities to pursue secondary studies, persisted until the period examined here and for at least another century. Christian saints and scholars such as John Chrysostom, Basil of Caesarea, and Gregory of Nazianzus thus spent a great deal of their lives in the decades following Constantine’s reign in scholastic centers such as Athens and Antioch, pursuing the curriculum of the enkyklios paideia.232 Constantine’s Christian Rome did not de230. Horace, Epistles ii: I, 156, cited in Henri-Irénée Marrou, A History of Education in Antiquity, trans. George Lamb (New York: Sheed & Ward, 1956), 242. The Latin original states: “Graecia capta ferum victorem cepit et artes intulit agrestic Latio.” 231. Marrou, History of Education in Antiquity, 265. For a lengthier discussion, see Marrou, History of Education in Antiquity, 246–247. 232. See Φαίδων Κακουλές, Βυζαντινών Βίος και Πολιτισμός (Τόμος Α’) (Αθήνα: Παπαζήσης, 1990), σελ. 108.

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stroy classical learning; rather, it entrenched it within a literary culture built on the importance of literacy and scriptural analysis and composition.233 This enkyklios paideia had three stages. Primary education began at the age of seven. Students were under the care of a ludi magister, or litterator—a derivative of the Greek γραμματιστής, a teacher of letters—who concentrated on basic literacy skills. At the age of 11 or 12, they moved on to a grammar school and were under the care of a teacher called the grammaticus or litteratus. Here, students began their studies of the first three liberal arts, which are also known as the trivium (grammar, logic, and rhetoric). Tertiary education could begin as early as age 15 and continue until the student was 20 or older. At this stage, students went to the schools of rhetoric, often living abroad in cities like Athens and Alexandria, where the schools were housed and were taught by rhetors. Here, they were primarily prepared for careers in law or government. The curriculum consisted primarily of the quadrivium (arithmetic, geometry, astronomy, and music). The trivium and the quadrivium together composed the seven liberal arts, which persevered even throughout the Middle Ages in the Latin west.234 Conclusion This was, in sum, the character of the εγκύκλιος παιδεία, which in the Byzantine tradition was also referred to as the “έξωθεν παιδεία,” “θύραθεν παιδεία,” and “την παρ’ Έλλησι παιδείαν.” The first two terms mean “education of an outside source,” whereas the third names that source as “education of the Greek source.” The lasting legacy of Constantine is the Christian context in which classical ideas would be interpreted. His strategic move of the epicenter of imperial Roman power to the Greek east, which had an established order of schooling that sought to cultivate the ideal of an educated individual through literacy and philosophy, preserved the classical enkyklios paideia. For more than a millennium, the Greek and—to a lesser extent—the Latin sources of the ancient world were copied, studied, written about, but also translated, within a Greek-speaking Byzantine world. —Theodore Michael Christou

233. This is the importance of γραφή, or the written text (primarily the Gospels). 234. For a lengthier discussion, see F. Eby and C. Arrowood, The History and Philosophy of Education, 2 vols. (Whitefish, MT: Kessinger Publishing, 1940), 533–536; Cyril Bailey, The Mind of Rome (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1926); James Henry Breasted, The Conquest of Civilization (New York: Harper and Bros., 1926); Aubrey Gwynn, Roman Education from Cicero to Quintilian (Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1926); Paul Monroe, Source Book of the History and Philosophy of Education for the Greek and Roman Period (New York: Macmillan, 1901); and Marrou, A History of Education in Antiquity.

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Constructivism Constructivism is a learning theory rooted in the psychology of how humans learn, acquire knowledge, and make sense of the world around them.235 According to this theory, learners do not passively acquire knowledge or information. Rather, the learner constructs knowledge. Given this perspective, teaching and learning methods that focus on experiential learning, active learning, hands-on experiences, and learner-centered activities find support in constructivism. These methods are defended from the constructivist viewpoint by noting that people learn most effectively when they do so through direct experience, engaging activities, reflection upon these experiences and activities, making sense of the experiences, and solving problems for themselves. Since constructivists perceive learning to be the process of an individual actively constructing knowledge, they tend to emphasize learning environments that require the learners to explore, experiment, and reflect. While some refer to constructivism as a learning theory, scholars embrace it on different levels. On the one side of the spectrum, radical constructivists assert that all truth is relative, and that it can only be known within an individual learner.236 As a result, this form of constructivism is sometimes rejected by Christian education scholars because of the implications for divine revelation and central truths of the Christian faith. At the same time, many embrace constructivism in more moderate ways, acknowledging that truth exists outside the perception of the individual, but that the individual still constructs a personal understanding of that truth, that people create new knowledge by building upon prior knowledge and experiences. This requires that the learner be engaged, active, and reflective in the learning process. Because of these differences, some educators may refer to themselves as constructivist in pedagogy or methodology, but not necessarily constructivist in philosophy. References and Resources Glasersfeld, Ernst von. 1995. Radical Constructivism: A Way of Knowing and Learning. London: Falmer Press. Fosnot, Catherine Twomey. 1996. Constructivism: Theory, Perspectives, and Practice. New York: Teachers College Press. Hickman, Larry A., Stefan Neubert, and Kersten Reich. 2009. John Dewey Between Pragmatism and Constructivism. New York: Fordham University Press.

—Bernard Bull 235. Catherine Fosnot, Constructivism: Theory, Perspectives, and Practice (New York: Teachers College Press, 1996). 236. Ernst von Glaserfeld, Radical Constructivism: A Way of Knowing and Learning (London: Falmer Press, 1995).

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Contemplation

Contemplation In the secular sense of the word, to contemplate means to give thoughtful observation or full and deep consideration; in other words, to reflect. Although the usage of the term dates back to ancient Greece (contemplation), it is likely that it existed before then with Proto-Indo-Europeans, who used the base term tem to mean a place that is cut, or carved out, for a specific purpose. The Latin term, templum, indicates a place that is set aside for reflection, or a place of worship, likely leading to the term “temple” as a place of worship. The art of contemplation has been a staple in the Christian tradition as a spiritual discipline from the desert fathers, through the discipline of the medieval monks, to the present day (Foster 2011; Merton 1996; Keating 2002). According to St. Teresa in the Catechism of the Catholic Church, “Contemplative prayer [oración mental] in my opinion is nothing else than a close sharing between friends; it means taking time frequently to be alone with him who we know loves us.” Contemplative prayer seeks Him “whom my soul loves.” It is Jesus, and in Him, the Father. “We seek him, because to desire him is always the beginning of love, and we seek him in that pure faith which causes us to be born of him and to live in him. In this inner prayer we can still meditate, but our attention is fixed on the Lord himself” (§2709). It involves the hearing of God, silence, and an intense communion with God (Catechism, §§2714, 2716, 2717). The “contemplative tradition” is also one of the spiritual traditions identified by James Bryan Smith in his spiritual formation workbook, along with the holiness tradition, social justice tradition, and charismatic tradition (Smith and Foster 2007). Contemplation holds a primary place in our understanding of spiritual formation, both historically and contemporarily. In secular education, this act of inner contemplation in order to learn has been replaced with the advent of pedagogies such as cooperative learning (Johnson and Johnson 1994). In his book reexamining the doctrine of salvation through the lenses of neuroplasticity and the Wesleyan tradition, Paul Markham calls for a move away from an individualistic, contemplative tradition, and away from an individual declaration of faith in Christ as a path toward salvation, criticizing figures such as Billy Graham and Bill Bright for their simplistic models of salvation. Instead, he proposes the essential nature of community and the church to spiritually form disciples of Christ, indicating that in alignment with the Wesleyan tradition of sanctification over time, salvation is not a one-time, individual declaration of an internal faith, but involves the outward participation in the body of Christ (Markham 2007). Contrast this contemporary

text with the statement made by another contemporary author, Susan Cain, in Quiet: The Power of Introverts in a World That Can’t Stop Talking (2013): that introversion is now being categorized by the APA Manual DSM IV as a social maladaptation. The contrast between these two contemporary texts, in addition to the prominence of a cooperative learning pedagogical paradigm, identifies a tension for Christian educators, who need to balance research on learning theories with the experiences from tradition to reach the vision of spiritual formation and growth. References and Resources Cain, S. 2013. Quiet: The Power of Introverts in a World That Can’t Stop Talking. New York: Crown Publishing. Catechism of the Catholic Church. Part 4, Section 1, Chapter 3, Article 1. Accessed 8 July 2013. http://www.vatican.va/ archive/ccc_css/archive/catechism/p4s1c3a1.htm. Foster, R. 2011. Sanctuary of the Soul: Journey into Meditative Prayer. Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press. Johnson, D., and R. Johnson. 1994. Learning Together and Alone: Cooperative, Competitive, and Individualistic Learning. Needham Heights, MA: Prentice-Hall. Keating, T. 2002. Foundations for Centering Prayer and the Christian Contemplative Life. New York: Continuum. Markham, P. N. 2007. Rewired: Exploring Religious Conversion. Eugene, OR: Pickwick Publishers. Merton, T. 1996. Contemplative Prayer. New York: Image Books. Smith, J. B., and R. Foster. 2007. A Spiritual Formation Workbook. Revised Edition: Small Group Resources for Nurturing Christian Growth. New York: HarperCollins.

—Laura Barwegen

Contemplative Approaches, Children and The contemplative approach to Christian education with children focuses on preparing the way for the child to meet God, to come to love and know God intimately. It leads to worship and learning, what we might call worshipful learning, or learning in a setting of worship. Worship, in this context, is what happens when children are still and know that God is real and present. They learn to hear God’s words of love, comfort, and instruction. They respond in awe, wonder, and love. Preparation for contemplation and worshipful learning begins with adults who create a special, calm and quiet place where children can be with God, hear God’s story, and have time to wonder, or reflect on the story, time to listen and talk with God. In the biblical narrative children meet and get to know the God whose presence they sense. The adults who lead the children in contemplation also meet

Contemplative Approaches, Children and

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God anew and join the children in listening and reflection. This contemplative approach grows out of the work of Sofia Cavalletti. (To learn more about the life and work of Sofia Cavalletti, see Cavalletti, Sofia, in this volume.)

3. When adults lead children into God’s story, they can meet God there, and the Spirit of God can lead the child to discover what he or she most needs. 4. As adults, we partner with God, the child’s teacher.

History Dr. Cavalletti was an Italian Hebrew scholar and professor with a deep knowledge of and love for the scripture. The first time she taught children, Cavalletti spent about two hours with three or four boys and girls, just reading the account of creation in Genesis and talking about it with them. At the end of the time, one of the children’s eyes filled with tears and he did not want to leave (May 2013). The look of deep joy on his face gripped Cavalletti’s heart, and that was the turning point of her career. She spent the rest of her life sharing the scriptures and liturgy with children, watching their faces to see what passages and experiences gripped their hearts. In the 1950s, Cavalletti and her colleague, Gianna Gobbi, who had been trained by Marie Montessori, began to develop the Catechesis of the Good Shepherd (CGS), a contemplative approach that gives children the opportunity to get to know God (May 2013). Over the past several the decades, CGS has spread into many countries. In the 1970s, Americans became aware of Cavalletti’s work and began developing adaptations of her concepts for American churches. Jerome Berryman and Sonja Stewart were leaders in this project. In 1972, Berryman studied with Cavalletti and began to incorporate many aspects of CGS into his approach to the religious education of children, called Godly Play. In 1982, Sonja Stewart and Berryman began collaborating on a curriculum for children’s worship. Young Children and Worship by Sonja Stewart and Jerome Berryman was published in 1989 and continues to be used by churches more than two decades later (Stewart and Berryman 1989, 7–8). Other Christian educators continue to build contemplative elements into the curriculum resources they develop.

Three of Marie Montessori’s assumptions about children are foundational to the contemplative approach:

Principles of the Contemplative Approach Several theological assumptions undergird the contemplative approach: 1. Children are spiritual beings, created in the image of God, who is Spirit. They do not become spiritual through an experience later in life; they are spiritual from birth. 2. Children are born with the potential to experience God and grasp the reality of the transcendent at an early age. They can experience God’s presence even before they have words to describe that experience (Wangerin 1986, 20–23).

1. The child has great capacity for concentration. 2. Children love order and silence. 3. The child delights in work (May 2013). These principles run counter to the assumptions of many in our fast-moving, high-tech, 21st-century world. But those who have entered contemplative worship and learning with children know these principles are still true. For the contemplative approach to be effective, several key elements must be present: 1. The setting: Meaningful contemplation is most likely to occur in a calm, quiet environment, with few distractions. Marie Montessori referred to such a setting as a place between the classroom and the church where children worship and learn (Cavalletti 1983, 56). It may be a room used only for worshipful learning, a classroom rearranged for the worship time, or a corner of a larger room where children know they can go to be with and respond to God. 2. The story: Scripture is the focal point of contemplative worship and learning. The biblical story, from parables or other passages, is told simply, without embellishment, but with a sense of awe and wonder. The words are carefully chosen to be faithful to the text and to weave theological insights into the narrative. Simple materials such as figures of the characters are used to enact the event as it is presented, leading the children to enter the story. Older children can be guided to engage the biblical narrative directly from the text. 3. A time to wonder: After hearing God’s story, children have time to wonder about it. “I wonder” questions are designed to lead the child into reflection and contemplation. They focus on the affective: I wonder how Zacchaeus felt when Jesus called him by name? They relate directly to the story: I wonder what the great pearl might really be? And they build a bridge from the story to the child’s life: What do you think Jesus wants to tell us in this story? (May 2013). Children may silently wonder and contemplate, not having the words to express what they sense, or they may discuss together their feelings and the thoughts that come to mind.

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4. A time for response: Opportunity for contemplation continues as the children choose how they will respond to the story. They may choose to draw, to use the story materials to recall and spend more time in the story, to write in their journals, or to go to a special area just to spend time with God. Contemplation takes the time and calm provided by the response time. The Role of Adults and the Place of Contemplative Approaches in the Christian Education of Children In contemplative worshipful learning, the adult leader, rather than providing instruction, prepares the way for children to meet and learn from God. Three responsibilities are critical: 1. Creating a special place: Adults who desire to guide children into contemplation begin by creating a special place where they can meet God, and the adult leaders maintain the specialness of that environment. They also help children know why this place is different from other settings. “It is a special place to be with God . . . to talk with God, to listen to God, and to hear the stories of God” (Stewart and Berryman 1989, 57). Regularly articulating these purposes plants in the children’s minds the truth that God wants to be with them, they can talk to God, and God will talk to them. 2. Preparing to present God’s story: The desire in contemplative worship and learning is that the story, and the God of that story, will draw children to respond in awe, wonder, and love. That will most likely happen when the storyteller has prepared well and in the process experienced God in the story. 3. Preparing questions for contemplation: Contemplative questions lead the children to engage with the biblical story and their lives. They do not call for specific correct answers, but encourage the child to discover more of the character of God, meanings in the story, and what God wants to say to the child. Designing and reflecting on the contemplative questions is an important part of the adult’s preparation for leading the children. 4. Taking advantage of resources: Quality contemplative curriculum resources are available. These can be of great assistance to busy adult leaders. Several are listed at the end of this article. Calm, quiet contemplation is not the only experience needed for the spiritual formation of children. They need fun and active engagement with peers and adults in the faith community. They need opportunities to participate in worship with the whole congregation, to gain biblical

knowledge, and to experience the joy of serving. But contemplative, worshipful learning is an important element that is often missing in our nurture of children in the home and at church. In addition to providing a particular ministry that focuses on the contemplative approach, elements that lead into contemplation can be woven into other ministry approaches, and into family conversations and devotional times. References and Resources Berryman, J. W. 1991. Godly Play, a Way of Religious Education. San Francisco: Harper. Cavalletti, S.1983. The Religious Potential of the Child: The Description of an Experience with Children Ages Three to Six. New York: Paulist Press. May, S. 2013. “Cavalletti, Sofia.” In Christian Educators of the 20th Century, edited by by K. Lawson. www2.talbot.edu/ ce20/educators/view.cfm?n=sofia_cavaletti. Stewart, S. M., and J. W. Berryman. 1989. Young Children and Worship. Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press. Stonehouse, C., and S. May. 2010. Listening to Children on the Spiritual Journey: Guidance for Those Who Teach and Nurture. Grand Rapids, MI: BakerAcademic. Wangerin, W., Jr. 1986. The Orphean Passages. San Francisco: Harper & Row.

Curriculum Resources McGregor, W. 2006. The Way of the Child: Helping Children Experience God. Nashville, TN: The Upper Room Books. Epic: God’s Story Through the Ages. www.nph.com/nphweb/ html/nph/innerpage.jsp?c=NPH-CE&cs=SS&sc=NA&ss=NA Godly Play Resources. www.godlyplayresources.com/ Tru. tru.davidccook.com/

—Catherine M. Stonehouse

Contemplative Prayer as Christian Practice “Of God Himself can no man think,” warns the medieval mystical treatise The Cloud of Unknowing, which goes on to say “And therefore I would leave all that thing that I can think, and choose to my love that thing that I cannot think . . . and although it [thinking about God] be a light and a part of contemplation: nevertheless yet in this work it shall be cast down and covered with a cloud of forgetting.”237 Herein lies the essence of Christian contemplation: a form of prayer in which thought is surrendered in favor of nondiscursive, loving encounter with God. 237. The Cloud of Unknowing, trans. Evelyn Underhill, 2009, Montourseville, PA: Lamp Post Publishing, ch. 6.

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With scriptural roots in the Psalms (“Be still and know that I am God,” Ps. 46:10; “For God alone my soul in silence waits,” Ps. 62:1), Christian contemplative practice emerges in the writings of the desert fathers and mothers, particularly John Cassian and Evagrius Ponticus, who wrote “Stand guard over your spirit, keeping it free of concepts at the time of prayer so that it may remain in its own deep calm.”238 In the 12th century, Richard of Saint Victor described contemplation as the highest form of prayer, after thinking and meditation: “Thinking crawls; meditation marches and often runs; contemplation flies around everywhere and when it wishes suspends itself in the heights.”239 Contemplation, therefore, represents a mature practice of prayer, beyond the ordinary dynamic of vocal prayer or even thoughtful meditation on spiritual topics. Another 12th-century source, Guigo II the Carthusian, describes contemplation as the fourth stage of the discipline of lectio divina: after reading a passage of sacred scripture, reflecting on the passage, and responding with discursive prayer, comes contemplation, in which God “makes the soul forget all earthly things.”240 Because of its association with monasticism, contemplative prayer became marginalized in the West, eschewed by Protestants as a Catholic practice, while regarded by Catholic authorities as an “advanced” form of spirituality not generally accessible to the ordinary Christian. But the 20th century saw an explosion of interest in contemplation, particularly among laypersons interested in historic Christian spirituality or in interfaith dialogue. Spiritual teachers like John Main, OSB, Thomas Keating, OCSO, and Tilden Edwards saw in Eastern meditative practices parallels with the language of Christian contemplation. Practices such as Main’s “Christian meditation” and “centering prayer”— methods of silent attention that rely on the use of a prayer word as an object of attention—are inspired by Eastern meditation, yet point to sources like Cassian or The Cloud of Unknowing to affirm their status as authentically Christian forms of prayer. In Eastern Orthodoxy, the repetitive use of the Jesus Prayer represents another type of contemplative practice. What separates Christian contemplation from nonChristian forms of meditation like TM or Zen is its quality as prayer: for Christians, contemplation is always oriented toward cultivating a prayerful relationship with God, even beyond the limitations of human thought. Christian contemplation is not, as some critics have complained, merely a process of “emptying the mind.” Rather, it is an effort to seek clarity or serenity of aware238. Ponticus (1981), #69. 239. Richard of St. Victor (1979), book I, chapter 3. 240. Guigo II (1979), vii.

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ness in order to nurture a relationship with God. Thomas Keating says, “Regular periods of silence and solitude can dispose us to extend our consent to God’s presence to every moment of our waking lives.”241 The practice of contemplation rests on a theology of the presence of God within each Christian (cf. I Cor. 3:16). Contemplative prayer, therefore, is a wordless practice of “gazing” at God, even though such a gaze may not be consciously or experientially felt. Thus Meister Eckhart: “The eye with which I see God is exactly the same eye with which God sees me. My eye and God’s eye are one eye, one seeing, one knowledge and one love.”242 Methods of nondiscursive prayer, such as centering prayer, represent only a means to the end, and contemplation could be experienced without the practice of any method, as simply a graced gift from God to one willing to enter into such a wordless, loving gaze. References and Resources Anonymous. 1997. The Cloud of Unknowing. Rockport, Dorset, England: Element Books. Eckhart, Meister. 1994. Selected Writings. Translated by Oliver Davies. London: Penguin Classics. Guigo II. 1979. Ladder of Monks and Twelve Meditations. Translated by Edmund Colledge, OSA, and James Walsh, SJ. Kalamazoo, MI: Cistercian Publications. Keating. Thomas. 2006. Open Mind, Open Heart. New York: Continuum. Laird, Martin. 2006. Into the Silent Land. Oxford: Oxford University Press. McColman, Carl. 2013. Answering the Contemplative Call. Charlottesville, Newburyport, VA: Hampton Roads. Ponticus, Evagrius. 1981. The Praktikos & Chapters on Prayer. Translated by John Eudes Bamberger. Kalamazoo, MI: Cistercian Publications. Richard of St. Victor. 1979. Selected Writings. Translated by Grover A. Zinn. New York: Paulist Press. Rohr, Richard. 2003. Everything Belongs. New York: Crossroad.

—Carl McColman

Continental Philosophy of Education Continental philosophy refers to a set of philosophical traditions that arose among English-speaking philosophers in the second half of the 20th century. This new movement contrasted with the traditional analytical tradition, which espoused conceptual clarity, reason, and modern logic. In continental Europe, the perceived crisis of liberalism in the English-speaking educational world 241. Keating (2006), 2. 242. Eckhart (1994), 179.

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constitutes a crisis of modern legitimation in its own right. The result in continental Europe led to debates about modernity, legitimacy, and practice of education and the influence of a new philosophy of education, include a renewed skepticism about universalism, both in ethics and epistemology.243 Continental philosophy, in contrast to analytical philosophy, in which philosophy of education was concerned with analysis and knowledge in schooling, was mainly concerned with helping persons become properly human. With radical social demands and a heightened sense of cultural pluralism, the rationalistic approach to education was in crisis. The real crisis centers around the question of whether reason can be a valid guide to action, and even whether rational thinking is ever the objective and universal guide it claims to be, especially in regard to a philosophy of education.244 Thus, the traditional approach to education is criticized by 20th-century philosophers of education, drawing insights from the movement in continental Europe. The term “continental philosophy” lacks clear definition and may mark merely a family resemblance across different philosophical views. Some suggest that the term may be more pejorative than descriptive, functioning as a label for types of Western philosophy rejected by analytical philosophers. Regardless of the lack of clarity of the term, there are common themes that typically characterize continental philosophy. (1) It rejects the view that the natural sciences are the best or most accurate way of understanding phenomena. Scientific method is inadequate to understanding Kantian conditions of intelligibility. (2) It typically suggests that philosophical arguments cannot be divorced from the textual and contextual conditions of its historical emergence. (3) It typically holds that conscious human agency can change these conditions of possible experience. Philosophical inquiries are closely related to personal, moral, and political transformation. (4) With its emphasis on metaphilosophy, and in the wake of the development and success of the natural sciences, it has sought to redefine the method and nature of philosophy.245 Continental Philosophies of Education Continental philosophers included the movements of German idealism, phenomenology, existentialism, hermeneutics, poststructuralism, French feminism, and Western Marxism.246 It is difficult to cover all the aspects 243. Nigel Blake, Paul Smeyers, Richard Smith, and Paul Standish, The Blackwood Guide to the Philosophy of Education (Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing, 2003), 6–7. 244. Ibid., 10. 245. Michael Rosen, “Continental Philosophy from Hegel,” in Philosophy 2: Further Through the Subject, ed. A. C. Grayling (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999), 665. 246. Simon Critchley, Continental Philosophy: A Very Short Introduction (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001), 13.

of continental philosophies of education, but the major streams of continental philosophies and its representative philosophers that influence educational philosophies are the following: 1. Existentialism (Søren Kierkegaard, 1813–1855; Fiedrich Nietzsche, 1844–1900; Jean-Paul Sarte, 1905–1980): The aim of education is for the individual to explore his or her own feelings and relate ideas to her or his own life. Existential education places emphasis not on scholarly debate but on creation; that is, one creates ideas relevant to one’s own needs and interests. First the individual. then the ideas the individual creates. Ideas about heaven, hell, and God are all human inventions. Therefore, the individual can be given credit for the creation of concepts, both good and bad.247 Existentialists believe that a good education is one that emphasizes individuality. It attempts to assist each of us in seeing ourselves with our fears, frustrations, and hopes, as well as the ways in which we use reason for good. Thus, the first step in any education is to understand ourselves by being authentic persons. 2. Phenomenology (Edmund Husserl, 1859–1938, Martin Heidegger, 1889–1976; Paul Ricoeur, 1913– 2005): The aim of education is the emphasis on possibility as a goal of education. The emphasis on the human being is really an emphasis on becoming, for human consciousness can never be static. The life-world out of which we interpret what happens to us has been constituted through our interpretation of what has happened to us in the past. This life-world interpretation may be characterized by adequacy or inadequacy, but each of us reacts to a new experience in terms of this interpreted background. The goal of education is to help the learners construct the best life-worlds possible.248 3. Structuralism (Ferdinand de Saussure, 1857–1913; Claude Lévi-Strauss, 1908–2009): The aim of education is for the student to become aware of language and its potential. Once the educator does this, there is a better chance of clarity and use of language in the educational process. Since language is a complex cultural development and words have a variety of meanings and usages, one cannot define a word or prescribe its meaning for everyone else. Thus, one must see concepts, word meanings, and statements about education in their

247. Howard Ozmon and Samuel Craver, Philosophical Foundations of Education, 5th ed. (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Merrill Publishing Company, 1995), 258. 248. Ibid., 261.

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practical context as opposed to a theoretical, prescriptive construction.249 4. Poststructuralism (Michel Foucault, 1926–1984; Jacques Derrida, 1930–2004): The aims of education vary based on the stream of thought, but the generalizable aim stresses that ethics must be a central concern to critical education, particularly the different ethical discourses that offer students a richer fund of meanings and that help them relate to diversity in the wider society. This helps students understand how individual experience is influenced by different ethical discourses and how ethical relations are formed between the self and others, including others of very different background, origin, and perspective. The basic function is for the student to engage in social discourse that helps them reject needless human suffering and exploitation, and the purpose is to a sense of responsibility for others, including those considered outside the margins of social life. This kind of education is ethically prior to the accumulation of knowledge, although knowledge acquisition occurs along with empowerment.250 Continental Philosophy of Education A continental philosophy of education requires the educator to no longer teach subjects as a collection of knowledge and facts only, but rather to understand the cultural context by paying attention to experience, narrative, and meaning of language. The educational curriculum recognizes the interconnection of logic and emotion, giving attention to different perspectives and contexts, and sees the world as a text to be interpreted rather than being explained. It acknowledges the complex interplay of cognition, affect, and conation, as well as the vital importance of personal engagement with the subject through participation. It focuses on the individual, helping the student to understand himself or herself to become more fully human and construct the best life-world possible. The educator helps the student engage in conversations about race, gender, and ethnicity as important conversation partners.251 And the educator creates a context for students to engage in social discourse about human suffering and exploitation, so they will have a sense of responsibility for the suffering and marginal in society. Thus, the educator creates a context for where knowledge is being constructed in experiences of the whole body and being of the person. 249. Ibid., 300. 250. Ibid., 276–77. 251. Patrick Slattery, Curriculum Development in the Postmodern Era: Teaching and Learning in an Age of Accountability, 2nd ed. (New York: Routledge, 2006), 131–133.

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References and Resources Critchley, Simon. 2001. Continental Philosophy: A Very Short Introduction. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Cutrofello, Andrew. 2005. Continental Philosophy: A Contemporary Introduction. New York: Routledge. Grayling, A. C., ed. 1999. Philosophy 2: Further through the Subject. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Leiter, Brian. 2007. The Oxford Handbook to Continental Philosophy. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Nigel, Blake, Paul Smeyers, Richard Smith, and Paul Standish. 2003. The Blackwood Guide to Philosophy of Education. Malden, MA: Blackwell. Ozmon, Howard, and Samuel Craver. 1995. Philosophical Foundations of Education. 5th ed. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Merrill Publishing. Slattery, Patrick. 2006. Curriculum Development in the Postmodern Era: Teaching and Learning in an Age of Accountability. 2nd ed. New York: Routledge.

—Mark Maddix

Continental Reformation, Educational Principles of The Reformation movement embraced transformation in education as much as it did theological and ecclesiastical reform. In reality, new patterns in education were the logical and natural results of a renewed emphasis on theological principles. Theological Principles and Educational Reform The main theological issues that led to church and educational reform were threefold. The first was the supremacy of scripture or sola scriptura, which affirmed the notion that the final authority of faith and practice was the scriptures. Martin Luther (1483–1546) and other reformers taught that believers should not have to be reliant on the interpretation of scripture by popes, church councils, or other clergy, as had been the dominant view for centuries (Anthony and Benson 2003, 199; Pazmiño 1997, 144). The second principle was justification by faith or sola fide. Luther insisted that one acquired salvation by a genuine confession of sin and sincere repentance, and that it came through faith alone (Rom. 1:17). The Catholic Church had been teaching that salvation was gained through works and by the purchase of indulgences. A third principle was the priesthood of all believers, meaning every individual who had a personalized faith could be his or her own priest and had access to God through a personal relationship with Jesus Christ. This theological position threatened the very structure of the Catholic Church (Anthony and Benson 2003, 199; Pazmiño 1997, 144; Ulich 1968, 108–109).

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The consequence of these principles was educational reform that led to a new vision for universal education. If each individual was personally responsible to God for knowing scripture, having a personalized faith, and being his or her own priest, every person must be equipped to read and study the scriptures. Until education reform occurred, only the well-educated minority could do this (Pazmiño 1997, 144; Lamb 2001, 586). Educational reform took place on four fronts: the home, the church, state-supported schools for children, and universities. Educational Reform and the Home Luther emphasized home education for children as the crux of his educational philosophy. C. B. Eavey summarizes Luther’s view of family education as follows: He maintained that home training and obedience produced sound family life, and that sound family life is the foundation of good government on all levels. He contended that no one ought to become a father unless he could teach his children bible truth. He declared also that we must be taught from birth if God’s kingdom is to grow. He strongly censured laxity in parents and wrong methods of training. (1964, 147)

Likewise, John Calvin (1509–1564) believed that children should be carefully taught by parents in the context of the home and family (Eavey 1964, 150; Reed and Prevost 1993, 198). Educational Reform and State Schools While Luther emphasized education in the home, he believed that parental teaching was insufficient for the education of children. In “Letter to the Mayors and Aldermen of All the Cities of Germany on Behalf of Christian Schools,” he argued that schools should provide a well-rounded education that included Latin, Greek, and Hebrew (Lamb 2001, 586). Nothing was more important to Luther, however, than that public schools equip every person to read the Bible (Ulich 1968,109). Luther’s close associate and master educator Philip Melanchthon (1497–1560) founded the Saxony school system, the forerunner of the modern state school system (Eavey 1964, 148; Gangel and Benson 1983, 142–143; Lamb 2001, 586). In Switzerland, both Ulrich Zwingli (1484–1531) in Zurich, and Calvin in Geneva, introduced elementary and secondary schools for children and youth (Eavey 1964, 149–150). Educational Reform in Higher Education Reforming higher education was a part of the agenda of Lutherans and Calvinists alike. For Luther’s part, he was merciless in his criticism of the universities of his time.

Christopher Lucas summarizes Luther’s harsh assessment of universities as follows: “They were . . . dens of murderers, temples of Moloch, synagogues of corruption, ‘nests of gloomy ignorance’ grown moribund under the weight of scholasticism and unbending tradition; and ‘nothing more hellish . . . ever appeared on earth . . . or ever would appear’” (1994, 85). For all the efforts of Lutheran reformers, however, significant or dramatic changes were few and far between (85). On the other hand, where the legacy of Calvin predominated, significant university reform took place. French Huguenots establish eight universities in the 16th and 17th centuries, and Calvin himself founded the famous Geneva Academy in 1557, which included a Schola publica. The Schola eventually became the University of Geneva (Lucas 1994, 86; Gangel and Benson 1983, 145–146). Other Calvinist universities were founded in continental Europe in Leiden (1575), Amsterdam (1632), and Utrecht (1636) (Lamb 2001, 586). Educational Reform and the Church With the advent of the Reformation, various groups sought for renewal of education in the church. Calvin, for example, believed that not only should children be given a religious education in the home, they should also attend catechetical classes on Sunday with emphasis in doctrine, manners, and morals (Eavey 1964, 150). His Catechism of the Church at Geneva employed a question and answer approach designed to be used between the pastor and children. The Anabaptists also use the catechetical approach to teaching believers prior to baptism. References and Resources Anthony, Michael, and Warren Benson. 2003. Exploring the History & Philosophy of Christian Education. Grand Rapids, MI: Kregel. Eavey, C. B. 1964. History of Christian Education. Chicago: Moody Press. Gangel, Kenneth O., and Warren S. Benson. 1983. Christian Education: Its History and Philosophy. Chicago: Moody Press. Lamb, Robert L. 2001. “The Reformation.” In Evangelical Dictionary of Christian Education, edited by Michael Anthony, 584–586. Grand Rapids MI: Baker Academic. Lucas, Christopher J. 1994. American Higher Education. New York: St. Martin’s Griffin. Pazmiño, Robert W. 1997. Foundational Issues in Christian Education. 2nd ed. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic. Reed, James E., and Ronnie Prevost. 1993. A History of Christian Education. Nashville, TN: Broadman &Holman. Ulich, Robert. 1968. A History of Religious Education. New York: New York University Press.

—Harley T. Atkinson

Conversion

Convergent and Divergent Thinking The publication of Joy Paul Guildford’s paper “Creativity” in 1950 was arguably responsible for redirecting the attention of those interested in human personality toward the scientific measurement of creativity as an aspect of human intelligence. While of itself not an original insight (similar work had been done by Hargreaves in London in the 1920s), Guildford’s suggestion that existing methods of psychological measurement of human abilities neglected intellectual abilities, such as fluency, flexibility, and originality of thought, led to his developing a comprehensive model of the structure of the intellect (SI theory), in which such abilities were located within the category of divergent thinking (loosely equated with creative thought or activity), while those abilities previously measured by psychometric tests took account only of convergent, noncreative, thinking (see “Creativity”). However, in extrapolating from his initial model of mental operations acting on different types of product and content (a theoretical total of 120 intellectual aptitudes), Guildford argued that while the mental operation of divergent thinking was of unique importance for creativity, it was not an exclusive reserve of all human creative aptitudes. During the 1950s, 1960s, and 1970s, the idea of differing named bipolar mind styles or thinking processes being exhibited by individuals gained momentum among psychologists and psychiatrists concerned with human personality traits. These include, for example, adventurous and closed, intuitive and analytical, flexible and rigid, growth and safety, fluid and crystallized, and defensiveness and openness. However, the terms convergent and divergent have dominated this area of study, though whether or not they represent different and distinctive human traits, distributed in varying degrees and differing ways through populations, is a matter of dispute and conjecture, as are the possible mechanisms whereby they occur and the relationship between them. The use of those terms has subsequently undergone a number of subtle and not so subtle developments. They are used, simply, to designate a difference between open-ended psychometric tests (i.e., those in which the questions have no correct answers) and those that are designed with questions that will have one single correct response. A second use is to differentiate between problems that have a correct solution and those that do not. The third application distinguishes two theoretically different types of people and is often used, erroneously in my view, to differentiate between those engaged in scientific (convergent) and artistic (divergent) intellectual endeavors. Usually hidden within this last use of the terminology, more reprehensibly, is the unspoken value judgment that

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divergent people are to be admired and valued, while convergent people are dull, plodding, and of lesser value to an organization—an unfortunately common perspective in some sectors of the commercial world. Reference Guilford, J.P. 1950. “Creativity,” American Psychologist 5: 444–454.

—Andrew B. Morris

Conversion The English term “conversion” is derived from a Latin word that means “turning.” “Conversion” and the verb “to convert” are used in English Bibles to translate a number of different Hebrew nouns and verbs: the meaning always focuses on “turning” or “returning,” and the terms can be used in both ordinary and specifically religious contexts, as in “turning around” or “turning to or away from God” or “returning to God” after disobedience and breaking the terms of the covenant. The noun “conversion” is used only once in the New Testament, to refer to the “conversion of the Gentiles” (Acts 15:3); different Greek verbs are translated in the New Testament by the English terms “to turn” or to “return.” As a theological term “conversion” denotes “turning away from self and sin and turning to God in Christ and trusting in him for salvation.” Theologically, conversion is associated with repentance and faith, and this reflects New Testament usage. Since God is the author of salvation, He is also the author of conversion, in the sense that through His Spirit God addresses the individual, who “turns” from sin and spiritual darkness to light and renewal in Christ (Acts 26:18). For many Christians, the encounter of the apostle Paul with the risen Christ on the road to Damascus provides a paradigmatic account of conversion: Paul’s zeal for the Jewish law, which caused him to persecute the followers of Jesus, was replaced by commitment to the proclamation of the Gospel and reliance on God’s gift of righteousness apart from the law for salvation. Christian mission that is faithful to the command of Christ to “make disciples of all nations” (Matt. 28:19) necessarily aims to convert. The most important thing in life is to know God and to be reconciled to him; through Christ one is released from the penalty and power of sin. Conversion to God marks a new birth and a new beginning. God calls all to convert and to follow a life of faith and obedience. Christian education in the church also aims to convert and to elicit commitment to Christ, through teaching, by example, and through various types of ministry, children’s ministry, outreach, and service to the community that witnesses to Christian truth.

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When conversion occurs in adolescence or in adulthood, it can be expected that there is often a change of belief, behavior, and lifestyle, and this naturally has become the focus of psychological and sociological research. Moreover, the concept of conversion has gradually been extended to include not just conversions to Christianity but any dramatic shift in a person’s fundamental beliefs and values and the processes and factors that are involved. Lewis Rambo (1993) has identified seven stages in the process of conversion: context—the social, political, religious, and personal context of the person before conversion; crisis—any experience that disrupts or threatens to disrupt the religious identity and commitments of an individual; quest—a crisis that occasions a search for a new framework; encounter—the individual becoming aware of other options and expressing interest in one, typically through personal encounter; interaction—a period of renewed encounter; commitment—open identification with a new set of beliefs and values; and finally, consequences—the results that follow from the new commitment and identity. In the postcolonial period, basically since World War II, the issue of religious conversion has become a political issue, and some states, historically Islamic, forbid individuals and communities from converting from one religion to another. Religious conversion is disparagingly described as “proselytizing” and thought of as immoral and socially unacceptable. All such arguments, in the final analysis, should be regarded either as instances of religious protectionism or as contradicting the right to freedom of religion. References and Resources Kerr, Hugh T., and John M. Mulder, eds. 1985. Conversions: The Christian Experience. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. Rambo, Lewis. 1993. Understanding Religious Conversion. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Thiessen, Elmer. 2011. The Ethics of Evangelism. Bucks, UK: Paternoster Press.

—L. Philip Barnes

Coptic Orthodox Church Christian Education The Coptic Orthodox Church centers around the nonChalcedonian, Miaphysite see of Alexandria, tracing its foundation to the Apostle Mark (Masri 1978). It boasts a long history of Christian education. With regard to informal education, it has its own liturgy in addition to unique prayers for other sacraments and rites, as well as a strong monastic tradition and community, being one of the birthplaces of Christian monasticism (Kamil

2002). Furthermore, one may say that Alexandria, above all other patriarchates in early Christianity, in accordance with the great city’s love of knowledge and scholarship in general, began with the most thorough embrace of formal Christian education, in addition to informal means. Early History Alexandria’s catechetical school was well known in the early church, featuring the prominent Christian teachers Clement and Origen, among others, and continued the spiritual or allegorical method of biblical interpretation of the first-century Jewish philosopher Philo (Boyarin 2007; van den Hoek 1997). The influence of Origen in particular is unparalleled among ancient Christian writers outside of the New Testament. Despite controversy surrounding many of his teachings, he developed a vocabulary and asked questions that would shape Christian theology and pedagogy for generations to come. In addition, representatives of the Alexandrian patriarchate, such as Alexander, Athanasius, Cyril, and Dioscorus, figured prominently in the theological disputes of the ancient church. Midway through the fifth century, however, Alexandria’s involvement in the christological controversy led to a schism in the church in the aftermath of the Council of Chalcedon in 451. For the most part, the Greek Christians of Egypt, who favored the decision of the council and had imperial support, remained in communion with the other patriarchates of the Roman Empire (Rome, Constantinople, Antioch, and Jerusalem). On the other hand, the ethnic Egyptians or Copts—the vast majority of Christians in Egypt—broke communion in favor of the theology of Dioscorus, their patriarch or pope, as their archbishop is also called, who protested at Chalcedon to the phrase of Pope Leo of Rome that Christ is one person “in two natures,” preferring instead the phrasing, “from two natures,” exclusively (McGuckin 2004). The schism itself, however, was not official until 570, when the Copts appointed their own rival patriarch (Kamil 2002). While the history is far more complex, one may view this as the beginning of what is known as the Coptic Orthodox Church, at least as much as that title denotes the church no longer in communion with the Chalcedonian patriarchates of the Roman Empire. The schism and estrangement became even more solidified after the Muslim conquests of the seventh century largely cut Northern Africa off from the Roman world, as well as through their growing reliance on the Coptic and Arabic languages over the Greek. It is thus a church that takes its beginnings from a crisis in Christian teaching and represents a unique tradition of doctrine and practice, neither Roman nor Byzantine. However, according to George (2010, 623), “in spite of separation” the Chalcedonian

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and non-Chalcedonian churches of the East “maintain to this day a remarkable unity in theological approach, liturgical-spiritual ethos and general church discipline.”

an awakening for the Coptic people, who had previously been poor and uneducated (theologically and otherwise) during the time of dhimmitude (Seikaly 1970).

Modern Educational Reform In modern times, the most significant turn in Coptic Christian education occurred in the 19th century, when the Copts were released from dhimma status—that of being merely a protected people, but not citizens, under Muslim rule—and during the papacy of two Coptic popes in particular: Cyril IV (1854–1861) and Demetrius II (1862–1870). Now full citizens and no longer simply endeavoring to survive, the Copts could revive their academic heritage. According to Guirguis and van DoornHarder (2011, 74):

Pope Shenouda III and Coptic Christian Education Today From 1971 to 2012, Pope Shenouda III led the Coptic Orthodox Church. In contrast to many of his predecessors since Demetrius II, he was very popular with the laity, even leading a weekly Bible study that drew crowds in the thousands (Hulsman 2001). Citing only his education-related achievements, Shenouda encouraged monasticism, ordained hundreds of new bishops for new dioceses, reopened certain ministry roles to women, appointed a special bishop for the youth, expanded missionary efforts in sub-Saharan Africa, and authored polemical works against what he saw as heresies within and without the Coptic Church. He also signed joint statements on christology with both the Roman Catholic Church and the Eastern Orthodox Church, working toward healing the 1,500-year rupture. Shenouda was also a strong opponent of biblical criticism, discouraging its use and study among the Copts (Guirguis and van Doorn-Harder 2011). Notably, as has been standard since its beginnings, the Coptic Church has always educated laity through its liturgy as well. The Coptic liturgy includes regular biblical readings from the Psalms, the Epistles of Paul, the Catholic Epistles, and the Gospels, followed by a homily or sermon (Masri, 1978). The liturgy also serves to preserve their traditional Coptic language, as well as often employing Arabic, Greek, and the local language of whatever nation a Coptic community inhabits if outside of Egypt. The Copts also have a rich iconographic tradition, which serves didactically as a reminder of the stories of the faith, both biblical and throughout Christian history. While education and piety are widespread today, the Coptic Church continues to face the challenge of preserving its heritage in the face of persecution, marginalization, and modernization.

Cyril tried to elevate the educational level of priests by summoning those living in and around Cairo to weekly meetings for theological reading and discussions. He enforced discipline in churches concerning the use of sacred music, the vestments of the presiding clergy, and bans on public intoxication. The Coptic printing press that he had imported from Austria in 1859 produced Biblical literature and texts such as liturgies, hymnals, synaxaria [commemorative readings of the lives of the saints], and lectionaries that were distributed to local churches free of charge.

They also describe the work of Demetrius II, whose controversial papacy met with the challenge of Protestant missionary efforts directed toward Coptic Christians (Guirguis and van Doorn-Harder 2011, 82): To Demetrius, knowledge of the church’s dogmas seemed crucial in order to counter Protestant ideas. It was during his reign that the priest Philotheos Ibrahim Baghdadi (1837–1904), the dean of St. Mark’s Cathedral, became famous for his sermons and public expositions on the Orthodox faith that could last for over three hours. Traveling up and down Egypt, he organized Coptic versions of revival meetings.

After these two papacies, however, an uneasy tension between pope and people developed, as well as an educated class of Copts with their own vision for the church. Educational developments continued rapidly under the next pope, Cyril V. In 1874, the Coptic laity established the Church Community Council to oversee the church’s finances. In 1875, this council founded a theological seminary. Cyril V, however, closed it only a few months later, and it was not reopened until November 1893. From then on it had a considerable impact on the education of the laity. “Alumni of the seminary” launched “Sunday-school meetings all over Egypt” (Guirguis and van DoornHarder 2011, 108). In many ways, this time is considered

References and Resources Boyarin, Daniel. 2007. “Philo, Origen, and the Rabbis on Divine Speech and Interpretation.” In The World of Early Egyptian Christianity, edited by James E. Goehring and Janet A. Timbie, 113–129. Washington, DC: The Catholic University of America Press. George, Kondothra M. 2010. “Theological Education in the Oriental Orthodox Tradition.” In Handbook of Theological Education in World Christianity: Theological Perspectives— Regional Surveys—Ecumenical Trends, edited by Dietrich Werner, David Esterline, Namsoon Kang, and Joshva Raja, 623–628. Eugene, OR: Wipf & Stock.

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Guirguis, Magdi, and Nelly van Doorn-Harder. 2011. The Emergence of the Modern Coptic Papacy: The Egyptian Church and Its Leadership from the Ottoman Period to the Present. Cairo; New York: The American University in Cairo Press. Hulsman, Cornelis. 2001. “Reviving an Ancient faith.” Christianity Today 45 (15, December 3): 38–40. Kamil, Jill. 2002. Christianity in the Land of the Pharaohs: The Coptic Orthodox Church. London and New York: Routledge. Masri, Iris Habib el. 1978. The Story of the Copts. Barstow, CA: St. Anthony Coptic Orthodox Monastery McGuckin, John A. 2004. Saint Cyril of Alexandria and the Christological Controversy. Crestwood, NY: St. Vladimir’s Seminary Press. Seikaly, Samir. 1970. “Coptic Communal Reform: 1860–1914.” Middle Eastern Studies 6 (3): 247–275. van den Hoek, Annewies. 1997. “The ‘Catechetical’ School of Early Christian Alexandria and Its Philonic Heritage.” Harvard Theological Review 90 (1): 59–87.

—Dylan Pahman

Correspondence Christian Education Correspondence education is a service providing the student with materials through the mail, who works through a series of lessons and submits assignments and tests by return mail. The submitted materials are graded and returned by mail. Communication with an instructor or office is generally done by letter and is relatively slow. There is little in the way of interaction between the student and the instructor/grader except via the mail. In 2010, the U.S. Department of Education redefined a correspondence course to be “a course provided by an institution under which the institution provides instructional materials, by mail or electronic transmission, including examinations on the materials, to students who are separated from the instructor. Interaction between the instructor and student is limited, is not regular and substantive, and is primarily initiated by the student. Correspondence courses are typically self-paced.” Correspondence Christian education has its roots in the letters written to the early church by early church leaders. It was an attempt to teach and instruct by way of written communication. Though there were no assignments or tests, these early letters were transmitting vital information to these early churches from acknowledged leaders. The first acknowledged correspondence courses for educational purposes began in London in 1858, when the University of London offered degrees by correspondence. In 1892, William Rainey Harper began correspondence courses at the University of Chicago. In 1901, R. A. Torrey started what is considered the first Christian

correspondence program of study to provide a Christian education to people unable to attend the Moody Bible Institute but who desired an equivalent biblical education. Bible-based correspondence education flourished in the 19th and 20th centuries as a means of educating rooted learners as well as others unable to afford or relocate to a Bible school or seminary. As radio, audio technology, and television became established and available as valid and popular means of communication, some schools and ministries retooled correspondence courses to include additional and more dynamic content delivered electronically. However, most assignments and tests were still mailed in for grading and evaluation, and communication between the student and instructor/grader was instigated by the student. Types of Correspondence Distance Education There are two main branches of correspondence education. The first is a “noncredit” course. These courses are taken mainly for the information and inspirational benefit of the user. Some institutions offer the possibility to earn a continuing education unit of credit. These courses are generally less expensive than credit-based correspondence courses and may be taken individually or in group settings. The other branch is correspondence courses taken for academic credit at a school or university and applied toward a degree. These courses are generally more robust and monitored to ensure equivalency to those courses taught in the classroom. Tests and exams are frequently required to be taken in the presence of a neutral proctor to ensure the integrity of the course. Payment of tuition is required to earn academic credit. The Process of Correspondence Christian Education Correspondence courses require enrollment in a program of study or at a minimum some demographic information being presented to enroll. Once payment is received, if required, the student is sent materials to work through each lesson. Lessons are often grouped into units for ease of study and testing. Students work through a lesson plan, reading required materials either provided or purchased. Often a “study guide” is included that acts much as the instructor telling the student what to read and/or clarifying the materials read with additional teaching. At the end of each lesson or unit of study, a test is administered and returned to the school or ministry for grading and feedback. Since the rise of computer technology and Internet availability in the mid-1990s, this method of Christian education has experienced a steady decline, in part because much of the information presented by correspondence Christian education can now easily be found online and in more vibrant formats.

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Many of the schools and ministries that once had robust correspondence courses have moved their courses into online formats, using different online learning management tools. These courses connect the student and the instructor/grader with faster and more direct contact and communication, thus rendering the mailing of materials back and forth all but obsolete.

of mission for both church life and addressing social and cultural needs in society. —Sadrac Meza

References and Resources

“The Council for Christian Colleges & Universities (CCCU) is an international association of intentionally Christ-centered colleges and universities,” which exists “to advance the cause of Christ-centered higher education and to help our institutions transform lives by faithfully relating scholarship and service to biblical truth” (CCCU 2013). As of 2013, the CCCU consisted of 118 North American member institutions and 54 institutions from 20 different countries in affiliate status. Full membership status requires that the institution be a four-year, comprehensive college or university with a broad liberal arts curriculum, and that it be located in the United States or Canada with full regional accreditation (U.S. institutions). Institutions must exhibit a strong commitment to Christ-centered higher education, hire only Christians for full-time faculty and administrative positions, and demonstrate sound finances. Although the CCCU was officially founded in 1976 as the Christian College Coalition, its formation followed and built upon several prior organized efforts within evangelical higher education. These included the Institute for Advanced Christian Studies (IFAC) in 1966, the Christian Scholar’s Review in 1970, and the Christian College Consortium (CCC) in 1971. In addition to the desire for cooperative academic efforts, these programs (especially the CCC) arose as a response to perceived “financial, enrollment, and identity issues facing Christian colleges” (Patterson 2001, 42). The Consortium (CCC) began with 10 Christian colleges as charter members and in 2013 consisted of 13 members, the result of a deliberate policy by the member institutions in the mid-1970s to limit the organization to their current number at that time. The Consortium states that it exists to “serve the cause of Christ in higher education by encouraging and assisting one another in the pursuit of their respective missions . . . through scholarships, conferences and exchange programs” (CCC 2013). The decision by the Consortium to limit its membership ultimately led to the formation of the Christian College Coalition. In the 1970s, Christian colleges in the United States faced a growing number of threats related to church/state issues that affected regulation and federal aid. In 1975 Gordon Werkema, the first full-time president of the Consortium, proposed to that organization the formation of a “Christian College Coalition” as a sub-

Goetz, Gene A. 1986. The Story of Moody Bible Institute. Revised and updated by James M. Vincent. Chicago: Moody Press. Knowles, Malcolm S. 1962. The Adult Education Program in the United States. New York: Hold, Rinehart, and Winston. University of London International Programmes. 2013. Our History. Accessed 1 April 2013. http://www.londoninterna tional.ac.uk/our-global-reputation/our-history. U.S. Department of Education. 2010. Title 34: Education. § 600.2 Definitions. Accessed 27 March 2013. http://www.ecfr.gov.

—Kevin J. Mahaffy Sr.

Costa Rica and Christian Education Costa Rica, like most Latin American countries, has a strong Catholic influence. The republic’s constitution lists Catholicism as the state’s religion. It is no surprise, then, that Catholic education is taught in the public schools of Costa Rica. This form of Christian education has been spread throughout the country by both the church and the state since the 16th century. Protestantism, primary as a result of non-Catholic immigrants, arrived in the 19th century, and since 1892, Costa Rica has had an increased presence of Evangelicalism. During the first decades of the 20th century, evangelical Christian education was very important for national churches, such as the Central American Mission, Methodists, and Baptists. This was reinforced by the arrival of the Latin America Mission and the foundation of the Association of Bible Churches. The model of evangelical Christian education was practiced not only directly by the church, but also by specific Christian private schools, reaching both the church and society at large. In the last part of the 20th century Evangelicalism grew rapidly. This gave the Evangelical Church a well-known position in society, but also it brought about some deficiencies in terms of commitment, discipleship, ethics, and Christian education. At the same time, there was an increasing awareness that textbooks and written guides for Christian education coming from other contexts were not the best options for Latin American culture. The Evangelical Church in Latin America is in the process of redefining its identity and developing a theology

Council for Christian Colleges and Universities

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sidiary of CCC. He envisioned “a cooperative effort by those interested in religiously integrated values in higher education because no one in the nation now focuses their attention on that group, certainly not from an Evangelical Christian perspective” (Patterson 2001, 42). Werkema also proposed that the president of the Consortium act simultaneously as the president of the CCC until the latter organization grew to a size warranting the appointment of an executive associate. In September 1976, the Christian College Coalition held its organizational meeting, with presidents from 26 Christian colleges in attendance, including all the members of the Consortium at the time. Twelve additional institutions that were unable to attend also committed to the organization, resulting in the charter membership of 38 members. The Coalition formally separated from the Consortium and became an independent entity in 1981, changing its name to the Coalition for Christian Colleges and Universities in 1995 and to the Council for Christian Colleges and Universities in 1999. The CCCU provides over 100 programs and services aimed at meeting the needs of students as well as administration and faculty in Christian colleges and universities. Programs include professional development opportunities for institutional trustees, executive leadership, and financial and development officers, as well as faculty. Two of the more popular of these programs are the Women’s Leadership Development Institute and the Leadership Development Institute. Popular student programs include the American Studies Program, the Los Angeles Film Studies Center, and numerous study abroad programs. Further information can be found at https://www.cccu.org/about/programs_and_services. References and Resources Christian College Consortium (CCC). 2013. “Welcome to the Christian College Consortium.” Accessed 16 April 2013. http://www.ccconsortium.org/. Council for Christian Colleges and Universities (CCCU). 2013. “About CCCU.” Accessed 16 April 2013. https://www.cccu .org/about. Patterson, James. 2001. Shining Lights: A History of the Council for Christian Colleges and Universities. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic. ———. 2006. Shining Lights and Widening Horizons: A History of the Council for Christian Colleges and Universities, 2001–2006. Washington, DC: Council for Christian Colleges and Universities.

—John Lillis

Counseling Counseling is the ability of a trained individual to listen to and advise individuals about a particular course of

action in their lives. Counseling covers a variety of situations in which individuals feel that they need assistance, such as family counseling, spiritual counseling, career counseling, individual counseling, pastoral counseling, and grief counseling. There are professionals who study counseling as a profession and are available to the Body of Christ to assist in their spiritual walk. One of the major components of counseling is that what is said between the counselor and the client is confidential, which permits the client to have a sense of confidence and freedom about what is communicated between the client and the counselor. However, the counselor does have a responsibility as a mandated reporter when what is communicated constitutes harm to the client or another person. This should be conveyed to the client at the beginning of the counseling sessions. There are different methods of counseling, and counselors choose the method that works best for their clients. One of the types of counseling used by Christian counselors was developed by Jay E. Adams, called nouthetic counseling. It associates sin in the individual’s life with the difficulties that many experience within the Body of Christ. As a result, the believer must use the Bible as the source to remove the sin from his or her life, resulting in relief from the difficulty. Within Christianity, counseling has become a vital instrument, used by believers who seek to have a closer spiritual walk with God. It is not unusual for believers to seek the services of a spiritual director to assist them in achieving spiritual maturity in their Christian walk. The role of the spiritual director has increased in the Body of Christ. The spiritual director counsels with the individual on a regular basis to assist the believer with drawing closer to God. Another very popular role of counseling in Christianity is premarital counseling, which is usually carried out by the couple’s pastor or spiritual advisor and covers issues that would affect the couple during the marriage, such as financial, fidelity, and sexual issues and raising a family. The term of premarital counseling is usually established by the person or persons counseling the couple and can run from a week to four weeks. Family counseling is a very important part of counseling within the Body of Christ. Many families cope with dysfunction within the family and want to know how to resolve those situations in a way that is pleasing to God. Every family has issues that they must confront and resolve. Often family counseling will begin with the family’s pastor. The pastor will then determine if he or she is capable and able to counsel with the family and for how long. It is not unusual for the pastor to undertake counseling with a family for a short time, but when longer term counseling is necessary, the family is referred to a therapist who specializes in family counseling. Therefore it is important for a pastor to have a list of counselors in the community

Counter-Reformation, Educational Principles of

in whom the pastor has confidence and who can assist the pastor when long-term counseling is needed. —Candace Shields

Counter-Reformation, Educational Principles of Many Roman Catholic priests and theologians in the late 15th and early 16th centuries were calling for reform of the church. Some ultimately split off from the Roman Catholic Church (Protestant Reformation), but others wanted reform from within. The latter is known as the Counter-Reformation or Catholic Reformation. It was a multifaceted movement that culminated in the Council of Trent (1545–1563). It addressed ecclesiastical structure, governance, and accountability; political reform; the training and lifestyles of priests and monks; spiritual renewal, including new devotional movements and religious orders; and ultimately, general education. Christian education started with and was most significantly delivered by the family. Parish priests focused most of their instructional energy on educating the parents and godparents through preaching and catechetical lectures. Priests from the religious orders supplemented these efforts. In some places, Sunday school lessons for children were also provided before the Council of Trent. In 1565, Charles Borromeo, Archbishop of Milan, formalized a plan for Sunday Christian education lessons in the creation of the Confraternity of Christian Doctrine, or CCD. This in turn raised awareness of the need for better education for priests and any lay catechists. The Jesuit order took the lead in developing a better education system for the priests of its order, creating a network of colleges and universities. It created the Ratio Studiorum, a rulebook for making its education system uniform. It addressed behavior, daily and annual schedules, classroom procedures, and all other aspects of teaching and school administration. The Jesuit schools gradually became available to lay and clerical students who were not members. In the early 17th century, the Ursulines began a similar school system for girls. Christian Educational Content The content of Christian education in the Middle Ages focused on supporting the ideal of Christendom or a “Christian civilization” (Elias 2002, 96), the church on Earth as a model of and vehicle for a hoped-for eternal life with God. The content of Roman Catholic Christian education in the 16th century focused in large part on fighting Protestant teachings and claims and centered on the creed, the Ten Commandments, the seven sacraments, and prayer.

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Movable type and the increase in literacy spawned catechisms in the Catholic world. The Council of Trent issued the Catechismus Romanus, a reference tool for pastors. Other catechisms were written in ways that would be more attractive to the common Catholic. For example, a popular English-language catechism, first published in 1567, addresses the same basic material arranged according to the theological virtues: faith (addressing the creed), hope (on prayers), and love (on the Ten Commandments, the church commandments, and control of the five human senses so as to avoid sin). It also contained sections on the seven sacraments and on actively doing justice, and the 1583 edition added a section on ceremonies, rituals, and symbols. Visual art, the lives of the saints, exposition of the Blessed Sacrament (consecrated Body of Christ), and praying the rosary were among the aspects of popular devotion that served as informal religious education. Protestant reformers objected to images and relics as provoking idolatry, but the Council of Trent, acknowledging that abuses had crept into popular practice, affirmed an earlier council’s decision that theologically the objects testified to the Incarnation and that in educating the faithful, material reminders of scripture and the exemplary lives of the saints were significant aids to learning and commitment. The mystical theologians of the era opened windows on personal relationship with God, and the lay confraternities offered ways for common people to gather, talk, and pray with like-minded souls. The humanism of the time infused Catholic education, and Catholics were invited to attend to the subjective experience of faith. Mission Evangelization and Education Beginning in the 1520s, but rapidly increasing as the century unfolded, priests and brothers undertook dangerous journeys to the lands that the explorers had found. Many of these evangelizers envisioned growing a fresh, utopian Catholic Church in these lands, unsullied by the corruption evident in the church in Europe. At first they used art and theater to teach; later they translated the church teachings into the vernacular languages. Back in Europe, the conversion and catechetical work of the missionaries was at least partially understood as one more front in the war between Catholics and Protestants. References and Resources Elias, John L. 2002. A History of Christian Education: Protestant, Catholic, and Orthodox Perspectives. Malabar, FL: Krieger. Sawacki, Marianne. 1988. The Gospel in History: Portrait of a Teaching Church; The Origins of Christian Education. New York: Paulist Press.

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Vaux, Laurence. 1583. A Catechisme or Christian Doctrine. Reprint Cheatham Society, 1885. Accessed 7 May 2013. http:// www.aloha.net/~mikesch/vaux.htm.

—Eileen M. Daily

Creation, Doctrine of God is the Creator. This is the first reality encountered when one enters the biblical canon, and it is the presupposition for all divine revelation. There is only one God, and God has no competitors. God is full of life, a life of complete actuality. God is all truth, goodness, and beauty fully realized. Nothing in God is left merely as potential. This vision of the divine life reaches fulfillment in the doctrine of the Trinity. Three divine Persons share one divine essence; God is love. The Father, Son, and Holy Spirit enjoy abundant communion. God creates in order to share God’s love—God’s wonderful life—with creatures so that these creatures might also enjoy God. This loving, generous, hospitable, life-giving triune God is the Creator. Creation exists dependent on the triune God. Creaturely existence is a gift. The doctrine of creation helps us distinguish between God, who alone necessarily exists, and the things God has made, the things that exist because God has called them into existence. This distinction is aided by the Christian tradition’s insistence that God created ex nihilo—out of nothing. Creatures receive their existence, function, and purpose from God. God’s creation is temporal; in time, creation grows, develops, matures, and changes. As a small picture of God’s fullness of life, creation is active and lively. Creation is also teleological—it is headed toward the goal of true worship and enjoyment of God and rightly ordered fellowship with God. Creation has the potential to become what God intends it to be. In time, God’s creatures are intended to mature by participating in and enjoying God’s good gifts. Implications of the Doctrine of Creation for Christian Education Creation is full of potential that is realized through growth and maturation. Education guides human growth and maturation for the sake of enabling humans to function well in the world and to rule the world in ways that help creation function as God intends. Education is successful when this development and growth is aimed at the ends for which God made his creatures. The root of this conviction is located in humanity’s identity as the image and likeness of God. “God made humanity in his image and in his likeness” (Gen. 1:27). Humanity’s identity as God’s image and likeness establishes the motivation for holistic Christian

education. First, humans are created to know their Creator. Theological education is a critical part of a person’s formation. Knowledge of God shapes one’s worship and confession. It also shapes one’s vision of human life. Humans live in a dynamic relationship with God, and it is the knowledge of God gained through this relationship that forms their understanding of good and evil, right and wrong. The knowledge of God transforms human understanding of the world and life in it. Second, humanity—as the image of the sovereign God—is called to rule the world in ways that reflect the character of God. Human stewardship of creation demands the kind of learning manifested in studies that encompass the entirety of human life, studies that may be undertaken informally or formally. We must understand our place in the world, and the way humans thrive and flourish. We must also understand the world itself, and the way other creatures thrive and flourish. Holistic education, including forms of education aimed at ends as diverse as character formation and empirical knowledge, is necessary for humanity to fulfill its God-given role in creation. The God who knows and loves has invited His human creatures to share in the knowledge and love of God, humanity, and the world. Education aids in the development of this knowledge and these loves. Sin hinders successful education. Yet, God has reconciled humanity to Himself in Christ. Human reconciliation with God reestablishes the possibility of a truly holistic education. See also Atonement; Sin. References and Resources Aquinas, Thomas. 1963–1976. Summa Theologiae: Latin Text and English Translation, Introductions, Notes, Appendices, and Glossaries. 60 vols. Edited by T. Gilby and T. C. O’Brien. New York: McGraw-Hill. Barth, Karl. 1958–1961. Church Dogmatics, Vols. III/1–III/4. Edited by G. W. Bromiley and T. F. Torrance. Edinburgh: T&T Clark. Blocher, Henri. 1984. In the Beginning: The Opening Chapters of Genesis. Translated by David G. Preston. Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press. Gunton, Colin. 1998. The Triune Creator: A Historical and Systematic Study. Edinburgh Studies in Constructive Theology. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. Webster, John. 2010. “Trinity and Creation.” International Journal of Systematic Theology 12: 4–19.

—Ryan S. Peterson

Creativity Inserting creativity in education or creativity in schools into a search engine will generate, depending on the cho-

Creativity

sen phrase, between 7.5 and 11 million results in English alone, so this short article cannot possibly do justice to the subject, but it can identify some possible areas of interest. Consequently, not least in the context of Christian education, it is important to establish on what level one discusses creativity as a human intellectual and physical process. There are several strands of meaning underpinning the English verb to create. While the Hebrew concept is centered on the work of God independent of any other causal influences, there are others, such as shaping, making, forming, inventing, causing, and begetting, to name just a few. Consequently, inasmuch as humanity is constantly developing understanding in the light of new experiences, so creativity can be regarded as almost a defining characteristic that raises us above the animals. It implies all the uniqueness of human intellect enabling mankind’s organizational and adaptive abilities that can be brought to the material circumstances in which we exist. As such, it can be considered a Christian concept rooted in theological understanding of the relationship between God and mankind. The development of the post-Christian concept that tends to exclude or deny the God/man relationship, and simply stresses mankind’s ability to organize, adapt, and connect previously unconnected areas of experience to develop new insights or discoveries about the world, can be dated from the Renaissance period. Creativity literature has at different times suggested that creative abilities were the province of great thinkers rather than a universal human attribute. The first real attempt at an empirical study of such individual qualities can perhaps be attributed to Francis Galton’s “Hereditary Genius,” published in 1869. More recently, the universalist concept of creativity being a defining human characteristic has been championed across various branches of philosophy, evolutionary anthropology, biology, sociology, and psychology. In the early 20th century, the work of Graham Wallas (who developed a model of the creative process involving five steps or stages) and of Alfred Whitehead in the 1920s dominated public thinking about human creativity until, in 1950, the work of J. P. Guildford in America stimulated interest in the measurement of human creative potential (see Convergent and Divergent Thinking). It is important to realize that Guildford does not talk of creativity as being distinct from intelligence, but as an important aspect of it. His concern was that until he began to isolate its specific intellectual traits, creativity had been ignored in psychometric testing and so wasted potential talent. During the 1960s, Guildford developed a number of tests using open-ended questions—such as asking participants to provide original titles for stories, to suggest unusual uses for common objects, and to name

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remote consequences arising from unlikely or unexpected events—which, he argued, specifically measured, and could help develop, human creativity. Within an educational context he saw creative education as a social good that would develop self-starting, resourceful, confident, and tolerant individuals. He went further in his claims, however, suggesting that creativity is the key to education in its fullest sense and to the solution of mankind’s most serious problems. Various other open-ended tests were developed in the 1960s. Particularly notable were the Torrance Tests of Creative Thinking, in both verbal and figural forms, which measured three problem-solving abilities, scored for the total number of ideas generated (fluency), their statistical rarity (originality), and the amount of detail they included in response to the stimulus (elaboration). The possibility of measuring, and therefore possibly developing, creative abilities generated a variety of psychometric tests designed to identify children’s creative potential and a remodeling, or perhaps more correctly, a renaming of aspects of the curriculum in an attempt to make their education, beyond the recognized arts subjects, a more creative process. One example from the United Kingdom was the rebranding of the teaching of handicraft skills in wood or metal in the 1970s as “creative design,” which in turn became known as design technology. All this coincided with the then-growing popularity of child-centered approaches to schooling and the demand for industrial and commercial product innovation as a means of sustaining national productivity and competitiveness. The exact relationship between high scores on such creativity tests and measures of intelligence (IQ) is disputed. Some have argued that creativity and intelligence are separate and distinct abilities. Others claim that high intelligence, though distinct from creative thought, is a necessary attribute for high levels of creativity; that is, there is a high correlation between the two but only up to a certain threshold, when that correlation disappears. Still others argue that the cognitive processes involved are identical, but the consequences or outcomes are judged differently. Because of the complexity of the concept and the wide variety of definitions, whether it is possible to identify, measure, and develop overarching creative ability (however defined) in children through their schooling remains an open question. Some would argue that it is certainly possible for schools to establish the conditions in which children can use their (innate) creative imaginations. Others, while not decrying the potential of such educative approaches, argue that they do not necessarily change, develop, or improve creative cognitive abilities or behavior. In contrast, there are those who argue that the

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very process of schooling, with its necessarily conformist tendencies, militates against the development of creative abilities. Nevertheless, in recent years the numbers of educational programmers claiming to provide techniques for fostering creativity are legion, and these techniques are often very popular, both in education and especially in the industrial sector. The current interest in human creativity has developed to a stage where within educational circles, for the most part, the concept has taken on the mantle of all that is good and desirable. Nevertheless, within compulsory educational systems, in which schools and teachers are held accountable for meeting often externally determined and measurable pupil outcomes, there is a counterbalancing need for maintaining traditional hierarchical and organizational structures that require high levels of conformity to function effectively. Too much creativity, it can be argued, can be socially damaging. References and Resources Craft, Anna. 2005. Creativity in School: Tensions and Dilemmas. London & New York: Routledge. Craft, Anna, Bob Jeffrey, and Mike Leibling. 2001. Creativity in Education. London: Continuum International. Robinson, Ken. 1999. All Our Futures: Creativity, Culture and Education. National Advisory Committee on Creative and Cultural Education. London: Department for Education & Employment.

—Andrew B. Morris

Creeds Creeds define specific, often written, confessions of faith, adopted particularly during the early church period. Each creed served several purposes, including the basic education of new and existing converts. Following E. Glenn Hinson (1979), the creeds addressed several goals for sustaining Christian faith, including (1) instruction and baptism of new converts; (2) regular worship, (3) healing and exorcism, (4) resistance to persecutors, and (5) differentiation between heresy and orthodoxy.252 Christian creedal confessions most likely followed Jewish precedent, such as the Shema (Deut. 6:4–9). However, the creeds became anchored in the central scriptural phrase “Jesus is Lord” (Rom. 10:9). According to J. N. D. Kelly ([1960] 1978), the early apostolic fathers “appeared to be witnesses of the traditional faith rather than interpreters striving to understand

252. E. Glenn Hinson, “Confessions or Creeds in Early Christian Tradition,” Review & Expositor 76 (Winter 1979): 1, 5–6.

it.”253 Though many of the early writings only reveal fragmentary creedal statements, they did reflect Trinitarian elements that served both baptismal instruction and apologetics.254 Beginning with the third century, particularly the writing of Hippolytus (c. AD 215), more formal expressions appeared, first with the Apostles’ Creed. Subsequent fourth-century creeds surfaced in Nicea (325), and later in Constantinople (381), to both counter heretical teachings (like those of Arius) and also elaborate on the basic Trinitarian expression of the Christian faith.255 The Apostles’ Creed defines the rudiments of the Christian faith in Trinitarian fashion: I believe in God, the Father Almighty, Creator of Heaven and Earth And in Jesus Christ, His only Son, our Lord Who was conceived by the Holy Spirit, born of the virgin Mary, Suffered under Pontius Pilate, was crucified, died and was buried He descended to Hades, on the third day rose again from the dead He ascended into Heaven, sits at the right hand of God, the Father Almighty From thence He will come to judge the living and the dead I believe in the Holy Spirit, the holy, catholic, church, the communion of saints The resurrection of the dead and the life everlasting, Amen

Christian educators should note the basic description of God the Father; the birth, passion, death, resurrection, and return of Jesus (the Gospel); and the activity of the Holy Spirit in both the creation of community and the promise of resurrection. At its core, this creed not only summarizes the Christian faith, but also provides a “rule” or “canon” of faith that “provides a measure or norm for Christian identity, particularly how Christians should read their sacred writings and how they should live.”256 The creeds framed not only Christian instruction but also formation. The creeds often figured prominently in the instruction of baptismal candidates in the early church as catechesis, theology, and dogma combined to shape seekers,257 though the intensity of this instruction waned in later centuries.258 For instance, Bishop Cyril of Je253. J. N. D. Kelly, Early Christian Doctrines, rev. ed. (New York: Harper & Row, [1960] 1978), 90. 254. Ibid., 83–108. 255. Luke Timothy Johnson, The Creed: What Christians Believe and Why It Matters (New York: Anchor Doubleday), 30–39. 256. Ibid., 46. 257. Marianne Sawicki, The Gospel in History: Portrait of a Teaching Church; The Origins of Christian Education (New York: Paulist Press, 1988), 125–126. 258. Maxwell E. Johnson, The Rites of Christian Initiation: Their Evolution and Interpretation (Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press, 1989), 181–188.

Critical Thinking

rusalem developed a series of 18 lectures (c. 348) that addressed the theological topics within the Apostles’ Creed.259 Both the Apostles’ Creed and the Nicea/ Constantinople Creeds continue to shape systematic treatments of theology and even theologies of Christian education.260 Christian educators might utilize these summative statements less as abstract statements and more as guiding professions of faith that unite communities of faith toward a common identity. References and Resources Hinson, E. Glenn. 1979. “Confessions or Creeds in Early Christian Tradition.” Review & Expositor 76 (Winter): 1, 5–6. Johnson, Luke Timothy. 2004. The Creed: What Christians Believe and Why It Matters. New York: Anchor Doubleday. Johnson, Maxwell E. 1989. The Rites of Christian Initiation: Their Evolution and Interpretation. Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press. Kelly, J. N. D. (1960) 1978. Early Christian Doctrines. rev. ed. New York: Harper & Row. Mitchell, Leonel L. 1981. “The Development of Catechesis in the Third and Fourth Centuries: From Hippolytus to Augustine.” In A Faithful Church: Issues in the History of Catechesis, edited by John H. Westerhoff and O. C. Edwards Jr., 49–78. Wilton, CT: Morehouse-Barlow. Pazmiño, Robert. 2001. God Our Teacher: Theological Basics in Christian Education. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic. Sawicki, Marianne. 1988. The Gospel in History: Portrait of a Teaching Church: The Origins of Christian Education. New York: Paulist Press.

—Dean Blevins

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Later, Scholasticism (1100–1500) marked a period of critical thinking that used this dialectical method to investigate and defend the dogma and teaching of the church. In contrast, during the Enlightenment (1650– 1800), critical thinking emerged as the systematic challenging of traditions and assumptions using reason and scientific skepticism. Because much of this inquiry and examination was directed at the church’s teaching, critical thinking during this period was seen to be at odds with Christian education. In the 20th century, following the work of Jean Piaget and John Dewey, critical thinking became an integral part of Christian pedagogy. Dewey (1910, 74) for example, asserted that critical thinking is “suspended judgment; and the essence of this suspense is inquiry to determine the nature of the problem before proceeding to attempts at its solution.” Following this theme of inquiry, critical thinking in Christian education was further enhanced by the insights of critical theorists, notably the Frankfurt School, and later educational theorists such as Paulo Freire, bell hooks (2010), Ira Shor (1992), Joe Kincheloe (2008), and Henry Giroux (2011), among others. These theorists came to identify critical thinking as both integral to the process of education and a crucial outcome of critical pedagogy. No pedagogue’s work has had more of an impact on critical thinking in Christian pedagogy than Paulo Freire. Most notably his works Education for Critical Consciousness ([1974] 2005) and Pedagogy of the Oppressed ([1970] 2011) laid the foundation for pedagogical concepts in Christian education such as problem-posing education, conscientization, and dialogical education. Given this history, critical thinking in Christian pedagogy is regarded in three distinct ways:

Critical Thinking “The heartbeat of critical thinking is the longing to know—to understand how life works” writes bell hooks (2010, 7). Critical thinking in Christian education is the reflective thought and interrogation of one’s beliefs, faith commitments, assumptions, traditions, and actions. The act of critical thinking involves logic: the use of sound inductive or deductive reasoning to assess the validity and value of beliefs, assumptions, claims, and actions. Critical thinking can be traced to the Socratic method originating in ancient Greece. This dialectical method is a discourse in which individuals ask and answer questions to evaluate concepts, beliefs, and truth claims. 259. Leonel L. Mitchell, “The Development of Catechesis in the Third and Fourth Centuries: From Hippolytus to Augustine,” in A Faithful Church: Issues in the History of Catechesis, ed. John H. Westerhoff and O. C. Edwards Jr. (Wilton, CT: Morehouse-Barlow Co., 1981), 55–63. 260. Robert Pazmiño, God Our Teacher: Theological Basics in Christian Education (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic, 2001).

1. Critical thinking is a skill to be learned (Vermeer 2012). 2. Critical thinking is an activity that involves examining the lived experience of the learner (Freire [1970] 2011). 3. Critical thinking is a dialectical experience among a community of learners that can lead to the transformation of the particular historical situation, similar to notions of critical reflection (Groome 1980, 85). Today, critical thinking in Christian education reflects Henry Giroux’s (2011, 14) definition of critical pedagogy: it “is about more than a struggle over assigned meanings, official knowledge, and established modes of authority: it is also about encouraging students to take risks, act on their sense of social responsibility, and engage the world as an object of both critical analysis and hopeful transformation.” Following this reasoning, critical thinking in Christian pedagogy is a dialectical method with the pur-

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pose of social and ecclesial transformation. In order to engender critical thinking and advance Christian education, this definition invites critical inquiry and investigation of its epistemological foundations, definitive claims, and tacit assumptions. See also Analytic Philosophy and Theology; Freire, Paulo; Pedagogy, Critical Liberative References and Resources Boys, M. 1999. “Engaged Pedagogy: Dialogue and Critical Reflection.” Teaching Theology and Religion 2 (2): 129–136. Dewey, J. 1910. How We Think. New York: D. C. Heath. Freire, P. (1970) 2011. Pedagogy of the Oppressed. 30th anniversary ed. Translated by Myra Bergman. New York: Continuum. ———. (1974) 2005. Education for Critical Consciousness. New York: Continuum. Giroux, H. 2011. On Critical Pedagogy. New York. Continuum. Groome, T. 1980. Christian Religious Education: Sharing Our Story and Vision. San Francisco: Harper & Row. hooks, b. 2010. Teaching Critical Thinking: Practical Wisdom. New York: Routledge. Kincheloe, J. 2008. Critical Pedagogy: Primer. New York: Peter Lang. Shor, I. 1992. Empowering Education: Critical Teaching for Social Change. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Vermeer, P. 2012. “Meta-concepts, Thinking Skills and Religious Education.” British Journal of Religious Education 34 (3): 333–347.

—Patrick Bruner Reyes

Croatia and Christian Education This state, inhabited by 4.5 million people, is located in southern Europe in the Adriatic Sea. A former Roman province for centuries, it has remained under different influences. After World War II it was incorporated into Yugoslavia. The independence of Croatia was proclaimed in 1991. At present 87 percent of the inhabitants are Catholic; Orthodox Christians constitute about 6 percent, and Muslims 3 percent. Croatia is divided into 15 dioceses and 1,533 Catholic parishes, in which 1,590 priests work. School religious education, introduced after the transformation of Croatia’s political system and the collapse of communist rule, is based on the Concordat (1993), Agreement between the Holy See and the Republic of Croatia on Cooperation in Education and Culture (1996), and Executive Regulations on Religious Education at Public Schools and Kindergartens (1999). Religion lessons—one to two hours weekly—are facultative and confessional, treated equally with other subjects, and take place in all types of public schools. The decision to attend them is made by parents or by students over age 14.

Approximately 78–100 percent of students participate in these classes (ethics lessons are an alternative). Catechesis is supervised by the bishops and the National Catechetical Office (NCO). There are also confessional religion lessons for Muslims, Orthodox Christians, Protestants, Jews, and other denominations. These classes undergo grading, and the grades appear on school reports, but they do not refer to religious practices. Curricula are agreed with education authorities. Religion teachers have a canonical mission and are school employees. Parish catechesis with its own syllabus and books is organized once a week and is designed for children and youth. It prepares them for the sacraments and should introduce them into the life of particular parishes. References and Resources Chalupniak, Radoslaw. 2002. “Kateheza w Chorwacji.” Katecheta 46 (11): 65–68. Kielian, Andrzej. 2010. Modele nauczania religii rzymskokatolickiej w krajach europejskich. Kraków: UNUM.

—Radoslaw Chalupniak

Cross-cultural Storytelling During the first century AD, Jesus adopted storytelling as one of the primary means through which He taught his followers about the Kingdom of God. Speaking to the multicultural audiences of Israel, Jesus shared narratives and proverbs that were laden with spiritual insights and biblical truths. As the early church expanded geographically, narrative continued to be a common method used to educate Christian believers. Both oral and written stories about the lives of the Christian saints and the expansion of the church into new territories circulated widely. Literary works such as the Confessions of St. Augustine of Hippo in the fourth century and the miracle narratives of the Venerable Bede in the seventh–eighth centuries served to broaden the influence of Christianity. Narratives were also a way in which Christian morality and beliefs were taught. Influential instructive texts include Dante Alighieri’s Divine Comedy, John Milton’s Paradise Lost, and John Bunyan’s The Pilgrim’s Progress. Despite the great variety of stories shared throughout Christian history, written and oral narratives frequently reflect universal themes that express the common passions, joys, experiences, hopes, and fears of humanity. Narrative has the ability to go beyond simply conveying information and instead connects directly with both people’s hearts and minds. The effectiveness of storytelling as a means of conveying Christian truth is its innate ability to kindle curiosity, encourage recollection, and unite the audience together through its shared experience.

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Although in recent decades storytelling has been overshadowed by systematic theology, scholars have increasingly discovered the value of narrative. In current theological education, the method of conveying theology through story is often referred to as narrative or oral theology. Texts such as Why Narrative: Readings in Narrative Theology (1997), by Stanley Hauerwas and L. Gregory Jones, and Narrative Reading, Narrative Preaching (2003), edited by Joel Green and Michael Pasquarello, reflect this returning interest in story. Whether it is through biblical narrative, life stories, or community stories, narrative theologians deem all stories possible sources of knowledge about the nature, actions, and purposes of God. The key assumptions of narrative theology are that (1) the focus of biblical narrative is God, (2) scripture should be viewed both holistically and independently, (3) narrative penetrates and influences the real world, (4) the narrative’s message cannot be separated from the narrative itself, (5) narratives have cyclical interpretations, and (6) God still speaks through biblical narrative. Oral theology is similarly experiencing a revival in educational circles. Particularly in non-Western cultures, the practice of verbally conveying theological principles through narrative continues to be a common mode of evangelistic communication. In The New Faces of Christianity: Believing the Bible in the Global South (2008), Philip Jenkins notes numerous examples of oral theology expressed creatively in Christian communities worldwide. Whether conveyed through story, song, drama, proverbs, poetry, or sermons, this contemporary reintroduction of storytelling is doing much to revitalize global Christianity. References and Resources Koehler, Paul. 2010. Telling God’s Stories with Power: Biblical Storytelling in Oral Cultures. Pasadena, CA: William Carey Library. Steffen, Tom A. 2006. Reconnecting God’s Story to Ministry: Cross-cultural Storytelling at Home and Abroad. Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press. Stroup, George W. 1997. The Promise of Narrative Theology: Recovering the Gospel in the Church. Eugene, OR: Wipf & Stock.

—Sarita D. Gallagher

Crusades, Educational Influence of the After the fall of the Roman Empire in the fifth century, Europe collapsed into a period known as the “Dark Ages.” The majority of the population of Europe lived in ignorance and poverty. By the 11th century, the Dark Ages were approaching an end as Europe entered an era

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of intellectual, cultural, political, and economic revival, driven in part by the Crusades, the “Holy Wars” that would ultimately lead to the European Renaissance.261 These Holy Wars were launched by the churches and kingdoms of Europe against the expansion of Islam by the Muslims of the Middle East. The purpose of the crusades was initially to release the Holy Land, in particular the city of Jerusalem, from Muslim possession, but in time they extended to Spain, Eastern Europe, and the islands of the Mediterranean. A total of nine Crusades occurred from 1095 through 1291. The Crusades led to enlightenment and an awakening in Europe that was not present since the fall of Rome.262 During the period of the Crusades, Europe witnessed the revival of the arts and literature to a level that has been compared to the Renaissance of the later medieval period.263 Until the 12th century there had been little contact in education between the Latin West and the Eastern Arabic cultures. As the crusaders returned from the East, they carried with them both an expanded view of the natural world as well as a philosophical viewpoint different from their own. The Crusades began to turn perspectives away from local conflicts to expanded thought regarding a foreign, “heathen” culture that was far superior to that of the Western mind of the 11th century.264 With the influence from the East, advances in art, architecture, poetry, philosophy, mathematics, medicine, theology, and so forth began to spread across continental Europe. With this newfound knowledge from the East, universities were established emphasizing education that included ancient authors such as Ptolemy, Aristotle, Euclid, Archimedes, and others. These centers of learning were established in Salerno, Paris, Montpellier, Toulouse, Naples, Bologna, Salamanca, Oxford, and Cambridge.265 One of the major contributions from the East was the Arabic translations of ancient texts in philosophy, mathematics, and science. The contribution of Greek learning transmitted through Arabic culture to European education was almost incalculable. In Arabic culture there had been a strong emphasis on the translation of original Greek, Syriac, and Hebrew texts. In the ninth century, Ptolemy’s Almagest (an influential work in the area of astronomy) and Euclid’s Elements (a leading work in mathematics) were first translated into Arabic. By the 12th century, both works appeared in Latin 261. Brenda Stalcup, Introduction to The Crusades, ed. Brenda Stalcup (San Diego: Greenhaven, 2000), 11. 262. Williston Walker, A History of the Christian Church (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1970), 224. 263. Hywel Williams, A History of the Middle Ages: Power and Pageantry, 950–1450 (New York: Metro, 2011), 84. 264. Lewis Joseph Sherrill, The Rise of Christian Education (New York: Macmillan, 1944), 256. 265. Williams, History of the Middle Ages, 84.

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translations. These works would revolutionize Western thought in mathematics and astronomy. In science, it was the Arabic translations of Aristotle’s Physics, Meteorology, and De Caelo that revolutionized Western thinking regarding the natural world. In medicine, it was the translations by Arabic doctors of the ancient Greek literature from Galen and Hippocrates that transformed medical practice in Europe.266 In addition to the Arabic translations, another major impact of the Crusades on education was the Arabic influence on the quadrivium, part of the seven liberal arts that comprised the education of the medieval period. The impact of this expansion on geometry, arithmetic, astronomy, and music can be seen in the terms borrowed from Arabic that are still used in the Western world, such as algebra, zero, and cipher in mathematics, as well as almanac, zenith, and nadir. In Western cultures, Arabic numerals (i.e., 1, 2, 3, 4, etc.) are used instead of Roman numerals (i.e., I, II, III, IV, etc.) in mathematics. In the field of chemistry, words such as camphor, benzene, alcohol, alkali, soda, and borax come from Arabic sources. These terms are merely a representative sample of those used today in the fields of agriculture, trades/crafts, and science.267 In addition, various Arabic works influenced the development of European schools. In the field of science, the Book of Optics by Alhazen became a foundational work that influenced Roger Bacon. In chemistry, a series of Arabic textbooks on alchemy influenced European thought for centuries. In medicine, Ibn Sina’s Canon of Medicine remained a standard textbook in Europe until the 17th century.268 As the East collided with the West during the Crusades, philosophical and theological understandings were also challenged and expanded. With the Arabic translations of Aristotle’s works by Averroes, the West was introduced to classical Greek thought by one of the world’s best known philosophers. Averroes’s translation of, and commentary on, Aristotle’s works led to the development of scholasticism in Europe. By the end of the 12th century, Aristotelian logic had been absorbed into European thought and influenced the great medieval theologian/philosopher Thomas Aquinas. The introduction of Aristotelian philosophy gave rise to a great deal of philosophical and theological activity throughout the medieval period.269 The Crusades had a profound impact on the educational curricula of the Middle Ages, and this influence 266. Ibid., 89–90. 267. Martin Erbstosser, “An Influx of Knowledge from the East,” in The Crusades, ed. Stalcup, 144; and Williams, Middle Ages, History of the Middle Ages, 89. 268. Erbstosser, “Influx of Knowledge,” 149. 269. Justo L. González, 2010. The Story of Christianity (New York: HarperOne), 300.

is reflected in science, mathematics, philosophy, and theology today. During the Crusades, the West was introduced to the education of the East. This interaction would profoundly change the educational system of Europe and ultimately lead to scholasticism and the European Renaissance. References and Resources Asbridge, Thomas S. 2010. The Crusades: The Authoritative History of the War for the Holy Land. New York: Ecco Press. González, Justo L. 1999. The Story of Christianity. Montreal, Canada: Prince Press. Sherrill, Lewis J. 1944. The Rise of Christian Education. New York: Macmillan. Stalcup, Brenda. 2000. The Crusades. San Diego: Greenhaven Press. Tyerman, Christopher. 2006. God’s War: A New History of the Crusades. Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press. Walker, Williston. 1970. A History of the Christian Church. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons. Williams, Hywel. 2011. A History of the Middle Ages: Power and Pageantry, 950–1450. New York: Metro.

—Andrew Burggraff

Cuba and Christian Education Roman Catholicism was the only official religion in Cuba until after the end of the Spanish-American war in 1898. The United States then occupied this Caribbean island for four years, until Cuba became an independent country in 1902. During those years many Protestant groups from the United States arrived to minister in Cuba. Different Protestant denominations focused on different geographical areas. Consequently, Protestantism in Cuba grew considerably during the first half of the 20th century, and many denominations established schools and seminaries throughout the island. In 1959, Fidel Castro’s guerrilla movement defeated the government of Fulgencio Batista and took control of the country. In 1961, Castro declared Cuba a communist country and established a close relationship with the USSR. During this time hundreds of thousand of Cubans left the island, including most prominent Protestant leaders. At the same time foreign missionaries were expelled, the Cuban government nationalized all schools run by religious institutions with the exception of the seminaries, and denominations with close ties to the United States struggled to survive. After a long period of hardship for believers in Cuba, since 1985 their relationship with the government has been slowly improving. In the early 1990s, Protestantism in Cuba experienced unprecedented growth, and this

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spiritual awakening has spread to all regions and affected all denominations, especially the Pentecostals and the Baptists. The house-church movement is a major factor in church growth in Cuba, and nearly every local church sponsors house-churches led by lay leaders. Cubans value education, and Christian education has become a major priority for Protestantism. One-to-one discipleship is an essential component of Christian education, and new believers are carefully walked through the main tenets of the Christian life. The main challenge for Christian churches is to keep up with the growth and to disciple new believers. Although external circumstances are difficult, these are the best times for Christianity in Cuba. —Octavio Javier Esqueda

Cully, Iris Iris Cully (1914–2010) was an American educator whose pioneering leadership, extensive teaching and publications, progressive theory of Christian education, and prominent expansive scholarship advanced the field during the 20th century. Early Background and Education Iris was born on 12 September 1914 in Brooklyn, New York, and baptized as an infant at the New York Avenue Methodist Episcopal Church, where she enjoyed Sunday school as a young child. Her parents did not attend church, despite their descent from a Scottish Presbyterian family (father) and a German-Irish Roman Catholic family (mother). They did, however, play a very influential role in her vocation as a Christian religious educator by encouraging Iris to write, and by sending her, the first woman on either side of the family, to college. Iris attributed her passion for Christian education to personal spiritual experiences in the church, her eighthgrade public schoolteacher, and a Sunday school teacher at the Methodist church, as well as books she read during adolescence on philosophy and religion. In response to the unexpected death of a friend during college, Iris changed her career plans. Rather than become a high school English teacher, she embraced a vocation as a Christian educator. Following graduation from Adelphi College in New York, Iris completed a master’s degree at Hartford Seminary Foundation School of Religious Education in 1937. She then served as secretary and director of religious education at Hollis Presbyterian Church. In 1939, Iris married Kendig Brubaker Cully, a Hartford Seminary PhD graduate and minister in the Congregational Church.

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While raising her daughters, Melissa and Patience, and supporting her husband’s pastoral ministry, Iris published church-ministry-related articles and curriculum, and she and her husband coauthored their first book, Two Seasons: Advent and Lent (1954). Through a joint program of Garrett Theological Seminary and Northwestern University, Iris received her bachelor of divinity degree (1954) and PhD (1955), the first woman to receive a doctorate in religion from Northwestern University. Iris’s introduction to neo-orthodox theology while at Northwestern provoked new questions and insights, influencing her move toward a new theoretical paradigm and related curriculum for Christian education. From 1955 to 1964, Iris taught part-time at Garrett Theological Seminary, Chicago Lutheran Seminary, Kendall College, the Baptist Missionary Training School, and Northwestern University’s evening school. When the Cullys returned to New York in 1964, Iris taught one day a week at Yale, Drew, Union, and New York University. In 1965, Iris accepted a full-time position as associate professor of religious education, the first woman granted faculty status at Yale Divinity School. When New York Seminary closed its academic programs in 1970, the Cullys moved to Vermont, where together they founded the Review of Books and Religion in 1971. The publication continued as Books and Religion until 1992. While living in Vermont in the early 1970s, Iris also taught courses at St. Michael’s University, Vermont; Meinrad Seminary, Kentucky; Fordham University, New York; and LaSalle College, Philadelphia. In the 1970s, Iris filled key leadership roles in the field of religious education: vice president of the Religious Education Association, 1972–1973; the first woman president of the REA, 1973–1974; member of the REA board as well as the REA journal advisory board, 1975–1979; serving on the Association of Theological Schools faculty grants committee, 1977–1979; and ATS curriculum workshop leader for seminary faculty, 1980. In 1976, after four months as a visiting professor, Iris accepted an invitation to serve as the Alexander Campbell Hopkins Professor of Religious Pedagogy at Lexington Theological Seminary, the first woman on the faculty of any Disciples school. She remained at LTS until her retirement in 1985. Iris was active in the Episcopal Church and a devoted member of the Society of the Companions of the Holy Cross until her death on 24 February 2010. Significant Contributions to Christian Education By her example and voice, Iris prominently advanced the leadership opportunities for women in theological education. In addition to her role as professor and writer, Iris had a profound influence through her

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publications, which included 30 books, more than 140 articles, more than 40 curriculum publications, several audio and video presentations, 117 book reviews, and at least 9 published editorials. Through her teaching and publications, Iris shaped Christian education theory and practice in child development, spiritual growth, teaching methodology, resources for understanding and teaching scripture, educational leadership, and educational program development. The life-centered theory that Iris pioneered through her PhD dissertation, published in Dynamics of Christian Education (1958), underlies various aspects of her teaching and research and was perhaps her most extraordinary and pivotal scholarly contribution to the field of Christian education. The life-centered theory advanced the field of Christian education by wedding theistic theology with progressive educational philosophy and methods. Iris looked to neo-orthodox theology, with particular attention to kerygma—the proclamation of divine action rather than the Didache, the written teachings of the apostles—as the source and framework of her theory and method of Christian education. Christian nurture based on the Didache meant alignment with theological propositional prescriptions, whereas Christian nurture grounded in the proclamation meant existential encounter with God according to the good news of God’s redemptive and reconciling activity in history. Teaching based on the proclamation focused on the living God who is encountered in life, thus requiring life-centered methods that included participation, recognition, and communication. Most Notable Publications The Bible in Christian Education. 1995. Minneapolis, MN: Fortress Press. The Dynamics of Christian Education. 1958. Philadelphia: Westminster Press. Education for Spiritual Growth. 1984. San Francisco: Harper & Row. Harper’s Encyclopedia of Religious Education. 1990. San Francisco: Harper & Row. (Coedited with Kendig Brubaker Cully.)

References and Resources Mercer, Joyce Ann. 1997. “Imparting the Word.” In Faith of Our Foremothers: Women Changing Religious Education, edited by Barbara Anne Keeley, 139–154. Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press. Mercer, Joyce Ann. n.d. “Iris V. Cully,” Talbot School of Theology: Christian Educators of the 20th Century. http://www2. talbot.edu/ce20/educators/view.cfm?n=iris_cully.

—Beverly C. Johnson-Miller

Cully, Kendig Kendig Brubaker Cully (1913–1987) was born in Millersville, Lancaster County, Pennsylvania. Most of his early years were spent in Meyerstown, Pennsylvania. He grew up under the influence of a Presbyterian father, a Methodist mother, and an evangelical church, which later identified itself as the Evangelical United Brethren church. Later he pastored a Congregational church but with an Anglican flavor, served as a minister of education at a Methodist church, and was instrumental in launching a master’s degree program in religious education at an Episcopal school. This landscape plays a role in his ecumenical focus, evident in the book he edited, Does the Church Know How to Teach? An Ecumenical Inquiry (1970). Another formative experience visible through a career change was his love for journalism, although he majored in English at the American International College in Springfield, Massachusetts. During these college years he worked proofing and editing newspaper articles. Also, in early pastoring (1949–1951), he served as the Massachusetts correspondent for The Christian Century. Cully’s theological training came from two institutions. First, he earned an MRE (1938) and a PhD (1939) from Hartford Theological Seminary. He also earned a master of sacred theology degree from Seabury-Western Theological Seminary (1953) and started teaching. He was also ordained into the Episcopal priesthood at the Church of St. John the Evangelist in St. Paul, Minnesota, in 1955, and was attracted to Barthian neo-orthodoxy, with a focus on biblical theology (Warner 1998–2012). From this profile of education and work, Sharon Warner (1998–2012) identifies three major career changes in Cully’s lifetime: pastorate, teaching, and publishing. Although his curriculum vitae demonstrates that he was involved somewhat in all three activities simultaneously, there were major shifts that characterized certain eras of his life. In his early years one observes pastorate and Christian education in a church. Then, with proper teaching credentials he taught religious education at Kendall College (1952–1955) and later at Seabury-Western as professor of religious education and director of the master of arts program, where he remained until 1964. His next teaching endeavor took place at New York Theological Seminary, where he functioned as a dean (1965–1971). From the outset, one observes the exposure of his teaching to other institutions such as Bethany Theological Seminary, Lutheran School of Theology (Chicago), and Union Theological Seminary (New York) (Cully 1956, 11) and later as a visiting professor at the Episcopal Theological Seminary in Lexington, Kentucky, from 1976 to 1980 (Warner 1998–2012).

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His religious publishing occurred soon after he left New York Theological Seminary in 1971. As if life were coming full circle, his passion for journalism flowered again. With his life companion and academic partner, Iris Cully, he founded Review of Books and Religion, “a journal that would bridge the gulf between new books and their potential readers” (Warner 1998–2012). Their goal was to help laypeople and professionals in the selection of resources to advance their ministries. In 1976, this publication changed its name to New Review of Books and Religion, and by 1984 it was housed in Duke Divinity School as Books & Religion Shortly after he retired and moved to Pilgrim Place in Claremont, California, in 1985, he died of complications from lung cancer, on 29 March 1987m at the age of 73 (Warner 1998–2012). Cully’s contributions to Christian education endorse his ministerial role, teaching, writing, and editing. Their scope is seen in works such as Westminster Studies in Christian Communication (1962) and the Westminster Dictionary of Christian Education (1963). For the academy he edited works such as Basic Writings in Christian Education (1960) and Confirmation: History, Doctrine, and Practice (1962). After concluding the Westminster dictionary he envisioned yet another volume, published with coeditor Iris Cully three years after his death: Harper’s Encyclopedia of Religious Education (1990). She recognized this work as “the crowning achievement of more than thirty-five years of writing and editorial work” (1990, xxiii). Kendig B. Cully envisioned a religious education rooted theologically and connected historically, and as such moving beyond “a how-to-do-it laboratory” and helping “to recover the teaching ministry of the church in its fullness” (1965, 174–175). In The Search for a Christian Education—Since 1940 (1965), he exposed the plurality of voices, and in Does the Church Know How to Teach? An ecumenical Inquiry (1970), he promoted a dialogue. One might say he accomplished his mission in life. References and Resources Cully, Iris V., and Kending Brubaker Cully, eds. 1990. Harper’s Encyclopedia of Religious Education. San Francisco, CA: Harper & Row. Cully, Kendig Brubaker. 1956. The Search for a Christian Education—Since 1940. Philadelphia: Westminster Press. ———, ed. 1970. Does the Church Know How to Teach? An Ecumenical Inquiry. New York: Macmillan. Warner, Sharon. 1998–2012. “Kendig B. Cully.” In Christian Educators of the 20th Century. Accessed 8 November 2012. www.talbot.edu/ce20.

—Regina Steibel

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Cultural Anthropology and Christian Education Cultural anthropology and Christian education share a mutually enriching relationship. The former studies the human subject in the milieu of its lived experience. As an embodied, social, and meaning-seeking being, the subject of cultural anthropology is a dynamic, creative, and transformational agent. Embedded within culture, the subject is shaped by the culture and in turn shapes the culture. Christian education draws from its own presuppositions concerning the human. Couched in what could be called the Hebrews’ notion of a sacred ontology, the subject of Christian education finds its purpose for being in a shared covenant with the Almighty, a covenant that is initially sealed with the gift to the creature of the Creator’s own image. Thus, the anthropologist is concerned with lived experience as a way of deepening the relationship between the subject and its environment, while the Christian educator is concerned with the subject’s proper appropriation of the Christian tradition for the sake of its proper practice and subsequent transmission. Though distinct in both aim and method, both enterprises endeavor to enrich the lived experience of the human subject. Christianity, from the outset, has asserted itself as a force for the transformation of both the human and the culture. Early on in his ministry, Jesus promises to transform fishermen into “fishers of men,” an indication of his intent to shift the priorities of the culture in the eyes of His followers (Matt. 1:19). Yet Jesus, like His disciples, was a product of his cultural milieu. He was a devout Jew who valued the traditions that shaped the Judaism of His time. He spoke in the language of His parents and shared the indignation of His people toward Roman rule. He was a man striving to grapple with what it meant to be human in the midst of tremendous existential angst. Thus, implicitly, Christian history emerges out of a deep engagement of the movement’s leaders with the forces of their respective cultures. Yet Jesus often clashed with the culture. His efforts at religious education exposed the presence of social structures, which would resist Him to the death. Later on, the apostle Paul would express his own concerns about the proper relationship between his faith and the culture of his time. He praises God for delivering him from this world of evil (Gal. 1:4). Paul Tillich’s words are very apt here when he articulates what he calls “the problem” of Christian education, or what he terms “The Church School”: “The problem of the Church School is more than the problem of a particular educational aim. It is the

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problem of the relation of Christianity and culture generally and Christianity and education especially.”270 The contemporary debate concerning the relationship between cultural anthropology and Christian education properly speaking has its roots in the theological movements of the 20th century. According to Mary C. Boys, “It was the neo-orthodox interpretation of the human situation that established the contours of Christian education.”271 However, with theology no longer viewed as the “clue” to religious education, as Randolph Crump Miller used to insist, room was created for Christian educators to appropriate the tools of the social sciences, including cultural anthropology and sociology.272 Cultural anthropology informs Christian education at least in the following three ways. First, it offers a deep understanding of culture. Writes Charles H. Kraft in “Cultural Anthropology: Its Meaning for Christian Theology”: “Any discipline that seeks to deal with human beings needs the sharpest insights possible into the nature and workings of that within which humans “live and move and have their being’—culture.”273 Such understanding, according to Kraft, is significant for at least three reasons: (a) a deep understanding of culture enriches the interactions between the Christian educator and the biblical texts and enhances the interpretative act; (b) it facilitates the application of “theological insights” to the educator’s own culture; and (c) it enhances the educator’s own self-understanding.274 In essence, if the educator’s self-understanding includes a robust engagement with the cultural element, he or she might be more likely to appreciate the cultural located-ness of others. Centuries of colonial oppression bear witness to the destructive and demonic effects of an uncritical approach to the human as a cultural agent. Cultural anthropology’s concern for the integrity of the human impresses upon the Christian educator the imperative of leveling the playing field by relativizing cultural location, helping to expose the cultural biases active in the biblical texts themselves. A deeper understanding of the self in light of one’s own culture translates into a more nuanced and informed notion of the human. An enriched notion of the self constitutes anthropology’s second gift to Christian education. At this level, Christian education benefits from research in ethnography, linguistics, feminist and critical theory, and gender studies. An understanding of

270. Paul Tillich, Theology of Culture (London: Oxford University press, 1959), 156. 271. Mary C. Boys, Educating in Faith (Lima, Ohio: Academic Renewal Press, 1989), 74. 272. Ibid., 129. 273. Charles H. Kraft, “Cultural Anthropology: Its Meaning for Christian Theology,” Theology Today 41 no 4 (1985): 394. 274. Ibid.

the human as a cultural subject helps to deconstruct and reimagine traditional Christian notions of the human. Finally, cultural anthropology informs Christian education by helping to raise the latter’s potential for the emancipation of the human. The emancipation motif is sustained only when the Christian educator and the anthropologist are talking to each other. Historically, education has shown its potential for oppression and occlusion. Paulo Freire makes that point clear in his renowned Pedagogy of the Oppressed. Christian education is particularly culpable, as it has served as a tool of oppression by king and priest alike. The consequence of an emancipatory motif is that it exposes the power structures that are active within the culture, at both the educative and religious levels, stripping them of their sanctimony, and freeing the subject to a life of self-fulfillment within both the culture and the church. Yet, as Freire also makes clear, “‘education,’ especially Christian education, [is] the practice of freedom.”275 Much more could be written about the relationship between cultural anthropology and Christian education. Let it be noted that the relationship is mutual. Christian education informs anthropology in diverse ways. Certainly, the biblical tradition’s insistence on a divinely ordained human ontology stands as a strong corrective to the humanist agenda of the anthropological enterprise, as Barth’s neo-orthodox theology would insist. Cultural anthropology’s gift to Christian education consists of a deepened understanding of the human as an agent who participates in and is shaped by cultural forces, which are distinct from culture to culture and from time to time. Christian education’s nature as a theologically oriented and transformational enterprise finds in the anthropologist a dialogue partner whose insights into the human prove indispensable for the effective transmission of the Christian faith across both generations and cultures. Let Christian educators heed Josiah Royce’s warning in The Problem of Christianity: “And so, when a religion loses touch with human needs, it dies.”276 References and Resources Boys, Mary C. 1989. Educating in Faith. Lima, OH: Academic Renewal Press. Freire, Paulo. 1984. Pedagogy of the Oppressed. New York: Continuum. Kraft, Charles H. 1985. “Cultural Anthropology: Its Meaning for Christian Theology.” Theology Today 41 (4): 390–400. Royce, Josiah. 1968. The Problem of Christianity. Vol. 1. Chicago: Gateway.

—Emmanuel Buteau 275. Paulo Freire, Pedagogy of the Oppressed (New York: Continuum, 1984), 69. 276. Josiah Royce, The Problem of Christianity (Chicago: Gateway, 1968), 1:387.

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Cultural Influences in Educating Christians The importance of understanding cultural influence in educating Christians should never be underestimated. The better one understands contemporary culture, the more effective one will be as a Christian educator. At the heart of any culture lie meanings, values, and a particular pattern of thinking and behaving. Contemporary culture shapes the meaning systems and values of people. Thus, when cultural change occurs, people’s meanings, values, and ways of behaving change. This is especially true in the case of the younger generation, and it offers a significant challenge to those involved in the ministry of Christian education, not only for the young but for all age groups. The “developed” world has witnessed an unforeseen, profound, and accelerating economic, social, and cultural shift during the past few decades. Economic change always leads to social change, and this in turn brings about cultural change. Economic and social changes occur at the level of observable data, whereas cultural change occurs in a covert manner, beneath the surface of what can be easily measured. Cultural change concerns meaning and values, and it is this type of paradigm shift that affects religious belief and practice, presenting a new challenge to one’s inherited understanding and approach to Christian education. Since culture constitutes a total context that shapes each person, how then can the culture of the present time be best described? There is general agreement among philosophers, sociologists, anthropologists, and educators that contemporary culture can be most accurately labeled postmodern. The culture of postmodernity presents both challenges and new opportunities for Christian education. While there is a rejection of absolutes and at best an indifference toward institutionalized religion, especially among the rising generation, there is, on the other hand, a new openness to interactive community and to the spiritual as a reaction to the rationality and individualism of modernity. The renewed openness to the spiritual dimension of life, in whatever form it takes, provides an opportunity for Christian religious educators to build on an existing foundation. The search for wholeness and for meaningful spirituality offers the possibility of dialogue with the Christian story in its institutionalized, symbolic, and liturgical expression. One feature of the philosophy of postmodernity that augurs well for a community-based religious faith is the nonindividualistic attitude that is replacing the individualism of modernity. This renewed sense of the importance of community does not deny the significance of the

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individual; rather, the conception is that the individual cannot be understood apart from his or her place in the community. From the postmodern perspective, Christian communities that are open to diversity will be more attractive to the postmodern sensibility, whereas communities that strive to be homogeneous will close themselves off from the diversity that is inherent in postmodern thought and way of life. Many commentators on Christian faith and culture point to the importance of enabling people, and young people in particular, to engage in cultural discernment, critique, and analysis, by providing them with skills whereby they can reflect on and critically examine the culture in which they are immersed. Furthermore, there is need for explicit Gospel-rooted discernment of culture in religious education classes and in parish or congregational youth groups. If religious education or youth ministry is to be relevant to the lives of today’s adolescents, it must take seriously the issue of Gospelrooted cultural discernment. The manner in which people experience reality is culture-bound, and any Christian educational endeavor that does not take account of the contemporary cultural milieu in which all age groups are immersed is destined to be less than adequate. The relationship between religious nurture and religious education needs to be reconsidered and the two aims of religious education taken into account—namely, formation in the faith (religious nurture) and the academic understanding of religion (religious studies). References and Resources Brennan, Oliver, ed. 2005. Critical Issues in Religious Education. Dublin: Veritas Publications. Sweet, Leonard. 1999. Soul Tsunami—Sink or Swim in the New Millennial Culture. Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan. ———. 2000. Post-Modern Pilgrims—First Century Passion for the 21st Century World. Nashville, TN: Broadman & Holman.

—Oliver V. Brennan

Culture The Cultural Mandate As H. Richard Niebuhr explains, “Culture is the ‘artificial, secondary environment’ which man superimposes on the natural.”277 Humans are called to be stewards of the rest of creation (Gen. 1: 28), tasked with developing nature into culture to serve human needs (Gen. 2:15). This cultural mandate is made more difficult by sin (Gen. 3:17–19). 277. H. Richard Niebuhr, Christ and Culture (New York: Harper & Row, 1956), 32.

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We are tempted into cultural idolatry, worshipping the works of our own minds (Gen. 11:1–9; Rom. 1:22–25). Christ’s Twofold Call The proper Christian response to culture is also complicated by the duality of Christ’s Lordship. In his vertical relation with the Father, Christ points away from this world to our eternal destiny (Heb. 11:13–16). Yet in his horizontal relation with humanity, Christ calls us to remain in our station (1 Cor. 7:20), so that we can love and serve our neighbor. We are not to be of the world (heaven is our home), and yet we are to remain in the world (John 17:14–18). Christ and Culture in Education Both culture and Christ make demands, and as H. Richard Niebuhr argued, several different models have been proposed to help determine the proper Christian response.278 The model one accepts makes a huge difference to how the task of Christian education is conceived.279 The two simplest models accent either the demands of Christ or the demands of culture. The “Christ against Culture” approach (e.g., Tertullian, Tolstoy, and the Mennonites) emphasizes Christ’s vertical call away from culture. This encourages a separatist approach to education: the world’s ideas are perceived as a threat to our allegiance to Christ. Institutionally, this may lead to defection from mainstream education and parallel educational institutions. The separatist may make an authentic protest against God-denying ideologies (Col. 2:8).280 Yet this fails to engage these ideologies and abandons the neighbor in mainstream education to their influence.281 Proponents of “Christ of Culture” (e.g., Abélard, Ernst Troeltsch, the emerging church282) emphasize Christ’s horizontal call into the world and understand Christ as the trajectory of the best in culture. This encourages an 278. For an evaluation of Niebhur’s methodology, see Angus Menuge, ed., Christ and Culture in Dialogue (St. Louis, MO: Concordia Academic Press, 1999); and Donald A. Carson, Christ and Culture Revisited (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 2012). 279. For an excellent study of Christian institutions of higher learning that have kept the faith with their tradition, see Robert Benne, Quality with Soul: How Six Premier Colleges and Universities Keep Faith with Their Religious Traditions (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 2001). Helpful guidance for the individual Christian academic is provided by Richard T. Hughes, The Vocation of Christian Scholar: How Christian Faith Can Sustain the Life of the Mind, rev. ed. (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 2005); and Mark A. Noll, Jesus Christ and the Life of the Mind (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 2011). 280. A strong defense of a nuanced form of separatism is provided by John Howard Yoder’s “How H. Richard Niebuhr Reasoned,” in Authentic Transformation: A New Vision of Christ and Culture, by Glenn H. Stassen, D. M. Yeager, and John Howard Yoder (Nashville, TN: Abingdon Press, 1996). 281. For a powerful critique of academic separatism, see Mark A. Noll, The Scandal of the Evangelical Mind (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1995). 282. A sympathetic yet critical evaluation of the emerging church is found in R. Scott Smith, Truth and the New Kind of Christian: The Emerging Effects of Postmodernism in the Church (Wheaton, IL: Crossway Books, 2005).

accommodationist approach to education: progressive ideologies like higher criticism, Darwinism, and postmodern relativism283 are embraced. Yet the foundation of the Gospel may be lost: miracles, original sin, and objective truth are rejected as outmoded. The danger is nullifying the Word of God for the sake of human intellectual tradition (Matt. 15:1–9). The three more complex models all recognize the demands of both Christ and culture. They affirm both the vertical and the horizontal call of Christ. The “Christ above Culture” model (e.g., Aquinas) says that grace completes nature. This encourages the synthesis of Christian theology with the world’s best ideas (e.g., Christian Aristotelianism, theistic evolution). The advantage is a comprehensive, coherent Christian worldview with great philosophical power. A possible disadvantage is the illusion that the works of fallible, finite human minds have the same authority as the Word of God. Such an intellectual marriage is destined to divorce when the shortcomings of those works are exposed. The “Christ the Transformer of Culture” model (e.g., Calvin, F. D. Maurice) emphasizes the effect of sin on our intellectual faculties. Yet it is optimistic that not only individuals but cultural institutions can be redeemed for Christ. There is an emphasis on Christian education (e.g., Christian politics and science). The advantage is that students critically engage the world’s ideas from a Christian perspective. A disadvantage may be overestimating the ability of fallen humanity to reclaim the world. The “Christ and Culture in Paradox” model (e.g., Luther) says that the new man of faith is at war with the old sinful nature (Rom. 7:15–25).284 Only Christ’s work is redemptive, so we cannot hope to redeem the academic world. Yet, standing on the Word of God, we can pursue a critical dialogue with the world’s ideas in order to harvest insights for serving our neighbor’s temporal needs.285 The advantage is a combination of full engagement with the world’s ideas while maintaining critical distance. No theory is off limits for discussion, and yet none should supplant Christ or his Word (Ps. 146:3; Matt. 24:35). A disadvantage may be fence-sitting and intellectual quietism. References and Resources Benne, Robert. 2001. Quality with Soul: How Six Premier Colleges and Universities Keep Faith with Their Religious Traditions. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. 283. See Gene Edward Veith, Postmodern Times (Wheaton, IL: Crossway Books, 1994). 284. This model is intimately bound up with the Lutheran doctrines of vocation and the Two Kingdoms. See Gustaf Wingren, Luther on Vocation (Evansville, IN: Ballast Press, 1999). 285. This ideal of Christian education is developed at length in Gene Edward Veith, Loving God With All Your Mind: Thinking as a Christian in the Postmodern World, 2nd ed. (Wheaton, IL: Crossway Books, 2003).

Culture and Learning

Carson, Donald A. 2012. Christ and Culture Revisited. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. Hughes, Richard T. 2005. The Vocation of Christian Scholar: How Christian Faith Can Sustain the Life of the Mind. Rev. ed. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. Menuge, Angus, gen. ed. 1999. Christ and Culture in Dialogue. St. Louis, MO: Concordia Academic Press. ———. 2011. Learning at the Foot of the Cross. Austin, TX: Concordia University Press. Niebuhr, H. Richard. 1956. Christ and Culture. New York: Harper & Row. Noll, Mark A. 1995. The Scandal of the Evangelical Mind. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. ———. 2011. Jesus Christ and the Life of the Mind. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. Smith, R. Scott. 2005. Truth and the New Kind of Christian: The Emerging Effects of Postmodernism in the Church. Wheaton, IL: Crossway Books. Stassen, Glenn H., D. M. Yeager, and John Howard Yoder. 1996. Authentic Transformation: A New Vision of Christ and Culture. Nashville, TN: Abingdon Press. Veith, Gene Edward. 1994. Postmodern Times. Wheaton, IL: Crossway Books. ———. 2003. Loving God with All Your Mind: Thinking as a Christian in the Postmodern World. 2nd ed. Wheaton, IL: Crossway Books. Wingren, Gustaf. 1999. Luther on Vocation. Evansville, IN: Ballast Press.

—Angus Menuge

Culture and Learning An overwhelming body of research has established what cultural anthropologists have intuited for decades: people from different cultures think in fundamentally different ways. While the differences are not absolute, and there is wide diversity and individual variation, there are strong, statistically significant differences between the ways in which information is processed by people from different cultural backgrounds, and this has a profound impact on the ways in which learning takes place from culture to culture. The seminal work found in Nisbett and colleagues (2001) points to four areas in which Westerners and East Asians process information differently: a. Attention and control. In general, East Asians tend to focus on the overall field, seeing wholes, and observing covariations, while Westerners tend to focus on specifics, isolating and analyzing the elements as the necessary step toward generalization.

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b. Relationships and similarities vs. rules and categories. Asians are more likely to organize objects, events, and people on the basis of some kind of relationship, while European Americans are more likely to group on the basis of a shared category. c. Experiential knowledge vs. formal logic. When engaging in deductive reasoning, East Asians tend to prefer beginning with experiential knowledge based on intuitive understandings emerging from direct perception, reflecting a general understanding of truth and reality as relational and changeable. In contrast, Western students tend to rely on logic and abstract principles, reflecting a general understanding of truth and reality as consistent and logical. d. Dialectics vs. the law of noncontradiction. East Asians and European Americans have differing levels of commitment to avoiding apparent contradiction in deductive reasoning. Western logic is governed by rules, such as the law of identity (a thing is identical to itself), the law of noncontradiction (no statement can be both true and false), and the law of the excluded middle (any statement is either true or false). In contrast, Chinese logic avoids “rules” and rather embraces dialectic principles (Spencer-Rodgers et al. 2009), such as the principle of change (reality is dynamic, and therefore a thing may change and hence not be identical to itself), the principle of contradiction (old and new, good and bad, exist in the same object or event and indeed depend on one another for their existence), and the principle of relationship or holism (nothing is isolated and independent, and attempting to isolate elements of some larger whole can only be misleading). In summary, Nisbett suggests that Westerners tend toward information processing that is linear, specific, analytic, theoretical, and individualistic-competitive, while East Asians prefer to think through patterns that are circular, interconnected, holistic, experiential, and communal. Research elsewhere in the world suggests that Western patterns are just that—Western. While the specifics differ, the general pattern of information processing throughout most of the non-Western world tends toward holism and networked thinking, rather than the tight specificity so typical of Western thinking (see, e.g., Bauman & Skitka 2006; Schwartz 1992; Triandis 1989). Christian educators need to recognize the different gifts each culture brings to the table of learning. Western logic enhances objectivity in reading scripture, avoiding the danger of reading one’s own preconceptions into the text (Chang 1981). And while insufficient alone, logic and rationality are important tools for comprehending

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and communicating Christian truth (Enns 2005). On the other hand, holistic and dialectic approaches are often better able to capture the complexity of biblical truth and recognize the foundational role that narrative plays in the scripture, with its call to intense subjective engagement rather than objective analysis. And communal approaches affirm the fundamentally relational nature of biblical knowing (Shaw 2011). The provision of space whereby both Western and non-Western voices are heard will enrich and empower the church. References and Resources Ango, S. P. 2007. “Lessons for Effective Christian Education in Golmo: An African Traditional Approach to Teaching and Learning.” Christian Education Journal 4 (1): 17–33. Bauman, C. W., and L. J. Skitka. 2006. “Ethnic Group Differences in Lay Philosophies of Behavior in the United States.” Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology 37 (4): 438–445. Chang, P. 1981. “Steak, Potato, Peas and Chopsuey: Linear and Non-linear Thinking in Theological Education.” Evangelical Review of Theology 5 (2): 279–286. Enns, M. 2005. “‘Now I Know in Part’: Holistic and Analytic Reasoning and Their Contribution to Fuller Knowing in Theological Education.” Evangelical Review of Theology 29 (3): 251–269. Lingenfelter, J. E., and S. G. Lingenfelter. 2003. Teaching CrossCulturally: An Incarnational Model for Learning and Teaching. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic. Nisbett, R. E. 2003. The Geography of Thought: How Asians and Westerners Think Differently . . . and Why. New York: The Free Press. Nisbett, R. E., I. Choi, K. Peng, and A. Norenzayan. 2001. “Culture and Systems of Thought: Holistic versus Analytic Cognition.” Psychological Review 108 (2): 291–310. Schwartz, S. H. 1992. “Universals in the Content and Structure of Values: Theoretical Advances and Empirical Tests in 20 Countries.” In Advances in Experimental Social Psychology, edited by M. Zanna, 1–65. Orlando, FL: Academic Press. Shaw, P. W. H. 2011. “A Welcome Guest: Ministerial Training as an Act of Hospitality.” Christian Education Journal 7 (1): 8–26. Shiraev, E. B., and D. A. Levy. 2012. Cross-Cultural Psychology: Critical Thinking and Contemporary Applications. 5th ed. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Pearson. Spencer-Rodgers J, H. C. Boucher, S. C. Mori, L. Wang, and K. Peng. 2009. “The Dialectical Self-Concept: Contradiction, Change, and Holism in East Asian Cultures.” Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 35:29–44. Triandis, H. C. 1989. “The Self and Social Behavior in Differing Cultural Contexts.” Psychological Review 96: 506–520. Wlodkowski, R. J., and M. B. Ginsberg. 1995. Diversity and Motivation: Culturally Responsive Teaching. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass.

—Perry W. H. Shaw

Curriculum The Latin root of curriculum refers to the course over which one runs or journeys, which can include a very specific planned route or more generally the passage through life itself, from birth to death to afterlife. For life’s passage itself, God can be seen as our ultimate teacher and all of creation as subject to revelation, formation, and learning across the life span and in community with others who as disciples are essentially lifelong learners. For planned Christian education, curriculum can be defined more formally as the content made available to students and their actual learning experiences guided by a teacher. That content includes information, formation, and transformation for head, heart, and hand impacting all of life. In other words, curriculum is the game plan for the practice of teaching. Like a coach who carries around her game cards with all the plays and strategies, teachers enter a classroom or other learning setting with their lesson plans and curricular vision for what they hope will transpire during an actual game with all of its contingencies and possible scenarios. In exploring teaching and planning for it, the three phases of preparation, instruction, and evaluation need to factor into curricular thought and construction. Preparation looms prominent in curricular planning. Planning needs to be context-specific and addressed to the particular persons involved in learning, while teachers draw upon their Christian curricular and educational foundations. These foundations include scripture, theology, philosophy, history, and the social sciences, along with a host of insights from diverse studies such as fine and applied arts, economics, political sciences, life sciences, physical sciences, systems theory, management theory, engineering, and even mathematics. From these wells, teachers creatively and critically draw key insights to organize their curricular plans, honoring their particular perspective, voice, and gifts. Even with the use of a published or set curriculum, each teacher needs to adapt his plan to the persons and setting under his care. For this reason, the “quick fix” of a curriculum change is to be avoided in addressing educational problems that call for a more comprehensive approach over time and in communication with others. In preparation, teachers must consider a wide range of methods, each of which has its strengths and weaknesses. Instruction is suggestive of different plays or moves that teachers provide for order and ardor, for form and freedom in teaching that relies on the work of the Holy Spirit through prayer, attentive listening, and discernment in the process. In relation to teaching moves, the image or metaphor of a dance emerges, in which teachers attempt to anticipate and skillfully respond to

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serendipitous elements not predicted in their careful preparation. Evaluation of a curriculum and its actual implementation is highly emphasized in educational practice with a broad focus on assessment and outcomes. Such evaluation honors the need for accountability, but may fail to honor those things not easily or readily measurable in the actual use of a curriculum. Serendipity, surprise, and wonder are essential parts of an educational experience that allows room for the Holy Spirit in the practice of Christian education, while teachers and learners sustain a teachable spirit honoring the place of continuity and change in the life of the Christian community and wider world. References and Resources Cully, Iris V. 1983. Planning and Selecting Curriculum for Christian Education. Valley Forge, PA: Judson. Eisner, Elliot W. 1985. The Educational Imagination: On the Design and Evaluation of School Programs. 2nd ed. New York: Macmillan. Estep, James R., M. Roger White, and Karen L. Estep, eds. 2012. Mapping Out Curriculum in Your Church: Cartography for Christian Pilgrims. Nashville, TN: B & H Academic. Ferguson, Nancy. 2008. Christian Educator’s Guide to Evaluating and Developing Curriculum. Valley Forge, PA: Judson. Harris, Maria. 1989. Fashion Me a People: Curriculum in the Church. Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press. Jackson, Philip W. 1968. Life in Classrooms. New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston. Lee, James M. 1973. The Flow of Religious Instruction. Dayton, OH: Pflaum/Standard. ———. 1985. The Content of Religious Instruction: A Social Science Approach. Birmingham, AL: Religious Education Press. Miel, Alice. 1946. Changing the Curriculum: A Social Process. New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts. Pazmiño, Robert W. 1992. Principles and Practices of Christian Education: An Evangelical Perspective. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Books. Richards, Lawrence O. 1970. Creative Bible Teaching. Chicago: Moody Press. Stenhouse, Lawrence. 1975. An Introduction to Curriculum Research and Development. New York: Holmes & Meier. Tyler, Ralph W. 1949. Basic Principles of Curriculum and Instruction. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Wyckoff, D. Campbell. 1961. Theory and Design of Christian Education Curriculum. Philadelphia: Westminster.

—Robert W. Pazmiño

Curriculum Development At the beginning of his monumental five-volume work on the history of Christian doctrine, Yale church histo-

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rian Jaroslav Pelikan noted: “The church is always more than a school. . . . But the church cannot be less than a school. Its faith, hope, and love all express themselves in teaching and confession.” To carry out its teaching responsibility, the church has always used some form of curriculum as the basis for its instructional task. In the earliest Christian communities, AD 50–70, the Didache served as a very early curriculum. During the period of the church fathers, St. Augustine and St. Cyril of Jerusalem, among others, wrote catechetical instruction as curriculum for the postapostolic era. During the Reformation, Martin Luther and John Calvin both authored catechisms as curriculum for the young. With the advent of the Sunday school, multiple Christian education curricula for the instruction of children, youth, and adults emerged. Curriculum Defined Etymologically, the word “curriculum” is from the Latin word currere, “to run,” as in running a race course. One can envision a curriculum or racecourse in the hippodrome in Rome. The curriculum includes everything that happens from the beginning to the end of the race. Analogously, the curriculum would be everything that happens to a person from the time he or she enters the ministry setting until the time he or she leaves. A curriculum, then, may be defined as a “plan for action or a written document that includes strategies for achieving desired goals or ends.” Curriculum is far more than printed teaching materials—it is the plan for learning and growth, of which printed materials are but one part. There are four important considerations in curriculum development. The first is selecting content that can be taught within the given teaching time and is aligned with the overarching goals of the congregation. This requires evaluating the instructional resources available and the methodology used to accomplish goals. The second consideration is the scope and sequence of the curriculum. The scope includes all the material to be covered, and the sequence describes the manner in which it will be covered, such as a chronological or a logical/ topical approach. A third emphasis is appropriate agelevel sequencing. This includes ensuring that material is developmentally appropriate for children and youth. The fourth and final emphasis is the appropriate uses of instructional media and technology. While it may not be feasible to utilize all the latest technology, Christians cannot afford to ignore the technological revolution that is taking place in the world today. A final related consideration is the unintended curriculum. Something may spark discussion that is outside the planned curriculum, and such discussion can be of great value when it is Spirit-lead. Teachers should not

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Curriculum Planning, Jane Vella and

overlook potentially valuable teaching opportunities in an effort to “stick to the curriculum.”

in the health and growth of the ministry, just as the root system does for a tree.

The Role and Nature of Curriculum A Christian education program that does not have a curriculum is analogous to a ship without a rudder. The program can flounder along with little or no deliberate direction, experiencing limited effectiveness. Curriculum provides orderly guidance toward the goal of producing Great Commandment and Great Commission believers.

The Role of the Bible in Curriculum In Christian education, the Bible must be at the center of all teaching. It is the primary content to be taught. The Bible stands as God’s revelation of Himself and His redemptive acts in history. God’s Word provides understanding of human origin, the fall of mankind, and the story of God’s redemption for humanity. It has been providentially preserved through history and speaks to human needs today. Scripture leads individuals to salvation and peace with God. It confronts believers’ sin and then provides the means to live a godly life in this world. It gives believers an understanding of the world to come. The Bible is always the primary content and essential foundation of Christian education.

Curriculum Design In his little classic on curriculum design, Ralph Tyler developed a basic pattern for instructional design. Tyler’s model focuses on precise instructional objectives that guide curriculum development. Instructional objectives are developed from various sources. These sources include society, the student, and the discipline for study. Christian educators would add the Bible and theology as additional sources. Sources shape the development of general educational objectives. The general educational objectives must then be screened through one’s educational philosophy and psychology. These two areas include considerations such as growth and development issues, theories of learning, and instructional methodology. Christians would add the additional screen of biblical and theological appropriateness. After developing general educational objectives, the Christian educator can further specify precise objectives at each age level. Colson and Rigdon approach curriculum development in another manner, with the analogy of an umbrella to indicate the role of curriculum in a church’s program. The church performs other functions such as proclamation, worship, witness, education, missions, and ministry. Curriculum is the overarching framework that informs each of these functions in the church. Curriculum should assist in improving and unifying the various educational agencies and ministries in the church. Colson and Rigdon also use another analogy, of a tree, to contrast the visible and invisible parts of the curriculum. (This should not be confused with the intended/ unintended curriculum, discussed previously.) The visible parts of the curriculum are the printed curriculum materials, the learning environment, and the media used in the learning environment. These are like the trunk, branches, and leaves of the tree—in these areas growth and change are highly visible. Among the invisible parts of the curriculum are the educational philosophy and the theological and biblical foundation. These are like the invisible root system that supports and nourishes the tree. Though these things are not overt, they play a vital role

The Role of Evaluation in Curriculum Finally, evaluation of the teachers, learners, and curriculum is in order. Evaluation facilitates greater effectiveness as educational leaders revise the curriculum, adjust teaching methods, and monitor the teaching environment. The process of evaluation begins even before the teaching process, with the selection of materials that are in accordance with the goals for the ministry. In choosing appropriate curriculum materials, several issues must be examined, such as age-level sequencing, biblical/ theological soundness, scope and sequence, the role of the teacher, and the role of the learner. Evaluation is an ongoing process of adjusting curriculum to meet the changing needs of learners and to increase effectiveness in the learning environment. —Virginia Gray

Curriculum Planning, Jane Vella and Curriculum planning is used widely to refer to planning and implementing educational experiences for children and adults. Historically, there have been many models for curriculum planning, including Ralph Tyler’s (1949) classic model, which proposed a four-step planning process for any and all educational situations: determine the needs of the learners and the situation, design the learning event, organize and implement the plan, and evaluate the outcomes. Postmodernists and critical theorists have challenged the notion of curriculum frameworks and indeed the purposes of education, noting that such frameworks and steps do not account for power imbalances in the learning situation or the context of the learning.

Curriculum Theory

One of the more accessible frameworks for curriculum was proposed by Jane Vella (2002) in Learning to Listen, Learning to Learn. Building on her experience of education as a Maryknoll sister in international development contexts and her immensely practical understanding of how to teach adults, she provided a set of 12 principles for learning. Though she prefers the word planning to curriculum, Vella’s 12 principles are an amalgam of the work of Tyler and of Malcolm Knowles (1980), a later theorist who focused specifically on teaching adults. Knowles promoted the concept of andragogy, a set of assumptions about how adults learn, which was to be one of the most influential ideas in adult education in the 20th century (Reischmann 2005). He pointed out that not only is it important to plan and implement learning, as Tyler proposed, but it is also important to focus on adult learners who want to know why they are learning something. He also noted that adults are mostly internally motivated to learn, want to build on their experience in learning, and learn things that will help them solve their immediate problems or issues. This person-centered approach has been taken up by many Christian educators in their practice, though they may not have named it explicitly. Vella expanded these andragogical assumptions, through cases and stories that make them a strong guide for teaching adults or children in religious settings. Vella’s first step in educational planning is to determine the needs of the learners through dialogue with them. The second (creating safety in the learning environment) and the third (establishing sound relationships) speak to the need to have respect between learners and teachers. The fourth principle, using sequence and reinforcement, is a reminder for educators to move from the most simple to the most complex ideas and to constantly reinforce previous learning. The fifth principle, praxis, combines reflection with action and encourages learning by doing. Vella’s sixth principle builds on earlier principles in stressing that learners need to play an integral role in deciding what happens in a learning event. The seventh principle, learning with ideas, feelings, and actions, suggests that educators take the whole person into account when teaching. The eighth principle stresses immediacy or teaching what people will find useful. The ninth highlights the importance of dialogue (not discussion) and mutual listening in a learning environment. The 10th principle (teamwork) and the 11th (active engagement in learning) support working together with learners and helping them become fully engaged. The last principle, accountability, focuses on whether the learner has learned all he or she wanted or needed to know. The stress in each principle is on the learner and the learning environment, whether doing bible study, preparing for sacraments, or studying for a bar mitzvah.

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Jane Vella offers a practical and useful framework for Christian education. She reinforces the need to be learner-centered and to have an active, engaged learning environment. Her principles strengthen our insight into the need to work with learners when we plan and teach. Finally, she reminds us that with careful planning, Christian education can be a rewarding and engaging process. References and Resources Knowles, M. 1980. The Modern Practice of Adult Education: From Pedagogy to Andragogy. Wilton, CT: Association Press. Pelikan, Jaroslav. 1975. The Christian Tradition: A History of the Development of Doctrine, 5 vols. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Reischmann, J. 2005. “Andragogy.” In International Encyclopedia of Adult Education, edited by L. M. English, 58–63. New York: Palgrave. Tyler, R. W. 1949. Basic Principles of Curriculum and Instruction. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Vella, J. 2002. Learning to Listen, Learning to Teach: The Power of Dialogue in Educating Adults. Rev. ed. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass.

—Leona M. English

Curriculum Theory Curriculum can be defined as an organized educational plan and process by which a learner progresses through a predetermined course or series of systematic learning activities and experiences toward an identifiable educational goal. Curriculum development and design is directly shaped by educational theories and formulations such as philosophy of education, scope and sequence (the breadth and content of the curriculum, and the necessary steps in the instructional process), pedagogy (specific instructional strategies), and outcomes (anticipated instructional learning objectives). Curriculum theories tend to organize according to four primary formulations. (1) The academic disciplines approach emphasizes passing on scholarly academic content according to traditional disciplines, often as a fixed or classical body of knowledge and values. (2) The social efficiency approach seeks to actively direct students in engaging with and meeting the needs of contemporary society. (3) The individual developmental approach focuses on fostering personal growth and promoting the improvement of individual skills and capabilities. (4) The social reconstructive approach seeks to articulate, promote, and facilitate a better tomorrow. Curriculum theory from a Christian perspective should meaningfully and intentionally incorporate facets from each of these primary theoretical approaches, passing on scholarly academic

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content, engaging with the needs of society, developing personal growth, and moving toward a future hope for society. What makes the curriculum distinctively “Christian” is the biblical content of the instruction, facilitating the understanding and articulation of a Christian worldview, and encouraging personally transformative learning outcomes related to the Christian faith. A basic framework for understanding curriculum theory consists of four primary educational categories: antecedents, influences, transactions, and outcomes. For every educational activity, there are “givens”: current institutional and student characteristics that are well established and actively influencing both the learner and the context of learning. These can be understood in terms of educational antecedents. These include existing student characteristics such as academic preparedness, current knowledge, experience, age, and stage of life, as well as the mission, objectives, teaching personnel, and programs of the institution. Educational influences are typically described as the philosophical perspectives that provide ideological, theoretical, and operational guides in the construction and implementation of the curriculum. Curricular choices need to be consistent with the stated philosophy of education and should aim to provide instruction that is comprehensive and meaningful and that connects to learners in terms of personal experience, while presenting a vital and engaging Christian worldview that moves beyond the theoretical and into the practical. The formulation of an educational mission statement should include integrative language providing a necessary impetus for curriculum and learning outcomes. However, if the stated educational goal does not take place in the classroom, and if the student does not actually experience some level of integration of intellect, faith, and action, the mission statement is misleading at best and fallacious at worst. Educational integration requires a high degree of intentionality and must permeate all aspects of course and curriculum. Educational transactions are the identification, design, and organization of specific learning experiences and activities. Here the concepts of scope and sequence are vitally important at both the program and individual course levels. The breadth of concepts, information, and experiences included in the course; the sequence by which the learner encounters them; and the manner in which the student moves incrementally toward the accomplishment of the learning outcomes are critical to the overall success of the learning experience. Instructional objectives should be included that address specific and incremental areas of learning related to the overall goal of the course. Instructional objectives should begin with a verb corresponding to the appropriate and specific learning outcome, whether it be cognitive, affective, psy-

chomotor, or behavioral; contain one single performance component that describes what the learner will know or be able to do in specific terms at the conclusion of the instruction; be clearly stated without ambiguity as a measurable learning outcome; and be appropriate, reasonable, and attainable for the level of learning targeted by the course or program of education. Educational outcomes are generally of two types: intended learning outcomes, which are directly aligned with the philosophy of education, stated instructional objectives, and learning outcomes, and unintended outcomes, which can be described as observable learning outcomes that are not specifically defined by the instructional objectives or addressed by the stated learning outcomes. The unintended learning outcomes can consist of values, perceptions, or behaviors not specifically addressed in the course or curriculum. While these outcomes can sometimes be referred to as serendipitous personal insights, discoveries, or experiences, other negative connotations could be identified as well, related to the social interactions and contexts of the educational experiences. The intended learning outcomes describe what the learner should know or be able to do at the conclusion of the course of instruction. These outcomes are defined in clear and measurable terms and are aligned with, and evaluated by, formative and summative assessments in the form of specific course assignments. Formative assessments measure learning outcomes at specific points during the course of instruction, with summative assessments evaluating the student learning outcomes at the conclusion of the course. References and Resources Harris, Maria. 1989. Fashion Me a People: Curriculum in the Church. Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press. Lattuca, Lisa R., and Joan S. Stark. 2009. Shaping the College Curriculum: Academic Plans in Context. 2nd ed. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Schiro, Michael Stephen. 2013. Curriculum Theory: Conflicting Visions and Enduring Concerns. 2nd ed. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications. Tyler, Ralph W. 1969. Basic Principles of Curriculum and Instruction. Chicago: University Of Chicago Press.

—Gino Pasquariello

Cursillo as Christian Practice Cursillo de Christiandad, or “Little Course in Christianity,” is a movement originating in the Roman Catholic Church that seeks to foster spiritual renewal and evangelism among the laity. A “cursillo” is a weekend retreat in which participants (“cursillistas”) are equipped to em-

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brace their identity as followers of Christ. Through teaching, sharing, discussion, and prayer, cursillistas focus on intensive Christian discipleship and community in order to live out their faith through “apostolic action” in their particular contexts, bringing Christ to the world. Historical Background In Spain in the 1930s, Catholic Action for Youth, an organization that sought the religious enrichment and mobilization of youth in an increasingly secularized culture, proposed a massive pilgrimage to the Cathedral of Santiago de Compostela. The Spanish Civil War and then the outbreak of World War II delayed the pilgrimage, but they added to the sense of spiritual unrest. To nourish and prepare young men for the pilgrimage, in the early 1940s Catholic Action for Youth began holding one-week retreats across the nation, called “Cursillos for Leaders of Pilgrims.” On the island of Mallorca, a young and spiritually sensitive soldier named Eduardo Bonnín Aguiló (1917–2008) attended one of these retreats during Holy Week of 1943; deeply affected, he suggested the creation of a shorter course for more general use. A three-day retreat was planned and held in August 1944; its goal was to help its attendees experience spiritual conversion and revitalization, learning how a relationship with Christ might transform their lives in their daily environments. Undergoing continued development, the weekend cursillo was held annually on Mallorca, along with the weeklong retreat, until the planned Santiago pilgrimage was finally held in August 1948. Returning from the pilgrimage, responding to renewed religious enthusiasm, and with the approval of the local bishop, Bonnín and some friends coordinated and held the first official cursillo at the Mallorcan monastery of San Honorato on 7–10 January 1949. Cursillos now had the purpose of empowering Christians for the ongoing pilgrimage of faith. Cursillos soon spread throughout the rest of Spain and the Spanish-speaking world, including the southwestern United States. The first cursillo in the United States was held in Waco, Texas, in May 1957, and the first English-speaking cursillo followed a few years later. The cursillo movement quickly became a global phenomenon, and in 1980 an international office (the Organismo Mundial de Cursillos de Christianidad, or World Body of Cursillos in Christianity) was established. The movement has been supported by Popes Paul VI, John Paul II, and Benedict XVI, but finally received official canonical recognition by the Pontifical Council for the Laity in 2004. Today more than 60 countries hold cursillos, and over five million people have participated in them. Cursillos have also been adopted by non-Catholics, including Episcopalian and other Anglican groups, and Presbyterians. In addition,

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there are several other renewal ministries, such as Walk to Emmaus, influenced by the cursillo movement. Methodology and Philosophy of Christian Formation Cursillo has three primary stages: pre-cursillo, cursillo, and post-cursillo. Pre-cursillo is a time of preparation for the cursillo candidates, who are mentored by their sponsors (see below). The cursillo itself, starting on Thursday evening and ending Sunday afternoon, includes several talks, small group discussion, time for personal devotions, and a community Mass each day. When the threeday retreat is over, the “Fourth Day,” or post-cursillo, begins. The cursillistas, now equipped to live faithfully in their contexts, embrace the ongoing task of participating in the mission of the church. To aid in this process, cursillistas continue to meet together, usually weekly, to share insights and experiences, encouraging one another in their apostolic work. Cursillos usually involve 30–40 participants (men and women typically have separate cursillos), including the priests and laity who present the talks (called “rollos” or “drills”). After each talk, the cursillistas break into small groups to discuss how they can appropriate the material in their different contexts. Community is a focus of the cursillo weekend; the participants learn, through the rollos and experience, what Christian community should be like. Cursillistas share life stories, wisdom, prayer, and song, as well as the central and unifying act of the Mass. “Friendship” is a crucial idea to cursillo, as it describes one’s relationship with Christ and with others; friendship is how cursillistas seek to engage those who are “far away” from faith in their contexts—in ways that priests cannot. Cursillo does not end when the weekend is over. Cursillistas continue their discipleship journey in what is called the Fourth Day. They are to live in an “apostolic” (evangelistic) way in their “environment”—workplace, home, neighborhood, etc.—growing in personal faith while actively participating in the church’s mission to the world. Community continues to be critical to this lifestyle, and to facilitate spiritual nourishment, cursillistas meet together in weekly small groups (“group reunions”) and larger monthly groups (called “ultreyas,” from an old Spanish word for “onward” that was often spoken to encourage those on pilgrimages). These meetings aim to provide community edification and support as the cursillistas seek to be more like Christ in their particular contexts, and they function to hold members accountable in their evangelistic endeavors. Attending a cursillo is not simply a matter of signing up to go if someone is interested. Cursillo candidates have to be deemed ready by their local church leadership. Candidates must have a sponsor in the community, someone who has already gone through cursillo.

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The sponsor is involved in the candidate’s entire cursillo experience. During pre-cursillo, the sponsor helps prepare the candidate for attending the weekend retreat and may even help pay for the candidate. The sponsor transports the candidate to and from the retreat and actively supports the returning cursillista for at least six months of the Fourth Day. Thus, in cursillo, sponsorship is central to the model of the spiritual formation of the laity in local parishes. In cursillo, the equipping of the laity is personal, communal, and missional. Cursillistas learn about and strengthen their personal relationships with Christ through individual devotions and prayer. They are supported through community interaction (Fourth Day group reunions and ultreyas) and support their local church community through leadership and sponsorship. They engage in evangelistic mission in their ordinary lives through friendships, including those with nonbelievers. From its inception, the cursillo movement has sought to enable the laity to spread the love of Christ in their particular social environments, where clergy may not have natural access. While there has sometimes been tension between church hierarchy and lay movements— usually for fear that the latter will become spiritually ghettoized, victim to the manipulations of its lay leadership, or overly focused on social aspects—the ideal is for priests and congregants to partner together to accomplish the same goals within the church and in the world. Thus, with support from clergy, church community, and formal and informal cursillo group activities, cursillistas are empowered to be faithful witnesses within the contexts of their everyday pilgrimage of faith. References and Resources Bonnin, Eduardo. 1981. Cursillos in Christianity: The How and the Why. Dallas, TX: National Ultreya Publications. National Cursillo Center (U.S.A.). www.cursillo.org. OMCC (World Body of Cursillos in Christianity). www .orgmcc.org

—Mike Langford

Cyprus and Christian Education Christianity was brought to Cyprus in AD 46 by the apostles Paul and Barnabas. Since then, the Christian faith has been reflected in all aspects of the life and history of the country. The vast majority of the population belongs to the Orthodox Church. Other religious communities, recognized by the Constitution of the Republic of Cyprus (founded in 1960), include the Armenians, the Maronites, the Latins, and the Turkish-Cypriots.

The state protects religious freedom and respects the right to worship in the free areas controlled by the Republic of Cyprus, which is a member of the European Union and the only state entity on the island that is recognized by the United Nations and internationally. This is not the case in the northern part of Cyprus, which has been occupied by Turkey since 1974. The occupation army prohibits, inter alia, the freedom of religious practice of Greek-Cypriots and other refugees. In the Republic of Cyprus, every religious community has the freedom to teach, practice, worship, and observe according to the UN Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Every religious community educates its members in its own way: in general, with its entire presence and witness and, particularly, with its catechetical schools. The Constitution of the Republic of Cyprus provides for the separation of the state and religious communities; however, there is cooperation on issues of common interest. Religious studies are taught in public schools as part of a separate course in all years of primary and secondary education. The state has the overall responsibility for its curricula, textbooks, teacher recruitment, evaluation, and so forth. —Stavros S. Fotiou

Cyril of Alexandria Cyril of Alexandria (c. AD 376–444) served as the powerful patriarch of Alexandria from 412 to 444 and was an articulate defender of orthodox Christian doctrine. During his tenure as patriarch, Cyril was embroiled in numerous religious and political controversies. However, he wrote many works that solidified the orthodox position among the Christian community. Early Life and Education Cyril was born around AD 376 in Theodosios, a small Egyptian town. When he was only a few years old, his maternal uncle, Theophilus, ascended to the position of patriarch of Alexandria, a position he held from 385 to 412. Theophilus, at the insistence of Cyril’s mother, ensured that Cyril received a well-rounded education; he studied grammar, rhetoric, humanities, and theology over a span of 12 years (390–402). Following his formal education, Cyril accompanied Theophilus to Constantinople and was present at the Synod of the Oak, the council that condemned John Chrysostom to death (Cyril supported the council’s decision). When Theophilus passed away in 412, Cyril succeeded him as patriarch, though he faced opposition from Archdeacon Timothy. His tenure as patriarch was marked by controversy and quarrels with various constituencies in his territory.

Cyril of Jerusalem

He closed the churches of the Novations (a sect of Christians who descended from ancestors who had proclaimed Christ in the midst of persecution some 260 years earlier and refused to worship alongside those with a less pure ancestry of persevering in faith). Cyril expelled the Jews from Alexandria, as they had massacred many Christians over laws regulating their dancing exhibitions. This angered the governor, Orestes, who was continuously at odds with Cyril over matters of jurisdiction and power and was grieved that the city had lost such a sizable population. Orestes had the political support of Hypatia, a noted philosopher, astronomer, and moral authority in Alexandria. Christians perceived Hypatia to be behind Orestes’s refusal to accept peace offerings made by Cyril. A group of Christians who supported Cyril brutally murdered Hypatia, setting off an uprising of Christians against the intellectual prowess of those in Alexandria. Cyril, representing the Alexandrian school, heavily engaged in theological and ecclesial debate with the Antioch school. This rivalry widened when the third canon of the First Council of Constantinople granted Constantinople authority over Alexandria and Antioch. Cyril’s theological rival, Nestorius, became archbishop of Constantinople in 428, and theological tensions soon mounted between the two. Nestorius sought to separate Christ’s divine and human qualities from one another, deemphasizing Christ’s divinity and amplifying His humanity. Nestorius challenged the church’s title for Mary, Theotokos (“God-bringer”), instead favoring the title Christotokos (“Christ-bringer”), emphasizing Christ’s humanity. Cyril contended that Nestorius had violated church teaching and petitioned Pope Celestine I to hold a meeting in Rome. At the direction of Celestine I, Cyril presided over the Council of Ephesus (431), which condemned Nestorius. Confusion followed the council’s decision, with various parties holding their own councils and condemning either Cyril or Nestorius. However, Emperor Theodosius II eventually condemned Nestorius to exile, and Cyril’s theological position was triumphant for a time. The controversies continued, as councils afterward debated the nature of Christ and Mary. Cyril died in 444. Contribution to Christian Education Cyril was a brilliant theologian and educator, as evidenced by his numerous commentaries and theological works and his education of the clergy under his episcopal supervision. His early writings were primarily expository commentaries on many books of the Old and New Testaments, only some of which have survived. In his later years, Cyril devoted himself to writing theological treatises against Arian and Nestorian thought, perhaps the hallmark of his theological legacy. These

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works served to further cement orthodoxy in the Christian community, as Cyril wisely articulated the Trinity, the divinity of Christ, the incarnation, and other issues with precise logic. In Cyril’s time, very few clerics were literate or received a quality education. It remained the responsibility of the church to supplement the inadequacies of the educational system. The character of Cyril’s commentary on Isaiah indicates that the commentary itself grew out of a series of instructional lectures Cyril regularly gave to his deacons and presbyters. These times of instruction gave relatively uneducated clergy the skills to master biblical exegesis and teach the Bible in their own congregations and towns. Thus, in addition to his role as a bishop and ardent defender of Christian orthodoxy, Cyril was a religious educator with direct influence on the educational practices of those under his supervision. Though he composed no texts related to his practice of pastoral education, it is safe to assume that Cyril’s educational practices drew upon the emphases on grammar, rhetoric, and literary interpretation common in classical education. References and Resources Cassel, J. David. 2002. “Cyril of Alexandria as Educator.” In In Dominico Eloquio: In Lordly Eloquence: Essays on Patristic Exegesis in Honor of Robert Louis Wilken, edited by Paul M. Blowers, Angela Russell Christman, David G. Hunter, and Robin Darling Young, 348–368. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. McGuckin, John Anthony. 2004. St. Cyril of Alexandria: The Christological Controversy: Its History, Theology, and Texts. Crestwood, NY: St. Vladimir’s Seminary Press. Russell, Norman. 2000. Cyril of Alexandria. London: Routledge. Weinandy, Thomas G., and Daniel A. Keating. 2003. The Theology of St. Cyril of Alexandria: A Critical Appreciation. Edinburgh: T & T Clark. Wessel, Susan. 2004. Cyril of Alexandria and the Nestorian Controversy: The Making of a Saint and of a Heretic. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

—Benjamin Espinoza

Cyril of Jerusalem Later bishop of Jerusalem and a church father, Cyril was born to Christian parents in Palestine between 313 and 315. He rose through the ranks of clergy, becoming a presbyter by 343 and ascending to Jerusalem’s episcopal see by 350. In the bitter aftermath of the Council of Nicaea in 325, Cyril did not give his support to either the Arian understanding of Jesus Christ or the homoousios (“of the same nature”) formula of the Council. Like many of his contemporaries, Cyril recognized the full deity of Christ,

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but he was reluctant to introduce into Christianity philosophical language foreign to the New Testament. However, he came to embrace the definition of Nicaea over time, leading to forced expulsions from his episcopacy by Arians in 357, 360, and 367. When Cyril returned to Jerusalem from his final 12-year exile in 379, Gregory of Nyssa traveled to see him and officially recognized him as a supporter of the Nicene faith. Cyril later participated in the Council of Constantinople in 381 and approved its additions to the Nicene Creed, recognizing the deity of the Holy Spirit as “the Lord, the giver of life, who proceeds from the Father” and “with the Father and Son is worshiped and glorified.” He remained bishop of Jerusalem until his death in 387. Cyril’s most important literary activity was his Catechetical Lectures, providing detailed insight into the education of catechumens preparing for baptism in the fourth-century church. These 24 lectures are divided into three groups: the procatechesis (one lecture), the catecheses (eighteen lectures), and the mystagogical catecheses (five lectures). Specifically, in his procatechesis, Cyril exhorts catechumens to take their preparation for baptism seriously, since baptism is unrepeatable, by listening closely to the lectures, making true repentance of sin, and looking to God in faith. He warns them not to share any information they receive about the Christian mysteries beyond the baptized, because this would be casting “pearls before swine.” Finally, he promises that if his instructions are followed, they will have “the delight of paradise” and receive all the benefits of baptism: the forgiveness of sins, new life, the sealing of the Spirit, and armor against the assaults of their spiritual enemies. In the first five catecheses, Cyril begins by addressing foundational issues: the role of repentance in salvation, the origin of sin with the devil and humanity’s first parents, personal sin, and the unlimited extent of God’s mercy in the forgiveness of sin. He then discusses the meaning and effects of baptism. Because humanity is an embodied soul, a physical substance is needed to touch the body, while the Spirit cleanses the soul. Highlighting John 3:3, Cyril shows how water baptism is the means by which God absolves human sin and gives new birth. Finally, after giving a brief summary of the key points of Christian doctrine and free will, Cyril describes the personal faith catechumens must exercise for baptism to be efficacious: a personal trust and confidence in God to do what baptism has been ordained to do. In the rest of the catecheses, lectures six through eighteen, Cyril unpacks the Jerusalem Creed, which was memorized by the catechumens and publicly recited before baptism. He walks his students carefully through the creed phrase by phrase, pausing to make application

to their lives: God the Father, who is Father because He has a Son eternally, has created all that exists, seen and unseen; the Son, Jesus Christ, who is truly divine and through the incarnation truly human, has died for the sins of humanity on the cross, has risen from the dead, has ascended into glory, and will come again to judge all of humanity; the Holy Spirit, “who with the Father and the Son together” is honored with the glory of the Godhead, has spoken through the Old and New Testaments; there is only one baptism for the forgiveness of sins; humanity will be bodily resurrected and made incorruptible at Christ’s second coming; the holy catholic church is the mother of all Christians and the bride of Christ; and there is life eternal, which will come from the Father, through the Son, and in the Holy Spirit. In the five mystagogical catecheses, given the week after the catechumens’ baptism on Easter Sunday, Cyril explains the different rituals they experienced. First, he describes their baptism as a grave into which they descend in death and arise in resurrection to new life. Next, he explains chrismation with oil as an anointing of the Holy Spirit, whereby their foreheads are anointed for deliverance from Adam’s shame, their ears to empower understanding of the divine mysteries, their noses to remember their lives as a sweet incense offering to God, and their chests for empowerment against the devil’s schemes. Finally, Cyril addresses the Eucharist, helping them see the bread and wine as a divine transformation into the body and blood of Christ, facilitating greater union with Christ in life. References and Resources Cross, F. L. 1951. St. Cyril of Jerusalem’s Lectures on the Christian Sacraments. London: S.P.C.K. Publishing. Telfer, William. 1955. Cyril of Jerusalem and Nemesius of Emesa. Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press. Yarnold, E. J. 2000. Cyril of Jerusalem. London: Routledge.

—Chris Bounds

Czech Republic and Christian Education The Czech Republic is a Central European country with 10,436,560 inhabitants in 2011. It has been a member of the European Union since 2004. Christianity arrived in this area at the end of the eighth century, the key turning point being the Byzantine mission of Constantine and Methodius (863). Under the influence of complicated historical, religious, and social processes, currently it is one of the most secularized countries in Europe. In the 2011 census, there were 14 percent believers who identify with a church or religious society, with Christian churches 12 percent, including 10 percent

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Roman Catholics; 7 percent believers who do not identify with a church or religious society; and 35 percent declare no religion. The Catholic Church is made up of two ecclesiastical provinces: the Czech Province (Archdiocese of Prague and four dioceses) and The Moravian Province (Archdiocese of Olomouc and dioceses). There is also the Apostolic Greek Catholic Exarchate. Since the fall of communism in 1989, according to the new laws on religious freedom and the status of churches, the churches are allowed to teach confessional religion in all types of schools (law 171/1990, 308/1991), as an optional subject at public and private schools. The minimum number of pupils is seven. Laws 561/2004, 563/2004, and 48/2005 outline the conditions churches have to meet to gain permission to teach religion in these schools. At church schools, religion is usually an obligatory subject. In parishes, catechesis is offered according to age, as well as preparation for sacraments, which enriches the initiatory-educational aspect of the school subject. Religious education and catechesis is supervised by the respective dioceses in cooperation with the National Catechetical Office.

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There is official separation between the church and state; however, the property settlement between the state and churches and religious societies began only in 2013. After a history of state-owned churches and properties, these actions serve as a tangible means of officially separating religious properties from state holdings and the palpable ties that bind. No concordat with the Holy See has yet been approved. References and Resources Horák, Záboj. 2012. Církve a školství: vybrané dokumenty ke studiu českého konfesního práva. [The Churches and the school system: Selected documents to study the Czech ecclesiastical law.] Praha: Univerzita Karlova v Praze, Právnická fakulta. Kadlec, Jaroslav. 1991. Přehled českých církevních dějiny. [Overview of Czech religious history.] Praha: Zvon. Statistical Yearbook of the Czech Republic 2012. 2012. Praha: Czech Statistical Office. The Catholic Church in the Czech Republic. 2013. Praha: Czech Bishops’ Conference, Kostelní Vydří: Karmelitánské nakladatelství.

—Mariusz Kuźniar

D Dallas Theological Seminary The Dallas Theological Seminary (DTS) was founded in 1924 by Lewis Sperry Chafer in Dallas, Texas, with 13 students as a nondenominational seminary and has grown to 2,024 students in all programs and locations. It is an evangelical and theologically dispensational graduate institution for theology and professional ministry preparation. The seminary’s academic departments include biblical counseling, biblical exposition, Christian education, New Testament studies, Old Testament studies, pastoral ministries, spiritual formation, theological studies (which encompasses systematic, biblical, and historical theology), and world missions and intercultural studies. In terms of Christian education, DTS has attempted to progressively explore every creative and effective approach to teaching the Bible and training Christian servants. While insisting on the highest academic standards, DTS has focused on a practical approach to introducing students to biblical content, reasonable and accurate hermeneutics, and a faithful evangelical theology. Christian education techniques at this institution have affected and enhanced the teaching in each of the other academic disciplines offered by the school. The Christian education (CE) department is renowned for its recently deceased and longtime resident scholar (1946–2013), Dr. Howard Hendricks, author of 16 volumes on Christian living, ministry, and education. He was the seminary’s first professor of Christian education, the builder of its CE department,1 and his approach to Christian education can be characterized as a blend of theological foundation-building with practical and

ministry-related technique and application. Hendricks ingrained the simple rule of good Bible study—observation, interpretation, and application—in thousands of seminary students. The seminary’s CE department offers basic courses to Christian educators in Christian pedagogy, the Christian family, and church leadership formation. These have gradually been joined by more innovative courses, on audiovisual media, Christian camping, creativity, journalism, discipleship, programming for youth ministries, ministry among women, Christian school administration, legal and financial issues, and so forth. The current full-time faculty of six (all possessors with PhD or DMin degrees) includes Linden McLaughlin (chair), Michael Lawson, Jay Sedwick Jr., Sue Edwards, Mark Heineman, and James Thames; there are 10 adjunct professors.2 The media element of CE has been introduced, expanded, and creatively developed by longtime audiovisual specialist Donald Regier, whose work at the seminary began around 1980. DTS quickly exploited electronic presentation methodologies in both its curriculum and instructional pedagogy. The stated purposes of DTS’s Department of Christian Education are (1) to equip students to explore and understand biblical and other foundations basic to effective Christian education; (2) to formulate a biblically based philosophy of Christian education for ministry in home, church, and school; and (3) to develop skills essential to competent Bible teaching and administration in Christian organizations. In recent years, as online education has escalated, DTS has kept pace and has efficiently exploited its opportunities, offering courses, seminars, and individual lectures through various Internet avenues. As with

1. John D. Hannah, An Uncommon Union (Dallas Theological Seminary and American Evangelicalism) (Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan, 2009).

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2. Dallas Theological Seminary Catalog, 2012–2013.

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many educational institutions, this has significantly broadened the appeal of and access to CE offerings to a wider audience. —Neil C. Damgaard

Dance as Christian Practice Dance, an expressive movement of human body and spirit and an art, has been used as a critical means of communication. Scholars in the field of religious education have agreed that dance in its origins is attached to “sacredness” and used to express and convey religious meanings (Oesterley 1984, 16). In the Christian tradition, dance has been included in Christian worship and labeled “sacred dance,” “liturgical dance,” “rhythmic choirs,” “motion choirs,” “symbolic movement,” “body worship,” “worship in movement,” “creative movement,” and “creative rhythmic movement.” There is evidence in the Old Testament that dance was a normative feature of Israelite worship. Some of the more commonly used terms for sacred dance in the OT are chul (vigorous, energetic dancing) and ragad (more diverse dance forms, employing instruments and/or singing) (Long 1986, 28). Miriam’s dance of thanksgiving (Exod. 15: 20–21), David’s dance of ecstasy before the ark (2 Sam. 6:12–23), the dance of the daughters of Shiloh (Judg. 21:16–25), and dance in the Psalms (Ps. 118:27, 149:3, 150:4) are good examples. In the New Testament, sacred dance is in the parable of the Prodigal Son (Luke 15:25). According to Adams, the Greek term used to describe “dance” in this passage is chorea, which means a group or communal dance that grew in significance in the life of the early church (1976, 20). In the early church up to the fourth century, the term chorea was used repeatedly, and it involved a variety of movement rituals incorporating music (Taylor 1981, 8). Scholars and historians have confirmed that dance was commonly used in the church in the second and third centuries. Justin Martyr wrote, “It is not for the little ones to sing alone, but rather together with instruments and dancing and rattles, just as one enjoys songs . . . in church.” Clement of Alexandria, Origen, and others wrote favorably of the Miletians in Alexandria, who danced while singing, clapping their hands, and striking bells (cited in Taylor 1981, 73). When the house-church moved to public worship settings due to the growing numbers of Christians, worship became much more formal, and people became more passive observers rather than participants in worship. Dance became the sole movement of the priests. In the 16th and 17th centuries, the Roman Catholic Church formalized church liturgy and defined every gesture and

movement for the priests. By the 18th century, religious dances were scarce, and they had almost completely faded away during the Enlightenment, with the exception of certain religious sects like the Shakers, for whom religious dance was central (Kline-Chesson 1989, 314). According to Kline-Chesson, liturgical dance began to reappear in the church in the late 1930s and 1940s. Deitering writes, “The liturgy as dance has gone from activity to spectacle, and is now returning to community activity” (cited in Kline-Chesson 1989, 314). Margaret Fisk Taylor (dance choirs); Carla de Sola, the founder of the Omega Liturgical Dance Company; Judith Rock, the founder of the Body and Soul Dance Company; and Doug Adams at Pacific School of Religion are some of leading people in this trend (Bentley 1982, 601). As liturgy is for both personal and communal encounter with God, dance as part of liturgy has been used to achieve specific purposes such as community building, repentance, rejoicing, and rededication. One of the very specific purposes of liturgical dances has been to create active participation in worship. In fact, the Hebrew term “company” is derived from the term mecholah, meaning “dancing with others.” Also, dancers are referred to as a “band (hebel),” meaning “rope,” which indicates connectedness and unity (Oesterley 1984, 108). Processional dance is used as a community-building function. Dance as part of liturgy was also used to create an environment for people to repent before God. Encircling dances, which were related to sacrifice in the OT tradition, were practiced to have a consecrating effect (Oesterley 1984, 36–42). Today, prayer dances and reflective dances are practiced as a means of the repentance function. Prayer dances offer the congregation a means to focus on God, and reflective dances involve thoughtful exegesis of a scripture or other meditative material (Kline-Chesson 1989, 316). Rejoicing dances were practiced in order to create the people’s response to God’s grace and goodness. In the NT the Aramaic word for “rejoice” in Luke 6:23 is synonymous with the term for “dance” (Adams 1976, 11). Harvest dance in the OT is a rejoicing dance. Today, celebration dances express joy and thanksgiving. Dances aiming at rededication to God focus people on the awareness of their nature, their relationship with God, and their commitment to all of God’s creatures. In the OT, the Israelites expressed God’s purposes and actions upon their lives through dances. Today, congregations create various communal movements during communion in order to encourage the member’s rededication to God. Recession dances is another moment that can inspire the rededication of the members. Wedding dances, funeral dances, prostrations, bowing, lifting hands in prayer, and swaying are all embraced as individual as

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well as community’s movement as prayer to God (Oesterley 1984, 36–42). Dance, as body worship, is one of the most popularly used communication tools in Christian education for children. Since children are imaginative in nature and learn better by actively participating in the learning processes, dance is not only effective in helping children learn the content of the Bible, but it helps them express their knowing and feeling of God. Likewise, dance can be an effective teaching tool for children with learning disabilities as well as senior citizens who have difficulty expressing themselves verbally. Dance is also an excellent approach for Christian education in intergenerational settings. Today, many Christian organizations (e.g., International Christian Dance Fellowship) are making efforts to form Christian fellowship by sharing Christian dances in different cultural settings. References and Resources Adams, D. 1976. Congregational Dancing in Christian Worship. Aurora, IL: The Sharing Company. Bentley, S. 1982. “To Animate the Body of Christ.” The Christian Century, 19 May, 601–605. Eaton, J. H. 1975. “Dancing in the Old Testament.” In Worship and Dance, edited by J. G. Davies, 15–29. Birmingham, England: University of Birmingham Institute for the Study of Worship and Religious Architecture. Kline-Chesson, K. 1989. “The Living Word: Dance as a Language of Faith.” The Christian Century, March 22–29, 314–316. Long, A. 1986. Praise Him in the Dance. London: Hodder & Stoughton. Oesterley, W. O. E. 1984. The Sacred Dance: A Study in Comparative Folklore. New York: Horizons. Taylor, M. F. 1961. “Creative Movement in the Christian Education of Children.” International Journal of Religious Education (April): 164–181. ———. 1981. A Time to Dance: Symbolic Movement in Worship. Aurora, IL: The Sharing Company.

—Mariana Hwang

Dark Ages, Christian Education in the (AD 476–1000) The Idea of the Dark Ages The “Dark Ages” were those centuries following the fall of the Roman Empire in the West. They are characterized by chaotic tribal movements into territories abandoned by the Romans. The period is also marked by the failure and disappearance of once stable Roman public institutions. The Dark Ages traditionally correspond to the early Middle Ages until around 1000, when the “High”

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Middle Ages began and advancements equated with developments such as Gothic architecture, universities, and scholasticism came to the fore. Few scholars take the term “Dark Ages” seriously as a literal description of the period. Nonetheless, the term has much historical weight and symbolism. However colorful and dubious it might be, the term has a certain meaning worth remembering. It implies a time of chaotic violence, superstition, and illiteracy, which followed the Roman Empire’s collapse in the West in AD 476. Such developments are usually associated with the “barbarian” groups (often Germanic) that overran and settled on the territories that had once been Roman. This process began during the years of later antiquity and continued until well into the Middle Ages. Internal forces within the Roman Empire—notably the rise of Christianity, as well as the coarsening and militarization of Roman government during the empire’s turbulent final centuries—are also frequently emphasized in usage of the term “Dark Ages.” The idea of the Dark Ages comes from many sources. One critical theme in this regard is the Romans’ own often condescending attitudes toward Germanic peoples who overran Roman territory. Even before the catastrophic invasions of the fourth and fifth centuries, many Romans had long equated Germanic cultures with barbarism. This prejudicial view colored numerous Roman works, like that of the late first-century Latin historian Tacitus. His famous Germania (AD 98) is one of the most important and earliest works focusing on the Germanic tribes. While an invaluable source, Tacitus’s work frequently supports images and stereotypes that would come to dominate perceptions of the Germanic tribes for many centuries: the Germans’ lack of respect for political officialdom, their lack of monumental architecture, their tendency toward drunkenness, their brave but disorderly militarism, and the general simplicity of their social structures. The barbarian invasions that began wreaking so much havoc in the late fourth century only reinforced such attitudes. Images of marauding Germanic tribes who vandalized refined Roman cities—however inaccurate or sensationalized they might have been—inflamed the popular imagination for centuries. The loss of GrecoRoman educational and literary heritages was an important component of these images. People living in the early Middle Ages did not generally conceptualize the Western Empire’s fall in AD 476 the way that those in later centuries did—as a historiographical event of almost metaphysical proportions. The empire’s decline and fall actually involved many decades of gradual change. The deposition of the last emperor was not all that noticed or mentioned by many writers and commentators of the day. It only in the Renaissance that

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the notion of the Dark Ages, and the related concept of the Middle Ages, really emerged. For the most part, the idea of the Dark Ages comes from Renaissance-era humanists. By their extreme idolization of classical Roman and Greek writings, they indirectly indicted medieval culture as inferior. It was therefore during the Renaissance that the concept of the Middle Ages came to be: a sort of downtime marking the years between the brilliance of the classical world and the brilliance of the Renaissance. The early Middle Ages, which witnessed the brunt of Rome’s catastrophic decline and fall, fared even worse. The Enlightenment era historian Edward Gibbon articulated most substantively—and with the most focus— the notion of the great decline in learning that occurred in late antiquity and the early medieval period. His Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, the first volume of which appeared in 1776, chronicled page after laborious page of decline in virtually all areas of intellectual life: literature, schooling, poetry, the sciences, and even moral and ethical outlooks. “It is almost unnecessary,” Gibbon wrote, “to remark that the civil distractions of the empire, the license of the soldiers, and the progress of despotism had proved very unfavorable to genius and even to learning. . . . The voice of poetry was silent. History was reduced to dry and confused abridgements, alike destitute of amusement and instruction” (1776, chapter XIII). In another famous section, he alleged that “a cloud of critics, of compilers, of commentators, darkened the face of learning, and the decline of genius was soon followed by the corruption of taste” (1776, chapter II). The Demise of Roman Public Life and Infrastructure In AD 476 the last Western Roman emperor, Romulus Augustulus (r. 475–476), was deposed by the German general Odoacer. Odoacer was technically a Roman general, and his troops were technically Roman soldiers. But in reality the practice of hiring German mercenaries in the Roman legions had all but overrun the once mighty Roman army. The deposition of Romulus Augustulus traditionally marks the beginning of the Middle Ages. The empire’s disappearance in the West accompanied the demise of the public institutions and infrastructures that had supported education. The absence of public, urban spaces and infrastructure is probably one of the reasons that early medieval intellectual life and schooling appears so different. The presence of public spaces in urban centers constituted one of the most important features of the oft-cited classical “schools” that supposedly existed in ancient urban intellectual centers like Athens, Rome, and Alexandria. In the Roman Empire, the thriving forums of downtown city centers often provided libraries, theaters, baths, and other amenities appealing

to mental and physical health. Private associations (collegia) like schools flourished in this supportive physical environment, benefiting from the relatively ample physical and cultural amenities provided by the state. This quality gives ancient schooling its relatively modern feel, even though nothing truly comparable to modern formal educational systems existed in the ancient world. The Roman infrastructure found in many cities provided a campus-like setting. The system of roads and the possibility of sending letters and texts also played a huge role. It supported the dissemination of ideas and texts and fostered communication between scholars in different geographical locations; it provided a charming space for learning, lecturing, performing, and discussing. When the Roman Empire fell, the public spaces and infrastructure that had played such a significant role in classical education also largely disappeared. Along with the flat-out depopulation of many cities, the great buildings and green spaces of classical urban centers inevitably fell into disrepair and, in many cases, ruination. The ambience of the famous classical schools vanished, replaced by a world that can often seem chaotic and remote, especially to the casual observer. In some cases, the newcomers purposely destroyed the old buildings and city centers, using their fine marble and brick stonework as a ready-made quarry for their own purposes. Nonetheless, many qualities of Roman public life were retained by the Christian church in the early Middle Ages. This was certainly true in terms of schooling and education, in which ecclesiastical resources such as monasteries emerged as intellectual havens. They provided the chief form of learning and teaching in the centuries immediately following the empire’s fall. So if it is not true that learning in these so-called Dark Ages disappeared entirely, it certainly is true that learning and the institutions that supported learning dramatically changed. The cloister gradually replaced the forum as the primary focus of intellectual life. The church also took over many of the most important services that the Roman state had once provided for learning and cultural life, including an international structure. In both the Western and Eastern branches of Christianity, the church retained the international connectivity that had made classical learning so vibrant. And—especially with the new institution of monasticism—the church found a way to support teaching and learning, at a time when public life in most of Europe was faltering. Finally, the pattern of abandonment and decay that affected Roman cultural life and infrastructure was generally prevalent in all the old Roman territories, though probably in varying degrees depending on geographical location. Areas such as southern Italy or southern Gaul seem to have maintained more of a Roman feel than

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other areas. And, of course, large areas of Central and Eastern Europe had never been part of the Roman Empire at all, so the influence of the church, when it arrived, was especially significant. All in all, the classical heritage of the ancients lingered longer than simple labels such as the Dark Ages might imply. Pockets of classical learning and civilization certainly survived well into the early Middle Ages. Settlement patterns of some of the barbarian tribes were localized, with some areas more drastically affected than others. In Gaul (France), for example, the Gallo-Roman world continued to thrive in many areas. Gallo-Roman scholars like the famous Gregory of Tours—who ultimately served as bishop of Tours from 573 to 594—wrote his important work The History of the Franks, a key work that provides a precious glimpse of these “dark” years when the Merovingians ruled France, as well as many areas of Germany. Though living in the very depths of the chaotic post-Roman world, Gregory’s work more or less retained the Latin of his Gallo-Roman ancestors. In later antiquity, Christianity intellectual vitality and increasingly wealthy congregations had created something of a “brain drain” on Roman society. Many of the best and brightest of antiquity’s learned men and women were increasingly attracted to the church. In the late fourth century, Ambrose of Milan, the learned and eloquent bishop who had so moved Augustine, was such a figure. Also, Gregory of Tours similarly came from an aristocratic and senatorial background, showing that this trend continued well into the late sixth century, at least in some areas. Even more telling was Boethius (480–524), the learned Roman who lived in Ostrogothic Italy. His famous book The Consolation of Philosophy reflects perhaps the last great specimen of truly classical learning— including familiarity with Aristotle—in western Europe until the dawn of the Renaissance. The Monastic Heritage After 476, learning would be closely equated with the monastic institutions that developed in the years following the empire’s demise. Monastic traditions also came to dominate learning in the Byzantine Empire. In both East and West, monastic impulses derived from the ascetic traditions of earlier centuries. Well before monastic orders were formally recognized in the sixth century, strong ascetic tendencies had emerged in the church. Monasticism took the vigor and energy from these earlier ascetic traditions and channeled them in a more orderly, constructive, institutional direction. The extreme activities and practices of some of the hermit saints arguably entailed harmful aspects physically, psychologically, and spiritually. However, in terms of their devotion to faith, the ascetics represented a vital

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source of energy and renewal. In this regard, the famous “hermit saints” of the third and fourth centuries greatly influenced what came later. Along with the physical and social deprivations like celibacy, hermitic poverty, and fasting, early Christian asceticism also emphasized prayer and the reading of the scripture. The ascetics emphasized learning, even if they were reclusive and remote in their approaches. While often remembered as almost colorful or humorous figures, desert or hermit saints like Saint Anthony and Saint Mary of Egypt reflected a growing emphasis on contemplative living, including meditation; long hours of solitary, intensive studying; and prayer. Indeed, the famous biography of the desert saint Anthony describes him as having an uncanny memory for books (Athanasius, Life of Anthony, V). The first formal monastic order is usually associated with Benedict (480–543). A Roman born of noble origins in a world still steeped in the afterglow of classical antiquity, Benedict resembled other aristocratic figures of later antiquity like Augustine, Ambrose, and Saint Martin of Tours, in that he found the public, secular life of cities and careers distasteful and corrupt. For a time in his youth he spent a “hermit period” living in rugged caves and forests outside of the city. In 529 he founded his famous monastic community, in Monte Cassino, outside of Naples. While borrowing heavily from the outlooks and mentalities of earlier ascetic figures, Benedict’s approach distinguished itself by synthesizing the seemingly irreconcilable principles of community and solitude: a monastic group of close-knit followers ruled by an “abbot,” living apart from the public world. Benedict promulgated a “rule” of living in the monastic community that would deeply shape other monastic endeavors for centuries to come. Among their other endeavors, Benedictine contributions to learning and education were especially significant. The “Benedictine Rule” included in its “Prologue” the command for monks living by the rule to establish a school around which to center their contemplative and educational activities. Above all, the school’s sole raison d’être was the service of God. Perhaps more than any other single entity, the Benedictine Rule established a powerful bond between Christianity and education that would deeply shape the face of Western learning for many centuries to come. As Benedict’s influence spread into lands dominated by barbarian tribes, monasteries came to symbolize quiet oases of tranquility and order in a sometimes chaotic age. They were also centers of literacy and schooling in a time of illiteracy and ignorance. Pope Gregory the Great (r. 590–604) is often credited for spreading the monastic systems and encouraging their formal status as a holy order in Western Christianity. The second of his written Dialogues praised Benedict. Gregory recalled that

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Benedict had had the finest education in the liberal arts, but had a reaction similar to that of Augustine of Hippo to the popular elite learning of the time. In particular, Benedict had found the secular approach to education corrupt—a means to worldly pleasures, riches, and vanities. Benedict yearned for a deeper learning that brought the heart and mind to Christ. Praising Benedict’s sincerity and humility, Gregory became an active promoter of monastic communities organized along the Benedictine lines. Indeed, the Gallo-Roman historian Gregory of Tours reported that Gregory had already founded six monasteries in Sicily and one in Rome—with his own resources—before taking on the great mantle as pope (Gregory of Tours, History of the Franks, X. 1). The monastic ideals regarding education also extended to women. Nunneries began to appear sporadically quite early in the Middle Ages, like the nunnery at Arles described by Gregory of Tours in his famous work History of the Franks (IV. 26). The Arles nunnery is described as already existing during the reign of the Merovingian ruler King Charibert (d. 567), which would fix the date sometime around the mid-sixth century—even before Gregory’s time as pope. Given their relative adherence to the same general principles as their male counterparts, it seems probable that nuns were the early medieval world’s most well-educated women. Missionaries and Education As learning and education took more institutional form at the core of Christian discipleship, Christian missionary activity came to have an increasingly educational dimension. Indeed, education and training has always been at the heart of most missionary endeavors ever since. The church’s missionary outreach to pagan and barbarian peoples in its early evangelical period is no exception. The missionary activity of the early Middle Ages especially emphasized literacy, if for no other reason than that literacy promoted the reading of the Bible. In some cases, whole alphabets or writing systems were devised by Christian missionaries, deeply influencing language and literacy patterns still visible today in the linguistic framework of Europe. In other cases, holy languages such as Latin were promoted among non-Romanized peoples, pushing ancient languages like Latin forward into the Middle Ages and further promoting their already huge influence on learning and literacy. Among the best early examples of missionary activity with regard to literacy and the alphabet was Ulfilas (310–383). An Arian, Ulfilas helped spread his heretical version of Christianity to the Visigoths, who would take Arianism with them into Spain (they finally converted to orthodox Nicene, Catholic Christianity in 589). To

help facilitate the conversion of the Visigoths, Ulfilas developed a written script for the Gothic language. He omitted the warlike book of Kings in his translation, no doubt convinced that the frequently marauding Visigoths needed no further encouragement in this regard. Perhaps of even greater significance were the Byzantine missionaries Saints Cyril (827–869) and Methodius (826–885), credited with having developed the Cyrillic alphabet, especially prevalent amongst the Slavic languages. Despite the influence of missionaries, there was relatively little “national literature” in the major Slavic languages until late in the Middle Ages or early modern period. The first work entirely in Polish was not written until 1513. Works in the Russian language were virtually nonexistent until the 17th century. Throughout much of the Middle Ages, Orthodox Slavic churches relied on “Slavonic,” a language developed primarily for ecclesiastical purposes by Byzantine teachers. With regard to the division between Eastern and Western churches that characterized learning in the Dark Ages, these missionary activities played a key role in the distinctions between educational models in the Byzantine and Catholic worlds. An important distinction that emerged early on would shape literacy patterns for centuries to come. The Catholic world of the Latin West discouraged the translation of the Vulgate into the vernacular languages of the people. It also sought to maintain Latin liturgy. This ensured that the Latin language would not only become a virtual lingua franca for the medieval world—especially in terms of literature and letters—but also arguably gave a greater sense of connectivity to the Latin church than the Byzantine one had. Conversely, the Byzantine church was generally more accommodating to the translation of the scripture from Greek or Hebrew. This meant that many of the Slavic peoples who converted to the Orthodox brand of Christianity ultimately developed “national” churches, within the framework of the Orthodox fellowship. Nothing really comparable to the East’s “national churches”—like the Bulgarian Orthodox Church or the Russian Orthodox Church (each with its own patriarch)—existed in the Latin West. This also affected the respective influences of the Greek and Latin languages. While Greek remained an important language of scholarship and learning—as well as being the original language of the New Testament—it did not overlay vast geographical territories, as Latin did in western Europe. Libraries One popular image of the Dark Ages is that of the barbarians burning libraries. It is a potent and symbolically rich image, to be sure. Nonetheless, many questions remain.

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Great libraries like those on the Capitol Hill in Rome are often imagined to have been destroyed or burned during barbarian sacks of the city, like those of the Visigoths in 410 or the Vandals in 455. But though such images certainly correspond to long-held conceptions of the fall of Rome to barbarism, the details of any such destruction of the empire’s libraries are not really clear. Yet clues do emerge. One thing that seems certain is that many books of the ancient world were lost to the ages, along with the libraries that once housed them. While there are many allusions to libraries in ancient or early medieval writings, they are often made in passing and lack detail. Specific information about the function of these libraries is scarce. Moreover, cataloging of book collections in the modern sense seems to have been rare or nonexistent. There are virtually no library records from these early periods. Indeed, many of the ancient world’s most famous libraries—like the Library at Alexandria—seem to be fixtures of myth and legend. It can therefore be difficult to chronicle or catalog libraries of the ancient or early medieval worlds. Indeed, even defining what a library was (as opposed to a few scattered books) can prove difficult. The monks of early medieval monasteries showed great respect for the ancient world’s books and libraries. They took it upon themselves to preserve what they could of the ancient libraries and to continue the useful practice of collecting books. At some point early in the Middle Ages, collections from the old libraries—both public and private—were apparently moved to the new monastic settings. The extent of this transfer is very murky and subject to a fair amount of popular speculation. Yet despite the murky nature of the period in general, it seems clear that when the dust had settled, monastic libraries across Western Europe were the primary holders of what ancient books remained. Whether this resulted from the actual physical movement of ancient books into monastic collections or monastic recopying efforts will likely never be known. Most monastic libraries housed codex collections. Older papyrus scrolls—while not unknown in the West—generally appear with far greater frequency in the Arab and Byzantine sites of North Africa and the eastern Mediterranean. The ancient scrolls—while of enormous value today in terms of archaeology and textual criticism—had far less practical value to early medieval people than did competent, reliable copies of the ancient documents. As a general rule, Western collections housed fewer of the great classical texts of the ancient world. Even today, many of the most important classical texts that were preserved are edited with medieval Arab or Greek markings. Also, Western manuscripts—both

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classical and biblical—tend to be more recent, often dating from the Carolingian period. The British Isles In the English-speaking world, few areas evoke the sense of the Dark Ages more than the British Isles in the early Middle Ages. With its rich mix of Celtic and Germanic heritages and its literature and legends, the early medieval British Isles has long fascinated scholars of the period. Invading Germanic tribes like the Angles, Saxons, and Danes brought to Britain a Viking-like world, imported directly from the non-Romanized areas of the European continent: Scandinavia and central Germany. The petty warlords with their shifting tribal realms and violent codes of honor and plunder evoke everything popular culture has long associated with the Dark Ages. When the Romans began withdrawing troops from England under Emperor Honorius (r. 393–423), the island descended into chaos. Led by the semilegendary warlords Hengist and Horsa, Anglo-Saxon invasions began by the mid-fifth century, pushing the old Romanized Celtic Britons farther back into the fringes of the island like Cornwall, Wales, and Scotland. In the years that followed, a “heptarchy” of seven Anglo-Saxon kingdoms settled on the southern and eastern areas of the island— the area that today corresponds to England proper. These small kingdoms were Wessex, Sussex, Essex, Kent, East Anglia, Northumbria, and Mercia. By the 10th century, these counties had unified into a single English nation— Angleland, the Land of the Angles. Of all the areas that had once been Roman territory, few suffered a greater “decline” in culture, stability, and learning than England did in the fifth and sixth centuries. The Latin language virtually disappeared from Britain with the departure of Roman troops. By way of contrast, Latin remained deeply rooted in lands such as Gaul, Spain, Romania, and Italy. Indeed, in many of those areas Latin had become the everyday vernacular. Conversely, Britain entered into an obscure period with few written records and much violence. Legendary, quasi-historical figures like King Arthur reflect the murky historical understanding of events in this period following Rome’s withdrawal. Nonetheless, the British Isles retained important pockets of learning and education in these years. In Ireland, a distinctive brand of Celtic monasticism emerged in the years following the conversion of the people under the tutelage and guidance of Saint Patrick. Ireland had never been conquered by Rome. This independent sensibility, along with Ireland’s other charming and distinctive qualities, lent the Christianity that evolved there a powerful bond to the local and regional Celtic cultures of the

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island. Even today, Celtic Christianity possesses a distinctive feel that many still find highly attractive. In the sixth and seventh centuries, many of the most important centers of learning were in Ireland. Learned figures such as Saint Finnian (d. 549), the abbot of the monastery at Clonard, taught his monastic students a rich blend of Celtic traditions along with Latin texts like the Vulgate or other ecclesiastical writings. Missionary activity from such Irish communities spread the intellectually vital brand of Christianity to new areas both in the British Isles and on the continent. One of the most famous of the Irish missionary monks was Columba of Iona, who left Ireland in 565 on a missionary journey to the Picts of Scotland. A leading scholar of his time, Columba founded a monastery at Iona. As abbot, he trained disciples in the reading of the scriptures. He also reported seeing the Loch Ness monster, which at the time was depicted as a type of giant reptilian sea horse. But if Ireland and the Celtic fringes of Great Britain retained strong literary and monastic cultures, the AngloSaxon areas of the island were practically illiterate. Most of the Anglo-Saxon language (i.e., “Old English”) seems to have been orally transmitted in its earliest appearances. The Anglo-Saxon language was written in runic lettering on occasion, but such examples are rare and often reserved to inscriptions. Later in the Anglo-Saxon period, around the seventh century, when Beowulf was probably written, Latin lettering was adopted, with some runic symbols and elements retained. In general, probably most of the scholars who could write Anglo-Saxon also knew Latin, so Latin greatly influenced the development of Anglo-Saxon writing. By the ninth century, many of the most important Anglo-Saxon scholars, like Venerable Bede (673–735), wrote in Latin. The important biography of the Anglo-Saxon king of Wessex, Life of King Alfred the Great, was also written in Latin, by the Welsh monk in Alfred’s employ, Asser (d. c. 909). Old English remained an important language until well after the Norman invasion of 1066, when it gradually yielded to Middle English. Nonetheless, much of the scholarship was increasingly in Latin. Bringing Books to the North Prior to the advent of monasticism in the late sixth century, there were virtually no libraries in the Anglo-Saxon world. Cultural amenities such as theaters, or classical guilds in areas such as medicine or teaching, were virtually unknown. Typical of most Germanic tribes, especially in the smaller and more rustic settlements, the Anglo-Saxons possessed a largely oral culture. Training was probably done by parents, emphasizing practical matters of livelihood and survival. Cultural matters such as religious or moral values were also probably taught by

family members, or absorbed by osmosis in the warm, close-knit communities that characterized most of the Anglo-Saxon groups. In terms of education and learning, perhaps the most critical event in Anglo-Saxon history occurred in 596, when Gregory the Great sent the monk Augustine to be a missionary to the pagan peoples of the Anglo-Saxon kingdom of Kent. Pagan king Ethelbert (r. 590–616) of Kent was encouraged in this regard by the apparently very persuasive charms of his Roman Catholic wife, Bertha, a Merovingian princess from Christian France. Upon arriving in Kent, Ethelbert acquiesced to both his wife’s and Augustine’s diplomatic entreaties, allowing the monk to establish a monastic community there in Canterbury, which went on to become the seat of all English Christianity. The archbishop of Canterbury would in time become one of the most important offices in English politics. Having established a foothold in the southeast of England, the church began to promote learning and literacy among the Anglo-Saxon peoples. Significantly, missionaries began to bring books and other learning materials to the island. In 601, Augustine communicated to Pope Gregory the need for more priestly help and supplies. Gregory sent Abbot Mellitus, who would later become both archbishop of Canterbury and the first bishop of London. In his important work The Ecclesiastical History of the English People, the historian Venerable Bede writes that among the supplies Mellitus brought with him from southern Europe was an ample library of books (I. 29). The introduction of these books, understated in Bede, represented the beginning of a major shift in AngloSaxon intellectual life and culture. When one considers that there were probably next to no books in all of AngloSaxon England at this point, the significance of these first imported library collections becomes even more apparent. From this point forward, study of holy texts—both the Bible and other writings—became an integral component of the Christianization of the English nation. As the connectional nature of Roman Christianity began to spread to the other little Anglo-Saxon monarchies, the seeds of a refined English literary culture grew and disseminated. Within several decades of Augustine’s first visit to Kent, all the Christian areas of Anglo-Saxon England would acknowledge the see at Canterbury. In 664, Pope Vitalian (r. 657–672) sent the great scholar and priest Theodore to Canterbury, where he served as the first archbishop of Canterbury to be acknowledged by all the English. Born in Tarsus, in Cilicia, Theodore possessed an excellent education in the older sense, being schooled in both Greek and Latin. He was also familiar with the classical ancient sciences. Once he was in England, education became a major part of Theodore’s out-

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reach as archbishop. Wherever he visited on the island, he would gather round him a group of students, to whom he taught not only scriptures, but also science, poetry, and astronomy. He taught them to calculate the proper dates for Christian observances, using the Christianized Roman calendar. During his tenure as archbishop of Canterbury, Theodore founded the famous School at Canterbury, which ushered in a new epoch in terms of Anglo-Saxon learning. Along with Archbishop of Canterbury Theodore and Abbot Hadrian, another important scholarly figure from this period in Anglo-Saxon history was the monk Benedict (628–690). Bede wrote about Benedict in both his Ecclesiastical History of the English People and his Lives of the Abbots of Wearmouth and Jarrow. Benedict would found the important library at Northumbria. It became a major center of learning not only in Anglo-Saxon England, but in Western Europe as a whole. An Anglo-Saxon by birth, Benedict had lived in Rome on an extended pilgrimage to the city of St. Peter. When the pope sent Theodore and Hadrian to England from Rome, he appointed Benedict to accompany them as an interpreter and guide. Benedict was a lifelong voracious student. Upon the arrival of his holy entourage in England, Benedict served as abbot of the Monastery of St. Peter’s in Kent (later renamed after Saint Augustine of Canterbury). Two years later he returned to Rome, where he procured a huge number of books. Some were bought at advantageous prices in the markets of Rome. Some, interestingly, were given to Benedict as charitable donations (Lives of the Abbots of Wearmouth and Jarrow, IV). Stopping by Vienne, France, on his return to England, he procured even more books from friends he had there. Upon returning to England, Benedict made his way home to his native Northumbria, where King Egfrid (r. 670–685) received him favorably. Egfrid gave Benedict a huge tract of land on the banks of the Wear River. Benedict used the gift to establish a major Benedictine monastery. He also established his famous library there. In the coming years, he would augment the monastery’s collection with books procured from subsequent trips to Rome. This was one of the most famous and important libraries of the early Middle Ages. Northern Europe Catches Up In the years following the lives of learned men like Theodore, Hadrian, and Benedict, Anglo-Saxon England became one of Western Europe’s most important centers of learning. The “English” then went on to develop one of the most important and sophisticated literary cultures in the early Middle Ages. A rich tradition developed in terms of written literature in “Old English,” as AngloSaxon would come to be known. As monasticism spread

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over the island, along with Christianity, Anglo-Saxon England became one of Western Europe’s most learned locations during these “dark ages.” Gradually Angle-Saxon energy and common wisdom fused with the refined brand of postclassical learning gaining strength in the monasteries and ecclesiastical centers of Western Europe. In the years after the introduction of Roman Christianity into Kent, learning and education in Anglo-Saxon England steadily spread and increased. By the eighth century, England had emerged as one of Western Europe’s most refined and important intellectual centers. The kingdom of Northumbria became particularly equated with learning, beginning with the conversion of King Edwin (r. 616–633) to Christianity in 625. Following the conversion of Edwin, the Whitby Abbey became a major center of learning and worship. The famous Anglo-Saxon poet, musician, and convert to monasticism Caedmon (d. 680) served the Whitby Abbey, where his poems and writings on topics such as Creation and Old Testament epics inspired many. Although a somewhat folkloric figure, he remains an important touchstone in modern understandings of the musical arts and literature in the still relatively roughhewn Old English culture of the day. Perhaps the most important figure in the brilliant period of Northumbrian learning was Venerable Bede (673–735). Bede’s writings rank among the most valuable, and sophisticated, of the period. Alongside its essential narratives regarding the important bishops, abbots, and kings of Anglo-Saxon England, much can also be gleaned about teaching and learning among the early Anglo-Saxon Christians. Bede’s most famous work, Ecclesiastical History of the English People, ranks as one of the most important sources for this often murky period of transition in Anglo-Saxon culture. Among other invaluable details Bede provides, he emphasizes the role of teaching and training as an essential component of missionary activity to the pagans. His other extant writings are also significant in this regard. In his famous letter to Bishop Egbert (d.729), Bede encourages memorization of prayers and scripture in both Latin and Anglo-Saxon. This letter also implies that while new converts are to be encouraged and taught using the Saxon vernacular, knowledge of the Latin tongue should be encouraged and expected of all mature Christians. The famous Saint Boniface (c. 675–754) is usually cited as the first Anglo-Saxon to write an instructional Latin grammar book. In 719, he left England as a missionary to the Germans on the continent. Famous for chopping down the famous “Oak of Thor” in Hesse, Boniface evangelized his way across Frisia and Germany, eventually becoming the archbishop of Mainz. The Carolingian family of the Franks supported his missionary endeavors,

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welcoming his expansion of Roman Christianity into pagan areas of Germany. He founded many monasteries and schools across Germany, promoting the blend of Latin and German intellectual culture that was increasingly prevalent in his native England. Another important Anglo-Saxon writer in the years before the Norman invasion of 1066 was Aelfric. Living in the late 10th century, Aelfric was a learned Old English writer who, among his many other intellectual activities, emphasized the learning and transmission of Latin. His Colloquy provides a discourse between a Latin teacher and Anglo-Saxon students. As well as being an important window into the blending of Old English and Latin culture in the learning and education of the time, it more generally provides a glimpse into the banter and telling exchanges between a teacher and young 10th-century students. By the time of the watershed invasion of England by the Normans in 1066, Anglo-Saxon culture had developed into a rich and intellectually vibrant heritage. It combined Old English with a Latin overlay, drawing heavily on both ecclesiastical resources and national character and traditions. It also reflected more generally the growing universality of the Latin language as a form of communication and means of literary expression. Continental Developments: The Carolingian Renaissance On the continent, Christianity’s contributions to education intersected heavily with the ever-growing power of the Frankish monarchs. Early monastic libraries and schools like the one founded by Pope Gregory the Great at Arles in the sixth century had continued to grow, providing something of a haven of order and reason in this bloody, warrior age. In the eighth century, the great Frankish king Charlemagne (r. 768–814) launched an especially vigorous attempt to stimulate learning and education. His efforts in this regard are sometimes called the “Carolingian Renaissance.” The Carolingian Renaissance was prompted by an acute awareness that much in the way of learning had been lost in the years since the fall of the Roman Empire. This fact alone makes it highly significant. Though it faced significant challenges, the Carolingian Renaissance laid the foundation for many educational developments that arose later in the Middle Ages. Charlemagne’s royal biographer Einhard (775–840) describes the king as generally illiterate, having begun his formal education late in life. He would practice writing the alphabet letters late into the night. Einhard reports that the king struggled to learn even these basic rudiments of reading and writing—an especially telling reminder of

the rampant illiteracy that was accepted as normal in the Middle Ages (Einhard, Life of Charlemagne, 25). Nonetheless, Charlemagne was a great proponent of liberal arts education. Einhard reports that Charlemagne took care to provide his children with the finest education available at the time. He had them trained in the traditional liberal arts, including physical activity like riding and hunting, which the king also regarded as equally formative and beneficial for the young. Charlemagne also began a circuit of “cathedral schools.” The most important of the cathedral schools were at Chartres and at Paris. But others of generally comparable approach and style were found throughout the areas of Frankish control. Cathedral schools constitute a link between the remote monastic schools of the earlier Middle Ages and the great universities that arose during the 11th and 12th centuries, the height of medieval civilization. Public institutions of sorts, they seem to have been available to children of all ages. Cathedral schools also promoted learning in the classical liberal arts, at a time when these humanistic endeavors were largely unknown by the mainstream of Frankish culture. Education in cathedral schools also further promoted the Latin tongue, especially in areas where the German dialects prevailed. Moreover, in further testimony to the growing vibrancy of Anglo-Saxon intellectual life during this period, Charlemagne imported the great scholar Alcuin (735–804), sometimes called Albinus, from England to supervise education in the cathedral schools. He was one of the most learned men of the day. In still another key development during the period, Carolingian scholars endeavored to recopy many of the ancient texts, which by the eighth century were moldering in monastic libraries. This was a huge endeavor. Unfortunately, in the process of recopying ancient documents—a much-needed service to future generations in an age preceding the printing press—they frequently burned the earlier versions of the texts as redundant junk. Of course, today the earlier versions of these texts would be of great value to scholars, since the art of studying early documents invariably requires getting as close as possible to a text’s original wording and meaning. This is especially true because alterations in wording, punctuation, and even content invariably appear over generations of manual recopying. In Western Europe today, many of the most important and earliest copies of ancient manuscripts are from the Carolingian period. The monks of the Carolingian period developed a new script to facilitate easier copying and reading. Called Carolingian minuscule, this new script featured small letters and other forms of punctuation, making reading much easier. Over time, the new script enabled the downward

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dissemination of simple reading mechanics into lower social classes. This new script also arguably aided the move toward use of vernacular languages such as French, German, and Italian. The Iberian Peninsula Perhaps the most heterogeneous and vibrant area of education and intellectual life in the Dark Ages was Spain. By the early sixth century, the Visigoths had settled in much of Spain, following their famous marauding treks through much of southeastern Europe, Italy, and Gaul. Arian Christians, the Visigoths uneasily blended their rough barbarian mannerisms with Christian, Latin influences, not unlike other Germanic peoples during this period. In 589, the Visigoths converted to Roman Catholic, Nicene Christianity. With formal bonds now connecting them to the system of bishop and abbots elsewhere in Europe, Roman Catholicism in Spain furthered the inroads of monastic learning into the Visigothic culture. Visigothic Spain became another one of Europe’s somewhat unlikely centers of learning and education, with a vibrant intellectual heritage that not only enriched peninsular learning per se, but also influenced all of Western Christendom. It was in this period that the bishop Isidore of Seville (d. c. 636) penned his important Etymologies. This work sought to classify various branches of knowledge in a way that helped shape educational disciplines and areas of inquiry later in the Middle Ages. In 711 the Arabs invaded Spain, ending Visigothic domination of the Iberian Peninsula. The Arabs brought with them some of the world’s most advanced learning at that time. Though often vaguely considered more North African than Western European, the excellent Arab scholars who came into Spain in this period had an enormous influence on Western learning. Over time, Arab scholarship and learning would especially influence areas such as medicine. Arab mathematicians also proved influential. Algebra and “Arabic numerals”—including zero—were great improvements in numbering and mathematics. In the coming years, Arabic numerals would gradually replace the cumbersome system of Roman numerals in all but the most formal numbering schemes. And it was from the Arab centers of education in Islamic Spain that Aristotle—largely forgotten by Western Christians—would eventually move across the Pyrenees into France. Arab learning in these “dark ages” arguably surpassed that of the Latin West.

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Riché, Pierre. 1976. Education and Culture in the Barbarian West: From the Sixth through the Eighth Century. Translated by John J. Contreni. Columbia: University of South Carolina Press. Rouse, R. H. 1992. “The Transmission of the Texts.” In The Legacy of Rome: A New Appraisal, edited by Richard Jenkyns, 241–267. New York: Oxford University Press. Wickham, Chris. 2009. The Inheritance of Rome: Illuminating the Dark Ages, 400–1000. New York: Penguin Books.

—David Leinweber

Darwin and Evolutionary Theory Many battles over the content of Christian general education and doctrinal teaching have been fought with one eye on the issue of evolution. Most biologists argue that the evidence and explanatory power for the descent, with modifications, of all present-day organisms from common ancestors is so strong that evolution must be declared a fact. While debate continues over the detailed pattern and mechanisms of evolution, few doubt that the natural selection of chance variations,3 as proposed by Charles Darwin (1809–1882) and (independently) Alfred Russel Wallace (1823–1919), is a major driver. Differential survival and reproduction inevitably favor the inheritance by future generations of those characteristics that better adapt animals and plants to their environment, leading to changes over time that may be reflected in the fossil record as well as in the comparative anatomy and biochemistry of contemporary organisms (especially in their DNA). Darwin also proposed a role for sexual selection, in which individuals are selected relative to other members of the same sex for anatomical or behavioral features related to mating. Geographical distribution and random genetic drift are additional evolutionary mechanisms; reproductive separation in different environments led different populations to evolve into distinct species (“speciation”).

References and Resources

Theological Implications of Evolution Prior to Darwin, the striking complexity of organisms and their adaptations to their environment seemed to require a supernatural designer. With organisms, as with watches, “when several different parts contribute to one effect . . . [this seems] decisive evidence of understanding, intention, art.”4 But Darwin eventually came to believe that “there seems to be no more design in the variability of organic beings and in the action of natural selection,

Gibbon, Edward. 1776. The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire. New York: Penquin Classics, 1996. Herman, Arthur. 1997. The Idea of Decline in Western History. Florence, MA: Free Press.

3. These variations (now tracked back to gene or chromosome mutations) are regarded as “random” or “chance” events in the sense of being unrelated to the organism’s need for survival or reproduction. 4. William Paley, Natural Theology (London: R. Faulder, 1802), 282.

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than in the course which the wind blows.” Evolution, it is often claimed, involves no more than a “blind watchmaker,” working through a “blind, unconscious, automatic process.”5 Various reformulations of the argument for design are possible, and theistic evolution includes a variety of theological accounts of how God creates through evolution. All accept that God creates and sustains the laws of natural selection and the mechanisms of mutation, and perhaps determines the fundamental physical constants of nature so as to permit life to exist. Some hold that God, having once designed the process, leaves the process to produce the products; others argue for a providential steering of the course of evolution, either at a very general level or through God’s additional activity operating in a hidden way below the level of statistical scientific laws. More radically, intelligent design (ID) theorists, while distancing themselves from older creationist traditions that opposed at least all macroevolution (evolution at the level of species and above), hold that unnatural interventions are required to form many complex structures and chemical pathways within cells and organisms. (A. R. Wallace also allowed for the need for some additional input from “a world of spirit,” particularly in the evolution of human beings.) However, although chance alone could not produce biological complexity from scratch, like a hurricane sweeping through a junkyard and assembling an aircraft, evolution works in a piecemeal, cumulative fashion, modifying the functions of existing elements. In this way, random changes, together with the selection of effective adaptations, can build complex structures. From the first, Darwin’s theory embraced human beings, and he later argued that the differences between humans and present-day apes were differences only of degree, with both groups sharing common anthropoid ancestors. Compared with the doctrine of a special creation of humans in the image of God and the biblical claim that the rest of creation was created by God for human beings (Gen. 1:26–28), evolution offers a humbler perspective. At another level, evolutionary theory challenges some theologies of Adam’s Fall, by giving Homo sapiens a history of ancestors in evolutionary history and replacing the paradisal environment of Genesis with one in which suffering and death were already present. The challenge of “Darwinism” ran deeper than a particular view of scripture, to general questions about method (How is truth to be found?) and about the autonomy of science: “The conflict was not ultimately over the theory of evolution . . . but over the freedom of the scien5. Charles Darwin, The Autobiography of Charles Darwin, 1809–1822, ed. Norma Barlow (London: Collins, 1958), 87; and Richard Dawkins, The Blind Watchmaker (London: Penguin, 1988), 5.

tist to be a scientist.”6 But doctrinally, creation is primarily about God’s continuous preservation of (an evolving) world—which is a metaphysical view, rather than about its origins—which are open to scientific exploration. Evolution, operating with amoral indifference, is often said to exacerbate the problem of suffering. For sentient organisms, pain is an inevitable by-product of the competition and struggle for limited resources that results in selection. It is also an unavoidable consequence of the (equally inevitable?) evolution of predators, parasites, and pathogens. Although Darwin’s deistic view of God originally allowed him to think that an omniscient God could be the primary cause of the “secondary means” of the law of natural selection,7 a more complete agnosticism finally triumphed—fed by Darwin’s recognition of the lowly origins of the human mind as well as the problem of pain. Even in 1860 he confessed: “There seems to be too much misery in the world. I cannot persuade myself that a beneficent and omnipotent God would have designedly created the Ichneumonidae [parasitic wasps] with the express intention of their feeding within the living bodies of caterpillars, or that a cat should play with mice.”8 Wallace, by contrast, judged the sufferings of animals in the evolutionary struggle for existence to be “altogether insignificant.” Others have argued that nature’s “beautiful, tragic, and perpetually incomplete” lives “speak for God; they prophesy as they participate in the divine pathos. All have ‘borne our griefs and carried our sorrows.’”9 Evolution and Education The most careful recent polls report that around 39 percent of adults in the United States and 18 percent in the United Kingdom reject human evolution. In response to questions about compulsory education, however, most surveys show that a majority want “a range of theories” to be taught, reflecting the creationists’ protest that “the arguments on both sides [evolution and special creation] should be presented, and children should be free to choose between them.”10 But creationism and ID are dismissed by almost all biologists on account of their lack of empirical support, poor predictive power, inconsistencies with other areas of science, and inability to illuminate scientific problems or advance scientific knowledge. Theories about the origin of species appear to be treated by the wider public rather like political ideolo6. Owen Chadwick, The Victorian Church (London: A. and C. Black, 1970), Part II, 20. 7. Charles Darwin, The Origin of Species (London: John Murray, first edition 1859), ch. XIV. 8. Francis Darwin, ed., The Life and Letters of Charles Darwin (New York: D. Appleton & Co, 1901), 2:105. 9. Holmes Rolston III, Science and Religion: A Critical Survey (New York: Random House, 1987), 145. 10. D. C. C. Watson, The Great Brain Robbery (Chicago: Moody, 1976), 103.

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gies, for which fairness demands that each has an equal hearing. Science would not progress on that model. While creationist and ID beliefs are proper topics within a study of religion and help to clarify the logical status of the doctrine of creation and the distinction between scientific and religious claims, most scientists hold that it is educationally irresponsible to teach them within the science syllabus. Many empirical studies show that young people’s adoption of a creationist view is detrimental to their interest in science, and also that their adoption of scientism (the view that absolute truth may be obtained through science, and only through science) suppresses the developing of a positive attitude to Christianity. Some studies also reveal a significant underlying positive relationship between the attitude pupils hold toward Christianity (or theism in general) and their attitude toward science, but find that this is obscured where students adopt either creationism or scientism. There are implications here for the teaching of both religion and science.11 References and Resources Alexander, Denis. 2008. Creation or Evolution? Do We Have to Choose? Oxford: Monarch. Ayala, Francisco J. 2006. Darwin and Intelligent Design. Minneapolis, MN: Fortress Press. Barton, Stephen C., and David Wilkinson, eds. 2009. Reading Genesis after Darwin. New York: Oxford University Press. Dembski, William A., and Michael Ruse, eds. 2004. Debating Design: From Darwin to DNA. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Peters, Ted, and Martinez Hewlett. 2003. Evolution from Creation to New Creation: Conflict, Conversation and Convergence. Nashville, TN: Abingdon. Ruse, Michael. 2001. Can a Darwinian be a Christian? The Relationship between Science and Religion. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Sarkar, Sahotra. 2007. Doubting Darwin? Creationist Designs on Evolution. Oxford: Blackwell.

—Jeff Astley

Dawson, Christopher Henry Biography and Education Christopher Henry Dawson (1889–1970) was a British historian and Catholic intellectual. He was born in Hay11. William K. Kay and Leslie J. Francis, Drift from the Churches: Attitude Toward Christianity during Childhood and Adolescence (Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 1996), ch. 8; Jeff Astley and Leslie J. Francis, “Promoting Positive Attitudes towards Science and Religion among Sixthform Pupils: Dealing with Scientism and Creationism,” British Journal of Religious Education 32, no. 3 (2010): 189–200.

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on-Wye on the Welsh-English border and was educated at Winchester College and Trinity College, Oxford, where he studied history and economics under Sir Ernest Barker. Dawson was influenced by a wide variety of writers, including Ernst Troeltsch, Max Weber, Edmund Burke, and Frederic Le Play. Through the works of these writers, Dawson became convinced that religion has played a dynamic role in cultural development and, on a grander scale, the growth and decay of civilizations. He believed that the crises of his time were the result of declining “Christian culture” as a unifying, moral force in the West, and that liberalism’s dismissal of the transcendent spiritual and moral order was bringing about “secular totalitarianism.”12 The West, he argued, and Christians in particular, had to rediscover the organic, religious elements that had played a progressive role in its development and achievements. On a trip to Rome in 1914, Dawson committed to conversion from his AngloCatholicism to Roman Catholicism. He also vowed to write a multivolume history of civilizations, not coincidentally where Edward Gibbon had made his own vow to write his Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire. Although he never completed the series, Dawson was a remarkably prolific writer throughout his long career, writing close to 30 books and over 200 articles between 1920 and 1961. He was Gifford Lecturer at the University of Edinburgh in 1946 and 1947, and his first full-time academic post was as the first Chauncey-Stillman Chair of Roman Catholic Studies at Harvard University, a position he took up in 1958. During his tenure at Harvard, Dawson suffered a series of strokes; he resigned from his position in 1962 and returned to England, where he died in 1970.13 Significant Contributions to Christian Education Dawson believed that Christians, particularly Catholics, had an important role to play in the coming age but lamented that they were largely ignorant of historical “Christian culture.” His aim—particularly during the 1950s—was to develop and promote a program to educate Christians about Christian culture, its contributions to Western thought, and its constructive role in reviving modern culture. “However secularized our modern civilization may become,” he wrote in 1949, “[the] sacred tradition remains like a river in the desert, and a genuine religious education can still use it to irrigate the thirsty lands and to change the face of the world with the prom12. James F. Hitchcock, “Rehearsal for Deconstruction,” Fellowship of Catholic Scholars Quarterly (Winter 2007): 3; and Glenn W. Olsen, Introduction to The Crisis of Western Education (Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press, 2010), xv. Both pieces are excellent summaries of Dawson’s program for Catholic education and contemporary responses to it. 13. Christina Scott, A Historian and His World: A Life of Christopher Dawson (Piscataway, NJ: Transaction, 1991), 1–35.

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ise of a new life.”14 Dawson proposed that the study of “culture” be at the center of the Catholic postsecondary curriculum. His book The Crisis of Western Education (1961)—a compilation of lectures and conference papers he delivered throughout the United States—outlined this proposal. What was needed was a program that transcended entrenched biases of modern historiography against religion and the “medieval period,” namely that religion and tradition held no intellectual value.15 Yet at the same time, Dawson believed the parochial historiography of Catholic educators had to move beyond church history as hagiography, doctrine, and the history of institutions. Dawson recognized that “there was a danger that secular education would push towards an extreme metaphysical relativism and Catholic education towards metaphysical absolutism, making the two mutually exclusive and incomprehensible to one another.”16 Dawson saw his program as a much-needed media. The United States loomed large in Dawson’s vision. “I have come to feel,” he wrote after World War II, “that it is in [the United States] that the fate of Christendom will be decided.”17 His belief was based on at least two observations. First, the United States emerged as a global power and had a strong political tradition that linked Christianity with liberty and progress. Second, it had a large Catholic population with a vast network of universities and colleges that had resisted the tendency to exclude religion from education.18 Dawson’s books had become central to many of the curricula of these institutions, providing fertile ground for his proposals for education.19 Despite his ambition, his proposals were widely dismissed by the Catholic educational establishment. On the one hand, his program was seen as an unwelcome challenge to the long-established dominance of the traditional classical curriculum of many Catholic institutions. Displacing philosophy and theology with cultural history in curricula was seen as dangerous, given the relativism and flux in historical development. On the other, his recommendations were shunned by liberal Catholic educators such as John Tracy Ellis, who had spent his career pushing for continued broadening of Catholic institutions to bring them on a par with their secular counterparts.20 The post–World War II era had seen progress to this end, and for Ellis and others, Dawson’s proposals would put Catholics back into 14. Christopher Dawson, Education and the Crisis of Christian Culture (Chicago: Henry Regnery Company, 1949). 15. Hitchcock, “Rehearsal for Deconstruction,” 3. 16. Ibid., 3. 17. Scott, Historian and His World, 197–198. 18. Olsen, Introduction, xv–xvi. 19. Patrick Allitt, Catholic Converts: British and American Intellectuals Turn to Rome (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1997), 269. 20. Hitchcock, “Rehearsal for Deconstruction,” 5.

the “ghetto” from which they were emerging.21 More broadly, elements of Dawson’s historiography and ideas were unfashionable by the 1960s with changes in historiography that moved away from broad, sweeping narratives to narrow specialization.22 Numerous institutions nevertheless incorporated aspects of Dawson’s program into their programs, including: Saint Mary’s College, University of Notre Dame (the Christianity and culture program); St. Michael’s College, University of Toronto, and the University of St. Thomas, St. Paul, which continues to experiment with Dawson’s ideas.23 Most Notable Publications Age of the Gods (1929) Progress and Religion (1929) The Making of Europe (1932) Enquiries into Religion and Culture (1933) Religion and Culture (1948) Religion and the Rise of Western Culture (1950) Dynamics of World History (1957) The Crisis of Western Education (1961)

References and Resources Allitt, Patrick. 1997. Catholic Converts: British and American Intellectuals Turn to Rome. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. Dawson, Christopher. 1948. Religion and Culture. New York: Sheed & Ward. ———. 1949. Education and the Crisis of Christian Culture. Chicago: Henry Regnery. ———. 1970. Age of the Gods. New York: Howard Fertig. ———. 1991. Religion and the Rise of Western Culture. New York: Image Books. ———. 2001. Progress and Religion: An Historical Inquiry. Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press. ———. 2002a. Dynamics of World History. Wilmington, DE: Intercollegiate Studies Institute. ———. 2002b. The Making of Europe: An Introduction to the History of European Unity. Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press. ———. 2009. Enquiries into Religion and Culture. Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press. ———. 2010. The Crisis of Western Education. Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press. Hitchcock, James F. 2007. “Rehearsal for Deconstruction.” Fellowship of Catholic Scholars Quarterly (Winter): 3. Olsen, Glenn W. 2010a. “Christopher Dawson and the Renewal of Catholic Education: The Proposal That Catholic Culture

21. Ibid., 6. 22. Allitt, Catholic Converts, 271. 23. Ibid., 269; Olsen, “Christopher Dawson and the Renewal of Catholic Education,” 16.

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and History, not Philosophy, Should Order the Catholic Curriculum.” Logos 13 (3): 14–35. ———. 2010b. Introduction to The Crisis of Western Education, by Christopher Dawson. Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press. Scott, Christina. 1991. A Historian and His World: A Life of Christopher Dawson. Piscataway, NJ: Transaction Publishers.

—Stephen Carter

Day Missions Library, The (Yale University Divinity School Library) In 1892 George Edward Day, a professor of Hebrew and biblical theology at Yale University (1866–1891), donated his collection of missions-related materials to the Yale Divinity School. This became the catalyst for the formation of a “Historical Library of Foreign Missions,” which he hoped would become “the most full and complete collection of work on Foreign Missions in the United States and perhaps in the world.” This was at a time when the American Protestant missionary enterprise was undergoing expansion as tens of thousands sailed to foreign shores to spread the Christian faith and Western civilization. Day had a keen interest in missions’ history, and from his retirement in 1891 until his death 15 years later, he devoted himself to the new library, traveling widely to collect materials. By 1905, the collection had grown to some 7,000 volumes. Originally the Day Missions Library was viewed as an educational opportunity for missionaries, with the new building erected in 1911 (from bequests in the wills of Day and his wife, Olivia Hotchkiss Day) designed to house a printing press, carpentry shop, and mapmaking and photography rooms to train foreign workers in practical skills. This activity was endorsed by Yale University, since it had supported the missions’ movement, with 162 students entering missionary service in the 19th century, almost half of them involved during the years of Day’s professorship. The Library of Foreign Missions contained six categories of materials that focused primarily on Protestant missions: the history of missions around the world, biographies of missionaries, materials for missionary workers, missions’ periodicals, documentary literature such as annual reports of mission agencies, and literature regarding Jewish missions. In addition to these areas of interest, materials were collected in comparative religions, linguistics (such as Bible translations, dictionaries, grammars, and foreign-language books prepared by missionaries), ethnology, geography, and fundamental Roman Catholic books and periodicals. The library’s collection was noteworthy not only for its institutional

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histories, but also for other topics of interest, such as how American missionaries communicated non-Western cultures, the role of women in missions, and the effects of missionaries on indigenous societies. In 1932, the Yale University Divinity School moved to a new campus in New Haven, Connecticut, and consolidated its three specialized libraries: the Trowbridge Reference Library, Sneath Library of Religious Education, and the Day Library. By this time the Day collection had expanded to about two-thirds of the Divinity Library’s original collection (over 21,000 volumes). Starting in the 1940s, the Day Library’s collection was integrated into the broader collection of the Divinity Library, so that by 1950 any missions-related materials were absorbed directly into the general collection of the library. Today the “Day Missions Library” refers to the whole body of documented materials connected to missions at the Divinity Library and comprises about one-third of the library’s 500,000 volumes. The scope also has changed, from an original focus on missionary training to documenting the history and practice of world Christianity. In addition to expanding the coverage of the printed documentation of world Christianity, which is housed in the Day Missions Reading Room, the library has also purchased all commercially available microform collections of missionary archives. Paul F. Stuehrenberg, in the Ten Year Report of the Yale Divinity School Library, concluded, “The Day Missions Collection was already (arguably) the strongest collection anywhere in the world relating to the history of Christian missions and the life, thought, and practice of Christianity outside the West” (January 2012). References and Resources Bainton, R. H. 1957. Yale and the Ministry. San Francisco: Harper & Row. Kelley, B. M. 1974. Yale: A History. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Pierson, George Wilson. 1988. The Founding of Yale: The Legend of the Forty Folios. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.

—Robert L. Gallagher

de Foucauld, Charles Eugene Charles Eugene de Foucauld (1858–1916), a French incognito explorer, hermit, and missionary, was born in Strasbourg. Although coming from a devout Catholic family, he lived a depraved life as an aristocrat and a cavalry lieutenant in Algeria and Morocco. In 1883–1884, de Foucauld secretly explored Morocco and four years later published Reconnaissance au Maroc. For his scientific

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observations during this expedition, he was honored by the Paris Geographical Society. Impressed by the simple piety of Islam, de Foucauld entered a time of spiritual searching, which under the guidance of Abbé Henri Huvelin at the church of St. Augustine in Paris led him back to the Catholic faith in 1886. Following a pilgrimage to the Holy Land (1888–1889), he gave himself to extreme asceticism, residing in the remote Cistercian Trappist monasteries of Notre-Damedes-Neiges in France and Akbès in Syria (1890–1896). After receiving permission to leave the order, Charles traveled to Palestine in 1897 to voluntarily serve the Poor Clares in Nazareth and Jerusalem and to live an even more austere and solitary existence of silence, prayer, and contemplation. This imitation of Christ became his standard and one central focus for the rest of his days. “Follow me. I am your rule.” Nazareth became wherever he worked with Jesus in humility, poverty, and silence. In 1901, at the age of 43, de Foucauld returned to his homeland for priestly ordination at Viviers. A few months later, he went to the Sahara in French Algeria and established a small hermitage he called the “Fraternity” for “adoration and hospitality” at the oasis of BéniAbbès near the Moroccan border. Here he led “a life of prayer at the foot of the tabernacle.” Four years later, he settled in the inaccessible Ahaggar mountains among the Muslim Tuareg tribes near the oasis of Tamanrasset in southern Algeria: “not preaching but giving hospitality to all comers, good or bad, friends or enemies, Muslim or Christian, and welcoming every human being as a beloved brother.”24 He made his home for the next 11 years living among the Tuareg, the most warlike of all the desert tribes, welcoming visitors and strangers to share his bread. He remained in supportive contact with the French military all his life, yet had a markedly different approach to Christian-Muslim relations in Algeria. After learning the language of the Tuaregs, de Foucauld involved himself in translation work and produced the first Tamashegh grammar and dictionary, as well as becoming an expert in their history and customs and translating the tribal poetry of the Tuareg into French. His French-Tuareg dictionary was published posthumously in four volumes. Today he is remembered as a lexicographer and grammarian of the Tuareg language and its unique tifinagh alphabet. The Christian “hermit of the Sahara” lived in unbending asceticism among these Muslim tribal people, to whom he was known as a holy person, the imitation of the Islamic Jesus. As he witnessed Christ more through his deeds than his words, such as traveling to isolated 24. Charles de Foucauld, Letter, 23 June 1901, in Inner Search: Letters (1889–1916) (Maryknoll, NY: Orbis, 1979), 83–84.

places to help poor families, there were no conversions or successors. “I am a monk, not a missionary. Made for silence, not for preaching.” His vocation was to “preach the Gospel silently.” Yet he earned the respect of both the Islamic desert tribes and the French military. He was killed in 1916 during a failed kidnapping attempt by Tuareg raiders and was buried in El Ménia, Algeria. De Foucauld’s personal papers and rules for communities were published after his death and testify to a life committed to “cry the Gospel.” Even though no person ever joined him during his lifetime, his writings motivated René Voillaume and four other priests in 1933 to seek “the death in the desert; the prayer in forgotten places.” They established themselves at El Abiodh Sidi Cheikh on the periphery of the Sahara and lived according to de Foucauld’s first monastic rule. The Little Brothers of Jesus still live a contemplative life today, but are also a part of the local society, sharing their lives by working for a living alongside the indigenous people and wearing ordinary clothes. Likewise, the Little Sisters of the Sacred Heart (1933), the Little Sisters of Jesus (1939), and later the Little Brothers (1958) and Little Sisters of the Gospel (1965) were inspired by de Foucauld. Motivated by the life of the French hermit, these Catholic orders still have Tamanrasset as their spiritual center, as they live in small scattered communities among the poor and disadvantaged of Africa and Asia. In recent years, the Vatican promoted Foucauld as an exemplar of interreligious dialogue and a connection to the Muslim world. References and Resources Hamilton, Elizabeth. 1968. The Desert My Dwelling Place: A Study of Charles de Foucauld. London: Hodder & Stoughton. Hillyer, Philip. 1990. Charles de Foucauld. Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press. Voillaume, René. 1955. Seeds of the Desert: The Legacy of Charles de Foucauld. London: Burns & Oates. Wright, Cathy. 2005. Charles de Foucauld: Journey of the Spirit. Boston: Pauline Books.

—Robert L. Gallagher

de Sales, Francis Early Background and Education Francis de Sales (1567–1622) was born in Sales, France, to a noble family. He was educated at the College of Clermont, a Jesuit school in Paris, where he studied the classics and learned Greek and Hebrew. He went on to study law and theology at the University of Padua, Italy. After briefly practicing law, he turned to the religious life. He was ordained a priest in the Roman Catholic Church in

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1591. Francis lived through tumultuous times, in which Calvinism and Roman Catholicism were in great competition. He undertook missionary work to solidify and win back to the Roman Catholic faith many of those in France and Switzerland who had embraced Calvinism or other Protestant or Reformed traditions. Francis was ordained the bishop of Geneva in 1603.

Most Notable Publications De Sales’s most notable works are the Introduction to the Devout Life and Treatise on the Love of God. —Charles Taliaferro

Significant Contributions to Christian Education The life and work of Francis de Sales contributed to Christian education in at least four areas. First, religious education should chiefly be about (and involve) the love of God and neighbor. Francis’s Treatise on the Love of God is unsurpassed as a devotional classic. It is rich with practical advice on instilling and living out a life of love for and in God’s love for us. For Francis, love is not limited to action or charitable behavior, but it is affective and emotive, an affaire d’amour. Francis makes ample use of colorful images and metaphors to enhance his lessons. Perhaps only St. Bernard of Clairvaux’s sermons on the Song of Songs are equal in elegance and passion to Francis’s Treatise. Bernard and Francis would both council that a good education should involve enchantment and love. Second, the relationship between a teacher (professor, tutor, educator) and student should involve genuine love for the student. Francis approached many of those who sought his guidance with the humble kindness and openness of a caring spiritual advisor. This involved his taking the time to give individual attention to people, as evidenced in the epistolary friendships he cultivated. Third, a Christian education in the spiritual life should make clear that everyday life and secular (worldly) vocations are compatible with a life of meditation and contemplation. Francis’s Introduction to the Devout Life is a practical guide to living a spiritually oriented life amid the many distracting projects that can blind us to what really matters: a life of gratitude, worship of God, and love of neighbor. Fourth, a Christian education requires patience and perseverance. From Francis’s point of view, Calvinism was an unfortunate turning away from what he thought of as the gracious mercy and integrity of the church of Christ. He sought to convert Calvinists to what he thought of as the true faith. Whether or not he was right, the way he undertook this is instructive. He employed no threats or bullying tactics. He approached others who held very different views of Christianity with openness, patience, and perseverance. In college and university life with traditionally aged students (17 to 22 years old), some students approach religious matters with the urgent sense that all doubts and beliefs require immediate, clear resolution. Francis’s approach to education and spiritual inquiry invites us to a patient, unhurried form of learning.

Christian sentiments and motivations have a long history of supporting the establishment of institutions for the formal education of deaf people. The history of deaf education is marked by a debate between two methodologies. Manualism posits that deaf people are best educated through the use of signed languages, which originate in the hands of communities of deaf users. Oralism attempts to use the spoken languages of hearing populations to train deaf people to make use of speech, lip-reading, and residual hearing to achieve educational goals. Both approaches are employed in Christian education of the deaf, and both approaches have been supported using justifications that appeal to Christian scripture and theology. Although there is evidence that some deaf people gained education through home educational efforts and apprentice relationships, in much the same manner that hearing people did, formalized methodologies can be traced back to 16th-century Spanish monastics. Susan Plann (1997, 13–14) notes that monks of this period were often charged with the education of the deaf children of nobility, who were left in the care of monastic communities as a means of hiding them from public view. Benedictine Pedro Ponce de León rose to notoriety with his successful education of two deaf noble brothers through a combined method of gestures and speech training (28). The vowed periods of silence in this monastery led to the development of a system of gestures and hand shapes that were used for communication. These hand shapes were the foundation of a one-handed manual alphabet that remains in use among many signed languages in the world today (39–40). Although gestures were used in early Spanish education of deaf nobles, the aim was to enable them to speak in order to inherit property and titles. Formalized education of the deaf in France also has Christian origins, as the 18th-century Catholic cleric Charles-Michel de l’Epée began educating deaf people in Paris. Unlike the Spanish monastics, l’Epée used an entirely manual methodology. Nicholas Mirzoeff (1995) speculates that this approach may have been used in part because of l’Epée’s Jansenist theological leanings, which emphasized the will of God as unknowable until it was made visible. His concern for the salvation of deaf people for the Catholic Church made l’Epée’s views unique, as the prevailing opinions of his time viewed

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deaf people as automata or living machines without a soul (31–32). L’Epée’s efforts led to the first free public institution for the education of deaf people, which was founded in Paris in 1760. Early education of the deaf in England was largely an enterprise of the Braidwood family, who employed oralist methods in the period when l’Epée began using his methods in France (Lane 1984, 106). Whereas the Paris school became the primary place of deaf education in Europe and was modeled on free education as Christian charity, the Braidwood schools became the primary places in Europe for oral education and were privatized and profitable endeavors (107). American efforts at deaf education were part of the greater social and spiritual fervor of the Second Great Awakening. Thomas Hopkins Gallaudet, a Congregationalist clergyman, was charged with the establishment of a school for the deaf in America. In 1815, he traveled to England at the bequest of a group of societal leaders in Hartford, Connecticut. His encounter with the highly privatized oral methods of the Braidwood schools was frustrating, and he later traveled to Paris to observe the manualist method (Lane 1984, 192–195). He returned from Paris with a deaf teacher, Laurent Clerc, to establish the first school for the deaf in America in 1816. Phyllis Valentine (1993) situates Gallaudet’s religious motives as a form of the benevolent paternalism and institution building prominent in early 19th-century New England. Gallaudet’s appeals for support for his school often made reference to biblical passages and the fervor of the Second Great Awakening to convert the lost to Christianity (58–59). Later American clergypersons often established educational institutions for the deaf by making similar religious appeals to societal duty and spiritual betterment when lobbying private donors and state legislatures for funding. Many schools for the deaf in the global South were the result of the Christian missionary movements that brought Western educational methods to these peoples. Catholic orders often exported the various methods being employed in their schools in Europe as they established schools throughout the world. Protestant missionaries also established schools, such as the Chefoo School for the Deaf in China, which was supported by financial contributions, including from deaf congregations in America (Olney 2007, 198–199). The global reach of Christian missions in deaf education is also illustrated by Emmanuel Ilabor’s (2009) recounting of the mission work of the first African American deaf graduate of Gallaudet University, Andrew Foster. Foster became a clergyman and spent his life in mission establishing schools for the deaf throughout West Africa.

References and Resources Ilabor, Emmanuel. 2009. Andrew Jackson Foster: The Most Courageous Educator and the Most Visionary Missionary to Deaf Africans. Ibadan, Nigeria: Christian Mission for the Deaf. Lane, Harlan. 1984. When the Mind Hears: A History of the Deaf. New York: Random House. Mirzoeff, Nicholas. 1995. Silent Poetry: Deafness, Sign, and Visual Culture in Modern France. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Olney, Kent R. 2007. “The Chicago Mission for the Deaf.” In The Deaf History Reader, edited by John Vickrey Van Cleve, 174–208. Washington, DC: Gallaudet University Press. Plann, Susan. 1997. A Silent Minority: Deaf Education in Spain, 1550–1835. Berkeley: University of California Press. Valentine, Phyllis. 1993. “Thomas Hopkins Gallaudet: Benevolent Paternalism and the Origins of the American Asylum.” In Deaf History Unveiled: Interpretations from the New Scholarship, edited by John Vickrey Van Cleve, 53–73. Washington, DC: Gallaudet University Press.

—Kirk A. VanGilder

Denmark and Christian Education Denmark is a secularized country. Although it was Christianized in the 10th century, and the evangelical Lutheran church continues to be the official church of Denmark, with nearly 80 percent of the population as members, Christianity plays a minor role in public life. However, between 30 and 50 percent of the population claim the label “believer.” The new government is striving to make the church of Denmark more independent from the state. Religious education is a compulsory subject in Danish public schools and is taught in either the second or third year of the students’ 10-year educational journey. All students have religious education for one year, but they can choose to continue that study for another year at higher levels. The content of this required year of religious studies includes Christianity, Islam, and one other major world religion. Although Christianity is a priority (and that is currently under review), religious education in the public school serves more to orient and sensitize the citizens to various religions. Homeschooling is legal in Denmark, although few families pursue this option. Among private schools, the number of Christian schools (also known as “free schools”) is second only to academically oriented grammar schools. These Christian schools are known less for their Christian curriculum than for their traditional family values. —Larry H. Lindquist

Developmental Psychology

Desert Fathers and Mothers The terms “Desert Fathers” and “Desert Mothers” refer to Christians in the fourth and fifth centuries AD who left urban and village life to take up a semi-eremitical life of prayer and spiritual discipline in desert regions of Egypt and adjacent areas. The sayings and actions of such persons were regarded as exemplifying radical obedience to the Gospel and providing guidance for the care of one’s soul and were transmitted in various collections produced in and after the sixth century. By the end of the third century, individuals seeking a deeper life of prayer had sought greater solitude and freedom from distractions by moving to the edge of village settlements. There they supported themselves by weaving baskets and cultivating small garden plots, setting aside extended periods of time for uninterrupted prayer. In the fourth century, a desire for greater distance from the conventions and obligations of traditional society led monks to retreat into the Nitrian Desert of the northwestern Nile delta. Settlements were established at Nitria, Scetis, and Kellia. The cells or caves in which the monks dwelled were often clustered together and located near a church and/or a refectory. This semi-eremitical mode of life allowed each monk to spend weekdays in individual prayer and work (weaving linen or plaiting palm blades into rope, baskets, and mats, while chanting the psalms or reciting scriptural texts). On the weekend, monks could gather for communal worship, eat together, and negotiate any matters relevant to their decentralized form of life together. Often a monk would live in close proximity to several disciples, training them in prayer and spiritual disciplines (fasting, psalmody, night prayer vigils, etc.). The goal of this training was to help them conquer pride and temptation and arrive at humility, obedience, and unceasing prayer. Advice on how to overcome spiritual obstacles was commonly sought from older, more experienced monks who were known for providing spiritual guidance. The inquirer would typically reveal the content and movements (promptings) of certain sinful thoughts that troubled him or her, submitting these to the judgment of the spiritual guide. The latter, under the direction of the Holy Spirit, would offer a short, pithy word of guidance. This word of guidance revealed the underlying dynamics of the temptation and helped to break the power of the latter. The inquirer could therefore rely implicitly upon this word, immediately embracing its counsel, replacing doubt and irresolution with the humility of obedience. The words of guidance (apophthegmata) offered by a particular spiritual guide were initially transmitted orally in Coptic and/or Greek by his or her disciples. In the fifth century, collections of the sayings of individual figures appeared in written form in Greek.

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In the late fifth or early sixth century (probably in Palestine), material from these earlier collections was used to compile the Alphabetical Collection of the Apophthegmata patrum (Sayings of the Fathers). In this collection, the sayings of individual spiritual guides are grouped under the name of each guide, with these names being ordered alphabetically (according to the letters of the Greek alphabet). Roughly one-seventh of this collection is devoted to Abba Poemen, whose sayings probably formed the nucleus around which the alphabetical collection developed. Later in the sixth century, an interest in organizing these sayings not by the name of the author but rather by the theme of the content (i.e., monastic virtues like silence, humility, discretion, vigilance, self-control, etc.) led to the development of the Systematic Collection. Other collections were subsequently developed that included additional anonymous (unattributed) sayings and longer narratives about the actions of well-known ascetics (extracted from Palladius’s Lausiac History: The History of the Monks in Egypt, John Moschus’s Spiritual Meadow, and similar works). Translations and new collections of sayings were produced in Latin, Coptic, Syriac, Armenian, Georgian, Arabic, Ethiopic, Sogdian, and Paleoslavonic and continue to play an important role in contemporary Eastern Christian spirituality. References and Resources The “Anonymous” Sayings of the Desert Fathers: A Select Edition and Complete English Translation. 2013. Translated by John Wortley. New York: Cambridge University Press. The Book of the Elders: Sayings of the Desert Fathers. The Systematic Collection. 2012. Translated by John Wortley. Trappist, KY: Cistercian Publications. Hamilton, Andrew. 1983. “Spiritual Direction in the Apophthegmata.” Colloquium 15: 31–38. Louf, Andre. 1982. “Spiritual Fatherhood in the Literature of the Desert.” In Abba: Guides to Wholeness and Holiness East and West, edited by John R. Sommerfeldt, 37–63. Kalamazoo, MI: Cistercian Publications. The Sayings of the Desert Fathers: The Alphabetical Collection. 1975. Translated by Benedicta Ward. Kalamazoo, MI: Cistercian Publications. Ward, Benedicta. 1984. “Spiritual Direction in the Desert Fathers.” Way 24: 61–70.

—Byard Bennett

Developmental Psychology Development psychology is a branch of the broader discipline of psychology devoted to the scientific study of human growth and development, incorporating the

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domains of biological, cognitive, and psychosocial development. During the early 20th century, developmental psychology focused on the development of children and adolescents. However, research in the neurosciences and in the psychosocial domain has contributed to the realization that development in humans occurs over a life span, not just in childhood and adolescence. One of the key questions in developmental psychology is the nature/ nurture debate: How much of human development is designed by nature, and how much of it is conditioned by the environment, or nurture? Several main theories are identified under the auspices of developmental psychology, and all contribute to the development of various aspects of the individual and are included in almost all college courses bearing the title “Developmental Psychology.” For the Christian, the task is to reflect on the degree to which each of these secular theories aligns with what is known or believed to be scriptural in order to effectively use them in Christian education. Cognitive Theory The cognitive theory of Jean Piaget (1896–1980), a Swiss psychologist and philosopher, describes intellectual development with two complementary processes. First is a process of equilibration and disequilibration. Piaget states that all humans have an internal drive for mental equilibrium, meaning that we desire to have our mental framework, or schema, of how the world works confirmed by the experiences we have with the world (Piaget 1952, 1954). When there is a conflict, usually through an experience we have that does not conform to our understanding of how the world should work, we experience disequilibrium and adapt in order to bring ourselves back into equilibrium. Adaptation can take two forms: (1) assimilation, in which we interpret the experience in a way that makes it fit within our mental framework; or (2) accommodation, in which we change our mental framework in order to enable the experience to be a part of how we now understand the world. Regarding the second process, Piaget claims that as we develop, we progress through four stages of cognitive development, each stage enabling us to have a greater capacity to experience and interpret our world: sensorimotor (ages 0–2), preoperational thought (ages 2–7), concrete operational thought (ages 7–11), and formal operational thought (12 through adulthood) (1962). It is interesting to note that researchers have found that only approximately 35 percent of individuals will reach formal operational thought (Lutz and Huitt 2004). A strength of using Piaget’s cognitive theory for educators is that providing experiences for students to encounter disequilibrium allows them to struggle with

the apparent conflict between their experience and their schemata and reconstruct their mental frameworks to include the current experience. A weakness can be that students become overwhelmed by the disequilibrium and instead of working to accommodate it, simply give up. We see Christ utilizing this methodology frequently, as He desires us and those He encountered to think deeply about His purpose and ministry. For example, the books of Matthew (25–33), Mark (48–51), and John (19–21) tell about Jesus walking on water. This experience brings them to a state of disequilibrium, because their schemata do not include people walking on water. The disciples initially assimilate this experience to their understanding of ghosts and claim that they see a ghost (Mark 6:49; Matt. 14:26), a part of their schemata that is already in existence. However, as Jesus approaches, they realize it is not a ghost; therefore, they are forced to accommodate this new experience, realizing that Jesus has power even over natural events. Mark states that “they were completely amazed” (v. 51) and Matthew states that “those who were in the boat worshiped him, saying, ‘Truly you are the Son of God’ (v. 33). In this example, Piaget’s cognitive theory was used to lead the disciples into an understanding of His Nature as God, a conclusion that may have been unlikely had Jesus simply told them. Psychosocial Theory Erik Erikson is credited as the father of psychosocial theory; he took his lead from his studies under Sigmund Freud (Berger 2009). Erikson describes human development through the psychoanalytic tradition, stating that at various stages, individuals encounter a psychological crisis through which they must navigate (Erikson [1950] 1993, [1968] 1994). For each of the stages, one can arrive at a place on the spectrum of a positive resolution or a negative resolution. In order to resolve a crisis, the individual relies on the surrounding environment, particularly social interactions with others, to help him or her navigate, with the social radius of influence growing larger as the individual ages. The overall aim is the establishment of one’s identity at particular points throughout development. As did Freud, Erikson believed that how one navigates the earlier stages of development will have a significant effect on the identity of the individual during the later stages. Erikson’s stages and their resolutions are summarized in table D.1. Identity is a common theme throughout the New Testament, and humans are encouraged to seek their identity in Christ, not in comparison with others. This identity will be fully consummated when Christ returns and at the final resurrection of all believers. Several authors have explicated ways that Erikson’s stages are applicable to the stages of spiritual formation, beginning with the

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TABLE D.1 Erikson’s Stages of Development and Their Resolutions Stage

Virtue

Positive Resolution

Negative Resolution

Trust v. mistrust (ages 0–2)

Hope

Trust in themselves and others. Relaxed, optimistic, and generous attitude.

Autonomy v. shame and doubt (ages 2–4)

Will

Good sense and command of their will power. Feel free to be themselves.

See the world as inconsistent and threatening. See life as not predictable, and view good things as temporary. Fear being exposed as inadequate. Attempt to hide their feelings of powerlessness.

Initiative v. guilt (ages 4–5)

Purpose

Believe they know how the world works. Clear sense of what they want in life.

Industry v. inferiority (ages 5–12) Identity v. role confusion (ages 12–20) Intimacy v. isolation (20–40) Generativity v. stagnation (40–64)

Competence

Relish achievement and like to tackle challenging tasks. Know who they are, what their goals are, and where they’re going. Commit to partnerships and have the ethics to abide by the commitments. Concern for creation of a better world. Focus on service to others.

Ego integrity v. despair (65–death)

Wisdom

Fidelity Love Care

Feel their lives have meaning and significance.

trust versus mistrust stage at the time of conversion and continuing through each of Erikson’s stages as the believer becomes spiritually mature (Fowler 1981; Tate and Parker 2007).25

Fear of being inadequate and of making mistakes. Self-restrictive and sometimes overconscientious. Feel inadequate, incapable, and estranged. Lack ambition. See conflict in who they are and what they would like to be. Self-absorbed. Identity is too fragile to maintain the uncertainties of intimacy. Lack long-term goals and commitments. Live for short-term gratification. View life as filled with missed opportunities.

Moral Development Lawrence Kohlberg (1927–1987) is credited as the father of the theory of the stages of moral development, which focuses not on the morality of the decision itself but on the rationale that individuals provide for the decisionmaking process (Kohlberg 1969, 1981; Power, Higgins, and Kohlberg 1989). He published his theory 25 years after Piaget proposed his stages of cognitive development (Piaget 1932), and Kohlberg’s moral reasoning is aligned with the cognitive stages identified by Piaget, so that they can be correlated as follows: preconventional moral reasoning/preoperational thought; conventional moral reasoning/concrete operational thought; and postconventional moral reasoning/formal operational thought. Individuals in the preconventional stage are egocentric in nature and morally reason by asking the questions “How can I avoid punishment?” (Stage 1) and “What’s in it for me?” (Stage 2), similar to Piaget’s egocentric preoperational thought, with a focus on appearances and lack of understanding of logical operations. Decisions are considered moral if the individual avoids punishment or receives a personal reinforcement, or reward. Scripture preaches against this lower level of moral reasoning by

challenging individuals to see beyond themselves and consider the needs of others before themselves (e.g., Phil. 2:2–4). Second, Kohlberg’s conventional moral reasoning involves questions such as “Do others think I am good?” (Stage 3) and “What is the rule of law?” Decisions are considered moral if they are aligned with societal expectations or if the concrete, literal rule of law is obeyed. Although this is considered a positive response, scripturally, as with the law of God provided in Exodus (Exod. 20:1–17), Jesus condemns the possibility of hypocrisy if one becomes too legalistic, like the Pharisees (Matt. 23). Other areas of psychology encompassed in developmental psychology include, but are not limited to, physical development, attachment theory, social and emotional development, and memory development. The categories of human development are generally identified as prenatal, infancy (0–1), early childhood (2–6), middle childhood (7–11), adolescence (12–22),26 early adulthood (twenties and thrities), middle adulthood (forties through 60), and old age (sixties through hundreds). An understanding of development psychology is essential for secular and Christian educators alike. However, for the Christian educator, the grounding is in the knowledge that humans are created in the very image of God (Gen. 1) and are valuable enough to Him so that He gave His only, begotten Son so that whoever believes in Him might have a restored relationship with God (John 3:16). Understanding how they grow and develop—phys-

25. Tate and Parker (2007) provide an excellent, detailed explication of a Christian analysis of each of Erikson’s stages, including applications for the Church.

26. The end age of adolescence is a current area of dispute, with some researchers placing the end as early as 18 and others identifying a stage of late adolescence lasting through the late 20s.

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ically, emotionally, socially, psychologically, morally—is important for teaching, discipling, and journeying with the family of God. Utilizing the theories of Piaget, Erikson, and Kohlberg, James Fowler (1981) has identified stages of faith development in his text and its applicability to Christian formation. References and Resources Erikson, E. H. (1950) 1993. Childhood and Society. New York: W. W. Norton. ———. (1959). Identity and the Life Cycle. New York: International Universities Press. ———. (1968) 1994. Identity: Youth and Crisis. New York: W. W. Norton. Fowler, J. E. 1981. Stages of Faith: The Psychology of Human Development and the Quest for Meaning. New York: HarperCollins. Kohlberg, L. 1969. “Stage and Sequence.” In Handbook of Socialization Theory and Research, edited by D. A. Goslin, 374–480. New York: McGraw-Hill. ———. 1981. Essays on Moral Development. Vol. I, The Philosophy of Moral Development. San Francisco: Harper & Row. Lutz, S., and W. Huitt. 2004. “Connecting Cognitive Development and Constructivism: Implications from Theory for Instruction and Assessment.” Constructivism in the Human Sciences 9 (1): 67–90. Marcia, J. E. 1966. “Development and Validation of Ego Identity Status.” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 3 (5): 551–558. Piaget, J. 1932. The Moral Judgment of the Child. London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner and Co. ———. 1952. The Origins of Intelligence in Children. New York: International University Press. ———. 1954. The Construction of Reality in the Child. New York: Basic Books. ———. 1962. The Language and Thought of the Child. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. Power, F. C., A. Higgins, and J. E. Kohlberg. 1989. Lawrence Kohlberg’s Approach to Moral Education. New York: Columbia University Press Tate, Y. B., and S. Parker. 2007. “Using Erikson’s Developmental Theory to Understand and Nurture Spiritual Development in Christians.” Journal of Psychology and Christianity (3): 218–226.

—Laura Barwegen

Devotional Materials, History of Each era of the New Testament church has had unique expressions of worship and adoration to God through devotional materials. People in different generations demonstrate their love for God and dedication to Him

through certain inward and outward actions and expressions. Faith is strengthened and hearts renewed because of devotional materials that penetrate the individual Christian by bringing conviction, awareness, and repentance in one’s personal relationship with Christ. Some common devotional materials used in the early church and Middles Ages were the Apostles’ Creed, hymns, confessions, benedictions, doxologies, other creeds, liturgies, scripture reading, meditation, prayers, the Lord’s Supper preparation, baptism preparation, worship preparation, and catechism (Webber 1982). Another common devotional activity was the Eucharist, which was a community gathering celebrating the sacrifice of Jesus. For hundreds of years this service was a primary devotional tool, because most of the people were illiterate. Communities joined together in daily worship, singing, prayer, and listening to God’s Word. A large interdependence existed between Christians out of the necessity to survive in this period. The Didache was produced in the first and second centuries. It was the first instruction manual for new Christians. Catechumens were also created, which were used to teach new Christians the basic doctrines of Christianity through a question and answer format. Clement of Rome was a late first century church leader who provided examples of prayer, fasting, and giving to the poor as exemplars of Christian spirituality. The Bible as a complete book was not yet available, and even individual portions of scripture were very expensive. Spiritual formation was instilled in a communal life because most people could not read or did not have any physical copy of scripture. Ignatius of Antioch, another first-century church leader, provided examples of worship, prayer, unity, and love within the congregation. He wrote letters to other churches and visited other leaders. Also in the first century, Polycarp of Smyrna expressed the desire to be martyred to prove that he was a true disciple. He also wrote letters to churches and trained his congregation in how to worship, serve the poor, and focus on Christ. During the Middle Ages (AD 500–1500), ceremonial, priest-led worship was developed, replacing personal devotion with corporate worship. Latin became the language of the Mass, and the clergy were the only ones to perform any church ceremony. The monastic movement during this period brought about a deeper practice of prayer and personal piety, using devotional manuals for daily prayer (Webber 1982). Benedict of Nursia (480–547) established the Benedictines and wrote the “Benedict Rule.” His writings, which are still in use today, presented a life of prayer, study, and work. Francis of Assissi (1181–1226) established the Franciscans and advised: “Preach the gospel at all times and, if necessary, use words.” Saint Dominic (1170–1221) founded the

Devotional Reading as Christian Practice

Dominicans and trained them to be excellent preachers and defenders of the faith. Bishops and monastic leaders served as spiritual guides and provided cathedral schools to train both clergy and laypeople in the congregation (Hull 2006). In the early modern age (1500–1899), the Protestants rejected the Mass and other church practices. Protestant leaders wanted individuals to be present and participate in the Lord’s Supper in their own language and to engage in Bible study. The Book of Common Prayer was introduced in 1549 to guide worshippers in the corporate worship service and provide devotional examples. The Strasbourg Liturgy further separated worship and devotional acts from the Mass and emphasized the Word of God, focusing worshippers on Christ rather than rituals. Protestant worship and devotion included an antiliturgical stance, with an emphasis on understanding the Word of God, and an emphasis on experiencing God in worship (Webber 1982). Examples of classic devotional materials, which are still applicable and in use today, are Imitation of Christ by Thomas á Kempis, the “Benedictine Rule,” The Confessions of St. Augustine, Pensées by Blaise Pascal, Introduction to the Devout Life by Francis de Sales, Purity in Heart by Soren Kierkegaard, The Spiritual Exercises of St. Ignatius, On the Incarnation by Athanasius, Revelations of Divine Love by Julian of Norwich, Private Devotions by Lancelot Andrews, and Christian Perfection by Francois Fenelon (Hull 2006, 274, 223). References and Resources Hardman, Oscar. 1937. A History of Christian Worship. London: University of London Press. Hull, Bill. 2006. The Complete Book of Discipleship: On Being and Making Followers of Christ. Colorado Springs, CO: NavPress. Hurtado, Larry. 2000. At the Origins of Christian Worship: The Context and Character of Earliest Christian Devotion. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. ———. 2003. Lord Jesus Christ: Devotion to Jesus in Earliest Christianity. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. Jones, Ilion. 1954. A Historical Approach to Evangelical Worship. Nashville, TN: Abingdon Press. Maxwell, William. 1963. An Outline of Christian Worship: Its Development and Forms. London: Oxford University Press. Sanders, Oswald. 1980. Enjoying Intimacy with God. Chicago: Moody Press. Tozer, Aiden. 1997. The Pursuit of God: The Human Thirst for the Divine. Camp Hill, PA: Christian Publications. Webber, Robert. 1982. Worship: Old and New. Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan. ———. 1986. Celebrating Our Faith: Evangelism through Worship. San Francisco: Harper & Row.

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White, James. 1993. A Brief History of Christian Worship. Nashville, TN: Abingdon Press. ———. 2000. Introduction to Christian Worship. 3rd ed. Nashville, TN: Abingdon Press. Wiersbe, Warren. 2000. Real Worship: Playground, Battleground, or Holy Ground? Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Books. Wilhoit, James. 2008. Spiritual Formation as If the Church Mattered: Growing in Christ Through Community. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic.

—Steve Yates

Devotional Reading as Christian Practice What It Is Devotional reading, often called spiritual or sacred reading, refers to a private or group practice aimed at nurturing one’s relationship with God. As the primary source for devotional reading, the Bible conveys that the Word of God, as embodied by Jesus (John 1:14), fosters spiritual growth (Ps. 1:2–3, 119:105; Heb. 4:12). As opposed to simply gaining knowledge or to teaching or preaching preparation, devotional reading invites the presence of God through the Holy Spirit to awaken the senses in union with and worship of the living Lord. Therefore, the purpose is not primarily informational, although such reading may result in greater biblical knowledge, but rather transformational, with the goal of becoming more like Christ (2 Cor. 3:17–18).27 The scriptures are activated when the Holy Spirit conveys truth to the human spirit, which serves to exhort, guide, convict, and encourage hearers (cf., 2 Tim. 3:16). Whether the devotional source is the scriptures, inspirational vignettes connected to scripture, or classical Christian writings, devotional reading opens the way for the Holy Spirit to speak personally to the human heart, mind, and spirit. Why It Is Important Devotional reading based on scripture is a primary source for one’s spiritual growth. Scripture reading and application are emphasized throughout the Bible. For example, God instructed the children of Israel to live not by bread alone, but rather by every word that proceeds out of the mouth of God (Deut. 8:3), which Jesus quoted during the temptation (Matt. 4:4). God spoke to Joshua about meditating on the Book of the Law day and night (Josh. 1:8). The psalmist declared his love for God’s Word as “a lamp to my feet and a light to my path” 27. Richard J. Foster, Life with God: Reading the Bible for Spiritual Transformation (New York: HarperOne, 2008), 57–132; and M. Robert Mulholland, Shaped by the Word: The Power of Scripture in Spiritual Formation (Nashville, TN: Upper Room Books, 1986), 47–60.

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(Ps. 119:97–105). And when affirming that the Word of God is truth, Jesus declared that believers are to be sanctified by it (John 17:17). As a spiritual discipline, devotional reading contributes to spiritual growth when aligned with seeking God in prayer.28 Biblical examples abound of those who sought God (Ps. 5:3; 88:13; 143:8), and the reward for doing so (Heb. 11:6). The experience of Augustine of Hippo (354–430), whose writings greatly influenced Christian thought, conveys the importance of reading as foundational for the Christian life. During his spiritual struggle to fully commit his life to Christ, Augustine heard a voice repeatedly singing, “Pick it up and read, pick it up and read,” referring to the scriptures.29 As described in his autobiography, Augustine turned to Romans 13:13–14, whereupon he experienced a light flooding his heart, which dissipated all doubt. Through the ages, devotional reading has provided both spiritual encounter and personal encouragement. Lectio Divina Lectio divina (Latin; “divine reading”), developed from a Benedictine practice in the fifth century, integrates biblical studies with Christian spirituality. Christian figures such as John Cassian (360–430) and Saint Benedict (480–550) reference lectio divina in their works. This practice became more formalized in the 12th century under Guigo II, an Italian monk, through a fourfold process for developing greater intimacy with God: (1) lectio, reading of scripture; (2) meditatio, meditation of the passage through the Holy Spirit’s guidance; (3) oratio, response in prayer; and (4) contemplatio, contemplation in silence. Lectio divina encourages readers to slow down enough to seek God, listen to God’s voice through the biblical text, and respond in thanksgiving and prayer. Contemporary resources provide direction in undertaking this ancient practice.30 Resources for Devotional Reading In addition to the Bible, other devotional reading offered by ancient writers provides perspective regarding 28. For more on reading and meditating of scripture, see Richard J. Foster, Celebration of Discipline: The Path to Spiritual Growth, 3rd ed. (New York: HarperCollins, 1998), 15–32; Eugene H. Peterson, Eat This Book: A Conversation in the Art of Spiritual Reading (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 2006); and Donald S. Whitney, Spiritual Disciplines for the Christian Life (Colorado Springs, CO: NavPress, 1997), 23–60. 29. Augustine, The Confessions, VIII.29, trans. Maria Boulding (Hyde Park, NY: New City Press, 1997), 206–207. 30. David G. Benner, Opening to God: Lectio Divina and Life as Prayer (Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press, 2010); Tim Gray, Praying Scripture for a Change: An Introduction to Lectio Divina (West Chester, PA: Ascension Press, 2009); and James C. Wilhoit and Evan B. Howard, Discovering Lectio Divina: Bringing Scripture into Ordinary Life (Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press, 2012).

the spiritual journey.31 Reading time-tested devotionals such as Oswald Chambers’s My Utmost for His Highest,32 Lettie Cowman’s Streams in the Desert,33 and Kenneth Boa’s Face to Face: Praying the Scriptures for Spiritual Growth34 likewise fans the flame of spiritual growth in the scripture, anecdotes, and personal reflections. Other devotional resources are available to connect readers to the Word of God and fuel their relationship with Him. —Diane J. Chandler

Dewey, John Early Background and Education Born in 1859 in Burlington, Vermont, American philosopher and progressive educator John Dewey was an avid student from his earliest years. At age 15, he enrolled at the University of Vermont, taking special interest in philosophy under the tutelage of H. A. P. Torrey. Completing his bachelor’s degree in 1879, he spent two years as a high school teacher before deciding to pursue graduate work in philosophy at Johns Hopkins University. At Johns Hopkins, Dewey studied under such luminaries as Hegelian philosopher George Sylvester Morris and experimental psychologist G. Stanley Hall, cultivating an interest in both disciplines. After completing his doctorate in 1884, Dewey was hired to teach philosophy and psychology at the University of Michigan. While there, he began an intellectual shift from Morris’s Hegelian idealism to the empirical experimentalism and pragmatism that would define his mature thought. After 10 years at this institution (broken up by a single year teaching philosophy at the University of Minnesota in 1888), he left to join the faculty of the University of Chicago in 1894. Consolidating his pragmatist leanings in this setting, Dewey was also able to develop, together with his wife, a laboratory school in which he implemented some of his nascent thoughts on educational philosophy. Two of his most important early educational works, The School and Society (1900) and The Child and the Curriculum (1902), were penned while he was at Chicago and reflected Dewey’s growing interest in applying philosophical thinking to educational issues. His last professorial post (1904–1930) 31. For example, see Cindy Crosby, ed., and Thomas C. Oden, gen. ed., Ancient Christian Devotional: A Year of Weekly Readings (Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press, 2007). See also John R. Tyson, ed., Invitation to Christian Spirituality: An Ecumenical Anthology (New York/Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999). 32. Oswald Chambers, My Utmost for His Highest (Ulrichsville, OH: Barbour Publishing, 2000). This was first published in 1935. 33. Lettie Cowman, Streams in the Desert (Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan, 1999). This was first published in 1925. 34. Kenneth D. Boa, Face to Face: Praying the Scriptures for Spiritual Growth (Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan, 1997).

Dialogue Education and Jane Vella

was at Columbia University (and Columbia’s Teachers College) in New York, where he taught philosophy and worked to develop a more robust theory of progressive pedagogy. His most famous work on education, Democracy and Education (1916), was written during this important phase of his career. He continued to write and speak on philosophical and educational topics after his retirement, dying in 1952 at the age of 92. Significant Contributions to Christian Education As a liberal Congregationalist in his early teaching career, Dewey was interested in religious issues. Early on during his tenure at the University of Michigan, he joined the Student Christian Association on campus and led Bible study groups in this setting. He was a founding member of the Religious Education Association, initiated by University of Chicago president William Rainey Harper. Yet his greatest influence on Christian education occurred through his writings on educational theory and philosophy. Dissolving the dualism between the sacred and the secular, Dewey believed that democratic methods and structures constituted the curriculum of a proper “religious” education. In fact, he suggested that a democratic social order marked by justice and brotherhood was the fulfillment of Jesus’s announcement of the Kingdom of God. Many liberal religious educators embraced Dewey’s joint commitment to democracy and scientific method, rejecting transmissive teaching and creedal absolutes in favor of methods that highlighted joint problem solving framed by the experimental testing of value hypotheses. They also appreciated his sense that curriculum should be devised not from predigested content or abstract “subjects,” but rather from the pressing needs and purposes of active students. The teacher in such a model was to be a facilitator and guide in this process, authority deriving from his or her position as the most experienced member of the group. Dewey’s epistemological appeal to the evolving nature of truth certainly struck a chord with liberals who espoused a similar belief in the progressive development of truth over time. Whether they recognize it or not, Christian educators of all varieties have likely been influenced by Dewey’s progressive appeals to growth, purposeful activity, and the continual reconstruction of experience. His instrumentalist philosophy, which evaluated ideas not on their immutability but on their pragmatic value in forging solutions to felt difficulties, led him to privilege problem solving as the chief framework for educational processes. Within this method, Dewey called on teachers to help students identify and define felt needs, develop suggestions (hypotheses) for how to meet those needs, and experiment with these hypotheses until they were either accepted or rejected. Dewey noted that such a process,

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rather than relying on external compulsion, would capitalize on students’ natural motivations and purposes. In contrast to those who stressed the centrality of content or the centrality of the student, Dewey called attention to the interaction between objective (content, teacher, environment) and internal (students’ needs, interests, and purposes) factors, noting that education must account for both factors in the child’s experience. Many Christian educators, both liberals and conservatives, have employed and adapted versions of this philosophy in their teaching, looking to stimulate the interaction between Christian content and life experiences. Dewey also wanted teachers to recognize the critical importance of the continuity of students’ experiences. He noted that each educational experience offered would be interpreted in light of previous experiences and live on to modify future experiences. Dewey therefore suggested that all educational experiences must be evaluated not only in terms of their present enjoyment, but also in light of their influence on future experiences. Educative environments would open up students for positive future experiences of growth, while miseducative experiences would render them less able to learn and grow through future experiences. In all of this, Dewey desired to help teachers see that education is not simply a preparation for future living, but life itself. John Dewey’s was probably the most influential educational theorist of the 20th century, and his work has shaped the discourse of Christian education in significant ways. Most Notable Publications Dewey, John. 1900. The School and Society. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. ———. 1902. The Child and the Curriculum. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. ———. 1916. Democracy and Education. New York: Macmillan. ———. 1938. Experience and Education. New York: Macmillan.

References and Resources Rockefeller, Steven. 1994. John Dewey: Religious Faith and Democratic Humanism. New York: Columbia University Press. Westbrook, Robert B. 1993. John Dewey and American Democracy. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press.

—David Setran

Dialogue Education and Jane Vella The genesis of the theory and practice of “dialogue education” is widely attributed to Jane Vella. As a Roman Catholic religious woman in Tanzania with the Maryknoll Sisters from 1956 to 1977, Vella facilitated popular adult education in the midst of disparate

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cross-cultural barriers, limited language proficiency, and complex socioeconomic and political factors that could have deterred teacher-learners from achieving cognitive, affective, and psychomotor growth. In a letter to a colleague, Vella describes how she learned dialogue the hard way—in Swahili!—by listening with three ears. Informed and formed by educational theorists such as Paulo Freire, Malcolm Knowles, Kurt Lewin, and Benjamin Bloom, Vella “educated in dialogue” with communities in Africa, North America, and Asia for over 40 years and founded Global Learning Partners. Who needs what, as defined by whom? This fundamental question highlights a constitutive principle that, as active subject-agents of learning or decision making, adult learners make meaning optimally and creatively through “dialogue,” that is, by mutually engaging the “word between us.” One of dialogue education’s basic assumptions is that adults have enough life experience to be in conversation with any teacher about any subject; therefore, they will construct new knowledge, attitudes, or skills best in relation to that life experience. Essentially, dialogue education is an integrated, holistic, intentional, spiritual, and energetic approach to adult education. Such “quantum” process advances “both-and” and “certainty or uncertainty” modes of thinking. Dialogue education is designed to incorporate purposefully the daily life and struggle of participants as core ingredients and provide an environment of mutual respect and safety. It creates an innovative space for participants to bring diverse symbols and values and utilize indigenous or local ways of knowing toward adaptive and generative change. So, when participants ask, “How do we know that we know?” they can respond, “We just did it.” Dialogue education is rooted in six salient characteristics that reframe adult teaching and learning: • Political: It has to do with power and the distribution of power, both in the process and in the content selected. • Problem-posing: It examines the potential issues and challenges, a dialogue around topical adult themes incorporating adult materials that evoke affective, psychomotor, and cognitive responses. • Part of a whole: It must have follow-up and continuity, not be a single event raising and then dashing hopes. In quantum terms, this aspect considers the whole context of the learner’s situation. • Participative: Everyone involved will have time to speak, listen, and participate actively in the learning. In quantum terms, they construct new skills, concepts, and attitudes to fit their context.

• Person-centered: The holistic development of all persons involved is its purpose, not merely information or content sharing. • Prepared: From the initial needs assessment, to the application of the eight steps of design, to the design of materials, the learning is designed for this particular group of learners, and adequate time is used to prepare it. These characteristics support the 12 principles of dialogical education: • Needs assessment that demands the participation of the learners in naming what is to be learned • Safety in the environment and the process for learning • Sound relationships between teacher and learner and among learners • Sequence of content and reinforcement • Praxis, which denotes action with reflection or learning by doing • Respect for learners as decision makers • Ideas, feelings, and actions that comprise quantum learning • Immediacy of the learning, which connects what is learned to the purpose and to its direct application • Roles and roles development that are clarified • Teamwork and use of small groups • Engagement of the learners in what they are learning • Accountability, which poses the question “How do they know they know?” In closing the distance between teachers and learners, dialogue education brings about a learning-centered process that reflects on past experience (inductive), introduces new information (input), explores possible contexts for application of acquired insight (implementation), and closes the loop by reverting back to the learner’s context (integration). References and Resources Vella, Jane. 1995. Training Through Dialogue: Promoting Effective Learning and Change in Adults. San Francisco: JosseyBass. ———. 2002. Learning to Listen, Learning to Teach: The Power of Dialogue in Educating Adults. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. ———. 2008. On Teaching and Learning: Putting the Principles and Practices of Dialogue Education into Action. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Vellla, Jane, and Associates. 2004. Dialogue Education at Work: A Case Book. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass.

—Faustino Cruz

Didache as an Educational Tool

Didache as an Educational Tool The Didache (“The Teaching of the Lord to the Gentiles through the Twelve Apostles”) is a catechetical manual written in the first century of the church fathers (AD 95–c. 150). Until the 20th century, the title Didache (Greek “teaching”) was known among ancient lists of books that were not included in the New Testament. Athanasius included the Didache among those noncanonical books that were “appointed by the Fathers to be read by those who newly join us, and who wish for instruction in the word of godliness” (Festal Letter 39), and Eusebius of Caesarea (Eccl. Hist. 3.25.4) acknowledged the manual as “spurious” (albeit not heretical, since it does not claim to be inspired). By contrast, Clement of Alexandria (c. AD 140/150–c. 220) cited the Didache as “scripture” (Strom. 1.20). When a man named Bryennios discovered this oldest extant handbook of church order and conduct in 1873, in an ecclesiastical library in Constantinople, it became one of the most debated and discussed works of antiquity. Scholars have debated the date of composition, with some estimates being as early as AD 60 and others extending to AD 90. The place of origin has been debated; however, two locations predominate. The manual was used extensively in Egypt, yet the content suggests Syria. The specific author (or compiler) is unknown; thus, it is best attributed, in general, to the apostolic fathers (in the East), who composed the work for the purpose of edifying believers in matters of church life, liturgy, and morality. Even the most casual of readers may discern the clearly delineated sections: (1) ethical instruction, specifically the “two ways” of life—“the way of life” and “the way of death” (chs. 1–6); (2) liturgical instruction (chs. 7–10); (3) disciplinary instruction (chs. 11–15); and (4) eschatological instruction (ch. 16). The first section closely resembles the two ways of life in the Epistle of Barnabas; however, a noticeable difference is the avoidance of an allegorical interpretation. The Didache articulates the basic practices and precepts of the Christian faith without exaggerated or fanciful notions. Even the eschatological instruction is interpreted in a direct and precise manner, as opposed to providing a speculative “spiritual” meaning. The ethical instruction describes the actions consistent with a Christian life, in contrast to the multitudinous vices that characterize those who pursue the way of death. The liturgical instruction first addresses water baptism, which includes an inclination for cold, living (running) water and a triune blessing. Neither fasting nor

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prayer is to be as the hypocrites (the form of the latter is similar to Matt. 6:9–13, yet not identical). Only those who are baptized may partake of the Eucharistic thanksgiving. The statement in 7.1 (“having first said all these things”) indicates that the ethical instruction was to be used in prebaptismal catechesis. Likewise, chapter 11 begins with an introductory formula with regard to what has preceded (“Whoever therefore, comes and teaches you all these things that have been said before, receive him”). The disciplinary instruction begins by addressing how to distinguish false apostles and prophets from the true. Itinerant teachers who are prophets may only abide three days; however, work is necessary if one wishes to settle within the community. Prophets and teachers are worthy to receive food and first fruits of possessions. Concluding matters address community worship, appointment of bishops and deacons, and fraternal relationships. The concluding instruction provides an important, early example of extrabiblical teaching with regard to the return of the Lord and the associated events. Watchfulness and readiness is commended when the “world-deceiver” appears, and then all humanity will experience “the fire of testing,” which concludes with “the Lord coming upon the clouds of heaven.” As an educational tool, the Didache is important as a depiction of the Christian life of the early church. The knowledge and inspiration of the catechetical literature edified numerous Christian communities for a period of time and may continue to be useful in this regard. The doctrine of the “two ways” is a recurring theme throughout the Old and New Testaments (Deut. 30:15–20; Ps. 1; Matt. 7:13–14; John 14:6; Rom. 12:16–21; 13:8–12). One should also note that the arrangement of the content appears to be based on the canonical order of the New Testament books. The Didache may be integrated and supplemental with the study of scripture. References and Resources Jefford, Clayton N., ed. 1995. The Didache in Context: Essays on Its Text, History, and Transmission. New York: Brill. Lightfoot, J. B., and J. R. Harmer. 2007. The Apostolic Fathers: Greek Texts and English Translations of Their Writings. 3rd ed. Edited by Michael W. Holmes. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Books. Niederwimmer, Kurt. 1989. Die Didache. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht. Quasten, Johannes. 1986. Patrology. 4 vols. Notre Dame, IN: Christian Classics. Vokes, Frederick E. 1938. The Riddle of the Didache. London: Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge.

—Ron J. Bigalke

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Didache as Early Christian Education Strategy

Didache as Early Christian Education Strategy “The Teaching of the Twelve Apostles,” or as it is commonly referred to today, the Didache, is perhaps the earliest extant example of an attempt at Christian education outside the New Testament. As such, it is important for understanding early Christian education. The text of the Didache was composed by an anonymous author or compiler in the first century AD, with modern scholars estimating that it was composed sometime between the middle of the first century and the beginning of the second century.35 It was cited quite favorably by a number of church fathers and excerpted in several documents in the first few centuries, after which, it fell out of use and was largely unknown throughout the medieval period, until a chance rediscovery by Philotheos Bryennios in Constantinople in 1873.36 While much has been written on the Didache in the last century, getting a precise read on the particulars of the text has been more difficult. Though a few scholars believe the text is a unified whole originating with one author, more scholars view it as a composite document compiled from several (perhaps oral) sources.37 Another major point of contention is identifying the purpose and role of the Didache; most scholars agree it is to some degree a catechetical document,38 but this is where the agreement ends. Part of the problem is the opening lines of the text, “The teaching of the Lord through the twelve apostles to the nations (Gentiles),” does not seem to line up with the later intent of the text (e.g., Did. 7.1). This has led several scholars to argue that the text has in mind a general audience, but a more plausible case may be made that the Didache has a much more focused intent.39 The Didache is unlike the texts that comprise the Old and New Testaments. Its stated goal is to inform and educate (Did. 1.1, 7.1). The text covers four major areas: an opening explanation of the “way of life” contrasted with the “way of death,” instructions on baptism and 35. Ranging from the arguments of Milavec to Niederwimmer, respectively, see Aaron Milavec, The Didache: Text, Translation, Analysis, and Commentary (Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press, 2003), ix; and Kurt Niederwimmer, The Didache: A Commentary, trans. Linda M. Maloney, ed. Harold W. Attridge, Hermeneia (Minneapolis, MN: Fortress Press, 1998), 53. 36. Huub van de Sandt and David Flusser, The Didache: Its Jewish Sources and Its Place in Early Judaism and Christianity, CRINT (Assen: Van Gorcum, 2002), 3. 37. See, e.g., Milavec, The Didache, xiii; and van de Sandt and Flusser, The Didache, 1, respectively. 38. William Varner, “The Didache as a Christian Enchiridion,” in Christian Origins and Greco-Roman Culture: Social and Literary Contexts for the New Testament, ed. Stanley E. Porter and Andrew W. Pitts, TENT 9, ECHC 1 (Leiden: Brill, 2013), 651. 39. See, e.g., Varner, “Didache as a Christian Enchiridion,” 651; and Thomas O’Loughlin, “The Missionary Strategy of the Didache,” Transformation 28, no. 2 (2011): 77–79, respectively.

the Eucharist, principles for the order of churches, and a concluding eschatological warning.40 With limited theological development and many obvious references to and echoes of the New Testament, we can deduce that the creator of the Didache assumed the readership would already know (and probably embrace) the Gospel fully. Adding to this, the sections on baptism, the Eucharist, and church order imply that the primary readers will, for example, be those doing the baptizing, rather than receiving baptism (Did. 7.4).41 As a result, the text is most likely intended as a training tool for early church leaders (or their apprentices).42 Among the church fathers, Athanasius recognized the instructional value of the text in AD 367.43 However, the importance of the Didache in the educational formation of early Christianity is often overlooked today.44 We may conclude that the Didache was highly successful in accomplishing its educational strategy, as many of its guidelines have become the norm for Christian practice for many segments of the church, even into the modern era. References and Resources Draper, Jonathan A. 1991. “Torah and Troublesome Apostles in the Didache Community.” NovT 33 (4): 347–372. Draper, Jonathan A., ed. 1996. The Didache in Modern Research. AGJU 37. Leiden: Brill. Milavec, Aaron. 2003. The Didache: Text, Translation, Analysis, and Commentary. Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press. Niederwimmer, Kurt. 1998. The Didache: A Commentary. Translated by Linda M. Maloney. Edited by Harold W. Attridge. Hermeneia. Minneapolis, MN: Fortress Press. O’Loughlin, Thomas. 2011. “The Missionary Strategy of the Didache.” Transformation 28 (2): 77–92. Porter, Stanley E., and Andrew W. Pitts, eds. 2013. Christian Origins and Greco-Roman Culture: Social and Literary Contexts for the New Testament. TENT 9. ECHC 1. Leiden: Brill. Schwiebert, Jonathan. 2008. Knowledge and the Coming Kingdom: The Didache’s Meal Ritual and its Place in Early Christianity. LNTS 373. London: T&T Clark. Van de Sandt, Huub, and David Flusser. 2002. The Didache: Its Jewish Sources and Its Place in Early Judaism and Christianity. CRINT. Assen: Van Gorcum.

—Douglas Estes

40. Cf. Niederwimmer, The Didache, 1. 41. Thomas O’Loughlin, “The Missionary Strategy of the Didache,” Transformation 28, no. 2 (2011): 78. 42. Contra William Varner, who argues the Didache was meant for new Christians; see Varner, “Didache as a Christian Enchiridion,” 651. 43. Athanasius, Festal Letter 39. 44. Jonathan A. Draper, “Torah and Troublesome Apostles in the Didache Community,” NovT 33, no. 4 (1991): 347; and cf. Jonathan Schwiebert, Knowledge and the Coming Kingdom: The Didache’s Meal Ritual and its Place in Early Christianity, LNTS 373 (London: T&T Clark, 2008), 11.

Didactics

Didache as Early Church Manual The Didache is an early, anonymous Christian document, probably written about AD 80–90, although some scholars think it appeared in the second century. Some scholars also think it predates most of the New Testament. Originally this little book, a religious manual (about 40 pages), written in koinė Greek, had no title, but later it received the title Didache Kyriou Dia Ton Dodeka Apostolon Ethesin (“The Teaching of the Lord by the Twelve Apostles to the Gentiles”). Some have translated the last word of the title as “Heathen” rather than “Gentiles.” Eusebius (fourth-century church historian) mentions the Didache in his Ecclesiastical History (vol. 3), but for more than a millennium no copies seemed to have remained extant after his time. But in 1873 Philotheos Bryennios, an Eastern Orthodox ecclesiastic, rediscovered a copy in a monastery in Constantinople (now Istanbul). When the early Christians first began assembling the New Testament canon in the third and fourth centuries, some lists included the Didache as one of the inspired books. For instance, Athanasius’s Paschal Letter (AD 367), which lists 27 New Testament books now found in most Bibles, also lists the Didache as a supplemental book. As a church manual, the Didache spells out two paths for Christians to choose. One is the way of life that pertains to loving God and one’s neighbor. The second is the way of death, which mostly lists moral vices that Christians must avoid: murder, adultery, pederasty, abortion, and infanticide. As a Christian manual, it prescribes how baptism is to be performed, namely by using “living [flowing] water, but if such water is not available, then other water may be poured on the person’s head three times in ‘the name of the Father, the Son, and the holy Spirit’” (ch. 7:1). Citing this mode of baptism seems to indicate that the early Christians did not insist on only one mode of baptism, for example immersion or submersion, as the only valid means of baptism. Since the 16th century, however, some denominations (e.g., Baptists and Pentecostals) accept only the latter mode of baptism for church membership. The Didache also directs Christians to confess their sins before they receive the Lord’s Supper (Eucharist). This reference evidently influenced ensuing liturgies in Christian churches, for later many orders of service contained the rubric of confession and absolution, usually at the beginning of a divine service, following the Trinitarian invocation. It also instructs Christians not to partake in the Supper if unresolved conflicts between them and others still exist. It also gives directions for fasting and prayer, along with instructions for ordaining bishops and deacons if they “are worthy of the Lord” (ch. 15:1).

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References and Resources Draper, Jonathan A., ed. 1996. The Didache in Modern Research. Leiden, New York: T & T Clark International. Jefford, C. N., ed. 1995. Didache in Context: Essays of Its Text, History, and Transmission. London: E.J. Brill. Milavec, Aaron. 2003. The Didache: Text, Translation, Analysis, and Commentary. Collegeville, MN: Liturgical Press. Del Verme, Marcello. 2004. Didache and Judaism: Jewish Roots of an Ancient Christian Jewish Work. London: T & T Clark International.

—Alvin J. Schmidt

Didactics Education can be reduced to one simple rule: put the cookies on the bottom shelf. Students must be able to access knowledge taught; teachers are responsible to make the knowledge accessible. Communication of content is the essence of what educators do. So teaching is not separated from learning; the teaching-learning process is unified. Biblical Theology of Didactics Answers to the questions “How does everything fit together?” and “How does life make sense?” are based on the intersection and unification of heaven and earth through Jesus, who holds all things together (Col. 1:17). There is a unity of Truth (2 Kings 19:15). All “truth” is inclusive within His “Truth.” Since God alone made the heavens and the earth (Neh. 9:6; Prov. 30:4; Isa. 44:24), and the whole of creation gives Him praise (Ps. 69:34), Christian thinkers must answer the question “How do our studies give praise to God?” Christian teachinglearning must synthesize the source of all wisdom, Jesus (Col. 2:3), proclaiming Him, admonishing and teaching everyone with all wisdom (Col. 1:28). God is the transcendent source of all knowledge and authority (1 Sam. 2:3; Num. 24:16; Prov. 2:6). By this knowledge, God created the world (Ps. 104:24), and with the wisdom still embedded within creational law (Prov. 8:12–31), the natural world operates on supernatural ordinances. People are responsible to this God and His Truth (Prov. 1:7; 9:10). Fearing God is premised upon a relationship that is the essential component of all knowledge: to love God (Mark 12:30, 31). People simply discover— they do not create—truths resident within creation from the Creator (Isa. 28:23–29; Prov. 25:2). Humans continue to discover truths hidden from earlier generations owing to unfathomable depths of God’s mysteries (Job 38–41). Truth in the world is interpreted through the Truths in God’s word (2 Cor. 10:3–5), which are eternal and

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universal (Isa. 40:8; John 17:17; 1 Pet. 1:25). Human pursuit of knowledge must be earnestly sought and granted by God (Prov. 23:23) by those who are discerning (Prov. 14:6, 15:14, 18:15). Because human knowledge is skewed by sin (Tim. 1:15), scripture is the final authority for assessing the assumptions of worldviews (1 John 4:4). Biblical Philosophy of Didactics The life of a Christian teacher is as important as the curriculum she or he communicates: the teacher is the “living curriculum” (Luke 6:40). Teachers should model their belief (1 Thess. 2:7–12). Students must be trained in a holistic, cohesive Christian paradigm (2 Kings 23:25; Ezek. 7:10; Acts 2:42–47). Knowing should affect being, producing action (1 Thess. 1:6–9). Teachers are accountable for what they teach (James 3:1). Teachers are authorities, whose authority is given by God (1 Thess. 5:11–12; Heb. 13:17). Students have worth, value, and dignity because they have been created in God’s image (Gen. 1:26–27). Students are also inherently corrupt in their nature because of the Fall of humanity (Gen. 3; Rom. 3). Pupils need, then, direction and discipline corralling sinful proclivities (Deut. 30:11–15) through Jesus’s sacrifice; what is twisted by sin is reconciled through Christ (2 Cor. 5:17–21). The student is seen as an individual with varying learning styles and potentialities (1 Pet. 4:10–11). Christian instruction is distinctive. Change in method does not demand change in message (1 Cor. 9:19–22). Since God is Truth, His Spirit instructs Christian authority in academic realms (Rom. 8:5–9; 2 Tim. 1:14). Christian teachers, nurtured with a Christian philosophy of education, direct students as they discover the truth of God’s world around them (1 Tim. 4:11–16). Learning is work that is adversely affected by the Fall (Gen. 3:17–19). Christian education must recognize the general rebellion against the discipline to learn (Prov. 1:1–9, 22). Transformational learning is the goal of Christian education (Isa. 29:13; James 1:22–25), best done in community (Acts 2:42–47). Skills, facts, ideas, and procedures are all reclaimed for the Christian classroom premised on the unifying truth of scripture (1 Kings 4:29–34). Because all truth is God’s Truth (Ps. 119:89–96), students are taught to discern truth wherever it may be found (Heb. 5:11–14). The latest theories, the oldest philosophies, the most recent practices in schooling are evaluated biblically to discover purloined pieces of truth and their applicability to the Christian educator’s approach (Isa. 28:23–29). There is no dichotomy between secular and sacred: the whole world and all of life belong to the Creator (1 Chron. 29:10–16; Ps. 24:1, 50:9–12, 89:11). Common grace—truth found within creation—can be accessed because the Creator was pleased to leave it there, in-

tending delight and wonder for the discoverer (Job 26, 28:1–11; Prov. 25:2). Ways of knowing (epistemology) are premised on “the fear of The Lord” (Prov. 1:7; 9:10). The Christian scriptures are the central organizing core of education (2 Tim. 1:14, 2:15, 3:14–17), allowing for evaluation and interpretation of all theories and data, while giving purpose to the process of being Christian. The Christian scholar (2 Chron. 17:7–9; Prov. 2:1–6; 2 Cor. 10:3–5) bears responsibility to develop a theological awareness so as to employ a Christian thought process in the pursuit of true Truth. Christian Practice of Didactics Intentionality should be a Christian teacher’s watchword. Planning is the first step in creating a systematic approach to teaching. Interiority is the ultimate Christian education change agent. Teaching is a craft. A teacher’s gifting matters. Learning should engage a multiplicity of learning styles, modalities, and methods, since people are multifaceted, yet whole. Christian scholars can learn from unbelievers, because the human discoverer of truth is subservient to the true Truth. The ability to know and to grow in knowledge of the Creator and His creation is within the purview of thinking people (cf. Ps. 64:9, 65:8, 66:1–5, 67). Believers must continue to mine truths no matter where they are found or by whom they are found. Furthermore, though culture and context may condition the perceptions of different groups, the common nature of reality is true for all people in all places at all times (Ps. 117). Christian teachers may facilitate learning experiences, but teaching is not the facilitation of experience or the construction of knowledge. Knowledge is not static. It is ever expanding. This does not mean, however, that truth is invented or created. Truth is discovered, ordered, analyzed, and applied. Truth exists apart from the truth seeker. Teachers help students discover truth and order it in a manner that is consistent with the ultimate Truth of the Word of God. Herein the learner should understand both that she bears responsibility for learning (Prov. 2:1–6) and that teachers are encouraged to bring learning to the learner (Ps. 71:14–18). Understanding steps in the learning process—stages of maturation—would help instructors fine-tune their methods to the learning styles of their pupils (Heb. 5:11–14). Ultimately brought to a place of ownership (Acts 17:11), students would become teachers (Gal. 6:6). In this way, the “holes” of human nature shot through with corruption can be made “whole” through the process of maturation (Ps. 119:97–100) within the scope of scriptural principles (Ps. 119:89–91). Children as corrupt image bearers (Ecc. 7:29), then, can acknowledge that there is Someone outside themselves to whom they

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must give an account. But the process of moving children to that level of commitment is the task of the teacher, elucidating and magnifying a transcendent source of truth (Ps. 71:14–18). References and Resources Hendricks, Howard. 2003. Teaching to Change Lives: Seven Proven Ways to Make Your Teaching Come Alive. 2nd ed. Colorado Springs, CO: Multnomah Books. Van Brummelen, Harro. 2002. Steppingstones to Curriculum: A Biblical Path. 2nd ed. Colorado Springs, CO: Purposeful Design.

—Mark Eckel

Differentiated Instruction Differentiated instruction refers to a teaching methodology, established primarily by Carol Tomlinson (1999a, 1999b, 2001, 2003), that identifies the purpose of education as the learning of the student, and the role of the teacher as discovering the knowledge and skills that each student has in order to design instruction—which includes the content, the process, the product, and the environment—to meet the needs of the students so they can learn. In Differentiated Instruction (1999a), Tomlinson first establishes the necessary conditions for differentiation, beginning with the need for a clear, set learning objective for what the learners should know and/ or be able to do at the end of the learning session. This clearly stated and communicated objective enables both the teacher and the student to differentiate the content, process, product, or environment because both know what the end goal is. According to Ellis and colleagues, differentiated instruction is the process of “ensuring that what a student learns, how he or she learns it, and how the student demonstrates what he or she has learned is a match for that student’s readiness level, interests, and preferred mode of learning” (2008, 32). The concept of a differentiated classroom connects to numerous other educational theories, including Howard Gardner’s theory of multiple intelligences (1983), brainbased learning (Willis 2007; Wolfe 2001), understanding by design (Wiggins and McTighe 2001), and assessment (Chapman and King 2005). Although differentiated instruction is a term utilized by schools in relationship to K–12 student learning, we see evidence of differentiated instruction by virtue of differentiating the content, process, product, and learning environment by Jesus. Just as with the tenets of differentiated instruction, the overall objective remains the same: “The time has come. The kingdom of God is near. Repent and believe the good news” (Mark 1:15). How-

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ever, the content of the message can change, dependent upon the needs of the learners. For example, in his letter to the Ephesians (2:8–9) and again to the Romans (5:1–2, 2:14, 17), Paul emphasizes the importance of salvation through faith. Yet in James we read “What good is it, my brothers, if a man claims to have faith but has no deeds? . . . In the same way, faith by itself, if it is not accompanied by action, is dead” (2:14, 17). These messages support the main objective of repenting and believing the good news, but the content is crafted toward the needs of the people to whom the letters are sent; there is a context. Likewise, when differentiating for process, the calling of the 12 disciples involves Jesus asking them to follow Him (Matt. 9:9; Mark 1:16–20, 2:14), yet Jesus employs a different process for calling the apostle Paul (Acts 9:1–14). The process by which these apostles were appointed was differentiated. Finally, we see differentiation in product with regard to “different kinds of gifts, but the same Spirit. There are different kinds of service, but the same Lord. There are different kinds of working, but the same God works all of them in all men” (1 Cor. 12:4–6). In each of these examples of how the Lord differentiates content, process, and product, the end goal of “go and make disciples of all nations, baptizing them in the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit, and teaching them to obey everything I have commanded you” remains the overriding objective. As Christian educators, then, by differentiating instruction, we are acknowledging each person’s uniqueness and reaching each of them as the Imago Dei. References and Resources Chapman, C., and R. King. 2005. Differentiated Assessment Strategies: One Tool Doesn’t Fit All. Thousand Oaks, CA: Corwin Press. Ellis, E., R. A. Gable, M. Gregg, and M. L. Rock. 2008. “REACH: A Framework for Differentiating Classroom Instruction.” Preventing School Failure 52 (2): 31–47. Gardner, H. 1983. Frames of Mind: The Theory of Multiple Intelligences. New York: Basic Books. Tomlinson, C. A.1999a. “Mapping a Route Toward a Differentiated Instruction.” Educational Leadership 57 (1): 12. ———. (1999b). The Differentiated Classroom: Responding to the Needs of All Learners. Cranbury, NJ: Pearson Education. ———. 2001. How to Differentiate Instruction in Mixed-Ability Classrooms. 2nd ed. Alexandria, VA: Association for Supervision and Curriculum Development. ———. 2003. “Fulfilling the Promise of the Differentiated Classroom: Strategies and Tools for Responsive Teaching.” Alexandria, VA: Association for Supervision and Curriculum Development. Wiggins, G., and J. McTighe. 2001. Understanding by Design. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Merrill/Prentice Hall.

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Willis, J. 2007. Research-Based Strategies to Ignite Student Learning: Insights from a Neurologist and Classroom Teacher. Alexandria, VA: Association for Supervision and Curriculum Development. Wolfe, P. 2001. Brain Matters: Translating Research into Classroom Practice. Alexandria, VA: Association for Supervision and Curriculum Development.

—Laura Barwegen

Disability Ministry In The Disabled God, Nancy Eiesland wrote: “The history of the church’s interaction with the disabled is at best an ambiguous one. Rather than being a structure for empowerment, the church has more often supported the societal structures and attitudes that have treated people with disabilities as objects of pity and paternalism.”45 For many years, while certain churches and denominations made consistent efforts to respond to the disabled in their midst, many ignored them, minimized their presence, or herded them together in “handicapped-group” ministry. By the latter 20th and early 21st centuries, multiple faith communities moved toward a variety of disabilityspecific ministries, often with the intention of responding to the disabled in ways that facilitate ministry from them, not simply for them. Scholars such as Eiesland pressed religious institutions and individuals to review and renew principles and policies related to persons with disabilities, while publications such as the Journal of Religion, Disability & Health provided a venue for research that benefited academic and faith communities. Increasingly, churches and denominations have developed curriculum for use by persons with varying disabilities, distinguishing special needs related to sight, hearing, accessibility, and learning and motor skill difficulties. For example, the Evangelical Lutheran Church in America (ELCA) has an extensive educational and awareness program that delineates specific programs for specific disability needs. The ELCA website stresses the need for inclusion of persons with disabilities, not simply ministries “to” or “for” the disabled. The document notes: “As a church we make a special effort to be inclusive of all people. This includes welcoming all and sharing hospitality. For the benefit of church leaders, we’ve included information on how to have a more proactive approach to including those who are disabled. We’ve also included a course for students with disabilities.”46

45. Nancy Eiesland, The Disabled God: Toward a Liberatory Theology of Disability (Nashville, TN: Abingdon Press, 1994), 20. 46. “Inclusion,” http://www.buildingchurchleaders.com/downloads/ childrensministry/developchildrensministry/.

Other ministry collectives provide online resources for “How to Start a Disability Ministry,” and “Exceptional Teaching Online Training Course.”47 Many congregations have begun training programs for mentors who covenant to work with specific individuals and their families both inside and outside the church. Curriculum addressing persons with special needs is also available. Churches and church groups are also shaping ministries for persons whose disabilities may relate to such psychological realities as mental illness, autism, bipolar struggles, and depression. In addition, the growing number of senior adults experiencing dementia and Alzheimer’s disease has led many churches to develop respite care programs that provide daily assistance for seniors and their families. Some congregations maintain separate programs for persons with disabilities, particularly those with learning or speech difficulties. Others, however, work to “mainstream” persons with special needs as fully as possible into the worship, sacramental, and teaching programs and ministries of the community of faith. References and Resources Giffin, Suzanne. 2012. “Discovering Effective means for the Church to Increase Faith Development and Support to Persons and Families Affected by Alzheimer’s Disease.” Journal of Religion, Disability & Health 16 (4): 394–419. Yong, Amos. 2012. The Bible, Disability and the Church. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans.

—Bill J. Leonard

Disability, Emotional Emotional disability, also called emotional disturbance or disorder, most typically indicates a disorder of mood or anxiety.48 The Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA) defines emotional disturbance as “a condition exhibiting one or more of the following characteristics over a long time, and to a marked degree that adversely affects educational performance: (a) A student’s inability to learn which cannot be explained by intellectual, sensory, or other health factors, (b) An inability to build or maintain satisfactory interpersonal relationships with peers and teachers, (c) Inappropriate types of behavior or feelings under normal circumstances, (d) A general 47. “How to Start a Disability Ministry,” http://www.buildingchurch leaders.com/multimedia/articles/howtostartadisabilityministry.html; “Christian Disability Organizations & Resources,” http://www.restminis tries.org/health/prof-ministries-disability.htm. 48. Janet Shakuntala Walker and Jonathan Kessler Melvin, “Emotional Disorders (In Children and Adolescents),” in International Encyclopedia of Rehabilitation, ed. John Stone and Maurice Blouin (Buffalo State University of New York, Center for International Rehabilitation Research Information and Exchange, 2013), http://cirrie.buffalo.edu/encyclopedia/en/article/7/.

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pervasive mood of unhappiness or depression, (e) A tendency to develop physical systems or fears associated with personal or school problems.”49 Emotional disabilities include, but are not limited to, depression, anxiety disorders, and conduct disorders. Causes for emotional disturbance or disability can be genetic, environmental, or chemical imbalance or injury to the brain.50 Because of the varying causes of emotional disturbance, symptoms can begin at any age. Emotional disturbance is manifested in externalizing behavior (more common in boys) and internalizing behaviors (more common in girls). Externalizing behaviors include aggression, destructiveness, and defiance. Internalizing behaviors include depression, eating disorders, anxiety, and suicidal thoughts. Although the externalizing behaviors are easier to recognize in the classroom setting, internalizing behaviors are equally detrimental to the child and should be monitored very closely.51 In the classroom, teachers will need specific plans and techniques to deal with externalized behaviors such as aggression toward staff and fellow students, destruction of furniture and supplies, and interruption of lessons. The creation of plans of care should be a collaborative effort between parents of the student and all workers who will be involved with that student. Providing a clutter-free environment, arm’s-length distance from other students in the seating plan, and a place for students to calm down will be essential. Simple, clear rules and consequences— consistently enforced—allow the child with externalized behaviors to improve self-discipline and will eventually lead to better behavior in the classroom. Creating a safe emotional environment that includes acceptance, positive attitudes, and encouragement is essential.52 Internalized behaviors present a different set of challenges for the teacher. These students will often shy away from participation in activities and isolate themselves from their peers. This child’s fears and anxieties may cause others to tease or bully her or him, which increases isolation and feelings of unworthiness. This child may complain of a physical ailment in order to avoid participating in group activities. Children with internalized emotional disturbance will require a great

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deal of praise, encouragement, and personal attention. Additional workers/helpers are necessary to create a safe and effective learning environment in the classroom with persons with any type of emotional disorder. Every person deserves to know and experience the love of God—which is most manifest in the community of believers and where people with emotional disorders need to feel they belong. Resources for the Christian educator and for churches committed to creating a welcoming environment for those with emotional disabilities include those produced by the CLC Network (Christian Learning Center)53 and the Christian Churches Disability Ministry,54 and others available through the Calvin Institute of Christian Worship.55 References and Resources Calvin Institute of Christian Worship. worship.calvin.edu CLC Network (Christian Learning Center). www.clcnetwork.org Christian Churches Disability Ministry. n.d.-a. “Behavior Management in the Church.” Available at www.ccdmonline.org. ———. n.d.-b. “Including Students with Emotional and Behavioral Problems.” Available at www.ccdmonline.org. McDevitt, Teresa M., and Jeanne Ellis Ormrod, eds. 2002. Child Development and Education. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Pearson Education. Oosterhuis, Alyce. 2002. “The Development of a Christian Ideology of Inclusive Education.” Journal of Research on Christian Education 11 (1): 5–31. Pierson, Jim. 2002. Exceptional Teaching: A Comprehensive Guide for Including Students with Disability. Cincinnati, OH: Standard Publishing. Swanson, Susan. 2010. “Experiential Religion: A Faith Formation Process for Children with Autism.” Journal of Religion, Disability & Health 14 (3): 238–255. Walker, Janet Shakuntala, and Jonathan Kessler Melvin. 2013. “Emotional Disorders (In Children and Adolescents).” In International Encyclopedia of Rehabilitation, edited by John Stone and Maurice Blouin. Buffalo: State University of New York, Center for International Rehabilitation Research Information and Exchange. http://cirrie.buffalo.edu/encyclo pedia/en/article/7/.

—Carol Anne Janzen and Jennifer Riley 49. Cited in Jim Pierson, Exceptional Teaching: A Comprehensive Guide for Including Students With Disability (Cincinnati, OH: Standard Publishing, 2002), 63. IDEA (Individuals with Disabilities Education Act, USA). 50. Teresa M. McDevitt and Jeanne Ellis Ormond, eds., Child Development and Education (Upper Saddle River, NJ: Pearson Education, 2002), 335–336. 51. Ibid., 335. 52. “Behavior Management in the Church,” http://storage.cloversites .com/christianchurchesdisabilityministry/documents/Behavior%20Management.pdf and “Including Students with Emotional and Behavior Problems,” http://storage.cloversites.com/christianchurchesdisabilityministry/ documents/Emotional%20and%20Behavior%20Problems.pdf; Christian Churches Disability Ministry, ccdmonline.org.

Disability, Intellectual Intellectual disability is a disability in which impairments to the brain result in limitations in intellectual 53. www.clcnetwork.org. 54. www.ccdmonline.org. 55. worship.calvin.edu.

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functioning, requiring extra supports to enable a person to participate in activities involved with typical human functioning.56 The three essential elements of intellectual disability, as defined by the American Association on Intellectual and Developmental Disabilities, are (1) significant limitations in intellectual functioning, (2) behavioral restrictions in adapting to ecological demands, and (3) identification or diagnosis before age 18.57 Causes of intellectual disability include genetic disorders such as Down syndrome; prenatal conditions such as maternal malnutrition or drug or alcohol misuse, medical conditions arising during pregnancy, or infections; problems experienced during birth, such as a lack of oxygen during delivery; and experiences during childhood, including diseases such as meningitis and encephalitis, accidents that damage the brain, and exposure to toxins. For the Christian educator, a clear understanding of the individual’s capabilities, behaviors, and physical limitations will be as important as knowing every detail of a diagnosis. The preferred term “mental age” is used to describe the person’s ability to function and understand concepts. For example, a 10-year-old child with a mental age of three will understand concepts presented at the preschool level, not at a preteen level. Adjustments to curriculum will need to be made based on the mental age of the student; this mental age will be the starting point for setting developmental goals and evaluating achievement. The intellectually disabled person generally has difficulty adapting to his or her surroundings and will value familiar spaces and routines. Mental age will not only determine the ability to understand the material being presented, but also affect adaptive skills such as language and communication, social interactions, self-care (personal and health care), safety awareness, and home living.58 It is important to recognize that while teaching curriculum content, the instructor will also need to work on adaptive skills. Helping the learner with adaptive skills will eventually lead to better performance and interaction in the classroom.59 Most children with a mild to moderate intellectual disability are capable of learning new skills and concepts— learning will simply happen more slowly. Concepts must be presented in simplified terms using interactive, 56. Michael L. Wehmeyer and Shea Obremski, “Intellectual Disabilities,” in International Encyclopedia of Rehabilitation, ed. Stone and Blouin, http://cirrie.buffalo.edu/encyclopedia/en/article/15/. 57. Ibid. 58. Jim Pierson, Exceptional Teaching: A Comprehensive Guide for Including Students with Disability (Cincinnati, OH: Standard Publishing, 2002), 24–25. 59. “Intellectual Disability,” NICHCY Disability Fact Sheet 8, January 2011, National Dissemination Center for Children with Disabilities, http:// nichcy.org/disability/specific/intellectual.

multisensory, and reinforcing teaching tools.60 As with all students, learning styles will vary, and the instructor will need to invest the time necessary to discover how the intellectually disabled child best processes information. The inclusive classroom is now the norm in secular education and should be the norm for Christian education. Current pedagogical theory holds that children do better in an inclusive environment because of higher expectations of the children with disabilities and richer opportunities for social interaction; such benefits should be sought in an environment dedicated to spiritual development as well.61 The presence of persons with intellectual disabilities is also a reminder that faith development is not exclusively a cognitive function.62 Resources for the Christian educator and for churches committed to building an inclusive ministry with the intellectually disabled are available from the CLC Network (Christian Learning Center)63 and the Christian Churches Disability Ministry,64 as well as the Calvin Institute of Christian Worship.65 References and Resources Calvin Institute of Christian Worship. worship.calvin.edu Christian Churches Disability Ministry. www.ccdmonline.org CLC Network (Christian Learning Center). www.clcnetwork.org Erhardt, Martin. 2010. “Affirming Baptism: Recommendations for Pastors and Teachers Teaching Students with Intellectual Disabilities.” Journal of Religion, Disability & Health 14 (2): 132–142. McDevitt, Teresa M., and Jeanne Ellis, Ormrod, eds. 2002. Child Development and Education. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Pearson Education. McNair, Jeff. 2010. “Knowledge, Faith Development, and Religious Education That Includes All.” Journal of Religion, Disability & Health 14 (2): 186–203. National Dissemination Center for Children with Disabilities. 2001. “Intellectual Disability.” NICHCY Disability Fact Sheet 8.” January. http://nichcy.org/disability/specific/intellectual. Oosterhuis, Alyce. 2002. “The Development of a Christian Ideology of Inclusive Education.” Journal of Research on Christian Education 11 (1): 5–31.

60. Martin Erhardt, “Affirming Baptism: Recommendations for Pastors and Teachers Teaching Students with Intellectual Abilities,” Journal of Religion, Disability & Health 14, no. 2 (2010): 140–141. 61. Alyce Oosterhuis, “The Development of a Christian Ideology of Inclusive Education,” Journal of Research on Christian Education 11, no. 1 (2002): 5–31. 62. Jeff McNair, “Knowledge, Faith Development, and Religious Education That Includes All,” Journal of Religion, Disability & Health 14, no. 2 (2010): 200–201. 63. www.clcnetwork.org. 64. www.ccdmonline.org. 65. worship.calvin.edu.

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Pierson, Jim. 2002. Exceptional Teaching: A Comprehensive Guide for Including Students with Disability. Cincinnati, OH: Standard Publishing. Wehmeyer, Michael L., and Shea Obremski. 2013. “Intellectual Disabilities.” In International Encyclopedia of Rehabilitation, edited by John Stone and Maurice Blouin. Buffalo: State University of New York, Center for International Rehabilitation Research Information and Exchange. http://cirrie.buffalo .edu/encyclopedia/en/article/15/. Whitney, Trevor. 2009. “Intellectual Disability and Holy Communion: The Peace that Passes Understanding.” Journal of Religion, Disability & Health 13 (3–4): 247–259.

—Carol Anne Janzen and Jennifer Riley

Disability, Learning Introduction Learning disability refers to a disorder in one or more basic psychological processes, resulting in difficulty learning according to typically defined patterns and processes in academic areas. Areas of difficulty may vary in degree among one or more of the following: input (auditory and visual perception, receptive language), integration (sequencing, abstraction, and organization), memory (working, short-term, and long-term memory), output (expressive language), and motor (fine and gross motor). A learning disability includes conditions such as perceptual disabilities, brain injury, minimal brain dysfunction, dyslexia, and developmental aphasia. Diagnosis and Identification A learning disability does not include a “learning problem that is primarily the result of visual, hearing, or motor disabilities, of mental retardation, of emotional disturbance, or of environmental, cultural, or economic disadvantage” (20 U.S.C. §1401.30), or lack of academic instruction. While in the past learning disabilities were diagnosed specific to an academic skill area (dyslexia, dysgraphia, dyscalculia), contemporary understanding views a specific area of difficulty as symptomatic of an underlying issue that often affects multiple areas of learning. Private psychological and mental health professionals can diagnose learning disabilities, but students are not eligible to receive publicly funded special educational services until a public school determines that they meet legal criteria for a disability. Christian Perspectives on Learning Disabilities Several contemporary Christian scholars have considered the nature of disability (intellectual, learning, cognitive, physical) from a decidedly Christian perspective, including Brian Brock and John Swinton (2012), Debo-

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rah Creamer (2009), Thomas Reynolds (2008), Hans Reinders (2008), and Amos Yong (2007). Although there are disparate views about the theological nature of disability, the general consensus among contemporary Christian scholars is that special education is a ministry to which Christian teachers can and should be called. For Christian educators, working with students with disabilities is one way to learn about the diverse world God has created (Anderson 2012, xxi). Anderson argues that Christian educators should seek to help students with learning disabilities reach their fullest potential (2012, 4). While contemporary secular theories of learning disabilities often focus on information processing and executive function (Lerner and Johns 2011), from a Christian perspective, these theories must be integrated with the spiritual dimension of human life (Anderson 2012, 62). And while there is internal debate among Christian scholars regarding the extent of the effects of sin on disability (Brock and Swinton 2012), Christians can generally affirm that students with disabilities have “an equal value as bearers of God’s image” (Anderson 2012, 129; Yong 2007, 16). Ultimately, a biblical perspective on disability “underscores the sanctity of life” (Anderson 2012, 43). Further, Joe Sulton (1997) calls Christian educators to take responsibility for students with learning differences, because all are members of the Body of Christ and “members should have the same care one for another” (1 Cor. 12:25). Having a disability does not preclude an individual from “living a meaningful life and furthering God’s purposes” (Anderson 2012, 26). Thus, Christian educators can see students with learning differences not as disabled, but different, and seek to enable them to achieve God’s purposes for their lives. References and Resources Anderson, D. 2012. Toward a Theology of Special Education: Integrating Faith and Practice. Bloomington, IN: WestBowPress. Brock, B., and J. Swinton, eds. 2012. Disability in the Christian Tradition: A Reader. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. Creamer, D. 2009. Disability and Christian Theology: Embodied Limits and Constructive Possibilities. New York: Oxford University Press. Lerner, J. W., and B. Johns. 2011. Learning Disabilities and Related Mild Disabilities. 12th ed. Independence, KY: Wadsworth Publishing. Reinders, H. 2008. Receiving the Gift of Friendship: Profound Disability, Theological Anthropology, and Ethics. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. Reynolds, T. 2008. Vulnerable Communion: A Theology of Disability and Hospitality. Grand Rapids, MI: Brazos Press. Sulton, J. 1997. Special Education: A Biblical Approach. Grandview, MO: Hidden Treasures Ministries.

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Disabled, the

Yong, A. 2007. Theology and Down Syndrome: Reimagining Disability in Late Modernity. Waco, TX: Baylor University Press. ———. 2011. The Bible, Disability, and the Church: A New Vision of the People of God. Grand Rapids. MI: Eerdmans.

—Joshua D. Reichard and Adam J. Richards

Disabled, the There is a growing segment of individuals in contemporary society who are disabled. The term disabled applies to any individual who needs assistance, either physically or mentally, to perform everyday activities. Disabilities range from the very mild to the extremely reliant on the assistance of others. Anytime there is a military action, some individuals return from service with disabilities, which change their lives. As terrorist acts increase in the Western Hemisphere, some individuals survive the attacks but are left disabled, either mentally or physically. There are also individual(s) who are born with disabilities or are injured in accidents of various kinds. There is a mandate for the learning needs of the disabled to be met, within society and within the body of Christ. Arrangements must be made so that the disabled have access to learning models that permit them to learn at their own pace. Just as the public schools have found models that meet the needs of the disabled, so must Christian education. Instructors, teachers, and pastors must access all available resources to provide an atmosphere that is conducive for the individual to learn or grasp the meaning of whatever lesson is being taught. Even within the Christian education system, it is vital that necessary arrangements be made for the participants and family members who have a disability. Christian education must also make adjustments for family members who are struggling with the disability of their loved ones. Their lives are also affected, and they must learn to accept changes in their loved one and in their lives. The learning process must be taken into consideration so that everyone can learn at some level. Often people who have disabilities are struggling to overcome the stigma that society has placed on them because of their disability. Confronting their disability may be a struggle, interfering with their concentration and making it difficult for them to stay focused on the learning situation. During this adjustment period, society may view disabled individuals unrealistically. For example, according to Michelle R. Nario-Redmond (n.d.), individuals who are disabled are culturally stereotyped by society. Society often believes that individuals with disabilities are dependent, incompetent, and asexual. Also many believe that the disabled are illiterate and incapable of learning, leaving the disabled marginalized. They are also often de-

scribed as inspirational and heroic for completing everyday tasks, instead of being seen as individuals living side by side with the rest of society. Moreover, disabled people are often invisible within society, lessening their chances of being mainstreamed in school and affecting their opportunities for employment and for being given an equal place within the body of Christ. Christian education must create for disabled individuals a welcoming and safe place for their learning experience. The dignity and the integrity of the disabled individual must be maintained at all costs, so that they are not made uncomfortable. The disabled must be considered in Christian education. References and Resources Nario-Redmond, Michelle R. n.d. Cultursl Stereotypes of Disabled Men and Women, Consensus for Global Category Representations and Diagnostic Domains. Portland, OR: Reed College. Shah, Sonali. 2008. Young Disabled People, Aspirations, Choices and Constraints. Burlington, VT: Ashgate Publishing. Shaw, Donita M., and Laurel Disney. 2012. “Expanding Access, Knowledge, and Participation for Learning Disabled Young Adults with Low Literacy.” Journal of Research & Practice for Adult Literacy, Secondary & Basic Education 1 (3): 148–160.

—Candace Shields

Disadvantaged, Education of the Social Disadvantage and Educational Attainment Within the history of the development of state involvement in education, three main intertwined purposes can be detected: economic, social, and humanitarian. Education has been regarded as a means of increasing the longterm prosperity of the nation through a better educated and trained workforce. It has been seen as a way in which the lives of individuals could be improved or controlled, and through them, society as a whole. Education has also formed an essential part of the process of socialization of children as they develop into fully functioning adults. Well before governments began to secure education for the general populace, Christian churches (of various denominations and across a variety of jurisdictions) were providing schools. Prior to the Enlightenment, teaching and learning were primarily conceived of as religious activities, and the earliest schools were been attached to monasteries or other Christian centers. Teaching and learning were mainly considered religious activities, to be experienced within the context of the community life and concerned, primarily, with preparing individuals for roles in the church. Over time, however, such schools, along with those developed by various craft guilds, became the preserve of the (relatively) wealthy.

Disadvantaged, Education of the

The effect of home circumstances on pupil achievement in schools has been well documented in recent years in many jurisdictions. There is a high correlation between large social disparities and levels of educational attainment. Social deprivation has a real and negative effect on children’s academic attainment, and that disadvantage persists into their adult lives. Across different societies, the relationship seems to hold good in both primary and secondary phases and across educational sectors, inasmuch as the smaller the percentage of socially disadvantaged pupils on the rolls, the higher will be the pupils’ and the schools’ overall attainment levels. Of course, not every child from a socially deprived background will necessarily have lower than average attainment levels at school. However, research suggests that the overall level of social disadvantage can account for as much as 80 percent of the apparent difference between schools’ academic outcomes. The positive impacts of schooling, therefore, are most likely to be in the form of modest improvements for disadvantaged children, rather than fundamental transformations of their lives. However, the effectiveness of Christian, particularly Catholic, schools with disadvantaged pupils is strong, although causal reasons are not clear and remain a matter of (sometimes ideological) dispute. The individual factors and their complex interaction are difficult to ascertain with certainty, so establishing the school-based causal factors of differential institutional performance and replicating them in differing contexts is problematical. Who Are the Poor? It can be argued that material deprivation is not the sole determinate of social disadvantage and low levels of academic attainment. Differences in family (or individual or group) circumstances that shape lives can relate to a range of factors, including ethnicity, religion, income, health, and physical access to services and facilities, to name but a few. Children may also often be burdened by forms of nonmaterial poverty. They may come from broken families incapable of love, be spiritually poor, and find themselves in circumstances that promise only future unemployment and social marginalization. In some jurisdictions, particularly those that may have degrees of ethnic segregation often associated with material deprivation, a pupil’s ethnic background may also have a negative impact. These are all children to whom, traditionally, the majority of Christian educational institutions have responded. Schools Serving the Disadvantaged In many countries where there is a Christian minority, often comprising mainly immigrants, Christian schools

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perform a sociological and political function as well as an educational one. They enable such migrants to support one another, often in a culture within a culture, so that they can combat marginalization and enjoy social and material progress. While in many countries Christian schools provide just such a model of education, it is the case that some, though founded for this purpose, have for a variety of historical reasons become dependent on charging fees for their continued existence, with the result that they can only serve a financial elite. Such is the case with a number of Australian Church of England schools and Catholic colleges in the United Kingdom. On the other hand, where Christian schools are able to serve the general population or are located in the inner cities, they appear to be particularly supportive of disadvantaged pupils. While they are not able to eliminate the depressing effects of socioeconomic deprivation, their pupils, particularly those attending Catholic schools, seem to achieve higher levels of academic attainment than others in similar circumstances attending institutions provided and run by the state. In England, where there is a rigorous national testing regime, there is evidence suggesting that the greater the proportion of disadvantaged pupils attending the school, the greater the differential in overall attainment over state school outcomes measured at the school level. In the United States also, Catholic schools succeed in producing excellent academic results for many of the nation’s poorest pupils. One by-product of that academic success is a gradual change in the material and social standing of immigrant Christian communities as, partly the result of the education they have received, they begin to move from the fringes toward the heart of society, both socially and territorially. Any general movement of Christian populations toward the suburbs raises concerns about the nature of the educational commitment of Christian institutions to the poor in the inner cities. It raises questions of whether their primary purpose is to support Christian parents in the education of their children or the poorest in society, irrespective of the parents’ religious or philosophical convictions. Different Christian denominations have responded to these questions in different ways, depending on their particular historical/political circumstances and the jurisdictions in which they operate. References and Resources Congregation for Education. 1997. “The Catholic School on the Threshold of the Third Millennium.” In An Anthology of Catholic Teaching on Education, edited by L. Franchi, 489–501. London: Scepter. Convey, John, ed. 1992. Catholic Schools Make a Difference: Twenty-Five Years of Research. Washington, DC: National Catholic Educational Association.

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Dennis, Norman. 2001. The Uncertain Trumpet: A History of Church of England School Education to AD 2001. London: Institute for the Study of Civil Society. Francis, Leslie J., and David W. Lankshear, eds. 1993. Christian Perspectives on Church Schools. Leominster, England: Gracewing. Hayes, Michael A., and Liam Gearon, eds. 2002. Contemporary Catholic Education. Leominster, England: Gracewing. Hunt, Thomas C., Ellis A. Joseph, and Ronald J. Nuzzi, eds. 2002. Catholic Schools Still Make a Difference: Ten Years of Research 1991–2000. Washington, DC: National Catholic Educational Association. Morris, Andrew B. 2008. Fifty Years On—The Case for Catholic Schools. Chelmsford, UK: Matthew James Publishing. ———, ed. 2012. Catholic Education: Universal Principles, Locally Applied. Newcastle upon Tyne, UK: Cambridge Scholars Press. Stock, Marcus. 2012. Christ at the Centre: Why the Church Provides Catholic Schools. London: Catholic Truth Society. Worsley, Howard, ed. 2013. Anglican Church School Education: Moving Beyond the First Two Hundred Years. London: Bloomsbury.

—Andrew B. Morris

Discernment as Christian Practice Discernment incorporates both a spiritual gift and a spiritual discipline to both critically and creatively understand the work of God within the world and particularly as Christian practice in people’s lives. In scripture, discernment is often associated with the apostle Paul’s vision of spiritual giftedness, particularly the discernment of spirits (1 Cor. 12:10) for the sake of Christian unity.66 In the early church this emphasis shifted to the Desert Fathers and their emphasis on discrimination and spiritual direction or guidance.67 However, it is probably the writing of Saint Ignatius of Loyola that established the tradition of discernment as a spiritual exercise for daily living.68 Michael Ivens notes: “the discernment of spirits, one of the major themes in Ignatius’ spiritual doctrine, is brought to bear on the concrete decisions that arise from the life of action.”69 Those in later traditions, like the Quakers, often practiced discernment as a communal 66. Barbara E. Bowe, Biblical Foundations of Spirituality: Touching the Finger to the Flame (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2003), 157–158. 67. Kenneth Leech, Experiencing God: Theology as Spirituality (New York: Harper & Row, 1985), 132–133. 68. The Spiritual Exercises of Saint Ignatius, trans. Anthony Mottola (New York: Imgage/Doubleday Books, [1964] 1989). 69. Michael Ivens, “Ignatius Loyola,” in The Study of Spirituality, ed. Cheslyn Jones, Geoffrey Wainwright, and Edward Yarnold (New York: Oxford Press, 1986), 361.

guide for decision making.70 As represented in these discrete forms, discernment combines a sense of judgment and action, with openness to God’s work in and through creation for the sake of redemption and reconciliation. Discernment, as a broad discipline, appears in a number of spiritual traditions and among other areas of scripture, particularly regarding decision making.71 Theologian Mark McIntosh charts the emphasis of discernment both across Christian antiquity and among specific traditions, including Desert spirituality, Puritan practice, and the intellectual engagement of John Henry Newman.72 For McIntosh, discernment exists between the tension of contemplation and active practice and includes five dynamic patterns: 1. Discernment as faith: grounding in a loving and trusting relationship with God; 2. Discernment as distinguishing good and evil impulses that move people; 3. Discernment as discretion, practical wisdom, moderation, and general good sense in practical situations; 4. Discernment as sensitivity and desire in pursuing God’s will in everything; and 5. Discernment as contemplative wisdom that fills all truth with the presence of God.73 McIntosh does add the qualification that discernment is not merely an individual matter, one existing only between director/mentor and protégé. Discernment includes the full life of the congregation in worship and ministry as a formative presence.74 Christian educators should note that McIntosh’s description affords the opportunity to see discernment as a primary domain for a number of educational and leadership activities. This approach incorporates the reading of scripture as both a critical and creative endeavor; theological reflection on the nature of God, the general guidance of individuals through the life of discipleship, and the assessment of the life of the church and local community in naming God’s intent and activity.75 Frank Rogers notes that discernment remains a dangerous practice, 70. Frank Rogers, “Discernment,” in Practicing Our Faith: A Way of Life for a Searching People, 2nd ed., ed. Dorothy Bass (San Francisco: JosseyBass, 2010), 108–111. 71. Luke Timothy Johnson, Scripture & Discernment: Decision Making in the Church (Nashville, TN: Abingdon Press, 1996). 72. Mark A. McIntosh, Discernment and Truth: The Spirituality and Theology of Knowledge (New York: Herder & Herder, 2004). 73. Ibid., 5–6. 74. Ibid., 249–255. 75. Dean G. Blevins and Mark A. Maddix, Discovering Discipleship: Dynamics of Christian Education (Kansas City, MO: Beacon Hill of Kansas City, 2010), 195–207.

Discipleship

one always susceptible to prophetic subversion or selfdeception when not governed by fidelity to scripture and tradition, manifested in the fruit of the spirit, yielding inner peace, and promoting communal harmony. Rogers also believes authentic discernment requires persons to engage the process with integrity and to seek insight that enhances rather than diminishes life.76 Embracing this cautious, yet broad view should allow Christian educators to forge specific discernment practices faithful to their ministries. References and Resources Blevins, Dean G., and Mark A. Maddix. 2010. Discovering Discipleship: Dynamics of Christian Education. Kansas City, MO: Beacon Hill of Kansas City. Bowe, Barbara E. 2003. Biblical Foundations of Spirituality: Touching the Finger to the Flame. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield. Ivens, Michael. 1986. “Ignatius Loyola.” In The Study of Spirituality, edited by Cheslyn Jones, Geoffrey Wainwright, and Edward Yarnold, 357–362. New York: Oxford University Press. Johnson, Luke Timothy. 1996. Scripture & Discernment: Decision Making in the Church. Nashville, TN: Abingdon Press. Leech, Kenneth. 1985. Experiencing God: Theology as Spirituality. New York: Harper & Row. McIntosh, Mark A. 2004. Discernment and Truth: The Spirituality and Theology of Knowledge. New York: Herder & Herder. Rogers, Frank. 2010. “Discernment.” In Practicing Our Faith: A Way of Life for a Searching People, 2nd ed., edited by Dorothy Bass, 103–116. San Francisco: Jossey Bass. The Spiritual Exercises of Saint Ignatius. (1964) 1989. Translated by Anthony Mottola. New York: Image/Doubleday Books.

—Dean Blevins

Discipleship In the New Testament, μαθητής is translated “disciple” and suggests learner or follower. In the ancient world, to learn from or follow another involved not merely the digesting of information or adherence to precepts, but a kind of reorientation of the self: to be a true disciple was to become like the teacher. When Jesus called His disciples (and there were many of them, men and women, beyond the familiar 12), the invitation was to abide in Him (John 15), to become like Him through mutual indwelling (“abide in me as I abide in you”), to experience and practice a constancy of pres76. Rogers, “Discernment,” 111–114.

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ence and attentiveness. To abide in Jesus—to be discipled by Him—is to learn to see as He sees, hear as He hears, love as He loves (cf. Mark 4:9; Matt. 13:16; John 15:9ff.). It is to undergo transformation of heart and mind, conversion of the will, education of all desires. As the beginning (and end) of Christian discipleship, abiding in Jesus is the slow, patient work of a lifetime. The evidence of discipleship, of abiding in Jesus, is the bearing of “much fruit” (John 15:8, 16; Matt. 7:16–20). Christian discipleship has a particular shape, the contours of which consist of patterns and practices that reflect the very character of God and bear witness to a life lived in and through the Spirit. Saint Paul names these patterns and practices—this fruit—as love, joy, peace, patience, kindness, goodness, faithfulness, gentleness, and selfcontrol (Gal. 5:22). In contemporary practice, discipleship is commonly conceived of in pragmatic, programmatic terms, and sometimes narrowly as a task undertaken by the professional educator. Discipleship “materials”—often slickly produced and aggressively marketed—abound. Classes and curricula, many of them well done, have their place in ecclesial life. But the nurturing of Christian discipleship occurs in the myriad ways in which the Church is Christ’s body in the world, the called-out people of God who worship and pray, serve and forgive, heal and reconcile. Far from a do-it-yourself-project (What book or program or spiritual technique will fix me, bless me, inspire me?), discipleship is the vocation of the whole body as it learns together what it means to show forth the love of God in the world. Discipleship is also cruciform in shape, since abiding in Jesus means keeping the company He kept and following Him to his journey’s end at the cross: “If they persecuted me, they will persecute you” (John 15:20). This is the paradox of the Gospel and the call (and cost) of discipleship: that in suffering there is hope, in sorrow there is rejoicing, in death there is life. Apprenticing ourselves to the master-teacher, abiding in Him always, seeking fruit-bearing lives—in all of this we learn that our joy is complete (John 15:11). References and Resources Bonhoeffer, Dietrich. 2001. Discipleship in Dietrich Bonhoeffer Works. Vol. 4. Edited by Geffrey B. Kelly and John D. Godsey. Minneapolis, MN: Fortress Press. Ford, David. 1997. The Shape of Living: Spiritual Directions for Everyday Life. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Books. Kenneson, Philip D. 1999. Life on the Vine: Cultivating the Fruit of the Spirit in Christian Community. Downers Grove, IL: IVP Books.

—Debra Dean Murphy

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Discipleship in the Digital Age

Discipleship in the Digital Age Discipleship in the digital age refers to spiritual formation or nurturing of individuals in the Christian faith in a way that better prepares them for faith and life in the context of an increasingly technological world.77 While many aspects of discipleship remain constant across time and context, this phrase is used to draw attention to those aspects that may be distinct given some of the psychological, social, spiritual, and ethical influences of digital culture. For example, some argue that digital culture is resulting in changing perceptions of self, community, reality, truth, authority, time, and space, each of which has potential spiritual implications. In addition, individuals in the digital world have increased access to information in a wide variety of forms: text, hypertext, audio, video, and multi-modal. Proponents of discipleship in the digital age, then, argue for cultivating spiritual discernment of messages that are communicated in these many formats. There are three common approaches to discipleship in the digital age: devotional, worldview studies, and participation. The devotional approach, sometimes informed by Acts 17, seeks to use artifacts or examples from digital culture as illustrations and object lessons for spiritual messages (e.g., Paul’s message to the Athenians, which referenced their “idol to an unknown god”). This is often done in an effort to contextualize religious messages in a way that is more easily understood by individuals who are immersed in the digital world. The second area, worldview studies, involves engaging learners in an analysis of emerging ideas, practices, and values in the digital culture, comparing or contrasting them with corresponding teachings in the Christian faith. An example might be helping individuals consider how the Ten Commandments apply to one’s online activity. What are stealing, adultery, and idolatry in online contexts? Doing this challenges individuals to apply the unchanging truths of the Christian worldview to the constantly changing technological world. The third area, participation, refers to examples of active involvement in the digital world, engaging in outreach and discipleship using digital tools or in digital contexts. An example of this last approach is teaching the faith through social networks, traditional websites, or a variety of technology-enhanced teaching methods. References and Resources Bull, Bernard, and Michael Uden. 2010. “Is It OK to Be a Technology Illiterate Teacher of the Faith? ‘No!’” Issues in Christian Education 6: 22–29. 77. Bernard Bull and Michael Uden, “Is It OK to Be a Technology Illiterate Teacher of the Faith? ‘No!’” Issues in Christian Education 6 (2010): 23.

Campbell, Heidi. 2005. Exploring Religious Community Online: We Are One in the Network. New York: P. Lang. ———. 2013. Digital Religion: Understanding Religious Practice in New Media Worlds. Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge. Careaga, Andrew. 2001. Eministry: Connecting with the Net Generation. Grand Rapids, MI: Kregel. Jewell, John P. 2002. New Tools for a New Century: First Steps in Equipping Your Church for the Digital Revolution. Nashville, TN: Abingdon Press. Malphurs, Aubrey, and Michael Malphurs. 2003. Church Next: Using the Internet to Maximize Your Ministry. Grand Rapids, MI: Kregel. Piatt, Christian, and Amy Piatt. 2007. MySpace to Sacred Space: God for a New Generation. St. Louis, MO: Chalice Press. Schultze, Quentin J. 2002. Habits of the High-Tech Heart: Living Virtuously in the Information Age. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Books. Watts, D. Jonathan. 2007. Gospeltelling to a Digital Culture: The Forensic Reconstruction of a Good Story. South Bend, IN: Cloverdale Books.

—Bernard Bull

Discrimination against Christian Education Discrimination is an issue about which there is little intentional study and research in the field of Christian education (CE), or in theological education, for that matter. Therefore, the reflection here aims at serving more as a conceptual approach for guiding future research and study on this problem. Discrimination, as used here, is understood as “the process and/or set of actions executed by a group of people in order to treat unequally and/or to deny access to valuable resources to another group” (Aguirre and Turner 2004, 6). Such discrimination in the context of CE appears in at least three contexts: (1) the ministry of the local church, (2) the pastoral leadership of a congregation, and (3) the theological curriculum. Although the evidence may be anecdotal, it is undeniable that many people involved in CE at any of these levels could tell stories of discrimination, whether of their own or about others. At the congregational level, there is a tacit history of discrimination against a ministry that is often recognized as crucial and important by its leaders, but that in reality is not given the financial support, the organizational infrastructure, or the biblical and educational grounding to make it effective and relevant. If the amount of energy, time, and resources invested in an activity is a sign of the value given to that activity, then it is not hard to prove that there is discrimination against CE. Its treatment as a ministry of the church has been “unequal.” For example,

Discrimination against Christian Education

it is not uncommon to witness “unequal treatment” in the perception of Sunday school teachers as compared with the high regard given to other church officials. In some denominations, strong distinctions have been maintained between the role of the professional educator and that of the pastor, denying CE directors access to employee benefits and ministerial functions reserved for ministers. In too many churches, CE is often denied critical resources to overcome the one-hour Sunday school pattern to which it has been reduced. Christian education directors and Sunday school teachers are usually denied the financial resources and the training opportunities to do their work and to develop as effective church educators. During economic crises, the “trimming” of church ministries and programs at local and denominational levels usually starts with staff and programs related to CE. The fact that this discrimination happens many times unconsciously or unintentionally does not take away the negative effects it has on the overall ministry of a church, nor does it erase the responsibility congregational leaders should assume for it. The function of the pastor as a “teaching elder” or “teaching minister” received some special attention at the close of the 20th century. Biblical and theological arguments were offered to support the thesis that, in light of the various crises facing the church, “teaching the Christian faith is the central task of ministry” and, therefore, ministers should start seeing themselves more as teachers than as church administrators, psychotherapists, or even preachers (Williamson and Allen 1991, 7–9). But, as has also been argued, books on the pastor as an educator have not been as popular as books on the pastor as counselor or manager. And there is research that supports this “unequal treatment” of pastors regarding their function as the leading teachers of CE in the church. In the late 1980s, a national study about the status of CE in Protestant churches, conducted by the Search Institute, found that, in spite of pastors’ expressed commitment to CE, only 62 percent of pastors were involved in programs with adults, only 51 percent were involved in youth education programs, and only 42 percent were involved in children’s education (Roehlkepartan 1993, 112). Through this lack of involvement, many pastors are “denying” their CE directors and their church educators one of the most qualified resources they have at hand: the pastors themselves. This is serious because, in most cases, pastors are the only ones who have seminary education and are the “most knowledgeable of denominational policies, programs and teachings” (Osmer 1990, 205). As a field of study, the status of CE in the academic culture and curriculum of theological schools and semi-

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naries parallels the types of discrimination mentioned above. Christian education as a field of study “tends to be rather lightly regarded” (Burgess 2001, 19). Not few seminary professors, outside and inside the field, attribute this to CE’s natural “bias toward the practical” or, even worse, to the fact that “students majoring in religious education frequently are less academically gifted than those majoring in [Bible or Theology]” (Lee 2000, 248). It is not difficult to document cases in which CE departments have been shrunk to a minimum or even eliminated as a result of seminaries’ economic crises. It is also not difficult to document how hard it is sometimes for professors in the field of CE to obtain tenured positions or to be accepted as scholars by members of other departments. Although this type of discrimination certainly varies from seminary to seminary (e.g., evangelical seminaries tend to offer more CE-related programs and hold them in higher regard than do Protestant seminaries), the “unequal treatment” of the field exists, and even continues to be “concealed.” Certainly there are other forms of discrimination against CE that need to be brought to light, involving the role of denominational structures as well as class, gender, and racial/ethnic issues. In addition to study and more research, the challenge for the unmasking and overcoming of such discrimination will require seminaries, pastors, and congregations to move the teaching of the Christian faith to center stage, which in the end, is what Jesus commanded His disciples to do. References and Resources Aguirre, Adalberto, and Jonathan Turner. 2004. American Ethnicity: The Dynamics and Consequences of Discrimination. 4th ed. Boston: McGraw-Hill. Browning, Robert. 1989. The Pastor as a Religious Educator. Birmingham, AL: Religious Education Press. Burgess, Harold. 2001. Models of Religious Education: Theory and Practice in Historical and Contemporary Perspective. Nappanee, IN: Evangel Publishing House. Lee, James Michael. 2000. Forging a Better Religious Education in the Third Millennium. Birmingham, AL: Religious Education Press. Osmer, Richard. 1990. A Teachable Spirit: Recovering the Teaching Officer in the Church. Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press. Roehlkepartan, Eugene. 1993. The Teaching Church: Moving Christian Education to Center Stage. Nashville, TN: Abingdon Press. Williamson, Clark M., and Ronald J. Allen. 1991. A Credible and Timely Word: Process Theology and Preaching. Atlanta, GA: Chalice Press.

—Fernando Cascante

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Discrimination against Christian Education, Governmental

Discrimination against Christian Education, Governmental Governmental Discrimination Defined To discriminate is to set aside someone or something for different treatment from the remainder of a group. Governmental discrimination against Christian education falls into two categories: that which is unlawful and that which is lawful (and indeed necessary under the law). The distinction between the two is found in the First Amendment of the U.S. Constitution, which provides that the government may not establish an official religion (the establishment clause) nor may it infringe upon any citizen’s free exercise of religion (the free exercise clause).78 These two clauses exist in perpetual tension. Historical Origins The origins of the free exercise and establishment clauses are rooted in the very founding of our nation— primarily in the actions of Virginia during the American Revolution. When the Virginia legislature instructed its delegates to the Continental Congress to seek independence for the American colonies in 1776, the document they drafted stated that “all men are equally entitled to the free exercise of religions, according to the dictates of conscience,” a concept that would be eventually included in the federal constitution as the free exercise clause.79 Three years later, Thomas Jefferson introduced a bill in the Virginia legislature, the Virginia Act for Establishing Religious Freedom, that would limit the exercise of religion. This bill argued that in light of the fact that the God of “both body and mind . . . chose not to propagate [himself] by coercion on either . . . [despite] his power to do so,” then neither should “impious . . . legislators and rulers . . . themselves fallible and uninspired” be permitted to coerce the dictates of another’s religious liberty on the general public.80 Though the bill initially failed, this concept would eventually be included in the federal constitution as the establishment clause.81 Seven years later, in Virginia’s first test of the tension between these two concepts, Patrick Henry introduced a bill which, if enacted, would levy a tax on all citizens, 78. The Federal and State Constitutions, Colonial Charters, and Other Organic Laws of the States, Territories, and Colonies Now or Heretofore Forming the United States of America, ed. Francis Newton Thorpe (Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1907). 79. Ibid.; and From Jamestown to Jefferson: The Evolution of Religious Freedom in Virginia, ed. Paul Rasor and Richard E. Bond. (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2011). 80. Virginia Act for Religious Freedom, reprinted in Church and State in the Modern Age: A Documentary History, ed. J. F. McClear (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995). 81. Challenges to Religious Liberty in the Twenty-First Century, ed. Gerard Bradley (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2012).

the revenue from which would be used to pay teachers of religion.82 Jefferson, now in France, was unable to lead the opposition to the bill. Instead, opposition was led by James Madison, the very man who in 1789 would author the federal Constitution’s free exercise and establishment clauses. Madison eloquently wrote in opposition to Henry’s bill: Whilst we assert for ourselves a freedom to embrace, to profess and to observe the Religion which we believe to be of divine origin, we cannot deny an equal freedom to those whose minds have not yet yielded to the evidence which has convinced us. If this freedom be abused, it is an offence against God, not against man: To God, therefore, not to man, must an account of it be rendered.83

In the end, Madison carried the day. Not only was the bill before the legislature defeated, but the assembly went even further, adopting Thomas Jefferson’s Act for Establishing Religious Freedom, which had been defeated seven years earlier. Modern Iterations and Implications for Christian Education As the free exercise clause clearly protects the activities of Christian educators in private settings (such as churches), governmental discrimination against Christian education tends to appear only where it intersects with actual or apparent governmental authority (such as in public schools). As a general rule, an individual is free to act within the free exercise clause. For example, a public school student who wants to say a prayer for her meal cannot be restrained from doing so.84 Contrast this, however, with the actions of an individual who is a public school teacher and thus acts in many cases with the power of the government behind her. For the teacher, her free exercise must be moderated by the establishment clause when she acts on behalf of the government.85 To avoid the inappropriate exercise of governmental authority, the U.S. Supreme Court has, over time, adopted three tests, each of which, if failed, indicates the impropriety of the activity at issue. The first test, known as the “Lemon Test,” holds that the establishment clause requires that governmental action (1) have a secular pur82. Norine Dickinson Campbell, Patrick Henry: Patriot and Statesman (Old Greenwich, CT: Devin-Adair Company, 1969). 83. James Madison, Memorial and Remonstrance Against Religious Assessments, James Madison Papers, Library of Congress, 28 July 1785. 84. Santa Fe Independent School District v. Doe, 530 U.S. 290, 313 (2000). 85. Policy Guidance on Constitutionally Protected Prayer in Public Elementary and Secondary Schools (Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Education, 7 February 2003).

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pose, (2) not have the primary effect of either advancing or inhibiting religion, and (3) not result in excessive governmental entanglement with religion.86 As an example, under the Lemon Test, the use of public university meeting space by a student group for Bible study was found to be permissible because student use of university space had a public purpose, as its primary effect was neither the advancement nor the inhibition of religion, and it created no excessive entanglement with religion.87 Although there is some debate about whether the Lemon Test has evolved into or been completely displaced by later tests, the predominant approaches to these questions today are the “Endorsement Test” and the “Coercion Test.”88 These tests are best illustrated by the Santa Fe case.89 In Santa Fe, a public school held an election in which students elected a fellow student to offer a prayer at each home football game.90 The Court concluded that the election and the forum for offering the prayers violated the establishment clause, because these actions gave students and spectators the impression that the prayer—including its content—was endorsed by the school and should be accepted by others.91

classrooms and enhance learning (Brookfield and Preskill 2005; Laing 2007).

Conclusion Thus, as a general rule, the government may only discriminate against Christian education if doing so is necessary to avoid what an “objective observer” would view as governmental endorsement/advocacy of religion, endorsement/ advocacy meaning not just favoring one religion over another, but also favoring religion over irreligion.92 —Silas McCormick

Implications for Teaching and Learning Dewey (1938) emphasized the value of experience in learning and the role of learners to critically reflect on the meaning of these experiences. In a healthy dialogue conversation, a subject is allowed to intersect with students’ experiences, and as critical reflection is fostered, different interpretative voices shape the meaning of the subject. A democratic discussion suggests openness to rethinking long-held assumptions so that students are not simply comfortable with boxed information or remaining at the periphery of knowledge. Dialogue encourages fresh thinking, hinders the fossilization of ideas, and forces the creation of new knowledge. Power play or authoritarian teaching invalidates the democratic space of conversation (Freire 1974; Simonaitis 2002). Laing agrees that class discussion can be a “messy and frustrating business” (2007, 63), and that it is more convenient to simply tell students what we know or think. However, he also insists that we cannot undermine the value of discussion, because more learning is actually taking place than we may think.

Discussion as Christian Practice Discussion as a teaching method is often in the repertoire of the teachers’ teaching techniques. But it can also be a frustrating and aimless task. There are teachers who complain that only a few students actively engage in the conversation, or that it is time consuming at the expense of content. Could it be that the problem is that teachers exercise too much power in the discussion? Or that discussion questions are not designed for further learning? Discussion, when effectively facilitated, can enliven 86. Lemon v. Kurtzman, 403 U.S. 602 (1971). 87. Widmar v. Vincent, 454 U.S. 263, 271 (1981). 88. Doe v. Elmbrook School District, 687 F.3d 840 (7th Cir. 2012); Cynthia V. Ward, “Coercion and Choice Under the Establishment Clause,” University of California at Davis Law Review 39 (2006): 1621. 89. Santa Fe Independent School District v. Doe, 530 U.S. 290 (2000). 90. Ibid. 91. Ibid., 308. 92. Kitzmiller v. Dover Area School District, No. 04 CV 2688, p. 11 (M.D. Pa 2005).

Discussion as Theory and Practice In its basic definition, discussion is the practice of group talk. Brookfield and Preskill (2005, 6) describe the practice of discussion as “an alternately serious and playful effort by a group of two or more to share views and engage in mutual and reciprocal critique.”93 Their definition interweaves the complementary concepts of dialogue and conversation. They also argue for the democratic and critical nature of the practice of discussion. Freire (1974) has long advocated the creation of democratic learning spaces and has delineated the horizontal and co-intentional nature of dialogue. Palmer (1998, 102) adds that “truth-learning in community” is best facilitated when learners and teachers pose as a circle of knowers with the subject matter at the center of the circle. In the process of understanding a subject, the teacher holds back his or her own thoughts and manages the discussion. Discussion is conceptualized with the learners and their learning in mind.

The Challenge to Christian Educators Christian education is premised on a biblical worldview, and Christian educators are perceived to be experts in this discipline. The scheme of truth-telling has thrived in most 93. Brookfield and Preskill (2005, 247–262) rely on three traditions to inform the practice of discussion, namely, structuralist analysis, poststructuralism, and repressive tolerance.

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of our classrooms, and so in these learning spaces, students often feel inhibited about voicing different and opposing views, because teachers are assumed to have the last word. Discussion should be a hospitable learning space in which students or the community of faith can actively engage with the issues of the faith, participate in the formation of new understanding, and together bring a robust and relevant perspective to the implications of these faith constructs for personal growth. Susan Simonaitis (2002, 101) wisely reminds Christian educators that “religious worlds and theological systems” are human responses to experiences of the sacred, and as human constructs they are also “complex, robust, powerful, persuasive and problematic” and therefore subject to rethinking and critique. The goal of Christian education is nurture and life transformation. Discussion is one of the best ways to nurture growth in reflective thinking, because it is premised on the idea that only through collaboration and cooperation with others can we challenge the deeper and more significant implications of our faith. References and Resources Brookfield, Stephen D., and Stephen Preskill. 2005. Discussion as a Way of Teaching: Tools and Techniques for Democratic Classrooms. 2nd ed. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Dewey, John. 1938. Experience and Education. New York: Collier Books. Freire, Paulo. 1974. Education for Critical Consciousness. New York: Continuum. Freire, Paulo, and Donaldo Macedo. 1995. “A Dialogue: Culture, Language, and Race.” Harvard Educational Review 65 (3): 377–402. Laing, D. 2007. “Nurturing Discussion in the Classroom.” In Teaching, Learning, Assessing: A Guide for Effective Teaching at College and University, edited by K. Smith, 58–77. Oakville, ON: Mosaic Press. Palmer, Parker J. 1998. The Courage to Teach. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Shor, Ira, and Paulo Freire. 1987. “What Is the ‘Dialogical Method’ of Teaching?” Journal of Education 169 (3): 11–31. Simonaitis, Susan M. 2002. “Teaching as Conversation.” In The Scope of Our Art: The Vocation of the Theological Teacher, edited by L. Gregory Jones and Stephanie Paulsell, 99–119. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans.

—Joanna Soberano

Dissenting Academies At the beginning of the 17th century in England, three educational systems were prominent: the university, the grammar school, and the elementary school. All these schools were an extension of the church; their curriculum

was dictated by that connection. As a result of this association, these schools were established to train clergymen for ministry. The Dissenting Academies were established to provide Protestant students dissenting from the Church of England with an education similar to that at Oxford and Cambridge. The Dissenting Academies were largely the result of the conformity legislation of 1662. With the passing of the Act of Uniformity, schoolmasters and teachers, in both private and public schools, were required to conform to the liturgy established by law and to obtain a license from the respective archbishop, bishop, or ordinary of the diocese. As a result, the conformity legislation accentuated the differences between the orthodox schools and those academies established by nonconformists, primarily the Puritans. After further legislation was passed, including the Five Mile Act of 1665, which fined nonconformist teachers £40 pounds for teaching without church approval, the Dissenters were inspired to support two important truths: the liberty of conscience and a free liberal education. The church attempted to limit the impact of the Dissenting Academies with strict legislation; however, the new laws only increased the effect of the Dissenting Academies. Three main factors led to the prominence of the Dissenting Academies from the 1660s through the 1800s. First, nonconformist ministers and laymen would not allow their sons to go to the universities that subscribed to the Act of Uniformity. Second, with the ejection of the nonconformist teachers, most of the efficient and progressive teachers who were trained at Oxford and Cambridge were removed from the Catholic schools. Third, parents wanted their children to receive the best possible education. With the best teachers leaving for the Dissenting Academies, the majority of students were drawn to these educational institutions. The Dissenting Academies taught students in the fields of theology, philosophy, literature, and science. They have been considered the greatest schools of their day. During a period when grammar schools were struggling and the universities were sterile, the Dissenting Academies were not only surviving but were active and thriving. In a time when the education centers were failing the goals established by their founders, the Dissenting Academies effectively instructed the youth of England. In the 19th century, the academies were rendered obsolete by the founding of University of London and the provincial universities, which were open to Dissenters, and by the eventual reform of Oxford and Cambridge. References and Resources Parker, Irene. 1914. Dissenting Academies in England: Their Rise and Progress and their Place Among the Educational

Diverse Media, Computers, and Social Networking

Systems of the Country. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Rivers, Isabel, and David Wykes. 2011. “Dr. Williams’s Centre for Dissenting Studies.” http://www.english.qmul.ac.uk/ drwilliams/academies.html.

—Andrew Burggraff

Diverse Media, Computers, and Social Networking The rise of the personal computer, linked with the advent of the Internet, afforded a host of new innovations in computer software and networking that influence current Christian education in both formal and informal settings. The resulting explosion of computers, and the means by which to connect them electronically to each other, initiated a host of new educational efforts. In particular, the advent of online instruction introduced an accompanying interest in constructivist educational practices, as well as spiritual formation, within virtual environments.94 Alongside the networking of personal computers, other technology, including video games and mobile technology, provides similar opportunities to network with friends and strangers alike. Within the networked computer environment, participants connect to share vital information or engage in lighthearted play. The weblog, or blogging, allows for both self-expression as well as interactive engagement with strangers and peers. Research has demonstrated both the benefits and frivolity of blogging, which replicates older forms of narrative, like memoires or journals, but with distinct differences. The immediate feedback and the “presentism” of initial posts (in which people must “look back” for historical data rather than follow a memoir from beginning to end) result in a different narration of the self. Networked engagement provides Christian educators with unique challenges, since traditional narratives, including the scriptures, often must be “reverse engineered” to mirror the experience of blogging.95 Nevertheless, blogging has opened other avenues of disclosure using methods of “digital storytelling” that also allows learners to offer more completed narratives as a framework for social interaction and collaborative 94. Rita-Marie Conrad and J. Ana Donaldson, Engaging the Online Learner (San Francisco: Jossey-Bass, 2004); Mark A. Maddix, James R. Estep, and Mary E. Lowe, eds., Best Practices of Online Education: A Guide for Christian Higher Education (Charlotte, NC: Information Age Publishing, 2012); and Rena M. Palloff and Keith Pratt, Building Online Learning Communities: Effective Strategies for the Virtual Classroom, 2nd ed. (San Francisco: Jossey-Bass, 2007). 95. Dean Blevins, “Story Telling or Storied Telling? Media’s Pedagogical Ability to Shape Narrative as a Form of “Knowing,” Religious Education 102, no. 3 (Summer 2007): 250–263.

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engagement.96 In addition, creative models of information building, using Wiki technology, signal new avenues of learning.97 The second major phenomenon involves the world of video gaming. Gamers, using either computers or gaming consoles, connect and participate in massive online games. These role playing games (RPG) may take competitive forms, like first person shooter games. Other networked environments include more participatory, and collaborative, forms of games or alternative realities, like the virtual worlds touted in Second Life. Some of the constructivist games incorporate a sense of transcendence or religiosity as part of the engagement.98 Participants may adopt different personas, yet also engage in constructive and imaginative forms of creation and production. Within these virtual environments, traditional forms of gaming and work prove interchangeable, when business and education adopt the environment to conduct networked board meetings or educational processes.99 Christian educators might feel reluctant to adopt virtual environments, particularly since many participants adopt virtual personae (avatars) that are different from themselves and in certain settings engage in questionable practices.100 However, as James Gee observes, gaming environments often include a particular educational logic that invites constructive engagement, with a deep sense of collaboration, that results in a new form of “literacy” or means of navigating social spheres.101 Ultimately, Christian educators will discover students who have developed alternative learning methods based on their interactions with gaming.102 Mobile technology, the fastest growing expression of networked engagement through voice and data exchange, may offer additional forms of social networks.103 Already 96. Joe Lambert, Digital Storytelling: Capturing Lives, Creating Community, 2nd ed. (Berkley, CA: Digital Dinner Press, [2002], 2006). 97. Peter Pericles Trifonas, Learning the Virtual Life: Public Pedagogy in a Digital World (London: Routledge, 2012). 98. Mark Hayse, “Toward a Theological Understanding of the Religious Significance of Videogames,” Common Ground Journal 7, no. 2 (April 2010): 68–80. 99. Feihong Wang and John K. Burton, “Second Life in Education: A Review of Publications from Its Launch to 2011,” British Journal of Educational Technology 44, no. 3 (May 2013): 357–371. 100. Kevin Schut, “Evangelicals’ Quest to Find God’s Place in Games,” in Understanding Evangelical Media: The Changing Face of Christian Communication, ed. Quentin J. Schultze and Robert H. Woods Jr. (Downers Grove, IL: IVP Academic, 2008), 198–209. 101. James Paul Gee, What Video Games Have to Teach Us about Learning and Literacy, rev. and updated (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007), 37–43. 102. Brian M. Slator and Associates, Electric Worlds in the Classroom: Teaching and Learning with Role-Based Computer Games (New York: Teachers College Press, 2006). 103. Alejandro Echeverría, Miguel Nussbaum, Juan Felipe Calderón, Claudio Bravo, Cristián Infante, and Andrea Vásquez, “Face-to-Face Collaborative Learning Supported by Mobile Phones,” Interactive Learning Environments 19, no. 4 (September 2011): 351–363; Maximizing Mobile:

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participants can play games or exchange information based strictly on the use of global positioning devices (GPS). In addition, people can play games using mobile applications (apps) that superimpose game imagery upon a local landscape through the combination of the phone’s camera and data overlay.104 These mobile devices (phones, watches, even eyeglasses) provide unique models of social networking without the necessity of using a computer or gaming device. As this field continues to grow, Christian educators will need to develop methods for utilizing the technology in learning environments. Many congregations and ministries have already integrated text messaging (a mobile phone phenomenon based on e-mail technology), including “real-time” educational and preaching events. Other innovations will surely follow. While the future of individual technology seems to be expanding at an incredible rate (so much so that representative illustrations in this entry will shortly become dated), there is one other phenomenon that Christian educators should consider. Harry Jenkins notes that often social networking develops around the existence of traditional media (film, television, or publications) by extending the process in another mediated form.105 Reality show television presentations invoke networks that attempt to “spoil” the end of the shows’ competition through collaborative studies. What might have been traditional fan clubs become interactive e-publishing concerns through the use of blogging to extend story lines.106 The presence of these communities “converging” on multiple media forms to collectively build social networks presents an opportunity for development for future Christian educators. Future models of education may have to be multivalent and interactive, combining gaming, narrative engagement, and mobile flexibility in one setting. Recent educational experiments with massive open online courses (MOOCs) may offer a glimpse into highly interactive, social combinations of technology, media, and group participation.107 These possibilities may challenge more traditional educational models, but also open the door for enhanced flexibility and creativity in the future. Ultimately, the diverse explosion of digital technology may influence a number of key religious practices, in2012 Information and Communications for Development 2012 (Washington, DC: World Bank 2012). 104. Bob Godwin-Jones, “Messaging, Gaming, Peer-to-Peer Sharing: Language Learning Strategies & Tools for the Millennial Generation,” Language Learning & Technology 9, no. 1 (January 2005): 17–22. 105. Henry Jenkins, Convergence Culture: Where Old and New Media Collide, updated (New York: New York University Press, 2006). 106. Ibid., 25–58, 175–216. 107. Sir John Daniel, “Making Sense of MOOCs: Musings in the Maze of Myth, Paradox, and Possibility,” Academic Partnerships (September 2012), http://blog4222.blogspot.com/2012/09/making-sense-of-moocs-musingsin-maze.html (accessed 13 June 2013).

cluding ritual, identity, community, authority, and even the nature of religion itself.108 Christian educators may find themselves engaging in a host of conversations about networked communities. References and Resources Blevins, Dean. 2007. “Story Telling or Storied Telling? Media’s Pedagogical Ability to Shape Narrative as a Form of “Knowing.” Religious Education 102 (3): 250–263. Campbell, Heidi A., ed. 2013. Digital Religion: Understanding Religious Practice in New Media Worlds. London: Routledge. Conrad, Rita-Marie, and J. Ana Donaldson. 2004. Engaging the Online Learner. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Daniel, Sir John. 2012. “Making Sense of MOOCs: Musings in the Maze of Myth, Paradox, and Possibility.” Academic Partnerships (September). Accessed 13 June 2013. http:// blog4222.blogspot.com/2012/09/making-sense-of-moocs -musings-in-maze.html. Echeverría, Alejandro, Miguel Nussbaum, Juan Felipe Calderón, Claudio Bravo, Cristián Infante, and Andrea Vásquez. 2011. “Face-to-Face Collaborative Learning Supported by Mobile Phones.” Interactive Learning Environments 19 (4): 351–363. Gee, James Paul. 2007. What Video Games Have to Teach Us about Learning and Literacy. Revised and updated. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Godwin-Jones, Bob. 2005. “Messaging, Gaming, Peer-to-Peer Sharing: Language Learning Strategies & Tools for the Millennial Generation.” Language Learning & Technology 9 (1): 17–22. Hayse, Mark. 2010. “Toward a Theological Understanding of the Religious Significance of Videogames.” Common Ground Journal 7 (2): 68–80. Jenkins, Henry. 2006. Convergence Culture: Where Old and New Media Collide. Updated edition. New York: New York University Press. Lambert, Joe. 2006. Digital Storytelling: Capturing Lives, Creating Community. 2nd ed. Berkley, CA: Digital Dinner Press. Maddix, Mark A., James R. Estep, and Mary E. Lowe, eds. 2012. Best Practices of Online Education: A Guide for Christian Higher Education. Charlotte, NC: Information Age Publishing. Palloff, Rena M., and Keith Pratt. 2007. Building Online Learning Communities: Effective Strategies for the Virtual Classroom. 2nd ed. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Schut, Kevin. 2008. “Evangelicals’ Quest to Find God’s Place in Games.” In Understanding Evangelical Media: The Changing Face of Christian Communication, edited by Quentin J. Schultze and Robert H. Woods Jr., 198–209. Downers Grove, IL: IVP Academic. 108. Heidi A Campbell, ed., Digital Religion: Understanding Religious Practice in New Media Worlds (London: Routledge, 2013).

Dominicans

Slator, Brian M., and Associates. 2006. Electric Worlds in the Classroom: Teaching and Learning with Role-Based Computer Games. New York: Teachers College Press. Trifonas, Peter Pericles, ed. 2012. Learning the Virtual Life: Public Pedagogy in a Digital World. London: Routledge. 2012 Information and Communications for Development: Maximizing Mobile. 2012. Washington, DC: World Bank. Wang, Feihong, and John K. Burton. 2013. “Second Life in Education: A Review of Publications from its Launch to 2011.” British Journal of Educational Technology 44 (3): 357–371.

—Dean Blevins

Doctrines, Instruction in The term doctrine (Latin doctrina) is derived from the Greek word didaskō (“to instruct,” “to teach”). The term doctor is related to didaskō, and thus didaskalos is attested in the equivalent sense of teacher (cf. Luke 2:46, 5:17; Acts 5:34). Doctrine can denote both the act of teaching and the content of what is taught (cf. Deut. 32:2; Job 11:4; Prov. 4:2; Isa. 28:9, 29:24; Jer. 10:8; Matt. 7:28, 15:9; Mark 1:22, 4:2; John 7:16–17; Acts 2:42, 13:12; Rom. 16:17; 1 Tim. 4:13, 16, 5:17; 2 Tim. 3:10, 16, 4:3; Rev. 2:14–15, 24). Instruction in doctrines is the impartation of information. The word doctrine connotes (1) one who is instructed and (2) the knowledge presupposed of the teacher. Especially with regard to the second aspect, in the context of practical arts and crafts, the example of the teacher forms an integral relationship between the ability and knowledge of the learner. Therefore, doctrine is the impartation of specific content, within a context of continued and persistent activity, whereby a learner assimilates and systematizes fundamental instruction. Instruction in doctrines, that is, “sound words” and “the doctrine conforming to godliness” as revealed by God in His holy and inspired Word, is of tremendous importance to the Christian educator (cf. 1 Tim. 6:3–5). The inspiration of scripture means that the Bible contains the very words that God intended; thus it is essential to provide instruction in doctrine. Christian educators must not only claim to value the Bible, but also indeed provide instruction in doctrines. Educators instruct in the doctrines of scripture with the expectation of witnessing transformation in the lives of those students who receive its teaching. There are four biblical classifications for doctrine. First, the doctrines of the Pharisees were based on a rather condensed and specific foundation of teaching, in addition to including authoritarian traditions, such as the Talmud. Pharisaic doctrine was greatly revered and thus transmitted from one generation of teachers to another. Second, the doctrines of Christ were in contrast to the

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teachings of the Pharisees, and the Lord opposed those doctrines of theirs that were humanly contrived and oppressive to the populace (e.g., Matt. 16:1–12; Mark 7:6–13; Luke 11:39–52; John 8:31–47). He also affirmed the Old Testament as instruction from God Himself and refuted the erroneous instruction regarding its doctrine (e.g., Matt. 15:1–20). Jesus taught based on His character (e.g., Luke 7:36–50), power (John 10:25–38), and sovereignty (Matt. 25:31–46). Third, the apostolic doctrine consisted of Christ’s teaching and eyewitness testimony concerning Jesus (John 14:25–26; 1 John 1:1–4). Moreover, the apostles taught that salvation was by faith in Jesus and “no one else” (Acts 4:12). The apostolic instruction was based on the Old Testament revelation (Acts 2:14–36, 5:29–32, 7:2–53). Fourth, the epistolary doctrine provides the interpretation and application of the apostolic message, which would include Romans through Revelation (in canonical order). The epistolary instruction provides the meaning of the life, death, and resurrection of Christ (the book of Revelation forming the consummation of this doctrine, as it reveals the climax of God’s redemptive plans for the world). References and Resources Downs, Perry G. 1994. Teaching for Spiritual Growth: An Introduction to Christian Education. Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan. Edge, Findley B. 1995. Teaching for Results. Rev. ed. Nashville, TN: Broadman & Holman. Gangel, Kenneth O., and Howard G. Hendricks, eds. 1988. The Christian Educator’s Handbook on Teaching. Wheaton, IL: Victor. LeBar, Lois E. 1995. Education That Is Christian. Wheaton, IL: Victor.

—Ron J. Bigalke

Dominicans The Order of Friars Preachers, or the Dominicans, was born during a 13th-century upsurge of evangelical fervor and mission activity, which pressed for the renewal of the church from within and without official ecclesial sanctions and structures. In 1206, founder Dominic of Guzman (1170–1221) found himself deeply involved in preaching Christian doctrine against particular forms of dualism, the heretical teaching of the Albigensians and Cathars, while traveling through southern France with Diego, his bishop from Osma, in Spain. These heterodox Gnostic groups posited a universal conflict between good and evil, the material and spiritual, winning converts through their popular preaching, pastoral care, and ascetic way of life. This posed a number

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of challenges to official doctrine and practice, creating an urgent need for an educated and devoted clergy, which was made all the more pressing by the emergence of an increasingly articulate, critical laity. Dominic’s spiritually and intellectually rigorous response to these heretical groups, his “holy preaching,” was the inspiration for the founding of the Dominicans as an order dedicated to embodying the apostolic mission of the Gospel within a movement of itinerant, mendicant preachers. The Dominicans were a movement of traveling preachers who vowed to imitate what they pictured as the simple way of humility, obedience, and poverty: the evangelical life characterizing the preaching ministry of Jesus according to Luke 10. In 1215, the bishop of Toulouse, in southern France, issued a document in support of the newly formed band of preachers that instituted Dominic and his companions as preacher to root out heresy, drive out vices, teach the rule of faith, and instill right morals. In 1216, the order was approved as an Order of Preachers but was neither confined to any diocese nor dependent on any bishop for its mandate to preach. The order became known for being founded initially for the sake of preaching and the salvation of souls, and every concern of the order’s life and organization was to be primarily and passionately directed to this all-important goal. The Dominicans were not simply people who were available for the task of preaching as might be needed, but by right and definition were a particular type of order who earned their living by preaching and pastoral care, pursuing a life of prayer and study to become living instruments of the Word. The Dominicans were unique as a guild of preachers whose purpose was to preach by learning to craft words in service of the divine Word. Their preached words provided the tools for a learning and eloquence that would act as a purging fire for all those who had fallen into error, but for all the indifferent faithful they would serve as instruments of renewal and reform. Sharing in the agitations and miseries of growing cities and urban dwellers, the preaching friars sought to embody the apostolic and missionary dimensions of the Gospel as both a message and a way of life. Joining serious study and following the way of Christ with a commitment to poverty, humility, and dependence on the grace of the Holy Spirit, they were a mission of evangelization and catechesis that aimed to bridge the gap between learned preachers and uneducated listeners. Uniting the ministry of the Word with hearing confessions, the Order was shaped by theological, spiritual, and moral wisdom embodied by a community of preachers guided by the gift of holy teaching and moved by the virtue of charity to mediate the truth of Christianity to all walks of life.

Doubt

References and Resources Bennett, R. F. 1971. The Early Dominicans: Studies in Thirteenth-Century Dominican History. Cambridge, England: Russell & Russell. Hinnebusch, William A. 1961. The History of the Dominican Order. Staten Island, NY: Alba House. Tugwell, Simon, ed. 1982. Early Dominicans: Selected Writings. New York: Paulist Press.

—Michael Pasquarello III

Doubt Religious doubt takes on many different forms. Some people doubt God because they want to believe but do not dare to or do not find it easy to believe. Others doubt God because they believe but do not want to (Guinness 1976, 9–10). Some doubt because they wrestle with philosophies and ideas contrary to their faith, or because they encounter certain experiences that contradict their beliefs. Doubt is not primarily an obscure philosophical or theological concept, nor simply a state of spiritual or psychological anguish; it is a matter of truth—knowing who God really is and whether we can trust Him (Guinness 1976, 10). Doubt involves questions such as “Is God real?” “How can I be sure?” “Does God love me?” “Is Jesus Christ the only way to salvation?” Doubt is a universal experience, regardless of religious belief or stage of life. It is included in faith, even mature faith, as a structural feature (Creel 1977, 81). This means Christians are not immune to doubt. John Calvin explained that faith is not untouched by doubt nor assailed by no worry (Calvin 2009, 181). Rather, Christians battle a lack of confidence because of the imperfection of our faith (Calvin 2009, 182). The existence of doubt does not imply the absence of faith, but rather is a continual reminder of our sinful nature, which hinders us from knowing God perfectly. This is why Augustine asserts that Christians love God by faith now but will love him by sight in the new creation (Augustine 1961, 140). In the eschaton, sin will no longer create a barrier between us and God, for we will see God for who He truly is. Christians should therefore not be surprised when they or their loved ones encounter seasons of doubt. We are broken and sinful people, who live in a broken and sinful world. Christians should aim to understand doubt and how to rightly address it. As Guinness explains, doubt can act as a “sparring partner both to truth and error” (1976, 36). While doubt may hinder us from embracing the truth, it can also aid us in deflecting lies and therefore grow in our faith. This means there is a positive element of doubt, for the Christian. By wrestling with and through doubt, Christians can become more assured of the truth and who God is. Scripture explains that the “testing of

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[our] faith produces perseverance,” and that perseverance renders us “mature and complete” (James 1:2–4). Doubt can therefore be instrumental in the perfection of our faith and should be battled courageously. Creel (1977) explains that self-conscious faith “is an act of courage, a daring affirmation of one’s deepest desires.” This does not mean, however, that one simply believes whatever one hopes to be true. Rather, true faith wrestles to affirm what the biblical faith holds to be true, despite one’s spiritual and psychological anguish. The Christian cannot do this alone. Doubt is best addressed in the context of Christian community. As Dietrich Bonhoeffer explained, the Christian “needs his brother solely because of Jesus Christ. The Christ in his own heart is weaker than the Christ in the word of his brother; his own heart is uncertain, his brother’s is sure” (1954, 23). The goal of Christian education is to nurture and strengthen faith. It is therefore a fundamental tool in instilling and restoring to believers confidence in God. References and Resources Augustine. 1961. Enchiridion on Faith, Hope, and Love. Washington, DC: Regnery Publishing. Bonhoeffer, Dietrich. 1954. Life Together. San Francisco: HarperCollins. Calvin, John. 2009. Institutes of the Christian Religion (1541 ed.). Translated by Elsie Anne McKee. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. Creel, Richard E. 1977. Religion and Doubt: Toward a Faith of Your Own. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall. Denbeaux, Fred. 1960. The Art of Christian Doubt. New York: Association Press. Guinness, Os. 1976. In Two Minds: The Dilemma of Doubt & How to Resolve It. Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press. Helfaer, Philip M. 1982. The Pyschology of Religious Doubt. Boston: Beacon Press.

—Kevin P. Emmert

Durrow Monastery Columba (Columcille, Dove of the Church) founded the Durrow Monastery, in County Offaly, in the Midlands of Ireland, probably between 585 and 589. The eighthcentury English monk Venerable Bede observed that Columba had established Durrow before he left Ireland for Britain. The earliest recorded evidence, however, from Adomnan, the biographer of Columba, is that the founding of the monastery took place when the saint was visiting in Ireland from Britain and during the abbacy of Alither, in Clonmacnoise. Alither was abbot between 585 and 599. The monastic site is situated in the demesne of Durrow Abbey, between Kilbeggan and Tullamore, County Offaly. In ancient times, this was a strategic location on

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the Slighe Mhór on the line of the gravelly, Eiscir Riada. The name in its Irish form, Dairmag, means “The place of oakwood.” Recent scholarship holds that a branch of the Uí Néill dynasty related to Columba arrogated the land. This suggests that the monastery represented not only the enlargement of the Columban “familia,” but also politically the extension of the authority of the northern Uí Néills. At this point, Columba appears to have been well established in Britain, and the foundation of Durrow is indicative of his ongoing role in the affairs of his native land. Following the foundation of the monastery, Columba returned to Iona, leaving the monk Laisrén, a close relative, in charge of the building of the center, with instructions on how it was to be constructed. In a well-known story from Adomnan, we learn that Columba, living in Iona at the time, wept at the stringent demands made upon the monks by Laisrén in the building of the monastery. Such was the spiritual power attributed to Columba, that Laisrén was said to have ordered the monks to cease work, contemporaneously with his kinsman’s vision. Durrow grew in power as a monastic settlement. A notable synod convened at Mag Léna in 630 to discuss the observance of Easter, was situated near Durrow, or in its neighborhood. According to Bede, many other monasteries had been established in Britain and Ireland from Iona and Durrow. Little is known of the settlement in the Middle Ages. It had a large secular population, and the annals record a pitched battle between Durrow and Clonmacnoise, another monastic town, in 746, in which the former lost 200 men. The conflict arose over which section of the Uí Néills would succeed Domnall Midi. Monasteries seem to have willingly participated in such battles. Later, in 1095, the Annals of Ulster record the burning of many churches, among them Durrow with its books. This may well account for the paucity of information about it extant today. After the Reformation and the dissolution of the monasteries, the church at Durrow became a parish church. It continued as such until the last decades of the 19th century, when a new church and graveyard were provided for the members of the Church of Ireland in the nearby village. There are some important artifacts connected with the monastery at Durrow. The most significant is the Book of Durrow, one of the finest examples of Irish illuminated manuscripts. Mystery surrounds its provenance, with most scholars favoring an early to mid-seventh-century date and a Northumbrian or Ionian origin. It has been confidently located in Durrow, between 877–916 and the early 12th century. The book contains an illuminated manuscript of the Latin Vulgate version of the Gospels and is now kept in the library of Trinity College Dublin. It is a testimony to the importance of scripture in the life of the monastic schools, as well as the artistic brilliance of the monks. Another important artifact is the very impressive High Cross,

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which has now been moved into the renovated church. This contains stories from the Old and New Testament: the themes of the Crucifixion and Resurrection are the focus of the west and east faces of the cross. One of the unique features is the depiction of the humans and the focus on their emotions. The High Cross provides eloquent preaching material in an oracular society. References and Resources Anderson, A. O., and M. O. Anderson, eds. and trans. 1991. Adomnan’s Life of Columba. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Bede. 1969. Bede’s Ecclesiastical History of the English People. Edited and translated by B. Colgrave and R. A. B. Mynors. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Herbert, M. 1988. Iona, Kells, and Derry: The History and Hagiography of the Monastic Familia of Columba. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Mac Irt, S., and G. Mac Niocaill, eds. and trans. 1983. The Annals of Ulster. Dublin: Dublin Institute of Advanced Studies. Meehan, B. 1996. The Book of Durrow: A Medieval Masterpiece at Trinity College Dublin. Dublin: Townhouse and Country House. O’Brien, Elizabeth. 2012. “Rediscovering Columba’s Monastery at Durrow, Co. Offaly.” In A Carnival of Learning, edited by Peter Harbison and Valerie Hall, 111–124. Roscrea, Ireland: Cistercian Press. Smyth, A. P. 1989. Warlords and Holy Men: Scotland, AD 80–1000. Edinburgh, Edinburgh University Press.

—Robert Jennings

Dykstra, Craig Early Background and Education The Reverend Doctor Craig Dykstra, of Dutch descent, is an American theologian and professor as well as an ordained minister in the Presbyterian Church (U.S.). Dr. Dykstra earned a master of divinity from Princeton Seminary, where he also received a PhD, magna cum laude, in moral theology and Christian education. During his career in teaching and pastoral ministry, Dykstra served as Thomas W. Synnott Professor of Christian Education at Princeton Theological Seminary (where he was also editor of Theology Today), associate professor of Christian education at Louisville Presbyterian Theological Seminary, and assistant minister of Westminster Church of Detroit. As of 2014, he is research professor of practical theology and senior fellow in leadership education at Duke Divinity School. Significant Contributions to Christian Education In 1989, Dr. Dykstra began a 23-year tenure as senior vice president for religion at Lilly Endowment, where he led

its religion grant-making program. In that role, Dykstra helped to fund significant research, writing, and on-theground practical experiments in Christian education and formation. Perhaps most notably, Dykstra was pivotal in supporting “theological programs for high school youth,” which many theological schools adopted, and programs for the “theological exploration of vocation,” which continue at more than a hundred colleges and universities across the United States. Early in his writing career, Dykstra raised questions about whether the then-reigning developmental psychology-based approaches provided an adequate theoretical framework for the conception and practice of Christian education.109 Responding to Christian educational approaches based on the contemporary moral development110 and the faith development111 theories, Dykstra argues that they leave out significant dimensions of what it means to be moral or to be a person of faith according to Christian tradition. He posits that Christian education needs to pay attention to the complex character of the life of faith; to the many dimensions of the church’s ministry; and to the manifold resources of the Christian tradition in determining what communities of faith and educators actually need to do to nurture children, youth, and adults in the life of faith. To that end, Dykstra offers a constructive reframing of Christian education around the concept of “Christian practices” and a focus on Christian faith as a way of life.112 He includes 14 Christian practices, among them worshipping God corporately, praying and interpreting the scriptures together, confessing our sin and being forgiven, participating in acts of service, working for justice, and providing hospitality.113 Dykstra has collaborated with Dorothy Bass to publish a series of books and articles on practicing the life of faith individually and communally. They include such practices as hospitality, keeping the Sabbath, forgiveness, and saying “yes” and “no” as essential components of a lively faith.114 Bass and Dykstra also coedited For Life Abundant: Practical Theology, Theologi109. Craig Dykstra, Vision and Character: A Christian Educator’s Alternative to Kohlberg (Mahwah, NJ: Paulist Press, 1981). 110. See Lawrence Kohlberg, Stage and Sequence: The CognitiveDevelopmental Approach to Socialization (New York: Rand McNally, 1969). Other resources include Kohlberg, “Moral Stages and Moralization: The Cognitive-Developmental Approach,” Moral Development and Behavior: Theory, Research, and Social Issues 1 (1976): 31–53. 111. James W. Fowler, Stages of Faith: The Psychology of Human Development (San Francisco: HarperCollins, 1995). See Dykstra’s critique in Craig Dykstra and Sharon Parks, eds., Faith Development and Fowler (Birmingham, AL: Religious Education Press, 1986), ch. 2, “What Is Faith?” and ch. 11, “Religious Education and Faith Development.” 112. Craig Dykstra, Growing in the Life of Faith: Education and Christian Practices, 2nd ed. (Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press, 2005). 113. Ibid., 42–43. 114. More information and additional resources by Bass and Dykstra (and others) regarding Christian practices, Christian education, and practical theology can be found at http://www.practicingourfaith.org/books.

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cal Education, and Christian Ministry, in which they and a number of other authors open a window on what the “new” practical theology has begun to look like. Most Notable Publications For Life Abundant: Practical Theology, Theological Education, and Christian Ministry. 2008. Edited by Dorothy Bass and Craig Dykstra. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans.

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Growing in the Life of Faith: Education and Christian Practices. 2005. 2nd ed. Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press. Practicing Our Faith: A Way of Life for a Searching People. 2010. 2nd ed. Edited by Dorothy Bass, chs. 1, 14, and 15. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Vision and Character: A Christian Educator’s Alternative to Kohlberg. 2008. Reprint. Eugene, OR: Wipf & Stock.

—Bryce Hantla

E Early Christian Education, Jewish Influence on Within the milieu of the Jewish and Greco-Roman educational practices of the first century AD, the fledgling Christian church needed to determine what strategies to adopt to equip its members to fulfill its mandate. It seems certain that the church assumed a continuity with the educational philosophy and methods of the Old Testament (OT) Hebraic covenantal community and Jewish developments in the intertestamental period, first moderated by an understanding of the extent to which Jesus its Lord either reaffirmed or negated the earlier practices, then applied into their cultural context. Insights from Greco-Roman educational philosophy were considered when they were perceived not to be in conflict with these principles and practices. Educational Goals and Outcomes The primary focus of education in the OT Hebraic and Jewish eras before Christ was on covenant faithfulness and holiness. The Israelites needed to be trained in the effective service of God in the whole of life and relationships, at the national, tribal, and household levels, and as a lifelong process. Of course they were always prone to deviate, and Jesus’s approach to discipleship and kingdom community living demonstrated passionate concern for a reformation of these essential and enduring values of the OT covenant. In the early church, these same covenant values were effectively reflected in the goal of education for both individuals and the corporate faith communities: holistic maturity in Jesus Christ, encapsulated especially in the term commonly used by the aostle Paul, oikodomeō (building-up, or edification) and its cognates.1 1. See Education, Paul’s Concept of.

Whom Education Was For In the pre-Christian era Hebraic and Jewish communities, children and adults normatively participated meaningfully, fully, and often together in expressing their covenant relationship—and adults and children alike continued to need to be challenged, encouraged, and nurtured to fulfill the perceived rights they had and to enhance their significant contributions in the community. Jesus reinforced this inclusiveness through his unique teaching style, which demonstrated an ability and willingness to reach out to all people, including the ordinary and marginalized. And again, early Christian education was benchmarked on similar principles. Educational Curriculum In the pre-Christian era Hebraic and Jewish communities, educational content centered on the revelation of the ethical/moral and spiritual standards expressed in the Torah, so systematic understanding and application of the Hebrew scriptures dominated the curriculum. Language comprehension, numeracy, and “liberal arts” subjects had a place only as a means to the end of better appreciating the covenant expectations. In the early church, the educational curriculum similarly focused on the development of whole-of-life commitment to God’s covenant standards, revealed through the scriptures and revitalized by Jesus’s radical reaffirmation of their intent. Three integrated strands of educational intervention are recognizable, for knowledge of the basis of the Christian faith, maturing personhood, and corporate community identity. Educational Environments The settings for Hebraic education were fascinatingly varied, ranging from formal teaching to daily experiences, and capitalized on the cycle of Sabbath and religious festivals.

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The primary institution for education was the multigenerational kinship household, which provided scope to express the informal and informal strategies best suited to enhancing values and attitudinal change for spiritual formation. What is noticeably absent in the OT is the learning environment we recognize as school. The intertestamental period saw the rise of the Jewish school system, based on the synagogue and primarily for males: the elementary beth hasepher (“house of the book”) and the beth hammidrash (“house of study”) for prospective scribes and scholars. But while the temple, synagogue, and school became important institutions by Jesus’s time, they never surpassed the training role of the kinship-based household. Despite the availability of other options, the primary setting for early Christian education continued to be the household (oikos, a root of oikodomeō), with other locations used as they could be relationally oriented. The Teaching Function In the earlier Jewish communities, parents were entrusted with the training of their children, but responsibility was spread naturally over other members of the household and clan. Other teaching models included the priests, prophets, and wise sages. A wide range of creative and sensory teaching aids was utilized. A profession of teacher arose to serve the Jewish schools. The early churches drew on the Judaistic teaching models, but with a different dynamic, impacted by Jesus’s highly relational teacher/disciple “mobile learning community” model, which incorporated the action/reflection cycle to equip people for participation in the all-embracing corporate kingdom life of God’s people. The Holy Spirit was deemed the ultimate teacher, and under Him the teaching function was spread around: all members (including children) were entrusted with a concern for the edification of each other, and some were charismatically endowed for a teaching function. References and Resources Barclay, William. 1974. Educational Ideals in the Ancient World. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House. Blackburn, G. H. 1966. “The Aims of Education in Ancient Israel.” Journal of Christian Education 9 (1): 46–56. Castle, E. B. 1961. Ancient Education and Today. Harmondsworth, UK: Penguin. Harkness, Allan. 2000. “De-Schooling Christianity in the New Millennium.” Journal of Christian Education 43 (1): 51–61. Hill, Brian. V. 1985. The Greening of Christian Education. Sydney: ANZEA Publishers. Judge, Edwin A. 1985. “The Reaction Against Classical Education in the New Testament.” Spectrum 17 (2): 22–27.

Ng, David, and Virginia Thomas. 1981. Children in the Worshiping Community. Atlanta, GA: John Knox Press. Perkins, Pheme. 1990. Jesus as Teacher. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Skolnik, Fred, ed. 2007. “Education, Jewish.” In Encyclopaedia Judaica. 2nd ed., 6:162–169. Jerusalem: Keter Publishing House. Van Engen, John, ed. 2004. Educating People of Faith: Exploring the History of Jewish and Christian Communities. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans.

—Allan Harkness

Early Church, Christian Education in the Christian education, like Christianity itself, has its roots in Judaism and a strong emphasis on lifelong learning. Jewish education was strongly rooted in oral tradition and the study of the Torah (first five books of the Old Testament) in home settings and then later in corporate gatherings at the synagogue. After the Babylonian captivity, as Jews were dispersed, the synagogue became the center of Jewish worship and instruction.2 The Hebrew word “hanak” means to educate, or train. Its root word implies consecration or dedication in the pursuit of knowing God through education.3 Instruction was often done through rabbinical method, involving question and answer discourse between a teacher and his students. Jesus continued in rabbinical tradition by careful instruction of a select group of disciples, often through question and answer. This small group method of instruction centered on understanding the scriptures can be seen in the early church as “everyday, in the temple and from house to house, they kept right on teaching and preaching Jesus as the Christ” (Acts 5:42). In the apostolic period directly following the death and resurrection of Jesus, groups met in the synagogue and in homes for instruction, fellowship, and worship. As in the synagogue, the emphasis was on knowing God through scripture.4 As the Gospel spread throughout the Roman Empire in the first century, it encountered non-Jewish culture and a Gentile population. And as the Gospel reached farther from Jerusalem, Christian education had to change to accommodate the needs of the non-Jewish world, who were not familiar with Jewish scripture, culture, or tradition. New converts had to be taught about cultural 2. C. B. Eavey, History of Christian Education (Chicago: Moody Press, 1972), 62. 3. Robert E. Clark, Lin Johnson, and Allyn K Sloat, Christian Education: Foundations for the Future (Chicago: Moody Press, 1991), 34. 4. Eavey, History of Christian Education, 82.

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background to understand scripture, and teaching methodology needed to adapt to facilitate styles of learning common to Gentile culture. In the later part of the first century, Christian instruction began to take on a distinctive Roman pattern to train new converts. The late first and early second centuries saw the rise of catechumenal schools to train new converts to Christianity. These converts were called “catechumens,” from the Greek word for “instruct.”5 Catechumens were instructed in a two- to three-year curriculum with three different grades of student. The “Hearers” listened to scripture and sermons to gain elementary instruction. If found faithful, catechumens could advance to being “Kneelers,” who remained after the Hearers departed for focused prayer and more advanced instruction. Finally, the catechumen progressed to being one of the “Chosen,” to receive more intense doctrinal, liturgical, and ascetical instruction in preparation for baptism.6 The central purpose of catechumenal instruction was to prepare believers morally and spiritually to be members of the church.7 In the last half of the second century and into the third, a new kind of school began to develop, the catechetical schools, which began to emphasize the preparation of clergy for the work of the ministry with the kind of intellectual training given to the learned people of that time.8 This instruction produced a number of Christian scholars who laid down the very foundations of Christian doctrine and practice. Justin Martyr (AD 100–166) attempted to reconcile Gentile with Christian philosophy in order to win the lost. Tertullian (AD 150–225) became the founder of the theology of Western Christianity. The catechetical school in Alexandria, supposedly founded by Mark, rose to prominence with its first recorded leader, Pantaneus, a converted Stoic philosopher, in AD 179.9 Clement followed as this school’s leader, steering it toward an emphasis on the study of Greek literature, history, and the sciences in addition to scripture, to produce well-rounded scholars who could converse with the most learned of their day. Origen (AD 185–254) followed as leader of this school and was one of the finest Christian minds ever to exist, wrestling to reconcile Christian and pagan thought. The influence of this school continued well into the seventh century. In addition to the catechetical model of Christian education, another model, called the “cathedral” or “episcopal” school, developed during this period. As Christianity 5. 6. 7. 8. 9.

Ibid., 84–85. Ibid., 85–86. Ibid. Ibid., 88. Ibid.

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spread, churches were established and a bishop came to preside over the church, at that time called a “cathedral.” The bishop of the church trained clergy under his supervision at these cathedral schools, and the curriculum was heavily oriented in favor of instruction in the rules and canon of the church. In the second, third, and fourth centuries, the cathedral school became the predominant form of education for clergy in the church.10 Several unintended consequences of the catechetical and cathedral models for Christian education developed by the beginning of the fifth century as the Roman Empire was nearing its end. Education began to focus more and more on preparing clergy for ministry and less on preparing the convert for meaningful church membership and baptism. Lack of preparation of laity became even more pronounced by AD 450, when infant baptism was introduced. Further controversy developed between the Greek church and its catechetical emphasis on the study of scripture and Greek literature, and the Western cathedral model and its exclusion of “pagan literature,” banned by official decree in AD 401.11 Despite their differences, both Western and Greek Christian education served to preserve the teaching of Christ and the apostles, answer heretical opposition with reasoned truth, and instruct the people and clergy of the early church with the highest possible level of education available at that time.12 —James Flynn

Early Church Families and Education Introduction Christian educators often turn to the history of early church families in response to tensions expressed in contemporary societies over the nature of family identity and family practice.13 In part, the turn to church history begins when educators discover that examples of parenting and family life in the Bible reveal many more “flawed families” than models of ideal practice.14 Often those biblical examinations also reveal a greater tension in light of Christian assumptions, which creates a more limited theological view of the family’s role than imagined.15 The New Testament maintains the same tension between the 10. Ibid. 11. Ibid., 90. 12. Clark, et al., Christian Education, 47. 13. Herbert Anderson, Don S. Browning, Ian S. Evison, and Mary Stewart Van Leeuwen, eds., The Family Handbook (Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press, 1998). 14. David E. Garland and Diana R. Garland, Flawed Families of the Bible: How God’s Grace Works through Imperfect Relationships (Grand Rapids, MI: Brazos Press, 2007). 15. Rodney Clapp, Families at the Crossroads: Beyond Traditional & Modern Options (Downers Grove, IL: IVP Press, 1993).

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role of the family and the life of faith through specific stories like Mark 10:29–30 and Matthew 12: 46–50, in which Jesus’s own words appear to contrast family relationships with faithful discipleship.16 Yet family appears to remain important, particularly since Jesus was part of one. Mary and Joseph exist as part of the redemption history alongside their family genealogies. Early Church Families in the New Testament Families appear in odd junctures in the book of Acts, but given due consideration, as in the story of the conversion of Cornelius the jailer and his household (Acts 10:1–48, 11:1–18). The apostle Paul’s own ministry seems driven by the eschatological vision of the Kingdom of God, which has little room for family life. However, as churches settle into place, and families negotiate their newfound Christian faith within households and among interpersonal relations, Paul and other New Testament writes offer insights on the nature of families. Christian educators should recognize that New Testament families do not operate in a vacuum. Paul and others adopt language that both mirrors and subverts Greco-Roman household codes of living, adapting them to include reciprocal relationships between husband and wife as well as parents and children.17 These writings mirror later tendencies to Christianize Greek and Latin notions of “domus” (household) as well as “oikos/familia” as Christian family expressions, which often included extended family, slaves, and even slave families on occasion.18 Ultimately, house-churches became central “family churches,” which also practiced Christian hospitality by receiving strangers into their homes. As noted in the Old Testament, family takes on many forms of kinship, determined as much by their commitment to Christ as by blood relations. New Testament homes tended to educate through the employ of teachers, which mirrored the role of prophets and teachers, male and female, in household churches. These teachers communicated both the tradition of the faith and fresh insight from scripture (building on Old Testament readings as well as New Testament writings) for the sake of guiding families in faith. In addition, families taught through special meals, ritual meals, and acts of hospitality similar to gatherings within the household church. Overall, 16. Carolyn Osiek, “Families in Early Christianity,” in The Family Handbook, ed. Anderson et al., 287–290. 17. Peter T. O’Brian, Colossians, Philemon, Word Biblical Commentary 44 (Waco, TX: Word Books, 1982), 214–234. Ben Witherington III, The Letters to Philemon, the Colossians, and the Ephesians: A Socio-Rhetorical Commentary on the Captivity Epistles (Grand Rapids, MI: Wm. B. Eerdmans, 2007), 181–196. 18. Dale B. Martin, “Slave Families and Slaves in Families,” in Early Christian Families in Context: An Interdisciplinary Dialogue, ed. David L. Balch and Carolyn Osiek (Grand Rapids, MI: Wm. B. Eerdmans, 2003), 207–230.

the life of the family mirrored the education, mentoring, and formative practices resident within the early New Testament church at many points.19 Early Church Indicators As the church proceeded from the New Testament into early church history, families played key roles within the structure of the church, even as household churches became less frequent. Often children in Roman society were “exposed” if unwanted (a harsh form of population control), yet Christians opposed and forbade this practice (with stories of rescuing the young of pagans).20 Beyond this injunction, the early church fathers (Clement of Alexandria, Basil of Caesarea, John Chrysostom, Jerome, and Augustine) encouraged the role of the family and children. Chrysostom believed “the character of the ecclesial family is decided largely by the relationships of husband and wife as father and mother to their children.”21 Never allowing human conception to equal the creative power of God, the fathers did see parenting both as cooperating in God’s creation and mimicking it. Procreating was often seen as the purpose for marriage, and children were heralded as a demonstration of the hope of the future. 22 Parents were admonished to nurture and educate their children. Spiritual “childbirth” (to salvation) was seen as parallel to physical childbirth. The early church fathers also placed more importance on the cultivation of “virtue” instead of rhetoric, since character was more important than status or wealth. Ecclesial leadership also encouraged dedicating the child to God (as in the biblical stories of Hannah and Samuel), living and teaching Christian “culture” through practices, using the Bible creatively in teaching, and disciplining through a moderate form of corporal punishment. They also were cautious with pagan entertainment and even traditional classical education texts (used with moderation and interpretation).23 Methodological Implications and Principles As Timothy Sedgwick notes, Christian educators may learn best from early church families when they abandon 19. Carolyn Oseik and David L. Balch, Family in the New Testament World, Households and House Churches (Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press, 1997), 156–173, 193–222. 20. O. M. Bakke, When Children Became People: The Birth of Childhood in Early Christianity (Minneapolis, MN: Fortress Press, 2005), 15–55. 21. Vigen Guroian, “The Ecclesial Family: John Chrysostom on Parenthood and Children,” in The Child in Christian Thought, ed. Marcia J. Bunge (Grand Rapids, MI: Wm. B. Eerdmans, 2001), 66. 22. Bakke, When Children Became People, 119–222. 23. James Riley Estep Jr., “The Christian Nurture of Children in the Second and Third Centuries,” in Nurturing Children’s Spirituality: Christian Perspectives and Best Practices, ed. Holly Catterton Allen (Eugene, OR: Cascade Books, 2008), 61–77.

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attempts to find ideal models to adopt for contemporary homes. The historical/cultural distance may prove too great for simple guidelines and implementation.24 In part, the difference may lie in the fact that households were not part of a “private” sphere different from the public domain. 25 Sedgwick notes that “(t)he household stands rather as the threshold where domestic relationships and practices connect members of a household to persons outside the immediate household.”26 Instead, Sedgwick argues that the change practices within the household served to subvert and resist dominant cultural expectations within society through a Christian moral vision of “mutuality, equality, and solidarity” that overturned customary patron-client relationships, codes of honor and shame, and unequal gender relationships of the time.27 As Christian educators explore how a similar moral vision might challenge contemporary cultural, or customary, views, they may explore with families new avenues for teaching, mentoring. and shaping faithful Christian education today. References and Resources Anderson, Herbert, Don S. Browning, Ian S. Evison, and Mary Stewart Van Leeuwen, eds. 1998. The Family Handbook. Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press. Bakke, O. M. 2005. When Children Became People: The Birth of Childhood in Early Christianity. Minneapolis, MN: Fortress Press. Balch, David L., and Carolyn Osiek, eds. 2003. Early Christian Families in Context: An Interdisciplinary Dialogue. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. Bunge, Marcia J., ed. 2001. The Child in Christian Thought. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. Clapp, Rodney. 1993. Families at the Crossroads: Beyond Traditional & Modern Options. Downers Grove, IL: IVP Press. Estep, James Riley, Jr. 2008. “The Christian Nurture of Children in the Second and Third Centuries.” In Nurturing Children’s Spirituality: Christian Perspectives and Best Practices, edited by Holly Catterton Allen, 61–77. Eugene, OR: Cascade Books. Garland, David E., and Diana R. Garland. 2007. Flawed Families of the Bible: How God’s Grace Works through Imperfect Relationships. Grand Rapids, MI: Brazos Press. Moxnes, Halvor, ed. 1997. Constructing Early Christian Families: Family as Social Reality and Metaphor. London: Routledge.

24. Halvor Moxnes, “What Is Family? Problems in Constructing Early Christian Families,” in Constructing Early Christian Families: Family as Social Reality and Metaphor, ed. Halvor Moxnes (London: Routledge, 1997), 13–41. 25. Timothy F. Sedgwick, “Theological Education and the Analogical Imagination,” in Early Christian Families in Context: An Interdisciplinary Dialogue, ed. David L. Balch and Carolyn Osiek (Grand Rapids, MI: Wm. B. Eerdmans, 2003), 337–344. 26. Ibid., 341. 27. Ibid.

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O’Brian, Peter T. 1982. Colossians, Philemon. Word Biblical Commentary 44. Waco, TX: Word Books. Oseik, Carolyn, and David L. Balch. 1997. Family in the New Testament World, Households and House Churches. Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press. Witherington, Ben, III. 2007. The Letters to Philemon, the Colossians, and the Ephesians: A Socio-Rhetorical Commentary on the Captivity Epistles. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans.

—Dean Blevins

Easter It is not known exactly when Christians began commemorating Christ’s bodily resurrection, now called Easter in English. Some evidence exists that some Christians already commemorated His resurrection during the first two centuries, and that they called the commemoration Pascha, a Greek term derived from the Hebrew Pesah, meaning “Passover.” The church historian Eusebius in the fourth century stated that in about AD 154, Bishop Polycarp from Asia Minor met with Bishop Anicetus of Rome regarding the dispute that existed in the church with respect to when Pascha was to be celebrated. But whether Pascha in the second century included celebrating Christ’s resurrection, or just His passion, cannot be determined definitively. But by the fourth century, the term Pascha referred to both the death and resurrection of Christ. The Council of Arles (France) in 314 and the Council of Carthage (northern Africa) in 397 both used the term Pascha to commemorate Christ’s resurrection. The early Christians, at least in some regions, also referred to the week of Easter as hebdomada alba (white week), a designation derived from the white garments catechumens wore for their baptism when they became members of the church during the Easter week. In the English-speaking world, some think it odd that the greatest event in human history—the physical resurrection of Jesus Christ—has been named “Easter,” a name reportedly derived from Eostre, the Teutonic pagan goddess of the light of day and spring, according to the book De temporum ratione (On the Reckoning of Time) by the Venerable Bede (673–735), the renowned English theologian and historian. Some have argued that if the church did in fact adopt the pagan name “Easter,” which once symbolized the light of day and spring, it did so to underscore that Christ proclaimed He was “the light of the world” (John 8:12). Although Bede is often credited with having coined the word “Easter” from Eostre, there is some question whether that is its real origin. In the latter half of the second century, disputes arose over when to observe Easter. Christians in Asia Minor celebrated Christ’s resurrection on the 14th day of Nisan

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(Jewish month similar to modern-day April). This meant Easter Day could fall on any day of the week, but Christians in the West preferred to remember His resurrection on Sunday. The dispute was so intense that Bishop Victor I (d. ca. 198) in Rome even excommunicated Christians called Quartodecimans (Fourteeners in Latin, referring to the adherents of the 14th day of Nisan). To resolve the dispute, the Council of Nicaea in 325 reportedly ruled that Easter should always be observed on the first Sunday following the full moon after the spring equinox, which in 325 was 20 March. But if the full moon occurred on a Sunday after spring equinox, then Easter would fall on the next Sunday. This meant Easter could never coincide with the Passover, the 14th day of Nisan. (But it needs to be noted that no canon of this reputed decision of the Council of Nicaea seems to exist.) All four Gospels in the New Testament report that Christ rose bodily from the dead early Sunday morning, the third day after His crucifixion. Whether the day of Christ’s resurrection is called Pascha, Hemdomada Alba, or Easter is not significant. Its real significance lies in what that day underscores. To Christians, Easter means God’s Son, Jesus Christ, conquered sin and death by His rising from the dead. As St. Paul told the Christians in Corinth, “O death, where is your victory? O death, where is your sting?” (1 Cor. 15:55). Easter commemorates Christ’s bodily resurrection as an empirical event in history. It underscores the very pillar of Christianity, for as St. Paul declared, “if Christ has not been raised, then our preaching is in vain and your faith is in vain” (1 Cor. 15:14). To corroborate that Christ did in fact rise from the dead, Paul names the apostles and notes that some 500 people, including himself (1 Cor. 15:4–8), who were eyewitnesses, had seen Christ after His resurrection. They all knew His bodily resurrection had indeed happened. They had even witnessed Christ saying, “See my hands and my feet, that it is I myself. Touch me, and see. For a spirit does not have flesh and bones as you see I have” (Luke 24:39). Shortly after He spoke these words, He asked for some food, and when they gave it to Him, He “took it and ate before them” (Luke 24:43). These and other instances that the apostles said they had witnessed in connection with Christ’s bodily resurrection indicate it was an authentic phenomenon in history. Thus, it was not their faith that established Christ’s resurrection. Rather, it was His resurrection that established and verified their faith. And this distinguishes Christianity from all other religions. References and Resources Bradshaw, P. F., and L. A. Hoffman, eds. 1999. Passover and Easter: Origin and History of Modern Times. Notre Dame, IN: Notre Dame University Press.

Johnson, E. 1967. “Easter and Its Cycle.” In New Catholic Encyclopedia, 5: 411–13. San Francisco: Gale Group. Talley, Thomas J. 1986. The Origins of the Liturgical Year. New York: Pueblo. Wright, N. T. 2003. The Resurrection of the Son of God. Minneapolis, MN: Fortress Press.

—Alvin J. Schmidt

Eastern Orthodox Church Christian Education The chief characteristic of the Eastern Orthodox Churches is their adherence to the first seven Ecumenical Councils, held between AD 325 and 787, which defined doctrines about the Holy Trinity and Jesus Christ, promulgating statements such as the Nicene-Constantinopolitan Creed. Additional distinctive characteristics are their conservative approach to worship and liturgy, retaining rites and practices from the early Christian church and Byzantine era, and their reliance on the theological writings of the church fathers largely from the first millennium of Christianity. They rely on the 49-book canon of the Old Testament and the New Testament, but also consider other sources—texts, liturgy, icons, and hymns—as important for theology. Globally, there is one church composed of 14 independent churches in communion with one another, under the leadership of the Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople, which organizes and coordinates them internationally. The 14 are the Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople; the Patriarchates of Alexandria (for all of Africa), Antioch, Jerusalem, Russia, Serbia, Romania, Bulgaria, and Georgia; and the independent, self-governing (autocephalous) Churches of Cyprus, Greece, Poland, Albania, and the Czech Lands and Slovakia. In North America, there is the Orthodox Church in America (OCA), the former Russian Orthodox Metropolia (Metropolis) in North America, which was granted independence (autocephaly) in 1970 by the Church of Russia. While the OCA is the second largest Orthodox community in North America, its autocephaly is not universally recognized by all Orthodox. Many of these autocephalous churches have eparchies and territories in the Americas, Western Europe, Australia, and Asia, in a so-called diaspora. For example, the Greek Orthodox Archdiocese of America (the USA) is an eparchy of the Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople. The Patriarchate of Antioch has an archdiocese for South America. The Eastern Orthodox Churches have close ties with the Oriental Orthodox Churches: the Armenian, Coptic Church, Ethiopian Church, and Indian Church. They are called Oriental Orthodox, reflecting that their traditional locations are in the far reaches of

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the Byzantine Empire. The Eastern Orthodox and Oriental Churches broke communion after the Fourth Ecumenical Council (AD 453) and are sometimes called nonChalcedonian or Monophysite. Finally, there are Eastern Catholic Churches: Melkite, Maronite, Ukrainian, and others. These Churches are in communion with the Roman Catholic Church. These churches are sometimes called “Uniate,” for having signed documents of union (unia in Latin) with the Roman Church. Understanding Christian Education Systems in the Eastern Orthodox Churches Two general approaches to Christian education can be identified, determined by a particular local church’s relationship to the government of the country in which it is located: a legally privileged status (e.g., a state church, such as that in Greece or Finland), or separated from the state (e.g., as in the United States). In those countries where the Eastern Orthodox Church is closely affiliated with the state, education in Orthodox Christianity is part of the public school curriculum, with sequences and standards being established by national departments of education (in Greece it is the Ministry of Education, Lifelong Learning and Religious Affairs) in collaboration with church officials. The national ministries or related entities (e.g., the Pedagogical Institute of Greece) direct the creation of classroom resources. In these countries, we also see Orthodox Christian theology included in public higher education, in faculties of theology, training clergy and other ministers. In those places with separation of church and state, Orthodox Christian education is the responsibility of the local church bodies, through their Departments of Religious or Christian Education and local parishes, largely through a parish-based Sunday church school model, which typically begins for children of preschool age and continues through high school. In North America, the Sunday school became the dominant approach to Orthodox Christian education by the mid-20th century. Christian education programs for adults are still relatively limited in number and scope, although there are more programs being developed. Each local church develops resources, policies, and programs to support the parish-based programs. They are developed by the local church’s department of religious education and approved by the various local governing authorities of that church: hierarchies, councils, and so forth. In North America, the largest and best organized is the Department of Religious Education of the Greek Orthodox Archdiocese of America. This office creates and publishes the vast majority of textbooks and other resources in use by American Orthodox parishes. The other Orthodox communities in the United States

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also have offices for education; however, their publishing efforts are more limited in scope. Other English-speaking Orthodox communities around the globe utilize many of the resources produced by the Greek Orthodox Archdiocese of America. In addition, an inter-Orthodox group, the Orthodox Christian Education Commission (OCEC), was created in 1957 for collaboration and cooperative work. The OCEC offers a series of textbooks for students from preschool to high school levels. While still in large use by the Orthodox communities with Slavic roots (e.g., OCA, Serbian) in America, the programs of the Greek Orthodox Archdiocese largely dominate the creation of new resources. References and Resources Binns, J. 2002. An Introduction to the Christian Orthodox Churches. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Boojamra, J. 1989. Foundations for Orthodox Christian Education. Crestwood, NY: SVS Press. Krindatch, A. 2011. Atlas of American Orthodox Christian Churches. Brookline, MA: Holy Cross Orthodox Press. Vrame, A. 1999. The Educating Icon: Teaching Wisdom and Holiness in the Orthodox Way. Brookline, MA: Holy Cross Orthodox Press. Ware, T. 1997. The Orthodox Church. New York: Penguin Books.

—Anton C. Vrame

Eastern Orthodox Curriculum Outcomes A single set of curriculum goals has not been developed by the Eastern Orthodox churches. This is due to the organizational nature of the churches and the differences between them—namely, whether or not there is statesponsored Christian education. One would have to investigate each church individually to determine its goals. Theorists and curriculum developers have largely agreed that theosis is the goal of Christian education. Theosis is defined as fellowship or communion with the Holy Trinity, which is nurtured through “the life in Christ” or life in the Church. Theosis, therefore, can be seen as both process and product of Christian education. Vrame (1999) has offered the most comprehensive statement about the goals of education: “The aim of education in the Eastern Orthodox Church is to nurture, instruct, and direct each member of the community of faith—the Church—in Christian living, or as Orthodox writers typically call it, the life in Christ, so that each person grows ‘in the grace and knowledge of our Lord and Savior Jesus Christ’ (2 Pet. 3:18) and becomes ‘a partaker of the divine nature’ (2 Pet. 1:4).” Following Acts of the Apostles 2.42–47, Orthodox educators have identified the community of faith, mainly the

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parish, as the primary locus of education through its life or “curriculum” of koinonia (community life), leiturgia (worship and sacrament), diakonia (service and ministry), kerygma (preaching) martyria (witness), and didache and matheteia (teaching and learning). In the community of faith, the individual is socialized (Boojamra 1989) into the Orthodox phronema or outlook and way of life and instructed in its doctrines and teachings. Through the influence of Fr. Alexander Schmemann (1983), liturgical and sacramental participation have been considered central to this socialization. According to Schmemann, “taste and see” (Ps. 34:8), experience in the liturgical life then instruction about that experience, is the historic approach to education in the Orthodox Church. These principles have guided the North American context, where the Sunday church school model dominates Christian education. In those countries with statesponsored Christian education, curriculum goals largely fall under an academic, information-centered approach. In the 1980s, the Greek Orthodox Archdiocese of America began a complete revision of its Sunday church school materials. It produced a lengthy statement, “Orthodox Catechesis” (1986), which discussed the philosophy and goals of Orthodox education. The document names theosis as the goal of education. Significantly, “Orthodox Catechesis” then proceeds to name educational goals and objectives, unprecedented at the time. “Orthodox Catechesis” identifies two basic dimensions of education: (1) “the content of right knowledge (orthodoxia)” and (2) “the living and application of Christian truth (orthopraxia).” It also names specific areas of content for both areas. These were “translated” into a scope and sequence chart and learning objectives were named, with curricular goals from preschool to 12th grade. This guided the development of textbook resources. The chart named 15 areas of curriculum goals, which were central in the development of the Archdiocese’s Living Our Orthodox Faith textbook series, published between 1989 and 1993, for preschool to fifth-grade Sunday church school programs. This series replaced textbooks that had been created in the 1950s and 1960s. The Living Our Orthodox Faith texts revolutionized Christian education in Orthodox parishes for a number of reasons. First, the new textbooks were lavishly illustrated with drawings and photos and published in color. Older textbooks contained only text, with almost no illustrations of any kind. Second, the new series incorporated liturgical music and commissioned songs that reinforced concepts. Third, rather than a content-based approach, in which one religious topic was studied in depth in one grade and rarely studied afterward, the new textbooks integrated many theological topics, such as worship, saints, or scripture, into one year of study, returning to them year

after year with new information, concepts, and depth. Finally, the new texts incorporated the shared Christian praxis approach of Groome, thus making deeper connections between the life of the learners and the religious materials being studied. Older works had assumed that the religious tradition was being lived in the home; the student needed only religious information. In 2012, the production of a revised series began. For junior high students and high school students, thematic units of study have been developed. These rely on the same scope and sequence charts. The curricular goals and textbook resources of the Orthodox Christian Education Commission (OCEC) have retained the liturgical centrality developed by Schmemann. The OCEC’s work has been overshadowed by curricular developments in the Greek Orthodox Archdiocese of America. References and Resources Boojamra, J. 1989. Foundations for Orthodox Christian education. Crestwood, NY: SVS Press. “Orthodox Catechesis.” 1986. Greek Orthodox Archdiocese of America Department of Religious Education. Accessed 21 January 2013. http://www.goarch.org/archdiocese/depart ments/religioused/resources/orthodoxcatechesis. Schmemman, A. 1983. Liturgy and Life: Lectures and Essays on Christian Development Through Liturgical Experience. Syosset, NY: Orthodox Church in America Department of Christian Education. Vrame, A. 1999. The Educating Icon: Teaching Wisdom and Holiness in the Orthodox Way. Brookline, MA: Holy Cross Orthodox Press.

—Anton C. Vrame

Ec clesi a Do cens : The Teaching Church Ecclesia docens is a Latin term meaning “the teaching church.” The Apostles’ Creed references “the communion of the saints” (Lat. communio sanctorum), which meant that the church is comprised of a spiritual communion (fellowship) of all saints, including those living and those deceased. Not until the end of the second century (and in response to the problem of escalating heresies) did the early church focus on defining specific characteristics of the church as an external institution. From the time of Cyprian (c. 200–258) until the 16th century, Christians sought to delineate the essence of the church as an external and visible organization. The tendency to prioritize the external nature of the church resulted in emphasis on the hierarchical organization of a fellowship of believers as a component of the visible. Roman Catholicism, for instance, affirmed that there was no

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church invisible that was not a part of the visible Roman Catholic Church (thus the crucial question was whether one belonged to this visible church). If the visible church is preliminary, then the visible gives birth to the invisible, which means the Roman Church is a mother of believers (mater fidelium) prior to being a community of believers (communio fidelium). The term ecclesia docens originates from the vocabulary of Roman Catholic theology. According to the Catholic Catechism of the Catholic Church (1994), the church is “all legitimately organized local groups of the faithful, which, in so far as they united to their pastors, are also quite appropriately called Churches in the New Testament. . . . In them the faithful are gathered together through the preaching of the Gospel of Christ, and the mystery of the Lord’s Supper is celebrated” (§832). Similarly, the Baltimore Catechism, which was “the de facto standard Catholic school text in the United States from 1885 to the late 1960s,” affirmed the church as “the congregation of all the Faithful, who, being baptized, profess the same faith, partake of the same sacraments, and are governed by their lawful pastors, under one visible head on earth” (IX.I.2). In other words, the church is the assembly of the faithful who affirm the doctrines of Roman Catholicism and who concede the authority of the pope. Based on such definitions, one may affirm that the ecclesia docens is endowed with active infallibility when in discharge of that office, and thus by virtue of such authority may define a doctrine with regard to faith and morals as unalterable, and is thus the supreme authority with regard to any and all controversies. The ecclesia docens is composed of those who rule and teach, whereas the ecclesia discens (“the learning church”) are those who are governed and taught, and who receive the sacraments. On the basis of God’s authority, the ecclesia docens possessed supreme authority over the vast majority of Catholics: the ecclesia discens. The distinction was primarily historical yet often explained polemically. The ecclesia docens was entrusted with the responsibility to teach the doctrines imparted to them; therefore, it was not common for them to seek the counsel of specialists in the natural sciences, philosophy, and theology. The ecclesia discens were forbidden to publish any works that addressed religious matters without the imprimatur of the ecclesia docens; consequently, a significant number of Catholics appealed directly to public opinion through the medium of the press. Ecclesia discens distinguishes the assembly of the faithful (traditionally, the laity and the lower clergy). The distinctions were used prominently in the period between the First and Second Vatican Councils and can be regarded as delineating Roman Catholics as a society of unequals (societas inaequalitas). However, it is also possible to apply the distinction without the understand-

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ing of inequality, and thus the term ecclesia docens would delineate all Roman Catholic clergy and laity. Hanvey (2004) argued that this latter usage denotes a merely functional distinction (as opposed to an epistemic justification). One may also assert that the ecclesia docens and the ecclesia discens should not be perceived as fractions; rather, the distinctions indicate functions of the Roman Catholic Church. Ecclesia docens is conventionally used with regard to the teaching magisterium. Technically (and generally), the magisterium is still a term used with regard to the teaching authority that is inherent among and exercised by the Roman Catholic hierarchy and bishops in a comparable manner. The notion of a “double” magisterium is based in both episcopal ordination (i.e., the pastoral magisterium of the cathedral chair) and theological aptitude (i.e., the magisterium of the professorial chair). The basis for a “double” magisterium is Thomas Aquinas, who distinguished between the magisterium cathedrae pastoralis and the magisterium cathedrae magistralis. Unofficially (and generally), the magisterium is the teaching authority that is inherent in and exercised by every member of the Roman Catholic Church. Therefore, the magisterium of the entire church is the ecclesia docens and is based in baptism. Whereas previously the term ecclesia docens was limited to the Catholic hierarchy, and ecclesia discens distinguished the assembly of the faithful, such distinctions have disappeared subsequent to Vatican II (1962–1965). The traditional distinction suggests that the ecclesia docens receive truth by virtue of their office and training, whereas the ecclesia discens passively receive such truth. Brown (1978) contended that such a distinction would constitute an abuse of teaching authority, for it would assign responsibilities too simplistically within Roman Catholicism (i.e., a definitive representation of the ecclesia docens, and everyone else as the ecclesia discens). Since the Second Vatican Council, the Catholic position is that the church is all the people of God; it affirms this belief by contending that everyone has a mission to proclaim the Gospel and by emphasizing the significance of consultation and reception. Roman Catholic theology affirms the teaching and learning responsibilities of all the people of God (albeit with missions in various habits). Consequently, the magisterium is the ecclesia docens, yet this office is also called to be a listening and learning body of teachers (magisterium discens). The cadenced dynamic of the ecclesia docens is understood in terms of a commutative (communio) and receptive (receptio) ecclesiology. The ecclesia discens is not to be passive, nor is the ecclesia docens to be regarded as a merely passive receiver of the sensus fidelium (“sense of faith”), although it is the faith of all the people of God that the ecclesia docens is to communicate.

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References and Resources Barth, Karl. 1956–1975. Church Dogmatics. 13 vols. Edinburgh: T&T Clark. Vol. 1:797–884. Berkhof, Louis. (1939), 1941. Systematic Theology. 4th ed. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. Pp. 562–567. Brown, Raymond E. 1978. “The Dilemma of the Magisterium vs. the Theologians: Debunking Some Fictions.” Chicago Studies 17: 282–299. Crosby, Michael H. 2012. Repair My House: Becoming a “Kingdom” Catholic. Maryknoll, NY: Orbis. Davis, Charles. 1967. A Question of Conscience. New York: Harper & Row. Finucane, Daniel J. 1996. Sensus Fidelium: The Use of a Concept in the Post-Vatican II Era. San Francisco: International Scholars Publications. Hanvey, James. 2004. “Tradition as Subversion.” International Journal of Systematic Theology 6: 50–69. Moltmann, Jürgen, and Hans Küng, eds. 1981. Who Has a Say in the Church? Edinburgh: T&T Clark. Newman, John H. (1961) 2006. On Consulting the Faithful in Matters of Doctrine. New York: Sheed & Ward; reprint, Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield. Rush, Ormond. 2009. The Eyes of Faith: The Sense of the Faithful and the Church’s Reception of Revelation. Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press. Thompson, William M. 1977. “Authority and Magisterium in Recent Catholic Thought.” Chicago Studies 16: 278–298. Yarnold, Edward. 1981. “Teaching with Authority.” The Way 21: 163–172.

—Ron J. Bigalke

Ecumenism Ecumenism draws its name from the Greek word oikoumene, which serves in the New Testament to describe the known world, and in ancient Christian sources refers to the worldwide, united church whose doctrine is reflected in the work of the Seven Ecumenical Councils. Drawing on this idea of the church’s wholeness, the modern ecumenical movement, beginning with the Edinburgh meeting on mission of 1910, has emphasized the need to form Christians for mutual service and shared worship. The ecumenical movement’s three constituent directions (Faith and Order, Life and Work, and Mission) all emphasize a different aspect of the church’s work and life in the world, but in all dimensions, education is a presupposition and ongoing emphasis of the movement and constituent churches, insofar as they emphasize the unity of the worldwide church, the relevance of the local ecumenical context, the development of future ecumenical leaders, and the church’s holistic mission to the world.

For example, the 1993 joint statement of the Joint Working Group between the Roman Catholic Church and the World Council of Churches, “Ecumenical Formation,” emphasized the need to educate church leaders and laity to understand the failure to achieve God’s desire for the church’s unity. In order to build a spiritual community, it argued, the church needs a pedagogy built on communion and oriented toward learning about other traditions so as to make working together possible. Since the openness of Christian traditions to each other, according to the joint declaration, makes interreligious dialogue possible, such formation should employ every possible medium of communication in order to be more effective. As evidenced by more recent studies growing out of the 2010 Edinburgh World Council of Churches conference on mission, a consensus has emerged that the theological curriculum is inextricably tied to the church’s mission. Theological education must reflect both the historical experience of the worldwide church and local conditions and traditions, while also equipping the whole people of God for mission by addressing missiology, intercultural theology, and ecumenics. The wide variety of hermeneutical approaches in the worldwide church, around both the Bible and experience, calls for an educational program that exposes participants to as wide a range of ideas as possible, and the ecumenical movement has therefore consistently emphasized the need for schools of theology to work interculturally. Another emerging emphasis centers on access and sustainability: since theological education is far more readily available in the urban centers of Europe and North America than elsewhere, and to men more than to women, new forms of cooperation and models of education are emerging. Some of them will involve increased use of online technology, but sustainable solutions will also demand attention to curriculum, the building of libraries and other learning infrastructure, the training of teachers, and the ways in which denominational and educational organizations work together. Education in, and for, the ecumenical movement thus faces significant challenges and equally significant opportunities. References and Resources Kasper, W. 2009. Harvesting the Fruits: Basic Aspects of Christian Faith in Ecumenical Dialogue. New York: Continuum. Kinnamon, M. 2003. The Vision of the Ecumenical Movement. Atlanta, GA: Chalice. Radano, J. A., and W. Kasper. 2012. Celebrating a Century of Ecumenism: Exploring The Achievements of International Dialogue. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. Werner, D., et al. 2009. “Challenges and Opportunities in Theological Education in the 21st Century.” Joint Information Service of ETE/WCC and WOCATI.

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———, eds. 2010. Handbook on Theological Education in World Christianity. Oxford: Regnum. World Council of Churches. 1982–1998. “Ecumenical Formation: Ecumenical Reflections and Suggestions.” In Growth in Agreement II: Reports and Agreed Statements of Ecumenical Conversations on a World Level, edited by Jeffrey Gros, Harding Meyer, and William G. Rusch) 884–890. Geneva: WCC Publications/Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans.

—Samjung Kang-Hamilton

Edessa, School of The town of Edessa was located in southeast Turkey, present-day Urfa. In 363 the city of Nisibis was taken by the Persians (more specifically the Sassanian Empire). Among the Christians who fled the city was Ephraem the Syrian (AD 306–373), who had been the head of the school at Nisibis. While Ephraem is associated or credited with the founding of the school in Edessa, this is not historically accurate (Baum and Winkler 2003, 21; Drijvers 1995, 51–52). Most likely the school existed centuries before Ephraem and over the centuries became Christianized (Drijvers 1995, 52). When Ephraem arrived at Edessa, the school appears to have been an informal group rather than an established academy like Nisibis. Most likely Edessa had a long history of teacher-student circles in which varieties of theological and philosophical thoughts were propagated. Han Drijvers assumes that at the time of arrival of Ephraem, there were “Bardaisanites, Marcionites, and Manichaeans, besides pagans, astrologers, soothsayers and, of course Jews” (1995, 57). However with Ephraem’s leadership the school gradually developed into a well-known formal Christian academy (Baum and Winkler 2003, 21). Ephraem himself was an ascetic whose written works included poems, sermons, hymns, and exegetical writings. In addition, he vigorously debated and contended with the various heretical sects that were present in Edessa. The reputation of Edessa as a significant place of theological scholarship and training continued long after the death of Ephraem. Edessa was the gateway through which the theological advances of the Roman church entered the East (Baum and Winkler 2003, 22). Many of the fifthcentury students at Edessa became bishops in Persia, including Simeon of Beit Arsam, Marun Eloyoto, Acacius the Aramean, Absuto of Nineveh, John of Beit Garmay, Paul bar Qaqay of Karka, Abraham the Mede, and Narses the Leper. These bishops contributed significantly to the development and eventual acceptance of Nestorianism in the Persian church (Murphy 1967, 103). Eventually delegates of the school at Edessa became embroiled in a theological debate with Cyril of Alexan-

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dria at the Council of Ephesus (431) over the dual nature of Christ. Cyril and fellow delegates from Alexandria emphasized the unity of divinity and humanity of Christ, while the representatives of Edessa (Antiochenes) saw in Christ “two subjects, two persons, or two Sons (classical Nestroianism)” (Winkler 2003, 23). For a very brief time the two parties came closer together, with Bishop Rabbula of Edessa changing sides. After the death of Rabbula in 435, Ibas became his successor as bishop, followed by Narses in 437. Under the leadership of these two men, Edessa turned once again to Nestorianism. Finally, in 489 Emperor Zeno forced Bishop Cyrus II to close the school, and on the site of the school a church was erected honoring Mary, the Mother of God. References and Resources Baum, Wilheim, and Dietmar Winkler. 2003. The Church of the East: A Concise History. London: RoutledgeCurzon. Drijvers, Jan Willem. 1995. “The School of Edessa: Greek Learning and Local Culture.” In Centres of Learning: Learning and Location in Pre-modern Europe and the Near East, edited by Jan Willem Drijvers and Alasdair A. MacDonald, 49–59. Leiden: E. J. Brill. Murphy, F. X. 1967. “The School of Edessa.” In New Catholic Encyclopedia, vol. V, edited by William J. McDonald et al., 103– 104. Washington, DC: The Catholic University of America.

—Harley T. Atkinson

Edge, Findley Findley Bartow Edge (1916–2002) was an American Christian educator and one of the most influential among Southern Baptists in the second half of the 20th century. Biography Findley Edge was born in Albany, Georgia, on 6 September 1916. Attending Stetson University on a basketball scholarship, he graduated with an AB in 1938 (and was later given an honorary doctor of divinity degree by Stetson). In 1939, he married Louvenia Littleton and enrolled in the Southern Baptist Theological Seminary (SBTS) in Louisville, Kentucky. At SBTS, Edge studied under Gaines S. Dobbins, completing his ThM in 1942 and his ThD in 1945 (his dissertation was “Religious Education and the Problem of Institutionalism”). In 1947, Edge began his teaching career at SBTS, where he would teach Christian education until his retirement in 1984. SBTS named Edge Basil Manly Professor of Religious Education (later Basil Manly Chair of Christian Education) in 1956. Edge began study at Yale University during a sabbatical and ultimately completed an MA in 1955. During his study

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at Yale, he developed a relationship with divinity professor Randolph Crump Miller, an Episcopalian priest and Christian educator. Edge also became acquainted with Quaker theologian, philosopher, and writer Elton Trueblood. It was Trueblood who, in 1965, recommended that Edge visit the Church of the Savior in Washington, DC, a church with which Edge’s concern for church renewal resonated, informing his subsequent writing. This visit also played a role in Edge’s founding of the Vineyard, an interdenominational conference center for study and spiritual renewal, which was an innovative move in the Protestant church. Edge wrote prolifically, consistently authoring and contributing to numerous books, journal and periodical articles, and denominational curricula. He was active in various professional organizations, including the Religious Education Association, the Southern Baptist Religious Education Association, and the Eastern Baptist Religious Education Association. Upon his retirement in 1984, Edge moved to central Florida. He died in Orlando, Florida, on 28 October 2002. Themes For Edge, Christian education must obviously be concerned with matters of pedagogy, but also must have truly Christian theology, ethics, and living at its core. Beginning with his doctoral dissertation, Edge was concerned that institutionalization had rendered the church lethargic; numbed to the core of its mission; and insensitive to the critical social issues of the day, such as, but not limited to, racism, racial reconciliation, and civil rights. Edge’s answer was to recapture the heart of the priesthood of all believers and stress the importance of laity. By a church functioning as a seminary, it would be equipping laity to accomplish the mission of the church. For example, improved teacher training and preparation would lead to more purposeful Bible study. This would in turn result not only in increased Bible knowledge, but also in people being motivated to act on and to live out the implications and challenges of that knowledge. Influence Edge directly influenced several generations of master and doctoral students at SBTS, the readers of his rich writing, and those who attended the many conferences at which he spoke. His impact in and on Christian education has particularly to do with emphasis on ethics, teaching, small groups, and laity as key to church renewal. References and Resources Edge, Findley B. 1956. Teaching for Results. Nashville, TN: Broadman Press. ———. 1963. A Quest for Vitality in Religion. Nashville, TN: Broadman Press.

———. 1985. The Doctrine of the Laity. Nashville, TN: Convention Press. ———. 1971. The Greening of the Church. Waco, TX: Word Books. Mayr, Marlene, ed. 1983. Modern Masters of Religious Education. Birmingham, AL: Religious Education Press. Reed, James E., and Ronnie Prevost. 1993. A History of Christian Education. Nashville, TN: Broadman & Holman. Yates, Steve, and Larry Purcell. n.d. “Findley B. Edge.” In Christian Educators of the 20th Century. http://www2.talbot.edu/ ce20/educators/view.cfm?n=findley_edge.

—Ronnie Prevost

Education and Leadership Ministries Commission (National Council of Churches of Christ in the USA) The National Council of Churches of Christ in the USA (NCCC) (www.ncccusa.org) is an organization of cooperating denominations that meet together, communicate their views to each other and to the world, and work together on programs and projects. Membership in the council is an expression of unity and common mission. Within its structure, there are five commissions that oversee its mission. The Education and Leadership Ministries Commission (ELMC) connects a broad range of education programs for all age groups, including church support of public and higher education, education for mission, and recruiting and training of professional church leaders. Once known as the Cluster on Education and Ministry, the ELMC traces its roots to the formation of the American Sunday School Association in 1824. One of its early committees, the Division of Christian Education (now Bible Translation and Utilization), provided the work that led to the New Revised Standard Version (NRSV) of the bible. The group included scholars representing Orthodox, Catholic, and Protestant Christian groups as well as Jewish scholars responsible for the Hebrew scriptures or Old Testament. Today the ELMC engages in ministries of education and faith formation for persons and communities by providing a dynamic ecumenical setting in which denominations and other institutions gather. Its calling is grounded in the biblical story, the Gospel of Jesus Christ, and the global vision of God’s shalom for all creation. Two particular strategic goals were established for 2007–2011: • To provide support for and educational opportunities to communions and congregations in Christian education, discipleship resources, faith formation, leader development, and justice advocacy to the church and the world.

Education for Mission

• To be proactive in identifying and responding to emerging trends in faith formation, development, nurture, and justice advocacy. The Education and Leadership Ministries Commission is an umbrella for 12 ecumenical program committees, clustered into four areas: 1. The Curriculum and Leader Formation area has three committees. The Committee on the Uniform Series is the oldest ecumenical committee in existence, having celebrated its 140th anniversary in 2012. The Uniform Series is a six-year cycle built around several biblically rooted themes, of weekly lesson plans offering the same scripture passage for all ages on any given Sunday. The Curriculum Conversation Relating Theory and Practice is its newest committee. They discuss emerging research and papers. The Professional Church Leadership is a colleague group focusing on both lay and ordained leadership. 2. Family and Age Level Ministries has the following committees: Families and Children develops resources, translates research, advocates for justice, empowers leaders, promotes healthy relationships, explores theological implications, and lifts up practical applications, with a priority on faith formation, justice, healthy relationships, and children. There is also an Ecumenical Young Adult Ministries Team and Ecumenical Youth Ministries Staff Team, who provide support to denominational leadership in those age areas. 3. The Racial/Ethnic Culture and Specific Ministries includes the Committee on Deaf Ministries, the Pacific/Asian-American Canadian Christian Education Committee, the Black Congregational Ministries, and a new group in exploration, the Committee on Hispanic/Latino Ministries. 4. The most active cluster in recent years has been the Special Needs and Settings. The Disabilities Committee has developed materials to assist congregations in assimilating children with disabilities into the regular Christian education setting, including a policy statement, “Disabilities, the Body of Christ and the Wholeness of Society.” Outdoor Ministries produces an annual curriculum (published by Chalice Press) for use in Christian summer camps. InsideOut: Christian Resources for Outdoor Ministries is a four-year sequence (2013–2016) that is geared to an outdoor setting, based on scripture, respectful of creation, and flexible to meet the needs of multiple camping schedules (www.church campresources.com). The Public Education and

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Literacy Committee released Repairing the Breach: A Just Agenda for Public School Reform, and advocacy document containing questions for federal and state candidates in the 2012 election year. A Pastoral Letter on Federal Policy in Public Education: An Ecumenical Call for Justice was released in May 2010. The priorities of the ELMC continue to be to (1) provide relevant approaches and resources for strengthening families, so that every child may grow up and fulfill her or his full potential; (2) provide leadership development for congregational leaders; (3) provide creative projects to enhance and foster spiritual formation; (4) promote and support high-quality, comprehensive public education; and (5) provide action programs to dismantle institutional racism. —Sharon Ely Pearson

Education for Mission Purpose John Piper argues that “missions exists because worship doesn’t.”28 The purpose, then, of missionary training must be to develop the knowledge, attitudes, and skills that will enable Christians to guide diverse peoples into a saving and worshipful relationship with God. Such a relationship involves transformation not only of individuals, but also of communities, cultures, and the environment. As a branch of practical theology, missiology examines the church’s mandate, message, mission, and means of partnering with God in bringing His kingdom to all peoples. Establishing local churches and discipling believers are essential missionary tasks. Curriculum Missions, missionaries, and mission work and contexts are so varied that it is not advisable to consider a universal curriculum. However, the mix of mission studies usually includes biblical perspectives on missions; theology; apologetics; missionary spiritual formation; crosscultural communication and contextualization; interpersonal relationships; cultural anthropology; language acquisition; geography; history of particular groups; and the expansion of the Christian faith, comparative religion, and training for specific tasks and roles. These tasks and skills vary as widely as the professions themselves, but all need to relate in some way to demonstrating the love of Christ, establishing of churches, and nurturing 28. John Piper, Let the Nations Be Glad! The Supremacy of God in Missions (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Books, 1993), 15.

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believers. Developing a biblical worldview and missional lifestyle are foundational to all contexts, but require adaptation to specific contexts for successful practice. Training should provide participants with the tools to determine what are primary and what are secondary issues and tasks, what is universal among all believers and what is denominational, and what is cultural and what is universal. Education for mission must begin with the end product in view. Training Structures Training structures include informal, nonformal, and formal approaches. Informal training often takes place in families and local churches, which serve as incubators for developing missional values and practices. These natural learning environments involve such practices as welcoming and serving the stranger (e.g., international students, refugees), sacrificial giving to missions, fervent prayer for unreached groups, and loving care for missionaries. Nonformal training takes place in such venues as local church mission conferences, InterVarsity’s triennial Urbana Student Mission Conference, Youth with a Mission’s Discipleship Training School, and missional activities such as short-term mission trips. Mission agencies often use internships with repeated cycles of action and reflection as a way of helping people identify their roles in cross-cultural ministry. Formal training involves coursework in an institution such as a college, seminary, or university. It often includes shortterm experiences or internships. The Perspectives on the World Christian Movement course developed by the U.S. Center for World Mission includes both nonformal and formal learning and is offered at hundreds of locations in the United States and abroad. Training Challenges One of the greatest challenges in educating for missions is to nurture the ability to step out of one’s own culture in order to think and act in terms of the other, to integrate the Christian faith with another culture and its values in ways that are consistent with scripture. Training in cross-cultural communication and contextualization is essential. Another educational challenge is developing the skill to address both spiritual and physical needs in order to develop a biblical holism that addresses diverse peoples in their environment. With maturing national churches all over the world, missionaries need the skills to work alongside national Christian leaders. A final educational challenge is training missionaries to work with the end in mind. Valuing leadership development and empowerment and avoiding dependency are essential for an indigenous movement.

References and Resources Brynjolfson, Robert, and Jonathan Lewis, eds. 2006. Integral Ministry Training: Design and Evaluation. Pasadena, CA: William Carey Library. Ferris, Robert W. 2000. Establishing Ministry Training. Pasadena, CA: William Carey Library. Harley, David. 2001. Preparing to Serve. Pasadena, CA: William Carey Library. Woodberry, J. Dudley, Charles Van Engen, and Edgar J. Elliston, eds. 1997. Missiological Education for the 21st Century. Maryknoll, NY: Orbis.

—Lee Wanak

Education for Urban Mission Historically, almost all humans lived in isolated, monocultural rural agrarian contexts. Today over half of the world’s population are urbanites, some in agglomerations of 20 to nearly 40 million people. As this trend has developed, some churches with urban roots have embraced the city, but others, having an anti-urban bias, have escaped the city or isolated themselves within the city. For these churches, reengaging the city requires reeducation regarding God’s intentions for the city. Education for urban mission begins with a love for the city and its diverse people as well as an appreciation of its creativity and influence beyond its borders. Such an education requires reading the Bible and doing theology through the eyes of the urban poor. It builds an understanding and value system that grasps how God feels about the poor. Two-thirds of the world’s cities are bursting at the seams with the influx of rural people seeking a better life but finding only urban squalor. The church in this context must address not only “spiritual” issues but also a host of social problems endemic to poverty and explosive population growth. Medical needs, environmental issues, land usage, homelessness, injustice, violence, marginalization and inequality, inadequate access to education and finances, and corruption are just some of the problems confronting urban church leaders. Unfortunately, little formal ministerial training addresses these issues. Curriculum for urban poor leadership needs to be developed from the grassroots contexts of the urban poor rather than from preconceived Western patterns of ministerial training. Ministry among the poor is often learned by trial and error or by following a trusted mentor. Though there are many exceptions globally, colleges and seminaries tend to be middle-class places that find it difficult to be downwardly mobile. Those that have embraced the city have courses that reflect both the spiritual and physical needs of the city. Nonformal training is often done through organizations

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such as the Christian Community Development Association in the United States or the Center for Community Transformation in the Philippines. The preparation of urban ministers requires particular focus on urban spirituality and self-care. Most urban poor workers are underpaid and hold other jobs. They are busy day and night and often encounter burnout in the 24/7 city environment. Part of their spiritual training is to find inner peace and harmony with God in the midst of chaos. Urban ministers need training to develop vision and empower others to build a better world, creativity in evangelism, church planting and community development, and resourcefulness in fund-raising. Education for urban mission also involves teaching leaders how to network urban poor communities with government and nongovernment organizations and with churches and businesses in order to raise consciousness and build partnerships that empower these communities. Teaching advocacy skills to urban leaders links the powerless with the powerful in ways that transforms both groups and makes the city a more humane place to live. Urban mission training thus has two audiences, both the rich and the poor, the powerful and the powerless, learning to work together in seeking the shalom of the city (Jer. 29:7).

chief ambition is for the education of our children. . . . We take most pains of all with the instruction of children and esteem observation of the laws and of the piety . . . the most important affair of our whole life.”29 Parents are told to teach these commands “diligently.” This suggests intentionality and earnestness. Apparently Timothy’s mother and grandmother had been intentional and earnest about teaching him the scriptures. We read: “From a child, you have known the holy scriptures which are able to make you wise unto salvation” (2 Tim. 1:5 and 3:15).

References and Resources

Participation in Worship In Old Testament times, families participated together in the great religious festivals. At Passover, “the family searched the house for leaven which must be removed. The taste of bitter herbs recreated God’s acts of deliverance.” During the Feast of Tabernacles, the family “built outdoor booths to relive the stories of the wilderness days.” Families also participated in the Feast of Purim, the Feast of Weeks, and the Day of Atonement. In each of these, the child participated both as a “worshipper and a learner.”30 Children also gathered with their parents to hear the reading of the Law on various important occasions.

Claerbaut, David. 2005. Urban Ministry in a New Millennium. Federal Way, WA: Authentic Media/World Vision Resources. Conn, Harvie M., and Manuel Ortiz. 2010. Urban Ministry: The Kingdom, the City & the People of God. Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press. Fuder, John. 2001. Training Students for Urban Ministry: An Experiential Approach. Eugene, OR: Wipf & Stock. Lupton, Robert. 2005. Renewing the City: Reflections on Community Development and Urban Renewal. Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press.

Answering Questions Posed by Children The Old Testament mentions in several places the importance of answering questions that children ask. Exodus 12:25–27 says, “When your children ask you, ‘What does this ceremony mean?’ . . . tell them, ‘It is the Passover sacrifice to the Lord who . . . spared our homes.’” Joshua 4:6 says, “When your children ask . . . ‘What do these stones mean?’ tell them . . . . ‘The flow of the Jordan was cut off before the ark of the covenant of the Lord.’” A similar word of instruction is given in Joshua 4:21. As Jesus spent much of his teaching time answering questions posed by the disciples, so parents are told to be ready for the teachable moments when their children ask them questions about God and faith.

—Lee Wanak

Education in the Home, Biblical Models of Intentional Daily Instruction Deuteronomy 6:6–7 says, “These words which I command you this day shall be in your heart and you shall teach them diligently to your children . . . when you sit in your house, and when you walk by the way, and when you lie down and when you rise up.” In these early words from scripture, parents are instructed to give priority to the task of teaching God’s commands to their children. Concerning this responsibility, Josephus writes: “Our

Family Prayers Some of the earliest prayers in the Bible deal with important issues in the family. (1) Abraham prayed for his son, Ishmael: “Oh that Ishmael might live before thee” (Gen. 17:18), and God responded, “I have heard your prayer” (Gen. 17:20). (2) In Genesis 24:12–14, there is a prayer for guidance in finding the right spouse for Isaac. God answered this prayer by directing Isaac’s servant to Rebekah. (3) In Genesis 32:9–12, there is a prayer concerning a broken relationship between two brothers, Jacob 29. Josephus, Against Aphion 1.12, quoted in William Barclay, Educational Ideals in the Ancient World (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker, 1974), 12. 30. David Ng and Virginia Thomas, Children in the Worshiping Community (Atlanta, GA: John Knox Press, 1981), 50, 51.

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and Esau. God answered this prayer and reconciliation ensued. We may assume that children in biblical families were aware of the prayers offered by their parents (and related adults) and were instructed by these examples. Imparting Wisdom Large sections of the Book of Proverbs are devoted to the instruction of children. Some Bible scholars call Proverbs “the oldest handbook of education.”31 Parents are instructed to teach their children “how to live a happy and prosperous life.”32 This includes instruction in basic religious values such as honesty, humility, kindness, generosity, justice, industry, sexual purity, and self-control. A major goal of Hebrew parents was to impart wisdom about the practical affairs of life through teaching the values delineated in the Book of Proverbs. Training in Holiness The principle of qadesh (holiness or separation) was fundamental to Hebrew religion. William Barclay says, “First and foremost, the Jewish ideal of education is the ideal of holiness, of difference, of separation from all other peoples in order to belong to God.”33 As the family prepared the Passover sacrifice, participated in a Sabbath meal, or explained the covenant of circumcision, children learned that God’s people were to be distinct and separate. This distinctive lifestyle was both an indication of their dedication to God and a protection from customs and behaviors that might lure them away from their faith. Many stories in the Old Testament illustrate how individuals (and families) failed to live a life of separation and fell into sin. The story of Lot in Genesis is an example of what happened to a family whose parents failed to live a life of separation. Psalm 106:34–37 (a good summary for this story) says: “They . . . mingled among the heathen . . . and learned their works. . . . They sacrificed their sons and their daughters.” In contrast to Lot’s failure to embrace the principle of holiness/separation, God said regarding Abraham: “I know him that he will instruct his children and his household after him . . . and his household after him . . . and they shall keep the way of the Lord (Gen. 18:19).

led them with the cords of kindness” (Hosea 11:1–4). (2) “As a father has compassion on his children, so the Lord has compassion on those who fear Him” (Ps. 103:13). Against the advice of his disciples, Jesus treated children with kindness and respect. Ephesians 6:1 cautions us not to make children angry or discouraged by the way we give them instruction. Involvement of Both Parents The Book of Proverbs often reminds us of the role of the father and the mother in giving spiritual instruction to children: “Listen, my son, to your father’s commandments and do not forsake your mother’s teaching” (Prov. 1:8); “My son, keep your father’s commandments and do not forsake your mother’s teaching” (Prov. 6:20). While Ephesians 6:1 speaks of the role of the father in providing nurture and training, 1 Timothy 1:5 suggests that Timothy’s mother and grandmother were the most important figures in his early spiritual development. (This should be an encouragement to single parents as well as to women who teach boys in the local church.) If we take the most common biblical passages about child-rearing, we find that most of them are addressed to both parents, while one refers only to the father and one refers to the mother and the grandmother. References and Resources Barclay, William. 1974. Educational Ideals in the Ancient World. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House. Clark, Robert E., ed. 1991. Christian Education: Foundations for the Future. Chicago: Moody. Jones, Timothy Paul. 2011. Family Ministry Field Guide. Indianapolis, IN: Wesleyan Publishing House. Kesler, Jay, ed. 1987. Parents and Children. Wheaton, IL: Victor Books. May, Scottie, Beth Posterski, Catherine Stonehouse, and Linda Cannell. 2005. Children Matter: Celebrating Their Place in the Church, Family, and Community. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. Ng, David, and Virginia Thomas. 1981. Children in the Worshiping Community. Atlanta, GA: John Knox Press.

—Keith Springer Teaching Children by Kindness and Respect Many of the best pictures of “loving care for children appear in the parent-child metaphors of the Bible.”34 (1) “When Israel was a child, I loved him. . . . It was I who taught Ephraim to walk, I took them up in my arms. . . . I 31. A. R. S. Kennedy, quoted in Barclay, Educational Ideals, 25. 32. Barclay, Educational Ideals, 27. 33. Ibid., 47. 34. Scottie May, Beth Posteriski, Catherine Stonehouse, and Linda Cannell, Children Matter: Celebrating Their Place in the Church, Family, and Community (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 2005).

Education, Paul’s Concept of Educational processes in contemporary churches and Christian organizations encompass terms such as Christian education, discipleship, spiritual formation, nurture, and catechesis, but these are not common in the New Testament (NT) writings attributed to the apostle Paul. However, Paul’s letters contain a commonly used term that correlates well with the transformative development

Education, Paul’s Concept of

that lies at the heart of education: oikodomeō (and its noun form, oikodomē), which is often translated as “buildingup” or “edification.” A representative sample of uses of oikodomeō includes Romans 14:19, 15:2; 1 Corinthians 8:1, 14:12, 17, 26; 2 Corinthians 10:8, 12:19, 13:10; Ephesians 2:22, 4:12, 16, 29; and 1 Thessalonians 5:11. The oikodomeō process involved the apostles facilitating growth in individuals toward holistic maturity in Jesus Christ, which entailed the centrality of knowing Jesus Christ in increasingly deeper ways; the expression of agapē as the core value in one’s relationships with self, others, and God; and becoming more “adult” (1 Cor. 13:11–12) in one’s thinking and reasoning. But the goal of the intentional edification process had “twin aspects, inseparable from one another, being the mature person and the mature community.”35 Thus “oikodomeō is used to describe the growth and expansion of the community through the Spirit”36 and “the inner growth of the community and the content and purpose of its liturgical life and its meetings.”37 This comes about as the various gifts bestowed by the Holy Spirit on members are exercised for the common good (1 Cor. 14). The outworking of oikodomeō integrated the three strands that the early Christians perceived to constitute the church: (1) knowledge of the objective historical facts of the Gospel centering on the life, death, resurrection, and ascension of Jesus (e.g., Rom. 1:1–3, 1 Cor. 15:3–8ff.); faith was closely linked to this knowledge (e.g., Rom. 10:17, Gal. 3:5, Eph. 4:20); (2) the necessity for individuals to appropriate a restored relationship with God through faith in Jesus, demonstrated in a transformed life marked by loving and obedient service (e.g., Eph. 2:1–10; Col. 1:21–23 and 2:6–7); and (3) the essential reality of the church corporate as the people of God, the body of Christ, and the fellowship of the Holy Spirit, with its mandate to bear witness by the quality of its community life (koinōnia) and to reach out to the world in holistic mission. The root of oikodomeō is oikos, the traditional household of Greco-Roman society. The oikos, which usually included both kin and dependents of the household, became the basic unit for the NT churches, adequate in size to allow the members to fulfill the major functions involved in “being church” as an inclusive community across boundaries of age, gender, occupation, and social status— and those churches’ major educational environment. The oikos setting and the oikodomeō process were closely intertwined. It seems that the churches did not mold their educational strategies to fit their setting; rather, as a matter of principle Paul and his colleagues 35. William E. Andersen, “From Gospel to Education: Exploring a Translation, Part 1,” Journal of Christian Education Papers 79 (1984): 28. 36. The New International Dictionary of New Testament Theology, 2:252. 37. Theological Dictionary of the New Testament, 5:141.

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promoted the “church in one’s house” (e.g., Rom. 16:5; 1 Cor. 16:19; Col. 4:15) because it provided opportunity for the integration of both formal and informal educational processes consistent with the spiritual growth and formation connoted by oikodomeō. These processes clearly contrasted with the dominant schooling model of education in the surrounding Greco-Roman and Jewish cultures, an impact observed in two areas. First, Paul appears to have intentionally avoided the use of the common educational terminology of Hellenist education, when aspects of what the Christians were attempting to do educationally within their churches could well have been described in those ways: “The value system upon which Greek education has been built up is deliberately overthrown. . . . In its place [Paul] set out a fundamentally new pattern of human relations in which each is endowed by God with gifts to contribute to the upbuilding of the others.”38 This clear demarcation would have clarified for the churches and surrounding society that edification was not achievable using a school-based educational model, but rather by the development of relationships based on the best features of the household, catalyzed by the Spirit of the living Christ. Second, the children of Christians (mainly from the upper classes) who could afford to pay for a “regular liberal education” still received it within the secular system, even though the Christians were upholding ideals that were in ideological conflict with that system. It was assumed that biblical training at home and in church would counteract the dangers that arose.39, 40 With his focus on the oikodomeō process, Paul did not reject teaching per se. But his move away from the terminology of classical teaching served to refocus the place of both teaching and knowledge. Teaching was central in the life of the early churches, but “[their] teaching ministries are not an art-form or professional skill, performed with an eye to self-display, but have as their sole objective the sharing of the knowledge of God that will transform one’s thinking and life-style.”41 The right sort of knowledge was crucial. A different perspective on the role of teachers was also highlighted through the oikodomeō processes. Teachers 38. Edwin A. Judge, “The Reaction Against Classical Education in the New Testament,” Spectrum 17, no. 2 (1985): 26. 39. Edwin A. Judge, “The Conflict of Educational Aims in New Testament Thought,” Journal of Christian Education 9 (June 1966): 32–45, and “The Interaction of Biblical and Classical Education in the Fourth Century,” Journal of Christian Education Papers 77 (1983): 31–37. 40. Christians made no effort to establish their own schools until the fourth century, when the Roman emperor Julian “began by excluding [the Christians] from the right to teach in the Hellenic schools, and challenged them to try to train their youth on Matthew and Luke in the churches instead. Forlorn enthusiasts took up the challenge” (Judge, “Conflict of Educational Aims,” 34). 41. Ibid., 31.

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in the NT churches, unlike in the secular schools or the Jewish models, do not appear as a distinct group of people with a monopoly on the knowledge to be imparted. Instead, consistent with the developing theology of the churches as charismatic communities, the teaching function was achieved in several ways:42 (1) The apostles had a strategic and itinerant teaching/discipling role as the founders of the new churches and as stewards of sound teaching; (2) special gifting (charisma) from the Holy Spirit equipped others for a specific teaching ministry within specific churches (e.g., Rom. 12:7; 1 Cor. 12:28; Eph. 4:11); (3) all the members of each church were equipped, and had a responsibility, to teach one another (e.g., Col. 3:16); (4) the Holy Spirit enabled believers to learn by themselves (e.g., John 14:26, 1 John 2:27); and (e) the settings used—predominantly the oikos—had a powerful “hidden curriculum” teaching role. References and Resources Andersen, William E. 1984. “From Gospel to Education: Exploring a Translation. Part 1.” Journal of Christian Education Papers 79: 26–37. Brown, Colin, ed. 1975. The New International Dictionary of New Testament Theology. Vol. 2. Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan. Giles, Kevin N. 1981. “Teachers and Teaching in The Church: Part 1.” Journal of Christian Education Papers 70: 5–17. Hill, Brian V. 1985. The Greening of Christian Education. Sydney: Lancer Books. ———. 1990. That They May Learn: Towards a Christian View of Education. Exeter, UK: Paternoster Press. Judge, Edwin A. 1966. “The Conflict of Educational Aims in New Testament Thought.” Journal of Christian Education 9 (June): 32–45. ———. 1983. “The Interaction of Biblical And Classical Education in the Fourth Century.” Journal of Christian Education Papers 77: 31–37. ———. 1985. “The Reaction Against Classical Education in the New Testament.” Spectrum 17 (2): 22–27. Kittel, Gerhard, and Gerhard Friedrich, eds. 1967. Theological Dictionary of the New Testament. Vol. 5. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdman.

—Allan Harkness

Educational Leadership For the Christian educational institution, the effectiveness of the CEO (headmaster, head of school, principal, 42. Kevin N. Giles, “Teachers and Teaching in the Church: Part 1,” Journal of Christian Education Papers 70 (1981): 13; Brian V. Hill, The Greening of Christian Education (Sydney: Lancer Books, 1985), 30–32; and Brian V. Hill, That They May Learn: Towards a Christian View of Education (Exeter, UK: Paternoster Press, 1990), 62–63.

president) in defining, declaring, and representing the institution’s vision and mission is self-evident. The vast majority of these institutions are the offspring of dynamic founders whose personalities, passions, and dedication focused energy and enlisted followers. Their compelling presentation of vision, and call to sacrifice in order to achieve it, are the driving forces God uses to address the Christian education needs of society. Such institutions prosper as their leaders are active, effective, and focused. By contrast, when these leaders leave, die, retire, or most significant, fail, the institution’s ability to sustain its mission can falter. As faith-based institutions mature, their dependence on leaders to create, project, and maintain the mission remains strategic. Such leadership casts vision, creates structure, selects key personnel, and spearheads the effective marketing and successful fund-raising required to fulfill the mission. While without a vision the people perish (Prov. 29:18), it is clear that without the visionary, the people needed to perform and fulfill the vision soon lose sight of and commitment to the mission. And as leadership goes, so goes the ability to deliver on the institution’s promise. The Learning Leader Edgar Schein’s Organizational Culture and Leadership (1997) is among the most helpful in considering how leaders influence, for good or ill, the effectiveness of their organizations. That effectiveness depends on how leaders shape corporate culture through a variety of value propositions, business strategies, and reward systems that are anchored within the character and commitments of the individual leader, whose humility creates the context for continuous learning. Schein asserts that to be effective, leaders must be learning and growing constantly in both self-understanding as well as professional and administrative acumen, in order to shape the vision, create the identity, and deploy the resources needed to accomplish the mission of their organizations. These learning leaders will need to demonstrate six core qualities in order to address the major changes on the horizon: 1. New levels of insight into the realities of the world and themselves. 2. Extraordinary motivation to endure the pain that necessary change will produce. 3. Emotional strength to manage their own and others’ anxiety as change occurs. 4. New skills in analyzing and changing cultural assumptions. 5. Willingness and ability to involve others and encourage their participation. 6. Ability to learn the assumptions of rapidly changing organizational cultures.

Educational Leadership

The research on the significant impact of leadership on organizational mission provides a foundation for a truly Christian approach to leading. The findings show a decided shift from the what, when, where, and how of organizational systems and structures to the who and why of character, attitude, and motivation that ultimately determine leadership performance and effectiveness. While Christian leadership also is concerned about the process and systems of leadership, its strength is the focus on the personhood of the leader. Since there is an abundance of materials on how to lead in a Christian school context, this article focuses more on who is doing the leading (personhood), believing, as the research shows, that in the end, character with competence produces the most effective leaders. What is the personhood of Christian leadership, and how does that personhood influence leadership style and effectiveness? Leadership Motifs: Impact on Effectiveness It is helpful in understanding Christian education leaders to explore four basic motifs of personhood found in the scriptures. No leader fits fully into any one of these characterizations, because of the raw materials of personality, experiences, motivations, and skill sets each individual brings to the specific situation. Current institutional needs and emerging opportunities also influence the tailoring of these motifs to fit the person with the place. The majority of effective leaders understand their preferred motif of leadership and work from that position of experience and disposition. However, the most effective leaders willingly adapt their leadership preferences and predispositions to changing conditions as required while not compromising the essence of who they are as persons redeemed in Christ. The Institutional Prophet The prophet motif is the one most characteristic of founder leaders, particularly in faith-based institutions. The prophets of the Old Testament stood as emissaries on behalf of God, declaring in compelling, convincing, and correcting tones God’s plans for His people. The missions of organizations led by such prophets tend to be focused, specific, and targeted in their ministry objectives. These leaders have an urgency to achieve their vision, believing that time is short, needs are great, and this cause is worth both living as well as sacrificing for in terms of commitment and resources. For such leaders, their mission has world-changing, culture-shaping implications. Their leadership is driven by a conviction that they have a unique and distinctive call from God to be a John the Baptist voice to and for this generation. Institutions that are in crisis or significant transition often require a prophetic leader to rally support and redefine mission.

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The Organizational Priest Where the prophet speaks to the people on behalf of God, the priest speaks to God on behalf of the people. Pastoral tones and perspectives shape the identity of the leader who is motivated to care for the most needy and vulnerable the institution serves. Deep interest in the personal and spiritual life of the students is usually the major focus of this type of leadership. As with the prophetic motif, the organization reflects the style, dispositions, and character of the leader, usually with an emphasis on God’s love, forgiveness, mercy, and compassion. The Organizational Monarch The monarch motif is distinguished from the prophet and priest primarily in its approach to doing the work of the institution. While prophets cajole and priests comfort, monarchs tend to create structures and issue the commands necessary for the implementation of the vision. In this motif, measurable evidences of success drive the leader. Growth and expansion are highly valued rubrics for determining God’s blessing. Loyalty to the leader and the mission are expected; there is little tolerance for those who do not embrace the mission as identified and projected by the leader. In these organizational cultures, followers implement mission as directed by the leader and are rewarded for their effectiveness in fulfilling the CEO’s expectations. This is a top-down culture, very dependent on the leader for mission interpretation and communication. There often is a great deal of emphasis on command and control strategies. Personnel are seen more as employees than collaborators. Monarchs can be effective when institutions are facing times of significant change, reengineering, and/or recovery. The Apostle Facilitator In the apostolic motif of leadership, there is a decided shift from the focus primarily on the leader to a cooperative, collaborative, and facilitating leadership disposition. Prophets cajole, priests comfort, and monarchs command, but apostles coordinate and facilitate, as well as course-correct and nurture the vision and mission through others. The first three motifs operate in an independent fashion, assuming the final authority for decisions and direction. Even if they have boards, they function more as ratifying and advisory councils rather than as governing accountability-based entities. The apostle usually operates more in a collaborative and team-building manner, seeking to discover, resource, and empower the right people for the tasks at hand. The ultimate model of Christian leadership is found in the example of Jesus Christ. The apostle Paul, in Philippians 2, provides an excellent insight into the Jesus model.

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Educational Leadership

He suggests that the characteristic of Christlike leadership adapts the chosen or preferred leadership style to the needs of the led rather than to the needs or preferences of the leader. This orientation stands in stark contrast with much of the strengths-based theories present in both secular as well as Christian literature and practice. There are specific circumstances when what is needed for the good of the mission is a particular leadership style. Any and all of these can work well when operated in the context of the Jesus model. The needs of the led and the current challenges of the organization dictate the style of leadership chosen. Any of the four motifs can be appropriate and effective when driven by this simple but profound insight. Within such a servant leadership priority, each of the four styles has the potential to advance the mission. Spiritual Formation in Leadership Effectiveness Finally, spiritual formation can help focus the sacred missions entrusted to Christian educational leaders and promote the Jesus model. If leaders get the spiritual dimensions right, they are able to better discern the methods and modalities that best serve their institutions’ purposes. The reality about mission is that it must be alive in the leader in order for it to be vital and compelling for those to be led. Keeping the vision and mission burning in the bones of leaders requires an unquenchable awareness, a revelation, of the divine mandates required to lead the work entrusted to them. Philip Greenslade, in Leadership, Greatness and Servanthood (1984), provides helpful insight into where effective mission and clear identity originate: Revelation is vital to leadership. God’s view of things and not man’s has been the starting point for all great movements. We need to know who God is and where He wants to take His people. . . . When God’s chosen instrument (the leader) has seen God’s plan and purpose he can stir and motivate the people of God, keeping them on course when the going gets rough—as it usually does. (p. 41)

Anchoring his exhortations to the familiar without a vision passage in Proverbs 29:18, Greenslade offers another rendition of this benchmark challenge. He suggests that where there is no prophetic vision (among the leaders), the people whom they lead become confused, disorganized, and rebellious. The point of his argument is that leaders must seek a spiritual understanding, a revelation, of the unique work that God calls them to that is more than just the appropriation of best practices or success models of others whose ministries they admire. Making the time to seek first God’s Kingdom and righteousness (Matt. 6:33) for their organizations through the inner

vision that comes only from the Holy Spirit requires an appropriation of spiritual disciplines and an attitude of teachable humility that is inherently difficult for the typical Type A personality. Being still and knowing who and what is of God (Ps. 46:10) requires the cultivation of the disciplines of divine revelation. Various theological traditions emphasize differing means for awakening and sustaining God’s revelation of calling and purpose. Some use the disciplined study of the scriptures as the pathway for understanding God’s revelation. Others find periodic retreats of prayer, reflection, and meditation the most helpful for sensitizing the heart and mind. Some find divine leading clearer in places and experiences of worship and praise. And still others believe that God’s direction is best determined in the context of the wise counsel of those who demonstrate track records of spiritual wisdom and insight. Usually all of these, in varying degrees, are important means of grace for finding God’s purposes for the institution. Whatever disciplines awaken the leader’s spirit to the divine voice need to be employed regularly to keep minds clear and hearts focused. The challenge of leaders to cast vision, shape identity, and ensure success is nurtured and protected in the revealed presence of the One who has called them. No Christian leader will perform this calling without the exercise of the spiritual disciplines necessary to keep in touch with and submissive to the Master on whose behalf we serve until He returns. In Timothy Beals’s The Essential Engstrom: Proven Principles of Leadership (2007), a summary of Dr. Ted Engstrom’s (former president of World Vision) lifelong principles of Christ-centered leadership is recorded: 1. Commit yourself to God. He wants to share the privilege and the joy of carrying His Word. 2. Set your goal on the next runner. Miraculously we bear not one, but untold thousands of torches—the more we hand out the more we have to share. 3. Be motivated by the things that motivate God. 4. Open your heart to God and He will fill it with genuine enthusiasm. 5. Live in honesty—they who receive the torch from you must be willing to believe you when you speak of its importance. 6. Be strong and of good courage—though the night is dark, you will always walk in light when bearing His torch. 7. Decide to decide—indecision is inaction and inaction leads to failure. 8. Act responsibly. 9. Keep first things first.

Educational Ministry of Jesus

10. Respect the future—He who inhabits eternity invites you to share His home there with Him (293). As leaders shape and lead the missions of their educational institutions, they must demonstrate the integrity that comes from the revelation that God has called and equipped them for this important task. William Barclay translates Eph. 1:18 as a benediction for those called to lead: “I pray that your inner vision may be flooded with light, to enable you to see what hope the fact that He has called you gives you.” References and Resources Ackerman, Laurence D. 2000. Identity Is Destiny: Leadership and the Roots of Value Creation. San Francisco: BerrettKoehler Publishers. Barber, Cyril. 1999. Nehemiah and the Dynamics of Effective Leadership. Neptune, NJ: Loizeaux Brother. Barclay, William. 2002. The Letters to the Galatians and Ephesians (New Daily Study Bible), Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press. Beals, Timothy J. W. 2007. The Essential Engstrom: Proven Principles of Leadership. Franklin, TN: Authentic Press. Edwards, Gene. 1992. A Tale of Three Kings: A Study in Brokenness. Wheaton, IL: Tyndale House Publishers. Greenslade, Philip. 1984. Leadership, Greatness and Servanthood. Ada, MI: Bethany House Publishers. McKenna, David L. 2006. The Leaders Legacy: Preparing for Greater Things. Newberg, OR: Barclay Press. Schein, Edgar H. 1997. Organizational Culture and Leadership. New York: Jossey-Bass. Sonnefeld, Jerry. 1998. The Hero’s Farewell: What Happens When CEOs Retire. Cambridge, MA: Oxford University Press.

—David Gyertson

Educational Ministry of Jesus Since Jesus began His teaching ministry, it has been viewed with much curiosity, and at various times even the disciples wondered about the way Jesus taught (Matt. 13:10–17). These disciples sought ultimately to live out what they had seen in Jesus as a result of their time with Him. The Gospels and the first chapter of Acts are the primary resource for viewing the educational ministry of Jesus, as these are the direct means of identification for His teaching purpose, content, and methodology. It has repeatedly been said that Jesus was a master teacher (Pazmiño 2001, 115), and this is evident in each of the facets of His educational ministry. First, Jesus’s purpose for education was that He would make disciples,

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who would then go out and make other disciples (Wilkins 2001, 236). In order to do that, Jesus had to educate His followers to be like Him. That is, “the ultimate goal of discipleship is transformation into the image of the Master, Jesus Christ” (236). For Christian educators, this means that we are to pursue Christlike transformation in our own lives, even as we educate students toward godliness (Wilhoit 1991, 114). The content of Jesus’s educational ministry was focused almost exclusively on God. He taught His followers about God the Father, who He was as the Son of God, and spoke of the coming Holy Spirit. He wanted His students to know God, so the content of His education instructed them to understand each of these characters. In addition, Jesus spoke regularly of the Kingdom of God and how to have a new life in Him (MacGregor 2001, 382). “God’s redeeming, transforming presence in all of life, God’s Word-become-flesh, calls us to leave behind our old selves and social patterns and enter into an eternal relationship that recreated everything we are, calls us to a discipleship of following the ways of God’s new creation” (Blackwood 2001, 684). The methodology Jesus used in His educational ministry varied depending on the situation He was in and whom He was instructing. His educational approach always fit His audience. Jesus taught primarily by example, because He lived out his lessons before His students (Luke 11; John 13). His most used technique was that of the parable, but He also used longer discourses, as in the Sermon on the Mount (Nichols 2001, 231). The common theme for each technique of instruction was that His audience would grow in their spiritual maturity. Pazmiño identifies five guiding principles related to the content of Jesus’s teaching, which are helpful for understanding His methods of teaching: “1. Jesus’ teaching was authoritative. . . . 2. Jesus’ teaching was not authoritarian. . . . 3. Jesus’ teaching encouraged people to think. . . . 4. Jesus lived what he taught. . . . 5. Jesus had a love for those he taught” (1992, 125–129). The educational ministry of Jesus was not a stagnant one, made up of a series of theoretical laws and principles that had no impact on life. His educational ministry intended that His followers would become like Him in their lives, as holy representatives of God in the world, and as a result live out their faith in a manner that was endearing to others who might follow along as well. This must be restated: Jesus expected that His followers would continue His work. That is, Christians down through the centuries are to “go and make disciples of all nations, baptizing them in the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit, and teaching them to obey everything [Jesus] commanded” (Matt. 28:19–20, NIV).

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Educational Mission of the Church

References and Resources Blackwood, V. L. 2001. “Teachings of Jesus Christ.” In Evangelical Dictionary of Christian Education, edited by M. Anthony, 684–686. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic. MacGregor, J. C. 2001. “Jesus Christ.” In Evangelical Dictionary of Christian Education, edited by Michael Anthony, 380–382. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic. Nichols, C. H. 2001. “Education in the Gospels and Acts.” In Evangelical Dictionary of Christian Education, edited by Michael Anthony, 230–231. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic. Pazmiño, Robert W. 1992. Principles and Practices of Christian Education: An Evangelical Perspective. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House. ———. 2001. “Jesus: The Master Teacher.” In Christian Education: Foundations for the Twenty-first Century, edited by Michael Anthony, 111–116. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic. Wilhoit, Jim. 1991. Christian Education & the Search for Meaning. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House. Wilkins, M. J. 2001. “Education of the Twelve.” In Evangelical Dictionary of Christian Education, edited by Michael Anthony, 234–237. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic.

—Donald R. Shepson III

Educational Mission of the Church The educational mission of the church is to enable individuals, church communities, and society at large to open their lives to a faith-forming, life-transforming, and world-repairing experiential communion with God. This involves entering the mystery of God’s love through ongoing alignment of our lives with the radical person and passion of Jesus Christ. To align with Christ means to demonstrate the character of Christ, to identify with and embody all that Christ is and represents. Education, in the fullest sense, invites and enables this process. For something to be called education, it must be truly educative. Transmitting bodies of information and rules or values collected in the past does not equal education. Education involves movement beyond limitations and frees people to live life more fully as God intended. Christian education is about Christ-centered cultivation of formation and transformation toward wholeness (spiritual, emotional, intellectual, vocational) and freedom (personal and social) in all aspects of life and faith. Formation is a process of bringing something into being. This involves an initial act or acts of shaping, giving form, and bringing into existence. Learning about God as a child or attending a church for the first time are examples of possible initial acts that may shape the beginnings of our Christian faith. Christian formation is a process of leading one into a particular form of existence or way of life that is informed by beliefs and confessions, systems of symbols and rules, and worship practices and

rites. The process of formation may have many dimensions, such as relationships, institutional commitments or allegiances, lifestyle guidelines, values, and vision. In other words, formation involves intentional processes by which groups initiate new members into their shared views and way of life, processes for internalizing the values, expectations, and institutional framework of the faith community culture. These intentional initiation processes vary according to the traditions and vision of each faith community and often include some form of membership classes, fellowship groups, and expectations (both overt and covert) regarding conversion and community life. The formation process may be implemented through clearly defined and structured steps of initiation and/or participation in the ordinary life of the group. The educational mission of the early church, as recorded in the New Testament (Acts18:24, 19:9, 23, 22:4, 22; Gal. 6:6), involved a Christian formation process known as catechesis, a word derived from the Greek verb katecheo, meaning “to impart information” or “to teach.” The four interrelated functions of teachers included instruction of children and other members of the community, interpretation and application of the tradition, the inculcation of a religious identity distinct from the dominant culture, and answering the attacks of nonbelievers. By the fourth century, catechesis had evolved into a formal initiation into the Christian community that entailed a period of instruction; rituals of baptism, Chrismation, and Eucharist; and mystagogy. While formation means bringing something into being and transformation means changing or reshaping what exists, transformation does not occur apart from formation. In contrast to the initial shaping dynamics of formation, transformation means change or a series of changes in relationship with, or in response to, one’s initial formation experiences. For example, in a formative Christian experience, one may understand and experience prayer in a particular form or style that provides a particular degree or kind of spiritual meaning. Transformation would involve changes that alter, expand, or deepen this formative understanding, practice, and meaning of prayer. Formation is about shaping, and transformation is about reshaping. Formation involves initiation into a life of faith, and transformation moves a person or group beyond the limitations of the formation experience toward greater spiritual depth and authenticity. Transformation allows individuals and groups of individuals to move beyond the limitations of the dominant social paradigm, to build upon, expand, or alter existing ways of being in faith. Transformation enables creativity and birth of possibilities from within or in response to the initial faith enculturation experience. Transformation means movement toward depth, authenticity, integrity, and fresh vision. Formation and transformation are vital

Educational Mission, Paul’s Concept of

processes in our journey toward maturity in Christ. This process of change continues throughout the life span. The many specific reasons that we educate in the church fit within a fourfold focus: 1. Tradition-Gospel-Bible-centered education—telling the gospel story, making accessible the resources of the tradition (beliefs, symbols, rituals, disciplines, and values), and teaching people to think theologically. 2. Person-centered education—nurturing relationship with God, empowering people to live in the fullness of their faith and values, nurturing growth toward Christlikeness, developing one’s potential as a human being (imago dei), and nurturing experience of the holy. 3. Church-centered education—creating a community of faith in which people live in transformational tension with society, helping people discover and live their gifts and roles within the church community, and helping people worship. 4. Society/mission-centered education—calling and equipping people for action within the world (healing, compassion, justice, and evangelism). All aspects of the church’s educational mission empower participation in the saving work of Jesus Christ. The educational mission of the church is not a call to theorize about Jesus, but rather to reproduce Him in our lives and in the world. References and Resources Dykstra, Craig. 1999. Growing in the Life of Faith: Education and Christian Practices. Louisville, KY: Geneva Press. Smith, David I., and K. A. James. 2011. Teaching and Christian Practices: Reshaping Faith and Learning. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans.

—Beverly C. Johnson-Miller

Educational Mission, Paul’s Concept of Like any good educator, Paul clearly understood his instructional goal, stated in several places but all governed by his use of the tel-word group. Paul used the Greek word teleios in its various manifestations (telos, teleo, teleiōs, teleiaō, holoteleis) to great effect to set out what he understood as the outcome of Christian teaching and instruction. Bible translators gloss the word teleios as “mature,” “complete,” or “perfect.” Paul mentions this targeted outcome in several places (1 Cor. 2:6, 14:20; Phil. 3:12, 15, 4:12; 1 Thess. 5:23). However, in Ephesians Paul crystallizes his teaching on the subject. In Ephesians 4:7–16, Paul sets out the benefits

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that accrue to the followers of Christ after His ascension to the Father (4:10). As a display of His victory over his enemies (Col. 2:13–16) and the last enemy (1 Cor. 15:56), Christ distributed the spoils of war (4:8) and gave gifts to His subjects. The spiritual gifts given by Christ and distributed by the Holy Spirit (1 Cor. 12:11) are given “for the equipping of the saints” (4:12a), as they do “the work of service” (4:12b) that result in “the building up of the body of Christ” (4:12c). This process of edification and equipping continues, in Paul’s view, “until we all attain . . . to complete maturity (teleios), to the measure of the fullness of Christ . . . to grow up in all aspects into Him who is the head, even Christ” (4:13–15). Paul’s Educational Strategies While Paul envisions this end state as the outcome, Christians achieve this goal through a process of Christian development and growth. Thus, he can say in 2 Corinthians 3:18: “We are being transformed from glory to glory.” Paul facilitates the process of growth in Christians individually and corporately through an educational process that involves teaching (Acts 11:26, 15:35, 18:11, 20:20, 21:21, 28:31; Rom. 16:17; Col. 1:28), admonishing (1 Cor. 4:14; Col. 2:28), exhorting (Acts 20:1–2; 1 Cor. 1:10, 4:16), strengthening (Acts 14:22, 15:32, 41, 16:5, 18:23; 1 Thess. 3:2), edifying (2 Cor. 10:8, 13:10; 1 Thess. 5:11), explaining (Acts 28:23), and reasoning (Acts 17:2, 18:19). All of these educational efforts aim at achieving Paul’s stated outcome, elucidated above. Paul edified his churches through protracted and apparently systematic instruction in the scriptures. As Bowers notes, “there is no restless rushing from one new opening to another but rather a methodical progress concerned both with initiating work in new areas and at the same time with bringing the emergent groups in those areas to stable maturity” (1987, 190–191). One of the unique features of Paul’s educational strategies was to employ coworkers (sunergoi) like Barnabas, Titus, Timothy, and a host of about 100 (Ellis 1978). Paul practiced what he taught about the function of the body of Christ, which required the participation of all of its members in order for growth to occur (Eph. 4:16). Bowers observes that not only are the team members involved in evangelizing and establishing churches, but “as it is visible in his letters is a church-nurturing team” (1987, 190). Paul’s teaching reflected his theology of mutuality and reciprocity, depicted in his fondness for “one another” (allēlōn) imperatives (Rom. 12:10, 16, 15:7). Romans 1:11–12 typifies Paul’s instructional approach, which modern educators might describe as collaborative. Boring, commenting on this passage, suggests that it “represents the genuine mutuality of the teaching ministry between apostle and church that Paul understands to be inherent in the Body of Christ” (1999, 124).

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Education and Paul’s Mission As Thompson argues, “Paul’s major concern is not with numerical growth but with the maturation of the church he planted” (2006, 14) and the “center of Paul’s thought is a theology of transformation” (19). Paul seeks to facilitate the spiritual maturity of his churches by the transforming power of the Spirit (2 Cor. 3:18), operating through protracted periods of biblical instruction that he and his coworkers provide. For example, Paul stays in Corinth for 18 months, using the home of Titius Justus as his base of operations while “teaching the word of God” (Acts 18:7–11). Education in Paul’s epistles was mission-driven and served to make possible the continued expansion of the church through evangelism and church planting. Believers who are growing in their faith sustain the mission of the church across the generations and across national and ethnic boundaries. Paul’s Educational Settings Paul would always begin his ministry in a new location in the Jewish synagogue, but would often move from that location after his initial proclamation of the gospel (Acts 14:1, 17:1, 18:4, 19). On one occasion he moved to a facility next to the synagogue (Acts 18:7, 19:9), on another occasion he stopped by the riverside (Acts 16:13), in Athens he met with interested citizens on the Areopagus (Acts 17:22ff.), and in Rome he lived under house arrest (Acts 28:16). It is important to note that Paul did not alter his teaching strategies based on the context in which he ministered. We find the same terms used for Paul’s educational strategies (methods) regardless of the setting in which he used them. This means that the bright line that Dodd (1964) saw between kerygma and didache fails to garner support from a closer examination of the textual evidence (Worley 1967; Furnish 1961). What is true of these terms is true of any of the terms used for Paul’s educational endeavors. References and Resources Boring, M. Eugene. 1999. “Paul as Teacher of the Whole Church: Romans as the Model.” Mid-Stream 38: 119–127. Bowers, P. 1987. “Fulfilling the Gospel: The Scope of the Pauline Mission.” Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society 30: 185–198. Dodd, C. H. 1964. The Apostolic Preaching and Its Developments. New York: Harper & Row. Ellis, E. 1978. “Paul and His Co-workers.” In Prophecy and Hermeneutic in Early Christianity, edited by E. Earl Ellis, 876–880. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans.

FIGURE E.1

Furnish, V. 1961. “Kerygma and didache Reconsidered.” Perkins School of Theology Journal 14: 31–37. Thompson, James. 2006. Pastoral Ministry according to Paul: A Biblical Vision. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Books. Worley, R. 1967. Preaching and Teaching in the Earliest Church. Philadelphia: Westminster Press.

—Steven Lowe

Educational Philosophy Educational philosophy is an educational expression of a philosophy or worldview. Education is ultimately rooted in philosophy. Instructional methods are tied to theories of learning, but learning theory is a reflection of philosophical assumptions. Figure E.1 illustrates that root philosophical assumptions often have accompanying educational expressions, that is, educational philosophies. These inform educational theory (which places the philosophy within an actual sociocultural-political context, often shaping the ideals of the philosophy) and ultimately shape a curriculum and what teachers and students experience in the classroom. 1. Philosophy: metaphysics, epistemology, and axiology 2. Educational philosophy: implications of philosophy 3. Education theory: philosophy in context 4. Curriculum and practices: practical expression What we experience as students in an educational context is the tangible reflection of the educational philosophy informing it. Christian educators and education are inseparable from their philosophical assumptions. Philosophy is preeminently influential for our educational task, but often remains in the background. Philosophy and Education Educational philosophy not only answers the basic questions of philosophy, but translates them into practical reality for the educational setting. These three basic questions (What is real? What is true? What has worth?) are no less relevant for educators who are Christian, since we too must respond to these primary human inquiries. Metaphysic, epistemology, and axiology form the philosophical framework with educational implications, forging educational agendas that reflect those assumptions. Table E.1 identifies the main Western educational philosophies and their basic educational implications.

experiential Socratic dialogue choice of subject matter search for self and meaning undetermined debate, skeptical inquiry multicultural perspectives

sounding board noninterference unnecessary

facilitator deconstructor for the student challenge status quo

personal awareness challenge paradigms seeker

Source: Based on Moore (1994) , with Anthony and Benson (2003, 408–409).

Postmodernism Proponents: Henry Giroux, Stanley Aronowitz, Michel Foucault

Proponents: Kierkegaard, Maxine Green, George Keller, Van Cleve Morris

Proponents: John Dewey, William Kilpatrick Existentialism • Phenomenology essentially good questioning attitude ultimate chooser absolute freedom

self fulfillment whatever happens create personal destiny

overcome relativism via personal determination of life

learner centered relational self expression arouse personal response social reconstruction broadening worldview free the mind from any encumbrance

life world beyond classroom humanities

multicultural history music literature and social sciences, e.g., politics

growth is aim rebuild social order better person for society social experience based tailored to task ever changing reorganize human experience

projects group cooperatives problem solving social learning discovery

inquiry leader project director facilitator equal learner

technical science social sciences

Proponents: Thomas Aquinas, Jacques Maritain, Karl Rahner Pragmatism • Progressivism • Experimentalism • Social Reconstructionism problem solver experiencing organism

prepare for life absorb moral, intellectual, and spiritual content synthesize intellect & spirit content discipline behaviors to reason emphasize past

dogma, tradition classics catechism

repetition drills

Proponents: Aristotle, John Locke, Maria Montessori, Jean Rousseau Thomism • Neo-Thomism • Manualism mental disciplinarian and moral spiritual leader instrument of God through church

orderly change toward perfection of understanding produce students adjusted to real world

golden mean, desirable middle training in reason, rules, conduct

natural law natural sciences design in nature master facts & information logic

demonstration recitation scientific inquiry

demonstrator imparts knowledge liaison between student and nature

knowledge recipients sense mechanism passive

good intellect deprived will rational and spiritual being soul to be saved

grasp ideas better person for society whole moral, intellectual, spiritual being

holistic absorbing ideas teacher centered draw out of student

wisdom of ages symbols, ideas eternal truths cultural heritage classics

reports dialectic lecture discussion contemplation

example of values and ideas model of truth purveyor of culture

image of ideal microcosmic mind mind to be molded

Idealism • Perennialism • Essentialism

Proponents: Plato, Immanuel Kant, Donald Butler, Hermon Horne Realism • Perennialism • Essentialism • Positivism

Outcomes

Educational Process

Content

Curriculum Method

Teachers

Learners

Philosophical Schools

TABLE E.1

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Educational Program Outcomes

How does Christian education relate to these philosophies? Some Christian educators choose to simply adopt an educational philosophy and apply it to the church, while others choose to selectively engage the philosophies, borrowing from each what is deemed acceptable to the Christian community. The former approach minimizes the Christian distinctive of education within the church, while the latter preserves the distinction of education that is Christian while appropriating the best ideas of the education community. References and Resources Anthony, Michael, and Warren Benson. 2011. Exploring the History and Philosophy of Christian Education. Eugene, OR: Wipf & Stock. Estep, James R., Gregg Allison, and Michael Anthony. 2008. A Theology for Christian Education. Nashville, TN: Broadman & Holman. Knight, George R. 2006. Philosophy and Education: An Introduction in Christian Perspective. Berrien Spring, MI: Andrews University Press. ———. 2008. Issues and Alternatives in Education. Berrien Spring, MI: Andrews University Press. Murphy, Madonna. 2005. The History and Philosophy of Education: Voices of Educational Pioneers. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall.

—James Riley Estep, Jr.

Educational Program Outcomes Program outcomes in Christian higher education are closely linked and triangulated with the overall purpose of higher education, the educational philosophy of the institution, and the specific Christian mission and purpose of the institution. While these influences may not be readily apparent, these foundational statements directly influence the educational aims, goals, and objectives of the program. A well-developed philosophy of Christian higher education addresses fundamental questions: What is the aim or purpose of Christian higher education? Is the goal personal development, the preservation of a Christian culture, or to change society according to Christian priorities and values? What does the educated Christian person look like? What does she or he experience? What kind of information and experiences are educated Christians exposed to? Should the curriculum offer a broad liberal education from a Christian perspective, or should the focus be on specific biblical studies and practical skill development? How do people of different ages and stages of life learn best? Should we focus on the past, the present, or the future as our learning emphasis? While the answers to

these questions are shaped by our current situations, the questions themselves are timeless. The institutional mission provides the core goals and values, serving as a compass indicating who we are, where we are going, and how we will get there. These goals and values provide foundational guidelines for all programs. Once these are clearly established and articulated, the institution can then move on to determine institutional learning outcomes, which are common learning outcomes evident in all graduates regardless of which degree or program is completed. It is then at the degree program level that the specific learning objectives for individual programs are defined. This creates a well-defined link, ensuring continuity between the institutional mission and program objectives. Degree program objectives should be clearly differentiated from other programs offered, written in clear and measurable terms, and aligned with the institutional mission. Once the program outcomes are defined, appropriate student learning outcomes can be assigned to the individual courses that are required in the specific degree program. Too often the course design process begins at the point of selecting course titles and topics, omitting the prior consideration of what should be taught and why. A thoughtful and coherent program of Christian education provides a cohesive and guiding trajectory for determining specific educational objectives related to a well-conceived curriculum. Each course required in the program should include specific student learning outcomes that map back to the program objectives and align with specific course assignments. Program learning outcomes define what the student should know or be able to do upon completion of the degree program. Designated course assignments, capstone courses, and student portfolios serve as representative samples of student learning indicating how well the institution is achieving the stated program and institutional learning outcomes. Summative direct assessments of student learning outcomes are determined through faculty evaluation of a representative sample of student work. These evaluations are scored by a rubric designed to measure learning outcomes on a programmatic level. Assessment findings are then analyzed, summarized, and disseminated to faculty and other academic leaders to provide data-driven decisions for improvement in regularly scheduled program reviews and curriculum revisions. References and Resources Allen, Mary J. 2004. Assessing Academic Programs in Higher Education. Bolton, MA: Jossey-Bass. Bresciani, Marilee J. 2006. Outcomes-Based Academic and CoCurricular Program Review: A Compilation of Institutional Good Practices. Sterling, VA: Stylus Publishing.

Educational Psychology

Suskie, Linda. 2009. Assessing Student Learning: a Common Sense Guide. 2nd ed. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass.

—Gino Pasquariello

Educational Psychology Educational psychology emphasizes systematic attention to ensuring that students learn important information that reflects societal values and provides a foundational understanding for social improvements. Educational psychologists Weinstein and Way (2003) suggest that this focus reflects the educational efforts of past elders who sought to transmit valued knowledge and skills to younger generations. A Judeo-Christian model of this type of systematic instruction is illustrated in the following passage from Deuteronomy 6:1–9, in which the ancient Hebrew people were preparing to enter into a new country and to confront challenges that were decidedly unknown: Now this is the commandment—the statutes and the ordinances—that the LORD your God charged me to teach you to observe in the land that you are about to cross into and occupy, so that you and your children and your children’s children may fear the LORD your God all the days of your life, and keep all his decrees and his commandments that I am commanding you, so that your days may be long. Hear therefore, O Israel, and observe them diligently, so that it may go well with you, and so that you may multiply greatly in a land flowing with milk and honey, as the LORD, the God of your ancestors, has promised you. Hear, O Israel: The LORD is our God, the LORD alone. You shall love the LORD your God with all your heart, and with all your soul, and with all your might. Keep these words that I am commanding you today in your heart. Recite them to your children and talk about them when you are at home and when you are away, when you lie down and when you rise. Bind them as a sign on your hand, fix them as an emblem on your forehead, and write them on the doorposts of your house and on your gates. (New Revised Version)

Much debate has surrounded questions about exactly what content students should learn and how this material should be taught, but the goals to preserve important knowledge, train learners to be guardians of this knowledge, and equip these learners to face future challenges endure across generations and cultures. History Educational psychology is a division of psychology that has traditionally emphasized identifying problems in education and working to create solutions to these problems (Weinstein and Way 2003). Educational psy-

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chologists attend to both the content taught and the instructional methods used to facilitate learning. Many notable Greek philosophers documented ideas that still resonate with educators. For example, Aristotle is credited with observing that learning can be facilitated and retention promoted by the context in which learning takes place. Much later, Jaun Luis Vives (1492–1540) called upon educators to take contextual features into account when making instructional decisions by reflecting upon what was to be taught, to whom, and where, as well as the individual learning needs and preferences of students (Weinstein and Way 2003). In Psychology as Science, Johann Herbart (1824) built on the assumptions of Vives and outlined five progressive steps for teaching any subject that are consistent with lesson planning methods commonly considered to be among the best instructional practices today (Marzano 2007; Weinstein and Way 2003; Wolfe 1987). The mid-20th-century shift in psychology’s concentration away from individual and private mental processes and toward behaviorism was reflected in education, along with many other cultural institutions. The belief that behaviors, not thinking, could be observed and measured influenced educational goal-setting, and measurable behavioral objectives became the drivers of lesson-planning activities. The timely development of a cognitive psychology provided the discipline with a framework for scientifically assessing—if not the contents of the mind itself—artifacts of learning presumed to serve as proxy variables for the mind’s inner learning processes. Benjamin Bloom’s (1956) Taxonomy of Objectives Handbook 1: The Cognitive Domain reflects this behavioral-cognitive focus. Various renditions of Bloom’s taxonomy continue to be widely referenced in contemporary educational settings. Assessment and Evaluation An ongoing discussion in education revolves around assessment and evaluation. In recent decades, teacher preparation and professional development programs have dramatically changed positions, from admonishing teachers not to teach standards or test content explicitly to a backward design model claiming that teaching must be carefully aligned with standards-based assessments to result in mastery of the desired content (e.g., Tomlinson and McTighe 2006). An assumption of the former approach rested on a concern with what students were taught, known as educational inputs. This concern posited that test items should merely sample the breadth of content that students were expected to acquire. Thus, limiting teaching and learning activities to narrowly attend only to specifically tested material was considered a disservice to students who deserved a full and

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comprehensive education. The paradigm shift that has resulted in the current approach has been a concentration on what students have learned, or educational outcomes, resulting in an assumption that assessments should reliably demonstrate what students know and can do. Thus, many proponents of the current approach maintain that it is not actually “teaching toward a specific test that must be considered” (Quinn 2010, xiii). On the contrary, the accompanying argument is that “if local, state, and national assessments are aligned with the curriculum—then test scores should be a valid measurement of how students are progressing on mastering the assigned curriculum” (Quinn 2010, xiii). A natural complement to the measurement of student mastery is the concurrent assessment of teaching and leadership practices that support this student mastery. In response to the U.S. Department of Education’s (U.S.D.O.E.) 2009 initiative Race to the Top Program, an overwhelming majority of U.S. states and territories adopted the Common Core State Standards (www.core standards.org/) and implemented frameworks for systematically evaluating teacher and school leader performance effectiveness (e.g., www.marzanoevaluation. com/). Most of these new assessment systems incorporated highly structured performance reviews, including evaluation based on student achievement test scores. While few if any educators could object to the values espoused by these improvement programs (i.e., increasing student achievement and promoting highly effective teaching and leadership practices), linking these reforms to the extrinsic motivator of money has disturbed psychologists and educators alike. Similar to The No Child Left Behind Act of 2001 (U.S.D.O.E. 2002), these newer initiatives were ostensibly adopted by schools in order to obtain funding, subsequently rendering them vulnerable to potential negative and unintended consequences. For example, Ryan and Brown (2005) make a compelling argument that a behavioral model such as high-stakes assessments, in which rewards and penalties are designed to reinforce desired behaviors, should not be linked to outcomes. That is, operant conditioning is designed to address behaviors over which subjects have control rather than outcomes (e.g., test scores) over which subjects do not have control. The application of this model has led to allegations of abuse such as cheating and manipulating scores. Even more prevalent are reports of widespread stress, demoralization, and attrition among educators (e.g., Cawelti 2006). Applications in Christian Educational Contexts Perhaps one of the benefits of working in Christian educational contexts is the greater freedom to pursue sincerely held convictions about the best methods and ma-

terials for meeting the needs of learners with less secular oversight (Col. 3:23). While educators may dramatically differ in their educational philosophies, Christian educators generally share an interest in grounding educational activities in a Christian tradition (Prov. 22:6). Formal applications of this principle can range from augmenting existing curricular materials with values-based content to integrating a specific Christian theoretical perspective into every aspect of the teaching and learning experience (e.g., www.biblicalintegration.com). Finally, Christian educators, learners, leaders, and families tend to enjoy a unifying purpose made possible through shared faith (Eph. 4:1–6). This unity allows for diverse expressions of individual gifts and callings as each person makes a uniquely personal contribution and everyone works together to facilitate the development of each member (1 Cor. 12:12–26; Rom. 12:5–21). References and Resources Bloom, B. S. 1956. Taxonomy of Objectives Handbook 1: The Cognitive Domain. White Plains, NY: Longman. Cawelti, G. 2006. “The Side Effects of NCLB.” Educational Leadership 64 (3): 64–68. Herbart, J. F. 1824. Psychologie als wissenschaft: Neu gegründet auf erfahrung, metaphysik und mathematik. Königsberg: A.W. Unzer. Marzano, R. J. 2007. The Art and Science of Teaching: A Comprehensive Framework for Effective Instruction. Alexandria, VA: ASCD. Quinn, G., W. 2010. Improving Test Scores in Five Easy Steps: The Silver Bullet. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield Education. Ryan, R. M., and K. W. Brown. 2005. “Legislating Competence: High-stakes Testing Policies and Their Relations with Psychological Theories and Research.” In Handbook of Competence and Motivation, edited by A. J. Elliot and C. S. Dweck, 354–372. New York: Guilford Press. Tomlinson, C. A., and J. McTighe. 2006. Integrating Differentiated Instruction and Understanding by Design: Connecting Content and Kids. Alexandria, VA: Association for Supervision and Curriculum Development. U.S. Department of Education. 2002. The No Child Left Behind Act of 2001. 7 January. Archives of U.S. Department of Education. http://www2.ed.gov/nclb/overview/intro/execsumm.pdf. ———. 2009. Race to the Top Program. November. http://www2 .ed.gov/programs/racetothetop/executive-summary.pdf. Weinstein, C. E., and P. J. Way. 2003. “Educational Psychology.” In Handbook of Psychology: History of Psychology, edited by D. K. Freedheim and I. B. Weiner, 269–277. Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley & Sons. Wolfe, P. 1987. “What the ‘Seven-Step Lesson Plan’ Isn’t!” Educational Leadership 44 (5): 70–71.

—Angela L. Watson

Eisner, Elliot

Egypt and Christian Education Christianity came to Egypt in the first century AD. The Coptic Orthodox Church considers Saint Mark to be its founder, believing that he first preached the Gospel in Alexandria about AD 61.43 Through the Christian school of Alexandria, Egypt played a leading role from the second through the fifth centuries in developing a Hellenized Christian theology. Egypt also contributed generously to Christendom through its active participation in ecumenical councils, the founding of monasticism, and the creation of a vast Christian literature. The first Protestant church in Egypt was the Presbyterian Church of Egypt, founded when the American missionaries from the Associate Reformed Presbyterian Church arrived in 1854.44 By the end of the 19th century, missionaries from other Christian denominations also began to establish local churches. In addition to the Coptic Orthodox and the Presbyterian churches, there were the Roman Catholic, Episcopalian, Brethren, Assemblies of God, and other smaller denominations. According to the latest census in 2009, Egypt has a population of about 80 million. However, it is difficult to find exact numbers about many aspects of its social, economic, or religious life. The number of Christians in Egypt is particularly difficult to determine.45 Although Christians in Egypt can practice their faith inside the walls of their churches, they cannot take it outside. In general, the lack of religious freedom makes life difficult for Christians. Egyptian Christians have faced discrimination, marginalization, difficulty in obtaining building permits for new churches, and difficultly securing fair representation in the government, specifically the parliament.46 Egypt has a number of Christian seminaries: the Coptic Orthodox have six, the Catholics have two, and the Presbyterians have one. There are also several smaller seminaries supported by other denominations. Sunday schools, preparatory school meetings, and high school meetings are among the main Christian educational activities for most of the congregations in the country. Training centers and conference centers are involved in equipping teachers for Christian education. The country has a largely oral culture, giving Christian satellite channels, cassettes, and other media a leading 43. C. H. Roberts, Manuscript, Society and Belief in Early Christian Egypt, The Schweich lectures of the British Academy (London: Oxford University Press, 1977), 49. 44. T. The Wahba, “The Practice of Mission in Egypt: A Historical Study of the Integration between the American Mission and the Evangelical Church of Egypt, 1854–1970” (PhD thesis, Brunel University, UK, 2008), 18–21. 45. N. L. Bibawi, Mashākil al-Aqbaṭ fī Miṣr wa-ḥulūluhā [The Problems of Copts in Egypt and Ways to Solve Them] (Cairo: n.p., 2001), 92. 46. Ibrahim Sacd Al-Den, The Copts of Egypt (London: The Khaldoun Center for Development Studies, 1996), 22.

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role in Christian education. There are many curricula for Sunday schools, high school students, and family education. There is a highly developed program of Christian education in the Egyptian churches that would be beneficial to other Arabic-speaking countries in the region. —Tharwat Wahba

Eisner, Elliot Early Background and Education Elliott Eisner was born in 1933 and grew up in Chicago. His early life and training pointed to a vocation in art. Displaying talent as a child, he was enrolled while in the third grade in the Art Institute of Chicago. He later earned a BA in art and education (1954) at Roosevelt University, Chicago. As a result of teaching art to innercity youth in Chicago, his interest shifted from art alone to art education. He completed an MS in art education (1955) from the Illinois Institute of Technology, then an MA and a PhD in education at the University of Chicago (1958, 1962). He has served on the education faculty of Stanford since 1965, ultimately being named the Lee Jacks Professor Emeritus of Education and Professor Emeritus of Art. Significant Contributions to Christian Education Although Eisner’s primary field has been art education, he has made significant contributions to education in general through his research and writing in curriculum studies, educational assessment, and school reform. Leaning heavily on the aesthetic aspects of reality, Eisner had developed a unique perspective on education at all levels and applications through the development of new educational concepts or modifying existing ones. Of particular interest to Christian educators are his views on educational objectives and his concept of the educator as artist. These are applicable to both the formal contexts (i.e., schools) and the informal applications (e.g., parish ministry) of Christian education. Educational Objectives Eisner insisted that education should embody a “diversity of outcome” (Eisner 2012, 1). As a result, he proposed three categories of educational outcomes or objectives. The first was instructional objectives and represented Eisner’s concession that there was a place for “clearly defined behavioral objectives in a school curriculum” (Eisner 1979, 98). However, believing that there are valuable learning activities and experiences for which welldefined, homogeneous outcomes could not be explicitly defined, Eisner proposed two additional categories: problem-solving objectives and expressive outcomes.

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Problem-solving objectives involve the student formulating the solution to a problem that is relevant to the field of study. Although the problem is stated in a clear manner with a well-defined set of criteria to indicate the problem is solved, the valid “forms of its solution are virtually infinite” (Eisner 1979, 101). Therefore, the exact nature of learning will vary from student to student and cannot be specifically defined in a homogeneous manner for all learners. A problem-solving objective is not a problem that requires the student to apply learning already acquired. Rather, it engages students in an activity that will necessarily lead to new learning. For example, a class for evangelism might be completely structured around the problem of formulating a strategy for evangelizing a particular geographical and cultural context, with students free to research various methods on their own and develop their own unique solutions. Expressive outcomes begin with the activity itself rather than the intended objectives or a particular problem to be solved. Eisner suggested that “expressive outcomes are the consequences of curriculum activities that are intentionally planned to provide a fertile field for personal purposing and experiencing” (1979, 103). Field trips are the most common example of activities employed to achieve expressive outcomes in the various modes of education. An activity that the teacher knows has valuable potential for the learners is planned, but what each participant will learn cannot be determined beforehand with certainty or specificity. Eisner admitted that “appraisals we make as a result of activities we engage in are clearly complex and highly rational, employing a wide range of criteria that, although not explicit, operate in out judgments” (1979, 104). However, he argued that this does not make them any less valid as planned educational experiences. Educator as Artist Eisner insisted that education should not “be controlled by a set of laws that can be transformed into a prescription or recipe for teaching.” On the contrary, he proposed that “teaching is an activity that requires artistry, schooling itself is a cultural artifact, and education is a process whose features may differ from individual to individual, context to context” (Eisner 1976, 139). There is more to the educational process than can simply be measured. Thus, the teacher is as much an artist as a technician, and education must be evaluated as much by judgment as by quantitative measurements. To implement this thinking, Eisner proposed that educators must utilize an artistic paradigm as well as a scientific one. To establish the paradigm, Eisner recommended the functions of educational connoisseurship and educational criticism. Because the practice of education in its myriad contexts is extremely complex and complicated, one cannot hope

to fully plan, predict, and evaluate it through a quantitative, scientific approach alone. Educators must be able to think and understand beyond numerical descriptions of the phenomenon and appreciate its complexity. Thus, educators must be connoisseurs. This involves “that art of perception that makes the appreciation of such complexity possible.” This appreciation is more than merely liking or preferring something, but must include “an awareness of its characteristics and qualities” (Eisner 1977, 345). Such appreciation, rather than motivational theories or quantitative results, is what leads experienced teachers to make judgments and decisions about appropriate educational practice in certain situations. Whereas educational connoisseurship involves appreciation, educational criticism involves disclosure. Although the critic must also be a connoisseur, the inverse is not necessarily true. The critic’s task is to provide a rich narrative of what happens in an educational activity in order to influence the perception of the activity by others. The educational critic adds to the understanding of a given educational activity by providing “metaphor and analogy, suggestion and implication” to the quantitative, behavioral description of the standard scientific and technical approaches to educational evaluation. “The language of criticism, indeed its success as criticism, is measured by the brightness of its illumination. The task of the critic is to help us to see” (Eisner 1976, 139). Notable Publications One of Eisner’s most influential works is The Educational Imagination (1979, 1985, 1984), a treatment of his fundamental ideas concerning curriculum design and evaluation. The Art of Educational Evaluation (1985) is a collection of essays that summarize his early writings and ideas. Eisner’s views on qualitative research applied to education are summarized in The Enlightened Eye (1991). His contributions to school reform are best summarized in The Kind of Schools We Need (1998) as well as in Reimagining Schools: The Selected Works of Elliot W. Eisner (2012). References and Resources Eisner, Elliot W. 1976. “Educational Connoisseurship and Criticism: Their Form and Functions in Educational Evaluation.” Journal of Aesthetic Education 10: 135–150. ———. 1977. “On the Uses of Educational Connoisseurship and Criticism for Evaluating Classroom Life.” Teachers College Record 78 (3): 345–358. ———. 1979. The Educational Imagination: On the Design and Evaluation of School Programs. New York: Macmillan. ———. 1985. The Art of Educational Evaluation: A Personal View. London: Falmer Press. ———. 1991. The Enlightened Eye: Qualitative Inquiry and the Enhancement of Educational Practice. New York: Macmillan.

Emerging Adult Learning

———. 1998. The Kind of Schools We Need: Personal Essays, Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann. ———. 2012. Reimagining Schools: The Selected Works of Elliot W. Eisner. Kindle ed. World Library of Educationalists. New York: Taylor and Francis.

—John Lillis

El Salvador and Christian education Christian education in El Salvador takes many forms. Many churches use Sunday school. Churches also use various models of semiformal discipleship, like the G-12 movement and the Navigators 2:7 program. Churches and denominations have also founded a multitude of Christian day schools. A few of the betterknown evangelical day schools in the capital are the Liceo Cristiano Salvadoreño, the Colegio Nazaret, the Liceo Cristiano Reverendo Juan Bueno, and the Colegio Josué. The churches often use Bible institutes to train workers for Christian ministry. This has sometimes taken the form of a central Bible institute in the capital (San Salvador), with extensions in various other cities. On the university level, two prominent religious universities in the capital represent the Catholic and evangelical sectors of Christianity in El Salvador. The Central American University José Simeón Cañas (www.uca.edu.sv) was founded in 1965 by the Society of Jesus to provide an alternative to the National University. Born in the context of social inequality and human rights abuses at the hands of military dictatorships, the university’s focus has tended to be the transformation of Salvadoran society. During the Civil War (1979–1992), members of the Salvadoran armed forces massacred six Jesuit faculty members. The Evangelical University (www.uees.edu.sv) was founded in 1981 as a nondenominational evangelical university. It offers degrees in medicine, odontology, social science, agriculture, engineering, and architecture. Its focus is to train professionals to personally inculcate biblical ethics, on the one hand, and to excel in their field, on the other. —Francis Schmidt

Emerging Adult Learning Context and Characteristics of Emerging Adulthood Emerging adulthood is a new classification in Western developmental psychology and religious education. Defined by Jeffery Jensen Arnett as “the winding road

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from the late teens through the twenties,”47 this stage of the life cycle is a function of a particular cultural and economic context: What is mainly required for emerging adulthood to exist is a relatively high median age of entering marriage and parenthood, in the late twenties or beyond. Postponing marriage and parenthood until the late twenties allows the late teens and most of the twenties to be a time of exploration and instability, a self-focused age, and an age of possibilities.48

Christian Smith further expands the criteria for the social construction of emerging adulthood. He notes that the global economy has undermined stable lifelong careers, requiring that young people “approach their careers with a variety of skills, maximal flexibility and readiness to retool as needed.”49 The financial support required to fund both the expenses of necessary extended education and the time free from full-time work to take classes is made possible by parents, whose “resources help to subsidize the freedom that emerging adults enjoy to take a good, long time before settling down into full adulthood, culturally defined as the end of schooling, a stable career job, financial independence, and new family formation.”50 Emerging adulthood exists in the countries of the “postindustrialized” West, particularly the United States, Japan, and South Korea, and among the middle and upper socioeconomic classes.51 Religious Beliefs and Practice in Emerging Adulthood Religious belief and practice within this age cohort is eclectic, and the importance of any religious faith, let alone Christian faith, is highly individualized.52 Snell and Denton categorize the religious beliefs of the emerging adult period as “moralistic therapeutic deism,”53 which is best summarized by the following beliefs: 1. A god exists who created and ordered the world and watches over human life on earth. 47. Jeffrey Jensen Arnett, Emerging Adulthood: The Winding Road from the Late Teens through the Twenties (New York: Oxford University Press, 2004). 48. Ibid., 21. 49. Christian Smith with Patricia Snell, Souls in Transition: the Religious and Spiritual Lives of Emerging Adults (New York: Oxford University Press, 2009), 5. 50. Ibid. 51. Arnett, Emerging Adulthood, 21. 52. Jeffrey Jenson Arnett and Lene Arnett Jensen, “A Congregation of One: Individualized Religious Beliefs among Emerging Adults,” Journal of Adolescent Research (September 2002): 271–301. 53. Christian Smith and Melinda Lundquist Denton, Soul Searching: The Spiritual and Religious Life of American Teenagers (New York: Oxford University Press, 2005).

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2. God wants people to be good, nice, and fair to each other, as taught in the Bible and by most world religions. 3. The central goal of life is to be happy and to feel good about oneself. 4. God does not need to be particularly involved in one’s life except when God is needed to resolve a problem. 5. Good people go to heaven when they die.54 Implications for Christian Education Emerging adults present a challenge to the mainline Christian churches. This is a cohort in transition, both geographically and spiritually. Moving between the parental home and faith community to institutions of higher learning, places of temporary work, and living situations with love interests or friends leaves emerging adults little opportunity or desire to belong to larger communities, including Christian churches. Spiritually, emerging adult beliefs are highly individualized and do not require a community of faith for their spiritual practice. Most Christian education for those in the eighteen to late twenties age group has traditionally focused on reengaging young adults who have formed a new family of their own, and who return to the Christian church seeking baptism/dedication and a good Christian education for their children. With people postponing marriage and children until the late twenties or early thirties, Christian churches will have to find new ways of engaging this age cohort. Emerging adults are not likely to seek out the Christian church as a place of meaningful engagement or spiritual practice. Furthermore, Christian teaching and practice and the living of a faithful, committed life of discipleship are not compatible with moralistic therapeutic deism. Christian educators and pastors must reach out to emerging adults in the places where they gather, not just the local coffee bar or Internet café, but through available social media. Engaging emerging adults individually or in small groups, through thoughtful dialogue, participation in mission work, and an invitation to share in the more experiential practices of Christian worship (chanting, labyrinth walking, etc.) may be the best way to evangelize and teach this cohort about the Christian life. References and Resources Arnett, J. J. 2004. Emerging Adulthood: The Winding Road from the Late Teens through the Twenties. New York: Oxford University Press.

54. Kenda Creasy Dean, Almost Christian: What the Faith of Our Children Is Telling the American Church (New York: Oxford University Press, 2010), 14.

Arnett, J. J., and L. A. Jensen. 2002. “A Congregation of One: Individualized Religious Beliefs among Emerging Adults.” Journal of Adolescent Research (September): 48–72. Barry, C. Mc., and L. J. Nelson. 2005. “The Role of Religion in the Transition to Adulthood for Young Emerging Adults.” Journal of Youth and Adolescence 34 (3): 245–255. doi:10.1007/s10964-005-4308-1. Dean, K. C. 2010. Almost Christian: What the Faith of Our Teenagers Is Telling the American Church. New York: Oxford University Press. Edgell, P. 2009. “Faith and Spirituality among Emerging Adults.” Changing Sea Project. http://www.changingsea.net/ essays/Edgell1.pdf. Fowler, J. W. 2001. “Faith Developmental Theory and the Postmodern Challenges.” International Journal for the Psychology of Religion 11 (3): 159–172. Hackett, C. 2009. “Emerging Adult Participation in Congregations.” Changing Sea Project. http://www.changingsea.net/ essays/Hackett.pdf. Martinson, R. 2002. “Spiritual but Not Religious: Reaching an Invisible Generation.” Currents in Theology and Mission 29 (5): 326–340. Parks, S. D. 2001. Big Questions, Worthy Dreams: Mentoring Young Adults in Their Search for Meaning, Purpose and Faith. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Smith, C., and M. Denton. 2005. Soul Searching: The Spiritual and Religious Life of American Teenagers. New York: Oxford University Press. Smith, C., with P. Snell. 2009. Souls in Transition: The Religious and Spiritual Lives of Emerging Adults. New York: Oxford University Press.

—Elizabeth Leggett Windsor

Emory University Emory University began in 1836 as a small liberal arts college, founded in Oxford, Georgia, by the North Georgia Conference of The Methodist Episcopal Church. In keeping with the Methodist values of the founders, gambling and alcohol were strictly forbidden. Students often worked for the campus or local citizens. Emory was named after John Emory (1789–1835), a prominent Methodist bishop who had recently died in a carriage accident. Along with Emory College in Georgia, Emory and Henry College in Virginia was also founded in honor of the deceased bishop. Ignatius Few (1789– 1845) served as the first president of Emory. In 1844, Emory at Oxford was the focus of international controversy. James Andrews, a prominent Methodist bishop and a member of the Emory College Board of Trustees, owned a young slave-girl named Kitty. At the General Conference of the Methodist Church in

Emory University

1844, northern Methodist bishops passed an ordinance decreeing that no Methodist bishop could own a slave, effectively stripping Andrews of his clerical credentials. In response, bishops of the southern states formed a block supporting Andrews. The split thereby effectively created a new Methodist Church, The Methodist Episcopal Church, South. The two Churches—The Methodist Episcopal Church and The Methodist Episcopal Church, South—reunited in 1939. The War and Its Aftermath Emory College closed during the Civil War (1861–1865). Confederate authorities converted several of its buildings into hospitals. During the fighting around Atlanta, many wounded were brought to Oxford by the train routes that passed through Covington, Georgia. Following the conclusion of the war, classes renewed at Emory. On Thanksgiving Day in 1880, Emory President Atticus G. Haygood (1839–96) gave his famous “New South” speech in the sanctuary at Old Church in Oxford. Borrowing a phrase from journalist Henry Grady’s phraseology, Haygood’s call for reconciliation and rebuilding inspired many in those years when Georgia was still war-torn. The Georgia Institute of Technology also has Emory connections. In 1888, Emory President Isaac Hopkins (1841–1914) left Emory to begin a new school more oriented toward technology. A position was offered to him as the first president of The Georgia Institute of Technology, which he accepted. The last years of the 19th century saw continued growth and success for Emory. Following the departure of Isaac Hopkins, the presidency passed to Warren Candler, a prominent Georgia Methodist. Warren was elected bishop in 1898. Warren’s brother, Asa Candler (1851–1929), was a key founder of the Atlanta-based beverage company Coca-Cola. Both staunch Methodists, the Candler brothers established a strong bond between Emory and Coca-Cola. The Move to Atlanta In 1919, Emory moved to Atlanta, a result of the “loss” of Vanderbilt to the Methodist Church. In 1914, the Tennessee Supreme Court declared that the Vanderbilt Board of Trustees should be free from any church influence or control. Methodist officials decided to regroup. They founded both Southern Methodist University in Texas and Emory University. Both schools were meant to be “flagship” Methodist schools in the southern states and The Methodist Episcopal Church, South. Emory’s charter dates to this 1919 period. The move to Atlanta was facilitated by Asa Candler’s donation of $1 million of Coke money. The new uni-

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versity maintained Emory College as the core of a great institution. It also added professional/graduate programs, making Emory a real university. The Theology School and Medical Schools were the two major graduate schools at that time. The Law School also was quickly established on the new Atlanta campus. Over the coming years, many schools were added to the university structure, including the Nursing School, the School of Public Health, and the Business School. In the 20th century, Atlanta’s Emory University became a prominent fixture of the Georgia and southern scene. As well as producing some of the leading Methodists in North America, it also educated some of the leading figures in the Atlanta community, especially in business and medicine. The 1960s and Beyond During the 1960s, controversy erupted on the Atlanta campus when a faculty member, Thomas Althizer (b. 1927), penned a number of works seemingly to imply that “God is dead.” Many prominent Methodists, including bishops associated with the Emory Board of Trustees, called for the removal of Dr. Althizer from his position. In the face of strong ecclesiastical opposition, Emory officials supported Althizer. The decision is often celebrated as a defining moment in Emory’s history, as a time when Emory showed its strong support for academic freedom, despite much bad publicity. In 1979, a gift from noted Coca-Cola magnate Robert Woodruff greatly benefited Emory. Woodruff gave $105 million to Emory in one fell swoop. The gift transformed Emory, with many new buildings and programming following in its wake. The major gift enabled Emory to enter into the ranks of North America’s most endowed and selective universities. Emory is one of the relatively few (if not the only) highly selective private research universities that maintains an active church association. Two of Emory’s schools, the Candler School of Theology and Oxford College of Emory University, continue to receive annual support for the Methodist church. This support particularly helps with scholarships and financial aid. References and Resources Bullock, Henry. 1936. A History of Emory University. Nashville, TN: Parthenon Press. Hauk, Gary. 1999. A Legacy of Heart and Mind: Emory University since 1836. Atlanta, GA: Bookhouse Group, Inc Moon, Joseph. 2003. An Uncommon Place: Oxford College of Emory University, 1914–2000. Atlanta, GA: Bookhouse Group.

—David Leinweber

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Emotional Development At the heart of the study of emotion lies the assumption that in order to understand people, one must necessarily attempt to understand emotion. Much debate has ensued, however, regarding the relationships among perceptions of emotion-inducing events, cognitions, and physiological effects (Mandler 2003). History This field has historically been plagued by a lack of agreement about what exactly constitutes emotion. For example, Aristotle referred to feelings as an integral part of human functioning. His discussion of the phenomenological process of feeling included cognitive, affective, and motivational components, establishing an early link between emotion and cognition (Corrigan 2008; Mandler 2003). The Stoics further developed the connection between thinking and feeling, suggesting that emotions and cognitions were reflective of ethical judgments, which should be aligned with subsequent behaviors. St. Augustine extended this line of thought in theorizing that emotions could be shared with God, joining the individual with the divine (Corrigan 2008). Thomas Aquinas later asserted that emotions could be distinguished from thinking, that passions could threaten logical thought, and that feelings should thus be carefully controlled (2008; Mandler 2003). Descartes proposed a dualism between the mind and body, claiming that emotion was a physical phenomenon that originated in the brain’s response to stimulation (Corrigan 2008). Much subsequent study led to multiple arguments over the accuracy of the James-Lange theory, which posited that emotion was merely the cognitive interpretation of the physical response to a stimulus, leading to many varied trajectories of model development (Mandler 2003). Contemporary Views Corrigan (2008) describes a long-standing connection between emotion and religion. The nature of this relationship, however, has often been shrouded in mystery. Great variation in emotional experience has led to more questions than answers regarding the nature of emotion. Despite the long-standing work of multiple theorists, questions continue to persist about whether emotion is a superficial reaction to pain or pleasure or evidence of some deeper activity of the mind or soul. Corrigan further points out that the study of emotion, which typically involves investigation into “an assortment of often deeply held beliefs about self and culture, has been prone to polarization” (2008, 8). Moreover, the ephemeral nature of emotion has made narrowing its scope for systematic study a daunting prospect.

Explanatory theoretical models of emotion have been and continue to be subject to the changing worldviews of the academy. Baumeister observed that it is quite “possible to trace the history of psychology as a series of pendulum swings” (2010, 7). Early studies focused on motivation (i.e., “hot” processes), until it fell out of fashion in favor of cognition (i.e., “cold” processes) (2010, 7). Dai and Sternberg (2004) acknowledge this trend and note the current tendency to reintegrate these components into understandings of human functioning that recognize the complementary roles of emotion, motivation, and cognition. In many ways, then, Aristotle’s early model continues to provide utility value for promoting understandings of emotion and its relationship to human development. Applications in Christian Educational Contexts Insofar as emotion (i.e., feeling) can be linked to cognition (i.e., thinking) and motivation (i.e., will or volition), Christian educators play an important role in fostering healthy emotional development (Prov. 26:12). Both formally and informally, instructional modeling and curriculum can be specifically designed to promote a transformed alignment among the will, the mind, and the heart to find harmonious expression in right living. Students should be exposed to multiple and repeated opportunities to explore their own thoughts and feelings and to reflect upon how these strengthen or undermine their volition to live a godly life. The range of appropriate learning activities is varied. Socratic dialogues can open learners’ minds to critically evaluate their emotions and how these affect their beliefs. Discussion of actual case studies and fictitious moral dilemmas (e.g., Kohlberg 1970) can provide students with opportunities to test the veracity of their own emotions and cognitions in light of problems both real and imagined and within the context of both biblical and social views on these problems. Journaling and other open-ended forms of free expression allow learners to process the contents of their evolving feelings and thoughts as they develop, test, and refine their perspective and responses. Finally, explicit instruction in the scripture can provide an invaluable tool for framing emotions, thoughts, and behaviors within a biblical worldview, even for those living in a postmodern secular culture. Learners should be taught that Christians do not have to be subject to obeying unregenerated desires (Rom. 6:12–13), because they have been given grace to supersede base worldly responses by the transformative power of Christ (Rom. 12:2; Phil. 2:13; Titus 2:11–13). References and Resources Baumeister, R. F. 2010. “Social Psychologists and Thinking about People.” In Advanced Social Psychology: The State of

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the Science, edited by R. F. Baumeister and E. J. Finkel, 5–24. New York: Oxford University Press. Corrigan, J. 2008. “Introduction: The Study of Religion and Emotion.” In The Oxford Handbook of Religion and Emotion, edited by J. Corrigan, 3–13. New York: Oxford University Press. Dai, D. Y., and R. J. Sternberg. 2004. “Beyond Cognitivism: Toward an Integrated Understanding of Intellectual Functioning and Development.” In Motivation, Emotion, and Cognition: Integrative Perspectives on Intellectual Functioning and Development, edited by D. Y. Dai and R. J. Sternberg, 3–38. Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum. Kohlberg, L. K. 1970. “Education for Justice: A Modern Statement of the Platonic View.” In Five Lectures on Moral Education, edited by N. Sizer and T. Sizer, 57–60. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Mandler, G. 2003. “Emotion.” In Handbook of Psychology: History of Psychology, edited by D. K. Freedheim and I. B. Weiner, 157–175. Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley & Sons.

—Angela L. Watson

Empirical Theology and Christian Education Theology is generally understood to be the study of God, in the same way as geology is understood to be the study of rocks or as psychology is understood to be the study of the human mind. The study of God, however, is somewhat more problematic than the study of rocks or the study of the human mind. The subject matter is more elusive, more difficult to get hold of, impossible to put under the microscope or to wire up to electrodes. In practice, theologians need to focus their discipline on the human experience of God. Disciplines in the university tend to be characterized by their distinctive methods of enquiry, by their distinctive academic tools. The geologist may carry around a hammer and the psychologist may use psychometric tests or projective pictures to get to the mind of the client, but theologians tend to borrow many of their tools from other disciplines, depending on precisely which aspect of the human experience of God they are examining. Imagine three groups of theologians working in adjacent laboratories in the university, pursuing three very different trades: biblical studies, systematic theology, and empirical theology. What in practice are they doing? Inside one laboratory (biblical studies), serious work is exploring the text of scripture, perhaps one group working on the Old Testament and another on the New Testament, or perhaps with greater specialization, one group on the Gospels and another on Paul. Collectively,

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biblical studies will engage with a range of skills shared with scholars studying other kinds of texts. Inside a second laboratory (systematic theology), serious work is exploring, refining, debating, and applying the doctrines of the church. Collectively, systematic theologians will engage with a range of skills shared with scholars studying fields like history and philosophy. Inside a third laboratory (empirical theology), serious work is examining a host of materials relevant to the contemporary experience of God. One project may be focusing on making sense of thousands of accounts of religious experience, like those collected by Sir Alister Hardy. A second project may be analyzing 30,000 questionnaires, like those recently completed by Anglican churchgoers in the diocese of Southwark in South London. A third project may be testing a psychological theory about the hypothesized linkages between glossolalia and psychological well-being. A fourth may be studying the way in which secular pilgrims are stirred by the architecture and the atmosphere of medieval cathedrals. A fifth project may be examining the identity, growth, and challenges experienced by black-led, black-majority churches in London. A sixth may be analyzing the impact of church schools on students’ attitudes toward religious diversity. Looking inside the empirical theology laboratory, the onlooker may be surprised to see theologians so committed to serious empirical enquiry. Such theologians are, however, responding to the invitation issued by Jesus himself. When people asked Jesus to teach them what life is like when God reigns, Jesus invited them to become empirical scientists: to observe the sower, to note the patterns they observed, and to work out the implications. In order to do their work to the highest professional standards, empirical theologians are drawing on the best theories and methods developed by colleagues in the social sciences. In this sense, there is good potential for conversation and collaboration involving empirical theologians, sociologists of religion, and psychologists of religion. At the same time, however, empirical theology is different from the social scientific study of religion precisely because it is rooted in the place where the other disciplines of theology are practiced and taken seriously. Empirical theologians shape their research question and interpret their empirical research findings in a theologically informed environment. The development and recognition of empirical theology as a proper branch of theology owes much to the pioneering insights and initiations of Professor Hans van der Ven in Nijmegen (see van der Ven 1998). The discipline was stimulated by the launch of Journal of Empirical Theology in 1987 and consolidated by the inauguration of the International Society for Empirical Research in Theology in 2000. Alongside the journal, the series of books result-

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ing from the conferences of the society provide further insight into the variety of research now being developed by empirical theology to further the agenda of Christian education (see Francis, Robbins, and Astley 2009; Francis and Ziebertz 2011). References and Resources Francis, L. J., M. Robbins, and J. Astley, eds. 2009. Empirical Theology in Texts and Tables: Qualitative, Quantitative and Comparative Perspectives. Leiden: Brill. Francis, L. J., and H-G. Ziebertz, eds. 2011. The Public Significance of Religion. Leiden: Brill. Van der Ven, J. A. 1998. Education for Reflective Ministry. Louvain: Peeters.

—Leslie J. Francis

Encouragement as Christian Practice The story of Barnabas, found in the book of Acts, is a strong foundation for anyone in the field of Christian education. When this first-century believer sold all his goods and gave the money to the apostles in Jerusalem, they began to call him son of encouragement. Later, Acts 13:1 designates him as a teacher and a prophet, but he did not exchange one designation for another, but by God’s enablement allowed this platform of teaching and sharing God’s truth to magnify his gift of encouragement. We have all experienced some level of fear when learning something new. As Christian educators, we can fully integrate the exhortation found in 1 Thessalonians 5:11, “Encourage one another and build each other up,” into our pattern of teaching. One of the distinctive marks of Christian education is that teachers love their students as well as the content area they teach. In Encouragement, The Key to Caring, the authors boil down the practice of encouragement to “words that encourage are motivated by the speaker’s love and directed toward the hearer’s fear.”55 This is not a de-emphasis on speaking words of instruction or truth, but an equal emphasis on speaking truth in a manner that helps the listener gain confidence. This is not dissimilar to the role the Holy Spirit plays in the lives of each believer. Encourage literally means “to cause another to be confident.”56 It is not hard to see that the word itself has two parts, the prefix en (typically meaning “to cause”) and the root word courage (the opposite of fear). Scripture is clear that the Holy Spirit is our paraclete. The word encouragement used in the Bible stems from the Greek word paraklesis, which lit55. Larry J. Crabb and Dan B. Allender, Encouragement: The Key to Caring (Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan, 1984), 81. 56. “Encourage,” in The New Shorter Oxford English Dictionary, vol. 1, ed. Lesley Brown (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993).

erally means “a calling to one’s aid to give comfort and counsel.”57 Just as the Holy Spirit comes alongside to teach and comfort believers in this journey of life, teachers have the high calling to follow the same pattern. A teacher who determines to allow her or his role to fully integrate encouragement believes that not only is the content important, but also that the manner in which he or she delivers the content will lead the student to be confident. The classroom provides ample opportunities for teachers to engage in corporate (many students) as well as individual encouragement. Christian educators who have a commitment to sharing both truth and encouragement demonstrate the following attributes and patterns. Learning often is replacing old patterns of understanding with new ones. Thus the learner often feels exposed. A teacher who integrates encouragement in her or his teaching patterns communicates a full acceptance of the learner while going through the process. Embarrassment caused by the awkward nature of learning should never be met with impatience, sarcasm, or indifference from a Christian educator. Acceptance of the learner allows him or her to be confident to continue to practice what needs to be done until the change is fully met. “Practice makes perfect” is not a true idiom; it should say “Perfect practice makes perfect.” Whatever the foundation, the idea is that learning takes time and involves making mistakes. One of the greatest fears hindering people from learning is the fear of rejection. Christian educators who demonstrate an unconditional love for students allow this fear to be mitigated. Teachers who integrate encouragement in their teaching patterns listen twice as much as they talk. It is a common belief that this is why God made us with two ears and one mouth. Given the demands of teaching, it is not uncommon for teachers to give quick advice, whether in responding to a question or even anticipating a question. James 1:19 exhorts us to be “quick to listen, slow to speak and slow to become angry.” Stephen Covey describes one of the habits of highly effective people as the ability to “seek first to understand and then to be understood.”58 Untimely advice communicates a disrespect of the person. As teachers, we should be focusing on understanding why the student is having a problem, not trying to solve the problem. The collaboration is messier and the latter is quicker, and thus solving problems is often more tempting. The time spent in listening leads to equipping the student, whereas a quick response can lead 57. “Encourage,” in Vine’s Complete Expository Dictionary of Old and New Testament Words, electronic ed., ed. W. E. Vine, Merrill F. Unger, and William White (Nashville, TN: Thomas Nelson, 1996). 58. Stephen R. Covey, The Seven Habits of Highly Effective People: Powerful Lessons of Personal Change (New York, Simon & Schuster, 1989), 235.

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to a feeling of being criticized. Teachers who integrate encouragement in their teaching patterns will purposely allow their words to be reflective, clarifying, exploring, and personal to their students, thus becoming a type of Barnabas to the students in this generation, knowing it is in and through sound teaching and encouragement that the Holy Spirit enables us to fulfill His work and purpose. References and Resources Brown, Lesley, ed. 1993. The New Shorter Oxford English Dictionary. Vol. 1. New York: Oxford University Press. Covey, Stephen. R. 1989. The Seven Habits of Highly Effective People: Powerful Lessons of Personal Change. New York: Simon and Schuster. Crabb, Larry J., and Dan B. Allender. 1984. Encouragement: The Key to Caring. Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan. Vine, W. E., Merrill F. Unger, and William White. 1996. Vine’s Complete Expository Dictionary of Old and New Testament Words. Electronic ed. Nashville, TN: Thomas Nelson.

—David Nemitz

Enculturation Enculturation is a sociological concept akin to socialization, a process that can be seen in children who are brought up within a culture to observe and obey its cultural and social norms. The subject finds herself as of the culture when the process is complete. There is a concomitant sociological term that needs to be understood alongside enculturation. Acculturation is the process of two cultures meeting, by which both are changed. However, acculturation is often governed by power dynamics, in that the more powerful culture determines the path of cultural change. In terms of education, and more specifically Christian education, it is a simple step to understand enculturation as the process by which children or non-Christian adults are inducted into the faith through some form of catechesis. In this sense, enculturation is clearly related to the concept of formation in the Christian tradition. However, adults and even children (e.g., if they are educated in secular schools) do not arrive at their catechesis as tabula rasa, and therefore we could expect a proper acculturation to occur alongside their enculturation. How far the acculturation reaches back to critique the tradition that is being taught is a key question in this field, relating to important issues of ideological closure, indoctrination, and syncretism. A further complication is that formative Christian education as both enculturation and acculturation is often contrasted as a polarity on a continuum with critical education (Astley 1994, 79), defined as when the assumptions, values, and

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beliefs of the tradition are examined, taken apart, critiqued, and reassembled in new ways. Placing formative education and critical education alongside each other raises a further question about whether enculturation (with an assumed concomitant acculturation) holds enough criticality within itself to be transforming and liberating on its own terms. Astley (1994, 92) disagrees with Thomas Groome on this point, claiming that formative education can provide the basis for a self-generated critique from within the tradition. It is at this point that we introduce a further concept, this time a theological (or even missiological) one. Inculturation, it is claimed (Rooms 2008), is placed between enculturation and acculturation as a theological concept rooted in the incarnation. Inculturation is then understood as a double movement of both indwelling the tradition or faith and at the same time in a dynamic way transforming it. Since the incarnation of God in Christ in Christian theology leads inexorably and inevitably to the ultimate transformative moment for both the world and God in the cross and resurrection, it would seem reasonable to assume that Christian faith does indeed contain within itself the ability to both hold on to cherished belief traditions as well as let go of others and discover new ones. Several approaches to contextual theology (Bevans 2002) and theological reflection (Graham, Walton, and Ward 2005) allow authentic inculturation to take place, and each has an implicit pedagogy contained within it. References and Resources Astley, Jeff. 1994. The Philosophy of Christian Religious Education. Birmingham, AL: Religious Education Press. Bevans, Stephen B. 2002. Models of Contextual Theology. Rev. and exp. ed. Maryknoll, NY: Orbis. Graham, Elaine, Heather Walton, and Frances Ward. 2005. Theological Reflection: Methods. London: SCM. Rooms, Nigel J. 2008. “Towards a Pedagogy for Inculturation: Adult Theological Education and the Interaction of Christian Faith and Culture.” ThD thesis, University of Birmingham. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk/135/.

—Nigel Rooms

England/Wales and Christian Education Until the introduction of the National Curriculum in 1988, under the terms of the Education Reform Act, religious education was the only subject mandated by law to be taught in all schools in England and Wales. As early as the 1870 Elementary Education Act, a clause provided for compulsory “Religious instruction” in schools; however, a further clause, the “Cowper-Temple” clause, named after the member of Parliament who introduced it, required

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that such instruction in “county schools,” as opposed to church schools, was to be nondenominational. The 1944 Education Act to some extent maintained earlier distinctions and legislated for “county schools” and “voluntary schools,” that is, those schools originally established and funded, for the most part, by the churches through their various societies. Voluntary schools were further distinguished into aided, controlled, and special agreement schools (with regard to religious education, nothing turns on the distinction between aided and special agreement schools). Under the terms of the act, “religious instruction” and religious observance in the form of “collective worship” (which according to the act together comprise religious education) were confirmed as compulsory elements of the school curriculum of all county and voluntary schools. The act further specified that religious instruction in both county and voluntary controlled schools was to be according to an “Agreed Syllabus.” By contrast, voluntary aided schools (chiefly Roman Catholic schools and some Anglican schools) could provide religious instruction in a form appropriate to the beliefs and interests of the founding church or body; in other words, they could provide denominational religious education. The religious provisions of the 1944 Education Act remained in effect until the Education Reform Act of 1988. Section 8.3 of that act stated that any new agreed syllabus for religious education “shall reflect the fact that the religious traditions in Great Britain are in the main Christian whilst taking account of the teaching and practices of the other principal religions represented in Great Britain.” Some influential commentators, including John Hull, maintain that no agreed syllabus in England and Wales meets the requirements of the law if it does not include study of the teachings and practices of Judaism, Islam, Hinduism, Sikhism, and Buddhism, alongside Christianity. The act legislated for “multifaith” religious education in England and Wales, and this in fact gave legal support to what was already practiced in most schools. In 1971, Schools Council Working Paper 36 had drawn attention to the increasingly secular nature of British society and endorsed a phenomenological, “nondogmatic,” multifaith approach to religious education as opposed to a confessional approach, and in the following decades Christian nurture came to be completely abandoned in county schools, regarded not only as inappropriate but as indoctrinatory and incompatible with the principles of liberal education. In 1994, the School Curriculum and Assessment Authority (SCAA) published two “model” syllabuses to exemplify good practice. It also became common in the 1990s to speak about “learning about religion” and “learning from religion” and to regard these as two distinctive assessment objectives. The SCAA model syllabuses have subsequently been superseded by a single

Non-Statutory National Framework (2004) which, while retaining the emphasis on the study of six major faiths, with the study of Christianity at each key stage, also “recommends” the study of a range of further traditions such as the Baha’i faith, Jainism, and Zoroastrianism and “secular philosophies” such as humanism. These recommendations have proved controversial, and a number of prominent religious educators have argued that secular worldviews should not be included within religious education and that a study of so many religions results in truncated teaching and superficial learning. The common legislative character that English and Welsh religious education had previously shared was ended in 2008 with the publication of the Welsh Assembly government’s National Exemplar Framework for Religious Education. The Welsh Framework enumerates three core skills for RE: engaging with fundamental questions; exploring religious beliefs, teachings, and practice(s); and expressing personal responses. Since the events of 11 September 2001 and the London bombings of 7 July 2007, increasingly critical questions have been asked about the capability of current British models of nonconfessional, multifaith religious education to challenge religious prejudice and intolerance and to contribute to effecting positive relationships between different communities and individuals with different commitments. Critics also claim that historically, multifaith religious education in England and Wales has failed to address the issue of religious truth claims and to attend to the controversial aspects of religion. Many religious educators are content to provide stereotypical, positive interpretations of the different religions, predicated on the assumption that they all find their origin in a common spiritual source. Such views are regarded by others as hopelessly naive and inadequate to the aim of equipping pupils to live respectfully and responsibly amid religious diversity. References and Resources Barnes, L. P. 2009. Religious Education: Taking Religious Difference Seriously. Impact no. 17. London: Philosophy of Education Society of Great Britain. ———. 2014. Religion, Education and Diversity: Developing a New Model of Religious Education. London: Routledge. Copley, T. 2008. Teaching Religion: Sixty Years of Religious Education in England and Wales. Exeter, UK: University of Exeter Press.

—L. Philip Barnes

English Puritanism and Separatism English Puritanism was a movement that arose within the Church of England during the reign of Queen Elizabeth

English Puritanism and Separatism

I (1558–1603). The Puritans emerged in response to the continued acceptance within the Church of England of an episcopal structure and high church worship. The majority of Puritans tended to remain within the Church of England with the hope of encouraging further reform of the church from within. Other Puritans, known as Separatists, determined to break with the Church of England and form congregations organized according to their interpretation of scripture. The Puritan commitment to education produced many enduring works of theology and Reformed political theory. They founded or heavily influenced several important academic institutions, including Harvard University and Cambridge University. Historical Overview English Puritanism derived much of its early strength from the faculty and students at Cambridge University. Thomas Cartwright, one of the early leaders of the Puritan movement, was appointed Lady Margaret Professor of Divinity at Cambridge, only to have his appointment revoked in 1571 by Archbishop and Vice-Chancellor John Whitgift. A number of Cambridge luminaries, such as Laurence Chaderton and William Perkins, were devoted to Puritan ideals of church order and worship. A number of future English Separatists, among them Francis Johnson and John Smyth, also studied or taught at Cambridge during the 1580s and 1590s. A strong Puritan presence continued to influence Cambridge throughout the period of the Civil Wars and Interregnum. Separatist Puritanism originated with the exodus of Robert Browne’s congregation in 1582. Browne’s treatise, A Reformation without Tarrying for Anie (1582), advanced the view that Puritans should separate and form their own congregations if the Established Church refused to compromise. Browne moved with his congregation to the Netherlands, but eventually returned to the Church of England. Later Separatist leaders like Henry Barrow and John Greenwood refused to acknowledge Browne’s influence on them, because they were disgusted by his betrayal. Barrow and Greenwood gathered a congregation in London, which settled in Amsterdam under the leadership of Francis Johnson in the late 1580s and early 1590s. A second wave of English Separatists migrated to Amsterdam after James I refused to make any strong concessions to Puritanism at the Hampton Court Conference of 1604. The Separatists split into a number of different factions during the first two decades of the 17th century. One group of English Separatists from Scrooby, led by John Robinson, settled in Leiden. They became the nucleus of the Separatist group that crossed the Atlantic in 1620 and settled at Plymouth, Massachusetts. Another faction of this same group, led by John Smyth and Thomas Helwys, formed

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the first Baptist congregations in 1609 at Amsterdam and in 1612 at London. Puritans in England continued to exist peacefully within the Church of England even after the disappointment they experienced at Hampton Court. Their position became more precarious during the reign of Charles I. Charles’s appointment of the strict Arminian William Laud as archbishop of Canterbury in 1633 resulted in attempts by Laud to suppress Puritanism. Puritan opposition to Charles and Laud led them to back the Parliamentary cause when the English Civil Wars began in 1641/1642. Puritan interests provided strong support for the Parliamentary forces. The Protectorate of Oliver Cromwell (1653–1658) marked the zenith of Puritan political influence in England. With his death in 1658 and the restoration of the monarchy in 1660, Puritans once again suffered legal restrictions along with other “nonconformists.” The Puritan story merges with that of English nonconformity at this point. They experienced a lifting of most legal restrictions on their worship services in 1689, but nonconformists of all varieties continued to live under restrictions to their autonomy in the realms of education and public service. Influence on Christian Education The intellectual legacy left by the Puritans is significant. It is a reflection of the strong Puritan and Separatist emphasis on the reading of scripture and the preaching of the Gospel. In terms of academic administration, Puritan leaders were among the most respected college and university leaders of their day. Puritans such as Laurence Chaderton served in a variety of administrative capacities at Cambridge during the late 16th century. Walter Travers served as provost of Trinity College, Dublin, from 1594 to 1598, and John Owen served as vice-chancellor of Oxford University from 1651 to 1658. Puritan leaders naturally excelled in the study of the scripture and the writing of theological treatises, many of which have been acknowledged as classic statements of Reformed theology. Puritans, both of the Presbyterian and Independent persuasions, were instrumental in the crafting of the Westminster Confession of Faith (1646), The Westminster Longer Catechism (1647), and the Westminster Shorter Catechism (1647). William Perkin’s A Golden Chaine (1591) is still considered a classic work of early Puritan theology. The English Separatists contributed their own confession of faith in the form of The True Confession (1596 and 1604). John Owen produced classic theological treatises such as The Death of Death in the Death of Christ (1647) and Of the Mortification of Sin in Believers (1656). The prolific Richard Baxter wrote a number of surviving sermons and treatises, including The Saints’ Everlasting Rest (1650).

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Puritan intellectual influence also shaped the literature of 17th-century England. Foremost among Puritan men of letters in the 17th century was John Milton, whose Paradise Lost (1667) and Paradise Regained (1671) presented the story of humanity’s fall and redemption in epic poetry. Milton also wrote Areopagacita (1644), an impassioned plea for freedom of expression in speech and print. The Baptist John Bunyan incorporated Puritan themes in his allegory The Pilgrim’s Progress (1678). Bunyan’s exploration of the Christian’s journey through this life to the celestial city was teeming with Puritan theological concepts and metaphors. The North American Puritans’ commitment to education was evident in their creation of catechetical statements for their congregations and founding of important centers for education. Puritans and their Congregationalist heirs were instrumental in the founding of Harvard University (1634–1646) and Yale University (1701) in the American colonies. The Puritan influence on American culture was profound and placed New England at the forefront of American cultural influence well into the mid-19th century. References and Resources Bremer, Francis J. 2009. Puritanism: A Very Short Introduction. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ———. 2012. First Founders: American Puritans and Puritanism in an Atlantic World. Durham: University of New Hampshire Press. Culpepper, Scott. 2011. Francis Johnson and the English Separatist Influence. Macon, GA: Mercer University Press. Haller, William. 1947. The Rise of Puritanism. New York: Columbia University Press. Lake, Peter. 2004. Moderate Puritans and the Elizabethan Church. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. White, B. R. 1971. The English Separatist Tradition from the Marian Martyrs to the Pilgrim Fathers. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press.

—Scott Culpepper

Enlightenment Philosophy and Theology The Enlightenment is generally identified as the period from roughly 1600 to 1800, during which major developments in scientific, philosophical, political, and religious culture transformed European society. The emergence of Enlightenment thought is often connected to the rise of modernity and the general acceptance of scientific rationalism as the primary means of understanding the world. Enlightenment thinkers were often willing to discard traditional beliefs and practices in light of insights gleaned from the use of their rational faculties.

Foundations of the Enlightenment The theological and philosophical currents of the Enlightenment should not be separated from the scientific and political advances that both supported and were supported by developments in philosophy and theology. Thinkers like René Descartes (1596–1650) applied the rationalist approach of scientific thinkers such as Nicolaus Copernicus (1473–1543) and Galileo Galilei (1564–1642) to the question of how knowledge and understanding are gained. Descartes’s writings on philosophical methodology and epistemology helped define the mode of thinking adopted by many Enlightenment rationalists. Among his noted works are Discourse on the Method (1637), in which he introduced the world to his famous dictum Cogito ergo sum. Descartes sought to establish the existence of God and the immortality of the soul using only evidence that could be established through reason in his Meditations on First Philosophy (1641). Baruch Spinoza (1632–1677) began to dialogue with the writings of Descartes and constructed his own philosophy, which had a tremendous impact on the science of biblical interpretation. Spinoza was of Portuguese and Jewish descent. He lived for all 44 of his years in the Dutch Republic. Spinoza was expelled from his synagogue at the age of 23, possibly for questioning orthodox interpretations of the Hebrew scripture. Spinoza’s most influential publication, Ethics (1677), was published shortly after his death. He engaged in literary dialogue with a number of philosophers, including Descartes, in Ethics. He proposed a concept of God in which God was closely identfied with the universe itself, leading some readers to accuse him of Pantheism. Religious views were deeply impacted by the new philosophical currents. John Locke’s views on anthropology marked an important departure from the Reformed theology of his youth. Locke argued in An Essay Concerning Human Understanding (1690) that human beings are born as a tabula rasa or blank slate. He believed that human failings were the result of poor nurture and experience rather than an inherent sinful nature. His more optimistic appraisal of human nature tended to guide Enlightenment thought in the 18th century. Locke also discussed the veracity of scripture and the miraculous in The Reasonableness of Christianity (1696). While attempting to defend Christianity properly interpreted as an eminently reasonable belief system, Locke raised serious questions about the veracity of the supernatural aspects of scripture. He also championed the cause of religious toleration in A Letter Concerning Toleration (1689). Though the religious settlement in England after the Glorious Revolution of 1688 did not live up to Locke’s ideal, he proposed in his Letter the vision of a society in which people were free to practice their faith without legal coercion or penalty. Locke’s political views grew organically from his

Enlightenment Philosophy and Theology

fundamental belief that human beings were capable of making sound choices, and that governments were tasked with the responsibility of protecting their goods and autonomy. He provided classic statements of the imperative for governments to protect life, liberty, and property in Two Treatises of Government (1689). Eighteenth-Century Enlightenment Philosophy and Theology Francois Marie Arouet (1694–1778) captured the imagination of European thinkers and became the witty voice of the 18th-century Enlightenment as “M. de Voltaire.” Voltaire was not of noble birth, but aspired to join those ranks. An altercation with a nobleman resulted in his being exiled to England, which inspired him to write Philosophical Letters or Letters on the English Nation (1733–1734). Voltaire expressed his admiration for English advances in the sciences, philosophy, politics, and religious toleration. He desired to see a similar situation in his native France. Voltaire produced works of literature in a variety of genres, including poetry, drama, history, satire, literary essays, political theory, and works of philosophy. He used the philosophical tale as one method of relaying a philosophical argument, by contextualizing it in a fictional tale. Despite his achievements in such a wide array of literary styles, Candide (1759) or L’Optisme is often considered his most enduring work. This short philosophical tale offered a scathing satirical critique of the philosophical optimism espoused by Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz. Le Siècle de Louis XIV (1751) was his most significant contribution to historical studies. Voltaire helped to shape historiography and historical methodologies through works such as “Essay on the Customs and on the Spirit of the Nations” (1756), in which he emphasized the importance of studying all aspects of a society in the pursuit of historical awareness. Voltaire embodied several intellectual tendencies that became typical of the 18th-century Enlightenment. Among them was a critical distrust of organized religion and its dogmas. Voltaire pursued his early education at the College Louis-le-Grand in Paris under the tutelage of Jesuit instructors. These early experiences did not predispose him to support the church, nor did his later clashes with ecclesiastical censorship. Voltaire was a Deist who believed that the existence of God alone could be demonstrated rationally. He supported religious toleration and rejected the factual veracity of much of the Bible. In The Sermon of Fifty (1752), Voltaire proposed the adoption of a simple faith that recognized the existence of God and common brotherhood of his creatures, but rejected all dogmas of specific Christian or Jewish sects. Thomas Paine (1737–1809) argued for a Deism similar to Voltaire’s in The Age of Reason (1794).

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If Voltaire could be considered the father of the French Enlightenment, Denis Diderot (1713–1784) was its most gifted promoter and chronicler. Diderot is best known for his editorship of the Encyclopédie (1751–1772), a 28-volume compendium of Enlightenment thought that included contributions from the most influential thinkers in 18th-century Europe. Jean Le Rond d’Alembert assisted Diderot in the arduous task of compiling and editing the Encyclopédie. Diderot struggled to complete the work under threat from ecclesiastical and political authorities, who saw the collection as a bastion for their political opponents to air subversive views. Like Voltaire, Diderot was hostile to traditional religion. He originally embraced Deism, but he ultimately became an atheist by the late 1840s. The Scottish scholar David Hume (1711–1776) represented for many the apex of skeptical empiricism. Hume explored the development of religion from ancient polytheism to 18th-century forms of popular religion in The Natural History of Religion (1757). His method of identifying natural rather than supernatural causes for religious developments cemented his place in the minds of many readers as an irreligious and possibly atheistic thinker. Hume also contributed the comprehensive History of England (1754–1761), which challenged many of the narrowly political and partisan methods of writing history that had dominated the scholarship of recent years. The work of Immanuel Kant (1724–1804) focused on critiquing the weaknesses of empiricism and rationalism by arguing that experience and emotional perception shaped reality alongside human reason. The Critique of Pure Reason (1781) and the Critique of Practical Reason (1788) were among his classic statements of this perspective. Kant also provided an interesting analysis of the nature of enlightenment in Beantwortung der Frage: Was ist Aufklärung? or Answering the Question of What Is Enlightenment (1784). In this essay, Kant described enlightenment as the human emergence from a selfimposed immaturity. He believed humans must discover the courage to use their minds and dare to be free. He prescribed a political structure that allows humans the freedom to explore intellectual and practical questions freely in order to facilitate enlightenment. Kant adopted a sort of progressive view of religion that recognized the validity of faith while arguing that the church of the present age has the right and responsibility to grow beyond the creeds and theological formulations of the past. He believed devotion to these forms could become another variety of self-imposed immaturity. The Legacy of the Enlightenment The legacy of Enlightenment philosophy was extensive, touching every area of human experience from scientific

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theory and political life to theology. The creative tension between rationalist and empiricist schools of thought produced a culture of curiosity in which humans believed that God had endowed them with the tools to comprehend the nature of reality. While this belief could lead to a deification of reason and experience as ways of knowing, it also liberated thinkers to explore realms of knowledge that had previously been strictly controlled by traditional authorities. This opening of inquiry has shaped the nature of knowledge acquisition and educational philosophy since the Enlightenment, particularly in the West.

nificant biblical and theological reflection has yielded several principles that lie at the foundation of a Christian environmental ethic: God is knowable in and through creation; creation is christologically centered; creation should be treated with care and reverence; and creation is itself the object of redemption. Education of Christians through institutions of higher education and local parishes is a significant element of the church’s response to environmental degradation.

Environmental Ethics

Environmental Ethics in Christian Higher Education Broadly, environmental ethics in Christian higher education is evidenced in curricular programs, institutional initiatives, and extracurricular student activism. Renewal, a Christian creation care student network (www.renew ingcreation.org), surveyed 60 schools in the United States and Canada to measure environmental sustainability efforts at these institutions in terms of institutional initiatives and academic offerings. Fifty-four schools surveyed offered academic courses related to environmental studies, 41 offered academic majors, 37 offered academic minors, and 34 offered research or internship opportunities (frequently in conjunction with such organizations as Au Sable in the United States, Costa Rica, and India, and the Creation Care Study Program in Belize and New Zealand). Virtually all of the institutions in the Renewal survey modeled environmental sustainability in some institutional program, such as chapel services, business and facility operations, and/or student organizations. A recent effort called the Green Seminary Initiative (www .greenseminaries.org) seeks to create a network through which seminaries can share resources, stories, and support in helping seminaries become examples of environmental sustainability in their operations as well as in their training of students to bring a creation care emphasis into their practices of parish ministry. College students are often involved in extracurricular student activism. In addition to student organizations on campuses, groups such as Renewal, mentioned above, and Young Evangelicals for Climate Action (www.yec action.org) engage students in efforts of national and international scope.

With the publication in 1967 of his seminal article, “The Historical Roots of Our Ecologic Crisis,” historian Lynn White Jr. effectively enlisted Christianity, albeit largely reluctantly, into assessing its role in the causes and solutions of environmental degradation. While White’s article has been subsequently engaged by various Christian voices for its shortcomings and lack of nuance, it has functioned as an effective catalyst for Christians to address how they are to respond to the destruction of a world they hold to have been created by God. Sig-

Environmental Ethics in Christian Education Education in environmental ethics in local parishes is provided in two major areas: curriculum and liturgical resources. In addition to curriculum resources produced by denominations, several organizations provide such resources for the church at large. Examples include Web of Creation’s (www.webofcreation.org) Green Congregation Program, which includes a congregational training manual in addition to curriculum resources; the Evangelical Environmental Network (www.creationcare.org), which

References and Resources Furbank, P. N. 2011. Diderot: A Critical Biography. London: Faber and Faber. Gay, Peter. 1995. The Enlightenment: The Rise of Modern Paganism. New York: W. W. Norton. ———. 1996. The Enlightenment: The Science of Freedom. New York: W. W. Norton. Israel, Jonathan I. 2002. Radical Enlightenment: Philosophy and the Making of Modernity, 1650–1750. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ———. 2009. Enlightenment Contested: Philosophy, Modernity, and the Emancipation of Man, 1670–1752. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ———. 2011. Democratic Enlightenment: Philosophy, Revolution, and Human Rights, 1750–1790. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Nadler, Steven. 2011. A Book Forged in Hell: Spinoza’s Scandalous Treatise and the Birth of the Secular Age. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Pearson, Roger. 2005. Voltaire Almighty: A Life Lived in Pursuit of Freedom. London: Bloomsbury Publishers. Porter, Roy. 2001. The Creation of the Modern World: The Untold Story of the British Enlightenment. New York: W. W. Norton. ———. 2001. The Enlightenment. Hampshire, UK: Palgrave Macmillan.

—Scott Culpepper

Ephesus, School of

produces a blog, podcasts, and curriculum for congregations; the National Association of Evangelicals, which has produced a “conversation piece” addressing Christian response to environmental degradation; and the National Council of Churches, which has launched an eco-justice program with resources for local parish education (www .nccecojustice.org). Green Faith (www.greenfaith.org) is an interfaith organization that provides resources for congregations of diverse religious backgrounds. Several denominations provide local parishes with liturgical resources. A noteworthy example is the practice among Eastern Orthodox communions of offering prayers for the protection and preservation of creation on 1 September each year, the beginning of the new ecclesiastical year. This observation is accompanied by an encyclical letter written by the Ecumenical Patriarch emphasizing the Christian duty to care for God’s creation. There are also ecumenical resources available. An example is the volume by Norman Habel, David Rhoads, and H. Paul Santmire, The Season of Creation (2011), which suggests setting aside four weeks in the liturgical calendar (the authors recommend September) to place a special focus on the care of creation. Resources are provided for each of the three years in the Revised Common Lectionary. References and Resources Boorse, Dorothy. 2011. Loving the Least of These: Addressing a Changing Environment. New York: National Association of Evangelicals. Ecumenical Patriarch Bartholomew. 2012. On Earth as in Heaven: Ecological Vision and Initiatives of the Ecumenical Patriarch Bartholomew. Edited by John Chryssavgis. New York: Fordham Press. Habel, Norman, David Rhoads, and H. Paul Santmire. 2011. The Season of Creation: A Preaching Commentary. Minneapolis, MN: Fortress Press. Lamp, Jeffrey S. 2011. “Environmental Ethics.” In Encyclopedia of Christian Civilization, edited by George Kurian, 2:836– 838. Oxford: Blackwell. John Paul II. 1990. Peace with God the Creator, Peace with All of Creation. Vatican City: Libreria Editrice Vaticana. Renewal. [2011]. “Green Awakenings Report 2011.” http:// renewingcreation.org/wp-content/uploads/GreenAwaken ingsTwo.pdf. White, Lynn, Jr. 1967. “The Historical Roots of Our Ecologic Crisis.” Science 155 (10 March): 1203–1207.

—Jeffrey S. Lamp

Ephesus, School of The city of Ephesus, founded in the 11th century BC, served as a capital of the Roman province of Asia

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(modern-day Turkey) until the fourth century. It had a significant reputation in ancient Christianity as a center of theological instruction. Asia Minor was in fact the hub of the Gentile church in the first and second centuries. The conversion of Ephesus is described in the Acts of the Apostles (chapter 19), undertaken c. AD 55 by St. Paul himself, who delivered daily lectures at the house of the rhetorician Tyrannus and stayed as long as three years in this city. Acts also notes that the Hellenistic preacher Apollos, well-known for his theological acumen, taught in this city (18:24–25). A canonical letter by St. Paul addressed to Ephesus survives (although modern critical scholarship has expressed doubt both about its authorship and its recipients), which focuses extensively on preaching and catechesis (4:11–13, 6:4), and Paul’s letter to Timothy implies that Paul left this favored protégé in Ephesus, giving him extensive instructions on preaching and teaching (1 Tim. 4:6, 13, 5:17; 2 Tim. 2:2, 3:15–4:5). A very early tradition has St. John the Apostle living and teaching in Ephesus, and a much later tradition (with very little historical foundation) has the Virgin Mary residing there as well. St. Ignatius of Antioch (d. AD 107) also addressed a letter to the Christians of this city, warning against heterodox teaching there. While these references indicate that Ephesus was a bustling center of Christian faith and instruction, little evidence survives for an organized school per se. Yet there must have been many pagan teachers of philosophy in Ephesus, for numerous grammarians, poets, and philosophers emerged from this city in the fourth century, and archaeological digs have uncovered at least a medical school. St. Justin Martyr (c. AD 100–165) implies that he received a philosophical education in Ephesus in the second century (Dialogue with Trypho, 2–8), and sometime later the pagan emperor Julian recruited from Ephesus his own philosophical tutor, Maximus of Ephesus (310– 372). After his conversion to Christianity, Justin seems to have continued his philosophical activity in Ephesus, for the Dialogue with Trypho seems to be set in that city; yet Justin very soon departed for Rome, and no other historical reference to a school in Ephesus exists. Any form of Christian instruction given in Ephesus would presumably have followed the pattern of the school Justin later established in Rome: a synthesis of the best insights of Hellenistic philosophy with the truths of biblical revelation. In any case, the erection of the imperial capital in nearby Constantinople in the fourth century, soon afterward raised to the level of a patriarchate, seems to have overshadowed the church of Ephesus. Later, in AD 431, an ecumenical council of bishops was held in Ephesus to resolve the Nestorian controversy, as was the so-called Robber Council in 449; yet this site seems to have been chosen for its political importance and geographical

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convenience (as a major port city) rather than any particular role in the controversy itself. The seventh and eighth centuries saw the eclipse of Christianity in Asia Minor due to the incursions of Islam. References and Resources Archambault, G. 1909. Justin, Dialogue avec Tryphon. Text grec, traduction française, introduction, notes et index. 2 vols. Paris: Nabu Press. Foss, Clive. 1979. Ephesus after Antiquity: A Late Antique, Byzantine and Turkish City. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Janin, R. 1963. “Éphèse.” In Dictionnaire d’histoire et de géographie ecclésiastiques, edited by R. Aubert and E. van Cauwenbergh, 15:554–561. Paris: Letouzey et Ane. Oster, Richard E. 1987. Bibliography of Ancient Ephesus. Metuchen, NJ: Scarecrow Press. Quasten, Johannes. 1950. Patrology. Vol. 1. Westminster, MD: Christian Classics.

—Jamie Blosser and Jeremy P. Sienkiewicz

Episcopal Church Christian Education The Episcopal Church is rooted in a history of preparing individuals for proclaiming the Gospel locally and internationally since it was established in 1789 as an American denomination. The creation of the Domestic and Foreign Missionary Society in 1835 had led to the establishment of a board of missions and then, later in the century, the General Board of Religious Education and Joint Commission on Social Service. In 1919, the General Convention directed the presiding bishop and council to administer and carry on the missionary, education, and social work of the church, building on the corporate model of business that much of America was following. In 1934, the Forward movement was inaugurated to stimulate the spiritual life of the church. It proposed a disciple’s rule of life: Turn—Follow—Learn—Pray— Serve—Worship—Share. It continues to publish devotional and educational booklets. The Church Hymnal Society (today Church Publishing Incorporated) was established to publish liturgical resources for the church. The Church’s Teaching series, six basic volumes, each with one or more guides for leaders of adult group discussions on topics regarding scripture, church history, worship, and mission were published by Seabury Press from 1949 to 1958, emphasizing adult education as well as classes for parents and godparents. The Seabury Series was the only curriculum ever produced under a national church mandate. At the time it was the most professional, skillfully designed Christian education curriculum. The major emphasis of this “new program” for children and

youth was the curriculum prepared for use in closely graded church schools. Begun in 1955, the last revision appeared in 1969, when the courses for K–8 had been revised twice, with nursery and grades 9 and 10 having been revised once. As financial resources for Christian education began to be withdrawn after 1967, issues and questions with implications for Christian education were beginning to surface, leading to a resolution in 1985 from the 68th General Convention calling for the appointment of a task force to “study the history and present state of Christian education and recommend actions to strengthen the Church’s educational ministry.” This pattern repeated itself numerous times in subsequent General Conventions, with task forces created for studies and national education staff positions eliminated, including funding for national initiatives, reverting back to local and diocesan initiatives. Called to Teach and Learn was published by DFMS in 1994 following the work of one such task force. A seminal document, it articulated the understanding of Christian education as primarily Sunday school and Bible study to Christian formation as catechesis, the ancient model of formation in which the church seeks to equip the whole person for his or her life in Christ. It called the church to focus beyond the imparting of knowledge in particular discrete subjects to look holistically at how all ages are equipped to be followers of Christ. Within this perspective, education remains a major and critical piece of formation, but not its sole component. However, many continue to prefer “Christian education” to uphold the importance of the pedagogical dimension of learning. Christian education in the Episcopal Church has flourished best at the grassroots level, with locally created programs bubbling up to national popularity. The first lectionary-based curriculum, Living the Good News, was created by a partnership of the Episcopal Diocese of Colorado and the Roman Catholic Archdiocese of Colorado in the early 1980s. Other models include Godly Play, a Montessori approach of catechesis for children developed by Jerome Berryman in 1990 (Houston, Texas); the Journey to Adulthood youth program by David Crean and Amanda Hughes (Durham, North Carolina, in 1993); and Education for Ministry (EfM), a four-year course of theological education and reflection for the laity on the local level, developed and administered by the School of Theology at the University of the South, Sewanee, since 1975. In 1997, The Children’s Charter for the Church was developed by a grassroots movement of educators who wanted to highlight the recognition of children as full members of the church. It reflected a deep commitment to include children and youth in the life of the church,

Epistemology, Modern

recognizing the ministry of, by, and for children. Its aim was to help churches to affirm the practice of integrating the lives of children into the church and to integrate the church into the lives of the children. This reflected a commitment to Christian formation as a cradle-to-grave enterprise involving both lifelong and daylong learning, which continues today. At the 76th General Convention (2009), the Charter for Lifelong Christian Formation was adopted as a model for education for all. It defined lifelong Christian formation in the Episcopal Church as growth in the knowledge, service, and love of God as followers of Christ that is informed by scripture, tradition, and reason. It involves a prayerful life of worship, continuous learning, intentional outreach, advocacy, and service. The study of scripture, mindful of the context of our societies and cultures, calls Episcopalians to seek truth anew while remaining fully present in the community of faith. It calls the church to develop new learning experiences and equip disciples for life in a world of secular challenges while carefully listening for the words of modern sages who embody the teachings of Christ. Lifelong Christian formation in the Episcopal Church is a journey with Christ, in Christ, and to Christ. Today, Christian education is seen as part of a holistic view of Christian formation, centered in baptism and shaped by the Holy Eucharist. Whether in a classroom setting, intergenerational gathering, or worship, the themes of gathering, story, prayer, sharing, and going out form the basis of education. Each congregation discerns what curricula and program best suits its context and need for educating all ages, with the baptismal covenant as a model for learning and living out one’s faith in daily life. Education for all ages is grounded in scripture, tradition, and reason. References and Resources Bernardin, J. B. 1983. An Introduction to the Episcopal Church. Harrisburg, PA: Morehouse Publishing. The Charter for Lifelong Christian Formation. 2009. http:// www.episcopalarchives.org/cgi-bin/acts/acts_resolution .pl?resolution=2009-A082. A Children’s Charter for the Church. 1997. http://www .episcopalarchives.org/cgi-bin/acts/acts_resolution.pl?reso lution=1997-B005. Hunter, Carman St. J. 1987. Christian Education in the Episcopal Church 1940s to 1970s. New York: The Episcopal Church Center. Gillespie, Joanna B. 1987. “What We Taught: Christian Education in the American Episcopal Church, 1920–1980.” Anglican and Episcopal History LVI (March): 376–402. Pearson, Sharon Ely, ed. 2006. “Lessons, Legacies, and Lifelines: The Past, Present, and Future of Theological Education &

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Christian Formation in the Episcopal Church 1967–2008.” Report to Executive Council from “Proclaiming Education for All”—PEALL—Task Force as presented for the General Convention, NewYork. Pritchard, Robert. 2003. A History of the Episcopal Church. 2nd ed. Harrisburg, PA: Morehouse Publishing. Sibley, Lois, ed. 1994. Called to Teach and Learn: A Catechetical Guide for the Episcopal Church. New York: The Domestic and Foreign Missionary Society. Webber, Christopher L. 1999. Welcome to the Episcopal Church: An Introduction to Its History, Faith, and Worship. Harrisburg, PA: Morehouse Publishing.

—Sharon Ely Pearson

Epistemology, Modern Modern epistemology is the formal study of the nature and structure of knowledge (episteme) as it took shape in European and North American academia during and following the Enlightenment. It is frequently characterized by a concern for the universal justification and verification of all knowledge, seeking the sources of authentic knowledge, defending knowledge against skepticism, etc. Many such explorations assume a certain degree of optimism in believing that trustworthy knowledge can be acquired by individual persons, via operative reason, observation, or some other means. Perhaps epitomized by the scientific method, modern epistemology can also describe some contemporaneous and often reactionary movements to analytical approaches. Such assumptions about human knowledge continued to be prevalent in Western philosophies as late as the mid-20th century, particularly in Great Britain and the United States. Today these are heavily criticized, although their effects on Western societies continue to be widely felt. Developing out of the “epistemological crisis” (Dupré 1993) in late medieval Europe—precipitated by Renaissance humanism, the scientific revolution’s challenge to the Catholic Church, the Protestant Reformation, etc.— the origins of modern epistemology are often traced back to René Descartes. As these social upheavals had begun to cast doubt on the former protectorates of knowledge—that is, church and state—his Meditations and Discourse on Method sought to demonstrate the triumph of individual human reason over tradition as the new source of human certainty. His famous aphorism cogito ergo sum (“I think, therefore I am”) can be considered a summary statement for several of modern epistemology’s central features: Trustworthy knowledge must be built upon what is indubitable (often called foundationalism); knowing must be radically separated from “being” (via a mind-body dualism); and the individual self is capable

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of discovering the foundation of knowledge (a cognitive individualism). Descartes, along with Leibniz and Spinoza, were rationalists who sought to establish the mind’s reasoning, in its capacity to consider abstractions and systems, as the source of trustworthy knowledge a priori (i.e., independent of experience). Prominent scientists of the day, such as Bacon and Newton, as well as the later philosophers Locke, Berkeley, and Hume, were in contrast empiricists. That is, while they likewise valued individual human reason, they instead prioritized knowledge obtained from experience (i.e., a posteriori) and were skeptical of claims about innately existing ideas. The impasse between these two approaches remained until Kant attempted a synthesis, in which both empirical and rational capacities worked together to ascertain knowledge. His resulting system defended the view that ideas are “self-enclosed” (Taylor 1995) phenomena, which also accurately represented things-in-the-world (noumena). It also completed what Descartes had begun—by reducing the focus of philosophy to epistemology, by making epistemology the foundation of all knowledge including the sciences, and by severing knowledge from ethical and religious concerns. Beginning in the 19th century, the idealism of G. W. Hegel and others attempted to reunite the division between mind and reality. Reacting against CartesianKantian foundationalism and dualism, idealists sought to recover philosophical metaphysics, albeit by proposing an adapted version that relied on modern assumptions about subjectivity and human progress. Hegel also represented an alternative to the verification of truth claims via foundationalism known as coherentism, which validated assertions by examining their explanatory power within a particular system of beliefs. Throughout this period, philosophical trends such as phenomenology and existentialism also exemplified a coherentist approach—even while also preserving varying degrees of individualist and dualist presumptions common to modernist thinking. The pragmatist philosophers during the middle-late modern period, primarily in the United States (Peirce, James, Dewey, et al.), exemplified a third kind of verification that stressed the purposefulness of truth claims and praxis as ontologically prior to epistemology. Yet despite these alternative perspectives, foundationalist approaches to verification largely prevailed as a defining feature of modern epistemology. Its popularity peaked from the middle of the 18th century in continental Europe in the form of neo-Kantianism and logical positivism, to the early to mid-20th century in predominantly Anglo-American logical atomism and analytic philosophies. These mostly empirically based approaches sought scientific precision and clarity based on

irrefutable notions that could withstand the refutations of skeptics and could be taught in other contexts while maintaining their veracity. Kant’s division between scientific and ethical knowledge encouraged many churches to adopt liberal educational approaches (e.g., Bushnell), which emphasized the moral transformation of society without impeding science’s epistemological territory. Religious education (beginning with Coe) represented an important synthesis in the United States of liberal pedagogy and theology with pragmatist concerns. In other settings, a biblical version of foundationalism and an emphasis on the individual’s capacity to ascertain truth became defining features of American fundamentalism. Its proponents (Hodge, Strong, and others), in contrast to liberals, saw themselves as epistemological rivals to science. The influence of Edwards, who distinguished “notional” and “spiritual” knowing and prioritized the latter, contributed to the evangelical emphases of knowledge as conversion and truth as individually ascertainable revelation. Sunday schools in the United States throughout the 19th and 20th centuries powerfully disseminated both this revivalism and the notion of an irrefutable Bible as the basis of Christian faith and knowing. Catholic school systems, at least formally, remained largely untouched by modern epistemology prior to Vatican II (1962–1965). Afterward, Catholic educators experimented with various combinations of modern epistemological systems, blending them with existing strategies (e.g., catechesis) along with emerging postmodern critiques. Today, despite a greater variety of available resources, many churches continue to feature pedagogies with foundationalist and individualist epistemologies, which place high value on the veracity of truth claims. Yet even contemporary alternatives to such approaches continue to carry forward the legacy of modern epistemology in part: Increasingly common emphases on the unity of theory and praxis echo the pragmatist tradition; critical/ liberation pedagogies (à la Freire) revise the Cartesian methodology of doubt as “critical reflection”; postliberal and narrative approaches reflect a coherentist form of verification; etc. What unites so-called postmodern pedagogies, however, is the desire to weaken foundationalist claims; to reunite the Kantian divide between knowing, being, and ethics; and to reclaim the relational, participatory, embodied, and/or contextual aspects of human learning. References and Resources Audi, Robert, ed. 2006. The Cambridge Dictionary of Philosophy. 2nd ed. New York: Cambridge University Press. Boys, Mary. 1989. Educating in Faith: Maps and Visions. San Francisco: Harper & Row.

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Coe, George Albert. 1969. A Social Theory of Religious Education. New York: Arno Press and the New York Times. Descartes, René. 2003a. “Discourse on Method.” In Discourse on Method and Meditations, translated by Elizabeth S. Haldane and G. R. T. Ross, 121–137. Mineola, NY: Dover Publications. ———. 2003b. “Meditations on First Philosophy.” In Discourse on Method and Meditations, translated by Elizabeth S. Haldane and G. R. T. Ross, 371–393. Mineola, NY: Dover Publications. Dewey, John. 1938. Experience and Education. New York: Collier Books. Dupré, Louis. 1993. Passage to Modernity: An Essay in the Hermeneutics of Nature and Culture. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Freire, Paulo. 2000. Pedagogy of the Oppressed. Translated by Myra Bergman Ramos. New York: Continuum. Groome, Thomas H. 1980. Christian Religious Education: Sharing Our Story and Vision. San Francisco: Harper & Row. Hegel, G. W. F. 1949. The Phenomenology of Mind. 2nd ed. Translated by J. B. Baillie. London: George Allen & Unwin. Hodge, Charles. 1891. Systematic Theology. 3 vols. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons. Kant, Immanuel. 1965. Critique of Pure Reason. Unabridged ed. Translated by Norman Kemp Smith. New York: St. Martin’s Press. Locke, John. 1924. An Essay Concerning Human Understanding. Abridged and edited by A. S. Pringle-Pattison. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Marsden, George M. 1980. Fundamentalism and American Culture: The Shaping of Twentieth Century Evangelism: 1970–1925. New York: Oxford University Press. Moser, Paul, and Dwayne Mulder, eds. 1994. Contemporary Approaches to Philosophy. New York: Macmillan. Murphy, Nancey. 1996. Beyond Liberalism and Foundationalism: How Modern and Postmodern Philosophy Set the Theological Agenda. Harrisburg, PA: Trinity Press International. Rorty, Richard. 1979. Philosophy and the Mirror of Nature. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Taylor, Charles. 1995. Philosophical Arguments. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

—Joshua Lunde-Whitler and S. Steve Kang

Epistemology, Personal Personal epistemology is a term created by Hofer and Pintrich (2002) to refer to a growing field of research that investigates the nature and development of students’ epistemological frameworks.59 Researchers in this field 59. See Hofer and Pintrich (2002) for a comprehensive presentation of this flourishing research.

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ask these questions: How do individuals come to know? What theories and beliefs do they hold about knowledge, knowing, and learning? The Roots and Trajectory of Personal Epistemology Studies Jean Piaget’s work on childhood cognitive development in the 1950s and William Perry’s longitudinal study in the late 1950s were foundational to personal epistemology research. Perry offered a developmental model for interpreting student’s epistemological responses to their learning experiences. Since then, intersecting lines of studies have evolved representing the three models of theoretical and conceptual research in personal epistemology. The first cluster of research is the developmental model following the scheme of Perry. These are the women’s ways of knowing, by Belenky and others (1986); the epistemological reflection model, by Baxter (1992); and the reflective judgment model, by King and Kitchener (1994). The second trajectory of research departs from the developmental scheme; Schommer (1990) conceptualized personal epistemology as a system of beliefs. The third strand of research represents alternative conceptions of personal epistemology: epistemology as personal theories (Hofer 2001) and epistemology as resources (Hammer and Elby 2002). Personal epistemology studies across diverse cultures have addressed beliefs about the definition of knowledge, how knowledge is resourced and constructed, how knowledge is evaluated, and the process of knowing. The studies have also categorized personal epistemologies within the spectrum of sophistication or naiveté. Personal Epistemology and the Teaching-Learning Process Studies in personal epistemology have brought supporting perspectives on the direct link of personal epistemology to academic learning.60 For example, King and Kitchener’s (1994) study has shown how individuals handle new information, resolve competing claims, and make decisions. Other studies have also shown that beliefs about the nature of knowledge may influence comprehension, strategy use, and cognitive processing. Epistemological beliefs have also been linked to conceptual change learning. Epistemological thinking is also a critical component of lifelong learning. The developmental studies suggest that students whose epistemological perspectives are more sophisticated tend 60. See, e.g., Hofer’s (2001, 372) illustration of how personal epistemology relates to learning and thereby argues for many possibilities in productive interaction.

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to be more successful in their learning, and vice versa. The results gleaned from the research do point to the promotion of a teaching-learning process that seriously considers the student as a knower, knowing as a process, and knowledge as complex. 61 Implications of Personal Epistemology Research for Christian Education Given what we know about personal epistemology and its direct relation to learning, what might Christian educators do? The complementary studies in personal epistemology challenge Christian educators to foster the development of epistemological maturity, especially for adult learners.62 Christian education needs to assume a bigger picture of what truth learning is all about. This means that educators intentionally create more reflective learning spaces and assist the community of faith to think more critically about the issues of their faith and the implications for Christian living. More important, nurturing the life of the mind supports the notion of loving God with our minds (Luke 10:27).

Khine, Myint Swe, ed. 2008. Knowing, Knowledge and Beliefs: Epistemological Studies Across Diverse Cultures. Dordrecht: Springer. King, P. M., and K. S. Kitchener. 1994. Developing Reflective Judgment: Understanding and Promoting Intellectual Growth and Critical Thinking in Adolescents and Adult. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Merriam, Sharan B., Rosemary S. Cafarella, and Lisa M. Baumgartner. 2007. Learning in Adulthood: A Comprehensive Guide. 3rd ed. San Francisco: John Wiley & Sons. Perry, William G. 1970. Forms of Intellectual and Ethical Development in the College Years: A Scheme. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston. Piaget, Jean. 1966. The Origins of Intelligence in Children. New York: International Universities Press. Qian, G., and Donna E. Alverman. 2000. “Relationship Between Epistemological Beliefs and Conceptual Change Learning.” Reading and Writing Quarterly 16 (1): 59–74. Schommer, M. 1990. “The Effects of Beliefs about the Nature of Knowledge in Comprehension.” Journal of Educational Psychology 82 (3): 498–504.

—Joanna Soberano References and Resources Ambrose, Susan A., Michael W. Bridges, Michele DiPietro, Marsha C. Lovett, and Marie K. Norman. 2010. How Learning Works: Seven Research-Based Principles for Smart Teaching. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass Baxter, Magolda. 1992. Knowing and Reasoning in College: Gender-related Patterns in Students’ Intellectual Development. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Belenky, M. F., B. M. Clinchy, N. R. Goldberger, and J. M. Tarule. 1986. Women’s Ways of Knowing: The Development of Self, Voice and Mind. New York: Basic Books. Hammer, David, and Andrew Elby. 2002. “On the Form of a Personal Epistemology.” In Personal Epistemology: The Psychology of Beliefs About Knowledge and Knowing, edited by B. K. Hofer and P. R. Pintrich, 169–190. Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum. Henze, Mak E. 2006. “Re-examining and Refining Perry: Epistemological Development from a Christian Perspective.” Christian Education Journal, Series 3, no. 2: 260–277. Hofer, Barbara. 2001. “Personal Epistemology Research: Implications for Learning and Teaching.” Journal of Educational Psychology Review 13 (4): 353–383. Hofer, Barbara, and Paul R. Pintrich, eds. 2002. Personal Epistemology: The Psychology of Beliefs about Knowledge and Knowing. Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum.

61. Ambrose et al. (2010) and Merriam et al. (2007) alluded to this growing research. 62. Henze (2006) posits the usefulness of the Perry scheme when we aim to develop the critical thinking skills of learners.

Epistemology, Praxis The foundations of a “praxis way of knowing” lie in the field of hermeneutics following Hans Georg Gadamer’s work in Truth and Method (1989), which Anthony Thiselton claims stands as “a paradigm shift in epistemology and hermeneutics” (1992, 314). Gadamer’s work offers a rejection of Enlightenment rationalism and the false dichotomies of truth/method and fact/value. Gadamer is able to hold together in creative tension both the universal and the particular, which emphasizes the hermeneutical nature of all reality, such that no perspective is privileged over another. In the interaction of the particular and universal, there is therefore no fixed character to either element, so interpretation is not a linear process. Thus there emerges the concept of the hermeneutical circle, in which meaning (and therefore learning) is generated in an endless cycle. Jürgen Habermas (1978) and his colleagues in the neoMarxist Frankfurt School are attributed with developing sociocritical hermeneutics building on Gadamer’s work (Thiselton 1992, 6). Here the emphasis is on unmasking the self-interests and power structures that dominate in the generation of knowledge and meaning, leading to an emancipatory critique. It is on this basis that the work of the Brazilian educationalist Paulo Freire (1972), who championed the notion of praxis as a way of knowing and an educational methodology, has to be understood. Given the limitations of space, we take Freire here to be

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the source and prime example of an educator espousing a praxis epistemology. Freire presents a fundamental shift or “epistemological break,” to use the words of the Liberation theologians, in the process of education, which takes the concrete situation of the poor seriously. Given the privilege provided to theoria as a way of knowing since Aristotle, the major educational methodology that prevailed over many centuries was a linear “from theory to practice” process (Groome 1980). Freire described the pedagogical results of this approach as “banking” education, in which the teacher holds all the information and therefore power. The teacher transfers selected information from the bank to the students, which they reproduce unchanged. Paulo Freire thus introduced the question of power relations into the educational process and its outcome, which for him is political action to transform society emerging from reflection on experience. Praxis education for Freire is dialectic between action and reflection, which enables conscientization to occur in the student. It changes the nature of the teacher-student relationship as well as the content of education and its process, which becomes a cyclical interaction of action–reflection, leading to renewed action. It is a short step from here to the development of the pastoral cycle and the praxis method of theological reflection. An important critique of praxis epistemology is available from several sources. Freire’s praxis is contextually dependent, so can the learning generated escape the boundaries of the context it is found in and become useful elsewhere? There is evidence that the method is less applicable, for example, in nonpoor Western societies. Some Christian commentators accuse Freire, despite his overt Christian faith (at least in later life), of being humanistic to the point of unhelpful optimism about human nature and working with little or no reference to the transcendent. A further criticism is that Freireian methodology privileges theory above other forms of knowledge, and that despite differing philosophical backgrounds, his project and that of Western liberal education “blossom on the same hedgerow” (Astley 1994, 89 n42). Finally, Freire is criticized for being overly dependent on the cognitive domain of learning, to the detriment of the affective. For instance, he does not take seriously enough the popular religiosity or system of meaning-making of the oppressed. In the end, praxis epistemology can lead to too “thin” a description of the world where a thicker one is required. Nevertheless, praxis epistemology: a. rediscovers the importance of action (and therefore societal transformation) as an outcome of education and learning;

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b. introduces issues of power into the educational process; and c. offers a way of examining and transforming assumptions, beliefs, and values in learners. References and Resources Astley, Jeff. 1994. The Philosophy of Christian Religious Education. Birmingham, AL: Religious Education Press. Freire, Paulo. 1972. Pedagogy of the Oppressed. Harmondsworth, UK: Penguin. Gadamer, Hans-Georg. 1989. Truth and Method. 2nd ed. Translated by Joel Weinsheimer and Donald G. Marshall [1975]. London: Sheed & Ward. Groome, Thomas H. 1980. Christian Religious Education: Sharing Our Story and Vision. New York: Harper & Row. Habermas, Jürgen. 1978. Knowledge and Human Interests. 2nd ed. with appendix. Translated by Jeremy Shapiro. London: Heinemann. Thiselton, Anthony C. 1992. New Horizons in Hermeneutics. London: HarperCollins.

—Nigel Rooms

Erasmus Desiderius Erasmus was born Geert Geertsen, the illegitimate son of Gerhard de Praet (a priest) and Margaret (a physician’s daughter), in Rotterdam (Netherlands), on 27 October c. 1466, and died in Basel (Switzerland), on 12 July 1536. In 1487, he became an Augustinian canon, and in 1492, he was ordained as a priest. Erasmus is often considered the intellectual father of the Protestant Reformation, even though he eventually disapproved of Luther and the reformers. Erasmus labored to make internal reforms within the medieval Roman Catholic Church (the same as the initial motivation of the reformers); however, his desire for such reform was never achieved. His unique experiences influenced him to abandon the scholastic method and to study scripture thoroughly, in addition to the ancient classics, of which he was enamored. As a devoted scholar of Greek and Latin, he was certainly a forerunner of the Reformation. His contemporaries proclaimed, “Erasmus laid the egg that Luther hatched.” Erasmus has thus been called the “journalist of scholarship.” He published the Adages in 1500, an annotated collection of Greek and Latin proverbs. In 1503, he published the Enchiridion, a handbook on the nature of true religion and piety. He began translating the New Testament in 1505. The following year, he accomplished his youthful dream to visit Italy. He remained several weeks at Turin and received the degree of doctor of theology. In 1509, he published his best-known literary work, The Praise of

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Folly, a criticism of abuses in the church and world. His Familiar Colloquies, published in 1518, similarly used satire to condemn evils “concerning men, manners, and things.” In 1516 (a year prior to the beginning of the Protestant Reformation), he published his Greek edition of the New Testament (Novum Instrumentum omne, diligenter ab Erasmo Rot. Recognitum et Emendatum), which included annotations and a Latin translation. The second edition (1519) of his work used the more familiar term Testamentum as opposed to Instrumentum. Martin Luther used this edition to render his German translation (1522). William Tyndale likely used the third edition of Testamentum (1522) for the translation of the first New Testament (and a portion of the Old Testament) in English from the original languages (1526); it was also the basis for the Robert Stephanus edition (1550), which was used by the translators of the Geneva Bible and King James Version. The definitive fourth edition (1527) contained parallel columns of the Greek text, the Latin Vulgate, and Erasmus’s own Latin translation. The fifth edition (1535) was principally the same as the fourth, with the exception that the Latin Vulgate was not included. Erasmus’s Greek New Testament was the standard text for nearly 400 years, even though it was obviously not the best text; it was circulated extensively and popularly as a consequence of being published first, and because it was a cheaper, more portable work. In the preface to the Novum Testamentum, he wrote, “I wish that the Scriptures might be translated into all languages, so that not only the Scots and the Irish, but also the Turk and the Saracen [Muslims] might read and understand them. I long that the farm-labourer might sing them as he follows his plough, the weaver hum them to the tune of his shuttle, the traveller beguile the weariness of his journey with their stories.” Erasmus’s sentiment was repeated by Tyndale, who also remarked, “If God spare my life, ere many years pass, I will cause a boy that driveth the plough shall know more of the Scriptures than thou [the Pope] dost.” For the majority of his Greek text, Erasmus used two inferior Greek manuscripts dated approximately to the 12th century, which were available at the university library at Basel. Having been completed in less than a year, his Greek text was published in haste. For instance, Erasmus could not locate any Greek manuscripts for the last few verses of Revelation and therefore adopted many readings of the Complutensian Polyglot (a sixvolume set coordinated by Cardinal Francisco Ximénez de Cisneros and delayed for publication until 1520, with final publication in 1522, apparently due to Pope Leo X’s patronage of Erasmus; this multiple-language Bible was published in Hebrew, Greek, Aramaic, and Latin). The Greek New Testament of Erasmus became

known as the Textus Receptus (the notion of it being the “Received Text” is based on a statement in the preface of the second edition in 1633 by Elzevir) and was used by the translators of the King James Version of the Bible (1611). During this time, Erasmus stayed primarily in Basel, where he continued to prepare critical editions of ancient classics. Erasmus believed the goal of education was to encourage study of a broad selection of classical works in their initial form so that the original intent of the writings would be unhindered. References and Resources For studies concerned with matters related to the influence of Erasmus, see Jerry H. Bentley, Humanists and Holy Writ: New Testament Scholarship in the Renaissance (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1983). Augustijn, Cornelis. 1991. Erasmus: His Life, Works, and Influence. Translated by John C. Grayson. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Bainton, Roland. 1969. Erasmus of Christendom. New York: Scribner. Dorey, T. A. ed. 1970. Erasmus. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. Harbison, E. Harris. 1956. The Christian Scholar in the Age of Reformation. New York: Scribner. Huizinga, John. 1957. Erasmus and the Age of Reformation. New York: Harper & Row. Hyma, Albert. 1930. The Youth of Erasmus. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. Hyma, Albert, and Richard Claverhouse Jebb. 1890. Erasmus. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Phillips, Margaret Mann. 1949. Erasmus and the Northern Renaissance. London: Hodder and Stoughton. Screech, Michael. 1980. Ecstasy and the Praise of Folly. London: Duckworth. Thompson, Geraldine. 1973. Under Pretext of Praise: Satiric Mode in Erasmus’ Fiction. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Woodward, William H. 1904. Desiderius Erasmus Concerning the Nature and Aims of Education. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.

—Ron J. Bigalke

Erikson, Erik Early Background and Education Erik Homberger Erikson, a prominent developmental psychologist, was born in Frankfurt, Germany, on 15 June 1902. Erikson’s life work revolved around the concept that personality development is the result of a series of identity crises, perhaps because he experienced his

Establishment Clause

own identity crisis at an early age. It has been reported that Erikson was conceived in an extramarital affair, and until he was three his young Jewish mother, Karla Abrahamson, raised him on her own. She then married his pediatrician, Dr. Theodor Homberger. Erikson never knew his biological father, an unnamed Danish man, and was raised to believe Homberger was his father. When Erikson learned Homberger was not in fact his biological father, he experienced confusion about his identity. His identity crisis was perhaps intensified because he had Nordic features (tall, blond, blue eyes) and was teased by the children at his temple school; once in grammar school he was teased because of his Jewish background. He continued to struggle with his identity as a young adult. After graduating from high school, he took some art classes and spent some time traveling around Europe. When he was 25, at the urging of a friend, he applied for and was offered a teaching position at a school organized on psychoanalytic principles, run by a friend of Anna Freud, daughter of Sigmund Freud. While teaching at the Heitzing School, Erikson received regular psychoanalytic sessions from Anna. He also earned a certificate from the Vienna Psychoanalytic Institute as well as a teaching degree in the Montessori method. He continued teaching and soon married a Canadian dance teacher from his school named Joan Serson. They had three sons, and in 1933 immigrated to Boston, Massachusetts, prompted by the rise of the Nazis and economic pressures. Erikson was the first practicing psychoanalyst in the Boston area. He soon earned positions at Harvard and Yale as a research assistant and assistant professor and eventually moved to San Francisco to accept a position teaching at the University of California at Berkeley. Significant Contributions to Christian Education While in California, Erikson set up his own practice and became an integral member of the psychoanalytic community. He was influenced by several prominent anthropologists and focused his research on child development in Native American children. Erikson eventually expanded on Freud’s stages of development from birth to age five, theorizing that the individual progressed through eight distinct stages of psychosocial development across the life span. He also emphasized in his theory that culture and society play a tremendous role in shaping individual identity. Erikson has been referred to as “the theological psychoanalyst” (Goldberger 1998), given his emphasis on worldview construction and respect for the religious and spiritual dimensions of life. Erikson credited his wife as a significant contributor to his developmental model. As they grew elderly, Joan continued to work on the model and presented it on behalf of her husband when his health prevented him from

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doing so himself. Erikson died in his sleep at the age of 91 on 12 May 1994. Most Notable Publications In 1950, Erikson published his first book, Childhood and Society. He continued to develop his model of human development through subsequent publications, including Identity: Youth and Crisis (1968) and Young Man Luther (1958). In 1970, Erikson received the Pulitzer Prize and the National Book Award in the Philosophy and Religion category for his work on Gandhi’s Truth (1969). References and Resources Goldberger, Nancy Rule. 1998. Knowledge, Difference, And Power: Essays Inspired By Women’s Ways of Knowing, New York: Basic Books Raimo, Hakola. 2009. “Erik H. Erikson’s Identity Theory and the Formation of Early Christianity.” Journal of Beliefs & Values: Studies in Religion & Education 30 (1): 55. Wallerstein, R. S., and Leo Goldberger, eds. 1998. Ideas and Identities: The Life and Work of Erik Erikson. Madison, CT: International Universities Press.

—Lucinda S. Spaulding

Establishment Clause The First Amendment to the U.S. Constitution contains two clauses relating to religion. The first is referred to as the establishment clause and states, “Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion.” In conjunction with the subsequent free exercise clause, the establishment clause defines the parameters of the relationship between government and religion. The clause is absolute and demarcates the functions and operations of religious and governmental institutions in our society. Over time, the U.S. Supreme Court has interpreted the establishment clause in nuanced and evolving opinions. Until 1947, there were very few cases involving the establishment clause, because the First Amendment only applied to the federal government. In 1947, in Everson v. Board of Education,63 the Supreme Court held that the establishment clause was a liberty protected by the due process clause in the Fourteenth Amendment, which meant that all federal, state, and local government action must abide by the restrictions of the establishment clause. In this opinion, the Supreme Court upheld a New Jersey statute that provided funding for bussing to parochial schools because it provided funding for all students. In the opinion, justice Hugo 63. Everson v. Board of Education of the Township of Ewing, 330 U.S. 1 (1947).

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Black cited the “wall of separation of church and State” to which Thomas Jefferson referred in his letter to the Baptists of Danbury, Connecticut.64 In 1971, in Lemon v. Kurtzman,65 the Supreme Court identified what would later be known as the Lemon test. In this case the Court struck down a Pennsylvania program that provided aid to religious K–12 schools. The Lemon test required the court to determine if the law or government action had a secular purpose, if the law or action advanced or inhibited religion, and if the law or action excessively entangled religion and government. The Lemon test evolved over time, with various Supreme Court justices attempting to refine the test. In Agostini v. Felton, 1997,66 the Supreme Court defined three criteria for determining if a particular action advanced religion: (1) government indoctrination, (2) defining the recipients of government benefits based on religion, and (3) excessive entanglement between government and religion. Justices Anthony Kennedy and Sandra Day O’Connor have attempted to clarify whether a government action leads to coercion67 or endorsement68 of religion. Ultimately, the Court has prevented funding directly to religious schools but has allowed aid to religious colleges and universities when the funds are used for such things as the construction of buildings. Where aid to religious schools is deemed to be neutral and does not allow schools to reallocate funds to religious purposes, the Court has allowed funding. For example, in Zelman v. Simmons-Harris (2002),69 religious schools were allowed to continue to receive money from vouchers, and in Mitchell v. Helms (2000),70 the state was allowed to provide reading teachers to low-performing students even at religious schools. Neutrality was the guiding principle in Everson v. Board of Education (1947) and continues to be so in most decisions. If state money goes through a parent or third party and is indirect aid to a religious school, the Court has determined this to be neutral and does not deem that the government is favoring one religion over nonreligion, or one religion over another. References and Resources Agostini v. Felton, 96 U.S. 552 (1997). Allegheny County v. ACLU, 492 U.S. 573 (1989). Everson v. Board of Education of the Township of Ewing, 330 U.S. 1 (1947). 64. Thomas Jefferson, letter to the Danbury Baptists, 1 January 1802, Library of Congress, June 1998, vol. 57, no. 6, http://loc.gov/loc/lcib/9806/ danpre.html 65. Lemon v. Kurtzman, 403 U.S. 602 (1971). 66. Agostini v. Felton, 96 U.S. 552 (1997). 67. Allegheny County v. ACLU, 492 U.S. 573 (1989). 68. Lynch v. Donnelly, 465 U.S. 668 (1984). 69. Zelman v. Simmons-Harris, 536 U.S. 639 (2002). 70. Mitchell v. Helms, 98 U.S. 1648 (2000).

Jefferson, Thomas. 1802. Letter to the Danbury Baptists, 1 January. Lemon v. Kurtzman, 403 U.S. 602 (1971). Lynch v. Donnelly, 465 U.S. 668 (1984). Mitchell v. Helms, 98 U.S. 1648 (2000). Zelman v. Simmons-Harris, 536 U.S. 639 (2002).

—Jon Eckert

Estonia and Christian Education Christian influences may be detected in Estonia in archaeological relics from the 10th century. Estonia was Christianized during the Northern Crusades in the 13th century. In the 16th century, Estonia became a Lutheran country. A significant increase in Orthodox Church membership took place in the 19th century with promises of land for converts. In 1939, 79 percent of Estonians were Lutherans, 19 percent were Orthodox, and 2 percent had no religious affiliation. Soviet occupation dramatically changed the national and religious landscape. According to the 2011 census, 29 percent of the Estonian population adhered to some religion, and the two largest groups were the Orthodox (16 percent) and Lutherans (10 percent), with 2 percent belonging to other Christian denominations (Baptists, Catholics, Pentecostals, Old Believers, Adventists, Methodists, etc.). Religious education is an optional nonconfessional subject in Estonian public schools, aiming at providing impartial knowledge about world religions and developing tolerance. Recently, several private schools and kindergartens with an open Christian ethos have been established by Catholic, Lutheran, or Orthodox churches. Sunday schools, youth ministry, and confirmation classes are the means of education in churches. Higher theological education may be acquired in the Theological Faculty of Tartu University and in several private confessional institutes, namely the Theological Institute of the Lutheran Church, the Higher Theological Seminary of the Baptist Churches, and the Baltic Methodist Theological Seminary. The laws and policies in Estonia protect religious freedom. —Olga Schihalejev

Ethics Whether conceived of broadly as the pursuit of happiness and the cultivation of virtue, as individual actions governed by duty and obligation, or as decision making intent to achieve the greatest good for the greatest number, “ethics”

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is a word always determined by a context, grounded in a worldview, shaped by particular convictions, and practiced in historically conditioned settings. In recent decades, for example, especially in the 24-hour news cycle of corporate infotainment, “ethics” has most often been summoned in service of stories about political corruption and celebrity scandal. It is also regularly deployed in the bitterly divisive discourses surrounding issues like abortion, homosexuality, capital punishment, and torture. Christian ethics as an academic discipline is relatively new (“invented,” some would say, in light of modernity’s turn to the subject). But the matters on which it reflects— scripture’s drama of salvation and the church’s historic practices—are not. How these stories and practices shape the lives of those who have been baptized into Christ— their character, habits, dispositions, and desires—is at the center of the enterprise. Christian ethics, so conceived, inheres in narrative: the story of God’s redemptive purposes for the world God created and loves. In this way, Christian ethics is fundamentally about participation in this cosmic drama; it is, at heart, initiation into a story and its attendant way of life. As such, Christian ethics as an academic discipline and as the work of shaping identity over a lifetime is of a piece with the whole of the church’s life and witness. The tidy separations that obtain in both the church and the academy belie this fundamental truth: ethics is not extractable or separable from theology, sacraments, prayer, and mission. Its primary locus is worship, since this is where Christian identity is conferred (baptism) and nurtured (Eucharist). To be clear, the church’s liturgy is not a resource for ethics; rather, it is, as Vigen Guroian (1997) aptly contends, “its ontological condition.” As the formation of a people through the life pilgrimage from baptism to death, Christian ethics is also an exercise in social critique—a means by which Christians register their inability to be at home in a world where greed and waste and war are often taken to be inescapable and necessary. This incompatibility displays vividly the narrative character of all human formation: there are multiple stories (and stories within stories)—many of which are conflictual, contradictory—through which identity is understood and articulated. Forming persons and communities well in the Christian story (and here we see the utter continuity of Christian ethics and Christian education) is the church’s lifelong task and privilege. References and Resources Guroian, Vigen. 1997. “Moral Formation and Christian Worship.” Ecumenical Review 49 (3): 372–388. Hauerwas, Stanley, and Samuel Wells. 2011. The Blackwell Companion to Christian Ethics. 2nd ed. West Sussex, UK: Blackwell Publishing.

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Hays, Richard. 1996. The Moral Vision of the New Testament: A Contemporary Introduction to New Testament Ethics. New York: HarperCollins. Johnson, Kelly. 2007. The Fear of Beggars: Stewardship and Poverty in Christian Ethics. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. McCabe, Herbert. 2005. The Good Life: Ethics and the Pursuit of Happiness. New York: Continuum.

—Debra Dean Murphy

Ethiopia and Christian Education Landlocked Ethiopia takes its name from the Greek “burnt faces.” There are three distinct groupings: the original Cushites; the Semitic peoples, who moved into the Horn of Africa somewhere around the first century AD; and the Nilotes, mainly confined to the west. The current population of Ethiopia is estimated at 84 million. Orthodox Christianity was planted in Ethiopia in the fourth century by two Syrian Christians, Frumentius and Edesius. Haile Selassie (emperor 1930–1974) is to be credited with bringing Ethiopia into the modern era. In 1974, a military coup led to the formation of a Communist regime. In 1994, this regime was in turn swept away by an Eritrean-led invasion. Education in Ethiopia Throughout most of Ethiopia’s history, education was in the hands of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church. Higher education began in 1950, with the formation of the University College of Addis Ababa. The Orthodox Church has established its own theological college in Addis Ababa. Among the Protestants there were several undergraduate level theological colleges, notably the Evangelical Theological College and the Mekane Yesus Theological Seminary. In 1996, these two institutions provided the basis for the Ethiopian Graduate School of Theology (EGST). Religious Groups Some 68 percent of the population claims to be Christian, with Islam as the religion of 32 percent. Of the Christian churches, the Orthodox Church claims the largest membership, although much of this is nominal. The Ethiopian Kale Heywet Church (EKHC) is the largest of the Protestant groups, claiming 6.7 million members. The Ethiopian Evangelical Church Mekane Yesus (EECMY) claims 5.3 million members. Pentecostal groups have flourished in recent years, and there is a small Roman Catholic community. Church and State For most of the 20th century, the Orthodox Church opposed the growing Protestant Church. With the over-

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throw of Haile Selassie, the power of the Orthodox Church all but disappeared. With the end of the Mengistu Haile-Maryam regime in 1994, a more tolerant government emerged, with a policy of noninvolvement in religious affairs. References and Resources Greenfield, R. 1967. Ethiopia: A New Political History. London: Pall Mall Press. Pritchard, James, ed. 1974. Solomon and Sheba. London: Phaidon. Ullendorff, Edward. 1968. Ethiopia and the Bible. London: Oxford University Press. Zewde, Bahru. 1991. History of Modern Ethiopia. Athena: Ohio University Press.

—Peter Cotterell

The Ethiopian Graduate School of Theology (EGST) Historical Introduction In 1996, three men met in Addis Ababa to discuss the need for a postgraduate School of Theology for the burgeoning churches of Ethiopia: Dr. Eshetu Abate, representing the Ethiopian Evangelical Church Makane Yesus (ECMY), with its origin in the work of Lutheran missionaries, mainly from Scandinavia; Dr. Steve Strauss, representing the Ethiopian Kale Heywet Church (EKHC), with its origins in the S.I.M.; and Ato Assayehegne Berehe, representing the Evangelical Churches Fellowship of Ethiopia (ECFE). They proposed a single postgraduate school to serve all the churches of Ethiopia. In view of a long history of mistrust, particularly between EECMY and EKHC, this was a bold proposition. At a subsequent meeting of church leaders at a hotel in Addis Ababa on 17 June 1996, their proposal was endorsed. Later that year the first director, an expatriate, Dr. Peter Cotterell, was appointed. He had spent some 20 years in Ethiopia. He stipulated that after two years an Ethiopian director must be found. Two years later the first students were registered. There were only twelve students, including one woman. The graduation of the first cohort was celebrated in 2001, six students being awarded the MA degree and six the degree of MTh. Initially lectures were given in two local theological colleges. But EGST grew rapidly. After the stipulated two years, Dr. Debela Birri from EECMY was appointed, to be succeeded in 2007 by Dr. Desta Helisso. EGST operated initially from a single room, but later moved to a spacious bungalow, and in 2002 was able to buy a prestigious site in Addis Ababa. In 2009 Phase One

of an ambitious development plan was completed, to be followed in 2013 by Phase Two. Uniquely, the six-story phase one building was rented out, to provide ongoing finance for EGST, operating in the phase two building. Academic Programs In 2013, EGST had a total of more than 200 postgraduate students, reading for master’s degrees, with seven potential Ethiopian faculty members studying for doctorates in the West and South Africa. The EGST philosophy was uncomplicated: students should be required to research topics relevant to the Ethiopian context. This was a focus rarely possible in academic institutions outside Ethiopia, and in conformity with this principle it was desirable to introduce qualified Ethiopian academics into the school’s faculty as soon as possible. In its early years EGST has consciously restricted itself to awarding degrees at the level of the master’s degree, but with the gradual return of Ethiopian faculty from their doctoral studies abroad, the PhD degree will also be offered. The graduate school has established an annual lecture series, “The Frumentius Lectures,” named after one of the two Syrian Christians who first brought Christianity to Ethiopia, in the fourth century. The lectures are delivered by internationally acknowledged academics from around the world, bringing to life the names of authors the students encounter in the library. Philosophy of the School In a definitive article in the first edition of the school’s journal, The Graduate: EGST Alumni, published in 2001, Dr. Steve Strauss set out the basic EGST philosophy. The school was to provide a truly graduate-level theological education in a thoroughly Ethiopian context, to bring together evangelicals from every theological background, to unite their resources for what he designated “a Kingdom task,” and finally, to serve as a catalyst for evangelical unity throughout the country. These four goals constitute the basic philosophy under which EGST operates. The EGST leadership was concerned to ensure that the academic standards demanded of students would be acceptable to academic institutions elsewhere, not only in Africa but in the rest of the academic world. But the emphasis was to be on Ethiopia, with Ethiopian faculty, and with thesis topics focusing largely on Ethiopia while maintaining global emphases. That this last goal is being realized is confirmed by the thesis topics of the first MTh graduates: “An Attempt to Understand the Liturgy of the EECMY”; “The Christological Position of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church”; “The Charismatic Movement in the EECMY”; “The World View of the Woliyita, and Attempts to Contextualize the Gospel”; and “The Evangelism Strategy of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church.”

Ethnic Diversity

The determination of the founders of EGST to have a single postgraduate school to serve all the churches has had a significant side effect: students receive lectures and seminars from qualified faculty drawn from diverse theological traditions. They are therefore exposed to concepts and interpretations of which they would possibly be ignorant or that they would have viewed with suspicion or even hostility. In the academic context, however, they are expected to listen with respect to unfamiliar views, to debate them, and to understand them. This has led to a diminution of previous tensions and disagreements, often born out of ignorance and prejudice. —Peter Cotterell

Ethnic Diversity Ethnic diversity, often referred to as multiculturalism, is generally used in two ways, one descriptive and the other normative. As a descriptive term, it refers to the demographic makeup of a specific place. As a normative term, it refers to ideologies or policies that promote diversity, cultural pluralism, or multiculturalism. College and university campuses are microcosms of the broader society, and American universities have tried to address multiculturalism in a number of ways. Many have hired “diversity officers” to do things like assess the school’s current representation of minorities and create a plan to increase the number of students or employees from protected classes. Others have incorporated ethnic diversity into the curriculum through programs such as multicultural studies, ethnic studies, Native American studies, Chicano studies, and many others. Many administrators and higher education leaders, such as former Harvard president Neil Rudenstine, have embraced the growing diversity on their campuses, asserting that a racially diverse student body is necessary for preparing students to be informed citizens in a multicultural society. Rudenstine and others note the “browning of America” and the “flattening” of the world’s cultures as other factors that motivate them to enhance diversity efforts on their campuses.71 Critics of university efforts to promote diversity point to reports of increasingly tense racial climates and racial self-segregation among students.72 In addition, some of these critics charge that multiculturalism is “a leftist political ideology that sees all cultures, their mores and institutions, as

71. Neil L. Rudenstine, “Why a Diverse Student Body Is So Important,” Chronicle of Higher Education 42, no. 32 (1996): 2-B1. 72. Anthony L. Antonio, “Racial Diversity and Friendship Groups in College: What the Research Tells Us,” Diversity Digest 3, no. 4 (1999): 6–7.

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essentially equal.”73 They assert that the only exception is Euro-American culture, with its “Judeo-Christian underpinnings,” which is not only criticized, “but often condemned as racist, sexist, and classist.”74 Christian colleges and universities have responded to ethnic diversity in a number of ways. Because faith-based institutions are more homogenous than the general fouryear colleges, Christian schools have had to be more intentional about reaching out to students, faculty, and staff of color to make their multicultural efforts successful. One related area of continued concern was reflected in a recent study by the Council for Christian Colleges and Universities (CCCU). The question was asked, “Do CCCU students relate appropriately with individuals of different races and genders?”75 Reports revealed both promising and discouraging results. The data found that CCCU students tended to study with others of their same race or gender far less than do students in general fouryear colleges.76 However, CCCU seniors admitted to infrequently socializing with students from different ethnic backgrounds.77 Yet among the same CCCU seniors, very few reported feeling pressure to exclude students from other ethnic groups.78 Few, however, reported “racial acceptance” as being an important objective.79 So, while CCCU seniors have tackled some of the diversity-related issues, it would appear that more effort may be needed. While not singling out Christian schools, a recent book on multiculturalism concluded that many “white campuses” are failing to teach “multicultural literacy” effectively.80 They note, “Because of a failure to require multicultural courses, the paucity of multicultural faculty and administrators, and finally the small representation of multicultural students, thus enabling the dominant culture to maintain an attitude of intellectual and cultural superiority.”81 By the year 2020, minority students will account for 45 percent of the nation’s public high school graduates, up from 38 percent in 2009, according to the latest edition of Knocking at the College Door, a regular report on demographic changes published by the Western Interstate

73. Alvin J. Schmidt, The Menace of Multiculturalism: Trojan Horse in America (Westport, CT: Greenwood Publishing Group, 1997), 3. 74. Ibid. 75. Ron Burwell, “Report on the 1996 Senior College Student Survey,” Research on Christian Higher Education 4 (1997): 40. 76. Ibid. 77. Ibid., 41. 78. Ibid. 79. Ibid., 42. 80. Michael J. Cuyjet, Mary F. Howard-Hamilton, and Diane L. Cooper, eds., Multiculturalism on Campus: Theories, Models and Practices for Understanding Diversity and Creating Inclusion (Sterling, VA: Stylus Publishing, 2011), 11. 81. Ibid.

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Commission for Higher Education.82 The report confirms trends that admissions officers have long anticipated. The supply of white students—including many affluent applicants for whom colleges so often compete—will soon dwindle. Meanwhile, the number of Hispanic and Asian American high school graduates will increase sharply. This shift will present colleges with historic opportunities—and challenges. Christian educators in America from preschool to postdoctoral programs will have to adjust to “every tribe and every tongue” being reflected more and more in their classrooms. Most Christian educators seem to agree that for multicultural education to be most effective, it should present and examine the values and practices of other cultures objectively and critically in a nondoctrinaire manner. Similarly, ethnic diversity is a welcomed reality for America in the 21st century, and colleges and universities that explore the richness and fullness of the Kingdom of God are sure to reap the benefits of a diverse education that values all our neighbors as ourselves. References and Resources Antonio, Anthony L. 1999. “Racial Diversity and Friendship Groups in College: What the Research Tells Us.” Diversity Digest 3 (4): 6–7. Burwell, Ron. 1997. “Report on the 1996 Senior College Student Survey.” Research on Christian Higher Education 4: 40–42. Cuyjet, Michael J., Mary F. Howard-Hamilton, and Diane L. Cooper, eds. 2011. Multiculturalism on Campus: Theories, Models and Practices for Understanding Diversity and Creating Inclusion. Sterling: Stylus Publishing. “Knocking at the College Door: Projections of High School Graduates.” n.d. Western Interstate Commission for Higher Education. Accessed 1 April 2013. http://www.wiche.edu/ knocking-8th. Rudenstine, Neil L. 1996. “Why a Diverse Student Body Is So Important.” Chronicle of Higher Education 42 (32): 2–B1. Schmidt, Alvin J. 1997. The Menace of Multiculturalism: Trojan Horse in America. Westport, CT: Greenwood Publishing Group.

from Russia, 13 from Ukraine, 1 from Moldova, 1 from Kazakhstan, and 1 from Uzbekistan). Six other Christian organizations at that meeting became affiliated members of the association. The first conference “Theological Education—1,” was organized in February 1993 in Moscow with the help of the mission Russian Ministries and gathered about 40 representatives of various evangelical theological educational institutions. At the second conference, “Theological Education—2,” in October 1996 in Vorzel near Kiev, the representatives of about 35 theological institutions appointed a committee to deal with organizational, legal, financial, and academic issues in order to found the EAAA in 1997. Today, the EAAA consists of 54 evangelical theological institutions (24 Baptist, 22 Pentecostal, and 8 other evangelical schools) and 2 Christian organizations (affiliated members), which are located in Russia, Ukraine, Belarus, Moldova, Austria, Czech Republic, Armenia, Lithuania, and the United States. More than 40 theological programs in more than 15 schools are either accredited or in the process of accreditation. Since 1997, the General Assembly of the EAAA meets every other year. The association is governed by the board, which consists of 12 representatives from the schools. The executive team of the EAAA, which reports to the board, consists of the president, Dr. Sergey Sannikov; the head of the accreditation department, Dr. Alexander Zigalenko; the head of the EAAA Research and Resource Center (running about 20 research and resource projects), Dr. Roman Soloviy; and the head of the Educational Development Department (which is jointly supported by the EAAA and Overseas Council International), Dr. Taras Dyatlik. For more information, see http://e-aaa.info. —Taras Dyatlik

Europe and Christian Education

The Euro-Asian Accrediting Association (EEAA) of Evangelical Schools was officially established at the conference “Theological Education—3” in October 1997 in Mytishchi near Moscow, by 31 theological schools (15

If the confusion, fear, and uncertainty of some segments of European society reflect to any degree on the relative effectiveness of Christian education, then its delivery programs and efforts need reviewing, improvement, and broader reception. High levels of debt, sluggish economic growth, conflicts over the moral shape of institutions, and a less-than-robust spirituality call for more education in the heart of the Gospel across the continent. Many historical trends in European society continue to prevail and beg for inventive, circumspect solutions.

82. Western Interstate Commission for Higher Education, “Knocking at the College Door: Projections of High School Graduates,” http://www .wiche.edu/knocking-8th (accessed 1 April 2013).

Beginnings and Development of Christian Education Various practices employed in educating Christians in the past continue to be used and developed. The incep-

—Carlos Campo

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Europe and Christian Education

tion of nonformal and informal Christian instruction in the first century AD was closely linked to the missionary activity of the early church in southern Europe. The Holy Spirit energized a vital process of making disciples in individual and group settings. The center of learning in Constantinople in the second century practiced apologetics and catechetics to educate the populace. Catechetical instruction to prepare people for baptism or confirmation in the millennium following the collapse of the Roman Empire was complemented by parish, monastic, convent, and cathedral schools formulated for religious communities in the Catholic Church. Liturgical services and ecumenical councils enabled many people in both the Orthodox Church and Catholic Church to learn more about the scriptures. Parts of Central and Eastern Europe experienced this same Christian influence by the ninth and 10th centuries. Some monastic schools prominent in the Middle Ages (fifth to 15th centuries) gave way to the development of religious curricula in universities specially designed for the training of priests, although many institutions gradually became more secular. The Devotio Moderna, or Brethren of the Common Life, in the Netherlands influenced others in Europe after the 14th century with their blended mysticism, biblical instruction, and living in community. The Reformation and Counter-Reformation, beginning in the 16th century, somewhat revitalized the Christian component in formal education, which had been seriously weakened by some of the Renaissance humanists in secular schools with Christian origins. Humanistic Renaissance education (c. 1350–1500) was partially offset by attempts to transform church and society through religious curricula and applied instruction in Christian service. Luther favored the teaching of Latin and Greek to increase the understanding of scripture. Many in the lay reform movements prominent before and after the Reformation, such as the Waldensians, Hussites, Lollards, Albigensians, Anabaptists, Puritans, and Mennonites, accessed the scriptures directly and were persecuted for challenging the practices of the established churches. The theological impetus of the Reformed, Lutheran, and Anabaptist bodies of the Protestant Reformation provided a platform for the church to train people for both civil and church leadership. The Academy of Geneva, for example, begun by John Calvin in 1559, was the nursery of Protestant preachers and teachers for France and other countries. Medieval monasteries had given way to universities. By the 19th century, many universities were Christian institutions that taught theology as part of their programmed studies. The typical seminary in the same century, arising alongside of university divinity schools, was designed primarily for the training of clergy in particular confessional areas of study.

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Contemporary methods employed in Christian education that reflect many of the instructive models of the past are only partially integrated in present-day public and private institutions. One extreme on the continuum of religious education in Malta requires religious and confessional instruction for the vast majority of students in public schools, while in Portugal, as in many other countries, religion classes are facultative. Formal religious instruction in seminaries and Bible institutes is holding its own, with fluctuating student numbers. Additional formal and nonformal delivery systems, such as online or extension instruction, are prevalent. Some of these programs arise out of innovative practices in South, Central, and North America. Main Denominations and Institutions The denominational and institutional presence on the continent varies across a broad spectrum. Affiliation with the Catholic Church is high, for example, in Malta, Croatia, and Spain, while most Russian people identify with the Orthodox Church. In recent years, the percentage of nonbelievers has been rising in many countries, in which the rate of churchgoers has fallen to not more than 15 percent. Protestants are more prominent in Norway, but they comprise a relatively small minority in most other countries. The comparative influence and strength of religious institutions such as seminaries are generally reflected in these percentage rates. Overall, the major church structures are encumbered with a long history of division and separation from each other, and the task of Christian education to renew and stimulate the practice of true unity inherent in the Christian faith is as challenging as ever. State of Religious Freedom Many Europeans assume that their governments will provide religious services much like social services. Those who believe that religious education should depend primarily on theological assumptions, such as the divinity of Christ, contend within a milieu of pluralistic religious and sociological assumptions that lead to little more than helping each student develop a personal outlook on life. Many young teachers who feel insecure in their ambivalent stance between school and church feel this same tension, although some of them express the need to grow in their level of theological discernment. Cultural shifts reflected in relativism and individualism cause some to be indifferent concerning issues related to religious freedom. Religious freedom is officially declared in the constitutions of many countries, but in practice the dominant Christian body in each country occasionally enjoys special favor. Inconsistent interpretations of laws sometimes

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subject the minority Christian bodies to unfair conditions, such as the use of their tax payments to partially subsidize the educational programs of the dominant Christian body to the exclusion of their own. Issues such as these can be addressed through open communication empowered by the Holy Spirit. In Central and Eastern Europe, institutional and educational expressions of Christian faith have emerged in recent years out of the historically repressive effects of communism. Distinctive Methods of Educating Christians The spiritual need for educating Christians in most religious bodies has reached epic proportions. Educational initiatives must truly mark the growth of the church through biblically sound leaders who speak authoritatively in both church and society. Some restrictive factors are the paucity of young people being trained in many religious institutions, the ongoing aging of church leaders, and the lack of communication and resultant misunderstanding between church and state in many sectors. Besides the traditional forms of formal and nonformal education, denominations and institutions should consider introducing additional innovative practices that have been positively tested by others. These include the cooperative programs among seminaries on different continents, nondenominational educational institutions, forums between Christian educators and experts from different walks of society, formal theological programs in English that bind together students from various nations, national and international Christian education conferences, and integrative curricula linking leadership development (and other disciplines) with theology. Additional measures are intercultural and missional efforts that combine nationwide church initiatives and relational practices such as mentoring and spiritual formation. Church-based Christian education is biblical and can be both practical and productive. A focus on developing programming for youth is growing in some churches. Training institutions should share some of their resources with churches, including course materials, teachers, and seminars. Christian education in Europe is augmented and ameliorated in tandem with strengthening the bonds between churches and theological schools. —Gerald C. Ericson

European Catholic Universities and Faculties The monasteries in medieval Europe were embryonic universities. The University of Bologna, founded in 1158, was the first full-fledged university for the study of canon

law. The next to appear was the University of Paris, in 1200. Bishop J. Michael Miller (2006, 1), secretary of Vatican Congregation for Catholic education, notes: All the great European universities—from Oxford, to Paris, to Cologne, to Prague, to Bologna—were established with close ties to the Church. As institutions where the liberal arts were studied, they prepared students for service to society and the Church, especially in the areas of theology, law, and medicine—the foundational professions of emerging medieval society. The animating force in these universities was love for learning and love for truth.

European Catholic universities have a long history and tradition. Their development was influenced by the Humboldtian ideal, by the Napoleonic organization of the state, and by the trend toward professionalism and specialization, which characterized North American universities in the late 19th century (Galifa and Gassiot 2012, 84). Although in the United States most Catholic universities have been established by religious communities, this has not been the case in Europe. Their funding and relationship with the state is very different from one European country to another, from total state funding in Belgium and the Netherlands to minimal financial support in France and Italy. Moreover, in France, for example, Catholic institutions of higher learning cannot legally be called “universities” (hence the “Institut Catholique” of Paris), and for their degrees to be recognized, they must strike an agreement with a state university, which takes them under its wing (Miller 2006, 5). In Europe, there are currently 25 Catholic universities. Some are in the process of establishment. This relatively low number can be explained by the fact that many theological faculties in Europe are incorporated with state universities, as in Germany, for example, which has only one Catholic university and 26 theological faculties. The Catholic universities in Europe are associated in the European Federation of Catholic Universities–FUCE (Galifa and Gassiot 2012, 87). Christian and Catholic universities in Europe possess certain characteristics and show their qualities in the democratic societies that highly value the freedom of human thought. Basic principles, such as free quest for truth, the respect for different opinions and choices, and the academic freedom of thinking and research, are welcome in these institutions (Galifa and Gassiot 2012, 82). Given the church’s institutional investment in both America and Europe, Catholic higher education is of enormous importance to the vitality of ecclesial life, both intellectually and pastorally. The dawn of the third millennium has been accompanied by the urgency to sow

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the seeds for a new Christian humanism. Europe, even more than the United States, is showing signs of disorientation, demographic suicide, cultural fatigue, moral decadence, and spiritual aridity (Weigl 2005). In order to answer reductionist views of the human person, Catholic universities need to propose a solid Christian anthropology aimed at unraveling the mystery of the human person. They can establish a common ground for people of good will throughout the academy and beyond and can facilitate the discernment and integration of what is worthwhile in human progress today (John Paul II 1985). According to John Paul II, the “truth about the human person” needs to be enshrined in the curriculum of every Catholic university (Miller 2006, 19). References and Resources Galifa, J., and M. Gassiot. 2012. “Comparative Legal and Financial Situation of the European Catholic Universities.” Journal of Church and State 54: 82–105. John Paul II. 1985. “Address to the University Rectors of the Society of Jesus.” Insegnamenti 8 (2): 1230. ———. 1990. “Ex Corde Ecclesiae.” Acta Apostolicae Sedis 82: 1475–1509. Miller, J. M. 2006. “Challenges Facing American and European Catholic Universities: A View from the Vatican.” Nanovic Institute for European Studies, University of Notre Dame, Lecture papers. Accessed 23 March 2013. http://nanovic .nd.edu/assets/8707/michaelmiller2005.pdf. Morey, M. M., and J. J. Piderit. 2006. Catholic Higher Education: A Culture in Crisis. New York: Oxford University Press. Weigl, G. 2005. The Cube and the Cathedral: Europe, America, and Politics Without God. New York: Basic Books.

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In 2006, the EEAA joined INQAAHE and subsequently gained affiliate membership with European Network for Quality Assurance. The EEAA has been incorporated at the District Court at Ludwigsburg, Germany, since 1990. Its income is generated by membership and accreditation fees and gifts. Goals The EEAA wants to help theological schools through external visitation teams appointed by the association to achieve more effectively their own objectives in training students for their future responsibilities in various fields of Christian ministry and to provide qualified guidance to schools on issues of best practice. The EEAA seeks to improve the quality of education by establishing criteria in harmony with national and European quality assurance standards (the Bologna Process). The association grants certificates that certify international comparability of the level of programs at which a school seeking accreditation is operating, thus enabling students to get advanced standing when they intend to continue their studies elsewhere in Europe or abroad. The EEAA responds to the challenges of internationalization by developing an effective network of European theological institutions and leaders that can serve one another by connecting their resources in a common evangelical educational enterprise. To better serve its network, the EEAA publishes The Theological Educator, a magazine dedicated to specific issues in theological education.

To date, more than 75 evangelical, biblically orientated training institutions of theology from all over Europe have united themselves in the European Evangelical Accrediting Association (EEAA) for the purpose of mutual recognition and support in order to better fulfill their mandate of equipping young people for the ministry of the gospel.

Benefits Accreditation by the EEAA helps to clearly formulate objectives and to evaluate educational programs within the framework of these objectives in order to achieve fitness for purpose. The accreditation process does not contradict, but rather contributes to, schools wishing to obtain governmental or ecclesiastical recognition, which graduates need for their ministry at home or abroad. Mission boards and denominations welcome an evangelical seal of quality, especially if schools operate on the basis of government or secular university accreditation. Through the ICETE, EEAA member schools have access to a worldwide network of over 1,000 theological schools. Scholarships are occasionally available for ongoing training of faculty members of EEAA schools.

History The EEAA was founded in 1979 at St. Chrischona, Switzerland, by delegates from 23 theological seminaries. It is an associate member of the European Evangelical Alliance (EEA). As a member of the International Council for Evangelical Theological Education (ICETE), it is linked to other regional accrediting agencies.

Bona Fide Accreditation Agency In its more than 30 years, the EEAA has gained its status as a bona fide accreditation agency by the quality of the schools it accredits. The Association for Biblical Higher Education, for example, representing approximately 200 postsecondary institutions, recognizes access qualifications of EEAA-accredited graduates for their programs.

—Tadej Stegu

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References and Resources EEAA. 2012. Manual of the European Evangelical Accrediting Association: A Network for Theological Education. 5th ed. www.eeaa.eu. The Theological Educator. www.thetheologicaleducator.net

—Horst Born

The Evangelical Theological Seminary in Cairo Historical Background The Evangelical Theological Seminary in Cairo (ETSC) was established in 1863 by the American Presbyterian Mission to prepare and equip leaders, pastors, and ministers for the Presbyterian Church in Egypt. It started on the riverboat Ibis, which cruised up and down the Nile between Cairo and Luxor in Upper Egypt, evangelizing, distributing tracts, and training leaders. In 1926, its permanent campus was established in Al-Abasiya in central Cairo by the Egyptian Presbyterian Church. Over time, the seminary became the largest and most highly regarded theological seminary in the Middle East, serving all Protestant denominations and churches in the region. During the academic year 2012–2013, the seminary student body was composed of 322 students from various nationalities, denominations, genders, and ages. Besides its main campus in Cairo, it has two branches, one in the north, in Alexandria, and one in the south, in Minia. Objectives The objectives of ETSC include the education and spiritual formation of those seeking to work full-time as pastors, educators, evangelists, or theologians for the churches and Christian agencies of Egypt. The seminary program is designed to cultivate in its students a life of authentic faith and to develop and hone their gifts for ministry so that they will be faithful and effective ministers of the Gospel of Jesus Christ. The seminary also aims to prepare lay leaders who wish to contribute to the ministry of the church without pursuing full-time religious service. This includes leaders of the Evangelical Presbyterian Church in Egypt as well as Christians from Arab communities abroad. Core Values To achieve its mission, ETSC abides by the following fundamental principles and values. The seminary seeks to be a distinctive Christian community, governed by the Christian principles of love, integrity, self-control, and purity. It emphasizes the acceptance and respect for diversity of race and culture. It applies equal treat-

ment to men and women and welcomes diversity in personal abilities and skills. All members of the community, including professors, students, administrative staff, and other employees, strive to work together with team spirit. To achieve academic excellence, ETSC promotes a spirit of understanding and appreciation for both the Christian heritage and Egyptian Arab culture. It values free inquiry, critical thought, and creative self-expression. Though the medium of instruction is Arabic, the seminary emphasizes the mastery of the English language. In addition, it incorporates the modern scientific worldview and its relationship to theology and life. The education offered by the seminary includes the acquisition of practical ministry skills such as preaching, public speaking, leadership, management, and the use of modern technology. The seminary believes that its graduates, as ministers of the gospel, should be distinguished by a life of godliness and dedicated service. They should be known for their integrity, fair-mindedness, teachable spirit, eagerness for self-development, and servant leadership. Finally, they should have a vision and passion to serve God and society. Academic Status The discipline of theological education is not offered by Egyptian universities, and none of the Christian theological institutes in Egypt is officially accredited by the Egyptian government. ETSC, however, is acknowledged by the Ministry of Higher Education of Egypt as a private educational institution. The seminary is required to submit to the Ministry of Higher Education the files for all newly admitted students and the final academic results for those graduating. Academic Degrees Offered at ETSC The seminary offers four academic degrees: an MA in theological studies; an MA in organizational leadership and management; a bachelor of theology (BTh); and a diploma in theology (DiplTh). The admission for all four degrees is limited to university graduates (i.e., at least four years of undergraduate study). The applicants also undergo a very rigorous admission process, which includes academic, spiritual, and character tests. The seminary has 16 full-time faculty members and employs more than 30 part-time professors. International visiting professors are invited every year to offer intensive courses. The ETSC academic program includes five departments: Biblical Studies, Systematic Theology, and Church History, Missions and Comparative Religions, and Practical Ministry. Student must take classes from all departments during their course of study.

Evangelical Training Association

Master of Arts in Theological Education The MATS is a graduate degree designed to equip theological professors, researchers, and academics seeking higher academic degrees. The program has three tracks: biblical studies, Middle Eastern Christianity, and systematic theology. The required 36 credit hours include 27 hours of coursework, all in English by professors with a doctoral degree, and 9 hours of credit for a 15,000- to 17,000-word thesis prepared in consultation with an assigned advisor and defended before an examination committee. A number of graduates from this program have been accepted into graduate programs of theological institutions in the West. Master of Arts in Organizational Leadership and Management The MAOLM is a practical master’s degree designed for working professionals in church, Christian ministries, business, or nonprofit organizations who seek to apply Christian principles to their jobs. Visiting scholars provide supervision for 36 credit hours of coursework through one-week modules, assigned readings, and online coursework prior to the completion and defense of a final research thesis. Graduates return to their place of work with enhanced leadership and managerial insights and skills. As with the MATS degree, all study is in English. Bachelor of Theology Degree This degree is designed primarily to equip pastors for the church. It requires 120 credit hours of study over a four-year period and includes three summers of field ministry/internship. Admission is limited to university graduates or holders of higher university degrees. The degree is equivalent to the MDiv offered by American schools of theology. The degree, however, cannot be named “master’s” because in the Egyptian education system all first degrees within any discipline must be termed “bachelor’s” degrees. In the BTh program, Arabic is the language of instruction. However, students are required to complete some English readings and consult English sources in all their research papers. Most professors have PhDs, and a few have ThMs. Diploma in Theology This degree is designed primarily to equip lay church leaders for various areas of ministry: preaching, mission, leadership, counseling, and Christian education. It requires 60 credit hours spread over a minimum of two years of full-time study. Admission is limited to university graduates or holders of higher degrees. Arabic is the language of instruction, although students are required to do some English readings and to consult English sources

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in all the papers they present. All professors have at least a ThM or PhD. —Tharwat Wahba

Evangelical Training Association By 1930, Bible Institutes were multiplying rapidly throughout the United States. Zeal for these institutions was outrunning their common standard in curriculum. Little unity of fellowship existed. The leading schools, long accustomed to independent programs, would need a formidable organization to consider three proposals: 1. Should the training of Sunday school teachers be abandoned to those agencies that were then furthering it in church and community classes? 2. Should a compromise be effected and a plan of cooperation furthered? 3. Should an independent organization be launched? Informally, representatives met in Philadelphia to ponder the situation. Agreeing unanimously that a new association would not only bring constituents together but also place teacher training on a plane higher than ever before, they determined to begin The International Bible Institute Council of Christian Education and chose Dr. Robert C. McQuilken of Columbia Bible College to preside over it. Their small consortium quickly received favor and requests from other institutions to broaden its sphere of activity. Meeting again in Chicago, representatives from five leading institutes chose the more suitable name Evangelical Teacher Training Association (ETTA), drafted bylaws, and appointed Clarence Herbert Benson (1879– 1954) to the helm. He was deeply committed to the belief that the Gospel message was of such great importance that the Christian teacher must be as well qualified as a secular (then called “normal”) teacher. Benson’s criticism of church literature used at that time gave him hope that his own Moody Bible Institute would tackle an alternative. The institution felt it was not the right time to enter publishing, so with the help of his students (in 1933), he prepared the All Bible Graded Sunday School Lessons and the Superior Summer Series based on his developing philosophy of Christian education. One of his early students, Lois LeBar, helped refine his concepts to integrate a proper view of the student in educational relationship. Benson’s curriculum was departmentally graded, rather than closely graded, and forced teachers and pupils to use all scripture, rather than 35 percent as attributed to the “Uniform Lessons” or 65 percent as previously

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required in graded lessons. Equipping lay teachers to administer this curriculum became the focus of ETTA, and publishing the unique curriculum became the keen interest of Benson’s friend Victor E. Cory. By 1934, the two men had teamed to establish Scripture Press, Cory with a vision for publishing and Benson with a structured curriculum. ETTA’s birth is Benson’s best-known achievement. The following decade was an explosive era for Christian education. Benson’s background in curriculum development placed him in position to act more swiftly among conservatives with his counteractive strategy of scriptures being preeminent in the preparation of a godly teacher. Continuing with that mission, as ETTA became an independent publisher, Benson’s structure was formulated into certificate programs studied throughout the world. Equipping ministries grew so significantly that research in 1987 led the ministry to augment the organizational name once again, to Evangelical Training Association (ETA), in recognition of its worldwide impact on all lay leadership training. —Yvonne Thigpen

Evangelische Theologische Faculteit The Evangelical Theological Faculty, Leuven, Belgium (or ETF, Leuven) is a single-faculty university, meaning it offers academic education and performs research in one main area of study, theology and religious studies. In its native Flemish language, this school’s official name is Evangelische Theologische Faculteit, Leuven. Education and research is arranged in six departments (Old Testament, New Testament, Historical Theology, Systematic Theology, Practical Theology, and Religious Studies and Missiology) plus three research centers (Institute of Leadership and Ethics, Institute of Post-Reformation Studies; Research Center for Early Christianity). As well as diplomas in theology, ETF also offers a diploma “Teacher of Religion,” which allows the bearer to teach Protestant religion in the Flemish public schools. ETF provides education for Christian ministry in church and society on three different academic levels: BA (three years), MA (or ThM, two years), and PhD (four full-time years, or equivalent), leading to diplomas issued in theology and religious studies. Its programs are recognized in the European Union as fully accredited by the NVAO (Accreditation Organisation of the Netherlands and Flanders). The languages of instruction are Dutch and English. The former is mostly used for the BA program and the latter for the MA and PhD programs. Theses or dissertations are normally written in Dutch or English, although German or French (typically) or

another language is possible when the student and promoter are both fluent. The PhD program is international and primarily non-residential. Being a small university, ETF has regularly more than 50 PhD students. A double PhD is offered with the VU University of Amsterdam. In recent years a flexible variant of both the full BA and MA (or ThM) programs (ETF Open University) have become available for students who wish to continue studying while in employment. Online education using e-learning (ETF Virtual Campus), in combination with several training days throughout the year and an annual residential summer colloquium, makes ETF Open University a blended learning program. ETF is located in the Heverlee suburb of Leuven, Belgium. Leuven is a well-known and historic city and center of education in Europe, where the large Catholic University of Leuven (KU Leuven) is located. It is the oldest university town in the Benelux region. Belgium is primarily a Catholic country, so the Protestant constituency that ETF serves is a small minority. But being also evangelical, ETF stands as one of only a few such university-level institutions in Europe. Its origins date back to 1919, with the founding in Brussels of the Belgian Bible Institute or Bijbel Instituut België (BIB). Since 1975 the school has been housed in an impressive former Jesuit monastery. In 2012 the Leuven Center for Christian Studies (LCCS) was built (via remodeling) and opened, offering housing, meeting facilities, and access to local research resources for researchers in residence, individual teachers on sabbatical, or groups wishing to meet for academic conferences. References and Resources “ETF Study Guide, Academic Year 2012–2013.” [2012]. vers. 1.1, 9–13. Leuven: Evangelische Theologische Faculteit. “Jaarverslaag (Annual Report) 2011.” [2011]. Leuven: Evangelische Theologische Faculteit. Nullens, Patrick, (Rector). 2012. “Doctoral Colloquium Report 2012.” 120903 ETF Report. Delivered 3 September. “Ph.D. in Theology and Religious Studies 2011–12.” [2011]. ETF PhD Catalog, 3. Leuven: Evangelische Theologische Faculteit.

—W. Creighton Marlowe and Andreas Beck

Evangelism Gruder claims that there are more than 300 definitions of evangelism in print (2000, 23). Though it has been given a variety of meanings, it is commonly acknowledged to be any “activity in which a person or organization is trying to convert another person or group of people.” The type of conversion sought includes a change in beliefs, change in behaviors, change of identity, and resocializing

Evangelism Explosion

into a new community (Thiessen 2011, 9–10). The act of proselytizing can be overt or covert, intentional or unintentional. Thus, evangelism has a broad meaning: “[T]he goal of evangelism [is] conceived in the fulfillment of all these functions of preaching and teaching, exhortation, convincing, convicting, example-setting in speech, in conduct, in love, and in faith” (Stewart 1963, 35). While evangelism may be done in a variety of ways, it necessarily involves a certain amount of verbal proclamation. Christian proselytizing seeks to convert sinners to Jesus Christ, the Word of God, and the Word must be proclaimed in order for lost sinners to come to a saving knowledge of God. As Paul says, “How then will they call on him in whom they have not believed? And how are they to believe in him of whom they have never heard? And how are they to hear without someone preaching?” (Rom. 10:14). Certainly, Christian ministers possess a unique authority to proclaim the Word of God in the pulpit—to convert sinners and nurture Christians. However, all Christians share the prerogative to make Christ known in the world, to the end of converting sinners to God. Paul’s admonition to Timothy to “do the work of an evangelist” (2 Tim. 4:5) suggests that evangelism is what a Christian does regardless of office (Stewart 1963, 33). In the context of Paul’s letter, Timothy is encouraged to “preach the word; be ready in season and out of season . . . with complete patience and teaching” (4:2). These responsibilities are expected of all Christians. Thus evangelism is not strictly an office. It is a duty for all of Christ’s followers. Since evangelism can take on many forms and is the prerogative of all Christians, education is a primary means for evangelizing. Stewart defines Christian education as “the process of which the individual learns about God as revealed in Jesus Christ and with the aid of the Holy Spirit accepts him as personal Savior and Lord, grows increasingly toward the attainment of complete selfhood in Christ, and casts his lot with those of like faith in personal and communal witness in all aspects of life” (1963, 98). Thus, evangelism and Christian education “do not conflict but are integral parts of a unified spiritual process” (Ownbey 1951, 57). Both seek to proclaim Christ and conform hearers to his image, “reaching into the changing of attitudes and motives and the making of character” (Ownbey 1951, 57). Evangelism necessarily includes a certain level of education, and Christian education is often evangelistic. Evangelism and Christian education are thus two sides of one coin (Everist 2007, xi). This has been affirmed— either in writing or in practice—by Christians from the early church to the present day. For instance, in his Catechismus Rudibus, St. Augustine describes proto-catechesis (the first stages of Christian education) as having

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an evangelistic flare—the person seeking to learn more about Christianity is taught a concise history of the Bible and a summary of core Christian beliefs. Similarly, reformers such as Luther and Calvin produced catechisms to prepare children to make a public profession of faith. Catechesis in their context was intended to bring children to full conversion. And Christians in the modern era have seen contexts like Sunday school and other educational programs not only as a means of nurturing young Christians, but also as planting and watering seeds of faith that ultimately lead to conversion (Towns 1970, 28–35). As Ownbey asserts, “We cannot multiply Christians without Christian education . . . [and] education cannot be Christian without evangelism” (Ownbey 1951, 14). References and Resources Bryan, Dawson C. 1955. “Evangelism.” In Twentieth Century Encyclopedia of Religious Knowledge: And Extension of The New Schaff-Herzog Encyclopedia of Religious Knowledge, edited by Lefferts A. Loetcher, 238–240. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House. Everist, Norma Cook, ed. 2007. Christian Education as Evangelism. Minneapolis, MN: Fortress Press. Gruder, Darrell L. 2000. The Continuing Conversion of the Church. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. Ownbey, Richard L. 1951. Evangelism in Christian Education. Nashville, TN: Abingdon-Cokesbury Press. Rudnick, Milton L. 1984. Speaking the Gospel through the Ages: A History of Evangelism. St. Louis, MO: Concordia Publishing House. Scharpff, Paulus. 1964. History of Evangelism: Three Hundred Years of Evangelism in German, Great Britain, and the United States of America. Translated by Helga Bender Henry. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. Stewart, Donald Gordon. 1963. Christian Education and Evangelism. Philadelphia: Westminster Press. Thiessen, Elmer John. 2011. The Ethics of Evangelism: A Philosophical Defense of Proselytizing and Persuasion. Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press. Towns, Elmer L. 1970. Evangelism Thru Christian Education. Wheaton, IL: Evangelical Teacher Training Association.

—Kevin P. Emmert

Evangelism Explosion Evangelism Explosion (EE) is a multidenominational, nonprofit missions organization that focuses on evangelism and discipleship training. The organization’s stated purpose is “equipping believers to multiply in and through local churches worldwide,” and its stated vision specifies its aim is to see “every nation equipping every people group and every age group to witness to every

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person.”83 The program to accomplish these goals involves a four-phased ministry that focuses on friendship, evangelism, discipleship, and healthy growth. A church-based program, EE emphasizes “on the job” training in witnessing. Trainees learn the program’s core material, accompany their trainers on home visits, and ideally become trainers themselves. This discipleship format focuses on multiplication: “not just winning people to the Lord one-by-one (addition). But training those won to the Lord to win, and then train, others.”84 The evangelism approach of EE famously involves two diagnostic questions. The first is, “Have you come to a place in your spiritual life where you know for certain that if you were to die today you would go to heaven, or is that something you would say you’re still working on?” The follow-up question is “Suppose that you were to die today and stand before God and He were to say to you, ‘Why should I let you into my heaven?’ What would you say?”85 The answers to these questions provide the basis from which to share an outline of the Gospel. During the 1990s, EE adjusted its approach to emphasize relationship building in response to concerns that their approach to witnessing was too confrontational. The organization simplified its training by lessening the amount of core material for trainees to master, and it put a greater emphasis on interpersonal relationships and discipleship of new believers. The organization’s international office is in Fort Lauderdale, Florida, where Dr. D. James Kennedy, then pastor of Coral Ridge Presbyterian Church, began EE in 1962. In 1967, Coral Ridge hosted the first EE leadership training clinic for 36 pastors, and by 1972, the organization was incorporated and had its own staff and board of directors. EE began its international ministry in 1973–1974, and by 1996, it was active in more than 200 nations. Today it publishes its materials in more than 70 languages. The organization offers training programs tailored to different demographic groups, including children, seniors, the deaf, and prisoners. References and Resources Evangelism Explosion. n.d. “About EE.” evangelismexplosion .org/about-us/. Kennedy, D. James. 1996. Evangelism Explosion. 4th ed. Wheaton, IL: Tyndale House. Lawton, Kim A. 1997. “Evangelism Explosion Retools Its Approach.” Christianity Today 41 (3 March): 58.

—Wendy Widder 83. Evangelism Explosion, “About EE,” evangelismexplosion.org/about -us/. 84. Ibid. 85. D. James Kennedy, Evangelism Explosion, 4th ed. (Wheaton, IL: Tyndale House, 1996), 31.

Evangelization Evangelization is the term used for the Roman Catholic understanding of the church’s missionary activity. It was chiefly articulated in Pope Paul VI’s 1975 encyclical Evangelii Nuntiandi (On Evangelization in the Modern World), and it continues to serve as a foundation for Catholic religious education, especially catechesis. The General Directory for Catechesis (1997) roots the conceptual foundation for the task of catechesis in the church’s fundamental mission of evangelization. The work of catechesis depends and builds on evangelization: through evangelization, believers first hear the Word and respond to it in faith. Catechesis then takes this germinal faith response and nurtures it toward full conversion of mind and heart to Jesus Christ. The Roman Catholic understanding of evangelization takes a much broader stance than what is implied by the intentional missionary-type activities of evangelism. Instead of associating evangelization with a specific set of public activities to share the Gospel, it is a concept that finds itself at the very heart of the church’s identity and mission. Evangelization is often described this way: not something the church does, but something the church is. Evangelization is the church’s fundamental stance of proclaiming the good news to the world, giving rise to a myriad of official activities within its teaching, worship, fellowship, and service. Whereas in evangelism, the task of spreading the Gospel message is carried out by specific evangelists, the broader concept of evangelization calls all the members of the church to partake in the mission and the task to share the good news, whether through word, deed, or witness of life. By baptism, all people who belong to the Body of Christ share in that Body’s identity and mission in the world, and as such, all baptized Christians are called to be evangelizers. This broad work of evangelization may take shape in a multitude of ways: sharing the good news in conversation, embodying the good news through acts of charity and service, or demonstrating the good news by one’s overall witness of life. In its broadest sense, evangelization is intentional living in the world so as to share the good news of Jesus Christ with others through one’s very life. Evangelization within the life of the church also takes on a specific intentionality. All that the church does, including its teaching, worship, fellowship, and service, is rooted in the Gospel message and serves to bring people into deeper awareness of that same message through these various forms. Because of this, evangelization is also at the heart of religious education and catechesis. It keeps these pastoral ministries rooted in the Gospel message and motivates teachers and catechists to guide learners more deeply into the good news of the Gospel.

Existential Philosophy and Theology

References and Resources Avery Dulles, SJ. 2009. Evangelization for the Third Millennium. Mahwah, NJ: Paulist Press. Paul IV. 1975. “Evangelii Nuntiandi (On Evangelization in the Modern World).” Westerhoff, John H. 1994. “Evangelism, Evangelization, and Catechesis: Defining Terms and Making the Case for Evangelization.” Interpretation 48 (2): 156–165.

—Daniella Zsupan-Jerome

Evangelization, New Rooted in the Catholic understanding of the term “evangelization,” the New Evangelization is a movement within the Roman Catholic Church to repropose the Gospel anew to the world today. While recognizing that Christ and his Gospel message are the same yesterday, today, and forever(Heb. 13:8), the New Evangelization urges the proclamation of this same Gospel in a way that is “new in ardor, method and expression” (John Paul II 1983). The history of the name “New Evangelization” emerges from the pastoral activity of Pope John Paul II (1978– 2005). Building on the work of his predecessor, Pope Paul VI (1963–1978), who articulated evangelization as central to the church’s identity and mission, John Paul II began to use the expression “the new evangelization” to reenergize the church’s approach to proclaiming the Gospel message throughout the world, first on a visit to Poland in 1979, and then more notably in 1983 when speaking to the bishops of Latin America. A more formal articulation of the term was published in the 1990 encyclical Redemptoris Missio (On the Mission of the Redeemer), in which John Paul II notes a distinction among the various intended recipients of the Gospel message: those to whom the Gospel is not known (mission ad gentes), those fervent in their faith and Christian living (pastoral care), and those baptized who have lost a living sense of faith (a new evangelization) (RM 33). This broad view of the recipients of the Gospel shifts the general understanding of the church’s missionary activity from the church having the message and sharing it with those who do not to proclaiming the message to all, including the church itself, among those needing the evangelizing Word. The task of evangelization and the New Evangelization remained at the forefront of John Paul II’s apostolate, and it was taken up by his successor, Benedict XVI (2005–2013). Building on this comprehensive view of the intended recipients of the Gospel message, the New Evangelization has special concern for those Christians who have lost a living sense of faith, and it encourages the participation of all the faithful to share the good news with them anew. Central to the task of the New Evange-

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lization therefore is education, especially internal education to equip people for this common task. Internal to the church, the New Evangelization implies education for the understanding and practice of one’s own tradition so as to be better able to share it with others. In addition to this is the honing of one’s capacity to articulate the faith, as well as the recognition that it is living an authentic witness of life, personally and communally, that communicates the Gospel message most compellingly. As such, the internal education program of the New Evangelization promotes not only a greater understanding and better articulation of the faith, but also a faith that is immersed in prayer and the practice of Christian life as a whole. References and Resources John Paul II. 1990. Redemptoris Missio [On the Mission of the Redeemer]. Wuerl, Donald. 2013. New Evangelization: Passing on the Catholic Faith Today. Huntington, IN: Our Sunday Visitor.

—Daniella Zsupan-Jerome

Existential Philosophy and Theology Philosophical and Cultural Movement The phrase existential philosophy, or the term existentialism, designates a philosophical movement formalized in the 20th century by the French philosopher Jean-Paul Sartre (1905–1980). Sartre was the first philosopher to adopt the term existentialism to describe his own philosophy of existence and understanding of human life. His famous statement that “existence precedes essence” summarizes the central argument of his philosophical position: there is no human nature or essence that predetermines what it is to be human; being human depends solely on a process by which each individual determines his or her humanity throughout his or her existence and the choices he or she makes. As a direct consequence of his philosophy of existence, Sartre rejected the idea of God or any transcendental power that would give meaning to human destiny. It is commonly accepted, however, that an existential philosophical tradition existed before Sartre. Two names from the 19th century are associated with existentialism, the Danish philosopher Søren Kierkegaard (1813–1855), often mentioned as the father of existentialism, and the German philosopher Friedrich Nietzsche (1844–1900). Contemporary to Sartre, the contribution of the German philosopher Martin Heidegger (1889–1976) was instrumental in the formulation of existential philosophy and its tenets; in his seminal 1927 essay, Being and Time, Heidegger revisited the fundamental philosophical notion of “being” and offered a systematic critique of

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classical ontology. Albert Camus (1913–1960) is another contemporary of Sartre who is often associated with existentialism, even though he distanced himself from Sartre and rejected the term existentialist for himself; his philosophy addressed the tension he saw between the ongoing human quest for meaning and the impossibility to ever give a definite answer to existential questions. From this tension arose what is known as his philosophy of the absurd, which became very influential in the later understanding of existentialism. Finally, we can mention the French philosopher Maurice Merleau-Ponty (1908–1961) as another contemporary of Sartre whose philosophy espoused some existential ideas, especially in his theory of knowledge developed around phenomenological principles. For the period before the 19th century, a few names are sometimes evoked as forerunners of existential philosophy and existential theology: the Bishop of Cartago Saint Augustine (354–430), the German reformer Martin Luther (1483–1546), and the French thinker Blaise Pascal (1623–1662); all three, along with Kierkegaard after them, lay the foundations of an existential Christian theology. In addition to its strong philosophical expression, the existential philosophical perspective has also influenced the literary tradition represented by authors such as the Russian Fyodor Dostoevsky (1821–1881), the Norwegian Henrik Ibsen (1828–1906), the Bohemian Franz Kafka (1883–1924), the Irish Samuel Beckett (1906– 1989), and the French Eugene Ionesco (1909–1994), to name just a few. Similarly, visual arts of the first half of the 20th century have sometimes been interpreted through the lenses of existentialism; for instance, the movies by the Swedish filmmaker Ingmar Bergman (1918–2007) or the sculptures and drawings of the Swiss artist Alberto Giacometti (1901–1966). Christian Existentialism Christian existentialism represents an important offshoot of the existentialist movement, developing its own theology and understanding of Judeo-Christianity. After Kierkegaard, the most notable figures of Christian existentialism are the German Protestant theologians Paul Tillich (1886–1965), the German New Testament scholar Rudolph Bultmann (1884–1976), and the British Anglican theologian John Macquarrie (1919–2007). In addition, more clearly on the philosophical side, the European philosophers Karl Jaspers (1883–1969), Gabriel Marcel (1889–1973), Emmanuel Mounier (1905–1950), and Miguel de Unamuno (1864–1936) represent the most important voices of Christian existentialism. Martin Buber (1878–1965) is regarded as the voice of Jewish existentialism.

A Theology of Existence Many of the themes of Christian existentialism derive from the philosophy of Søren Kierkegaard and can be read as a direct answer to the atheist version of existential philosophy represented principally by Jean-Paul Sartre. We can classify those themes under two rubrics. Paradox of Christian faith Christian existentialism is rooted in the fundamental paradox of Christianity, the incarnation, and, following the words of Paul in 1 Corinthians 1:18–25, the scandal of the crucified God. According to Christian existentialists, this paradox constitutes the fundamental principle of Christian faith and cannot be rationally apprehended. Whoever hears the Christian creed of salvation through the crucified God is placed in front of a radical choice: to believe or not, against reason and logical understanding, in the truth of this scandal. The “leap of faith” required by the Christian creed belongs to the secrecy of the internal self and depends on the experience of a personal encounter with God; as a result, it can never be fully expressed by words only. As Martin Luther coined it, in Christ’s death and crucifixion, God is revealed sub contrario, under its opposite, and does not correspond to the “natural” representations of the divine as powerful and beyond suffering. For Christian existentialists, this unique paradoxical revelation of the divine is constitutive of Christianity. Tension between Faith and Sin The opposition to sin is not virtue or morality or goodness, but faith. Here, too, following Paul and his definition of sin in Romans, sin is understood as the radical separation between God and human beings; this separation can be overcome only by a personal encounter with God’s word. When faith happens, the believer then enters into a never-ending process of self-determination and self-discovery illuminated by his or /her own experience of faith. By extension, faith is not a content or formal knowledge that can easily be communicated or transmitted, but rather a personal experience always renewed and relived in each believer’s life. In order to communicate this experience, only indirect communication works; the writings of the Christian existentialists are thus not composed as theological treatises, but often take the form of either a sermon (Kierkegaard), a series of thoughts (Pascal), or an autobiography (Augustine). Reading the Bible The relationship to the text and its interpretation is deeply influenced by the notion of indirect communication. Parables and paradoxes found in biblical narratives

Experience

are regarded as the best illustration of the tenets of Christian existentialism. Furthermore, the Gospel as good news is reduced to the experience of God’s paradoxical revelation, and the text needs to be stripped of its mythological shell (Bultmann’s program of demythologization) in order to uncover the radical message of Christian revelation. The notion of kerygma becomes central to existential theology, understood as the very heart of Christian beliefs, namely the unsettling and ineffable encounter with the incarnate and crucified God. In the New Testament, the term kerygma means the preaching or proclamation of the Christian message, and it is used nine times to describe the act of preaching the Gospel (in Matt. 12:41; Mark 16:20; Luke 11:32; Rom. 16:25; 1 Col. 1:21; 1 Cor. 2:4, 15:14; 2 Tim. 4:17; and Titus 1:3). Education as Life Lessons The tenets of Christian existentialism center around the dynamics of relationships and their transformative power: relationship with Christ as God’s incarnation, with one’s self, and with others. At the heart of all of these relationships, however, is the individual’s relationship with his or her own existence and the interpretation of his or her experience. In his chapter on Christian existentialism in Modern Christian Thought, James Livingston (2006) offers a thorough overview of Christian existentialism’s key themes. Going back to Karl Jaspers’s “limit-situations,” Livingston explains how those situations for existentialists become the ultimate test of an authentic life: There are situations in human existence that we have not chosen and that confront us with the radical openness and alienness of being-in-the-world. . . . The most important of these are chance, guilt, and death. They are inescapable conditions of human life that, nevertheless, resist amelioration. They inject into our life a sickening feeling of danger and insecurity and make us conscious of our fragility and homelessness. Rationalists have always tried to explain away these situations, but . . . [they] are inevitable realities. . . . It is only by meditating on such limit-situations in life that we can be awakened to decision, to freedom, and, hence, to authentic existence. (137)

There is no rational or set answer to the experience of life’s limit-situations. The only decisive posture for Christian existentialists is to face those situations and never act as if they could be avoided, solved, or ignored; the authenticity of one’s existence is at stake in this confrontation and one’s responses to the challenges and limits of human existence. In this context, life itself is the only stage that allows for each individual to learn how to become human and ultimately to learn how to become Christian. Life is thus a unique teacher that has no substitute.

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References and Resources Buber, Martin. 2000. I and Thou. New York: Scribner Classics. Bultmann, Rudolf. 2012. Faith and Understanding. Norwich, England: SCM Press. Carroll, John. 2007. The Existential Jesus. Berkley, CA: Counterpoint. Crowell, Stephen, ed. 2012. The Cambridge Companion to Existentialism. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Flynn, Thomas. 2006. Existentialism: A Very Short Introduction. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Jaspers, Karl. 1971. Philosophy of Existence. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. Kreeft, Peter. 2013. Socrates Meets Kierkegaard: The Father of Philosophy Meets the Father of Christian Existentialism. South Bend, IN: St. Augustine’s Press. Livingston, James C., and Francis Schüssler Fiorenza, eds. 2006. Modern Christian Thought. Minneapolis, MN: Fortress Press. Luther, Martin. 2013. The Freedom of a Christian. Indianapolis, IN: Hackett. Marcel, Gabriel. 2002. The Philosophy of Existentialism. New York: Citadel. Mounier, Emmanuel. 1989. Personalism. Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press. Polish, Daniel F. 2010. Talking about God: Exploring the Meaning of Religious Life with Kierkegaard, Buber, Tillich and Heschel. Woodstock, VT: Skylight Paths Publishing. Sartre, Jean-Paul. 2007. Existentialism Is a Humanism. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Tillich, Paul. 2000. The Courage to Be. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. ———. 2001. Dynamics of Faith. New York: HarperCollins.

—Muriel Schmid

Experience Aristotle (384–322 BC), a Greek philosopher, postulated an intellectual meaning to both human experience and cognitive development. John Locke’s (AD 1632–1704) epistemological theory and John Stuart Mill’s (1806– 1873) utilitarianism, which emphasizes individual freedom to pursue the experience of happiness, set the foundation for the experiential learning theory in the 18th and 19th centuries (Knight, 2006). The premise of experiential learning theory is that knowledge is formed and executed subject to individual experience. A well-known educational reformer in the 20th century, John Dewey, argued in Experience and Education (1938) that personal experience should be considered within the framework of learning. Later in the century, two major theories provoked a paradigm shift to a traditional discourse of learning: Multiple Intelligence Theory by Howard Gard-

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ner (1993, 1999, 2000) and Experiential Learning Theory by David Kolb (1999). The premise of these two theories is that the fusion of knowledge (cognition) and experience (behavior) forms intellectual development. The traditional view of intelligence includes only logic and cognition. Robert Sternberg (1985, 1996) also argued that individual experience and cultural context differentiate individual learning style and its outcome. As a social entity, a person carries social practice and experiences into learning and the formation of intelligence; navigation of environmental context, personal choices, family and cultural experiences, and religious practices influence the blend of complex human intelligence. In a similar way, scripture does not offer either-or choices, but includes human experience, reason, and tradition. Experience is a critical source for both Christian education and theology. The revelation of God through scripture should be interpreted according to the signs of the times, including human experiences, which can be explained with reason and expressed through traditions. This does not mean that we deny the primacy of “canonical heritage” as the normative source of Christian education. Incorporation of human experience in the pedagogy of Christian education enables educators and learners to avoid a dichotomy between theological assumptions and the practice of faith. Empirical pedagogy allows Christian education to be a living theology, which provokes action along with faith development through education. John Wesley (1703–1791), the founder of Methodism, considered human experience essential for keeping theology a practical discipline. Practical theology is based on a new pedagogy that starts with human experience, reflects on a theory, and then suggests a strategic way to incorporate the learning in our daily lives, as opposed to applying human experience to a theoretical theme. Albert C. Outler (1908–1989) integrated empiricism for contemporary use of interpretation in faith-accentuating practice. Human experience shapes Christian practice, and Christian practice forms tradition. Don S. Browning (1934–2010), a practical theologian, has affirmed the importance of the interrelationship among theory, experience, and tradition by arguing that Christian practices are “theory-laden” forms of practical wisdom (pronesis).86 According to this perspective, every Christian practice already contains (or rather, expresses) the practical reason of a faith community, which is based on both symbols and convictions formed by experience. Therefore, the integration of social sciences, such as psychology, law, and pastoral care, plays a critical role for Christian education. 86. Don S. Browning, A Fundamental Practical Theology (Minneapolis, MN: Fortress Press, 1996), 10.

The current generation demands visual and imagedriven experiential learning because of technological development and the expansion of online learning. The implication for Christian education is that learning based on Christian faith should connect cognitive and experiential learning to provoke the embodiment of knowledge, encouraging and inspiring students to participate in creation of communities of justice and diversity. References and Resources Dewey, John. 1938. Experience and Education. New York: Free Press. Gardner, Howard. 2000. Intelligence Reframed: Multiple Intelligences for the 21st Century, New York: Basic Books. Knight, George. 2006. Philosophy & Education: An Introduction in Christian Perspective. 4th ed. Berrien Springs, MI: Andrews University Press. Kolb, David. 1999. Experiential Learning: Experience as the Source of Learning and Development, Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall Publishers. Sternberg, Robert. 1996. Successful Intelligence: How Practical and Creative Intelligence Determines Success in Life. New York: Plume Publishing.

—HiRho Y. Park

Experiential Learning Experiential learning refers broadly to a collection of practices and perspectives on learning and teaching that involve active and engaged education. Christian educators who work with children will be familiar with the importance of learning by doing, but this may be less apparent to those working with adults. Experiential approaches can be traced to the seminal work of John Dewey in the early 1900s, when he promoted the role of experience and activity in learning. Incidentally, John Dewey was a founding member of the Religious Education Association in the United States, though his influence in Christian education is not often highlighted. Experiential learning helps us understand that what children, youth, and adults bring to a learning environment is not incidental. It matters in that learners need to be able to connect what they are learning to previous experiences and to use this experience as a basis for further learning. The educators’ task in experiential learning is not to impart knowledge or to dispense information on topics such as ritual, sacred texts, or religious teaching, but to help learners understand how these topics might connect to their previous knowledge and to have them actively engage in learning new insights. When experiential learning is honored in an educational setting such as a theological seminary, learners are honored as decision

Experiential Learning

makers, as people who bring a lifetime of experience to the classroom, and as those who have a need to learn in various ways, which may include lecture but are not limited to it. Experiential learning can and has been misunderstood. A close look at Dewey’s scholarship shows that his basic idea of learning by doing, and centering on what the person wanted to learn, was more complicated than having activity in a Christian education class or asking learners what they needed to learn. Though these are laudable acts, Dewey (1938) had a notion that activity must be accompanied by reflection and analysis and had to be about more than meeting the learner’s needs. In his classic work Experience and Education, he outlined his understanding of the role of experience in learning and presented it as a complex and intricate system of working from experience to reflection to analysis and action. To plan and organize such an educational opportunity is a challenging exercise. Yet it allows for all the dimensions of the person—physical, emotional, spiritual, intellectual—to be engaged in learning (English 2008). One of the least recognized ways that experiential learning is practiced in religious settings is through informal learning or learning that occurs apart from a teacher or an organized learning event such as a bible study class. Informal learning might take place when one gains insight about liturgical reform while participating in and observing a liturgical event such as a bar mitzvah. Informal learning might also take place while reading a religious or spiritual text, making a pilgrimage to a holy

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site such as the Haj, or participating in events and meetings sponsored by a religious group, such as a Christian marriage encounter weekend. Though the primary intent of the activity is not education or learning, informal learning is involved because new ideas and practices are learned. Informal learning can enhance greatly what people know and understand about their religious traditions, yet its connection to education and its potential in experiential learning encounters is often unacknowledged. One of the key roles of the teacher in experiential education is as a support or facilitator of reflection in this learning. In the case of informal learning, the educator might be the one who debriefs with a travel or service learning group. In this case, the Christian educator may provide opportunities for journal writing and group discussion, drama or role-play, or art activities. Such reflection may have ethical implications, such as when uncomfortable feelings are acknowledged by learners or when there is a conflict of positions with the organizing religion. In engaging in experiential education, educators can and must be aware of the possible outcomes and be prepared to negotiate them. References and Resources Dewey, J. 1938. Experience and Education. New York: Collier Books. English, L. M. 2008. “Revisiting Voice, Subjectivity and Circles: Feminist Pedagogy in the 21st Century.” Journal of Adult Theological Education 5 (2): 112–125.

—Leona M. English

F Fahs, Sophia Sophia Lyon Fahs (1876–1978) was one of the most influential progressive American religious educators of the 20th century. Her passionate voice for unimpaired religious development of children evolved from events in her own life as well as the extraordinary socialreligious drama during her lifetime. Her views profoundly impacted the educational efforts of parents and religious educators in her day and offer vital insight for Christian educators today. Early Background and Education Though born in Hangchow, China, the fourth child of evangelical Presbyterian missionaries, Sophia Fahs was raised from age four by her mother, along with six siblings, in Wooster, Ohio. Her father continued missionary service in China. The distinctive vocations of her parents, as well as the creative influence of her mother, a gifted missionary teacher who believed in equality for women, set the stage for Sophia’s lifelong pursuit of learning and the advancement of religious education. Sophia’s personal religious evolution reflected the social-religious drama of widespread historic movements, including the missionary movement, the Social Gospel movement, new orthodoxy, death of God theology, liberation theology, Darwinism, Marxism, Freudianism, and John Dewey’s experiential education. Following her high school graduation as valedictorian in 1893, Sophia attended the College of Wooster. Her active involvement in the YWCA during her college years and personal ambition for missionary service were indicative of her serious spiritual devotion and Christian commitment. In 1901, after graduating from college and teaching high school Latin and English for two years, she took a part-time job as YWCA secretary to women stu-

dents at the University of Chicago. This enabled Sophia to enroll in life-changing religion courses with Dr. Ernest DeWitt Burton and Dr. William Rainey Harper, the first president of the University of Chicago and founder of the Religious Education Association. In the summer of 1902, newly wed to Charles “Harvey” Fahs, the son of an itinerate Methodist minister, Sophia moved to New York City, where Harvey worked as an editor of Methodist missionary literature and she taught women’s Bible study. In the early years of their marriage, their plans for missionary service permanently ended due to Harevy’s health problems. They had five children, two of whom died at a young age. Harvey served as a research assistant to John R. Mott and curator of the Missionary Research Library from its inception in 1914 until his death in 1948. The unexpected and painful events in Sophia’s personal life prompted new questions and increased her confidence in the scientific world. Teaching children in the experimental Sunday school at Teacher’s College along with coursework (1902) under professors Edward L. Thorndike, Nicholas Murray Butler, and Frank Murray transformed Sophia’s understanding of religious education. This inspired her passionate concern for the religious development of children. A significant shift in ideology is evident in Sophia’s first publication, “Missionary Biography in the Sunday School” (The Biblical World [1906]), a condensed discussion of her Teacher’s College master’s thesis. While affirming the Bible as the “textbook norm for Sunday School instruction,” she argued that the Bible “is not a children’s book.” Her emerging views reflected the beginning of a shift away from evangelical orthodoxy to an in-depth engagement with modern theories in science, psychology, and educational philosophy. This led to numerous influential publications that addressed many crucial issues in the religious

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development of children. Sophia credited her parenting experience as a vital and intentional source for her emerging theories of religious education. After serving as the director of religious education in the New Jersey Sunday School of Leonia Methodist Church and spending a few years in Pasadena due to family health problems, Sophia, at age 47, returned to New Jersey and enrolled in the bachelor of divinity program at Union Theological Seminary. In 1927, a year after graduation, Sophia became one of the first two women on the faculty at Union Theological Seminary. During this time she also served as principal of the Union School of Religion experimental Sunday school. Throughout her 17-year (1927–1944) tenure as parttime lecturer of religious education, Sophia taught courses in psychology, philosophy of religious education, curriculum planning, and teaching techniques such as storytelling. Her philosophy of education promoted teaching via personal ownership, wonder, exploration, and experience. After the seminary’s experimental Sunday school closed in 1933, Sophia joined the Riverside Church School staff. In 1937, while working at the Riverside Church and teaching part-time at Union Seminary, Sophia began serving as editor of children’s materials for the Unitarian Church. In the midst of raging theological controversies, Sophia maintained her commitment to progressive education, liberal theology, and the authority of modern science. The emergence of neo-orthodoxy was in Sophia’s perspective another form of fundamentalism. Criticism of her Bible teaching views (in the late 1930s) led to censure, restricting her teaching and threatening her job, by Union Seminary and the Riverside Church. In 1950, St. Lawrence University awarded Sophia an honorary Doctor of Humane Letters. In 1961, the College of Wooster granted her an honorary Doctor of Letters degree, and in 1962, Meadville Theological School awarded her a doctor of divinity degree. Tributes on the occasion of her 80th birthday included a special religious education publication along with a symposium on teaching religion to children. Between 1906 and 1980, Sophia authored or coauthored more than 40 books as well as numerous journal articles. Sophia Fahs died at the age of 101, on 17 April 1978. Significant Contributions to Christian Education The journey of Sophia Fahs from evangelical Christian devotion in her youth to ordination in the Unitarian Church in old age may trigger questions about the significance of her scholarship in the field of Christian education. Some church leaders found her views alarming and controversial, such as the use of scripture with children and her belief that experiencing religious language, ritual,

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and tradition without intellectual understanding directly breeds premature development of life-limiting religious loyalties in childhood. Despite some controversy, Sophia’s life work influenced major advancements in 20th-century Christian education theory and practice. Key contributions include vital attention to the crucial need to take seriously the religious development of children; the multidimensional nature and complexity of the religious development of children; the need for developmentally appropriate religious education; the spiritual value of all dimensions of life; the need for vivid storytelling and a multisensory approach to learning; the crucial role of attitudes, experience, questioning, experimentation, and nature in teaching and learning; and the value of social science insight for religious education. Sophia Fahs recognized that how children learn is what they learn. She believed religious education would never become meaningless if the learning process involved the learners’ life experiences. She held that healthy religious growth calls for active exploratory learning rather than passive indoctrination, creative engagement of the intuition and imagination, and multidimensional interdisciplinary scholarship. Pedagogy preventing hypocrisy, irrational emotional loyalty, and superficiality requires critical thinking, promotes personal ownership, targets authenticity, facilitates divergence, and encourages personal response. Twenty-first-century Christian educators enthusiastically promote many of these pedagogical practices. The foresight and insight of Sophia Fahs have forever enriched the field of Christian education. Most Notable Publications Fahs, Sophia Lyon. “How Childish Should a Child’s Religion Be?” Religious Education 23 (1929): 332–338. ———. Today’s Children, Yesterday’s Heritage. Boston: Beacon, 1952. ———. Worshipping Together with Questioning Minds. Boston: Beacon, 1965.

References and Resources Hunter, Edith. 1966. Sophia Lyon Fahs. Boston: Beacon. Nolan, Lucinda A. n.d. “Sophia B. Fahs.” In Christian Educators of the 20th Century. Talbot School of Theology. http://www2 .talbot.edu/ce20/educators/view.cfm?n=sophia_fahs.

—Beverly Johnson-Miller

Faith Almost 90 years ago, J. Gresham Machen (1925), a renowned Presbyterian theologian, wrote that American preachers speak much about faith, “but they do not tell

Faith

what faith is.” Undoubtedly, their failure to define faith has greatly contributed to the numerous and erroneous concepts of faith that abound in the English language today. Most present-day references to faith have little or no resemblance to the concept of faith as it is used in the New Testament. And most, including many Christians, do not know that “faith,” as used in the New Testament, was a totally new concept in the Greco-Roman world. Dieter Lührmann (1992), a German scholar, has shown that although the word pistis (faith) in Greek and fide (faith) in Latin are translated as “faith,” neither pistis nor fide had a religious or theological meaning in the Greco-Roman culture. He also notes, “Faith as a central category of Greek religious language did not exist.” And he further adds, “Faith is a peculiarly Christian concept.” It was Jesus in the four Gospels and the apostles in the New Testament epistles who gave pistis a religious/ theological meaning. Similarly, Cantwell Smith, in Belief and History (1977) has noted, “It is the New Testament . . . that launched the concept of ‘faith’ in a big way, as virtually a distinctive Christian category.” In short, the concept of religious faith was a Christian innovation. Faith Founded on Fact vs. Faith Not Founded on Fact Many today see faith as believing something they think or perceive to be true, but for which they have no corroborative evidence. This idea of faith is similar to what Paul Tillich (1886–1965), a prominent liberal theologian in the 1950s and 1960s, taught about faith. He said, “The truth of faith cannot be made dependent on the historical truth of the stories and legends in which faith expresses itself.” He further stated that “faith cannot be shaken by historical research even if its results are critical of the traditions in which the event is reported” (Tillich 1957, 7). Some other liberal theologians also held this view, for example, Germany’s Rudolf Bultmann (1884–1976). Biblically speaking, this is not how faith is portrayed in the New Testament, for it ignores or denies the experience of Christ’s disciples, whose faith was anchored in their having seen and interacted with Jesus, especially after his bodily resurrection. For example, it was the empirical evidence of Christ’s resurrection that produced faith in the doubting Thomas when he saw and touched the crucified wounds of the risen Christ. This visible, tangible encounter moved Thomas to declare, “My Lord and my God” (John 20:28), an expression of faith that resulted from his encountering the empirical evidence of Christ’s resurrection. Faith, not based on fact, as expressed by Tillich and other liberal theologians, conflicts with the requirement Jesus’s 11 disciples had set to select a replacement for the traitor Judas. In order to be chosen, the successor of Judas had to be someone who had actually seen the risen Christ in person (Acts 1:21–23).

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Seeing faith today as unrelated to any empirical or factual evidence is not always confined to liberal theologians. On occasion, one even finds some conservative Christians holding this erroneous, subjective view of faith. One conservative Christian pastor recently wrote, “Faith means believing something is true without the benefit of the five senses. If the senses (feeling, tasting, seeing, smelling, or hearing) are involved, the belief is no longer based on faith, but on a fact.” This understanding of faith is remarkably similar to Tillich’s. Moreover, if this pastor’s definition of faith is correct, then Thomas’s response was not of faith, for he used two of his five senses (seeing and feeling). And it is also important to remember that when “the other disciple” (assumed to be John) on Easter morning looked into Christ’s empty tomb, the text says, “he saw and believed” (John 20:8). Another example of subjective faith is sometimes expressed by well-meaning but misguided Christians, who when challenged to defend their faith say, “I know Christianity is true, for my faith tells me Jesus lives in my heart.” This is blind faith, theologically known as “fideism.” This was not the faith the apostles expressed when under threat they declared, “We cannot but speak of what we have seen and heard” (Acts 4:20; emphasis added). And Peter said that he and many early Christians “were eyewitnesses of his majesty” (2 Pet. 1:16). Faith not based on fact also conflicts with what the reformers taught during the Reformation era. They asserted that faith consisted of historically reliable knowledge (notitia) concerning God’s acts and promises. Thus, the Augsburg Confession (1530) of the Lutheran church states, “faith believes not only the history but also the effect of that history, namely, ‘the forgiveness of sins through Christ.’” And Calvin stated, “Faith rests upon knowledge, not upon pious ignorance.” Critics of the nonfactual view of faith argue that if faith is unrelated to or independent of Christ’s miracles, then why after his resurrection did Christ reveal Himself physically to His disciples and others, too? He even ate in their presence (Luke 24:43). And why did St. Paul tell the skeptics of the resurrection in Corinth they could ask some 500 people (most of whom were still alive) who had seen the risen Christ? (1 Cor. 15:6). Thus, whether Christ rose from the dead is not a matter of faith but a factual phenomenon that occurred in history, similar to other facts or events that happened in history, for example, the sinking of the Titanic in 1912 or the destruction of the World Trade Center on September 11, 2001. To Christ’s disciples, it was not their faith that made Christ’s resurrection true. Rather, it was their seeing and interacting with the resurrected Lord that produced and fortified their faith. Their faith merely accepted the promised spiritual benefits of His resurrection.

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In short, the concept of faith in the Bible does not mean believing in something that is not true, as Mark Twain once said. If his definition of faith were correct, it would be tantamount to saying faith means believing in fiction. Faith Alone (Sola Fide) One of the Protestant Reformation’s slogans was sola fide (faith alone), meaning individuals could only attain eternal life by faith in Christ and his redemptive work. “For by grace you have been saved through faith. And this is not your own doing; it is a gift of God, not a result of works” (Eph. 2:8–9; emphasis added). Another passage declares, “Therefore we conclude that a man is justified by faith apart from deeds of the law” (Rom. 3:28; emphasis added). The reformers also taught that Christians received their faith by grace, as indicated in the Ephesians reference. Hence, they also used another slogan, sola gratia (grace alone). Faith as a Synonym for Christianity Given that the Greeks and Romans did not use faith as a religious concept, they also did not use it as a synonym for religion or religious teachings, as the New Testament does in regard to Christianity. For instance, St. Paul in Galatians 1:23 is referred to as one who preaches “the faith.” And similarly, the writer of the Epistle of Jude urged Christians to contend “for the faith” (Jude 3). In each instance, “the faith” refers to Christianity and its teachings. Today, Christianity is no longer seen as “the faith.” Faith has now become a synonym for any religious group in the English-speaking world. Even the secular media use faith as a synonym for religion, and politicians speak about “faith-based programs,” referring to programs operated by any religious group, whether Christian or non-Christian. We also hear about “people of faith,” a term that refers to individuals who are members of some religious organization, regardless of their religious affiliation. And it is common for the media to speak about the “Islamic faith,” “Buddhist faith,” “Hindu faith,” “Mormon faith,” and so on. Ironically, today even many Christians, including pastors, speak this way, quite unaware that by doing so they are departing from the New Testament’s meaning of “the faith.” Forgotten is St. Paul’s proclamation that there is only “one Lord, one faith, one baptism” (Eph. 4:5; emphasis added). And the New Testament also never uses the word “faith” for a non-Christian group. To apply the word “faith” to a non-Christian religious group, as well as calling any religion’s adherents “people of faith,” would have been utterly inconceivable to St. Paul. When he wrote to his coworker Timothy, for instance, he said some Christians “in latter times will depart

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from the faith by following deceitful spirits” (1 Tim. 4:1; emphasis added). Even though these apostates would adopt other religious practices, St. Paul did not say they were now of a different “faith.” When all religions, including Christianity, are referred to as “faiths,” the essence of Christianity is denied. For it implies that Christ’s teachings, His miracles, His bodily resurrection are just a matter of faith, similar to the beliefs of other religions, whose founders, unlike Christianity, had no eyewitnesses vouching for the veracity of their religious teachings. To say “faiths” ignores what Thomas Arnold (once a professor of history at Oxford University) said regarding Christ’s resurrection: “I know of no one fact in the history of mankind, which is proved by better and fuller evidence of every sort, to the understanding of a fair enquirer” ([1849] 1960). Faith as Belief In In our culture, faith has become a superficial, abstract concept, equated with “believe” or “belief” that no longer has an object. It is now seen as an intangible feeling that cannot be defined, or as something personal. Some think it is hope, and some see it as positive thinking. Thus, we hear the expression “people of faith”; “they have a lot of faith”; or worse, people are told to “have faith.” These views of faith are all contrary to the New Testament, where faith is always belief in an object, Jesus Christ or His teachings. St. Paul told the jailer at Philippi: “Believe in the Lord Jesus Christ and you will be saved” (Acts 16:31; emphasis added). This understanding of faith is also reflected in the ancient creeds (Apostles’ and Nicene). Here Christians confess, “I believe in God the Father . . . And in Jesus Christ . . . And in the Holy Spirit.” Thus, it is important to remember that the word “believe” or “belief” without the preposition “in” no longer conveys a firm conviction: “I believe it is going to rain next week.” This statement is merely an opinion and not really belief in what the speaker has just stated. And “belief” or “believe” may also indicate uncertainty: “I believe my 10-year-old son will someday be a professional baseball player.” Faith as Content and Conviction When speaking of faith, the Protestant reformers, using Latin terminology, often spoke of fides quae creditur and fides qua creditor. The former refers to the New Testament’s using “the faith” for Christianity or its teachings, for instance, when St. Paul says, “the word of faith which we preach” (Rom. 10:8). In English, fides quae creditor is sometimes referred to as objective faith. To the reformers, fides quae creditor was closely linked to fides qua creditur, namely, faith that believes in, accepts, and receives the Lord Jesus Christ and His teach-

Faith and Culture

ings for life and eternal salvation, as stated by St. Paul: “If you confess with your mouth the Lord Jesus and believe in your heart that God has raised him from the dead, you will be saved” (Rom. 10:9). Thus, fides qua creditur in today’s language is often known as personal faith. References and Resources Arnold, Thomas. (1849) 1960. The Christian Life—Its Hopes, Its Fears, and Its Close. John Calvin, Institutes of the Christian Religion. Philadelphia: Presbyterian Board of Publication. Lührmann, Dieter. 1992. “Faith.” In Anchor Bible Dictionary, edited by David Noel Freedman, 2: 864. New York: Doubleday. Machen, J. Gresham. 1946 [1925]. What Is Faith? Grand Rapids, MI: William B. Eerdmans. Smith, Cantwell, Belief and History. Charlottesville, VA: University of Virginia Press Tillich, Paul. 1957. Dynamics of Faith. New York: Harper & Row. Wright, N. T. 2003. The Resurrection of the Son of God. Minneapolis, MN: Fortress Press.

—Alvin J. Schmidt

Faith and Culture Integral to being human is participation in a culture. Many people inhabit several cultures at the same time, although these do not all have the same degree of purchase on their lives. Culture affects a person’s awareness and imagination, hopes and fears, expectations of others, and assumptions about life. Cultural environments, both of students and of church members, are permeated by messages mediated via many different modes of communication beyond immediate face-to-face contact—such as television and the global Internet, advertising and music, magazines and movies, video games and mobile phones—each of which exerts a subtle influence on how people think and value. Christian educators, whether teaching in schools and colleges or contributing to church activities, must be conscious of, informed about, and sensitive to the impact of culture on themselves and those they hope to address. The many types of activity that a Christian educator might be involved in, including proclamation and witness, worship and service, nurture and liberation, constantly have to be adjusted; as the surrounding culture changes, these activities are inevitably understood and expressed differently in a new mixture and set of priorities. Any particular culture finds itself constantly in flux, as it faces new questions, confronts fresh challenges, negotiates internal disagreement, and encounters neighbouring cultures. It may be said that each religious faith constitutes a culture, growing out from its central beliefs and practices, and that this culture will usually be plural in nature, because it has become embedded in diverse

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contexts over time. Such religiously based cultures are surrounded by cultures built on quite different presuppositions and practices, leading to constant interaction and reciprocal influence. Some aspects of a culture will be hospitable to religious faith; some aspects will be hostile; still other aspects will be indifferent. Christian educators need discernment to avoid blanket acceptance or blind rejection of culture of the people with whom they are working. If Christians run away from the surrounding culture, so as not to be contaminated by it, they risk slipping into a ghetto, abdicate their responsibility to influence the world for the better, and fail the people God wants them to touch; their purity becomes irrelevant to the world. On the other hand, if they throw ourselves into the world, they might soon find they have accepted too much of it on its own terms, and without realizing it they could become assimilated and swallowed up by it, unable to bring to it the distinctive salt and light of faith. The challenge is to learn how to swim in a culture without drowning in it. In order to be relevant, Christian educators need to be rooted in culture and local needs. But to be adequately Christian, they also need to be able to transcend culture. They have to be at home, familiar with, and hospitable to a culture, but also, to some degree, a stranger, unsettled, and disturbing in it. They are called to be in the world, to prompt it lovingly toward God, yet not of the world, fully accepting it as it is. In bridging the gap between faith and a particular culture, Christian educators need to emphasize both the “foreignness” of Christian faith—its supernatural character—and its connection to, its continuity with, and its befriending and enhancing of daily life: its natural aspects. They should avoid watering down the challenge and “foreignness” of faith and the Gospel by domesticating the call to conversion of life and holiness. Yet they should also avoid causing unnecessary barriers for those on the path to faith by lacking imagination and creativity in their presentation of the Christian story. St. Paul describes in 1 Corinthians 9: 20–22 his flexible approach in adapting to different audiences and types of people. Leading and influential contributions to an understanding of the relationship between faith and culture may be found, from a Protestant perspective, in H. Richard Niebuhr ([1951] 2001) and, from a Catholic perspective, in Michael Paul Gallagher ([1997] 2004). Gerald Arbuckle (2010) provides a broad analytical overview of the field, while Sedmak (2002) and Warren (1999) demonstrate how theory can feed into practice in specific contexts. Each of these works is a source of useful insights from which Christian educators can draw as they reflect on how the faith they strive to communicate and the people they hope to engage can be brought into a mutually enriching encounter.

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References and Resources Arbuckle, Gerald A. 2012. Culture, Inculturation, & Theologians. Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press. Gallagher, Michael Paul. (1997) 2004. Clashing Symbols. An Introduction to Faith and Culture. London: Darton, Longman & Todd; 2nd ed. Mahwah, NJ: Paulist Press. Niebuhr, H. Richard. (1951) 2001. Christ and Culture. San Francisco, Harper & Row. Sedmak, Clemens. 2002. Doing Local Theology. Maryknoll, NY: Orbis. Warren, Michael. 1999. At This Time in This Place. Harrisburg, PA: Trinity Press International.

—John Sullivan

Faith Development An almost innumerable multiplicity of writers have attempted to define “faith” in psychological, sociological, and religious-community contexts, but Emory University professor James Fowler ([1981] 1995) has offered a standard definition: faith is “our way of finding coherence in and giving meaning to the multiple forces and relations that make up our lives.” A seminal writer in this field, he hypothesized seven stages in the development of faith: infancy (undifferentiated), intuitive-projective, mythicliteral, synthetic-conventional, individuative-reflective, conjective, and universalizing, each stage building on or altering a previous one. Coyle (2011) summarizes the critical responses to Fowler’s theory and cites an overemphasis on cognition, lack of attention to emotional aspects, gender bias, cultural specificity, and other aspects. However, many other writers (Powers, Sparkman, Wilcox and Stephens) also see faith development as an essentially linear progression, beginning in youth or early adulthood and progressing through the various experiences of life, each stage adding maturity, learning, and adaptation. Westerhoff offers a more simplified outline, including “affiliative,” “searching,” and “mature” expressions of faith: trustworthiness in others and God, critical judgment and experimentation, and finally a sense of personal union with God independent of the seeming contradictions between earlier stages. Dennis Dirks (Talbot) has written extensively in this area from an evangelical Christian education perspective. Christian education’s application of faith development begins with the biblical statement “Faith is the assurance of things hoped for, the conviction of things not seen” (Heb. 11:1). The development of faith and the factors contributing to it vary widely depending on the specific experiences and culture of the person being observed. For Christian education (CE), the goal is to assist the child, the young adult, the mature adult, the seeker,

and even the pre-seeker to develop a personal trust in God, in His Word, and in His community of believers. Various forces and negative experiences collaborate to diminish or even undo that faith and to arrest its development. This is often the focus of much preaching and instructional ministry within CE circles: to impede the effects of negative experiences on a person’s faith. Then CE seeks to cultivate positive and documented demonstrations of God’s faithfulness to His promises and to form in the person a basis for believing God about those promises. This development of faith is assisted by many tools and resources that CE in churches, on the mission field, within communities, and within institutions of higher learning can access and exploit: printed, audiovisual, mission experiences, community living, outreach and social justice endeavors, and so forth. Faith development is seen within CE not only for its observable components, but also for its opportunity to engage active instruction and stimulation. Synonymous with “faith development” is the newer term “spiritual formation,” which is seen as simply the progress of religion in the soul. Within the CE context and in the macro sense, Christian education is spiritual formation in every possible aspect, meant to bring the whole person into subjection to Jesus Christ. References and Resources Coyle, Adrian. 2011. “Critical Responses to Faith Development Theory: A Useful Agenda for Change?” University of Surrey. http://www.researchgate.net/publication/224286138 _Critical_responses_to_Faith_Development_Theory_A _useful_agenda_for_change. Fowler, James W. (1981) 1995. Stages of Faith: The Psychology of Human Development and the Quest for Meaning. New York: HarperCollins. Westerhoff, John H., III. 1976. Will Our Children Have Faith? New York: Seabury Press.

—Neil C. Damgaard

Family Society rests on the institution of the family, a reality that has biological, racial, ethnic, linguistic, and cultural implications. The family supplies an environment in which a child can grow and flourish in the presence of his kin, against whom he can understand himself, learn, grow, and achieve his true end. A question arises about whether the family is merely a socially constructed institution or biology, race, and kinship play an essential role in the identity of the individual and often too in identifying peoples. If we assume that society is more than a loose congregation of peoples, then

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it will be more than a mere social contract as developed by Hobbes, Rousseau, and others. Central to traditional conceptions of the Christian family is the concept of monogamy, with unity and indissolubility of marriage (“What God hath joined together, let no man put asunder”: Matt. 19:6)1 ordered to the procreation of children as key characteristics. Until recently, it was assumed that marriage was the indissoluble union of a man and a woman for the procreation and education of children. Traditional Christian teaching regarded marriage as, at least in part, ordered by God toward the peaceful and secure generation of young. With the emergence of new generations separated from their blood kin, whether by mobility, divorce, or new reproductive technologies, the natural tendency to see family as a natural as distinct from a socially constructed institution has come under threat. This notwithstanding, the traditional understanding of marriage is enjoying a revival of interest, particularly among survivors of postmodern interpretations of the family and those concerned about the rising social cost and individual loss and sorrow associated with postmodern family life. Divorce and remarriage is the subject of continuing moral dispute. In ancient times, Tertullian opposed attempts to regard marriage as dissoluble. He denounced second marriages, demanded chastity, and encouraged periodic sexual abstinence within marriage. In his De Monogamia, Tertullian described remarriage even more graphically as “adultery-in-series” (Mon. 4.3). For centuries, even after the Reformation, most denominations permitted no divorce and only allowed legal separation of spouses, even then only where one spouse had committed a grave sin, like adultery. Both parties remained legally married and therefore could not remarry. In his study of court records in Reformation Germany, where divorce was permitted, Joel Harrington establishes that “divorce was a relatively little exercised option.”2 Importantly, for Christians marriage is not the principal purpose of life in any case. Traditionally, giving one’s life for the sake of the Kingdom (of God) is regarded as the highest form of life. Thus marriage is regarded as a public good for the rearing, flourishing, and education of children. Modern practice, however, appears to have overtaken both history and interdenominational differences, most particularly in the Western world.3 Families are now regarded as socially constructed and shorn from their biological roots.4 There are some who hold that for reasons 1. See also Marriage. 2. J. F. Harrington, Reordering Marriage and Society in Reformation Germany (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 269. 3. Brenda Almond, The Fragmenting Family (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006). 4. David Archard, Children: Rights & Childhood (London: Routledge, 1993), 98–102. Contra see Jacqueline Laing, “Artificial Reproduction,

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of intergenerational justice, biological connectedness should be respected.5 Monogamy, as distinct from polygamy, is still deeply entrenched in the Christian tradition. It has long been held that polygamy and polyandry undermine the dignity due to man and woman as parties to the marriage contract. The command “What God has joined together let no man put asunder” (Mark 10:9) is still a central part of the marriage ceremony of many denominations, notwithstanding widespread changes of attitude and practice. Christian educators will find that with the continuing fragmentation of the family, Christian teaching on marriage and the family is likely to become ever more vital to the well-being of societies, particularly in view of the spiraling cost and sorrow for future generations. References and Resources Almond, Brenda. 2006. The Fragmenting Family. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Aquinas, Thomas. 1920. The Summa Theologica of St. Thomas Aquinas Literally Translated by Fathers of the English Dominican Province. London: Burns Oates and Washbourne. Archard, David. 1993. Children: Rights & Childhood. London: Routledge. Barnes, T. D. 1985. “Tertullian Revisited: A Postscript.” In Tertullian: A Historical and Literary Study, edited by T. D. Barnes, 111–27. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Cornes, A. 1993. Divorce & Remarriage: Biblical Principles & Pastoral Practice. London: Hodder & Stoughton. Harrington, J. F. 1995. Reordering Marriage and Society in Reformation Germany. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. John Paul II. 1988. Mulieris Dignitatem. Apostolic Letter, 15 August. Laing, Jacqueline. 2006a. “Artificial Reproduction, Blood Relatedness and Human Identity.” Monist: International Journal of General Philosophical Enquiry 89: 548–567. ———. 2006b. “Law, Liberalism and the Common Good.” In Human Values, edited by David S. Oderberg and T. D. J. Chappell, 54–68. London: Macmillan. Laing, Jacqueline A., and Russell Wilcox. 2013. The Natural Law Reader. Oxford: Wiley Blackwell. Tertullian. 1884a. “De Exhortatione castitatis [trans. A. Cleveland Coxe].” In Ante-Nicene Fathers, vol. 3, Latin Christianity: Its Founder, Tertullian. New York: Christian Literature Co. ———. 1884b. “Liber de Monogamia [trans. A. Cleveland Coxe].” In Ante-Nicene Fathers, vol. 3, Latin Christianity: Its Founder, Tertullian. New York: Christian Literature Co. Blood Relatedness and Human Identity,” Monist: International Journal of General Philosophical Enquiry 89 (2006a): 548–567. 5. Jacqueline A. Laing, “Law, Liberalism and the Common Good,” in Human Values, ed. David S. Oderberg and T. D. J. Chappell (London Macmillan, 2006b); also in Jacqueline A. Laing and Russell Wilcox, The Natural Law Reader (Oxford: Wiley Blackwell, 2013).

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Westminster Confession of Faith. 1646. “Chapter 24, Of Marriage and Divorce.” http://www.creeds.net/Westminster/c24 .htm. Witte, John, Jr., and Joel A. Nichols. 2005. Covenantal Marriage in Comparative Perspective. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans.

—Jacqueline Laing

Family Ministry Family ministry may be the most misunderstood ministry in the church today, and with good reason. The position of family minister and the practice of family ministry are relatively new phenomena that came about in the last few decades of the 20th century. Events that contributed to the need for a specific ministry with and to families in the congregation occurred primarily due to cultural influences and the church’s accommodation to/competition with cultural changes. Family ministry has been defined as the process of intentionally and persistently realigning a congregation’s proclamation and practices so that parents are acknowledged, trained, and held accountable as the persons primarily responsible for the discipleship of their children.6 The three primary models used in churches are often referred to as family-enriching, family-based, or familyintegrated. The family-enriching model is designed primarily around programs aimed at fixing families and enriching the nuclear family, such as marriage seminars, parenting classes, divorce recovery workshops, family devotions, and family fun nights. This model has also been referred to as a therapeutic-counseling approach.7 It includes any services provided by a church or church agency, whether by a helping professional or by a nonprofessional volunteer, which aim to strengthen the relationships between family members. Another model has been referred to as the family-based model, which is also referred to as the family-equipping or family-empowering model, designed with the expectation that every ministry in the church will consistently plan learning experiences and activities that draw families and generations together. The family-based model was pioneered by Mark DeVries in Family-Based Youth Ministry (IVP, 2004). The family-integrated model, also known as familydriven or family discipleship approach, in its most radical form, eliminates all age-graded classes and events,

6. Timothy Paul Jones, Perspectives on Family Ministry (Nashville, TN: B&H, 2009), 40. 7. Chap Clark, Youth Worker’s Handbook to Family Ministry (Nashville, TN: Zondervan, 1997).

expecting and resourcing each family unit to become the primary source of spiritual formation and education. An important question to ask when determining how to do family ministry in the local congregation is, what defines family? or more to the point, what is our theology of family? Although the historic church has painstakingly developed other categories of theology, such as a theology of salvation, theology of the church, or theological anthropology, all of which have a deep and rich history of theological reflection, this is not the case when it comes to a theology of the family, being a relatively new area of theological reflection. Ministry with families, or family ministry, in the local church has come to be more associated with the social sciences than with theology. One reason for this is that our culture traditionally defines family as a noun. In the New Testament, family is primarily a verb rather than a noun. The infinitive form would be to family one another. The focus is on how we as the people of God relate to one another, in contrast with who we are when we relate. Diana Garland refers to this as structural family (noun) vs. functional family (verb).8 Yet another important direction to explore to better understand how the church does ministry with, for, and to the family is to see the whole of the Christian community as the family of God and the church as our first family, a term and idea championed by Rodney Clapp in Families at the Crossroads (1993, IVP). —Trevecca Okholm

Fasting as Christian Practice Fasting is a total or partial abstinence from food and drink for an unusual period, for a spiritual purpose. Prayer and worship usually accompany fasting. There are generally three types of fasts: the normal fast, in which there is no intake of food for a prescribed period of time, though the person may take liquids; the partial fast (sometimes called the Daniel fast from Daniel 10:2, 3), in which the person does eat but lives on a limited diet; and the absolute fast, in which there is a total abstinence from food and liquids in all forms. Biblical fasts varied in length from one day (1 Sam. 14:24), to three days (Esther 4:16), to seven days (1 Sam. 31:13), to forty days (Exod. 34:28; Matt. 4:2). Fasting in Scripture The only prescribed regular Jewish fast day in the Old Testament law was the Day of Atonement (Lev. 16:29– 8. Diana Garland, Family Ministry: A Comprehensive Guide (Downers Grove, IL: Intervarsity Press, 2012).

Fellowship

31, 23:26–32; Num. 29:7–11). However, the Jews later seemed to observe annual fasts during the Babylonian captivity (Zech. 7:1–7; 8:19). Fasting is associated in the scriptures with • repentance and prayers of confessions (1 Sam. 7:6; Jon. 3:4–9; Neh. 9:1–2); • mourning (1 Sam. 31:12–13; 2 Sam. 1:12; Neh. 1:4; Esther 4:3); • seeking God’s protection or intervention (2 Sam. 12:15–17; 2 Chron. 20:2–4; Ezra 8:21; Esther 4:15– 16; Ps. 35:13–14); or • seeking God’s leading and guidance (Judg. 20:26– 28; Deut. 9:9; Dan. 9:1–3, 20–23, 10:1–2, 12; Acts 13:2–3). Fasting as an outward show of piety, or as a substitute for genuine repentance, is condemned in scripture (Isa. 58; Zech. 7:5; Matt. 6:16). Jesus fasted in preparation for commencing His public ministry (Matt. 4:1–2), and while He did not lay down any prescription or rule about fasting, He spoke about it in two contexts, according to the Gospel records: to warn against ostentatious religious fasting (Matt. 6:16–18) and to indicate that His disciples would fast (Matt. 9:14–17). The early church also practiced fasting as a part of worship and during the commissioning of leaders (Acts 13:2–3; 14:23). Fasting in Church History Early Jewish believers fasted twice a week and before baptisms (Didache 7:4; 8:1). By the second century, the church observed two fast days in the week of Easter. The church fathers taught about the values of fasting in subduing the flesh, overcoming temptations, and cultivating love and desire for God, and by the fourth century, they codified fasting into the seasonal cycles of the church, and the 2 fast days before Easter were expanded to the 40 days of Lent.

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God’s guidance, and intervention remain valid for the believer today. Fasting is also practiced as a means of gaining mastery over demons (Matt. 17:21; Mark 9:29), while others fast in order to give the food that was saved (or its cost) to the poor. Fasting can be misused, however. It can potentially slide into an asceticism that erroneously (1) views God as one who takes pleasure in our pain and suffering, (2) views the act of fasting as a means of earning merit with God instead of trusting Him to divinely empower us, and (3) views the body as inherently evil instead of recognizing that ours is an embodied spirituality. Breaking long fasts is essential to its practice. It is advisable to follow the “LLS” protocol when breaking long fasts: eat less, eat liquids (or masticate thoroughly), and eat slowly. Contemporary fasting has been extended beyond food and drink to such things as television, Internet use, or social networking, with the understanding of fasting as abstinence from anything that is in itself legitimate, for a spiritual purpose. Fasting is not only a profitable personal Christian practice, but also a useful part of healthy congregational life. References and Resources Baab, L. M. 2006. Fasting: Spiritual Freedom Beyond our Appetites. Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press. Berghuis, K. D. 2002. “Christian Fasting: A Theological Approach.” PhD diss., Trinity Evangelical Divinity School, Deerfield. Piper, J. 1997. A Hunger for God: Desiring God through Fasting and Prayer. Wheaton, IL: Crossway. Towns, E. 1996. Fasting for Spiritual Breakthrough. Ventura, CA: Regal. Wallis, A. 1968. God’s Chosen Fast. Fort Washington, PA: CLC Publications.

—Agametochukwu Iheanyi-Igwe

Fellowship Fasting as Christian Practice Fasting is typically approached today as a spiritual discipline, or as a means of securing divine intervention. Christian fasting should emphasize Christ, the bridegroom who has now been taken away (Matt. 9:14–15); thus while fasting, the believer should remember Christ, imitate Him, and anticipate His return. This spiritual discipline helps the Christian in the cultivation of virtues like self-control, part of the fruit of the Spirit (Gal. 5:23), and the mortification of sinful vices. Fasting can also play a role in fighting the attachment to material things, which so characterizes us in this age, while nurturing a desire for and a delight in God. Furthermore, its biblical associations (listed above) with repentance, seeking

The New Testament uses several Greek word groups for fellowship. The root word is koinos (“common”) and indicates the subjective sense of fellowship held in common by Christians. The primary word is koinōneō (“to share with someone, to take part together”) and its cognates. The verbs metechō (“to have together, to partake”) and merizō (“to share”) stress the concept of spiritual partnership (cf. the parallel usage of koinōnia, metochē, and meris in 2 Cor. 6:14–15). Several words have the syn- (“with”) prefix, since fellowship is always life “to share with” or “to have with” (in the sense of a partnership). Fellowship as the children of God is the consequence of regeneration (2 Cor. 5:17; 1 John 3:9) and is the practical expression of fellowship “with

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the Father, and with His Son Jesus Christ” (1 John 1:3, 6; cf. John 17:3). Christians are “partakers of a heavenly calling” and “partakers of Christ” (Heb. 3:1, 14); therefore, there is a community relationship that unites believers together in a spiritual partnership. The fellowship that regenerated Christians experience is not limited to the present, but remains eternal and is consummated in heaven (Eph. 2:19–22; Rev. 21:1–4). Any common meal (“breaking bread”) shared among Christians is a form of koinōnia, for each believer then shares with the nothers in a reality that is external to all. When a meal includes observance of the Lord’s Supper (Communion), the depth of the koinōnia is strengthened by means of the elements that the ordinance represents. Over time the Lord’s Supper became formalized (sacerdotal), and New Testament doctrine with regard to priesthood was applied to the Eucharist as a sacrifice; therefore sharing a meal became secondary. The agape (Gk. “love”) was the common meal of the early church (Acts 2:42–46, 20:11; 1 Cor. 10:16, 11:24; [2 Pet. 2:13 in some MSS]; Jude 12) and was associated with the Lord’s Supper. During the third and fourth centuries of the church, the two events became separated culturally, and the love feast was often used for fellowship separated from the Lord’s Supper. The most notable instance of fellowship in the New Testament is that which unites Jew and Greek, slave and free man, and male and female in Christ Jesus to receive the same spiritual benefits (Gal. 3:28). Although education is an exceptionally personal and private enterprise, those who teach and learn within almost all formal educational settings are a part of a community of people. Even in homeschool contexts, that group of people may only consist of family members; nevertheless, the group is still a community in fellowship with one another. When learning occurs in the context of work within a community, people who are a part of that fellowship will learn more effectively because they feel comfortable and secure. Consequently, the community provides significant fellowship in the quality of education that a learner receives. Within the context of the educational setting, one may identify three specific fellowships that are essential for learning: (1) the fellowship of teachers (mentors); (2) the fellowship of fellow students; and (3) the fellowship of parents. Acts 2:42–46 provides a fourfold description of edification (cf. Eph. 4:16) in the context of the local church: teaching, fellowship, communion, and prayer. Fellowship was an essential reason for the church to gather locally, and this community would include those with the gift of teaching, those who were learners, and those who were physical/spiritual parents. A primary component of this fellowship was sharing together. Acts 2:41–47 reveals the voluntary allotment among those in Jerusalem; it was an

ephemeral instance of the early church sharing possessions for the general good of the community of believers. Throughout the New Testament, stewardship of one’s possessions is both affirmed and assumed (cf. 1 Tim. 6:17–19). Dedication to God results in being a wise steward to meet the needs of others (cf. Luke 13:10–17). Any community of teachers that is more dedicated to curriculum or programs should be regarded with caution. The emphasis of Acts 2:41–47 is upon selfless sharing as an essential component of godly fellowship, and thus this essential sharing together reflects the basic characteristics of the life of the church as a community of saints. The importance of godly fellowship cannot be understated, especially within a community of students. The majority of parents are apprehensive with regard to negative peer influence, which is probably why many parents decide to enroll their children in formal Christian schools or determine to homeschool. Nevertheless, the church is a body with both unity and diversity. There are many ways in which students can work together productively. The “cooperative learning” approach emphasizes the development of communication skills, team building, and thinking skills by means of community. The essential unity of the church exists in embracing the “varieties of gifts” and “varieties of ministries” as belonging universally to “the same Lord” (1 Cor. 12:4–5). The practical expression of this unity is the foremost responsibility of the church and demands that the intricacy of this fellowship be manifested in various forms. The elders bear the primary responsibility for determining and coordinating the many members and aspects of the ministry in a manner consistent with scripture. Parents also bear responsibility for the propagation of moral and spiritual values (Deut. 6:4–9). Not only must parents impart such ethics with earnestness and long-suffering, but they are also obligated to model the purpose of such values. Parents are wise to meet together for the purpose of encouragement, and the more they meet and mingle, the more the components of the educational responsibilities become a fellowship (cf. Heb. 3:13–19, 10:25). Fear of the Lord is the beginning of wisdom (Prov. 9:10), and then being in true fellowship with God, one’s ethics and obligations to others are to be continually modeled as essential to any fellowship. References and Resources Campbell, John Young. 1965. Three New Testament Studies. Leiden: Brill. Getz, Gene A. 1974. Sharpening the Focus of the Church. Chicago: Moody Press. Johnson, Luke Timothy. 1999. The Writings of the New Testament: An Interpretation. Rev. ed. Minneapolis, MN: Fortress Press, 1999.

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Kittel, Gerhard, ed. 1964–1976. Theological Dictionary of the New Testament. Translated by Geoffrey W. Bromiley. 10 vols. 2:830–832; 3:789–809. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. Martin, Ralph Philip. 1979. The Family and the Fellowship: New Testament Images of the Church. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans Publishing Paternoster.

—Ron J. Bigalke

Field Experiences/Practicums A fundamental and defining piece of the preparation for ministry shared by seminary and church or ministry agency is field education. In the Degree Program Standards of the Association of Theological Schools, the ecology of the master of divinity and other master’s degrees that focus on specialized ministries such as pastoral care or spiritual formation share this distinguishing and formative program: The program shall provide opportunities for education through supervised experiences in ministry. These experiences should be of sufficient duration and intensity to provide opportunity to gain expertise in the tasks of ministerial leadership within both the congregation and the broader public context and to reflect on interrelated theological, cultural, and experiential learning. . . . Qualified persons shall be selected as field supervisors and trained in supervisory methods and the educational expectations of the institution. . . . The institution shall have established procedures for selection, development, evaluation, and termination of supervised ministry settings. . . . In a program of study that might lead to licensure or certification by a professional or ecclesiastical authorizing authority, practica and other requirements should conform to generally accepted standards of the area of specialty.9

Denominational requirements for the location, duration, type, and number of placements vary in expectation regarding these immersions, given the vocational direction toward ordination or other specialized ministry. Generally, the categories are internships, wherein the student is away from the seminary for a period of time and fully immersed in the field site; ministry-in-context, which engages the student in a ministry site while attending other classes toward the completion of the degree; and clinical pastoral education.10 Field education experiences or practica are intended to be reflective ministry under supervision. In addition 9. Association of Theological Schools, “Educational and Degree Program Standards,” sections A & B, 2012, www.ats.edu/Accrediting/Docu ments/DegreeProgramStandards.pdf. 10. The Association for Clinical Pastoral Education, Inc., www.acpe.edu (accessed 25 March 2013).

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to the experiences of ministry, the arenas for theological reflection on practice are crucial. There are generally three opportunities available on a regular basis to the student, each offering its own support and expertise. Students are assigned a site supervisor, who not only directs the student’s work and skill evaluation, but is in some way endorsed by the seminary and denominational body for engagement in formation through theological reflection on the shared practice of ministry. In addition, the student also meets with members or participants in the ministry setting who are trained by the seminary as cultural interpreters, for support and encouragement. The third component is a group of peers who function as support and colearners with the student. In the clinical pastoral care setting, these peer groups are generally formed of those engaged in the on-site cohort that is a hallmark of the program. Ministry-in-context students meet peer groups as part of the seminary class curriculum, and interns either meet in regional groups or return to the seminary at regular intervals for meetings.11 Although the scheme of field education outlined in this article is largely a model found in the United States, the patterns of field education throughout the world have similar components. The emphasis on a variety of experiences of a cross-cultural and global nature, which are becoming critical to the formation of pastors and other specialized ministries to meet the challenges of a globalizing world and the church that serves within it in a wide variety of ministries. References and Resources The Association of Clinical Pastoral Education. n.d. http:// acpeacademy.org. Accessed 25 March 2013. www.acpe.edu. Association of Theological Schools. 2012. “Educational and Degree Program Standards,” sections A & B. www.ats.edu/ Accrediting/Documents/DegreeProgramStandards.pdf. Flooding, Matthew, ed. 2011. Welcome to Theological Field Education! Herndon, VA: Alban. Jenkins, David O., and P. Alice Rogers, eds. 2010. Equipping the Saints. Cleveland: Pilgrim Press. The Lutheran School of Theology at Chicago. n.d. “Field Ed.” Accessed 31 March 2013. www.lstc.edu/academics/field-ed. Manabat, Christina. 2007. “Theological Field Education: Toward a Holistic and Transformative Ministerial Formation and Ministry in the Philippines.” PhD diss., Garrett-Evangelical Theological Seminary. 11. Each seminary or denomination has specific requirements that are best accessed through its website. A model is The Lutheran School of Theology at Chicago, “Field Ed,” www.lstc.edu/academics/field-ed (accessed 31 March 2013). For a denominational example, see The Unitarian-Universalist Association, “The Internship Clearinghouse,” www.uua.org/careers/ ministers/becoming/internships/index.shtml (accessed 31 March 2013).

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Mason, George. 2012. Preparing the Pastors We Need: Reclaiming the Congregation’s Role in Training Clergy. Herndon, VA: Alban. The Unitarian-Universalist Association. n.d. “The Internship Clearinghouse.” Accessed 31 March 2013. www.uua.org/ careers/ministers/becoming/internships/index.shtml.

—Mark Fowler

Film as Christian Practice The advent of the motion picture via film initiated a media form unlike any other of its day, save the more traditional theater. In other words, film allows for the mixture of multiple mediated forms (sound and sight) to communicate a compelling narrative as either a documentary or fictional account. Optical illusions such as zoetrope or stereoscope set the stage for the early advent of cinema (c. 1896), which ultimately evolved into a full economic art form with the advent of feature-length films.12 As an art form, the overall dynamics of film include not only the narrative discourse (either in documentary or fictional narrative), but also image (texture, frame, and composition), sound, pacing (editing), effects, projection, and the participation of the audience.13 Although it was originally assumed that film would not last, the growth of the industry and its transportation to other media forms like video and television remind Christian educators of its power and ubiquity as a mediated form of storytelling. Colin McGinn argues that films prove so powerful because they overlap in the brain with regions at work during sleeping dreams.14 Beyond psychological conditions, Flesher and Torry note that filmmaking also emerged during a time of American exceptionalism and American millennialism, themes that set a socioreligious context for the industry during its infancy.15 While later filmmaking avoided religious, particularly Christian, narratives, Christian educators should note that films contain both personal and sociological implications. The medium of film, and its industry, combine in any discussion of the values of film either through explicit film criticism or critical investigation of film production as cultural products.16 Christian educators should note the rich heritage of the Christian story and cinema. Beginning with the 12. James Monaco, How to Read Ad Film: Movies, Media, Multimedia, 3rd ed. (New York: Oxford University Press, 2000), 228–230, 570–578. 13. Ibid., 22–228. 14. Colin McGinn, The Power of Movies: How Screen and Mind Interact (New York: Pantheon Books, 2005), 13–14, 134–138. 15. Paul V. M. Flesher and Robert Torry, Film & Religion: An Introduction (Nashville, TN: Abingdon Press, 2007), 6–10. 16. Margaret R. Miles, Seeing and Believing: Religion and Values in the Movies (Boston: Beacon Press, 1996), 5–25.

French cinematic short, La Passion (1897), and short films about passion plays in Oberammergau, Bavaria, and Horitz, Bohemia, feature films addressing the central character of Jesus have populated cinema for generations.17 Christian educators will find a rich resource of film criticism on the many treatments of Christ and other biblical narratives in cinema.18 Historically, Christians tend to approach film primarily like reading a “text,” rather than engaging the total art form.19 Often Christianity demonstrates a real concern with the “story” or narrative communicated by the film alongside specific symbols or sayings resident within the story. This concern remains a plausible approach, since usually film might be considered more a recording or representational art form.20 Some criticisms involve finding analogical connections between traditional cinematic narratives and scripture or general theology.21 In similar fashion, Christian educators use cinema excerpts either for teaching or spiritual formation via meditating on short vignettes.22 Christian educators may also discover critiques of the film industry as a whole, which often take issue with the portrayal of religious people through the medium or with their exclusion.23 Unfortunately, the treatment of film as “text” alone does not always serve either critical analysis or appreciation. Understanding the full range of the art form requires a greater knowledge of the other representational forms resident within the medium. Also, the medium engenders an experience through audience participation 17. Lloyd Baugh, Imaging the Divine: Jesus and Christ-Figures in Film (Franklin, WI: Sheed & Ward, 1997), 8–9; and W. Barnes Tatum, Jesus at the Movies: A Guide to the First Hundred Years, rev. and exp. (Santa Rosa, CA: Polebridge Press, 2004), 2–3. 18. Barbara Bach, ed., Biblical Glamor and Hollywood Glitz, Simeia, Society of Biblical Literature 74 (Newberg, OR: Barclay Press, 1996); J. Stephen Lang, The Bible on the Big Screen: A Guide from Silent Films to Today’s Movies (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Books, 2007); and Richard C. Stern, Clayton N. Jefford, and Guerric Debona, Savior on the Silver Screen (New York: Paulist Press, 1999). 19. Christopher Deacy, “Paradise Lost or Paradise Learned? Sin and Salvation in Pleasantville,” in Mediating Religion: Conversations in Media, Religion and Culture, ed. Jolyon Mitchell and Sophia Marriage (London: T & T Clark, 2003); Grant Horner, Meaning At the Movies: Becoming a Discerning Viewer (Wheaton, IL: Crossway, 2010); Jörg Hermann, “From Popular to Arthouse: An Analysis of Love and Nature as Religious Motifs in Recent Cinema,” in Mediating Religion, ed. Mitchell and Marriage, 189–199; John R. May, ed., Image & Likeness: Religious Vision in American Film Classics (New York: Paulist Press, 1992); and Robert K. Johnston, Reel Spirituality: Theology and Film in Dialogue (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic, 2000). 20. Monaco, How to Read Ad Film, 27. 21. George Aichele and Richard Walsh, eds., Screening Scripture: Intertextual Connections between Scripture and Film (Harrisburg, PA: Trinity International Press, 2002); and Adele Reinhartz, Scripture on the Silver Screen (Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press, 2003). 22. Bryan Belknap, Group’s Blockbuster Movie Illustrations (Loveland, CO: Group Publishing, 2001); Edward McNulty, Praying the Movies II: More Daily Meditations from Classic Films (Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press, 2003). 23. Michael Medved, Hollywood vs. America: Popular Culture and the War on Traditional Values (New York: HarperCollins, 1992), 37–94.

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when watching a film. This participation incorporates implicit performative practices and reactions, mirroring similar experiences engaged in worship and devotion.24 For instance, Mel Gibson’s highly controversial film, The Passion of the Christ, proved quite successful for American evangelicals as well as Roman Catholics.25 One reason for the film’s success was the dominant evangelical theme of substitutionary atonement (evident in music and preaching in that tradition), which existed alongside an emphasis on the Catholic practice of the Stations of the Cross.26 Evangelicals and Catholics in viewing audiences appreciated the film from quite disparate perspectives as they “participated” in the thematic emphases reflective of their respective worship traditions. Christian educators should approach film also as a practice. For instance, there is a real heritage of film production and festival promotion within a number of denominations and traditions.27 In addition, Christian educators might explore the role of Christians within the current filmmaking community.28 Often overlooked is the power of documentary films both in communicating specific concerns and in illuminating Christian action globally. While other media forms have replaced film as a method of producing local documentaries, the history and teaching of documentary film techniques may serve educational efforts by turning Christians into producers as well as consumers of cinema. References and Resources Aichele, George, and Richard Walsh, eds. 2002. Screening Scripture: Intertextual Connections between Scripture and Film. Harrisburg, PA: Trinity International Press.

24. Steve Nolan, “Towards a New Religious Film Criticism: Using Film to Understand Religious Identity Rather Than Locate Cinematic Analogue,” in Mediating Religion, ed. Mitchell and Marriage, 169–178. 25. Peter Gilmour, “Text and Context: The Passion of the Christ and Other Jesus Films,” Religious Education 100, no. 3 (Summer 2005): 311– 325; Lang, Bible on the Big Screen, 22–25. 26. Mel Gibson, prod., The Passion of the Christ, definitive ed. DVD (Hollywood, CA: 20th Century Fox, 2004). Note that this second DVD includes supplementary documentaries on paintings of the passion of Christ as well as a specific documentary describing the stations of the cross and its procession through Jerusalem. 27. Terry Lindvall, Sanctuary Cinema: Origins of the Christian Film Industry (New York: New York University Press, 2007); Terry Lindvall and Andrew Quicke, “Moving from Film to Digital Movies,” in Understanding Evangelical Media: The Changing Face of Christian Communication, ed. Quentin Schultze and Robert H. Woods Jr. (Downer’s Grove, IL: IVP Academic, 2008); Gaye Ortiz, “The Catholic Church and Its Attitude to Film as an Arbiter of Cultural Meaning,” in Mediating Religion, ed. Mitchell and Marriage; Esther P. Wipfler, Martin Luther in Motion Pictures: History of a Metamorphosis (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2011), 108–117; Jamie S. Scott, “Missions and Film,” International Bulletin of Missionary Research 32, no. 3 (July 2008): 115–120. 28. Spencer Lewerenz and Barbara Nicolosi, eds., Behind the Screen: Hollywood Insiders on Faith, Film and Culture (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Books, 2005).

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Bach, Barbara, ed. 1996. Biblical Glamour and Hollywood Glitz. Society of Biblical Literature, Simeia, 74. Newberg, OR: Barclay Press. Baugh, Lloyd. 1997. Imaging the Divine: Jesus and ChristFigures in Film. Franklin, WI: Sheed & Ward. Belknap, Bryan. 2001. Group’s Blockbuster Movie Illustrations. Loveland, CO: Group. Flesher, Paul V. M., and Robert Torry. 2007. Film & Religion: An Introduction. Nashville, TN: Abingdon Press. Gibson, Mel. 2004. The Passion of the Christ. Definitive ed. DVD. Hollywood: 20th Century Fox. Gilmour, Peter. 2005. “Text and Context: The Passion of the Christ and Other Jesus Films.” Religious Education 100 (3): 311–325. Horner, Grant. 2010. Meaning at the Movies: Becoming a Discerning Viewer. Wheaton, IL: Crossway. Johnston, Robert K. 2000. Reel Spirituality: Theology and Film in Dialogue. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic. Lang, J. Stephen. 2007. The Bible on the Big Screen: A Guide from Silent Films to Today’s Movies. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Books. Lewerenz, Spencer, and Barbara Nicolosi, eds. 2005. Behind the Screen: Hollywood Insiders on Faith, Film and Culture. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Books. Lindvall, Terry. 2007. Sanctuary Cinema: Origins of the Christian Film Industry. New York: New York University Press. Lindvall, Terry, and Andrew Quicke. 2008. “Moving from Film to Digital Movies.” In Understanding Evangelical Media: The Changing Face of Christian Communication, edited by Quentin Schultze and Robert H. Woods Jr., 58–79. Downer’s Grove, IL: IVP Academic. May John R., ed. 1992. Image & Likeness: Religious Vision in American Film Classics. New York: Paulist Press. McGinn, Colin. 2005. The Power of Movies: How Screen and Mind Interact. New York: Pantheon Books. McNulty, Edward. 2003. Praying the Movies II: More Daily Meditations from Classic Films. Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press. Medved, Michael. 1992. Hollywood vs. America: Popular Culture and the War on Traditional Values. New York: HarperCollins. Miles, Margaret R. 1996. Seeing and Believing: Religion and Values in the Movies. Boston: Beacon Press. Mitchell, Jolyon, and Sophia Marriage, eds. 2003. Mediating Religion: Conversations in Media, Religion and Culture. London: T & T Clark. Monaco, James. 2000. How to Read Ad Film: Movies, Media, Multimedia. 3rd ed. New York: Oxford University Press. Scott, Jamie S. 2008. “Missions and Film.” International Bulletin of Missionary Research 32 (3): 115–120. Stern, Richard C., Clayton N. Jefford, and Guerric Debona. 1999. Savior on the Silver Screen. New York: Paulist Press. Reinhartz, Adele. 2003. Scripture on the Silver Screen. Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press.

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Tatum, W. Barnes. (1997) 2004. Jesus at the Movies: A Guide to the First Hundred Years, Revised and Expanded. Santa Rosa, CA: Polebridge Press. Wipfler, Esther P. 2011. Martin Luther in Motion Pictures: History of a Metamorphosis. Göttingen, Germany: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht.

—Dean Blevins

Finland and Christian Education Christian influences reached the Finnish area from both the West and the East in the 11th century. Orthodox Christianity spread to Karelia and Southeast Finland from the Novgorod principality during the 11th century. The first document referring to Christianity in Finland is a papal bull from Pope Alexander III in 1171. According to some accounts, Christianity was known in the southwest parts of Finland (along the coast) as early as the sixth–seventh centuries. As a part of Sweden, Finland was a Roman Catholic country until the acceptance of Lutheranism in 1593. Finland is a Protestant country. In 2012 most of the population of 5.4 million people belonged to the Evangelical Lutheran Church (76 percent). The Orthodox Church has about 60,000 members (1 percent of the population). At the end of 2012 there were about 50,000 Muslims and 12,000 Catholics. There are also representatives of various Protestant denominations, sects, and movements inside the Lutheran Church. Overall there are 45 religious communities recognized as churches by the government. About 20 percent of the population does not have any religious affiliation. The main way to receive religious instruction is through the compulsory education in public schools. In addition, there are Sunday schools, confirmation schools, and summer camps organized by churches. Adult education is available in catechetical meetings, seminars, lectures, and pilgrimages organized by Christian-based organizations. Religious education (RE) at schools is organized according to the major denomination of the pupils. It is called “school’s general RE” and is based on Lutheranism. If in the area of a municipality or other unit of education there is a minimum of three Orthodox children, instruction must be provided for them. It is not necessary for the parents to request this instruction, as it is for other minorities. Curricula have been accepted by the National Board of Education for 13 religions, including Christian and “none.” The instruction applies the principles of teaching from a religion and is connected to the tradition of that religion. The churches are not involved in RE in

public education in terms of teacher training, syllabus, supervision, or textbooks. Freedom of religion and conscience is guaranteed under the Finnish Constitution. It prohibits discrimination based on religion and guarantees the rights to profess and practice a religion, to express a conviction, and to belong or not to belong to a religious community. The Religious Freedom Act (6.6.2003/453) supports and emphasizes the positive right and duty to receive religious instruction in comprehensive and upper secondary schools. One cannot be forced to attend religious-based activities or worship against one’s conscience. Among the general pedagogical principles, RE emphasizes narrative methods, discussions, and use of the senses, combined with experience-based learning. Since 2000 technology and the Internet have been used for RE as well, to a limited extent (e.g., www.ortoweb.fi). —Risto Aikonen

Fordham University History Called St. John’s College until 1907, Fordham University was founded in 1841 by John Hughes (later archbishop) of New York. Initially intended to teach underserved Catholic youth and to train future priests, Fordham (Anglo-Saxon derivation: a wading place by a settlement) soon distinguished itself as the first Catholic institution of higher learning in the northeast United States. Fordham University is a vibrant example of Catholic Jesuit identity, rigorous academics, commitment to the complementarity of faith and reason, and the promotion of education for service and justice. With its distinctive Jesuit mission of cura personalis (educating the whole person) in body, mind, and spirit, Fordham University’s motto sapientia et doctrina (wisdom and teaching) points to its charge to transform young women and men by exploring questions of intellectual, ethical, spiritual, and civic responsibility in a nearly 500-year Jesuit tradition of excellence. Fordham’s chapel bells are said to have inspired Edgar Allan Poe’s poem “The Bells.” Members of Fordham’s faculty have included professor and psychoanalyst Carl Jung and Nobel Prize–winning physicist Victor Hess. Its notable alumni/ae include actor Alan Alda, CIA director John Brennan, author Mary Higgins Clark, politician Geraldine Ferraro, television’s Bob Keeshan (“Captain Kangaroo”), football legend Vince Lombardi, Hall of Fame announcer Vince Scully, and actor Denzel Washington. Home to one of the nation’s oldest radio stations on the FM dial, WFUV 90.7 (“The Voice of Fordham”), Fordham University has more

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than 125,000 living alumni/ae worldwide representing many occupational fields. Academics Fordham University is comprised of 10 schools: four undergraduate (Fordham College at Rose Hill, Gabelli School of Business, Fordham College at Lincoln Center, School of Professional and Continuing Studies); five graduate (Arts and Sciences, Business, Education, Religion and Religious Education, Social Service); and one professional (Law). It has three main campuses (Rose Hill, Lincoln Center, Westchester), as well as a biological field station in Armonk. Fordham now educates roughly 15,000 students per year, mandates a comprehensive core curriculum of studies, has a male:female ratio of 46:54, is Carnegie Classified as a “High Research Activity University,” and offers undergraduate and graduate degrees and certificates in more than 100 specialized areas. Jesuit Philosophy of Education Fordham University is one of the 28 Jesuit universities and colleges in the United States whose educational philosophy stems from St. Ignatius of Loyola, founder of the Society of Jesus (Jesuits) in 1540. Renowned for its strong commitment to rigorous academic study and critical faith formation, Jesuit education is ultimately about transformation. It proceeds by way of an unapologetic Christian critical realism: to be meaningfully in the world, but not of the world. Jesuit education challenges its students intellectually, ethically, and spiritually to understand and transform the world. Practically speaking, this is accomplished by reading, thinking, and writing oneself into greater clarity of mind and heart. Jesuit education is ethical education, not simply data dissemination. It teaches one to conceptualize and abstract, not to remain in the realm of metaphysics alone, but in order to return to the concrete self more clarified. References and Resources Byron, W. J., SJ. 2000. Jesuit Saturdays: Sharing the Ignatian Spirit with Lay Colleagues and Friends. Chicago: Loyola Press. Gannon, R. I ., SJ. 1967. Up to the Present: The Story of Fordham. New York: Doubleday & Co. Inc. Hennessy, T. C., SJ, ed. 1998. Fordham: The Early years. New York: Fordham University Press. Schroth, R. A., SJ. 2008. Fordham: A History and Memoir. rev. ed. New York: Fordham University Press. Traub, G. W., SJ. 2008. A Jesuit Education Reader. Chicago: Loyola Press. http://www.fordham.edu/discover_fordham/facts_26604.asp

—Robert J. Parmach

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Forgiveness As one of the inherent themes of the Gospels, forgiveness is foundational to the Christian path of formation. In Luke and Matthew, when Jesus teaches His disciples to pray the original form of what many Christians now know as the Lord’s Prayer, forgiveness is at the heart of the prayer along with pleas for God’s future to fall upon us quickly and daily sustenance (Luke 11:1–4; Matt. 6:9–13). In addition, the call to love extends not only to God and one’s neighbors, but to one’s enemies as well (Matt. 4:43–47; Luke 6:27–28, 35). That God would make such a request of us suggests that this act is not something that we can accomplish with a cursory nod in the direction of an offender, or something we ourselves might ask from another with little thought given to the offense or the consequences of the offense, but an action that, when done with prayerful intention, offers a defining opportunity in our Christian life of faith. Ultimately, forgiveness comes from God, to us, through God’s grace. This grace is freely given, flowing from a radically incarnational God who seeks to connect with us in a way that removes all shame and guilt, as these would only obstruct the communion of love that God seeks to experience with us. In the Gospels Jesus invites us to continue in this grace, and God’s forgiveness for us is extended to forgiveness for others. This is what it means to follow Jesus, to be a forgiven people who then forgive. However, for this process to continue in the same spirit, for us to forgive as God forgives us, the forgiveness must be given freely in a spirit of love. Unfortunately, in the course of Christian history, the importance of this teaching has contributed to situations in which individuals and groups have experienced both explicit and implicit coercion to forgive before healing has occurred. In these situations, a false forgiveness only increases the power imbalance between the person or people causing the offense and those who have been harmed. As an act from and of God, forgiveness should not contribute to injustice in the world, but in every step should illuminate God’s presence that offers healing, and ultimately resurrection, through love. Forgiveness in the spirit of Jesus’s teaching in the Gospels, then, is one in which a process occurs that respects the need to articulate the wounding that has happened and offers these broken spaces to God for healing. It is from this space of healing and new life that true forgiveness arises, without coercion, as a gift of wholeness to the wounded that is then passed on in the form of forgiveness to those who have offended. While there are many ways to engage in this spiritual practice of forgiveness, compassion-based contemplative practices offer a gentle and respectful way to enter into

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this process. It is in prayer that we can hold these broken spaces with gentleness and compassion, honestly tending to the emotions that arise when considering the woundedness within, and then invite God to also tend to these places with healing and love. Only after we have offered this compassionate space to ourselves, knowing God is with us, can we begin to open this space to those we wish to forgive. It is here that we can allow God’s grace to flow in forgiveness to another, and it is also here that we can revisit when we have a sense that we need to return to prayer for further healing. Patience and practice are fundamental to this process, as they are with all spiritual practices, and over time our souls become a place from which forgiveness arises authentically. These same compassion-based contemplative practices can also provide a path for those of us that seek forgiveness, as we sit in prayer with these broken spaces within us, spaces from which offenses are born. In our regret, guilt and shame are often the only responses that seem appropriate when we have harmed another, but a response that allows us to sit in the shower of God’s grace is one we are called to as Christians, and this response is one that leads to a path of healing that is ultimately necessary to truly accept this grace, forgive ourselves, and request forgiveness from another. Within this framework, one can sit in prayer and bring the offense to God, seeking to understand not only the pain it may have caused another, but also the dynamics of why we committed the offense, within a compassionate space. It is from this place that we can seek God’s forgiveness, as we forgive ourselves. In time we may ask forgiveness from the person we have offended, while also remembering that authentic forgiveness does not progress along a linear timeline that is comfortable for everyone involved, and that our offers at reconciliation may not be accepted. As one of the main components of Christianity, the spiritual practice of forgiveness originates from a deep place within our souls. Growth into this practice can, and should, take time and cultivation, and is not something that can be entered into or offered lightly. When we accept this invitation, however, we are offered a place within God’s own self, as we learn to pass on what has been given to us by God, and as we engage in the heart of what it means to be followers of Jesus. References and Resources Countryman, William L. 2005. “Forgiveness.” In The New Westminster Dictionary of Christian Spirituality, edited by Philip Sheldrake, 308–309. Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press. Linn, Dennis, Sheila Fabricant Linn, and Matthew Linn, SJ. 1997. Don’t Forgive Too Soon: Extending the Two Hands That Heal. New York: Paulist Press.

Malcolm, Lois, and Janet Ramsey. 2006. “Teaching and Learning Forgiveness: A Multidimensional Approach.” Teaching Theology & Religion 9: 175–185. Rogers, Frank. Forthcoming. The Compassion Practice: Calibrating Our Lives to the Heartbeat of Love. Nashville, TN: Upper Room. Wahking, Harold. 1992. “Spiritual Growth Through Grace and Forgiveness.” Journal of Psychology and Christianity 11: 198–206.

—Karri Backer

Foster, Richard J. Richard Foster was born on 3 May 1942 in Albuquerque, New Mexico. He lived in several other states as he grew up, which no doubt contributed to his later ability to speak to the spiritual hungers of a variety of people and cultures, including the Native American race and cultures, with which he shares blood relations and a great interest in their heritage and spirituality. He accepted Christ as a teenager, in what he refers to as his “transforming commitment.” That foundation moved him to respond to God’s call to ministry and to earn his BA in religion and philosophy from George Fox College in 1964 and his doctor of pastoral theology in 1970 from Fuller Theological Seminary. He married Carolynn in 1967, and they are the parents of two sons. During these years, he served variously as a youth minister, associate pastor, and pastor in the Friends Church, and then as a professor at Friends University in Wichita, Kansas. Foster became one of the best-known writers on the Christian spiritual life when his book, Celebration of Discipline, was published in 1978. For the next 10 years, he taught courses related to Christian spirituality at Friends University and also short-term courses at other institutions. He was, and still is, a widely sought after speaker at conferences and retreats. Many of his writings are archived on the Renovare website (www.renovare.org) and also on his personal website (www.richardjfoster.com). In 1988, Richard made the decision to begin a spiritual formation ministry called Renovare. From the beginning, it was a team effort, drawing on the expertise of men and women like Dallas Willard, Emilie Griffin, and James Bryan Smith. Through major conferences and a variety of published resources, Renovare quickly became, and has remained, one of the primary sources for biblical, theological, and practical perspectives on the Christian spiritual life. A visit to the Renovare website reveals the depth and breadth of the ministry and the materials that are available to assist individuals, groups, and congregations in the formation of the “with-God life” (Immanuel Principle), which has become the core

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concept for all that Renovare does. Foster further interprets this as the life that Jesus lived, commended, and commissioned His followers to live through six identifiable expressions: the Prayer-Filled Life (Contemplative Tradition), the Virtuous Life (Holiness Tradition), the Spirit-Empowered Life (Charismatic Tradition), the Compassionate Life (Social Justice Tradition), the Word-Centered Life (Evangelical Tradition), and the Sacramental Life (the Incarnational Tradition). All of this is designed to illustrate the abundant life that Jesus said He came to give (John 10:10). Richard’s most ambitious project to date has been overseeing the development and publication of the Renovare Spiritual Formation Bible. Engaging the expertise and contributions of approximately 50 scholars, this edition of the scriptures bears page-after-page witness to the formative dimensions of the Bible. Alongside it, the Devotional Classics and Spiritual Classics workbooks take the biblical principles and show how they have been expressed by men and women across the centuries of Christianity. When scripture and tradition are combined with the contemporary writings and resources of the Renovare team, it’s easy to see the holistic and classical (orthodox) nature of Richard’s life and ministry, which has now become global and ecumenical. Richard recently retired from being the point person for Renovare, although his influence as the founder will last as long as he lives. His son, Nathan, is becoming increasingly involved, moving the influence of Renovare into a new and younger generation. Other new faces and voices are joining the team and both carrying on and expanding the vision and mission of Renovare. Richard Foster’s influence on Christian education is incalculable, largely due to the impact of his writing and to the related ministry resources that Renovare has produced for use in local churches. The curriculum includes both foundational resources and elective studies that can ignite and mature personal faith, as well as foster the development of an intentional ministry of Christian formation in the congregation. These ministries and resources are clearly educational in terms of both personal and social holiness, rooted in the development of Christlike disciples who live their faith in the kingdom, church, and world. References and Resources Foster, Richard. 1978. Celebration of Discipline. San Francisco: HarperSanFrancisco. (Several revisions have been issued since the original edition was published.) ———. 1992. Prayer: Finding the Heart’s True Home. San Francisco: HarperSanFrancisco. ———. 1998. Streams of Living Water. San Francisco: HarperSanFrancisco.

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———, et al. 2005. The Renovare Spiritual Formation Bible. San Francisco: Harper Bibles. (Renamed The Life with God Bible.) ———, with Kathryn Helmers. 2008. Life with God. San Francisco: HarperOne.

—Steve Harper

Foundation University Foundation University, established in 2006, is a small Christian, nongovernmental university based in Amsterdam, The Netherlands. Its vision is to realize justice in higher education by distributing knowledge equally and affordably to all peoples. It offers Christian education, especially for those who cannot access higher education for economic or political reasons. This vision is being achieved through hybrid education: distance education and classical education in extension centers such as churches and schools. The mission of Foundation University is to provide education for the full development of the human personality and to strengthen respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms. It promotes understanding, tolerance, and friendship among racial or religious/denominational groups. The university offers tuition free education for migrants with low income, refugees, missionaries with limited resources, as well as the citizens of countries where Christianity is restricted or persecuted. The staff and faculty of Foundation University are all volunteers. Membership Foundation University is a member of Global Universities in Distance Education (Italy) and the European Evangelical Accrediting Association (Italy), and through the latter membership it is affiliated with the International Council for Evangelical Theological Education (USA). Foundation University is accredited by the International Council for Higher Education (Switzerland and India). Schools and Programs The university has three schools: School of Divinity, School of Global Studies, and School of Integrated Human Rights. Programs offered include diploma, certificate, and bachelor’s and master’s degrees, through both distance education and classical education. —Samuel Lee

Fowler, James Early Background and Education James Wiley Fowler III is an American sociologist of religion and ethicist born into a Methodist pastor’s family

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in Reidsville, North Carolina, in 1940. Fowler completed degrees at Duke University (1962), Drew Theological Seminary (1965), and Harvard University (1971).29 Following a short stint as associate director of Interpreters House (1968–1969), he taught at Boston College and Harvard University Divinity School. During his time at Harvard, Fowler was introduced to Lawrence Kohlberg and his theory and research on moral development. He pursued postdoctoral studies at the Center for Moral Development at the Harvard Graduate School of Education (1971–1972), taught applied theology, and directed a research project on faith and moral development at Harvard Divinity School (1969–1975). He moved on to Boston College (1975–1976) before beginning his long teaching and research career at Emory University’s Candler School of Theology (1977). Fowler was named the Charles Howard Candler Professor of Theology and Human Development in 1987 and was for many years director of the Center for Research in Faith and Moral Development at Emory University. He served as the founding director of the Center for Ethics from 1994 until his retirement in 2005. A minister in the United Methodist Church, Fowler has described himself as a “classical liberal Protestant.”30 He was significantly influenced by the theology of Paul Tillich and Richard Niebuhr as well as by the developmental psychology of Jean Piaget, Erik Erikson, and Lawrence Kohlberg. He has a brilliant ability to integrate insights from various disciplinary perspectives in his theorizing and can converse easily across various fields of academic study. Fowler’s scholarly work has continued to represent an interdisciplinary approach involving theology, psychology, ethics, and the sociology of religion, as demonstrated by his receiving the Oskar Pfister Award from the American Psychiatric Association and the William James Award from the American Psychological Association, both in 1994. He was awarded an honorary doctor of divinity degree by the University of Edinburgh in 1999. Significant Contributions to Christian Education Since 1980, few people have had a greater impact on Christian education, ministry studies, and pastoral care than James Fowler, owing to the publication of his groundbreaking Stages of Faith: The Psychology of Human Development and the Quest for Meaning (1981). Fowler’s theory of “faith development” has reshaped the manner in which Christian educators, pastors, and 29. James E. Reed and Ronnie Prevost, A History of Christian Education (Nashville, TN: Broadman & Holman, 1993), 359. 30. Perry G. Downs, “The Power of Fowler,” in Nurture That Is Christian: Developmental Perspectives on Christian Education, ed. James C. Wilhoit and John M. Dettoni (Wheaton, IL: Victor Books, 1995), p. 76.

pastoral counselors, as well as many outside the church, think about human religious development and how they practice their respective vocations. Working from theological premises drawn from Paul Tillich, H. Richard Niebuhr, and William Cantrell Smith, Fowler posited an understanding of faith as “a human universal.”31 Even for those who cannot explicitly embrace Fowler’s theological vision, his work has propelled questions about the interrelationship of human growth, psychological development, and social experience with Christian formation to the forefront of discussion and publication. While Fowler is widely credited with bringing a helpful perspective on faith as universal, more than belief, experiential, and varying in conceptions of its maturity, there has certainly also been much critical dialogue about his faith development theory. No fewer than four volumes addressing criticisms and implications of his work have been published. As often occurs, the conversation generated by Fowler’s work has brought the questions at issue into broader and needed attention. Obviously, many evangelicals find his generic understanding of faith reassuring—“Christians need not feel inferior because we are people of faith”32—but find his “universalizing faith” theologically troublesome and have been stimulated to work more intentionally at the integration of their theology with their conception of Christian education. Still others have criticized the Kohlberg-like reliance on abstract reasoning for achieving the highest stages of faith in Fowler’s scheme as overly rationalistic, if not elitist.33 Even Fowler himself, along with others, has raised questions about the cultural transportability of his theory. Overall, however, his creative and integrative work on how faith functions and develops has been generative of much fresh consideration of the process and goal of Christian formation. Most Important Publications Fowler has authored 10 books and more than 60 articles in the field of practical theology and ethics. His seminal work on faith development, Stages of Faith, has been his most important publication. To date, the book is in its 38th printing and has been translated into several languages. Other related works include Life Maps: Conversations on the Journey of Faith (1978), Trajectories in Faith (1980), Becoming Adult, Becoming Christian (2000), and Faith Development and Pastoral Care (1987). 31. James W. Fowler, Stages of Faith: The Psychology of Human Development and the Quest for Meaning (San Francisco: Harper & Row, 1981), xiii. 32. Downs, “Power of Fowler,” 85. 33. See Craig Dykstra, “What Is Faith? An Experiment in the Hypothetical Mode,” in Faith Development and Fowler, ed. Craig Dykstra and Sharon Parks (Birmingham, AL: Religious Education Press, 1986), 62.

Francis, Leslie J.

References and Resources Downs, Perry G. 1995. “The Power of Fowler.” In Nurture That Is Christian: Developmental Perspectives on Christian Education, edited by James C. Wilhoit and John Dettoni, 75–90. Wheaton, IL: Victor Books. Dykstra, Craig. 1986. “What Is Faith? An Experiment in the Hypothetical Mode.” In Faith Development and Fowler, edited by Craig Dykstra and Sharon Parks, 45–64. Birmingham, AL: Religious Education Press. Fowler, James W. 1981. Stages of Faith: The Psychology of Human Development and the Quest for Meaning. San Francisco: Harper & Row. Reed, James E., and Ronnie Prevost. 1993. A History of Christian Education. Nashville, TN: Broadman & Holman Publishers.

—James P. Bowers

France and Christian Education France is the first country established on the ruins of the Roman Empire by the ruler called Clovis, who was baptized in AD 496. The development of Christianity in France dates back to that time. In the 20th century, France earned its name as a secular state. Roman Catholics make up 76.4 percent of the population, other Christian denominations 3.7 percent, Muslims 3 percent, and nondenominational and other religions 16.9 percent (Kielian 2010). In France there is a model of extracurricular religious education and a total ban on teaching religion in schools. The Education Act of 1883 excluded religion from public schools, a consequence of the tradition of religious liberty understood as the lack of religious dimension in the public space of the state. French law (1905) and the constitution (1958) provide only a basic level of religious freedom, treating all religions equally. Religious education is provided only in three departments of France (Lower Rhine, Upper Rhine, and Moselle). Teaching religion is not obligatory in the remaining territory of France and does not constitute an element of the school curriculum. Wednesday is a day off from school in the educational system in order to enable willing pupils to participate in the parish catechesis. However, since 1960 the law has allowed for teaching religion at schools where parents expressly wish their children to learn it. At some public secondary schools there are so-called chaplains (aumóneries), where pupils participate in lessons of religion at school and pastors are paid by the parents and the local diocese. Currently, approximately 20 percent of pupils attend Catholic private schools, where they take confessional religious education. The Catholic education system in France has a centuries-old tradition; theological universities have been

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established in Angres, Lyon, Lille, and Toulouse. In Paris one can find the Jesuit Sevres Centre, the Notre-Dame’s Department of Theology, and the private Higher Institute of Pastoral Catechesis. References and Resources Binz, A. 2001. “Frankreich.” In Lexikon der Religionspädagogik, edited by N. Mette and F. Rickers, I:594–596. Neukirchen, Germany: Vluyn. Kielian A. 2010. Modele nauczania religii rzymskokatolickiej w krajach europejskich. Kraków, Poland: UNUM.

—Marian Zając

Francis, Leslie J. Leslie J. Francis (1947– ) has made a significant international contribution to research, theory, and practice in Christian education, rooted in experience in England and Wales. He read theology at Pembroke College Oxford (1967–1970), trained as a teacher of religious education at Queen’s College Cambridge (1970–1971), and trained for ordination in the Anglican Church at Westcott House Cambridge (1970–1972). He completed his PhD in the psychology of religious development at Cambridge in 1976. His publications have been recognized by higher doctorates from the Universities of Cambridge (ScD, 1997), Oxford (DD, 2001), and Wales (DLitt, 2007). Francis has held chairs in pastoral theology (Lampeter, 1992–1999) and practical theology (Bangor, 1999–2007), and currently holds the chair of religions and education at the University of Warwick (2007– ). He holds visiting positions in York St. John University (England) and Glyndŵr University (Wales), as well as in the United States and South Africa. He serves as vice president of the International Seminar on Religious Education and Values and president of the Rural Theology Association. In the Anglican Church he serves as associate priest in a rural group of churches on Anglesey and as canon treasurer and canon theologian at Bangor Cathedral (Wales). Francis has pioneered a distinctive strand of empirical research in Christian education that combines perspectives shaped by the psychology of religion and by empirical theology. Of particular significance are studies concerned with the distinctiveness and effectiveness of church schools (see Partnership in Rural Education [1986] and Religion in the Primary School [1987]); religion and values during adolescence (see Teenagers and the Church [1984], Teenage Religion and Values [1995], The Values Debate [2001], and Urban Hope and Spiritual Health [2005]); rural life and rural church (see Rural Anglicanism [1985], Church Watch [1996], and Rural Life

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and Rural Church [2012]); church leaving (see Gone but Not Forgotten [1998] and Gone for Good? [2007]); and clergy as Christian educators (see The Naked Parish Priest [2003], British Methodism Today [2006], and The Mind of the Anglican Clergy [2009]). As well as writing or editing more than 60 books, Francis has published approximately 100 chapters in edited collections and 700 articles in peer-reviewed journals, as well as supervising more than 80 research dissertations (MPhil, PhD, and DMin). In the area of theory in Christian education, Francis has pioneered the integration of the insights of empirical psychology within the framework of systematic theology, developing a theology of individual differences (grounded in a strong doctrine of creation). In particular, he has drawn on the operationalization of psychological type theory (within the psychology of individual differences) to develop and test the SIFT approach to biblical hermeneutics and liturgical preaching. These ideas were developed in Faith and Psychology (2005) and Preaching with All Our Soul (2008) and exemplified in three volumes commenting on the Sunday Gospel readings proposed by the Revised Common Lectionary in 2000, 2001, and 2002. The SIFT approach (Sensing, Intuition, Feeling, and Thinking) recognizes that the conversation between the Word of God and the People of God is shaped by the psychological preferences of readers and is best enriched when the four distinctive readings of the sensing preference, the intuitive preference, the feeling preference, and the thinking preference are all heard and respected. Regarding practice in Christian education, Francis has pioneered three main initiatives: Project Approach to Christian Nurture, Teddy Horsley as Catechist and Christian Educator, and Education for Discipleship in the Learning Church. Project Approach to Christian Nurture was developed initially by His Spirit Is with Us (1981) as a catechetic program accompanying the illustrated children’s communion books published variously as The Lord Is Here or At the Lord’s Table for the Anglican Church in England, Ireland, Australia, and the United States. The theory behind this program identified 31 concrete images underpinning the components of the Eucharistic rite and linked each of these concrete images to a picture in the children’s communion book and to a program of project activities designed to enrich the child’s appreciation of these images. Subsequently Francis extended these principles to the 171 Sunday Gospel readings proposed by the Revised Common Lectionary, published in the series Learning with the Sunday Gospels (2000). Teddy Horsley was developed (with Nicola Slee) as a vehicle for catechesis and Christian education among

five- to seven-year-olds through a series of small books for young children. The first two books were published in 1983: in The Windy Day, Teddy Horsley experiences the wind and learns about God the Holy Spirit and the feast of Pentecost; in The Picnic, Teddy Horsley experiences the family picnic and learns about the Communion service in his local church. During Advent in 1985, Teddy Horsley took part in a major festival for schools in Southwark Cathedral to launch his two books on Christmas (Lights) and Epiphany (The Present). The Teddy Horsley approach to Christian education was developed in Ready, Teddy, God (1999). Education for Discipleship and Training for Ministry plays a key part in Francis’s understanding of the strategy required by the Christian Church within societies and cultures that are becoming increasingly secular. His perspective is rooted in a reading of Mark’s Gospel and in the responsibility of the church to nurture those who have responded to Christ’s call. The BA in theology for discipleship and ministry, offered initially by University of Wales, Bangor, and now by Glyndŵr University, provides a program that takes seriously principles in adult pedagogy, integrates Christian experience with Christian learning, and utilizes a mode of delivery at a distance through local church-based learning groups. Francis has designed and coedited two series of books to serve as resources for Education for Discipleship: the Exploring Faith series (initiated in 1999) and the Learning Church series (initiated in 2013). —William K. Kay

Francke, August Hermann August Hermann Francke (1663–1727) was a German Pietist pastor and educational innovator. Pietism in Germany was a response to what its followers considered the dead orthodoxy of the Lutheran Church, which emphasized intellectual correctness and right doctrine over experience and matters of the heart. Francke was educated at various German universities in the typical subjects for ministry, theology, church history, philosophy, and rhetoric, though he soon specialized in biblical languages. His lengthy spiritual struggle for repentance (Busskampf) reached a climax in 1687, when he preached his first sermon. His study of John 20:31 clarified the nature of a true and vital faith as he experienced his long-desired spiritual rebirth. Following his conversion, Francke met Philipp Jakob Spener (1635–1705), who became his mentor. Francke was deeply indebted to Johann Arndt’s (1555– 1621) True Christianity for shaping his piety; the French Quietist Miguel Molinos’s (1628–1697) Spiritual Guide; and John Amos Comenius (1592–1670), the great Czech

Free Exercise Clause

pastor and educational reformer, for his explorations in education. Due to Francke’s passion for heart experience and his increasing criticism of the Orthodox Lutheran clergy, his early years were filled with controversy and short-term pastorates. His ministry took a radical shift when he was appointed professor of biblical languages and theology at the newly formed Halle University as well as pastor of Glaucha, a suburb of Halle. He became vice chancellor at the university in 1716. Glaucha not only had an immoral reputation, it was equally demoralized by poverty, which contributed to children’s lack of education. Francke’s concern for the poor and various needs of the town inspired his organizational genius as he developed multiple institutions (Stiftungen) covering the spectrum from education for poor children, to an orphanage, to a medical dispensary, to a publishing house for printing Bibles, to various mission efforts. Since Francke believed education was the best means to alleviate poverty, his first-level school included both girls and the poor, who were typically ignored by other educators, including the progressive John Locke (1632 –1704). However, unlike Count Ludwig von Zinzendorf (1700–1760), Francke did not appreciate the importance of play in the development of children. His expanding system of education created opportunities for children to learn trades and domestic skills; a more advanced Latin school that prepared middle-class boys for university education; and finally the Pädagogium Regium, which educated the sons of nobility and the upper-class for careers in the government and military. Francke employed the students from his advanced schools as the teachers for those in his elementary school in exchange for meals. One of his most important writings on education, A Short and Simple Guide on How Children Can Be Led to Genuine Piety and Christian Wisdom (1702), is available only in German except for brief excerpts in English. The title is descriptive of Francke’s philosophy of education, which centered on sound piety for the glory of God. The Bible, Luther’s Catechism, and the disciplined use of prayer were central to his philosophy of education, and the Holy Spirit was essential for creating the proper attitude and space for learning. His curriculum also contained the standard courses of reading, writing, arithmetic, music, and the sciences. Francke understood that education required the joint cooperation of the home, church, and school and continually stressed the value of providing healthy examples for children. Some have criticized Francke for stressing the importance of “breaking the will” and conversion. However, this is consistent with the then-prevalent view of the person and his desire to turn the hearts and minds of all learners to God, and it recognizes that the self that has been affected by sin is not sensitive to God’s glory

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or the good of one’s neighbor. Francke’s writings also reveal age-appropriate strategies for the development of children. His impressive innovations, which included both girls and the poor, influenced education in North German schools and beyond well into the 18th century. He created the first pediatric hospital in Germany and demonstrated the value of educating the minds and characters of all students. Francke rejected corporeal punishment, common during his time, except for the most defiant students. His innovations were well ahead of his time, and he remains a significant figure in the history of education in the West. References and Resources Adamson, John W. 1921. Pioneers of Modern Education. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 237–257. Bunge, Marcia J. 2001. “Education and the Child in EighteenthCentury German Pietism: Perspectives from the Work of A. H. Francke.” In The Child in Christian Thought, edited by Marcia J. Bunge, 247–278. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. Gawthrop, Richard L. 1993. Pietism and the Making of Eighteenth-Century Prussia. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 121–222. Sattler, Gary R. 1982. God’s Glory Neighbor’s Good. Chicago: Covenant Press.

—Tom Schwanda

Free Exercise Clause The First Amendment to the U.S. Constitution contains two clauses relating to religion. The first is referred to as the establishment clause and states, “Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion. . .”; the free exercise clause continues, “or prohibiting the free exercise thereof.” The primary purpose of the latter clause is to allow American citizens to espouse any religious beliefs and engage in religious rituals. However, there are limits to the exercise of religion. To illustrate, a court would not hold that the First Amendment would allow for human sacrifice if this were part of a religious ritual. At times, Supreme Court opinions have indicated that the establishment clause and free exercise clause are in conflict. Moreover, the Supreme Court has interpreted the free exercise clause to protect the rights of citizens to adhere to any religious beliefs but not necessarily the ability to act on those beliefs. Generally, the free exercise clause must be interpreted in a given context when a law might interfere with a religious belief or practice. In 1878, the Supreme Court first distinguished between religious belief and religious actions in Reynolds v. U.S.34 The 34. Reynolds v. U.S., 98 U.S. 145 (1878).

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government could not punish citizens because of their religious beliefs, but it could regulate religiously motivated conduct if the courts deemed the government had a rational basis for doing so. Originally the free exercise clause only applied to the U.S. Congress; however, in Cantwell v. Connecticut (1940),35 it became enforceable at the state and local levels, based on the due process clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. This had significant ramifications for schools and people of faith. In Minersville School District v. Gobitis (1940),36 the Supreme Court held that students who were members of the Jehovah’s Witnesses in a school could be required to salute the flag, but the Court soon reversed that decision, in 1943 in West Virginia State School Board of Education v. Barnette.37 In Sherbert v. Verner (1963),38 the Supreme Court established a “compelling interest” standard that government must meet when a law impinges on citizens’ religious beliefs and practices. In Sherbert, the Supreme Court held that the state could not demonstrate a compelling interest in requiring a Seventh-day Adventist to work on Saturdays as necessary to avoid spurious claims or that the law was the “least restrictive” means to enact legislation with regard to religious practices. In the subsequent landmark case Wisconsin v. Yoder (1972),39 the Supreme Court upheld the right of Amish parents to keep their children from attending school through age 16 based on the free exercise clause. The Court held that the purpose of compulsory school attendance was to develop a productive and responsible citizenry, and the Amish had a tradition of preparing children to be productive members of their community. The Court stated, “Only those interests of the highest order and those not otherwise served can overbalance legitimate claims to the free exercise of religion.” The Court began to interpret the compelling interest standard in an increasingly narrow way, however, culminating in Employment Division v. Smith (1990).40 The Court ruled that it would no longer give heightened scrutiny to the government’s refusal to grant exemptions to laws that unintentionally burden religious groups. This led Congress to pass the 1993 Religious Freedom Restoration Act (RFRA) to attempt to reinstitute the compelling-interest standard and ensure its application. However, in 1997 the Court struck down RFRA in City of Boerne v. Flores (1997).41 Eleven states have passed 35. Cantwell v. Connecticut, 310 U.S. 296 (1940). 36. Minersville School District v. Gobitis, 310 U.S. 586 (1940). 37. West Virginia State Board of Education v. Barnette, 319 U.S. 624 (1943). 38. Sherbert v. Verner, 374 U.S. 398 (1963). 39. Wisconsin v. Yoder, 406 U.S. 205 (1972). 40. Employment Division v. Smith, 494 U.S. 872 (1990). 41. City of Boerne v. Flores, 95 U.S. 2074 (1997).

versions of RFRA to clarify the free exercise clause.42 The tension between the establishment clause and the free exercise clause remains a significant issue for the Supreme Court’s interpretations, religious institutions, people of faith, and the United States. References and Resources Mullaly, C. 2011. “Free-Exercise Clause Overview.” The First Amendment Center. 16 September. http://www.first amendmentcenter.org/free-exercise-clause. Cantwell v. Connecticut, 310 U.S. 296 (1940). City of Boerne v. Flores, 95 U.S. 2074 (1997). Employment Division v. Smith, 494 U.S. 872 (1990). Minersville School District v. Gobitis, 310 U.S. 586 (1940). Reynolds v. U.S., 98 U.S. 145 (1878). Sherbert v. Verner, 374 U.S. 398 (1963). West Virginia State Board of Education v. Barnette, 319 U.S. 624 (1943). Wisconsin v. Yoder, 406 U.S. 205 (1972).

—Jon Eckert

Freedom According to most value systems, freedom is a great good. Biblically and theologically, Christian freedom is understood as a present possession that anticipates a future, fuller realization. Like all freedoms, it is both freedom from (the law; sin and other species of spiritual bondage; evil and death; and the fear of God’s condemnation) and freedom for (a life of obedient following of Christ, bound to righteousness in response to the gift of God’s grace). This freedom is not to be understood as untrammeled license to behave in any way we wish, but specifically as the freedom to “choose life” (Deut. 30:19) and the “glorious liberty of the children of God” (Rom. 8:21). More generally and publicly, a strong case is made for the right of all human beings to the liberty to pursue their own self-realization through social and political freedoms, including freedom from discrimination, freedom of speech and worship, and freedom to receive an education. Realistically, however, these are not unlimited freedoms. Human and Christian freedom are brought together in many accounts of Christian education. Thomas Groome writes that we need to adopt these twin “immediate purposes” within “the ultimate purpose of the Kingdom of God” and maintains that his description of freedom is sufficiently comprehensive “to include all the values of 42. C. Mullaly, “Free-Exercise Clause Overview,” The First Amendment Center, 16 September 2011, http://www.firstamendmentcenter.org/free -exercise-clause.

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the Kingdom (justice, peace, reconciliation, joy, hope, and so on).” Groome insists that we must concern ourselves with all three dimensions of freedom in Jesus Christ, not only the (“first and ultimate”) spiritual and (“interior” and “psychological”) personal aspects, but also “freedom within our social and political contexts.”43

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the evidence and arguments we uncover. “The freedom that the learner can exercise is not a freedom to adopt one belief and reject another, but a freedom to engage in actions that have much more indirect, and sometimes unpredictable, consequences on her beliefs.”45 References and Resources

Freedom in Education Both liberal and liberation education (and theology) utilize the language of freedom (from Latin liber, “free”). Liberal education reflects the classical understanding of the proper content and method for the education of the learner as a “free man” and particularly seeks the education of the learner’s mind for its own sake. This type of education increasingly came to involve learning the skills of autonomous, cognitive evaluation (criticism) of received views. Liberation education is founded more on moral criticism. It focuses on the other in the person of the poor and whoever suffers sociopolitical subjection and seeks to educate their consciousness of their condition, as well as providing the skills and knowledge to escape it. Both approaches tend to oppose more traditional, transmissive, and authoritarian understandings of education. Many types of Protestantism have historically embraced some sort of religious liberty. The Second Vatican Council also celebrated the gospel’s “sacred reverence for the dignity of conscience and its freedom of choice” and required that Catholics engaged in spreading religious faith refrain from actions that carry even “a hint of coercion” or dishonorable forms of persuasion. However, the educational rhetoric about freedom of choice within religion, and more widely, is often overblown. Human freedom is never unlimited. Elmer Thiessen has argued for a properly qualified notion of autonomy, dismissing the idea of an absolute independence of mind and unrestricted critical competence within the learner as romanticized and unrealistic. He also supports “a more moderate assessment of the place of the will in religious commitment.” 44 An outward freedom to express religious belief is one thing, and must be encouraged; an inner freedom of belief is something very different. The latter is more limited than many assume, because our beliefs are not our direct creations. In the end, our beliefs are (or should be) forced on us by our perception of the strength of 43. Thomas H. Groome, Christian Religious Education: Sharing Our Story and Vision (San Francisco: Harper & Row, 1980), 82, 96. 44. Elmer John Thiessen, Teaching for Commitment: Liberal Education, Indoctrination and Christian Nurture (Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press; Leominster, UK: Fowler Wright, 1993), ch. 5; and The Ethics of Evangelism: A Philosophical Defence of Ethical Proselytizing and Persuasion (Milton Keynes, UK: Paternoster, 2011), 96.

Groome, Thomas H. 1980. Christian Religious Education: Sharing Our Story and Vision. San Francisco: Harper & Row, ch. 5. Kinghorn, Kevin. 2005. The Decision of Faith: Can Christian Beliefs be Freely Chosen? London and New York: T. & T. Clark International. Parker, Stephen, Rob Freathy, and Leslie J. Francis, eds. 2012. Religious Education and Freedom of Religion and Belief. Bern: Peter Lang.

—Jeff Astley

Freire, Paulo Early Background and Education Born in Recife, Brazil, into a middle-class family, Paulo Freire (1921–1997) would later influence education worldwide through his educational philosophy and social and political advocacy. His father’s death when Freire was 11 compounded the family’s economic woes. The resultant poverty prompted a quest for survival and precluded educational opportunity. These experiences shaped Freire’s sensitivities to the poor and commitment to education through alleviating the social and economic divide between classes. Freire did manage to earn a law degree from the University of Recife, but chose to teach in secondary schools instead of practicing law. Understanding that poverty, reinforced by the educational system, perpetrated a “culture of silence,” Freire observed that the dispossessed were victims of social, economic, and political domination. This notion led to Freire’s efforts in adult literacy and training disempowered workers. Serving as the first director of the Department of Cultural Extension at the University of Recife from 1961 to 1964, Freire was briefly imprisoned after a military coup. His subsequent 15-year exile took him to Chile, Nicaragua, and Africa, in addition to Harvard University in the United States as a visiting scholar and to Geneva, Switzerland, as an educational advisor to the World Council of Churches.46 In 1979, Freire returned to Brazil, where he continued his adult literacy initiatives. In 1988, he was appointed as secretary of education in São Paulo. 45. Jeff Astley, The Philosophy of Christian Religious Education (Birmingham, AL: Religious Education Press, 1994), 200. 46. For an overview of Freire’s life, see Maocir Gadotti, Reading Paulo Freire: His Life and Work, trans. John Milton (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1994), 1–48.

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Significant Contributions to Christian Education The Portuguese term conscientização, meaning critical consciousness, captures Freire’s philosophy, whereby victims in educational, social, economic, and political realms contend against injustice through self-affirmation rather than destructiveness.47 Freire argued that the oppressed, who internalize the image of the oppressor, must identify the causes of oppression in order to overcome resignation and the internalization of oppressors’ opinions, which lead to the pedagogy of the oppressed.48 Freire challenged the “banking” approach to education, with the teacher as the “subject” of lifeless narrative and students as patient containers waiting to be filled.49 According to Freire, this mechanistic transfer of information minimizes student engagement, creativity, and dialogue and inhibits true freedom. He therefore called for a relevant, active, and problem-based approach to education, dealing with real-world applications.50 This humanistic approach targets critical thinking and fosters real transformation, moving the main focus from teacher to students. What makes Freire’s approach of critical pedagogy so compelling is his appeal to a philosophy of love. Although not overtly Judeo-Christian, he claimed that only through love is true dialogue possible as the source of all true liberation and humanization: “Dialogue cannot exist, however, in the absence of a profound love for the world and for people.”51 By its very nature, dialogue invites humility. One of Freire’s closest collaborators observed, “[T]he balance between Christian and Marxist themes has been broken,” with more emphasis on social themes.52 Freire’s educational contributions relate to viewing the learning process as interactive, dialogical, and student-centered. Experiential and problem-based learning advanced by Freire are currently upheld as preferred educational methodologies. Further, Freire’s work continues through institutes named after him and aimed at social justice in educational, social, and political spheres in Brazil, Finland, Malta, South Africa, Spain, and the United States. 47. Paulo Freire, Pedagogy of the Oppressed, trans. Myra Bergman Ramos, 30th ann. ed. (New York: Continuum, 2000), 35. 48. Paulo Freire criticized Brazilian society, which inhibited critical consciousness as the foundation of freedom. Freire supported transformative education, which informs viable democracies, in Education for Critical Consciousness, trans. Center for the Study of Development and Social Change/Cambridge, MA (New York: Continuum, 1973), 36. 49. Freire, Pedagogy of the Oppressed, 71–86. 50. Paulo Freire, Pedagogy of Freedom: Ethics, Democracy, and Civic Courage, trans. Patrick Clarke (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 1998), 49–84. 51. Freire, Pedagogy of the Oppressed, 89. 52. Gadotti, Reading Paulo Freire, 96–97.

Most Notable Publications Freire wrote more than 20 books and numerous articles, with the best known being Pedagogy of the Oppressed, followed by the sequel, Pedagogy of Hope, which chronicles the struggles of Latin Americans and others in the Third World, advancing a liberationist pedagogy. His other works include Pedagogy of the City, examining daily struggles of those in urban schools in São Paulo; Pedagogy of the Heart, offering personal recollections of Freire’s younger years, and Letters to Cristina, comprising 20 reflective letters to his niece. —Diane J. Chandler

Freud, Sigmund Family of Origin Sigmund Freud (1856–1939) is known as the founder of psychoanalysis. He was born in Freiberg, Moravia. In 1859, his family moved to Leipzig. A year later, they moved to Vienna, where Freud lived for almost 80 years (with the exception of the period when the Nazis took over the country). It was in Vienna that Freud founded what became known as the first Viennese school of psychoanalysis, where the psychoanalysis movement and its subsequent developments originated. Early Schooling, Influences, and Family Life Freud was the eldest of eight children born to Jewish parents Jakob and Amalie Freud. Freud’s parents recognized his intelligence when he was young. In fact, his siblings were denied the opportunity to play musical instruments in the house, as the music had the potential to disturb Freud’s studies. He was also declared a family favorite, as his sister, Anna, testified that Freud was always provided his own room no matter the circumstances of his family (Gay 1988). At the age of 17, Freud entered medical school at the University of Vienna. His four-year medical program took him eight years to complete due to his numerous interests outside of the field. Freud chose medical school because it was one of the few professions that was acceptable and available for Jews at that time in Vienna. He saw it as a vehicle to reach his ultimate goal to be a scientific researcher and professor of neurology. First and foremost, Freud viewed himself as a scientist who aimed to expand knowledge. Under the mentorship of the German scientist Ernst Brücke, Freud studied biology and conducted research in the field of physiology for six years. During his final years at the university, he specialized in neurology. He received his medical degree in 1881. Recognizing that for a Jew climbing the ranks in

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academia would be slow, and needing to make money to live, he took a job as a doctor at Vienna General Hospital. In April 1886, he entered private practice as a clinical neurologist. It was in this practice that Freud treated numerous disorders, which provided the clinical basis for his theories and techniques. Also during 1886, Freud married Martha Bernays (1858–1955), to whom he had been engaged for a few years (1882–1886). They had six children and remained married until Freud’s death. His youngest child, Anna (1895–1992), followed in his footsteps and became a well-known psychoanalyst, extending her father’s work. In school and practice, Freud interacted with numerous individuals who were influential in the development of psychoanalysis and theory. In 1885, Freud studied under the French neurologist Jean-Martin Charcot (1825–1893), who at the time was experimenting with hypnotism and demonstrated that various forms of paralysis and hysteria could be manifested and diminished with the procedure. In studying with Charcot, Freud became aware that physical symptoms could have both organic and psychological origins, and that hysteria was treatable. He also became interested in hypnotism and began using it in his practice. In an effort to improve his skills, in 1889 Freud went to France to study under Hippolyte Bernheim (1840–1919). There he developed the notion that individuals have memories of which they are completely unaware and, given the right conditions, those unconscious ideas can be brought into conscious awareness. Although Freud eventually abandoned hypnotism in favor of free association to undo the repression of the unconscious mind, many of the assumptions underlying psychoanalysis were derived from his work with Charcot and Bernheim. Joseph Breuer (1842–1925), whom Freud studied with during medical school, was also influential in Freud’s development. Vital aspects of psychoanalytical techniques, such as catharsis, transference, and countertransference, came from Freud’s work with Breuer. Through their work, Freud formulated the notion that neuroses originated in traumatic experiences, which are often unconscious. In the “Studies in Hysteria,” Freud and Breuer outlined a treatment to help clients recall unconscious material, thus removing the psychological causes of neuroses. Freud also initially collaborated with Breuer on the theory that the mind is a complex, energy-based system. After Breuer and Freud parted ways, Freud refined the ideas of the unconscious and repression that the two of them had developed together and proposed a tripartite model of the mind (e.g., Freud’s The Ego and the Id). The later became central to Freud’s conceptual and therapeutic framework for his

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developmental theory and treatment (psychoanalysis) of abnormal behavior. Psychoanalysis and Later Work Freud’s publications provide insight into his theories and clinical work. He considered his “most significant work” (Gay 1988, 23) to be Die Traumdeutung (The Interpretation of Dreams) published in 1899. In this work, Freud proposed that dreams were the “most dependable and most abundant source for buried information” (Gay 1988, 23) and found a connection between dreams and the life events of the dreamer. This established a positive relationship between a person’s sleep state and waking state and discounted the notion that dreams were nonsensical (Freud 1920, 6). With this established, Freud took to analyzing patient dreams with the goal of uncovering for the patient the unresolved conflict the dream was illuminating in the unconscious. To Freud, dreams were the “royal road to the knowledge of the unconscious in mental life” (Gay 1988, 139), and dream analysis is known as one of the primary therapeutic techniques in psychoanalysis. Three Essays on the Theory of Sexuality, published in 1905, was second only to The Interpretation of Dreams in importance, according to Freud. In the first essay, “The Sexual Aberrations,” Freud writes in a clinical tone about the aberrations of sexuality and suggests that they can be integrated “into the spectrum of acceptable human conduct” (Gay 1988, 187). In this publication, he also proposed his psychosexual stages of development, highlighting the importance of early development in neurosis. In 1901, Freud wrote Psychopathology of Everyday Life, which is considered the key text laying the foundation of his theory of psychoanalysis. In this text, Freud states that deviations from normal, everyday behavior, or seemingly random errors, indicate the underlying issues of the psyche. These various deviations (e.g., forgetting words, random movements or acts) are unconscious thoughts and impulses being manifested in the waking state. He believed that every act of forgetfulness was really an act of resistance (Gay 1988, 184). With the help of psychoanalysis and with techniques such as dream analysis, free association, and analysis of transference, these deviations can be used to assist in accurate diagnosis and therapy, since the boundary between the normal and abnormal is tentative. Freud suggested that humans are all a bit neurotic. Freud’s work was not well received when first released; his rise to importance did not begin until the first International Psychoanalytic Congress, in 1908 in Salzburg, Austria. At this meeting, Freud gave an address on his patient, referred to as the Rat Man. Those in attendance were enthralled by this case. This

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included Ernest Jones, who soon campaigned on behalf of Freud’s theories throughout the United States and in Canada, thus extending Freud’s reach (Jones 1953). In addition, out of this meeting was born the periodical Jahrbuch für Psychoanalytische und Psychopathologische Forschungen (Yearbook for Psychoanalysis and Psychopathological Research), which began publication in 1909 with Freud and Paul Bleuler as publishers and Carl Jung as the editor. In 1909, Freud was invited to Clark University in Worcester, Massachusetts, to receive an honorary doctor of laws degree. Here he gave five lectures, in which he discussed his many ideas and techniques, which were published in 1916 in a book aptly titled Five Lectures on Psycho-Analysis. From the time he published his first work in 1900, Freud was constantly involved in reworking and rewriting his theoretical framework, and all of his published writings were edited numerous times. His theory was a work in progress as he obtained input from other prominent psychologists and researchers. Significant Contributions Few individuals have influenced the field of education and other social sciences as Freud has done. His work and theories have shaped the 21st-century understanding of development and therapeutic treatment of psychological disorders. Significant contributions that have been attributed to him include (1) identifying instinct as a driving force in personality development; (2) recognizing that there is a conscious and unconscious mind and that the unconscious is important in understanding human behavior; and (3) explaining development in terms of psychosexual stages, thus recognizing that development is stage based and based on the interaction of biology and the environment. Freud also introduced the idea that early life experiences influence development. Although many of Freud’s theories and ideas are not found in scripture, and some are in direct opposition to scripture, they are not all outside the realm of Christian thought. In Freud’s theory of motivation, humans are motivated by drives. The id is the repository for the most basic of human urges. These drives, which come from the id, are eros/libido and death/aggression. Present at birth, these drives are primal and unconscious. Within Christian thought, the eros could be seen in the garden, where Adam desires companionship in Genesis 2. Humans are positively motivated for sexual union for the purpose of procreation. Contrasting the sexual drive, we see in chapter 4 the drive of aggression of Cain toward Abel. Scriptures assert that sinful humanity is destined for death and destruction (Jones and Butman, 2011). Freud made clear that within humans there are two opposing core motivations. Although the characters,

as Freud would describe them, are different from the personified God and rebellion Christians would identify, there are two warring factions within scripture, making the psychoanalytic view of motivation not completely incompatible with Christianity. Although Freud’s work has been criticized by Christian and non-Christian academics alike, many reservations being legitimate, his psychoanalysis and theories gave birth to and influenced the ideas, theories, and techniques that many Christians in the mental health and education professions today use and deem effective (e.g., Browning 1987; Crabb 1988; Hurding 1985; Narramore 1988). Selected Publications by Sigmund Freud 1895. Studies in Hysteria. 1900. The Interpretation of Dreams. 1901. The Psychopathology of Everyday Life. 1905. Three Essays on the Theory of Sexuality. 1905. Fragment of an Analysis of a Case of Hysteria. 1923. The Ego and the Id. 1927. The Future of an Illusion. 1930. Civilization and Its Discontents. 1936. The Ego and the Mechanisms of Defense. 1939. Moses and Monotheism.

References and Resources Balmary, Rebecca. 1979. Psychoanalyzing Psychoanalysis: Freud and the Hidden Fault of the Father. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. Breger, Louis. 2000. Freud: Darkness in the Midst of Vision—An Analytical Biography. Indianapolis: John Wiley and Sons. Browning, D. S. 1987. Religious Thought and the Modern Psychologies. Minneapolis, MN: Fortress Press. Crabb, L. 1988. Inside Out. Colorado Springs, CO: NavPress. Ferris, Paul. 1999. Dr. Freud: A Life. Berkeley, CA: Counterpoint Publishing} Freud, Sigmund. A General Introduction to Psychoanalysis. New York: Boni and Liveright. Gay, Peter. 1988. Freud: A Life for Our Time. New York: W.W. Norton. Hurding, R. 1985. Roots and Shoots: A Guide to Counseling and Psychotherapy. London: Hodder and Stoughton. Jones, Ernest. 1953. The Life and Work of Sigmund Freud. Ann Arbor, MI: Basic Books. Jones, Stanton L., and Richard E. Butman. 2011. Modern Psychotherapies: A Comprehensive Christian Appraisal. Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press. Narramore, B. 1988. A Guide to Child Rearing. Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan. Roazen, Paul 1992. Freud and His Followers. Boston: Da Capo Press.

—Amanda Szapkiw and Lorene Heuvelman-Hutchinson

Friends/Quaker Church Christian Education

Friends/Quaker Church Christian Education George Fox and the Beginnings The Society of Friends, commonly known as Quakers, sprang from the teachings of the Englishmen George Fox (1624–1691), who started his preaching career in England in 1647. A crowd of followers soon formed around Fox, calling themselves first “Children of the Light” and “Friends of Truth.” Fox’s ambition was to restore what he understood to be the pure and genuine principles of Christianity, thus attacking the established Church of England, in particular the imposition of paying tithes and the misuse of the church’s money. Due to his vocal criticism of the church, Fox was arrested and imprisoned several times over the course of his life. Despite his multiple attempts at demonstrating to the government the peaceful intentions of the Society (to Oliver Cromwell first and, after the Restoration, to Charles II), the persecution of the Friends was widespread in Great Britain by the mid-17th century. The persecution did not stop the growth of the movement; by the end of the 1660s, the Society of Friends had its first organizational structure, which later became Britain Yearly Meeting. In 1669, Fox married Margaret Fell, and between 1671 and 1673 he traveled to the British colonies in America and helped establish the Society there. Later, with the conversion of William Penn (1644–1718)53 and the foundation of Pennsylvania, the presence of the Society in the colonies grew significantly. Fundamental Quaker Principles and the Importance of Peace Education The Society of Friends is a prominent member of the historic peace churches along with the Mennonites and the Brethren.54 Although the designation “historic peace churches” is relatively recent, the peace tradition of each of these denominations dates back to the 16th, 17th, and 18th centuries. Written as a collective statement, the Quaker Peace Testimony found its canonical version in 1660 in a letter addressed to Charles II: We utterly deny all outward wars and strife and fightings with outward weapons, for any end or under any pretence whatsoever. And this is our testimony to the whole world. The spirit of Christ, by which we are guided, is not changeable, so as once to command us from a thing as evil and again to move unto it; and we 53. William Penn espoused the Quaker faith at age 22 and was imprisoned for his faith. As part of his negotiation with Charles II, he received the territory of what is now known as Pennsylvania in 1681 and encouraged the mass exile of Quakers. 54. The term “historic peace churches” was coined in 1935 during the conference of historic peace churches held at North Newton, Kansas.

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do certainly know, and so testify to the world, that the spirit of Christ, which leads us into all Truth, will never move us to fight and war against any man with outward weapons, neither for the kingdom of Christ, nor for the kingdoms of this world.

The Peace Testimony is regarded as one of the cornerstones of Quaker principles. This principle is not limited to refusing to bear arms and participate in warlike activities, but encompasses a very broad vision of pacifism: nonviolent practices, peacemaking activities, social justice, positive peace efforts, peace education, relief work, and so forth. The Quaker Peace Testimony is one of four fundamental testimonies; each represents a key element of Quaker beliefs: peace, simplicity, integrity, and equality. The formulation of the four basic testimonies, as well as the overall number of testimonies, is not definitive or dogmatic. The exact content of the testimonies evolves according to social changes; for example, today they include testimony about stewardship and the human responsibility vis-à-vis the earth and the environment. To translate these testimonies into actions, the Quakers have developed a series of programs and organizations that correspond to the core of each testimony and help them promote social and political changes in accordance with their beliefs. As soon as the United Nations was founded in 1945, the Quakers opened their Quaker UN Offices (currently there are two of them, located near each UN headquarters, one in Geneva and one in New York City). They also founded the first religious and ecumenical lobby in Washington, DC, in 1943, the Friends Committee on National Legislation. Founded in 1917, during World War I, the American Friends Service Committee received the Nobel Peace Prize in 1947 for its relief work during both wars. More recently, the Quaker Earthcare Witness was founded in 1987 out of a growing concern among Friends regarding the environment. Based on the principles of peace education, the Quakers developed several projects to fight against violence and offer training in nonviolent resistance and practices in various settings. Pursuing the work of notable 18thand 19th-century Quakers who contributed to the important penal reforms of that period (e.g., Elisabeth Fry, 1780–1845), Quakers are very active in prison systems through the Quaker Prison Chaplains and the Quaker Prison Ministry in the United States and Great-Britain. In addition, the workshops organized by the Alternatives to Violence Program have been instrumental in many contexts in reducing violence at the grassroots level. Quaker initiatives cover all forms of education, formal and informal; peace education represents the central purpose of their educational work, and they have put into place structures that touch all layers of society: politicians,

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diplomats, gang leaders, grassroots communities, families, refugees, children in conflict zones, prisoners and criminals, and so forth. Their network of schools is an essential element of the Quaker vision of peace education. In 1931, the Friends Council on Education was founded in the United States; in his opening address, “The Place of the Quaker School in Contemporary Education,” John Lester, one of the founding volunteers, declared: Now amid discussions of the educational sociologists about what kind of civilization it is desirable to aim at, how the atmosphere is clarified, how the problems defined, when the church can say to the schools it has founded, here are some of our traditional doctrines and attitudes, testified to over hundreds of years, which need emphasizing and interpreting now as they have never needed it in the whole history of the race: For standing out clearly for solution in the lifetime of our boys and girls now in school are three problems. First, the abolition of war. Second, the problem of social justice. Third, the problem of social international and interracial understanding. The persons to influence are our youth: the place for emphasis is the school.

Prominent in certain parts of the United States and in Great Britain, the birthplace of the Society of Friends, Quaker colleges and schools are now spread across the entire world: in Central and South America (e.g., Costa Rica, El Salvador, Honduras, Belize, and Bolivia), in the Middle East (Lebanon and Palestine), and on the African continent (Kenya and Zimbabwe). References and Resources Bacon, Margaret H. 1969. The Quiet Rebels: The Story of the Quakers in America. New York and London: Basic Books. Bill, J. Brent 2005. Holy Silence: The Gift of Quaker Spirituality. Brewster, MA: Paraclete Press. Chance, J., and M. Franck. 2009. Philadelphia Friends Schools. Chicago: Arcadia Publishing. Coll. 2005. Quaker Spirituality: Selected Writings. New York: HarperCollins. Fox, George. 2006. The Journal. Richmond, IN: Friends United Press. Jorns, Auguste. 1969. The Quakers as Pioneers in Social Work (1931). Port Washington, NY: Kennikat Press. Peck, George T. 2000. What Is Quakerism? Pendle Hill, PA: Pendle Hill Publications. Pink Dandelion, Daniel. 2007. An Introduction to Quakerism. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. ———. 2008. The Quakers: A Very Short Introduction. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Skidmore, Gil, ed. 2003. Strength in Weakness: Writings by Eighteenth-Century Quaker Women. New York, Toronto, and London: AltaMira Press.

Internet Resources Friends Council on Education. Includes documents and bibliography. http://www.friendscouncil.org/.

—Muriel Schmid

Fruit of the Spirit The “fruit of the Spirit” is a Pauline phrase used in Galatians 5:22 to describe the character the Spirit of God forms in those who yield to his influence. Paul’s use of the word fruit stresses the sovereignty of God in sanctification. In striking contrast to the “works of the flesh” (referred to in the preceding passage) or the “works of the Law” (2:16; 3:2, 5), Paul characterizes the character of a mature Christian believer as fruit, capable of being cultivated by human beings as they submit to the Spirit’s leading but rooted ultimately in the work of God alone. While nine attributes are mentioned (love, joy, peace, patience, kindness, goodness, faithfulness, gentleness, self-control), karpos (fruit) in the Greek text is singular, an indication that these attributes are not separate graces, but different facets of a single gracious work of God. The contrast between “works” and “fruit” (and between “Spirit” and “flesh”) in Galatians 5:16–24 points to the larger theme of Paul in Galatians: the contrast between legalism and Spirit-filled living. He wrote this letter to a congregation he had evangelized himself, but which had since been strongly influenced by Judaizers preaching a Gospel modified by strict adherence to the Law of Moses. This was “a different Gospel . . . really no Gospel at all” (1:6–7) in the view of Paul, who believed the law to have been a temporary measure added 430 years after God’s promise to Abraham (whom he justified solely by faith in that promise), to restrain and expose sin until the promise could be fulfilled. The law could never fully justify, because human beings were sinful, incapable of keeping its commands perfectly (a fact always tacitly acknowledged by the provisions in the Mosaic Law code for a sacrificial system). Paul believed that Christ had been the true fulfillment of both law and promise—Christ, who had been “born under the Law so that He might redeem those who were under the Law” (4:4–5), fulfilled its requirements perfectly so that believers might be adopted in as sons and daughters, receiving the indwelling Spirit through whom they were now able to cry, “Abba! Father!” (4:6). The promise to Abraham

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being fulfilled, the Law of Moses was now obsolete. To continue to live under it now that Christ had come was to deny Christ had kept it on our behalf—in Paul’s language, to “fall away from grace” (5:4). That Paul believed the Law of Moses was obsolete, however, is not to say he no longer believed God desired to sanctify His people by conforming them to His holy, loving nature. On the contrary, the giving of the Spirit had been the very event that had enabled believers to fulfill the central purpose of the law (“Love your neighbor as yourself”) in ways previously rendered impossible by the weakness of the flesh. Salvation to Paul was not simply a matter of the forgiveness of sins through Christ’s sacrificial death and emancipation from the Law of Moses, but of empowerment by the Spirit of God to obey the “law of Christ,” the law of love (6:2), the virtue given preeminence in Paul’s “fruit” list. A life of love was the opposite of a “fleshly” life, characterized in Paul’s vice list by 15 terms falling loosely into the three general categories of sexual immorality, idolatry, and pride. For such a life, the believer was crucified—this Paul treats as a settled fact, using the aorist tense of stauro (5:24). The breaking of this spiritual reality into the believer’s experience, however, required “walking by the Spirit,” being led by and keeping in step with the Spirit, and learning to desire with the Spirit rather than with the flesh as they war with one another. Cultivating the fruit of the spirit has been a prominent goal in the church’s educational ministry. With the Spirit’s power, through participation in the church community, means of grace, traditional Christian practices, and the teaching of the Bible, believers are gradually transformed into the image and character of Christ. The process of growing in the life of faith is essentially the process of desiring with God desires. In the desiring of what God desires, the flesh is overcome and the law kept not as a duty, but as a delight, as Paul emphasized. References and Resources Bruce, F. F. 1982. The Epistle to the Galatians: A Commentary on the Greek Text. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. Longenecker, Richard N. 1990. Galatians. Dallas, TX: Word Books. Schreiner, Thomas R. 2010. Galatians. Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan.

—Benjamin D. Espinoza and John A. Adams

Fuller Theological Seminary Founded in Pasadena, California, by Charles E. Fuller, radio evangelist of the Old Fashioned Revival Hour, and

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Harold John Ockenga, pastor of the Park Street Church in Boston, Fuller Theological Seminary had as its initial mission to reform fundamentalism after the model of the “Old Princeton Seminary.” The seminary began in 1947 with 39 students and for the first six years met in the nearby Lake Avenue Congregational Church. The original teaching faculty consisted of Wilbur Smith, Carl F. H. Henry, Everett F. Harrison, and Harold Lindsell. By the time the seminary moved to its present location, it enrolled 250 students taught by 15 faculty members. During its growth in the late 1950s, Fuller Seminary transitioned itself from the premillennial and separatist right wing of fundamentalism of its early origin into a “new Evangelicalism” that was more ecumenical and broadly evangelical in nature. Tensions grew with the decline of the original strict biblical inerrancy statement. Five presidents have led Fuller during its history: Harold John Ockenga (1947–1954 and 1960–1963), Edward John Carnell (1954–1959), David Allan Hubbard (1963–1993), Richard J. Mouw (1993–2013), and Mark Labberton (2013–present). According to the Fuller Statement of Purpose: “Fuller Theological Seminary, embracing the School of Theology, School of Psychology, and School of Intercultural Studies, is an evangelical, multidenominational, international, and multiethnic community dedicated to the equipping of men and women for the manifold ministries of Christ and his Church. Under the authority of Scripture we seek to fulfill our commitment to ministry through graduate education, professional development, and spiritual formation. In all of our activities, including instruction, nurture, worship, service, research, and publication, Fuller Theological Seminary strives for excellence in the service of Jesus Christ, under the guidance and power of the Holy Spirit, to the glory of the Father.” The School of Theology, formed in 1947, has always had the largest enrollment and plays a vital role in training educators and teachers for the local church and global community. The School of Psychology originated in 1965 with an emphasis on the integration of psychology and Christianity. The School of Intercultural Studies, initially named the School of World Missions, was started in 1965 under the leadership of Donald McGavran. Fuller Seminary has been alert to recognizing the prevailing needs of the church in a changing world and to taking the necessary risks in exploring and developing new efforts in ministry, including the church growth movement, the emphasis on Christian formation and discipleship, missiology and missional leadership, and the emerging church. Fuller’s close proximity to Hollywood and the entertainment industry has encouraged critical dialogue with Hollywood in relation to the arts, film, and

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music. The Brehm Center for Worship, Theology, and the Arts and Fuller Youth Institute are two pioneering centers that equip men and women for ministry in the contemporary world. Fuller has also been at the forefront of nurturing significant conversations in the fields of ethics and ecumenical dialogue. Fuller has consistently affirmed the task of forming students with the best of academic scholarship combined with Christ-centered discipleship. Today Fuller is one of the largest seminaries in the world; in addition to the main campus in Pasadena, it has six regional campuses in the West and Texas. The seminary offers 18 degree concentrations leading to various master’s and doctoral degrees, with rapidly expanding Korean-language and Spanish-language programs. While students come from more than 70 countries and over 100 denominations, they are predominantly from Protestant mainline traditions, with Presbyterians constituting the single largest denomination. Fuller faculty display a similar broad cross-section of mainline, Pentecostal, and Charismatic traditions, but again the largest number are Presbyterians. While much has changed since its birth, Fuller Seminary has become a leader in global theological education, cultivating broad evangelical and ecumenical partnerships while remaining faithful to proclaiming the good news of Jesus Christ to transform contemporary culture. References and Resources Marsden, George. Reforming Fundamentalism: Fuller Seminary and the New Evangelicalism. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1987. “What Is Evangelicalism?” 1993. Special theme issue, Christian Scholar’s Review 23 (1). Fuller Theological Seminary. n.d. “About Fuller.” http://www .fuller.edu/about/history-and-facts/our-history/.

—Tom Schwanda

Fund for Theological Education The Fund for Theological Education (FTE) is the only national, ecumenical nonprofit organization devoted to cultivating the next generation of diverse leaders for the church and the academy. It is also the only national organization that gathers diverse partners across denominations to create “communities of call,” sharing in practices and conversations that help congregations and faith communities awaken young lives to God’s call. History In 1951, the National Council of Churches released a study in which it was estimated that more than 15,000 pulpits among its member churches were unfilled. Liston

Pope, dean of Yale Divinity School, described a “critical shortage” of ministers for Protestants in America in 1953.55 One year later, clergy, philanthropists, and educators joined together to form the Fund for Theological Education (FTE) out of common concern that young men were no longer entering into ministry and were choosing other career paths. Initial funding was provided by John D. Rockefeller Jr. Beginning as a mainline Protestant organization, the FTE sought to attract gifted young men, most of whom attended elite non- or interdenominational theological schools in the Northeast. It soon diversified, focusing on underrepresented racial/ethnic groups in the 1960s and women in the 1970s. Funding Major funders, the Sealantic and Rockefeller Brothers funds, discontinued their support in the 1990s, leaving the FTE facing a financial crisis. Following a hiatus in offering fellowships and with a restructuring in 1997, the FTE received a major grant from the Lilly Endowment as well as other foundations, enabling its programs to launch again with a renewed focus on quality and diversity. Present Today, the FTE is dedicated to finding and supporting tomorrow’s Christian leaders, pastors, and theological educators who will make a difference in the world through the church. The fund offers gatherings, fellowships, grants, and a community of support to young adults under the age of 35 who are exploring a call to ministry and to students of color pursuing a PhD in religion, theology, or biblical studies. Although still heavily Protestant, the fund’s fellows now represent a much wider range of theological institutions, including evangelical, Orthodox, and Roman Catholic. In its trial academic year (1961–1962), the FTE administered three major fellowship programs. To date, the fund has awarded more than 6,000 fellowships to talented leaders who today serve congregations, campuses, and communities. More than 90 percent of FTE ministry program fellows since 1998 now serve congregations or church-related organizations; 79 percent of FTE doctoral program fellows now teach in the theological academy. The FTE states its mission today thus: “We believe that diverse, young Christian leaders will affect the church’s future, vitality and social relevance. These leaders in ministry make a difference in the lives of individuals and communities. Every community needs capable, compas55. Jonathan Strom, A Half-Century of Strengthening Christian Ministry: The Fund for Theological Education (Atlanta: Emory University, 2012), 5.

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sionate Christian leaders who serve the common good, strive for justice, build up the community, share the Gospel and ultimately do the church’s work in the world.”56 —Sharon Ely Pearson

Fundamentalism Fundamentalism is an approach to a religious tradition that seeks to distinguish itself from both secular modernity and religious accommodations to it (often experienced as laxity) by emphasizing rigorous adherence to what are held to be central features of the traditional religion, literally understood. In Protestant Christianity, where the term originated around 1910, fundamentalism was a movement in the early 20th century that rejected ecumenism, liberal theology, the Social Gospel, and other efforts at “modernizing” the church. However, today fundamentalist leaders in the West and elsewhere often employ the latest techniques of media communication and social and political organization to advance their views. Leading fundamentalist thinkers a century ago drew from older forms of Protestant orthodoxy an emphasis on the inerrancy of scripture, reinforced by biblical literalism and patternism (according to which the Bible provided a blueprint for all times and places) and such central ideas as the virgin birth of Jesus Christ, the doctrine of substitutionary atonement, and Jesus’s bodily resurrection. Often, though with notable exceptions (such as J. Gresham Machen), fundamentalists opposed the Darwinian theory of biological evolution and political ideas allegedly deriving from it. Some fundamentalists withdrew, or were expelled, from established denominations, often forming new ones that were exclusivist to some degree. Modern ecumenism became a bugbear for many as well. While the rise of modern American Evangelicalism in the mid-20th century tempered the more extreme versions of earlier fundamentalism, particularly with regard to relationships with other Christians, the basic intellectual tenets enunciated in the early 20th century remain alive. For example, fundamentalist Protestants often lobby textbook selection committees and state and local governments with a view toward influencing school curricula regarding theories of origin (often advocating intelligent design as an alternative approach to evolution) and the presentation of religion in history textbooks. They often also join activists from other traditions in opposing abortion, euthanasia, and gay marriage. Since the rise of the Moral Majority in the late 1970s, American fundamentalists have joined conservative evangelicals and others in supporting political candidates (primarily 56. http://www.fteleaders.org (accessed 1 March 2013).

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in the Republican Party) who support their views on the construction of the larger society. This political commitment is on the wane among younger persons, however. Fundamentalist churches often employ the educational strategies used in other Christian traditions, from Sunday schools and small group studies to seminaries and divinity schools. Publishing houses and websites disseminate scholarly material often at odds with (or simply ignoring) the work of mainstream scholarship. Fundamentalist education thus takes the external shape embraced by other parts of the church, though with markedly different content and emphases. References and Resources Barr, J. (1978). Fundamentalism. Philadelphia: Westminster. Malthy, P. 2013. Christian Fundamentalism and the Culture of Disenchantment. Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press. Marsden, G. M. 2006. Fundamentalism and American Culture. 2nd ed. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Marty, M., and R. S. Appleby. 1991. Introduction to Fundamentalisms Comprehended. Edited by M. Marty and R. S. Appleby, 1–7. Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press.

—Samjung Kang-Hamilton

Furman University Historical Introduction and Christian Tradition Furman University is a liberal arts institution located in Greenville, South Carolina, and named for pastor and educator Richard Furman (1755–1825), who was president of the first national convention of Baptists. The school was founded in 1826 in Edgefield, South Carolina, as the Furman Academy and Theological Institution by the Baptist State Convention of South Carolina, as part of an effort to promote missions and education. In 1850, Furman University found a permanent home in Greenville, South Carolina; then, in 1858, the school’s theological department became The Southern Baptist Theological Seminary and ultimately moved to Louisville, Kentucky. In 1933, Furman University and Greenville Women’s College, long close associates in education, merged and became governed by the same leadership. In 1953, the school moved to its present site, which is known for both its size and aesthetics. In 1992, Furman separated from the South Carolina Baptist Convention; however, the school strives to maintain values consistent with its Judeo-Christian history. Notable Academic Programs Furman offers more than 40 areas of study in its highly regarded undergraduate program and a graduate pro-

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gram in education. Of particularly note are programs in chemistry, psychology, and music. Chemistry Furman’s chemistry program has three tracks of study (chemistry, environmental chemistry, and biochemistry) and is noted by the American Chemical Society as a model for other undergraduate chemistry programs in the United States. It leads the nation in majors who pursue PhD studies, with an average of 30 students each year. Students and faculty are regularly represented in scholarly and peer-reviewed journals, and the department attracts wide grant support from a number of sources. For half a century, undergraduates on stipends have worked alongside international scholars at all levels during the summer research institute, engaging in independent research. Psychology In addition to foundational courses in psychology, the Furman psychology curriculum is tiered to provide majors with optimal opportunities to expand on those fundamentals. Students engage in research and seminars that promote the reading of primary literature, independent learning, free and open sharing of ideas, and creativity. Students engage in internships and paid fellowships that allow for specialized study and often lead to publication. Music Furman’s music program is known for attracting musicians who desire a conservatory-style education in the performing arts. The comprehensive program leads

students to completion of either a bachelor of music (in performance disciplines as well as education, church music, theory, and composition) or bachelor of arts. The curriculum includes academic courses, master classes, and private instruction. Small class size provides ample opportunity for one-on-one study with professors. Alumni are among the top scholars and performers in the world of music. Christian Philosophy and Mission of Education As an institution that was chartered as a Baptist college, Furman continues to value its Judeo-Christian heritage and summarizes its Christian philosophy in the following way: “The imperative to love our neighbors as ourselves is expressed in the Furman community through an appreciation for its diversity, a concern for the physical, emotional, intellectual and spiritual needs of each person, a continuing effort to strengthen community ties through open communication and mutual respect, the appropriate involvement of all members of the community in decision-making, the commitment to excellence at every level of our life together, and an appreciation for the university’s heritage and the contributions of those who have shaped the institution.” Its mission is “to provide a distinctive undergraduate education encompassing humanities, fine arts, social sciences, mathematics and the natural sciences, and selected professional disciplines.” Reference Tollison, Courtney L. 2004. Furman University. Mount Pleasant, SC: Arcadia Publishing.

—R. Kevin Johnson

G Gaebelein, Frank E. Frank Ely Gaebelein (31 March 1899–19 January 1983) was the youngest of three sons born to German immigrants Arno and Emma (Grimm) Gaebelein. His father was a noted self-made scholar, itinerate teacher, and writer who supported Gaebelein’s desire to write, encouraging him to write at an early age for his own magazine, Our Hope. At the age of 15, Gaebelein became a member of the editorial board of The Oracle, a monthly student magazine for his high school in Mount Vernon, New York, and was the chief editor by the time he graduated. (His coeditor in this later role was E. B. White, who went on to write Stuart Little and Charlotte’s Web.) Education and Early Work Gaebelein continued writing during college as the managing editor of The New York University News and writing the “Message for Each Day” for his father’s devotional magazine. He graduated in 1920 from New York University (NYU) Bronx campus as an accomplished musician, having written for both the college yearbook and newspaper and participating on the track team. His NYU education was only briefly interrupted when he enlisted in the army’s officer training program, commissioned as a second lieutenant. He graduated from Harvard in 1921, having studied English and comparative literature. Like his father, he lacked any formal religious training and was a self-taught biblical scholar, which included his knowledge of the Greek language. Nevertheless, he was ordained as a minister of the Reformed Episcopal Church. Following graduation, Gaebelein took a position as organizer and founding headmaster for Stony Brook School in Long Island, New York, serving from 1922 to 1963, after which he served as headmaster emeritus for 20 more years until his death. Within the first two years in

this position, Macmillan published his first book, Down Through the Ages: The Story of the King James Bible (1924). Gaebelein held three honorary doctoral degrees: literature doctorate from Wheaton College (1951), doctor of divinity from the Reformed Theological Seminary (1951), and literature doctorate from Houghton College (1960). Professional Work and Editorial Contributions Gaebelein was the headmaster at Stony Brook School for 41 years, after which he retired and became the coeditor of Christianity Today until 1966. His father had been one of the original editors of the Scofield Reference Bible, and Gaebelein was one of the editors of its 1967 revision. In 1968, he served as the style editor on the translation committee for the New International Version of the Bible. Gaebelein served from 1969 to 1972 as the director of the faculty summer seminars on faith and learning at Wheaton College. Prior to his death in 1983, he was general editor of The Expositor’s Bible Commentary, a 12-volume set that was a little more than half completed at the time of his death. His 20th-century writing and editing continue to be significant contributions, available to and used by those in and studying for ministry in the 21st century. Twentieth-Century Legacy According to Gangel and Benson (1983, 358),1 Gaebelein was able to articulate the true distinctives of the evangelical movement in his book Pattern of God’s Truth (1954). At a time when modernists saw fundamentalism and Evangelicalism as intellectually illiterate, he advocated strongly for integrating faith with the academy, and 1. Kenneth O. Gangel and Warren S. Benson, Christian Education: Its History and Philosophy (Chicago: Moody Press, 1983), 358.

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his lifelong work at Stony Brook became the model for that vision. Furthermore, he understood that one of the negative consequences of the fundamentalist fight against modernism in the 19th century was the belief that the fundamentalist view paid no attention to or often was in opposition to the movement in favor of social justice. Thus, he worked to counter this view with his writing and actions, supporting social justice as an evangelical, a cause promoted in Christian Education in a Democracy, which echoed the views of the modernist Christian movements. He wrote more than 20 books, edited many others, and became a 20th-century American leader within Evangelicalism, a Christian educator who left his mark on private Christian schools, Christian higher education, and congregational instruction. In doing so, he advocated the importance of Christian teaching in a pluralistic society and of integrating faith and academic learning. References and Resources Daane, J. 1983. “Frank E Gaebelein, 1893–1983.” Reformed Journal 33 (3): 3–4. Douglas, J. D. 1979. “Frank Gaebelein: Striving for Excellence.” Christianity Today 23 : 10–13. Evory, A., ed. 1981. “Frank Gaebelein.” In Contemporary Authors, 2: 147–161. [New Revision Series]. Detroit: Gale Research. Fawcett, Cheryl. 2003. “Frank E. Gaebelein: Integrator of Truth.” Christian Education Journal 3rd series, 1 (1): 104–120. Fawcett, Cheryl L., and Jamie Thompson. n.d. “Frank E. Gaebelein.” Accessed 5 February 2013. http://www2.talbot.edu/ ce20/educators/view.cfm?n=frank_gaebelein. “Frank Gaebelein Dies at 83.” 1983. Christianity Today 27 (18 February): 27–29. Gaebelein, F. 1982. “Evangelicals and Social Concern.” Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society 25 (1): 17–22. Gaebelein, F. E. 1924. Down Through the Ages: The Story of the King James Bible. New York: Macmillan, 1924. ———. 1970. “Reflections in Retrospect.” Christianity Today 14 (31 July): 9–12. Gangel, Kenneth O., and Warren S. Benson. 1983. Christian Education: Its History and Philosophy. Chicago: Moody Press. Hull, Gretchen Gaebelein. 1984. “Character before Career.” Christianity Today (21 September): 14–18. Lockerbie, D. Bruce. 1972. The Way They Should Go. New York: Oxford University Press. “Memorials, Frank E. Gaebelein.” 1984. Journal of Theological Society 27 (1): 127–128. http://www.etsjets.org/files/JETS -PDFs/27/27-1/27-1-pp127-128_JETS.pdf. Rausch, David A. 1983. Arno C. Gaebelein 1861–1945: Irenic Fundamentalist and Scholar. Including Conversations with Dr. Frank E. Gaebelein. [Studies in American Religion no. 10]. Lewiston, NY: The Edwin Mellen Press.

—Karen L. Estep

Gallaudet, Thomas Early Background and Education Thomas Hopkins Gallaudet, a pioneer in deaf education in the United States, was born on 10 December 1787 in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. Raised in Hartford, Connecticut, Gallaudet was an intelligent young man; he entered Yale University when he was 14 years old and graduated first in his class in 1805. After beginning a career in law, in 1808 he returned to Yale to earn his master of arts degree, and in 1814, after studying at Andover Theological Seminary, he became an ordained minister at the age of 27. In addition to having a keen intellect, Gallaudet developed an acute awareness and compassion for people in society who were neglected. This awareness was first cultivated by his Huguenot upbringing and was reinforced while he was in seminary. According to Winzer, “Andover was the first seminary to train missionaries for foreign parts, and it was this missionary instinct, built on early nineteenth-century evangelical religion and fired by the conviction that God had ordained the middle and upper classes to oversee the welfare of the weak and dependent, that guided Gallaudet’s thinking and underlay his designs for deaf students and a range of philanthropic enterprises” (1993, 105). While Gallaudet worked as a legal apprentice, minister, and traveling salesman as a young adult, his compassion for the neglected prompted an interest in education. This interest grew when he first observed Alice Cogswell, the deaf daughter of a prominent doctor, while she watched from a distance as a group of hearing children played and interacted with each other. Gallaudet soon began to teach her, and though she learned several signs, the results were limited. Gallaudet felt inadequately prepared to teach her. Motivated to learn more effective methods for educating deaf and mute students and financed by funds raised by Dr. Cogswell, Gallaudet traveled to Europe to study deaf education models. While Gallaudet visited schools in England and Germany, it was in Paris, France, that he met deaf educator Laurent Clerc and was tutored in his method of sign language. Gallaudet convinced Clerc to return to the United States with him; shortly afterward they cofounded the Connecticut Asylum for the Education and Instruction of Deaf Persons with French. The school opened on 15 April 1817, the first school in the history of the United States designed specifically for the purpose of educating children with disabilities. Gallaudet served as the principal from 1817 until 1830, when he resigned due to ill health. Gallaudet married a graduate from the Connecticut Asylum, Sophia Fowler, and together they had eight children. In addition to pioneering education for deaf children, Gallaudet championed several other causes,

Gaming

including the education of African Americans and the publication of religious literature for children and youth. After suffering from poor health, Gallaudet died in Hartford, Connecticut, on 10 September 1851, at the age of 63. Gallaudet’s youngest son, Edward Minor Gallaudet, received a charter from President Abraham Lincoln in 1864 to open a national college for deaf students in Washington, DC. The college was named Gallaudet College (now Gallaudet University) in honor of Edward’s father. Significant Contributions to Christian Education Gallaudet played a significant role in pioneering not only the development and use of American Sign Language, but also the general field of special education in the United States. He dismissed the traditional assumption that all children who were deaf were also cognitively impaired. He operated under the conviction that education for children with disabilities should not be granted out of charity or pity but because of their human value and right to an education that would provide them religious training in addition to the acquisition of the skills and knowledge needed to give them vocational opportunities similar to those of their nondisabled peers. Quite significant for the time, the Connecticut Asylum for the Education and Instruction of Deaf Persons was funded by public grants and private donations, thus providing a free education to children who were deaf. Most Notable Publications By bringing Clerc and his French sign language methods to the United States, Gallaudet played a significant role in the subsequent development and spread of American Sign Language. Gallaudet also authored many children’s stories, including Bible Stories for the Young (1838), Child’s Book of the Soul (1850), and Youth’s Book of Natural Theology (1852).

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from an educational perspective. The work of such scholars can be divided into three main categories: examining the benefits and dangers of gaming, exploring what gamers learn and experience through gaming, and considering how to use the principles of gaming to enhance learning experiences. The first of these focuses on how video games impact the health, habits, and behavior of young people. Such studies range from looking at the relationship between gaming and poor performance in school to whether or not the content of video games influences the beliefs and behaviors of young people.2 The second category of research looks at the lives of gamers and what they are learning. Rather than focusing on the negative impact of video games, this body of literature identifies gaming as a way of learning.3 James Paul Gee, author of What Video Games Have to Teach Us About Learning and Literacy (2003), discovered that frequent gamers develop certain literacies that allow learners to transfer these skills to other environments. Players in massively multiplayer online games (MMOGs) must learn the often complex rules of the game, collaborate with others, adjust to changing contexts within the game, and use a variety of complex problem-solving strategies in order to be successful in the game. Gamers devote countless hours to mastering these tasks. Then they often switch to a completely different game, in which they must learn new rules, face new problems, and learn to collaborate with a new group of individuals. Gee argues that these skills learned within gaming are a type of literacy and prepare them to use similar skills in the future workplace and society.4 The third category examines the principles of engagement that allow games to keep the attention of learners for extended periods of time. An example of this is the work of Clark Quinn, who points out seven common attributes of a game that can also be leveraged to improve teaching and learning:

References and Resources Tabak, John. 2006. Significant Gestures: A History of American Sign Language. Westport, CT: Praeger Publishers. “Thomas Hopkins Gallaudet.” n.d. Gallaudet University. http:// www.gallaudet.edu/Gallaudet_University/About_Gallaudet/ DPN_Home/Thomas_Hopkins_Gallaudet.html. Winzer, Margret A. 1993. The History of Special Education: From Isolation to Integration. Washington, DC: Gallaudet University Press.

—Lucinda S. Spaulding

Gaming With the rapid growth of video games from the 1980s to the present, a number of scholars began studying gaming

1. Goal: There should be a clear goal that can guide the students’ actions, and it should be tied into the story (neighborhood people must choose where to plant the garden and what to plant; newspaper editors must get the articles ready to publish by the evening deadline; a family must gather proper supplies to survive a trip to the Old West; etc.). 2. Challenge: If the goal is too easy or too overwhelming for learners, they will likely check out. 2. Marie Winn, The Plug-in Drug: Television, Computers, and Family Life (New York: Penguin Books, 2002). 3. Marc Prensky, “Don’t Bother Me Mom, I’m Learning!” How Computer and Video Games Are Preparing Your Kids for Twenty-first Century Success and How You Can Help! (St. Paul, MN: Paragon House, 2006). 4. James Paul Gee, What Video Games Have to Teach Us about Learning and Literacy (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003).

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3. Action-domain link: Students should be expected to make decisions (action) in the context of the story. A bad example cited by Quinn is creating a game in which students have to solve a math problem and if they do, then they get to play a game. For a good simulation the game should be part of the simulation, not just a separate reward. 4. Problem-learner link: The problem or simulation should match the interests of the learner. Keep in mind things like gender and age-level interests when creating or selecting an appropriate simulation. 5. Active: The simulation should require the learners to take frequent actions, be given situations, and then have to make frequent decisions. This keeps the learners engaged on an ongoing basis. 6. Feedback: Related to action, a good simulation should give the leaner clear and quick feedback on decisions. This is where much of the learning takes place in simulations. As a learner makes a choice in the story/simulation, he or she should be able to see the consequences of the decision. 7. Affect: There should be some emotion created in the simulation. Emotion is a powerful way to keep the attention of learners, and Quinn suggests that keeping things a bit unpredictable is a good way to add interest and emotion.5 Similar to Quinn’s work, others refer to gamification as taking aspects of a game (experience points, levels, or role-playing in an environment that is an otherwise traditional learning experience) and using them to increase learner engagement, improve retention of the content, increase motivation, or increase the amount of learning that takes place.6 These last two areas of research on gaming constitute the majority of new research and texts on the subject, indicating a growing interest in lessons learned from video games from an educational perspective. Such studies do not necessarily disregard the negative impact of gaming, but they focus their attention largely on what one can learn from gaming culture and the design of games as a way to better understand how to design highly engaging and high-impact formal and informal learning experiences. Within the context of Christian education, the research on educational gaming affords Christian educators the opportunity to consider alternative perspectives on how to design significant and engaging faith-based 5. Clark Quinn and Marsha Conner, Engaging Learning: Designing Elearning Simulation Games (San Francisco: Jossey-Bass, 2005), 9–18. 6. Karl Kapp, The Gamification of Learning and Instruction: Game-based Methods and Strategies for Training and Education (San Francisco: Pfeiffer, 2012).

learning experiences. A more traditional learning experience may make use of letter grades, assignments, quizzes, or tests. Some may consider it valuable to design faith-based learning experiences that are distinct from the features of a learning context in a school. In a traditional classroom, excellent student performance is often rewarded with a letter grade or points. Within a game, one is often rewarded with a greater and more difficult challenge. Similarly, whereas traditional classroom learning often uses the role of teacher and learner, a game-based learning approach invites the teacher to consider other roles, perhaps roles that reflect the types of challenges and opportunities in other parts of life. As such, game-based learning provides Christian educators with strategies for using case studies, scenarios, and role-playing as a way to help learners understand how Christian teachings apply to real-world contexts and situations. References and Resources Gee, James Paul. 2003. What Video Games Have to Teach Us about Learning and Literacy. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Kapp, Karl M. 2012. The Gamification of Learning and Instruction: Game-based Methods and Strategies for Training and Education. San Francisco: Pfeiffer. Prensky, Marc. 2006. “Don’t Bother Me Mom, I’m Learning!” How Computer and Video Games Are Preparing Your Kids for Twenty-first Century Success and How You Can Help! St. Paul, MN: Paragon House. Quinn, Clark N., and Marcia L. Connor. 2005. Engaging Learning: Designing E-learning Simulation Games. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Winn, Marie. 2002. The Plug-in Drug: Television, Computers, and Family Life. New York: Penguin Books.

—Bernard Bull

Gang Members According to the Evangelical Dictionary of Christian Education, a gang can be broadly defined as “a group who meet regularly, have a common name, and share common rules, signs, colors, and/or symbols.”7 To this, most researchers will add the fact that a distinct feature of gangs, as opposed to other small groups, is that gangs exists to participate, individually or communally, in illegal activity. According to the most recent statistics provided by the National Gang Center, a division of the U.S. De-

7. Rick Gray, “Gangs,” in Evangelical Dictionary of Christian Education, gen. ed. Michael J. Anthony (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House Company, 2001), 308.

Gangel, Kenneth O.

partment of Justice, the Unites States is currently host to nearly 30,000 distinct gangs.8 One of the earliest, and most influential, contributions to the study and research of gangs was made by Frederic Thrasher in 1927 in his seminal book The Gang. In this work, Thrasher studied hundreds of gangs in urban Chicago, emerging as one of the earliest voices to identify connections and similarities between tribal codes and cultures of shame and honor found in other countries and the development of gangs here in America.9 While there are a myriad of complicated factors that contribute to the development of gangs in our modern society, research reveals that the most common denominators in most environments are social stresses produced by economic, educational, and employment barriers as well as the absence or breakdown of important social institutions, including family, schools, and religious organizations. Indeed, “It has been suggested that, in the absence of other prosocial influences, gangs have become the parenting, schooling, and policing force of the street.”10 Lorine Hughes agrees: “Young people form and become involved with gangs as compensation for deficits in their lives . . . gangs are found primarily in disadvantaged neighborhoods and draw the bulk of their membership from among the most powerless groups in society, that is poor minorities between the ages of 12 and 24.”11 In addition to these factors, one would be remiss to ignore the highly communal nature of gangs, in which significant weight can be placed on each gang member’s individual search for purpose and belonging as a contributing force to gang development. Joined to this is the ongoing culture of gangs, especially in urban and suburban areas, whereby young children are raised in an environment where gang affiliation is the norm rather than the exception. In these instances, simple socialization combined with a sheer lack of alternative opportunities creates in many youth a “do or die” attitude toward joining a gang. For these reasons, it is incredibly difficult to motivate gang members to discontinue their affiliations and particularly challenging to suggest ways in which gang members can be persuaded to join Christianity. Regarding gangs and Christian education, there is a great need to support gang members as they sever ties with their former gang affiliations. Beyond the physical danger 8. National Gang Center, National Youth Gang Survey Analysis, http:// www.nationalgangcenter.gov/Survey-Analysis (accessed 13 July 2013). 9. Frederic Thrasher, The Gang (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2013). 10. Diego Vigil, “Gangs,” in The Encyclopedia of Cultural Anthropology, ed. David Levinson (New York: Henry Holt, 1996), 515. 11. Lorine Hughes, “Youth Street Gangs,” in Youth Violence and Delinquency: Monsters and Myths, ed. Marilyn D. McShane and Frank P. Williams III (Westport, CT: Praeger Publishers, 2007), 42.

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of leaving a gang, members are also confronted with the fact that the two cultures, gangs and Christianity, have much in common, including the value of loyalty, commitment, identity, sacrifice, and community, which ensures that participation in both circles at once is virtually impossible. Understanding the culture of gangs will enable the church to proactively utilize its own symbols, initiations, and rituals to enable ex-gang members to fully understand their new identity as they transfer into a new community. References and Resources Gray, Rick. 2001. “Gangs.” In Evangelical Dictionary of Christian Education, edited by Michael J. Anthony, 445. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House. Hughes, Lorine. 2007. “Youth Street Gangs.” In Youth Violence and Delinquency: Monsters and Myths, edited by Marilyn D. McShane and Frank P. Williams III, 39–60. Westport, CT: Praeger Publishers. National Gang Center. n.d. “National Youth Gang Survey Analysis.” http://www.nationalgangcenter.gov/Survey-Analysis, Tallahassee, FL. Thrasher, Frederic. 2012. The Gang. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Vigil, Diego. 1996. “Gangs.” In The Encyclopedia of Cultural Anthropology, edited by David Levinson, 277–280. New York: Henry Holt.

—Stephen L. Woodworth

Gangel, Kenneth O. Kenneth Gangel (1935–2009) was an American educator whose contributions include significant publications in Christian education (K–12 schools) and church leadership/administration. Early Background and Education A first-generation American, Kenneth O. Gangel was born 14 June 1935 in Patterson, New Jersey, the son of an Austrian father and a Swiss mother. Gangel credited his mother with planting the seeds of faith in him during his formative years. As a six-year-old he made a profession of faith at summer camp. During his childhood he faced the struggles of growing up in the streets of a tough neighborhood, experiencing his father’s abuse of his mother, and his father’s abandonment of the family. Because his mother was unable to care for him and work to earn a living, Gangel faced another character-building experience—being sent to boarding school. At Stony Brook in Long Island, Gangel was mentored by Frank Gaebelein. His spiritual development and academic training continued at Wheaton College in Wheaton, Illinois, where

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his mother found a job as a cook. Because of his poor academic status, Gangel was required to pass a GED exam to be admitted to Taylor University in Indiana. As a member of a tenor quartet, Gangel traveled to Germany in the summer of 1954, where he experienced a fresh spiritual renewal while doing active ministry. Returning to Taylor in the fall of 1954 with a new perspective, Gangel dedicated himself to a double major in biblical studies and business and graduated in 1957. During this same time he began his lifelong friendship with Betty, and they married in 1956. Following graduation from college, Gangel enrolled in Grace Theological Seminary, where he earned a master of divinity degree. As a full-time pastor, the young minister found his MDiv training had not provided him with the practical insights and skills that he needed, so he attended a Winona Lake Pastor’s Conference. It was there that he met Howard Hendricks and was influenced to consider Christian education. He subsequently earned a master of arts in Christian education from Fuller Seminary. He would later add a master’s from Concordia Seminary and a PhD from University of Missouri at Kansas City (1969). In 1960, he began teaching at Calvary Bible College as chairman of the Christian Education Department. His extensive career in teaching and higher education administration included service as academic dean at Concordia Seminary, director of the School of Christian Education at Trinity Evangelical Divinity School, and president of Miami Christian College (1974–1979). Gangel held a variety of positions at Dallas Theological Seminary, including professor of Christian education, vice president for academic affairs, and academic dean (1992–1997). Gangel’s final ministry was scholar in residence at Toccoa Falls College (1997–2009). Significant Contributions to Christian Education During an impressive career of public speaking and prolific writing (more than 50 books authored or edited), Gangel skillfully wove together scripture, theology, educational research, and practical application into readable and memorable fabrics. No one could doubt he had spent valuable time alone in God’s Word or that he had a strong grasp of the original languages. But as he developed perspectives based on his studies, he was capable of fashioning them into speeches and essays that assisted practitioners in the local church, Christian school administrators and teachers, and seminarians. The following quotes come from one of four lectures Gangel delivered in Dallas in 1978, entitled, “Integrating Faith and Learning: Principles and Process”: First, it is one thing to verbalize a commitment to the inspiration of Scripture; it is quite another to accept the

inerrant authority of Scripture as the centerpiece for contemporary education. . . . And that leads to a second principle: The integration of faith and learning demands a recognition of the contenporaneity of the Bible and the Holy Spirit. . . . A third principle for the integrative process is a clear understanding of the nature, source, discovery, and dissemination of truth. . . . A fourth principle on which the integrative process is based has to do with designing a curriculum which is totally constructed on the centrality of special revelation. . . . A fifth principle dealing with the integration of truth in Christian education is a demand for the development of a Christian world and life view. . . . A sixth principle demands that bibliocentric education extend to all areas of student life.

In addition to works in the field of Christian education, Gangel has also written numerous Bible commentaries. His commitments to biblical theology and his ability to integrate a solid theological foundation with his Christian education materials set him apart from his peers (Anthony and Benson 2003, 373). Most Notable Publications Gangel, K. 1989. Feeding & Leading. Wheaton, IL: Victor Books. ———. 1997. Coaching Ministry Teams: Leadership and Management in Christian Organizations. Nashville, TN: Word Publisher. ———. 2002. Called to Lead: Understanding and Fulfilling Your Role as an Educational Leader. Colorado Springs, CO: Purposeful Design. Gangel, K., and W. Benson. 1983. Christian Education: Its History and Philosophy. Chicago: Moody Press. Gangel, K., and J. Gangel. 2003. Fathering Like the Father: Becoming the Dad God Wants You to Be. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Books. Gangel, K., and H. Hendricks, eds. 1996. The Christian Educator’s Handbook on Teaching. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Books.

References and Resources Anthony, Michael J., and Warren S. Benson. 2003. Exploring the History and Philosophy of Christian Education: Principles for the 21st Century. Grand Rapids, MI: Kregel Publications. Gangel, K. 1978. “Integrating Faith and Learning: Principles and Process.” W. H. Griffith Thomas Memorial Lecture at Dallas Theological Seminary. Lawson, Michael S., and C. Ash. 2013. Kenneth O. Gangel. Talbot School of Theology: Christian Educators. http://www .talbot.edu/ce20/educators/view.cfm?n=kenneth_gangel. Lockerbie, D. Bruce. 2007. A Passion for Learning: A History of Christian Thought on Education. Colorado Springs, CO: Purposeful Design.

—Ken Coley

Generational Issues in Christian Education

Generational Issues in Christian Education Generational issues have implications in at least two areas in the educational ministry of the church. One has to do with the impact of generational characteristics on the methods and process of Christian education, and the other has to with the intergenerational nature of faith communities. For many years, social scientists have studied the characteristics of various generations. They usually make broad generalizations about how an age-similar cohort will behave. These generalizations may be predictive when a generation is in its infancy, or descriptive as a generation matures and reaches adulthood. Throughout the 20th century, these generations were given names to describe them as a large group. We’ve heard about the World War II or Greatest Generation and their propensity for self-sacrifice. Generational studies really seemed to make their mark on popular culture and local church ministry with the advent and maturation of the baby boom generation. Born from 1946 through 1964, this generation made up the post–World War II “baby boom” (hence the name). Some 76 million children were born in the United States during those years. Because there were so many baby boomers, they left their mark on everything they touched, leaving heretofore unheard of cultural and societal changes in their wake. Because of the sheer size of this age cohort, they got their way in most things, outnumbering all other cohorts. As mid-generation baby boomers moved into adulthood in the 1970s and 1980s, visionary churches began to take note of them and create ministries to attract them to their churches. It is no coincidence that the rise of the role of the children’s pastor in church educational ministry coincides with the era when baby boomers were beginning to have children of their own. As adults, baby boomers became known for outsourcing many things in their lives and the lives of their children. Their children’s spiritual education was something else they were willing to outsource, and the local church was more than willing to accommodate them. Baby boomers in the church were also at the forefront of the contemporary worship movement, bringing their own musical preferences into the church. After the baby boomers came the baby busters, so named because their numbers were not as large as the baby boom generation. Gen Xers, as they are also known, were born between 1965 and 1984 and were the offspring of younger members of the World War II generation and the first members of the baby boomers. They have been called slackers because they often seemed not to have the competitive drive of the baby boomers, and they were the first generation of the 20th century to deal dispro-

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portionately with divorcing parents and the adjustment to blended families. The rise in the emphasis on youth ministry in churches is largely due to this generation. But as churched busters grew older, many of them became disillusioned with mega-churches and the evangelical theology of their youth. It was largely Generation X that birthed and populated the emerging church movement in the United States in the late 20th century. They were the first to incorporate technology as a daily part of their personal and professional lives. The millennials or Generation Y were born between 1985 and 2002. Millennials in the United States number around 70 million. They are the first generation to be defined by their technology use, being wedded to their cell phones and tablets while creating relationships through texting and social media. They have endured helicopter parenting, and as they age into young adulthood, many of them who grew up in churches are leaving these churches, disillusioned by what they see as the church’s intolerance and inauthenticity. The generation coming after the millennials, Generation Y or the digital generation, is still in childhood, and we can only speculate about its effects on the church and society. While these generations all have different characteristics and were shaped by different societal and cultural influences, they all meet up in the local church, where by the very definition of church they are supposed to live together in love so others might know the love of Jesus. Unfortunately, the 20th and early 21st centuries have seen the church do more to separate the generations than pull them together. Today when families arrive at church, they drop their children off in the children’s ministry wing; their teenagers head for the youth room, and the parents go to either an adult education class made up of people of their own generation or a worship service populated only by adults. And if this is a contemporary worship service, there may not be any older adults present in the room. The church mirrors the separation of generations or the generation gap found in our culture, when it should be offering an alternative vision of life together. Children and youth need to be exposed to adults other than their parents as an important part of their spiritual formation and development, so those charged with the educational ministry of the church need to think seriously about ways to bring the generations together in the community of faith rather than develop more ways to pull them apart. It is important for children and youth to hear the personal stories of faith from their elders. These people can be models to them of what it means to live a life of authentic faith in God. Intergenerational relationships are important for everyone in the church. In order to create true biblical com-

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munity, generations must rub up against one another, learn from each other, and learn to be accepting of other’s tastes and ideas. It is this kind of faith community that is most conducive to the spiritual formation of its members and is best at modeling to the world what Jesus meant when He told his disciples that the world would know His love when they saw the disciples’ love for each other. References and Resources Allen, Holly Catterton, and Christine Lawton Ross. 2012. Intergenerational Christian Formation: Bringing the Whole Church Together in Ministry, Community and Worship. Westmont, IL: IVP Academic. Howe, Neil, William Strauss, and R. J. Matson. 2000. Millennials Rising: The Next Great Generation. New York: Vintage Books.

—Ivy Beckwith

Geneva Academy When John Calvin returned to Geneva in 1541, he immediately set to work organizing the structure and order of the church in his Ecclesiastical Ordinances. Integral to the fourfold office of the church was the role of the “doctor,” an office set aside for those called to instruct the faithful in doctrine and defend the purity of the Gospel. Calvin also envisioned the establishment of a collège for universal education while beginning to form future leaders for the church and state. Though some education was already available in Geneva, Calvin notably enhanced the existing system, established higher learning, recruited top-notch professors, and ceaselessly advocated for the welfare of the academy and its professors before the magistrate. This high level of clerical involvement set a precedent that would continue through the 18th century. When Geneva’s city council adopted Protestantism in May 1536 before Calvin arrived, it also ruled in favor of mandatory elementary education. The Collège de Rive was established that year, and it provided education in Latin and Greek to a certain stratum of boys. Calvin was never particularly happy with that institution, because it was not governed by the clergy. Disorder, turnover, and lack of money eventually resulted in its closing. By 1555, Calvin’s leadership was in a position to introduce higher education within the city. Funds were secured through the confiscation of property from Calvin’s opponents, the exiled Perrinists, and in 1558, the closure of the Lausanne Academy ensured that the Geneva Academy would be resourced with experienced professors from the outset. In 1559, the Geneva Academy was inaugurated, and Theodore Beza was appointed as rector. The academy consisted of two schools. The collège (schola privata or grand école and later called the Col-

lège Calvin) was established to provide Latin education for boys in seven grades of secondary and some primary education and to encourage pious living and Christian discipline. Most boys, however, attended vernacular schools (petites écoles), where they were taught reading, writing, and arithmetic. Basic vernacular instruction was also available to some girls in certain neighborhoods, where they were taught to read the Bible and sometimes reading and arithmetic. Unless a family could also afford a private tutor, girls were at least trained in reading for learning the catechism on Sundays. Eventually catechetical education was expanded for all children with the establishment of the Société de Catéchumènes in 1736. This society distributed New Testaments and catechisms to children without resources and eventually funded six catechetical ministers to teach children within the city weekly. Meanwhile, the upper school of the academy (schola publica) was dedicated to equipping ministers in theology through studies in Greek and Hebrew.12 Initially, the academy supported a total of five professors, with three teaching humanities, Greek, and Hebrew respectively, and two teaching theology. For the latter position, Calvin and Beza alternated weeks of teaching while switching between Old and New Testament scripture. Theology was not understood as a discipline separate from biblical exegesis. Similarly, teaching was not distinguished from church ministry, and this dynamic would continue into the Enlightenment, even as the academy modernized its curriculum to engage with emerging sciences. At its inception, the academy’s advanced education was especially needed for sending clergy to France while Protestantism was expanding exponentially during the 1560s. Eventually, bouts of persecution left the academy with an increasingly parochial student body by the end of the 17th century, though figures like Thomas Jefferson would continue to recognize the superior education that was offered there.13 Throughout that time, the clergy actively governed the academy after Calvin. They examined and elected candidates to teach, and the council approved elections, installed professors, and prescribed them to take a formal oath. This high level of clerical control was not maintained as long by universities at Leiden and Edinburgh.14 The state became increasingly involved in the election of professors from the mid-18th century on. In 12. Karin Maag, Seminary or University? The Genevan Academy and Reformed Higher Education, 1560–1620 (Aldershot, UK: Scolar Press, 1995). 13. Thomas Jefferson to Wilson Nicholas, 22 November 1794, in The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, ed. H. A. Washington (Washington, DC: Taylor & Maury, 1854), 4:109. 14. Michael Heyd, “The Genevan Academy in the Eighteenth Century: A Calvinist Seminary or a Civic University?” in The University and the City: From Medieval Origins to the Present, ed. Thomas Bender (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1988), 81.

Georgetown University

the subsequent century, Geneva’s higher education institution would begin to transform into a university. —Jennifer Powell McNutt

Georgetown University Founding Principles One of the oldest universities in the United States, Georgetown University is the last major U.S. university founded before the 19th century that still maintains a strong Christian identity and commitment. Established in 1789 by John Carroll, who that same year had been elected the first Catholic bishop within the newly established United States, the university’s propitious location in what was to become the nation’s capital gave it a unique vantage point as the country grew. The school colors are blue and gray, representing the coming together of the country after the Civil War. From the beginning, John Carroll, who had been sent by his family to study at Jesuit schools in Europe and became a Jesuit himself, was convinced of the value of putting the school at the service of the nation. Thus from the beginning it was open to all, regardless of their faith, but with the goal that all be formed in the virtues and given religious education. Its first students started in 1791, and the very first, William Gaston, went on to serve in the U.S. Congress and then as a justice of the Supreme Court in his home state of North Carolina, where he was known in part for his leadership in the area of religious freedom. Georgetown achieved university status under Patrick Healy, SJ, who upon taking office in 1874 became the first person of partial African descent to lead a university in the United States. Distinguishing Features Georgetown is counted as both the first Jesuit university in the United States and the only one to be founded by a bishop who was himself a Jesuit. However, at this time the Jesuit order was suppressed due to the secularizing aims of the leading Catholic royal families of Europe. Georgetown was thus technically not founded by a Jesuit nor led by Jesuits. Although the leadership of the new institution was drawn from priests who had been trained as Jesuits, they operated as diocesan clergy. The Society of Jesus was definitively restored as a religious order in 1814, though the process began as early as 1805. Throughout this time, the institution benefited from lands and other assets that had been held by the Society of Jesus, since these lands were not taken as Jesuit lands had been by other governments, due to the separation of church and state in the new nation. John Carroll was notable for his impact on the Catholic Church in the United States, as he was for the character

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of the academic institution he founded. He insisted on religious tolerance within the institution, as he did within the wider society. His vision reflected the republican vision of the framers of the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution, documents signed by his cousins. It was therefore fitting that he would be elected by his priests as the first Catholic prelate in the United States, rather than being chosen by the pope, and that he would arrange to have the first Catholic cathedral in the 13 former colonies be designed by the same architect who designed the U.S. Capitol. In his ministry as leader of the fledgling Catholic Church in the United States—which accounted for less than 1 percent of the population— Carroll emphasized Bible reading by Catholic families. At a time when the mass was celebrated in Latin, Carroll made sure that the scripture readings were in English and strongly advocated that the entire mass be conducted in the local languages. Unlike almost every other university founded in the United States before the 1800s, Georgetown remains deeply connected to its Christian roots and at the same time deeply inclusive. John Carroll had long dreamed of having such an institution as Georgetown, having conducted meetings to explore its feasibility as far back as 1783, immediately after U.S. independence had been won and freedom of religion established. By 1787, he had a formal proposal for the founding of the institution prepared and printed. Convinced of its mission to make a place for faith in higher education within the nation’s capital, its religiously derived focus on religious freedom has given it a strong commitment to embrace those of other faiths as well. From the start, its Jesuit-influenced self-understanding also gave it a faith-derived focus on the common good and the needs of the nation and the world. Georgetown’s history is thus fundamentally different from that of other Catholic institutions of higher learning that were founded on the frontier (St. Louis University [1818], Xavier University [1831], which were sponsored by the Society of Jesus beginning in 1827 and 1840, respectively). It was also fundamentally different from the vast majority of Catholic universities that were founded in the aftermath of European Catholic immigration in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Georgetown was founded in the heart of the eastern establishment with the goal of serving persons of all backgrounds, but in a way that was animated by a deeply cultivated, civic-minded understanding springing from Jesuit, Catholic humanism. Those of all faiths were always welcome, and Georgetown, not surprisingly, has long had Protestant worship on its campus, was the first Catholic institution to hire a Jewish chaplain, and was the first to hire a Muslim chaplain. As is traditional for Catholic institutions and

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particularly Jesuit ones, in a tradition harkening back to the first universities of the Middle Ages, the school year begins with a Mass of the Holy Spirit. Graduation includes a baccalaureate mass, and daily mass is celebrated throughout the day in the campus chapels. Its theology department is large, with more than 30 members, including the dean of the College of Arts and Sciences. Engagement with other faiths is reflected in a unique doctoral program oriented to the study of religious pluralism, as well as in the Center for Muslim-Christian Understanding. All undergraduates must take two courses in theology to graduate. Its Woodstock Theological Library is one of the largest theological libraries in the United States. The Center for Applied Research in the Apostolate (CARA) is a Catholic religious research center affiliated with the university, along with a number of Catholicrelated ethics and other institutes. CARA has conducted numerous research efforts related to religious education over the years and works closely with the United States Conference of Catholic Bishops and numerous other Catholic organizations. Contemporary Christian Philosophy and Mission The Christian philosophy and mission of Georgetown University are nourished by its unique context and history as a Catholic university founded during the federalist period in the heart of the nation’s capital, and above all by its Jesuit roots. The university is one of the world’s leading universities by various ranking systems, and a leader among the approximately 189 Jesuit institutions of higher education. Many Jesuits who go on to lead other Jesuit universities have gained an important part of their leadership experience at the university. Following the 34th Jesuit congregation, held in 1995, the order has emphasized Jesuit-lay collaboration. Georgetown reflected this vision when in 2001 it became the first of the 28 Jesuit colleges and universities in the United States to have a layman, John DiGoia, serve as president. Today, there are approximately 50 Jesuits in residence in the Jesuit community at Georgetown. They serve as professors, administrators, and in other roles, including as resident chaplains on the various floors of university dormitories. In many ways, the philosophy and mission of the Society of Jesus has not changed since its founder, Ignatius of Loyola, described it in his 1540 introduction to the Constitutions, otherwise known as The Formula of the Institute. This vision of the goals of the Society remains a critical source of the underlying evangelical orientation within the Society of Jesus and its institutions: “To strive especially for the defense and propagation of the faith and for the progress of souls in Christian life and doctrine . . . and the spiritual consolation of Christ’s faithful Moreover . . . to reconcile the estranged, compassionately

assist and serve those who are in prisons or hospitals, and indeed to perform any other works of charity, according to what will seem expedient for the glory of God and the common good.” References and Resources Association of Jesuit Colleges and Universities. 2010. A History Rooted in Mission: Jesuit Higher Education in the United States. Washington, DC: Association of Jesuit Colleges and Universities. Curran, R. 2010. A History of Georgetown University. 3 vols. Washington, DC: Georgetown University Press. Durkin, J., SJ. 1964. Georgetown University, First in the Nation’s Capital. Garden City, NY: Doubleday. Gallin, A., OSU. 1992. American Catholic Higher Education: Essential Documents, 1967–1990. Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press. ———. 2000. Negotiating Identity: Catholic Higher Education since 1960. Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press. Gleason, P. 1995. Contending with Modernity: Catholic Higher Education in the Twentieth Century. New York: Oxford University Press. Hunt, T. 2003. Handbook of Research on Catholic Higher Education. Charlotte, NC: Information Age Publishing. McFadden, W., SJ. 1990a. “‘Catechism at 4 for All the Schools’: Religious Instruction at Georgetown.” In Georgetown at Two Hundred: Faculty Reflections on the University’s Future, edited by W. McFadden, 143–168. Washington, DC: Georgetown University Press. ———, ed. 1990b. Georgetown at Two Hundred: Faculty Reflections on the University’s Future. Washington, DC: Georgetown University Press. Mixon, S., L. Lyon, and M. Beaty. 2004. “Secularization and National Universities: The Effect of Religious Identity on Academic Reputation.” Journal of Higher Education 75 (4): 400–419. Power, E. 1958. A History of Catholic Higher Education in the United States. Milwaukee, MN: Bruce. Wilcox, J. 2000. Enhancing Religious Identity: Best Practices from Catholic Campuses. Washington, DC: Georgetown University Press. Yakikoski, R. 2010. “Catholic Higher Education: The Untold Story.” Address to the Association of Catholic Colleges and Universities, Washington, DC. http://www.gonzaga.edu/aca demics/graduate/graduate-student-council/Documents/Cath olic-HE-Docs/Catholic-Higher-Education-Untold-Story.pdf.

—Bryan T. Froehle

Georgia and Christian Education Christianity was introduced to Georgia through the missionary efforts of St. Nino of Cappadocia during the

Gergen, Kenneth J.

fourth century. According to historical texts, King Mirian III of Iberia called upon “Nino’s god” while hunting and witnessed the power of God. The monarch established Christianity as the state religion in AD 337. The resulting Georgian Orthodox Church remained at the center of religious and political life until the nation’s absorption into the Soviet Union in 1921. Under Communist rule, religious freedom was forcefully suppressed; a law separating church and state was implemented, Orthodox priests and monks were imprisoned and killed, and hundreds of churches were destroyed or confiscated by the government. Religious tolerance started to reemerge in the 1970s–1980s and was reestablished after the declaration of independence in 1991. The state constitution supports freedom of religion; however, some persecution does exists against nontraditional religions. According to the 2002 Census, the majority of ethnic Georgians identify as members of the Georgian Orthodox Church (83.9 percent). The remaining citizens are Muslim 9.9 percent, Armenian-Gregorian 3.9 percent, Catholic 0.8 percent, other 0.8 percent, and none 0.7 percent. Since the disintegration of the Soviet Union, Protestantism is on the rise. Represented groups include Baptists, Seventh-Day Adventists, the Assemblies of God, and the New Apostolic Church. Since independence in 1991, religious education has gained prominence. The Orthodox Church runs 4 theological seminaries, 2 academies, numerous schools, and 27 church dioceses. Reference Anderson, J. 1994. Religion, State and Politics in the Soviet Union and Successor States. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.

—Sarita D. Gallagher

Gergen, Kenneth J. Early Background and Education Kenneth J. Gergen (1935–) was raised in an educated Caucasian American family. His father was the chair of the Mathematics Department at Duke University in Durham, North Carolina. He earned a BA from Yale University and a PhD from Duke University in psychology. He has served as professor at Harvard University and visiting professor at the University of Heidelberg, the University of Marburg, and the Sorbonne. He is also the founding member of The Taos Institute, which is focused on the social processes that are essential to human knowledge and values. His primary teaching position has been at Swarthmore College, where he was chair of the Department of Psychology and is currently senior research professor. He is most noted for his contribution

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to the development of social constructionism theory, which he argues is the belief that the world is formed out of a collective process of social relationships rather than the individual self in isolation. In other words, the countless human choices based on societal variables shape and mold the discursive processes to produce human judgment. This judgment is not transhistorical, but rather socially constructed. The focus for Gergen, then, is no longer based on a private human experience that yields a fixed understanding of knowledge, values, or reason. Instead, Gergen’s focus is on the interaction of human relationships that continually exist to yield a fluid, albeit important, understanding of the world. In contrast to Descartes’s Enlightenment philosophy of knowledge—“I think, therefore I am”—Gergen’s social construct philosophy of knowledge is “I am linked, therefore I am.” Significant Contributions to Christian Education Kenneth J. Gergen’s life and works have contributed at least two insights about Christian education. However, he did not necessarily set out to convey these insights to future Christian educators. First, Gergen highlighted indirectly that Christian education is developed within community. No single individual has formulated an educational learning theory, instructional design, or pedagogical design in the classroom that comprehensively captures the educational philosophy to the satisfaction of all Christian education. Rather, through the collective efforts of social science, research theories are tested to confirm or deny their effectiveness. While Gergen would deny the transhistorical nature of social sciences, his emphasis on social construct does help to elaborate the discursive nature of learning that is produced within a community. Second, Gergen underscores the communal aspect of knowledge that the church has produced over centuries of internal dialogue. For instance, the formulation of the doctrine of the Trinity, although biblically represented in the scriptures, was theologically formulated over a four-century period. The interchange of ideas, rejection of heretical concepts, and assimilation of linguistic ideas embedded in the Greek and Latin language aided in the articulation of the formula of God as one divine essence and three divine persons. This example should prompt Christian educators to underscore that the Body of Christ has collectively interpreted the Bible and that no one individual is the sole repository of divine interpretation. Most Notable Publications Gergen, Kenneth. 2000. The Saturated Self: Dilemmas of Identity in Contemporary Life. 2nd ed. New York: Basic Books. ———. 2009a. An Invitation to Social Construction. 2nd ed. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.

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———. 2009b. Relational Being: Beyond Self and Community. New York: Oxford University Press.

—David McGee

Germany and Christian Education Historical Background Christianity has a long history in the German context. It begins in the period of the Roman Empire up to the fifth century; later missionaries came from Irish-Scottish and Anglo-Saxon territories to the area of today’s Germany. Germany is also where the Reformation, which changed the church and culture tremendously, began in 1517 (set in motion by Martin Luther and others). In this period, education became a decisive element of Christian faith. The belief that everyone should be able to read the Bible was a motive for Christian education in schools, but also in families and parishes. For the reformers, education and faith were inseparably linked as a gift of God. Martin Luther (1483–1546) espoused the idea of compulsory education for all children and demanded of “the Councilmen of all Cities in Germany that they establish and maintain Christian schools” (1524). Luther’s Small Catechism (1529) became a basic document of Christian education, with a significant influence on its theory and practice. Philipp Melanchthon (1497–1560) was active in the reform of schools and universities and was named posthum called as the teacher of Germany (Praeceptor Germaniae). The Reformation and Counter-Reformation resulted in a plurality of confessions that compete in the struggle for truth claims. The period of conflict ended with the Peace of Augsburg (1555), which accepted the existing Catholic and Protestant confessions and linked them to the confession of the ruling authority in each territory (cuius regio, eius religio). John Amos Comenius (1592–1670) became a prominent educator, making a major contribution to Christian education in the field of universal education. His concept of comprehensive education (omnes-omnia-omnino) was rooted in a theological argument. Learning and faith were inseparable until the 18th century, with the onset of the Enlightenment, during which the connection between the two began to dissolve. Today Christian education is part of the church’s engagement with the world, and its focus is to nurture faith in the context of shared values, beliefs, and attitudes. It takes place in families and parishes as well as in Christian-based public educational institutions and through a commitment of the churches to public education policy. Main Denominations and Institutions in the Country In Germany about 60 percent of the population belongs to either the Roman Catholic Church or the Evangeli-

cal Church in Germany (EKD), in nearly equal shares. The Association of Protestant Free Churches, founded in 1926, includes Methodists, Mennonites, the Council of Free Churches, and others. The existing separation between church and state involves cooperation in various fields, including education. Secularization, pluralization, and individualization are main aspects of the religious situation. The number of the unchurched in Germany has increased significantly throughout the last few decades. Typical Means of Educating Christians in the Country Approximately 80 percent of all children are baptized when they are young. A vivid dialogue happens between parents and the church in preparation. More than onethird of all child-care facilities and kindergartens are run by Christian churches or organizations. Christian education occurs in these facilities, but increasingly they take into account the mixed population, including a growing number of Islamic children and children from nonconfessional families. Sunday school services are common in the parishes, but attendance has decreased in recent decades. Only 5–10 percent of baptized children attend these services. New forms or strategies of educating children are established taking account of the decreasing Christian socialization in families. Confirmation classes have become more important in providing Christian education that previously occurred in families. About 90 percent of all Protestant 14-yearolds are confirmed, totaling about 250,000 confirmands every year. A recent study (Schweitzer, Ilg, and Simojoki 2010) outlines the competences (knowledge, faith, and faithful practices) that are promoted by confirmation classes and contribute to social cohesion in civil society. In the Catholic Church, communion classes begin when the children are eight years old. Often parents are actively involved in the preparation classes, and more and more group activities are part of the preparation. The next step is to renew their baptismal promise in the sacrament of confirmation, which happens at age 13. Other areas of Christian education are youth work and adult education; these involve children, youth, and adults. These activities include many self-organized events in which churches provide space for meetings, bible studies, and other faith-based activities. Christian education also takes place in faith-based institutions, contributing to the common good of society. Protestant and Catholic institutions such as kindergartens and schools are based on Basic Law Art. 7.4, which guarantees the right to establish private schools. In Germany, more than 1,100 Protestant schools and 900 Catholic schools are part of the public education system and are attended by 435,000 students. After reunification,

Gerson, Jean

a remarkable number of new institutions were founded, mainly in eastern Germany. Most were created on the initiative of parents who wanted to provide better education for their children. (Protestant schools increased by 261 between 1999 and 2007.) A Catholic motto for schooling is “to provide a space for living in which the spirit of freedom and the love of the Gospel become lively.” Another concern of Christian education is coresponsibility for religious education in public schools. Access to RE is guaranteed by the German Constitution (Art 7.3), which establishes it as a res mixta, responsibility of both the state and the religious communities. Christian churches contribute by providing religious education in schools for the common good and guarantee that it is a decisive part of public education. Many school laws refer to Christian roots and base the concept of education on Christian values. The State of Religious Freedom and Freedom of Worship and Conscience; Church-State Relations The relationship between church and state in Germany is based on constitutional and statutory provisions as well as on state-church treaties. The German Constitution provides for religious freedom in Article 4 (freedom of faith, of conscience and of creed): (1) Freedom of faith and conscience, and freedom of creed, religious or ideological, are inviolable. (2) The undisturbed practice of religion is guaranteed. Freedom of religion enjoys special constitutional protection. The German legal system guarantees religious communities autonomy to look after their own affairs (e.g., ecclesiastic labor law). There is no state church (Art. 137), but there are many instances of cooperation between the state and the religious communities (e.g., religious education, theological faculties at state universities). Problems Christian education has to face include demographic developments (decrease in the number of Christians); religious change that means subject orientation individualization, including secularization and differentiation from culturally influenced lifestyles; and change in life world and life orientation. References and Resources Kirchenamt der EKD, ed. 2013. Education from a Protestant Perspective: A Collection of Documents from the Evangelical Church in Germany. Evangelische Kirche in Deutschland. Gütersloh, Germany: Gütersloher Verl.-Haus. Scheilke, Christoph, and Martin Schreiner. 1999. Handbuch Evangelischer Schulen. Gütersloh, Germany: Gütersloher Verlagshaus. Schreiner, Peter. 2007. “Germany.” In Religious Education in Europe: Situation and Current Trends in Schools, edited by Elza Kuyk, Roger Jensen, David Lankshear, Elisabeth Löh-Manna, and Peter Schreiner, S. 81–87. Oslo: IKO—Publishing House.

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Schweitzer, Friedrich, Wolfgang Ilg, and Henrik Simojoki, eds. 2010. Conformation Work in Europe: Empirical Results, Experiences and Challenges; A Comparative Study in Seven Countries. Gütersloh, Germany: Gutersloher Verlagshaus.

—Peter Schreiner

Gerson, Jean Jean Gerson (1363–1429) was a French theologian, church reformer, and chancellor of the University of Paris. Gerson lived during the turbulence of the Great Schism (1378–1417), when two popes, and for a time three, claimed leadership over Rome. He was educated at local schools until age 14, when he began his studies in Paris. After being ordained as a priest, he continued his education, earning a doctorate in theology, and was appointed chancellor at the University of Paris and the head of the school of theology. Known for his integrity, Gerson was a defender of orthodoxy and sought to reform the church and the rampant hypocrisy within the university. According to Gerson, the university was to serve the church and produce graduates who were able to speak to the common person. His threefold agenda was that students must learn theology, be formed in ethical character, and receive training to be effective preachers. Pride and arrogance was recognized as a barrier that restricted knowing God’s way of living. Therefore, preachers should not only speak eloquently in Latin to their colleagues, but also be proficient in communicating those same truths clearly in the vernacular language of French to the laity. Gerson frequently preached on the topics of humility, chastity, and penance. Gerson participated in the Council of Constance (1414–1418), which eventually resolved the Great Schism, though he did not grasp the significance of the more radical reforms advocated by John Hus (c. 1372–1415), who was condemned to death at Constance in 1415. While misguided in his attacks against Hus, Gerson’s desire for reform prefigured Luther, including on matters of authority, the role of human efforts and grace in the nature of salvation, and how one discerns whether visions are from God. He stressed the importance of combining the intellect and affect, reflective of Bernard of Clairvaux (1090–1153), one of his favorite theologians, and stressed the critical role of love and contemplation rather than speculative philosophy in learning. He wrote more than 500 works, including the Mountain of Contemplation (1400), first written for his own sisters, which reflects his desire to address the laity. Gerson insisted that unlettered laypeople were more likely to experience God than overeducated priests and church leaders. The range of his writings included hearing confessions, testing of mystical experiences and visions, and

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various aspects of purity, and their depth later earned him the title “consoling doctor.” Gerson was criticized for his commitment to guiding young children to Jesus, which others thought was beneath the dignity of his office. In On Bringing Children to Christ, Gerson developed this teaching around Jesus’s words, “Let the little children come to me” (Matt. 19:14, NRSV), and explained it both literally and allegorically. He insisted that there was no higher task than following the example of Jesus, who equally was misunderstood by his followers. For Gerson, the motivation was not so much the love of children, as later educators would emphasize, but rather the moral concern that their souls were endangered. The proper use of confession and penance was to be employed to snatch the souls of little children from the doors of hell and bring them to Jesus. Significantly, Gerson recognized the importance of speaking to children at their own level. To accomplish this, he addressed them through poetry to make his message more understandable and easier to retain. Gerson asserted that preaching, admonition, encouragement, and most important, the careful and disciplined use of confession, are the best means for bringing children to Christ. Gerson’s frequent emphasis on the necessity of confession was due to the rampant cultural corruption that affected youth. Gerson’s legacy emphasizes the availability of the spiritual life for all people, regardless of their training or background, and stresses the equal importance of knowledge and devotion. His contemplative spirituality influenced not only Roman Catholics, such as the Brethren of the Common Life and Francis de Sales, but also Richard Baxter and other 17th-century Protestants. His life reminds educators of the importance of children and of forming them both morally and biblically.

began in the early 19th century, when missionaries arrived from the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel (late 1700s; Anglican Church), Basel (1828; Presbyterian Church), Wesleyan Methodist (1835; Methodist Church), and Bremen (1847; Evangelical Presbyterian Church) (Odamtten 1978, viii), following a high incidence of death among pioneer missionaries (Ghana Evangelism Committee 1993, 107). Church denominations are categorized under broad umbrella organizations: (1) the Christian Council member churches, (2) the Bishop’s Conference of the Catholic Church in Ghana, (3) the Conferences of the SeventhDay Adventist church in Ghana, (4) the Ghana Pentecostal Council member churches, and (5) the Mission Related Churches (Ghana Evangelism Committee 1993, 108–109). Yet to be added to the list are the National Council of Charismatic Churches and the Supreme Council of Independent Churches. Sunday school or small group Bible study and sermons have been the primary avenues of imparting Christian religious knowledge. The constitution of Ghana allows freedom of religion, and though approximately 69 percent of the population subscribes to Christianity, there is peaceful coexistence among diverse religious bodies. Two traditional models of Christian education delivery have been (1) informal education, in which “unlettered” people are taught functional literacy and are thereby enabled to read the scripture in their mother tongue or in English, and (2) formal education, in which Christian students are able to study and practice their faith without hindrance at church-related schools and universities. References and Resources

Cully, Kendig B. 1960. Basic Writings in Christian Education. Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 119–132. McGuire, Brian P. 1996. “Education, Confession and Pious Fraud: Jean Gerson and a Late Medieval Change.” American Benedictine Review 47 (3): 310–338. ———. 1998. Jean Gerson: Early Works. Mahwah, NJ: Paulist Press. ———. 2005. Jean Gerson and the Last Medieval Reformation. University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press.

Bediako, Kwame. Jesus and the Gospel in Africa: History and Experience. Maryknoll, NY: Orbis Press, 2004. Ghana Evangelism Committee. 1993. National Church Survey Update. Accra: Ghana Office. Odamtten, S. K. 1978. The Missionary Factor in Ghana’s Development (1820–1880). Accra, Ghana: Waterville Publishing House. Pobee, J. S. Kwame Nkrumah and the Church in Ghana 1949– 1966. Berlin, Germany: International Academic Publishers, 2000. The Rise of Independent Churches in Ghana. Accra, Ghana: Asempa Publishers.

—Tom Schwanda

—Sam Twumasi-Ankrah

References and Resources

Ghana and Christian Education

Giving as Christian Practice

Roman Catholic priests accompanied Portuguese traders into Ghana (formerly Gold Coast) in the 15th century. However, enduring missionary activities only

Giving is an important tenet of the Christian faith. Without giving, the work of the kingdom will be very difficult for any church. Giving is not optional. It is a command-

Global Associates for Transformational Education

ment from God to build relationship with believers. Giving begins with the tithe, which appears in the Old Testament in the story of Abram and Melchizedek (Gen. 14:17–24). The tithe was established before the Law and as a result is a commandment given by God. God commanded that His people give one-tenth of their earnings. The purpose of the tithe in the Old Testament was to provide support for the Levites and assistance to the poor; in this present time, and in the New Testament, it is to draw the people close to God through obedience to His commandment. Tithing is still important today, as it assists the believer in learning how to give, even at times sacrificially in obedience to God. Motivation in giving is important. How one gives to God is as important as what and when one gives. Individuals must keep in mind that they are not giving to a church, but are giving to God because He instructs His children to give. Jesus admonished the Pharisees for their public giving and their motive for giving in Matthew 23:23 (Fisher 1976; Jamieson and Jamieson 2009; Rice 1958). The reasons we give are as important as being obedient in the giving. When we give because we expect God to bless us, then our motives are not what they should be, because we are more interested in receiving the blessing from God than we are in giving to God because we are thankful for the blessings already received from Him. This is giving because of reciprocity; we give because we expect something in return. This type of giving has no scriptural basis. Giving must always be done in a thankful atmosphere, not for what we hope that God will do, but in thankfulness for what God has already done in the giver’s life and in obedience to what He has commanded. There is an art to giving in the Christian sense, and it must be taught to believers. In order for individuals, families, and congregations to understand the concept of freely giving to advance the work in the Kingdom of God, it must be taught so that everyone understands that they are required to give. The concept of coming into the church with not only a tithe, but also an offering, is one that all believers and attendees should be instructed in. Children, especially, should be taught the importance of giving from the moment they begin to attend Sunday school or children’s church. In this way, giving will become a part of their church experience and their worship. The teaching on giving should be included in the instructions of the church, as people do not always give according to what they can give unless they are provided with the opportunity to understand the importance of giving theologically and spiritually. Moreover, teaching on giving is important, but there is no specific formula for instructing the membership of a church on how to give. It is best if the pastor knows his or her congregation and can identify an acceptable means of instruction.

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In A New Climate for Stewardship, Wallace E. Fisher (1976) provides a definition for stewardship that encompasses more than the giving of money: “Stewardship is a more contemporary term for giving that is used in many churches to describe giving. Stewardship is defined as the practice of systemic and proportional giving of time, abilities and material possessions based upon the conviction that these are trusts from God to be used in his service for the benefit of all mankind in grateful acknowledgement of Christ’s redeeming love.” Including time and talent as part of an individual’s giving is also important as the volunteering of members of the congregation to assist the church in advancing kingdom work. References and Resources Christopher, J. Clif. 2008. Not Your Parents’ Offering Plate. Nashville, TN: Abingdon Press. Fisher, Wallace E. 1976. A New Climate for Stewardship. Nashville, TN: Abingdon Press. Jamieson, Janet T., and Philip D. Jamieson. 2009. Ministry and Money: A Practical Guide for Pastors. Louisville, KY: Westminister John Knox Press. Rice, Brian. 1958. What Is Christian Giving. London: SCM Press.

—Candace Shields

Global Associates for Transformational Education Global Associates for Transformational Education (GATE www.gateglobal.org) originated in 2003 as a team of four collaborators: Duane Elmer, Ralph Enlow, Robert Ferris, and John Lillis. Each of these founding associates had earned advanced degrees in both biblical/theological studies and education. Each possessed extensive experience in higher education leadership and cross-cultural ministry. Each expressed a sense of calling to provide professional development opportunities for “Majority World” theological educators. As the GATE team explored the potential for a collaborative Majority World professional development initiative, they convened approximately 30 East European pastors and seminary leaders in Sopron, Hungary. These leaders collectively affirmed that much of current theological education inadequately equips pastors to meet the needs of the church, address the problems of culture, or communicate relevantly with the emerging generation. The group’s consensus was aptly summarized by Nik Nedelchev, then president of both the European Evangelical Alliance and the Bulgarian Evangelical Theological Institute: “We imported the best theological education models from the West and they are not doing the job of training our

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pastors.” Although Nedelchev stated starkly the realities of many East European theological schools, the GATE team observed that these challenges are not regional; they exist throughout the Majority World. The GATE team has dedicated itself to helping fellow educators from around the world embrace educational principles and practices that equip church leaders in ways that are appropriately contextual, genuinely transformational, and biblically grounded. GATE’s strategy is to introduce “best practice” educational models and methods and to lead Majority World educators to reflect theologically on these strategies and current practice. This is accomplished through a series of workshops, which are characterized by (1) increasing the probability of longterm sustainable change by eliciting a four-year commitment from influential theological schools to participate in annual, three-day faculty development workshops; (2) increasing the probability of change in the institutional culture through participation by a critical mass of faculty and administrators from each school; (3) engendering greater fellowship and cooperation among evangelical theological educators through participation by multiple faculties; and (4) fostering personal and institutional transformation through a workshop format that models a dynamic blend of presentation and learning tasks. Following is an overview of GATE’s four-year faculty development program: Year 1: Theological and Philosophical Foundations for Transformational Education: Engages participants in discovering how entering students’ characteristics, their cultural realities, and the nature of biblical leadership inform educational design. Biblical/ theological categories as well as established educational principles ground the workshop’s content and outcomes. Year 2: Teaching Methods for Transformational Education: Exposes participants to classroom methodologies that help them go beyond delivering content to designing learning experiences. The wide variety of methods Jesus used in addition to lecture, his purposes for using these methods, and the transformational outcomes he realized correspond to best educational practices. Year 3: Leadership Principles for Transformational Education: Examines the dissonance between current institutional practices and biblical patterns of leadership and learning. Values undergirding leadership styles, decision making, personnel management, and conflict resolution are examined with a view to appropriate personal and institutional changes. Year 4: Curriculum Development for Transformational Education: Leads participants through a process for

developing curricula that equip church leaders to live, minister, and advance kingdom values in their contexts. Individuals and faculties reflect on shortand long-term implications of curricular change. Between 2004 and 2012, GATE conducted 33 workshops for more than 500 faculty members from 77 theological schools in 17 nations in Eastern Europe, Asia, and Africa. As appreciation and demand for GATE workshops has grown exponentially, the GATE team has added regionally based associates to expand the team’s capacity and responsiveness to contextual challenges facing ministry educators serving the global church. References and Resources Ferris, Robert W., Jr., ed. 1995. Establishing Ministry Training: A Manual for Programme Directors. Pasadena, CA: William Carey Library. Ferris, Robert W., and Ralph E. Enlow Jr. 1997. “Reassessing Bible College Distinctives.” Christian Education Journal (1): 5–19.

—Ralph E. Enlow Jr.

Global Poverty Whether caused by natural disaster, lack of resources, war, disease, or political oppression, poverty has been present in every civilization. In Judeo-Christian history, individuals facing poverty were protected by religious law and were often met with public compassion, financial charity, and divine protection. The Torah encouraged wealthy individuals to financially support the poor in their communities (Deut. 15:1–11). It additionally identified the fatherless, widows, and foreigners in the land as those most likely to be facing poverty, and as such the law commanded that food provisions not be kept from them (Deut. 24:19–22). God also declared Himself to be the defender of the poor (Deut. 10:17–19; Ps. 68:5–6). As Deuteronomy 10:18–19 clearly states: “[God] defends the cause of the fatherless and the widow, and loves the foreigner residing among you [Israel], giving them food and clothing. And you [Israel] are to love those who are foreigners, for you yourselves were foreigners in Egypt.” In the New Testament, Jesus is also recorded as showing great compassion and love toward the poor. In Jesus’s teaching, the poor were described as blessed by God and recipients of his kingdom (Luke 6:20; Matt. 5:3). Jesus also noted that it was to the poor that he came to preach the good news (Luke 4:18–19; 7:22). He also encouraged charity (Luke 18:22) and hospitality (Luke 14:12–14) toward the poor. As the early church grew, the disciples continued Christ’s generosity to the poor. The first-century Jerusalem

Global Theologies

church members famously shared their personal possessions with all the Christian believers in the city, leaving no one in need (Acts 2:41–45, 4:32–35). Material poverty (Rom. 15:25–29; Gal. 2:10) and spiritual poverty (Rev. 3:17), however, continued to be present in the developing Christian community. It was within this environment that Paul the apostle taught of the possibility of being materially rich but spiritually poor (2 Cor. 6:10). Since the first century, followers of Christ have continued to show charity toward the poor. Individuals such as St. Francis of Assisi (1181/1182–1226), George Müller (1805–1898), William and Catherine Booth (1829–1912; 1829–1890), Pandita Ramabai (1858–1922), Amy Carmichael (1867–1951), and Mother Teresa (1910–1997) have served the poor through their provision of humanitarian aid, education, and heartfelt compassion. Numerous Christian organizations have continued this legacy, assisting those in poverty around the world throughout the centuries. In the 21st century, examples of these charitable organizations are World Vision International, Catholic Relief Services, Hope International Development Agency, World Relief, International Orthodox Christian Charities, the Salvation Army International, and Compassion International. Although poverty has traditionally been defined as a lack of material resources, in recent decades a more holistic definition of poverty has been identified. In Walking with the Poor, Bryant L. Myers (1999) notes that by describing poverty simply as an absence of food, water, education, basic skills, or knowledge of the Gospel, we often see the poor as socially inadequate and passive receivers dependent upon others. The author thus calls for an expansion of the term to include material, social, emotional, physical, educational, and spiritual poverty. With this extended definition, the power differential generated by a top-down approach to charity is substantially reduced, and instead the poor are normalized and humanized. Numerous charitable organizations have redefined their ministries accordingly, embracing means through which those in poverty can be empowered and given tools for success. With the goal of holistic restoration of communities, numerous organizations offer educational training in practical subjects such as personal finances, literacy, health, and business management. Many also offer small financial loans for individuals to start microbusinesses in their communities. The primary goals of this transformational development approach include (1) empowering local communities, (2) providing sustainable solutions, and (3) encouraging local ownership of issues. References and Resources Dixon, John, and David Macarov, eds. 1998. Poverty: A Persistent Global Reality. New York: Routledge.

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Myers, Bryant. 1999. Walking with the Poor: Principles and Practices of Transformational Development. Maryknoll, NY: Orbis. Schottroff, Luise, and Wolfgang Stegemann. 1986. Jesus and the Hope of the Poor. Maryknoll, NY: Orbis. Van Der Hoeven, Rolph, and Anthony Shorrocks, eds. 2003. Perspectives on Growth and Poverty. Tokyo: United Nations University Press.

—Sarita D. Gallagher

Global Theologies In the last decades of the 20th century, African, Asian, and Latin American theologies emerged as different cultures, nations, and religions rapidly became interconnected. Due to this process of globalization, Latin American and African women emerged as the typical 21st century Christian, whereas white European men have historically symbolized the archetypal Christian. With this development, the West is no longer considered to be the vital center of Christian theology. Thus Christians, especially those in the West, are called to think of church life in global, localized contexts as an important factor in the formulation and practice of Christian theology. The Christian missionary movement laid the foundation for this post-Western, global theological movement. For nearly 2,000 years, Christian churches sent missionaries across the world to evangelize, and in some instances colonize, non-Christians. In the struggle to liberate themselves from colonial inculturation, Christians in the global South realized that what was presented as transcultural and normative, was, in fact, a very particular Western or European contextualization of the faith. Out of this context various postcolonial theological perspectives became voiced and accepted as crucial parts of the Christian whole. Korean minjung theology and Indian dalit theology exemplify postcolonial theological perspectives. The neologism “glocal” reflects the inductive and dialectical method of global theologies. This method uses particular empirical realities to construct localized theologies in light of the Gospel’s universality. The best theological symbol of this paradigm is Jesus Christ, who embodies how a particular person, who lived in a particular culture and spoke a particular language, can express a universal message accepted by various cultures, peoples, and languages. Global theologies are not easily categorized as Roman Catholic, Eastern Orthodox, or Protestant. However, Pentecostalism, inclusively defined, is a global theological movement both numerically and geographically. Global evangelical Protestant perspectives are also emerging and can be found in the scholarship of Andrew Walls, Lamin Sanneh, and Philip Jenkins. The election in March 2013 of Pope Francis from Argentina may signal

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that the Catholic Church, even though it still regards Western Europe, and Rome in particular, as the center of the Christian movement, may be embracing a more global theological perspective. Given the increasing globalization of theology, teachers will need to engage students with non-Western thinkers by moving beyond dependency on Western-based texts toward contextually sensitive global theological trends. The International Council for Evangelical Theological Education suggests that theological education should shift from text to context. Overseas or cross-cultural immersion experiences will help students and seminarians learn in a multiperspectival, multidisciplinary, and multicultural way in which the insights of all voices, especially those previously marginalized in the theological conversation, are taken seriously. Theology and religion teachers may also find it helpful to bring in guest speakers from non-Western backgrounds for class dialogue. Another alternative is to use Skype, video clips, or other technologies to open the classroom to various theological voices. Students may want to familiarize themselves with reference tools like the Global Dictionary of Theology or key interdisciplinary journals such as Studies in World Christianity, Asia Journal of Theology, The Journal of Theology for Southern Africa, the evangelically oriented Journal of Latin American Theology, and the Roman Catholic Journal of Hispanic/Latino Theology. References and Resources Dyrness, William A., and Veli-Matti Kārkkāinen, eds. 2008. Global Dictionary of Theology. Nottingham, UK: InterVarsity Press. Gaillardetz, Richard. 2008. Ecclesiology for a Global Church: A People Called and Sent. Maryknoll, NY: Orbis. Greenman, Jeffrey, and Gene Green, eds. 2013. Global Theology in Evangelical Perspective: Exploring the Contextual Nature of Theology and Mission. Nottingham, UK: IVP Academic. Ott, Craig, and Harold A. Netland, eds. 2006. Globalizing Theology: Belief and Practice in an Era of World Christianity. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic. Robert, Dana L. 2000. “Shifting Southward: Global Christianity since 1945.” International Bulletin of Missionary Research 24 (2): 50. Schreiter, Robert. 1997. The New Catholicity: Theology between the Global and Local. Maryknoll, NY: Orbis. Tennent, Timothy. 2007. Theology in the Context of World Christianity: How the Global Church Is Influencing the Way We Think about and Discuss Theology. Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan. Yong, Amos. 2005. Poured Out on All Flesh: Pentecostalism and the Possibility of Global Theology. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic.

—Robert Pennington

Global Underground Churches From the dawn of Christianity in the first century, persecution has accompanied the followers of Jesus Christ. Whether it was the maltreatment of Christians by the Roman Emperors during the first and second centuries or the Mongol massacres during the 14th century, Christian believers throughout history have faced numerous periods of abuse and discrimination. In recent decades, Christianity has been suppressed by several political entities, including atheist states such as the former USSR and North Korea and extremist Islamic states such as Saudi Arabia, Afghanistan, and Iraq. Open Doors, a Christian organization started by the Dutch missionary Brother Andrew, has served the global persecuted church since its beginning in 1955. Originally established to facilitate the smuggling of Bibles into communist countries, Open Doors supports the freedom of Christians around the world. In monitoring the religious climate of each nation, the organization has identified 50 of the most anti-Christian states around the world. The current top 10 nations on the watch list are (1) North Korea, (2) Saudi Arabia, (3) Afghanistan, (4) Iraq, (5) Somalia, (6) Maldives, (7) Mali, (8) Iran, (9) Yemen, and (10) Eritrea. The reaction of persecuted Christians throughout history has varied depending on their circumstances. In the face of discrimination, imprisonment, torture, and possible death, Christian believers have often responded by escaping persecution through immigration or as refugees, or if they’re unable to leave, by worshipping together in secret. Evidence of Christians worshipping in secret churches, also known as underground churches, has been preserved in Christian literature and in ancient archaeological sites. The now infamous catacomb tombs under the streets of Rome, Italy, still bear the etchings of Christian believers burying their dead during the secondcentury Roman persecution. In nearby Asia Minor, the caves and underground cities carved into the volcanic mountains of Cappadocia also mark the Roman persecution of Christians during the same period. Similar clandestine Christian gatherings have been recorded throughout each era of Christian persecution. One of the most prominent examples of the underground Christian church movement in the 21st century is the house-church movement in the People’s Republic of China. Although the government has instituted both a Protestant and a Catholic Church—the Three-Self Patriotic Movement (TSPM) and the Chinese Patriotic Catholic Association (CCPA)—there are also numerous unregistered Christian gatherings throughout the nation. Established initially due to the 1949 governmental restrictions on unregistered religious organizations, the Chinese house-churches have continued to operate

Glossolalia

as indigenous-led, independent expressions of Chinese Christianity. Persecution of house-church pastors and congregation members has fluctuated since the 1950s, between severe abuse and minor discrimination. The governmental response to Christians attending unregistered churches in China has included reeducation in labor camps, imprisonment, and torture. Multiple international mission organizations are currently supporting Christians around the world living under religious persecution. Due to the volatile nature of many of these nations, the foreign aid workers themselves are in constant risk of deportation, imprisonment, and sometimes execution. Depending on the specific region, foreign support is often expressed through distribution of Christian literature, financial assistance, international advocacy, and prayer. In rare cases such as that of North Korea, indigenous Christian congregations have little known contact with the outside world. Christian education within underground church movements is limited to the resources available. Education within the country is usually restricted to informal education, such as mentorship by senior Christian leaders and personal and communal Bible study. Outside the nation, formal Christian education is available via foreign theological seminaries. References and Resources Frend, W. H. C. 2008. Martyrdom and Persecution in the Early Church. Cambridge, UK: Lutterworth Press. Marsh, Christopher. 2011. Religion and the State in Russia and China: Suppression, Survival, and Revival. New York: Continuum. Marshall, Paul, Lela Gilbert, and Nina Shea. 2013. Persecuted: The Global Assault on Christians. Nashville, TN: Thomas Nelson.

—Sarita D. Gallagher

Glossolalia In the Christian faith, glossolalia is a very controversial term, in that there are issues surrounding its use in corporate service and individually. Even within denominations that believe in the use of glossolalia, there is quite a bit of difference in how believers use or experience this gift of the Spirit. However, not all denominations are in agreement with glossolalia usage today. Some denominations believe the gifts are not for the 21st century, and therefore there is no usage of glossolalia in corporate service or individually. Glossolalia, or speaking in tongues, is a concept from the New Testament that is usually associated with the Day of Pentecost. This is when the Holy Spirit came upon the believers in the upper room, as

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described in the Book of Acts. It is here described by the author of Acts, Luke, as a gift bestowed on humanity by God as a new phenomenon for the people of God. Though the word glossolalia does not appear in the New Testament, the term glossais lalein does; it can be translated as “speaking with tongues.” There appears to be confusion with the synonymous usage of speaking in tongues and speaking in unknown tongues. It would appear that on the Day of Pentecost, those speaking in tongues as the Spirit gave utterance were speaking in languages or dialects that others could understand and interpret. This is not the same as speaking in an unknown tongue, though both terms are at times used synonymously. When an individual is speaking in an unknown tongue, neither the speaker nor the hearer can understand what is being said. As a result, an interpreter needs to be present to translate. When a believer is speaking in an unknown tongue, the individual is talking to God and does not know what is being said in the conversation. Often this is referred to as the individual’s heavenly language and is used when praying. However, the use of speaking in tongues today in many instances is without interpretation or understanding, in open services. Glossolalia is considered to be one of the gifts of the Holy Spirit found in 1 Corinthians 14, which is where Christian education teaches is one of the places the gifts of the Spirit are given and defined. However, even there, there is confusion associated with the use of speaking in tongues. The apostle Paul gives directions about when it is appropriate to speak in tongues. It appears that speaking in tongues was being used in ways that were disrupting the services and drawing attention from unbelievers. It was at that time that Paul explained that the use of glossolalia or speaking in tongues, though a gift, was one of the lesser gifts and should be used with discretion. If someone was seeking a gift, he should seek prophecy, which is considered to be a higher gift. Speaking in tongues did not benefit the unbeliever and should only be used when it could be interpreted or in private communion with God. Not much was written about glossolalia or speaking in tongues until the 20th century. Christian education points to a resurgence of glossolalia then. There is still as much controversy concerning how it should be used and when it should be used in corporate services. Glossolalia is thought to be a phenomenon that occurs when revival is taking place, especially since the two most notable occasions were on the Day of Pentecost and the Azusa Street revival in Los Angeles. It is a phenomenon mostly associated with and widely used among Pentecostals and charismatics. However, there have been reports of glossolalia being used by a vast number of denominations, including Catholicism. There are groups

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within the Pentecostal denomination that believe glossolalia is a sign of being baptized with the Holy Spirit in accordance with the Day of Pentecost and several places in the scripture at which the Holy Spirit fell and individuals began to speak in tongues. References and Resources Hutch, Richard A. 1980. “The Personal Ritual Glossolalia.” Journal for Scientific Study of Religion 19 (3): 255. Stagg, Frank, E. Glenn Hinson, and Wayne E. Oates. 1967. Tongue Speaking in Biblical, Historical and Psycholgical Perspectives. Nashville, TN: Abingdon Press. Walton, Steve. 2006. “Charismatic Glossolalia: An Empirical Theological Study.” Evangelical Quarterly (April): 177–180.

—Candace C. Shields

God, Adolescent Views of The adolescent period of development marks a physical change as the child becomes an adult, and this is matched by a change in emotional and cognitive development. The adolescent is likely to challenge, adapt, or adopt the norms of the period connected to previous childhood and the protocols of encroaching adulthood, including concepts of God and patterns of behaving. The meanings of religious participation and of religious beliefs change across the course of development. Most theories of religious development have as their foundation the cognitive developmental theory of Piaget, which focus on the structure of religious thought as it changes across time, rather than on the content of religious beliefs. Notable among these theories are those of Elkind (1964, 1970), Fowler (1991), and Oser (1991). These theories have in common the proposal that religious thinking, in conjunction with other areas of thinking, moves from concrete imagery and literal beliefs in childhood to more abstract religious thinking in adolescence. Thus, it is only in adolescence that religious beliefs and values are expected to begin to take on the same meanings that they have in adulthood. In adolescence and adulthood, individuals understand that different religions and religious denominations have different foundational beliefs, including different beliefs about the nature of God and humankind and the relationship between the two as expressed through worship, prayer, and the activities of daily life. When older adolescents and adults report denominational affiliations, they are not simply identifying the church that they attend, but are rather identifying a set of religious practices to which they adhere and the religious beliefs that underlie these practices.

Elkind (1964, 1970) found that such understanding of religious beliefs and practices is not present in young children, but rather develops across childhood. He proposed that there are three stages of religious development in childhood and adolescence that parallel the preoperational, concrete operational, and formal operational stages of cognitive development described by Piaget. Fowler (1991) developed a theory of faith development that, like Elkind’s theory, includes a series of stages that largely follow the cognitive developmental stage theory of Piaget. This theory is also strongly influenced by Erik Erikson’s psychosocial theory of ego identity development (e.g., Erikson, 1950). As defined by Fowler, faith is “the dynamic process of construal and commitment by which we focus our trust and loyalty, our dependence and confidence, in a center or centers of value, and on images and realities of power. In faith we find coherence for our lives through allegiance to an emerging, conscious master story or stories” (1991, 33). Fowler’s is a life span theory, four stages of which occur in childhood and adolescence. He referred to these as stages of faith consciousness. The first stage (stage 0), primal faith, occurs during infancy. The second stage is intuitive-projective faith (stage 1), which emerges during the preoperational stage as described by Piaget. The third stage of faith development is mythic-literal faith (stage 2). The fourth stage, synthetic conventional faith (stage 3), is a more conforming faith, which is the normative faith for teenagers, regardless of their religious affiliation. Oser’s theory of the development of religious judgment focuses on stages in the development of religious judgment (Oser 1991). Oser defines religious judgment as “reasoning that relates reality as experienced to something beyond reality and that serves to provide meaning and direction beyond learned content” (1991, 6–7). He was particularly interested in developmental changes in the explanations that children and adults have for experiences, both personal and observed, that appear to be contrary to religious beliefs. Religious judgments thus involve the answers that individuals find for themselves that reconcile religious faith with reality that appears to contradict that faith. Oser described five stages in the development of religious judgment, three of which are typically stages of reasoning reached in childhood and adolescence. The fourth develops in a minority of individuals in adolescence. Oser developed this stage theory based on interviews with individuals from ages 7 through 75. In Stage 1, children’s views of God are highly concrete and literal. In Stage 2, older children and adolescents view God in a less punitive light. God can be influenced by an in-

God as Learner

dividual’s good behavior, by prayers, and by adherence to religious rituals and practices. God’s love is seen as evident in a healthy and happy life, God’s wrath in His failure to intervene in times of strife. At the same time, God is also seen as less likely to intervene concretely and directly in human affairs. Beginning in adolescence, Stage 3 religious judgment becomes increasingly common. God is seen as more distant and apart from the world, and individuals are seen as more responsible for their own well-being. In Stage 4, which begins to appear among a small percentage of older adolescents, individuals who maintain religious faith may turn again to God as the ultimate Creator who is the source of freedom and life, and whose existence makes life meaningful. Finally, it should be noted that Oser’s theory does not suggest that all religious judgments exhibited by an individual will necessarily be at the same stage, nor that all individuals of the same age will exhibit the same levels of religious judgment. Each of the theories described thus far focuses on agerelated trends in the development of religious thinking. While acknowledging individual differences in understanding and reasoning, the focus is on general trends, rather than on the causes of individual differences. In contrast, the attachment-theoretical perspective of Kirkpatrick (1997) is primarily focused on individual differences in religious beliefs. Kirkpatrick proposes that individuals’ religious beliefs and practices are influenced by those of their parents, but the nature of this influence is strongly affected by the quality of the parent-child attachment relationship. According to Kirkpatrick and Shaver (1997), children whose relationships with parents are secure are likely to adopt the religious beliefs of their parents, while those whose relationships are insecure are likely to be less influenced by parents: [T]he availability and responsiveness of an attachment figure, who serves alternately as a haven and as a secure base and from whom separation would cause considerable distress, is considered a fundamental dynamic underlying Christianity and many other theistic religions. Whether that attachment figure is God, Jesus Christ, the Virgin Mary, or one of various saints, guardian angels, or other supernatural beings, the analogy is striking. The religious person proceeds with faith that God (or another figure) will be available for protection and will comfort him or her when danger threatens; at other times, the mere knowledge of God’s presence and accessibility allows a person to approach the problems and difficulties of daily life with confidence. (1997, 117)

As with any attachment relationship established beyond infancy, the quality of the primary relationship(s)

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established with caregivers in infancy and early childhood is expected to strongly affect qualitative characteristics of the relationship with God. Secure relationships with religious parents may promote high levels of religiosity and belief in a loving and supportive God. Insecure relationships, particularly with religious parents, may promote agnosticism and atheism, or belief in a God who is punitive and demanding. References and Resources Elkind, D. 1964. “Age Change and Religious Identity.” Review of Religious Research 6: 36–40. ———. 1970. “The Origins of Religion in the Child.” Review of Religious Research 12: 35–42. Erikson, E. 1950. Childhood and Society. New York: W. W. Norton. Fowler, J. W. 1991. “Stages in Faith Consciousness.” In Religious Development in Childhood and Adolescence, edited by F. K. Oser and W. G. Scarlett, 27–45. New Directions for Child Development, no. 52. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Kirkpatrick, L. A., and P. Shaver. 1997. “Attachment Theory and Religion: Childhood Attachments, Religious Beliefs, and Conversion.” Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 29: 315–334. Oser, F. I. 1991. “The Development of Religious Judgment.” In Religious Development in Childhood and Adolescence, edited by F. K. Oser and W. G. Scarlett, 5–25. New Directions for Child Development, no. 52. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass.

—Howard Worsley

God as Learner The question might be asked: “Where is God in the context of change?” There is a view that says God does not change, that God lives outside of change because He is beyond and above the pressures that affect mortal people. There is also the view that God dwells within change, deeply affected by the affairs of the human race. Christianity offers both perspectives. The first perspective considers God as being unchangeable, concentrating on God existing before time. This viewpoint says that God is the great “I am,” impassive and immutable, even “the God of the ‘omnes’” (i.e., the God who is omnipresent, omniscient, and omnipotent). This God is transcendent, a notion prevalent in Islam and in ancient religions that use the Old Testament to speak about a God who is beyond human understanding. Obviously to speak of the God of the “omnes” is to remove God from the vagaries of the process of change and makes theology seem less relevant to current contexts. Within liturgy this is expressed “as it was in the beginning, is now and shall be forever, Amen.”

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The second perspective considers God to be known in time and to be perceived to change with the progress or painful setbacks of experience. This God is imminent. This notion of God is particularly reflected through the Christian faith in Jesus Christ, who is understood to be God living with His people as a human, known as Emmanuel (God with us). This is a God who weeps, who suffers, who questions, who knows anger and tiredness, and who even dies. He is known more in liberation theology and in the theologies of identification that speak about God as drawing alongside His people to lead them out. This understanding of God fits more readily into the process of learning and change and therefore seems more relevant to the concerns of education. Many people will hold an image of God that allows for both stability and development and will understand both aspects of permanence and change. If this theology is to be engaged in an educational context, it will be noted that the traditional understanding of a transcendent and unchanging God is one who is the teacher. God is seen to have existed before time and needs no education. Such a God has no need to learn, because He already knows everything. However, such a view of God draws on biblical texts that imply that there is no dialogue with God. For example, God’s response to the suffering plight of Job is, “I am the Mighty One. Will the man who argues with me correct me? Let him who brings charges against me answer me!” (Job 40:2). Similarly, the prophet Isaiah offers comfort to an exiled people, saying, “God sits on his throne above the earth. Its people look like grasshoppers to him” (Isa. 40:22) or “Do you not know? Have you not heard? The Lord is God who lives forever. He created everything on earth. He won’t become worn out or get tired. No one will know how great is His understanding” (Isa. 40:28). However, the Old Testament also shows evidence of God changing after creating the human race, when he decides to send the flood to wipe out humans: “The Lord was sorry that He had man on the earth. His heart was filled with pain” (Gen. 6:6). Three chapters later, God says that He would never again act like this, and his promise of permanence is, “A flood will never destroy the earth again” (Gen. 9:11). Similarly, in the New Testament, Jesus demonstrates the learning character of God, not only by His appearance as a human but by His self-confessed ignorance of some things. For example, Christ is stated to have been unaware of the future: “No one knows about that day or hour. Not even the angels in heaven know. The Son does not know. Only the Father knows” (Matt. 24:36). In Jesus Christ, God appears as a learning God, as a child who learns Aramaic at His mother’s knee, who

learns to honor His parents when He is absent for too long at the age of 12. This God is seen to be learning to break out of His cultural norm, to be learning to reject the accepted rudeness to women, mothers, and strangers. To speak of God as learning is not heretical, although it may sound so, because learning does not imply that the learner is inadequate or sinful. Rather, it implies a development and an improvement on a previous way of being. When a five-year-old learns how to ride a bicycle, this does not imply a previous state of sin when the child could not ride a bicycle. Luke’s Gospel records the growing up of the human Jesus: “Jesus became wiser and stronger. He also became more pleasing to God and to people” (Luke 2:52). This biological development of Jesus recorded in the Gospels shows a biological and an educational developmental notion of Christ. The incarnation of God in Jesus allows Christians to see God as “one of us,” God as a learner. This does not take away from God’s perfection, but rather enhances it. The writer to the Hebrews speaks of God in Christ becoming perfect through His sufferings. “He has made the One who saved them perfect because of his sufferings” (Heb. 2:10 NIRV). Because God is known as love, God is in constant dynamic flow with the object of that love. Love is always flowing, it is dynamic, it is changing, and it is learning how to relate. As God flows into the future in His creation, it is right and proper to say that He learns with us. Maybe we are also right to draw back from being too definite at this point, as to some extent God is beyond language and thought. God is too high for our humble ideas, and to an extent it is foolish to attempt theology, because God exists beyond our language, and we cannot name Him adequately in words. However, the language of education has established that in the Christian tradition, God can be discussed as one who is learning as well as one who teaches. In other words, He can be seen as the teacher and as the learner. Another line of thought might equally say that God is revealed as the father but also as the son who is a child. If this reflection is applied to education and to the church in the 21st century, it is interesting to notice the new areas that become open for theological reflection. God can be seen with the teacher as the Creator and as the sustainer. God can also be seen with the learner as the poet and as the experimenter. Reference Hull, J. 1985. What Prevents Christian Adults from Learning? London: SCM Press.

—Howard Worsley

God, Children’s Views of

God as Teacher One of the principal ways that God interacts with humankind is as our teacher. As our Creator, and the one with all knowledge and wisdom, it is natural that we would look to God for guidance and to know more about ourselves, our purpose in this world, and how we are to live. In addition, because of our sinful fallen state, we do not always know and pursue the good as we ought, and we need someone to both teach us what the good is and help us learn how to live it faithfully. This understanding of God as teacher is shown in the book of Job, when Elihu proclaims, “Behold, God is exalted in His power; Who is a teacher like Him?” (Job 36:22, ESV), and when the Psalmist writes, “Make me know your ways, O LORD; teach me your paths. Lead me in your truth and teach me” (Ps. 25:4–5). The good news is that in our need of God as our teacher, God responds, willing and eager to teach us. Each person of the Trinity, Father, Son, and Holy Spirit, is presented in scripture as carrying out a teaching function for God’s people. God the Father instructed the people of Israel in His Law: “Now this is the commandment—the statutes and the rules—that the Lord your God commanded me to teach you, that you may do them in the land to which you are going over” (Deut. 6:1). The Psalmist, speaking for God, says, “I will instruct you and teach you in the way which you should go; I will counsel you with My eye upon you” (Ps. 32:8). The prophets also instructed and corrected Israel with the messages they received from God. Micah envisioned a time when, “many nations will come and say: ‘Come, let us go up to the mountain of the Lord, to the house of the God of Jacob, that he may teach us his ways and that we may walk in his paths.’” (Mic. 4:2). The Father is also the one who sent the Son, Jesus Christ, “the Word,” to make God the Father more fully known to us (John 1:18). “Rabbi” was the most common name used for Him in the Gospels, and He is frequently portrayed teaching the people with instruction from God the Father. “My teaching is not mine, but him who sent me” (John 7:16). His teaching was different from the teaching of others and commanded attention, because it was from God: “And he was teaching them on the Sabbath, and they were astonished at his teaching, for his word possessed authority” (Luke 4:31–32). God the Father also sends the Holy Spirit to continue the divine ministry of teaching. Just before His arrest and crucifixion, Jesus explained to His disciples, “I still have many things to say to you, but you cannot bear them now. When the Spirit of truth comes, he will guide you into all the truth, for he will not speak on his own authority, but whatever he hears he will speak, and he will declare to you the things that are to come” (John

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16:12–13). Paul writes in 1 Corinthians concerning how the Holy Spirit reveals the things of God to those who are indwelt by the Spirit (1 Cor. 2:10). One of the major ways in which the Holy Spirit makes it possible for people to come to know God and God’s will is through the scriptures, which were brought to us by the Holy Spirit’s work. “All Scripture is breathed out by God and profitable for teaching, for reproof, for correction, and for training in righteousness, that the man of God may be complete, equipped for every good work” (2 Tim. 3:16–17). God not only teaches us, but gives us the resources needed so that we might learn from Him and teach each other to know God and obey Him. Since God takes the initiative to be our teacher and provides us with the gifts and resources to carry on ministries of teaching within the church, it is critical that we understand God’s purposes in teaching us, the content that He has identified as important for our learning, and the appropriate means of instruction so that our teaching ministries might be consistent with God’s own. Even in our own teaching efforts, the Holy Spirit is present to guide both teacher and learners as they interact with God’s Word so that genuine learning and transformation can occur. Though we may carry out the tasks of teaching, God continues to be the ultimate Teacher who helps us learn and grow. References and Resources Estep, J., M. Anthony, and G. Allinson. 2008. A Theology for Christian Education. Nashville, TN: Broadman & Holman. Pazmiño, R. W. 2001. God Our Teacher: Theological Basics in Christian Education. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic.

—Kevin E. Lawson

God, Children’s Views of The Christian educator’s belief about the way children view God has important implications for the religious instruction of children. Psychologist Ronald Goldman suggested that a child should not receive formal Bible instruction before the age of 10 or 11.15 He believed that before this age, children are incapable of understanding the abstract and unique characteristics of God. Goldman based his views on Jean Piaget’s theory of cognitive development and extensive interviews with children in Great Brittan. This perspective is explored here in greater detail under the anthropomorphic/cognitive view. Such an approach would question if the theological perspective on general revelation is applicable to a child’s 15. R. Goldman, Religious Thinking from Childhood to Adolescence (New York: The Seabury Press, 1964).

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conception of God. The Baker Encyclopedia of the Bible says of revelation: “The association of God’s revelation with nature, by which people have an intuitive knowledge of God’s existence, is of long standing and is a truth supported throughout Scripture, OT (Psalms 10:11; 14:1; 19:1) and NT (Acts 14:17; 17:22–29; Romans 1:19–21).”16 In other words, are children equipped with an innate knowledge of God? Do children develop a view of God that is based primarily on human characteristics? These and many other questions about children’s views of God have great salience for religious educators. Much research has been done on children’s views of God, but only three prominent hypotheses are examined here. The Anthropomorphic/Cognitive Hypothesis During the first half of the 20th century, the Swiss psychologist Jean Piaget worked with children to develop an understanding of cognitive development. He observed and documented stages of cognitive development and developed the theory of “enetic epistemology.”17 According to Piaget, all children pass through four invariant stages of development.18 The anthropomorphic view has applied Piaget’s developmental stages to children’s views of God. According to this view, children below age 10 or 11 cannot think abstractly and therefore must understand God through human traits. The idea is that children first understand human traits, and then later understand God and other beings through those same human traits. Children start out projecting human traits onto God, but then through maturation and theological training, they acquire abstract concepts of God. According to this view, the young child’s view of God can be summarized by describing God “as a big, super-human who lives in the sky.”19 Much of the support for the anthropomorphic/cognitive hypothesis comes from studies in which children were asked to draw pictures of God, write letters to God, or tell stories about God. These types of responses were then compared to adult responses to questionnaires, inventories, and other means of self-reporting one’s beliefs.20 By comparing these two dissimilar types of responses, the theory has been maintained that children view God entirely through anthropomorphic means (a picture of a big person in the sky), and that there is a shift 16. W. Elwell and B. Bietzel, Baker Encyclopedia of the Bible (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House, 1988). 17. D. Singer and T. Revenson, A Piaget Primer: How a Child Thinks (New York: Penguin Books, 1996), 8. 18. Ibid., 20–26. 19. J. Barrett and R. Richert, “Anthropormorphism or Preparedness? Exploring Children’s God Concepts,” Review of Religious Research (2003): 300–312. 20. Ibid.

in adolescence to viewing God abstractly (as reported by adults on questionnaires). It should be noted in passing that American psychologist Jerome Bruner held views that sharply contrast to this popular theory. He believed that any subject can be taught effectively and in an intellectually honest form to a child in any stage of development.21 However, he never applied his perspective to a study of the concept of God in children. He maintained that a spiral curriculum would allow a return to subjects at a later time when the student had the necessary apparatus to grow in understanding. Unlike the anthropomorphic/cognitive hypothesis, Bruner’s theory does not hold to inflexible and invariant stages. The anthropomorphic/cognitive view has two significant drawbacks. (1) It does not take into account God’s supernatural revelatory power (recall God’s call to Samuel as a boy; 1 Sam. 3:1–18). (2) It is narrowly and rigidly defined by Piaget’s invariant stages. Strict adherence to stage levels is not always necessary or beneficial. However, the anthropomorphic/cognitive model provides a useful reminder that children do think differently than adults. Relating abstract concepts to concrete examples can be helpful when teaching children. The Attachment/Relationship Hypothesis Adult-child relationships have been demonstrated to have a significant effect on children’s views of God. Studies include the effects of the parent-child relationship and even the effect of the teacher-child relationship that occurs in Christian schools. In a study at Hope College, Michigan, there was clear evidence that children’s perceptions of parents correlate strongly to children’s perceptions of God.22 It was found that when children perceive their father as nurturing, God too was perceived as nurturing. Similarly, if children perceived their mother as powerful, they were more likely to perceive God as powerful. It was abundantly clear that parents played a significant role in the child’s perceptions of God. In another study, almost 80 percent of children surveyed received religious education at school. It should not be surprising that even though many of the children came from nonreligious homes, because they were taught by religiously oriented teachers, the teachers had a strong influence on the children’s perceptions of God. There was 21. J. Bruner, The Process of Education (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1960), 33. 22. J. Dickie, A. Eshleman, D. Merasco, A. Shepard, M. Vander Wilt, and M. Johnson, “Parent-Child Relationships and Children’s Images of God,” Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 39 (1997): 25–43.

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a positive correlation between a nurturing child-teacher relationship and the concept of a loving God. 23 Very early in scripture, it is clear that God’s intention is not for man to live alone (Gen. 2:18). The family unit is the foundational social grouping in society. Within the matrix of the family, God prescribed the importance of teaching children about His character and leading children to love Him (Deut. 6:6–9). Consider also Ephesians 6:4: “Fathers, do not provoke your children to anger, but bring them up in the discipline and instruction of the Lord.” The significant role of parental influence on children can be found throughout scripture and is supported by empirical research. Furthermore, for religious educators these studies support adult education for parents to become more effective in their role as spiritual teachers of children.

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Four- and five-year-old children are also more likely to categorize a friend as mortal and God as immortal, rather than uniformly applying anthropomorphic views by responding that a friend and God are both mortal. Three-year-olds are more likely to attribute immortality to both God and a friend. Again, this shows that often children’s default assumptions theologically fit with the attributes of God, not humans. The preparedness hypothesis is congruent with the biblical teaching of an innate awareness of God. It is supported by a growing body of research that demonstrates that even from a young age, children are aware of God, understand Him as different from humans, and display some default assumptions that are not anthropomorphic in nature. References and Resources

The Preparedness Hypothesis Recall the earlier definition of general revelation as “intuitive knowledge of God’s existence.” The preparedness hypothesis provides a new, emerging, and very promising understanding of children’s views of God. The preparedness hypothesis asserts that children have an innate and intuitive preparedness for acquiring God concepts.24 There is evidence that children can readily understand some attributes of God in a nonanthropomorphic way. At times children’s default beliefs are more closely aligned to the characteristics of God than to characteristics of humans.25 In one study, children and preschoolers displayed the ability to discriminate between God’s knowledge and a human’s knowledge; God knows everything, even when humans are fooled into incorrect assumptions. Threeyear-olds tried to attribute more knowledge to humans, such as their mother, than she actually possessed. This suggests a “default” inclination toward believing in omniscience, pointing toward the idea that children are prepared to understand this attribute of God. Children as young as four have demonstrated an understanding that God, not humans, created natural things. This indicates that even young children understand God as Creator in a distinct way, creating things like animals, the sky, and plants. They understand that God can make things that humans are incapable of creating. Children did display confusion when asked about an artificial or toy version of a natural object, such as a toy cow. 23. S. De Roos, S. Miedema, and J. Iedema, “Attachment, Working Models of Self and Others, and God Concepts in Kindergarten,” Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 43 (2001): 607–618. 24. Barrett and Richert, 300–312. 25. Ibid.

Barrett, J., and R. Richert. 2003. “Anthropormorphism or Preparedness? Exploring Children’s God Concepts.” Review of Religious Research 45: 300–312. Bruner, J. 1960. The Process of Education. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. De Roos, S., S. Miedema, and J. Iedema. 2001. “Attachment, Working Models of Self and Others, and God Concepts in Kindergarten.” Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 40: 607–618. Dickie, J., A. Eshleman, D. Merasco, A. Shepard, M. Vander Wilt, and M. Johnson. 1997. “Parent-Child Relationships and Children’s Images of God.” Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 36: 25–43. Elwell, W., and B. Bietzel. 1988. Baker Encyclopedia of the Bible. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House. Goldman, R. 1964. Religious Thinking from Childhood to Adolescence. New York: The Seabury Press. Singer, D., and T. Revenson. 1996. A Piaget Primer: How a Child Thinks. New York: Penguin Books.

—Virginia Gray

God, Images of Coming from the Latin word imago, an image may be described as a visual representation, a mental picture, an idea, or a conception of someone or something. It also includes the perception of someone or something held by a group. Images are not abstract thoughts, but rather paint pictures that are laden with perceptions and feelings. In this way they differ from ideas. Image of God refers to one’s operative and perceptive insight concerning that which is supreme in our lives. An individual may hold several images of God, which may

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change and develop throughout the life cycle. Common images of God include an old man with a beard, an absent God, a remote God, a judging God, an unforgiving God, a serious God, a God who loves conditionally or unconditionally, a challenging God, a loving, caring, forgiving God, and many more. Evolving through stages of psychological development, the negotiation of life experiences and social factors, one’s images of God influence the manner in which one relates to God, self, and the world. Images of God differ from ideas about God and may be at variance with the doctrinal professions one makes about God. Whatever one’s image or images of God, it is important that they be authentically grounded in theology. Although scripture offers a plethora of images of God, no image fully captures who God is. The variety of images offered in scripture include God as a father full of mercy and compassion, a mother who gives life and nurtures, a generous Creator, a judge, and ultimately Jesus Christ, the image of the unseen God. These words and images used to describe God in both the Old and New Testaments paint mental pictures (images) in the human mind and challenge any false or stale images that may be held. The God presented in the Hebrew scriptures is an adult, male God whose name is YHWH, as was revealed in Exodus. This is a God who is a generous Creator, who blesses all of creation and enters into a covenant with His people. The Old Testament reveals many images of God—a God who, in the cool of the evening, walks through the Garden of Eden; a God who invites Abram to become the father of a great nation and who, in their old age, blesses Abraham and Sarah with a son; a God who later puts Abraham to the test, telling him to sacrifice his only son, Isaac, yet stopping him before the deed is done; a God who turns Lot’s wife into a pillar of salt, who leads the Israelites through the desert and brings them back to their homeland, who speaks to Moses from the burning bush and to Elijah in the gentle breeze; who loves Israel more than a mother with the child at the breast, who longs to communicate divine wisdom to all who value it. The God of the New Testament is revealed in the person of Jesus Christ, the image of the invisible God. He is the Good Shepherd, the Bread of Life, the living water, the prodigal father, the one who invites people to “come, follow me,” to “do this in memory of me,” the one who challenges his followers to be like the good Samaritan, the tax collector at the back of the temple, or the poor widow who put all she had into the box. In sum, the authors of the Old and New Testaments used illustrations from the created world, such as man and woman, cloud, dove, eagle, fire, light, rock, wind, and water; from roles in life such as mother, father, host, visitor, and wrestler; and from such occupations as gardener, potter, judge, king, landowner, and shepherd to

provide images of God. It is important to note that no image teaches everything about God. Rather, these are the images that God has chosen to reveal to His people. References and Resources Mills, M. E. 1998. Images of God in the Old Testament. Guilford: Southeastern, PA: Biddles. Paterson, J., and K. Paterson. 1998. Images of God. New York: Clarion Books. Patterson, R. D., and M. D. Travers. 2008. Face to Face with God. Richardson, TX: Biblical Studies Press.

—Finola Cunnane

Godly Play Godly Play® is a well-defined approach to Christian education, which began in 1960 at Princeton Theological Seminary with a question. Professor D. Campbell Wyckoff required Jerome Berryman to take a tutorial with him instead of the required Christian education course to begin the search for an answer. He assigned the writing of a theory of Christian education for the tutorial, which is still being worked on some 50 years later. The Goal Godly Play invites children into a spirit of playful orthodoxy that combines a deep rooting in classical Christian language with creative openness. This is accomplished by associating the Christian language system with the creative process to make existential meaning, which has implications for learning, which is good pedagogy, but also has implications for knowing God personally, which is good theology. Godly Play also involves children and adults in mutual blessing. This follows Jesus’s saying that to become spiritually mature, one needs to become like a child. Adults cannot make the spiritual journey for children, so they need to equip them to make the journey for themselves. At the same time, by profoundly being who they are, children teach adults to wonder again and renew the graceful unity they had as children. Godly Play does not attempt to force, manipulate, convince, or bribe children to think and feel in a certain way about God. Instead, the art of how to make meaning with Christian language—sacred stories, parables, liturgical action, and contemplative silence—is taught so children can better cope with their existential limits—death, aloneness, the threat of freedom, and the need for meaning. The short-term goal is for children to enter adolescence with an inner working knowledge of the Christian language system. The long-term goal is for them to become graceful people as adults.

Godly Play

The Key Assumption Godly Play assumes that young children already have experienced the presence of the mystery of God in an undifferentiated way. This is a reasonable assumption, because evidence has also been accumulating in the physical and social sciences that the evolution of our species has been ongoing, because we are fundamentally creative spiritual beings. This case is summarized by David Hay’s Something There: The Biology of the Human Spirit and in his biography of Sir Alister Hardy, God’s Biologist. Hardy was the Linacre Professor of Zoology in Oxford and a Fellow of the Royal Society. In 1969, he set up the Religious Experience Research Unit at Manchester College, Oxford, which has now moved to the University of Wales. These books summarize the modern challenge to the irrational prejudice that began in the eighteenth century against acknowledging God’s presence in our lives. The Theory and Practice Jerome W. Berryman’s Godly Play: A Way of Religious Education (1991) describes how Godly Play combines developmental psychology and Montessori education with God’s lively presence, theology, play, and the creative process to articulate an approach for mentoring children’s moral and spiritual development. It discusses the ultimate game, the importance of laughter, and the structure of a Godly Play experience. Six aspects of the spoken and unspoken process of Godly Play are discussed: wonder, community/ethics, the participants’ existential limits, the nature of religious language, the importance of associating religious language with the creative process to make existential meaning, and how to use the deep structure of the Holy Eucharist to guide the flow of the process. The Biblical Theology The biblical theology that guides Godly Play is Samuel Terrien’s The Elusive Presence: Toward a New Biblical Theology (1978). Terrien emphasized the experience of God itself rather than theological concepts based on that experience. This approach is more organically related to what the child is experiencing and provides a meaningful story, which resonates with the child’s own story. Terrien wrote, “When presence is ‘guaranteed’ to human senses or reason, it is no longer real presence. The proprietary sight of the glory destroys the vision, whether in the temple of Zion or in the eucharistic body. . . . In biblical faith, presence eludes but does not delude” (476). Children know this elusive presence, but they have few opportunities to learn an adequate language to identify, name, express, or gain perspective on their experience of God. Most of the language they learn in school is the language of science, including the social sciences, and

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outside of school they are taught the language of consumers. To become playfully orthodox gives them the means to speak Christian, which in turn helps them become Christian in a rooted and yet open way. The Method Jerome Berryman’s Teaching Godly Play: How to Mentor the Spiritual Development of Children (2009b) presents the Godly Play method. It describes what actually happens in a Godly Play room: entering the space mindfully, the presentation of the lesson, wondering in the community of the circle about the presentation, working alone or in small groups to create expressive art to reflect on the lesson or one’s life experience, gathering in the circle again for prayers and a simple “feast,” and going out with a formal good-bye. Background information tells why adult mentors need to make certain moves when guiding children’s spirituality. Ways to evaluate one’s practice and how to keep growing as a mentor all one’s life are also included. The Spiral Curriculum The Godly Play curriculum spirals upward and out from the core lessons, to extensions, enrichment lessons, afterwards lessons, and synthesis lessons. The eight volumes of The Complete Guide to Godly Play describe this pattern. Volume 8 contains an overview of the foundational literature for Godly Play and the most complete summary of the spiral curriculum to date. In general, the core presentations are for children from 3 to 12 years of age. The extension, enrichment, and afterwards lessons are for children from 6 to 12 years. The synthesis lessons are for older children, from 9 to 12 years. The core lessons are the key sacred story, liturgical action, parable, and silence lessons. An example from the sacred story genre is the creation story. The sacred stories follow the key events noted by Samuel Terrien’s The Elusive Presence. The liturgical action presentations generally follow the liturgical year. The parables follow the loosely organized collections of parables in the Synoptic Gospels. The contemplative silence genre may be found in the way the lessons are presented, the organization of the room, and the whole process of Godly Play. The children and their mentors are the main embodiment of this genre. Extensions extend the core lessons. Enrichment lessons do not extend so much as deepen the core lessons. Afterwards lessons involve events and symbols that come after the biblical era. Synthesis lessons make a synthesis of the key lessons in each of the four genres. The synthesis for the sacred stories integrates key narratives to make a lesson about the Holy Trinity. The synthesis lesson for the parables synthesizes all of the parables from the Synoptic

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Gospels and the “I-Am” statements from the Gospel of John by asking a series of questions concerning the parable corpus and what the collection means as a whole. The synthesis for the liturgical action lessons draws together key liturgical lessons into a series of circles set within the circle of children. The silence synthesis takes place in the church. The Historical Context Jerome Berryman’s Children and the Theologians (2009a) traces the ambivalence, ambiguity, and indifference of theologians to children, as well as the occasional interpretation of children as a means of grace. The negative aspect of this de facto theology of childhood still unconsciously controls much of the thinking in today’s church, which distorts innovative, well-grounded theory and practice. The Spiritual Guidance of Children: The Montessori Tradition and Godly Play (2013) by Berryman traces the development of Godly Play from the Montessori tradition through four generations. The book describes how the process of Godly Play feels in action and how the psychological, social, biological, and spiritual dimensions of the creative process come from an original unity and can be renewed through integrating flow, play, love, and contemplation to help renew graceful people, which is the long-term goal of Godly Play. References and Resources Berryman, Jerome W. 1995. Godly Play: An Imaginative Approach to Religious Education. Minneapolis, MN: Augsburg. ———. 2002–2012. The Complete Guide to Godly Play. Volumes 1–8. Denver, CO: Morehouse Education Resources. ———. 2009a. Children and the Theologians: Clearing the Way for Grace. New York: Morehouse. ———. 2009b. Teaching Godly Play: How to Mentor the Spiritual Development of Children. 2nd ed. Denver, CO: Morehouse Education Resources. ———. 2013. The Spiritual Guidance of Children: The Montessori Tradition and Godly Play. New York: Morehouse. Hay, David. 2007. Something There: The Biology of the Human Spirit. West Conshohocken, PA: Templeton Foundation Press. ———. 2011. God’s Biologist. London: Darton, Longman and Todd. Terrien, Samuel. 1978. The Elusive Presence: Toward a New Biblical Theology. San Francisco: Harper & Row.

—Jerome W. Berryman

Government Officials The political environment can be (and often is) a difficult one in which the believer can provide a Christian education (i.e., knowledge and application of the iner-

rant and infallible truths of scripture). Scripture does reveal how the church should behave toward government officials and how to minister to them, in addition to God’s desire for governing authorities. God’s decree is evident in that He providentially appoints political leaders. Authorities do not derive their power from the consent of the governed; rather, civil authority is derived from God (cf. Dan. 2:21; John 19:10–11). Every human being is made in God’s image and has His “Law written in their hearts” (Rom. 2:15, cf. 13:5). Therefore, even non-Christian lawmakers can outlaw evil without cognizance that their criterion “for good” is derived from God. Of course, there are rare times when Christians cannot submit to the state (e.g., Exod. 1:15–22; Dan. 6; Acts 4:19–20). Christians cannot disobey what God has commanded, nor obey what is contrary to scripture. Government officials often do not understand God’s sovereign decree; thus the church must educate them with such crucial truths. God alone providentially installs leaders in the realm of government, and there is divine provision available to government leaders. Scripture indicates that God has always desired for His people to be a witness and a light to the nations (Isa. 49:6, 60:3; Luke 2:32; Acts 13:47, 26:23). God has always placed servants in positions to engage political leaders (whether Israelite or Gentile nations). In the Old Testament, God spoke to kings through prophets, who would declare His word and will to them. Messages delivered to civil authorities were not contingent upon a positive reception, but always testified to God’s character and will (e.g., Gen., 39–41; 2 Kings 19; Neh. 1–2; Dan. 4–6; Jon. 3). Jesus commissioned “the twelve” to testify of Him to all Israel, which was an audience including government officials (Matt. 10:18), and prophesied of another time that will be an opportunity to give witness to political leaders (Mark 13:9). Paul was first summoned to preach to kings (political leaders) in Acts 9:15; thus it is not surprising that his first recorded convert was Sergius Paulus, the Roman governor of Cyprus (Acts 13:6–12). Moreover, 12 of the 16 cities that Paul visited on his missionary journeys were capitals (because these were centers where policy was controlled and boasted a sphere of influence that would help the Gospel permeate society). Even in Paul’s final ministry venture, the Lord sent him in chains testifying to Rome and Caesar (Acts 23:11, 28:14). Paul was such a prestigious prisoner that the palace guard was assigned to protect him. He was cognizant that his presence was to further the spread of the Gospel (Phil. 1:12–13). One may almost discern a celebratory attitude as Paul concluded his prison epistle (Phil. 4:21–22). According to 1 Timothy 2:4 (“who desires all men to be saved and to come to the knowledge of the truth”),

The Great Commission

God desires the redemption of political leaders. God’s desire is for all humanity not only to be saved, but also to come to the knowledge of the truth. Elected officials can receive a Christian education, and the church (both individually and corporately) bears responsibility to provide that message (Rom. 10:14–15). God’s design is also for his church to pray and submit to political leaders. First Timothy 2:1–4 indicates that the church is to give thanks for those in office and pray and petition God that He will use outreach efforts to grant them repentance and spiritual rebirth, and the result is a tranquil and dignified life under the discernment, authority, and protection of truly born again believers who are indwelt and directed by the Holy Spirit (even more important is the eternal destiny of each leader). As the people of God seek the welfare of the cities in which they live and pray to the Lord on their behalf, the welfare of those cities will be the welfare of the church (Jer. 29:5–7; cf. 1 Pet. 2:13–15). As “ambassador” of Christ, the church goes into the world proclaiming an eternal message (2 Cor. 5:20), and of course that message involves confrontation of sin. Honoring and submitting to government officials does not mean agreeing with unbiblical activities and positions (cf. Acts 4:18–20, 5:28–29; Tit. 1:6, 3:1–2), for the church is the “pillar and support of truth” (1 Tim. 3:15), which means providing education in biblical teachings within the political sphere and all areas where God provides influence. Whether policies are involved or a matter is addressed in public speaking, officials regularly have to respond to issues that the Bible addresses; it is thus incumbent upon the church to equip those leaders with a distinctly Christian education, which would involve evangelizing those who have not yet experienced a personal relationship with Jesus Christ (Rom. 1:16) and establishing those who desire to mature in their faith and knowledge of Scripture (Col. 2:6–7). A distinctly Christian education for government officials is not promoting Judeo-Christian morality and ethics without relating those “symptoms” directly to the Judeo-Christian God (“cause”). Morality (“symptoms”) is not the goal toward which a Christian education is completed; rather, it should be a catalyst for which to educate officials with the distinctive revelation of the one true God (“cause”). One cannot expect a government official to adopt the principles of scripture, if that official rejects its Author. References and Resources Capitol Commission. http://www.capitolcom.org. Harmeling, James. 2012. Psalm 101: A Crown of Commitment. Raleigh, NC: Capitol Commission.

—Ron J. Bigalke

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The Great Commission The term “Great Commission” is used to denote Christ’s command to His followers found in Matthew 28:18–20, Mark 16:15–16, Luke 24:46–49, and John 20:21. Only in the past two hundred years has it become the prominent Protestant evangelistic mandate. Throughout most of church history, the Great Commission did not provide the motivation or orchestration of the missionary effort. It only became the dominant motivator of the missionary vision after William Carey (1761–1834) published An Inquiry into the Obligations of Christians to Use Means for the Conversion of the Heathens in 1792, in which he made the argument that Christ followers should take the Gospel to the non-Christian world based primarily on obedience to the command. This unwittingly led to a neglect of the missionary role of the Holy Spirit and the whole missionary thrust of both the Old and New Testaments. Missionary activities are intrinsically educational, and the Great Commission was a command of the risen Christ to “make disciples” and “teach” (Matt. 28:18–20), with the emphasis on these two main verbs and imperatives rather than on to “baptize” and “go” into the entire world in obedience to Christ. Both these directions are educational, as missionaries share the Gospel truth by bringing understanding of God and the implications of following Christ to different groups of people (panta ta ethnē of Matt. 28:19). Over time various interpretations of the Great Commission have emphasized different aspects of the scripture, which has in turn shaped the various missionary exploits. For example, in the last 30 years, there has been a growing tendency to take seriously the Great Commission’s requirement of teaching all that Christ commanded. This emphasis requires that the truths about the nature of God as revealed in the whole of the Bible’s redemptive history be shared in order. This was reflected in Trevor McIlwain’s (1987) chronological teaching outline, in which the whole story was kept in view as selected stories were told in phases. Contemporary missions endeavor to fulfill the task of the Great Commission through a variety of educational means, such as preaching with its intent to persuade, home fellowship groups centering on Bible study, and the individual witness of evangelists and church planters to enhance biblical understanding, all educational methods related to the fulfillment of Jesus’s directive. Bible correspondence and online courses via Bible Education by Extension (BEE) and Theological Education by Extension (TEE) methodology are explicitly educational in their design and evangelistically successful in various cultures. In countries with creative access, educational vehicles have proved an effective means to share the Gospel of

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Greece and Christian Education

Christ’s Great Commission. With the emergence of the prominence of the English language in global business, science, and technology, the demand for English teachers around the world has dramatically increased. Subsequently, corresponding increases in professionally trained Christian teachers, Teaching English to Speakers of Other Languages (TESOL), have ventured into non-Christian arenas to teach the world’s lingua franca. Development and relief workers, as well as agricultural scientists, also afford an educational opportunity to fulfill the Great Commission of Christ, as do mass media via literature, radio, television, and the worldwide Internet. Modern communication methods provide educational instruction of the Christian truths that are used by the mission enterprise. The church also provides many opportunities for education following Christ’s command, such as discipleship programs for the recently converted; catechism and baptismal classes; Sunday preaching and Sunday school classes for children, youth, and adults; as well as vacation Bible schools and informal church leadership seminars and conferences for minsters and laity. Furthermore, formal theological educational institutions such as Bible schools and institutes, seminaries, colleges, and universities are all involved in the Great Commission, as are schools for missionary children. Reference McIlwain, Trevor. 1987. Guidelines for Evangelism and Teaching Believers, Sanford, FL: New Tribes Mission.

—Robert L. Gallagher

Greece and Christian Education In Greece, Christianity dates back to as early as when the mission of the apostle Paul was inaugurated on the continent of Europe. Since then, Christianity has been established and reinforced as the predominant religion of this part of Europe, where the Byzantine Empire flourished from the fourth to the 15th centuries. After the collapse of the empire and its fall to the Muslim Turks, Christianity, and especially the so-called branch of it, Greek Orthodox Christianity, continued to influence the lives and destinies of the inhabitants of the area. In the 19th century, the land was liberated and became a free state with the name “Kingdom of Greece” (1833). Since the establishment of the new state, Orthodox Christianity has been the predominant religion of Greece. Orthodox Christianity preoccupies almost every aspect of the private and public life of the country. As a consequence, it is hard to distinguish whether there exists in Greece any kind or form of education that is entirely free from the burdens of the heritage and influence of Orthodox Christianity.

Given this socioreligious and political background, since the establishment of the Greek state, Christian education has been a compulsory school subject in primary and secondary education, with a distinct Orthodox Christian content that is required for all pupils. Only very recently (2008) has the state permitted pupils who are not willing to take the subject do so without justifying their choice. The content of Christian education in Greek schools is designed to offer an overview of the teaching and moral beliefs of Orthodox Christianity and to enhance the Christian way of living and behaving. The Greek Orthodox Church is comfortable with such an arrangement because, since its establishment as an official church (1833), it has heavily relied on state support, both financial or functional. Such a solution has extremely weakened one of the most important responsibilities of the church—namely, to educate its own flock in the faith with its own instructive means, ethos, and spirituality. The existing Sunday schools and the educational and recreational centers in some diocesan parishes do not suffice to justify the official church’s abstaining from taking more seriously the responsibility to systematically introduce the Orthodox Christian faith to its believers of all ages. The criteria for selection and formation of the content of Christian religious education in schools have always been influenced by Greek theological scholarly work, which is produced within the existing faculties of theology in the Universities of Athens and Thessaloniki. For the last 50 years, the main preoccupation of the Greek Orthodox Christian theologians has been the interpretation and hermeneutics of the Byzantine patristic writings and thought, especially of the seventh-century father Maximus the Confessor and the 11th- and 14th-century fathers, such as Symeon the New Theologian and Gregory Palamas, respectively. As a result, an experiential and ascetic type of theological intercourse has emerged that implicitly penetrates the foundational principles of Greek religious education in schools. This hermeneutic enterprise—interwoven with modern Western philosophical thought and especially Christian existentialism—is the prevailing theological approach for the main themes of the Christian faith story that is presented and interpreted through the Christian religious education curriculum and school textbooks. School textbooks are full of biblical, historical, and doctrinal knowledge and abstract theological concepts that prevent pupils from grasping and understanding the meaning of the Christian message and its usefulness for everyday life. Today there is much need for Greek Christian religious education in schools to realistically adapt its principles and select and revive its content and method in presenting the main themes of the Orthodox Christian story.

Greek

Such an approach would enable Christian religious education to meet the requirements of the values of a democratic education and the challenges of the religious pluralism and cultural diversity that all European societies confront. References and Resources Karamouzis, P., and E. Athanassiades. 2011. “Religiosity and Education. The Views of Greek Student Teachers on the Religious Education Course.” Religious Education 106 (3): 312–331. Kozhuharov, V. 2006. “Being a Religious Education Teacher in an Orthodox Tradition.” In Religious Education and Christian Theologies: Some European Perspectives, edited by P. Schreiner, G. Pollard, and S. Sagberg, 79–91. Münster, Germany: Waxmann Verlag GmbH. Perselis, E. P. 1984. “Religious Education in Greece. Its origin, development and future. With special reference to Religious Education in England.” Theologia 55 (2): 497–516; (3): 810–853. ———. 2007. “Religious Pluralism and Religious Education in Europe and Greece: Comparative Tendencies and Perspectives.” In Visionen wahr machen: Interreligiöse Bildung auf dem Prüfstand; Referate und Ergebnisse des Nürnberger Forums 2006, edited by J. Lähnemann, 378–386. Hamburg: EB-Verlag, Dr. Brandt. Rymarz R. 2006. “Handing on Religious Values to Young Orthodox people in a Western, Secularized Society.” In International Handbook of the Religious, Moral and Spiritual Dimensions in Education, Part One, edited by M. de Souza, G. Durka, K. Engebretson, R. Jackson, and A. McGrady, 513–523. Dordrecht, The Netherlands: Springer. Tsakalidis G. 1993. “Greek Orthodoxy and Religious Education: ‘Worldly’ Themes and Consideration of Other Religions.” British Journal of Religious Education 15 (2): 28–35. Vrame A. C. 2006. “An Overview of Orthodox Christian Religious Education.” In International Handbook of the Religious, Moral and Spiritual Dimensions in Education, Part One, edited by M. de Souza, G. Durka, K. Engebretson, R. Jackson, and A. McGrady, 277–292. Dordrecht, The Netherlands: Springer.

—Emmanuel P. Perselis

Greek Greek, a language of the Indo-European family, is perhaps the most important language for the study of Christian education. Greek is the language of the New Testament, many of the earliest church fathers, and the Septuagint (the scriptures for the apostles), as well as the language of the cultural milieu most important for the writing and articulation of the New Testament and the early church.

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To know Greek, ἑλληνίζειν, meant not only to be literate but also to be cultured; this view of Greek not only predominated in much of the ancient world but even existed in some circles into the modern era. The learning of Greek has often been associated with cultural revivals over the last couple of millennia.26 Unlike all other ancient languages that influence Christian education today, only Greek survives—it is very much a living, not dead, language, having undergone several major changes in its long and storied history.27 The study of the Greek language for the purpose of Christian pedagogy has its roots in the centuries before the writing of the Greek New Testament. There is definite evidence that formal schools teaching Greek existed in the fifth century BC; before that period, there is no evidence.28 There were also books and bookshops.29 Even by the fifth century, a formal Greek education was necessary for young men, though different city-states had very different strategies for language acquisition. The format of Greek education was not that dissimilar from Western education today, with elementary, middle, and upper divisions for younger students, followed by higher education in either rhetoric or philosophy for young adults from the upper classes. This focus on language and educational development surely assisted in the cultural transformations in the Mediterranean in the fourth century. By the third century, the Greek language had infiltrated no less than the culture of Jerusalem.30 The growing influence of the Greek language among diaspora Jews resulted in the creation of the Septuagint, the Old Testament (and related works) translated into common (koine) Greek. During this time, Greek as concept moved away from ethnicity and geography and toward language, education, and culture.31 In the first century BC, a revival sprang up among many Greek writers with the desire to return to the Attic style of the golden age. By the time of the events of the New Testament, Greek was very much an acceptable—if not the expected—language of the people in the Mediterranean world, which included Jewish communities. Paul wrote in Greek not 26. For example, this view was held by the early Protestant reformer Philipp Melanchthon; see Asaph Ben-Tov, Lutheran Humanists and Greek Antiquity: Melanchthonian Scholarship Between Universal History and Pedagogy, Brill’s Studies in Intellectual History 183 (Leiden: Brill, 2009), 140. 27. Margaret Alexiou, After Antiquity: Greek Language, Myth, and Metaphor (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2002), 20. 28. A. Missiou, “Language and Education in Antiquity,” in A History of Ancient Greek: From the Beginnings to Late Antiquity, ed. A.-F. Christidis (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 1183. 29. C. Coulet, Communiquer en Grèce ancienne (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1996), 105. 30. Lester L. Grabbe, A History of the Jews and Judaism in the Second Temple Period, vol. 2, The Coming of the Greeks: The Early Hellenistic Period (335–175 BCE), Library of Second Temple Studies 68 (London: T&T Clark, 2008), 60. 31. Ibid., 142.

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only for his Gentile converts, but also because it was the most accessible language even among Jews. He echoes the typical view of Greek civilization in his letters, holding to the educational dichotomy between wise Greek and foolish barbarian (Rom. 1:14).32 Paul would have had the chance to learn Greek during his training at the school of Gamaliel.33 That Paul dictated his letters was a sign of his social status, not his weakness in Greek.34 Paul’s experience with Greek accurately reflects the near-universal importance of knowing the Greek language; even the Roman Cicero famously remarked on the importance of knowing Greek language in comparison to his native Latin.35 Latin may have been the language of empire, but Greek was the language of culture. As Christianity spread, it did not always include knowledge of Greek language in its missionary and educational activities, invariably resulting in a more impoverished situation over the long term.36 During the Reformation, the study of Greek increased dramatically, and its importance for Christian education was greatly amplified.37 Today, the study of Greek falls mostly within the confines of classical and theological programs, and interest in it among students is once again on the decline. Learning the language is often viewed as a difficult endeavor, and the waxing and waning of interest in Greek has persisted since at least the time of Augustine. It has been said that the number of Greek grammars equals the number of Greek students, emphasizing the many different approaches students must take in order to learn the language. However, the importance of the Greek language in any educational environment fostering biblical interpretation cannot be overstated—to read Greek is a “sublime luxury” (Thomas Jefferson) that brings with it a renewed faith (Martin Luther).38 References and Resources Alexiou, Margaret. 2002. After Antiquity: Greek Language, Myth, and Metaphor. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. Ben-Tov, Asaph. 2009. Lutheran Humanists and Greek Antiquity: Melanchthonian Scholarship Between Universal History 32. Edwin Arthur Judge, The First Christians in the Roman World: Augustan and New Testament Essays, ed. James R. Harrison, WUNT 229 (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2008), 712; and cf. Grabbe, History of the Jews and Judaism in the Second Temple Period, 160. 33. Judge, First Christians in the Roman World, 711. 34. Ibid., 710; and cf. Grabbe, History of the Jews and Judaism in the Second Temple Period, 53. 35. Cicero, Pro Archia, 10. 36. Paul Valliere, “The Christian East,” in A Companion to Philosophy of Religion, 2nd ed., ed. Charles Taliaferro, Paul Draper, and Philip L. Quinn, Blackwell Companions to Philosophy 9 (Oxford: Blackwell, 2010), 218. 37. Asaph Ben-Tov, Lutheran Humanists and Greek Antiquity: Melanchthonian Scholarship between Universal History and Pedagogy, Brill’s Studies in Intellectual History 183 (Leiden: Brill, 2009), 140. 38. See also Theodoret of Cyr, Commentary on the First Epistle to the Corinthians, 170–171.

and Pedagogy. Brill’s Studies in Intellectual History 183. Leiden: Brill. Christidis, A.-F., ed. 2007. A History of Ancient Greek: From the Beginnings to Late Antiquity. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Coulet, C. 1996. Communiquer en Grèce ancienne. Paris: Les Belles Lettres. Grabbe, Lester L. 2008. A History of the Jews and Judaism in the Second Temple Period. Vol. 2, The Coming of the Greeks: The Early Hellenistic Period (335–175 BCE). Library of Second Temple Studies no. 68. London: T&T Clark. Judge, Edwin Arthur. 2008. The First Christians in the Roman World: Augustan and New Testament Essays. Edited by James R. Harrison. WUNT 229. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck. Taliaferro, Charles, Paul Draper, and Philip L. Quinn, eds. 2010. A Companion to Philosophy of Religion. 2nd ed. Blackwell Companions to Philosophy no. 9. Oxford: Blackwell.

—Douglas Estes

Greek Orthodox Church Christian Education The Greek Orthodox Church embraces several church communities bound by shared historical roots and a common liturgical tradition. Alongside the two national autocephalous churches of Greece and Cyprus, there are substantial Greek Orthodox populations in Syria, Lebanon, Jordan, Palestine, and Israel, as well as notable communities in North America, Australia, Britain, and other parts of Western Europe. For the Greek Orthodox, the ultimate purpose of Christian faith and life is corporate worship of God, most articulately expressed in the liturgical life of the church. It is in liturgy that the nature, life, and identity of the Church become evident (Binns 2002, 42). According to Orthodox teaching, it is through the liturgy that we encounter God immediately and directly and experience the reality of His kingdom. Through the scripture readings and hymns of the liturgy, and most particularly through the culminating Eucharistic feasts, the salvation acts of Christ are experienced mystically and intuitively (Tarasar 1995, 109). The end purpose of liturgy, catechesis, and devotion is union with God, the theosis of the Greek fathers (Stamoolis 2001, 9). Theosis does not speak of a unity of nature, as if we might become equal to God, but rather the process of becoming in tune with His “energies, operations, and acts of power” (Tarasar 1995, 90)—to think, feel, and act in harmony with His will and purpose. The scriptures play multiple roles in the Greek Orthodox church: liturgical and homiletical, through which God’s great acts of salvation are remembered and to

Greek Orthodox Church Christian Education

which the community of faith bear witness; catechetical, through which the faithful are educated and nurtured; devotional, in which through the prayerful reading of scripture God is able spiritually to intervene through conviction, illumination, forgiveness, and renewal; and scholarly and doctrinal, through which the unity of the church is preserved (Stylianopoulos 2008, 26–29). However, from an Orthodox perspective, scripture never stands alone, but works in dynamic interdependency with tradition and the contemporary life of the church as members of a comprehensive unity (Stylianopoulos 2008, 21). Through the scriptures we hear the representation of the story of the faith community’s experience of God’s saving works. Tradition provides the theological meaning that unifies the community of faith. The sacred stories of the church’s life in history, and in particular the lives of saints, provide models and inspiration for the struggles we face in the spiritual life. And the daily life of the church as the living body of Christ forms the ground from which scripture and tradition draw their strength and meaning (Tarasar 1995, 114–115). The central aim of Orthodox religious education is to bring the individual into the life of the church through explanation of and participation in the liturgical services (Schmemann 1974, 11–13). Religious education must be related to the worship of the church, especially the Holy Liturgy, so that children and youth can play the same role as adults in worship. A special emphasis is placed on teaching and explaining the structure of the liturgy, together with the hymns, readings, and prayers (Staniloaie 1976, 33). Leaders in Orthodox religious education emphasize the need for a holistic approach to faith in which doctrinal belief, liturgical and devotional practice, and daily life in the world are interwoven in a seamless whole. Consequently, the Orthodox faithful are encouraged and provided with resources to engage in a variety of disciplinary practices. Prayer, fasting, self-sacrifice, repentance, forgiveness, and acts of love are all seen as essential elements on the path to theosis (Tarasar 1995, p. 103). A great emphasis is placed on multisensory engagement in the process of personal and communal spiritual formation. Religious experience cannot be limited to mere “knowledge”: the affective impact of vision and experience profoundly influences spiritual growth (Tarasar 1995, 106). All five senses are engaged through Orthodox worship, the use of incense and icons, practices of prayer, and the rhythm of fasting and feasting (Crow 1996). For much of its history, Greek Orthodox education focused on catechetical instruction to young people in preparation for participation in the liturgy. More recently, a wider variety of intentional educational min-

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istries has been emerging. In Western countries, the Orthodox dioceses have been developing an increasing number of age-appropriate resources for catechism school. These resources are distinctively Orthodox, in that they are directly related to the liturgical readings and prayers of the week and include substantial references to the historic heritage of the saints. Women’s groups, vacation church camps, the training of children in liturgical singing, diocesan publications, and a variety of adult education options are also common. Comparable developments have also been seen in the Orthodox communities of the eastern Mediterranean, where engagement of religious leaders with the social sciences has in the past tended to be limited. Efforts at renewal have led to the formation of a variety of children’s and youth movements (Abou Mrad 2008, 247–248), pointing to the growing awareness of the need to strengthen the faith and commitment of emerging generations. References and Resources Abou Mrad, N. 2008. “The Witness of the Church in a Pluralistic World: Theological Renaissance in the Church of Antioch.” In The Cambridge Companion to Orthodox Christian Theology, edited by M. B. Cunningham and E. Theokritoff, 246–260. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Assad, M. 1976. Tradition and Renewal in Orthodox Education. Geneva: WCC. Binns, J. 2002. An Introduction to the Christian Orthodox Churches. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Boojamra, J. 1989. Foundations for Orthodox Christian Education. Crestwood, NY: St. Vladimir’s Seminary Press. Crow, G. 1996. “The Orthodox Vision of Wholeness.” In Living Orthodoxy in the Modern World: Orthodox Christianity and Society, edited by A. Walker and C. Carras, 7–22. Crestwood, NY: St. Vladimir’s Seminary Press. Schmemann, A. 1974. Liturgy and Life: Christian Development Through Liturgical Experience. New York: DRE-Orthodox Church in America. Stamoolis, J. J. 2001. Eastern Orthodox Mission Theology Today. Eugene, OR: Wipf & Stock. Staniloaie, D. 1976. “For a Renewal of Theological Education and Religious Education.” In Tradition and Renewal in Orthodox Education, edited by M. Assad, 18–37. Geneva: WCC. Stylianopoulos, T. G. 2008. “Scripture and Tradition in the Church.” In The Cambridge companion to Orthodox Christian Theology, edited by M. B. Cunningham and E. Theokritoff, 21–34. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Tarasar, C. J. 1995. “Orthodox Theology and Religious Education.” In Theologies of Religious Education, edited by R. C. Miller, 83–120. Birmingham, AL: Religious Education Press.

—Perry W. H. Shaw

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Gregory of Nazianzus

Gregory of Nazianzus Gregory of Nazianzus (or Gregory Nazianzenus) was born around AD 330 in Arianzos near Nazianzus in a wealthy Christian family. His father, Gregory the Elder, was the bishop of Nazianzus. Mother St. Nonna, a native of the Christian family, had a decisive influence on the conversion of her husband in AD 325 and on the education of her son. Gregory had a sister, Gorgonia, and a brother, Caesarius, who are venerated as saints. From an early age, Gregory displayed a great affinity for learning. He studied first at Caesarea in Cappadocia, where he met Basil; later Gregory and his brother went to Caesarea in Palestine to pursue the study of oratory and to study in the renowned school where Origen, Pamphilus, and Eusebius had previously studied. Thespesius was then the master of greatest renown, and Euzoïus was a fellowpupil of Gregory’s. From Palestine, Gregory went to Alexandria, where Didymus filled the chair of Pantaenus, Clement, and Origen in the famous catechetical school. Gregory pressed on to Athens (AD 352–357). Among the Athenian sophists of the day, none were more famous than Himerius and Proaeresius, with whom Gregory continued the study of oratory. At Athens Gregory and Basil met again and continued what would be a lifelong friendship. After his return to his hometown, Gregory was baptized, and under the influence of Basil he planned to lead a monastic life by the river Iris in Pontus. However, at the request of his aging parents, Gregory left the monastery and returned to Nazianzus to support them. Under pressure from his father and the ecclesial community, he was ordained a priest at Christmas in 361; soon after that he escaped to the hermitage by the river Iris. Before Easter 362, he returned to Nazianzus and explained his motivations in the speech, “Apology of My Escape.” He then assisted his father with the management and pastoral work of the diocese. In 372, Gregory was ordained bishop by Basil for a small town, Sasima; however, he did not go there, staying in Nazianzus and helping his father. After his father’s death in 374, Gregory worked for a year in an orphaned diocese and then went to Seleucia, where he led an ascetic life. In 379, Gregory was asked by the Catholic community in Constantinople to help them in the reorganization of the church, destroyed by Arian. In 380, he was officially appointed by the emperor Theodosius I as the bishop of Constantinople, with the approval of Constantinople’s Council granted in May 381, though met with opposition from the Egyptian and Macedonian bishops. Faced with this situation, in June 381 Gregory resigned from office. Subsequently he went to Nazianzus, where he led the local church until the appointment of a new bishop, Eulalius. He spent the last years of his life in Arianzos, where he died in 390.

The most important works of Gregory Nazianzenus are his 45 Orations, considered rhetorical masterpieces, and his Poems. In one of the Orations, Gregory presents his definition of education: man’s formation by word and deed. According to Gregory, education is the greatest good in the world: the purpose of life and of Christian education is to become like Christ. Pagan literature and philosophy and pagan-derived education are needed in Christian education, since even mere human wisdom prepares one for a meeting with God. From pagan knowledge, one needs to choose what is important for the soul and for moral development, what will create and increase the intrinsic value of man, and reject everything that leads to demons, errors, and loss. In education, according to Gregory, it is the example that instructs most efficiently, and thus experience is the mother of knowledge. He also emphasized that the young are sensitive to the beauty of poetry; hence it should be employed in the educational process as a transmitter of values and wisdom. Gregory commanded care of the body, but also stressed the importance of developing virtues, because the most supreme value is a virtuous life, which is acquired in the educational process. Therefore, from an early age, one should show children the holiness as the educational goal that is most worthy of effort and work. In his writings, Gregory places different requirements on teachers: they have to be well educated, prepared for their work, wise, just, gentle, and firm at the same time; they have to teach by word and example. Such a teacher plays a central role in his educational theory. Gregory points out that in the process of education, both punishment and reward are important. He draws attention to the need for an individual approach to the student and for applicability of the methods to the situation and the pupil. An important role in education is the relationship between pupil and tutor; its model is the parent-child relation. Despite emphasizing the importance of education, however, Gregory believed that an honest, moral life means far more than all knowledge. The ultimate aim of all education and the pattern of all true virtue is Christ. References and Resources Beeley, C. A. 2008. Gregory of Nazianzus on the Trinity and the Knowledge of God. Oxford Studies in Historical Theology. New York: Oxford University Press. ———, ed. 2012. Re-Reading Gregory of Nazianzus: Essays on History, Theology, and Culture. CUA Studies in Early Christianity no. 5. Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press. Daley, B. E. 2006. Gregory of Nazianzus. Early Church Fathers Series. New York: Routledge. McGuckin, J. 2001. Saint Gregory of Nazianzus: An Intellectual Biography. Crestwood, NY: St. Vladimir’s Seminary Press.

Groome, Thomas

Portmann, F. X. 1954. Die göttliche Paidagogia bei Gregor von Nazianz: Eine dogmengeschichtliche Studie. Kirchengeschichtliche Quellen und Studien 3. St. Ottilien, Germany: Eos Verlag.

—Marcin Wysocki

Gregory of Nyssa Gregory of Nyssa was born c. AD 335 in Caesarea in Cappadocia, to a wealthy Christian family. His parents were the famous rhetorician St. Basil and St. Emmelia, and his older brother was Basil the Great. His father, his sister St. Macrina, and Basil had great influence on his moral and intellectual formation. Gregory served for a time as a lector in his native town, then became a teacher of rhetoric and married Teosebia. However, under the influence of his siblings and friends, he decided to lead a monastic life in the monastery founded by his brother Basil by the river Iris. In 371, he became the bishop of Nyssa, adherent to Basil’s metropoly, but he lacked a sense of organization and did not fulfill what was expected of him. In 376 he was deposed by the Arian bishops, but two years later he returned to Nyssa, greeted enthusiastically by the faithful. In 380, Gregory was elected metropolitan of Sabaste; however, he held this office as well for only a few months. He was involved in the defense of the Catholic faith and the fight against rampant heresies. In 381, together with Gregory of Nazianzus, he participated in the Constantinopolitan Council, where he was called “a pillar of orthodoxy.” He also held a number of posts at the court of Emperor Theodosius. In 385 he delivered a sermon at the funeral of the emperor’s daughter Pulcheria, then at that of the empress Flacylia. The last time he is mentioned in historical documents was during a synod in Constantinople in 394, and in the absence of subsequent information, it is assumed that Gregory died in 394. Among his most important works are Against Eunomius, a four-volume refutation of the last phase of the Arian heresy; On the Work of the Six Days, his account of the creation of the world; On the Making of Man, an account of the creation of humankind; On the Soul and the Resurrection, a dialogue with Macrina detailing Gregory’s system of eschatology; and The Great Catechism (Oratio Catechetica), his most important dogmatic work, of great importance also for education. It was probably written in 383–384 as a guide of religious polemics for Christian teachers (catechists). In it he suggests various methods for confronting potential adversaries (Jews, pagans, heretics). Because they involve all the essential dogmas, he discusses the various elements of Christian doctrine: the Trinity, sin, incarnation, redemption, baptism, and the Eucharist. The work is of a practical nature, but presents

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a synthesis of Christian doctrine and is based primarily on the views of Origen, but also on those of Methodius of Olympus. According to Gregory of Nyssa, Christian education, imbued with Platonism and cultural and philosophical Greek traditions, is not only the propagation of doctrine, but a conscious effort to understand the principle of the development of the human personality so that men may meet the highest requirements of Greek educational philosophy (arete). Education is the process of formation, which is subject to human personality. Christian education aims at the contemplation of God and ever more perfect union with Him, forming an image (morphosis) of God in man on the example of Christ. Paideia is a return of the soul to God and to original human nature and is seen as the will of God, by which one moves closer to God and comes to resemble the divine beauty. Virtues are the fruit of both the human nature and upbringing, and to achieve them one needs God’s help. Education is therefore the interaction of the Spirit of God with man’s efforts, which finds its ultimate end in eschatology, in the ultimate return to the good, to God (apokathastasis). According to Gregory, formation of a Christian, his Morphosis, occurs as a result of constant study of the Bible. The Holy Spirit in Gregory’s pedagogical system is the divine educating power, which is everywhere in the world and speaks through the people (teachers) who are His instruments. Tutors must be aware of the limited cognitive capabilities of pupils and at the same time be aware that the spiritual process of education is not spontaneous, but rather is a discipline requiring continual attention and commitment. Gregory also taught that from an early age, children must get used to hard physical and intellectual work. References and Resources Balas, D. L. 1966. Μετουσια Θεου. Man’s Participation in God: Perfections According to St. Gregory of Nyssa. Romae, Germany: Herder. Coakley, S., ed. 2003. Rethinking Gregory of Nyssa. New York: Routledge. Meredith, A. 1999. Gregory of Nyssa. Early Church Fathers Series. New York: Routledge. Zachhuber, J. 1999. Human Nature in Gregory of Nyssa. Supplements to Vigiliae Christianae no. 46. Leiden: Brill.

—Marcin Wysocki

Groome, Thomas Early Background and Education Thomas H. Groome was born in Ireland into a Roman Catholic home in 1945. His father participated in the

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Irish Revolution and had been a candidate for president of Ireland.39 Groome earned the equivalent of a master of divinity degree from St. Patrick’s Seminary in Carlow, Ireland, an MA from Fordham University, and the doctor of education in religious education from Union Theological Seminary/Columbia University. He spent much of his early teaching career working in Catholic high schools and other settings with children and adolescents. The inspiration for his experimentation and eventual theorizing about a better way to teach religion came from a Catholic boys’ high school class, Religion III, in which he was completing a ministerial practicum during seminary. He later taught theology and religious education at Catholic University of America (1975) before joining the faculty of Boston College as an assistant professor of theology (1976). He serves as chairman of the Religious Education and Pastoral Ministry Department and professor of theology and religious education at Boston College. Groome’s influential theory of teaching “Christian religious education”—shared Christian praxis—began to take shape in his early experience of teaching high school. When he noticed less than enthusiastic responses to his lectures on the part of students, he turned to them in “desperation, fraught with insecurity” for suggestions. He abandoned his lectures and “asked for their advice as to how we should spend our time together.”40 The students and Groome came up with a list of topics of interest to them, and that became their curriculum. Groome began presenting the perspective of the Christian tradition on the topics, and more questions would arise, because “the case was seldom accepted as closed.”41 He responded to student skepticism with reprimands, but eventually saw the futility of that approach. Although he confessed feeling he wasn’t doing his job with the continuing dialogue, discussion, debate, open disagreement, and common struggle, by the end of the year he realized the class had “talked about much of the curriculum.”42 When Groome’s class gained attention in the school and other teachers visited and excitedly asked what he was doing, he realized he could not explain what was happening. His efforts to articulate the nature of the process in which he and his students were engaged became the impetus for his most important contribution to Christian education. Significant Contributions to Christian Education Groome’s most important contribution to Christian education—making him arguably one of the most influential 39. James E. Reed and Ronnie Prevost, A History of Christian Education (Nashville, TN: Broadman & Holman, 1993), 360. 40. Thomas H. Groome, Christian Religious Education: Sharing Our Story and Vision (San Francisco: Harper & Row, 1980), xii. 41. Ibid. 42. Ibid.

theorists in the late 20th century—was the publication of Christian Religious Education: Sharing Our Story and Vision in 1980. No other work in Christian education was more widely read and discussed by Protestant and Catholic educators than this groundbreaking book. Building on his early teaching experience, Groome presented the educational theory and methodology for what he called “shared Christian praxis.”43 In Christian Religious Education, Groome provides the historical, biblical, philosophical, psychological, and theological foundations for his shared praxis approach. His comprehensive explanation integrates in a thoroughly coherent manner the theoretical basis and practical implications of his teaching-learning vision. A distinctive feature of his perspective is the tension he maintains between the resources of the Christian community (scripture, history, tradition) and learners’ present experience. He also emphasizes the essential political, humanizing, and eschatological nature of “Christian religious education,” given the theological affirmations of the Christian faith. “Shared Christian praxis” consists of five pedagogical movements: (1) Naming Present Action, (2) The Participants Stories and Visions, (3) The Christian Community Story and Vision, (4) Dialectical Hermeneutic Between the Story and Participants’ Stories, and (5) Dialectic Hermeneutic Between the Vision and Participants’ Vision.44 Groome’s discussion of these teaching-learning movements is replete with illustrations and examples of how he has used them and presents educational engagement as essentially dialogical, dialectical, and empowering of learners to appropriate and revision their lives in light of the Christian faith and discern ways the Christian faith may need to grow and develop. Most Important Publications While Groome’s approach has been met with skepticism within Catholicism and among some Protestants, Christian Religious Education has caused a seismic shift in the way all Christian educators think about teaching. Groome has published works dealing with Catholic education and pastoral ministry that have been very influential, including curricula for early education for K–8 students and adolescents, but nothing else he has written matches the impact of his “shared Christian praxis” treatise. He has published more than 200 articles on religious education and pastoral ministry; presented more than a thousand lectures at various conferences and universities; and appeared on CNN, PBS, and other major networks. Thomas Groome is one of the most 43. Ibid., especially 184–232. 44. Ibid., 207–223.

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influential theorists in Christian education—Catholic or Protestant—of his time.45 References and Resources Gangel, Kenneth O., and Warren S. Benson. 1993. Christian Education: Its History and Philosophy. Chicago: Moody Press. Groome, Thomas H. 1980. Christian Religious Education: Sharing Our Story and Vision. San Francisco: Harper & Row. Reed, James E., and Ronnie Prevost. 1993. A History of Christian Education. Nashville, TN: Broadman & Holman.

—James P. Bowers

Groote, Gerard Gerard (Geert) Groote (1340–1384) was a Dutch clergyman, revivalist preacher, and founder of the Devotio Moderna. Groote and the movement inspired by him sought a return to early Christianity in a period of religious disorder. Plague and famines heightened religious sensitivity in the 14th century, while rival popes reigned at Avignon and Rome; monastic orders were discredited and quarrelling; and enthusiastic, charismatic, or selfabusive sects claimed to show the way forward. Both of his parents died while Groote was young, leaving him a significant annual income. He studied for a career in the church at St. Lebwin’s school in Deventer (where Erasmus studied a century later), then for 13 years at the University of Paris, where he earned a master’s degree and went on to study theology and canon law. By 1368, Groote had been awarded stipendary positions in Aix-la-Chapelle and Utrecht. Illness and personal relationships led Groote toward full dedication of his life to Christ in 1374. He gave up his positions and most of his family income, using most of his house to host religiously inclined poor women. Urged by Carthusian monks to use his gift to preach, Groote began what proved to be a comet-like, three-year career. He preached in the vernacular to enthusiastic congregations throughout the Netherlands and Belgium; he urged higher clergy to repent and take their call to shepherd seriously. However, his calls to end priestly cohabitation and abuse of church privileges for financial gain (simony) led to the bishop of Utrecht banning preaching by deacons such as Groote. The ecclesiastical process to restore his authority to preach was still underway when Groote died of the plague at Deventer in August 1384. 45. See Kenneth O. Gangel and Warren S. Benson, Christian Education: Its History and Philosophy (Chicago: Moody Press, 1983), 326. Gangel and Benson quote D. Campbell Wyckoff’s description of Groome’s work as “the “only comparable book in the field” to George Albert Coe’s A Social Theory of Religious Education.

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During the church ban on Groote’s preaching, institutions of the Devotio Moderna (“New Devout” movement) came into being. His domestic arrangement, giving most of his house to religious-minded women, was a forerunner to the founding of the lay (not vowed) Sisters of the Common Life in 1379. Sisters and the Brothers of the Common Life at Deventer and Zwolle pursued a holy life outside any monastery, an unusual but not unprecedented step. Inspired by Groote, some followers organized themselves as Augustinian Canons Regular in a new monastery down the Ijssel River at Windesheim in 1387. Some six decades after Groote’s death, Thomas à Kempis, a monk at Windesheim, wrote or compiled Imitation of Christ, the most compelling section of which, Book 1, is sometimes thought to derive from Groote. To Groote and the New Devout movement, a focus on Christ’s sufferings is the way toward the life to come. Because human nature is perpetually at odds with the work of the Holy Spirit, this world is a many-dimensioned testing ground. Groote is sometimes called a mystic, but where mysticism such as that of Meister Eckhart and the Friends of God, or John Rhysbroek, was contemplative and speculative, Groote returned to New Testament and patristic sources. Like the speculative mystics, his prescription was conscious union with God by individuals. But he was a practical mystic, who insisted that his followers work with their hands even if they chose a monastic life. Groote’s significance for Christian education is in his example and teachings, which inspired Imitation of Christ; after the Bible, it is probably the most widely read devotional book in the West over the past six centuries. Groote also left his mark through the Brethren of the Common Life, whose fraternal houses and hostels for Latin school students in towns in Netherlands, Flanders, and northern Germany encouraged piety in a new generation of monks, priests, scholars, and social leaders up to the Reformation era. References and Resources Ā Kempis, Thomas. 1905. The Founders of the New Devotion: Being the Lives of Gerard Groote, Florentius Radewin and Their Followers. Translated by J. P. Arthur. London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner & Co. Hyma, Albert. 1950. The Brethren of the Common Life. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. Jacob, E. F. 1952. “Gerard Groote and the Beginnings of the ‘New Devotion’ in the Low Countries.” Journal of Ecclesiastical History 3 (1): 40–57. Post, Regnerus Richardus. 1968. The Modern Devotion: Confrontation with Reformation and Humanism. Leiden: Brill. Van Engen, John H. Van. 2008. Sisters and Brothers of the Common Life: The Devotio Moderna and the World of the Later Middle Ages. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press.

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Weiler, A. G. 1999. “The Dutch Brethren of the Common Life, Critical Theology, Northern Humanism and Reformation.” In Northern Humanism in European Context, 1469–1625: From the “Adwert Academy” to Ubbo Emmius, edited by Fokke Akkerman, Arie Johan Vanderjagt, and Adrie H. Laan, 307–332. Brills Studies in Intellectual History no. 94. Leiden and Boston: Brill.

—Ted Newell

Grosseteste, Robert Early Background and Education Robert Grosseteste, born around 1168 to a poor AngloNorman family in England, was one of the outstanding scholastics of his era. A philosopher, scientist, mathematician, theologian, teacher, and church leader, he served on the faculty of Oxford, rising to the role of “master of the schools” at the university. He also carried out pastoral ministry and in 1235 was elected to the Bishopric of Lincoln, where he served until his death in 1253.

As bishop of Lincoln, Grosseteste was heavily involved in reform efforts in the church, including expanding the assessment visits of his staff to monasteries and deaneries in his diocese. Drawing on the decrees of the Fourth Lateran Council, he composed a set of guidelines to instruct his parish clergy. They included the basic knowledge that every parish priest should possess and what was to be taught to the people. The “curriculum” requirement included the Ten Commandments, seven deadly sins, seven sacraments, the creeds, the Lord’s Prayer, and the Hail Mary. Priests were to instruct their parishioners in these things in their common tongue. Regarding children, priests were to teach them the Lord’s Prayer, the creed, the Hail Mary, and the sign of the cross. For adults, the confessional was to become a place to check their knowledge of the faith and to instruct them where needed. These early educational reform efforts became models for other dioceses and influenced educational ministry efforts in England in the following years. References and Resources

Significant Contributions to Christian Education Grosseteste’s contributions to the field of Christian education are primarily in two areas. The first was his support of the newly arrived Franciscans in their efforts to care for the spiritual needs of laypeople and to help them learn the faith. The second was his educational reform efforts in parishes while he was bishop of Lincoln. His reforms were instrumental in strengthening the teaching ministry of the church in England in the early 13th century. Grosseteste originally studied law, medicine, and natural sciences at Oxford. He then focused his studies in theology, earning a master of arts degree, which equipped him for teaching in the university. While teaching and leading at Oxford, he accepted the position of lecturer at the newly established school for Franciscans. Arriving in England in 1224, the Franciscans found a strong supporter in Grosseteste, who first aided their studies at Oxford and then their ministry of preaching and care of souls in his bishopric. The Franciscans, perhaps more than any other monastic group of the time, invested themselves in helping laypeople learn the faith. They were noted for their creative preaching; religious poetry; religious drama; and development of pastoral manuals, sermon cycles, and early catechetical materials to help parish clergy in their preaching and teaching efforts, as well as devotional materials for lay use. Grosseteste had lifelong close relationships with several Franciscan leaders, including Adam Marsh, the first Franciscan lecturer at Oxford, and Roger Bacon, the noted philosopher. He turned to this group for help with some reforms in his diocese, including the revision and renewal of local parish religious drama.

The Electronic Grosseteste (www.grosseteste.com) is an extensive site that contains a large body of primary texts, including all texts by Grosseteste in Baur (1912), Dales (1963), Luard (1861), and Goering and Westermann (2003). It also contains an extensive searchable bibliography. Baur, Ludwig, ed. 1912. Die Philosophischen Werke des Robert Grosseteste, Bischofs von Lincoln, Beiträge zur Geschichte der Philosophie des Mittelalters, 9, Münster: Aschendorff Verlag. Dales, Richard C., ed. 1963. Roberti Grosseteste episcopi Lincolniensis commentarius in viii libros Physicorum Aristotelis, Boulder: University of Colorado Press. Goering, Joseph, and Edwin J. Westermann, eds. 2003. Dicta [Available online]. [A transcription of all 147 dicta as found in the manuscript Oxford, Bodleian Library MS Bodley 798] (s.c. 2656). Jeffrey, D. 1976. “Franciscan Spirituality and the Rise of Early English Drama.” Mosaic 7 (4): 17–46. Luard, Henry R., ed. 1861. Roberti Grosseteste Episcopi quondam Lincolniensis Epistolae. Rerum Britannicarum Medii Aevi Scriptores, Rolls Series 25. London: Longman. McEvoy, J. 2000. Robert Grosseteste. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press. Sullens, I., ed. 1983. Introduction to Handlyng Synne, by Robert of Brunne Mannyng. Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies, no. 153. Binghamton, NY: Center for Medieval and Rennaisance Studies, State University of New York. Urquhart, F. 1910. “Robert Grosseteste.” In The Catholic Encyclopedia. New York: Robert Appleton Company. Accessed 12 December 2012. http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/07037a .htm.

—Kevin E. Lawson

Grundtvig, Nicolaj Frederik Severin

Grundtvig, Nicolaj Frederik Severin Nicolaj Frederik Severin Grundtvig (1783–1872) was a Danish theologian, writer, hymnodist, historian, and statesman, a countervailing wind against the course of classical education and its repetition of Roman cultural ideas. He remains the most important figure in the history of Danish Christian and public education, especially through his development of the folk high school (Folkehøjskole) movement, which emphasized the importance of local cultural heritage, brought education to the countryside, and served as the inspiration for adult nontraditional education in Europe. Like Christian existentialist Søren Kierkegaard (1813–1855) and radical Lutheran pietists Friedrich Heinrich Jacobi (1743–1819) and Johann Georg Hamann (1730–1788), he criticized Enlightenment rationalism and its constraining influence on Christian thought. The son of a Lutheran pastor, Grundtvig studied theology at the University of Copenhagen. In 1810, he experienced a religious crisis after studying modernist biblical criticism, but he eventually developed a renewed commitment to a relatively orthodox Lutheran theology. His advocacy of a biblical but nondogmatic faith and his audacious personality led to his being banned from the pulpit for seven years. He eventually took over as chaplain of his father’s parish and served in modest ecclesial positions until he received the title of bishop in 1861, though he never received a call to a particular diocese. Grundtvig’s folk high school approach should not be confused with American high school grades 9–12, since it serves both young and old adults. Likewise, it is not identical to the vocational-technical model; while both approaches emphasize accessible, practical training, the folk school assumes a Lutheran approach to vocation. Its goal is a worldly spirituality and joyful purpose in the community, not simply the ability to find gainful employment or technical skill. Folk school education serves rural students through instruction in poetry, Nordic mythology, history and literature, and the great thinkers of the past. Despite Grundtvig’s antipathy for Roman thought, he valued the spirit of Greek antiquity. He thought Danish students ought to learn Icelandic and Greek, rather than Latin and Greek. He favored oral over written communication, and even discouraged students from taking notes in class. Likewise, singing hymns aloud and reciting the Apostles’ Creed was more important than memorization of doctrinal and confessional statements. Mythology was more fertile than technical manuals, because like scripture, it was supposed to be a living word, something spoken in a community. Though Grundtvig appreciated the Enlightenment’s insistence on human dignity, he rejected its cold reductionism. Historical study, when done with his unique emphasis on observing the human and

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Holy Spirit at work through the ages, became a source of creativity and inspiration. The liberal arts, religion, and ethics were necessary components of education and helped students resist the mechanistic view of life that technology threatened to impose. History textbooks used by Scandinavian Lutheran educators in North America often reflect Grundtvig’s educational ideas. In these short textbooks, history is intimately tied to biblical and Christian history; dates, names, and memorization of details are less important than the overarching connections between ideas and movements. For Christian educators, he advocated greater attention to inductive biblical study than to dogmatic transmission. Not surprisingly, Danish Lutheran schools in the midwestern United States observed many of Grundtvig’s principles. While there were some similarities between his approach to education and that of the Norwegian pietists, he resisted the typically stern and moralistic ethos of pietism and advocated an environment that was inspiring and happy. Though some mistakenly assume that his commitment to local culture was overly nationalistic, Grundtvig believed that for one to be an authentic Christian, he or she first needed to know what it meant to be truly human in relationship with the local community. Only then could one be personally and spiritually fulfilled enough to begin to make a positive difference in the public sphere and in international engagement. To the extent that lifelong learning, concern for educational access for members of all socioeconomic strata, and the idea that education is more than simple communication of dead ideas exist, the spirit of his pedagogical vision continues in Christian education. References and Resources Arden, G. Everett. 1964. Four Northern Lights: Men Who Shaped Scandinavian Churches. Minneapolis, MN: Augsburg. Fain, E. F. 1971. “Nationalist Origins of the Folk High School: The Romantic Visions of N. F. S. Grundtvig.” British Journal of Educational Studies 19 (1): 70–90. Grundtvig, Ν. F. S. 2008. A Life Recalled: An Anthology of Biographical Source-Text. Grundtvig in English Series, vol. 4. Translated and edited by S. A. J. Bradley. Aarhus, The Netherlands: University of Aarhus Press. Hawley, Charles A. 1940. “Grundtvig and Danish Theological Education in the Middle West.” Church History 9 (4): 299–304. Jensen, Niels Lyhne, ed. 1984. A Grundtvig Anthology. Cambridge, MA: James Clarke & Co. Kulich, Jindra. 1964. “The Danish Folk High School: Can It Be Transplanted; The Success and Failure of the Danish Folk High School at Home and Abroad.” International Review of Education 10 (4): 417–430. Lawson, Max, ed. 1991. N. F. S. Grundtvig: Selected Educational Writings. Elsinore, Denmark: International People’s College and the Association of Folk High Schools.

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———. 1993. “N. F. S. Grundtvig (1783–1872).” Prospects: The Quarterly Review of Comparative Education 23 (3): 613–623. Malone, Kemp. 1940. “Grundtvig’s Philosophy of History.” Journal of the History of Ideas 1 (3): 281–298. Nielsen, Ernest D. 1955. N. F. S. Grundtvig: An American Study. Rock Island, IL: Augustana Press.

Schools International (ACSI), representing some 60,000 students. According to ACSI, 70 percent of the evangelical schools are only for elementary level, 25 percent include preschool through senior high, and 5 percent are only high school.46

—Jeff Mallinson

Freedom of Religion and Christian Worship The Constitution gives equal rights to all confessions, but the Catholic Church is responsible for the official activities of the state. Some Indian organizations have put pressure on the government to require the teaching of Mayan traditions in the elementary and middle schools, so Christian schools have to include this to qualify for accreditation.

Guatemala and Christian Education How and When Christianity Came to the Country When the liberals took over the government of Guatemala in 1829, dissension plagued the federation. Member states strongly resented the Guatemalan commercial and bureaucratic elite, which had wielded power over them throughout the colonial era. In addition, the elite class was divided into liberal and conservative factions, which fought over government power, economic policies, and the role of the Roman Catholic Church in society. The first federal president, Manuel Jose Arce of El Salvador, resigned in 1827 after only two years in office, as civil war broke out between the opposing factions. By 1827, Guatemalan conservatives had seized control of both the Guatemalan state and federal governments. The first missionary, a Presbyterian pastor, was invited by the president to come to Guatemala in 1882, to counterbalance the absolute authority that the Catholic Church had until then. Main Denominations and Institutions in Guatemala Beginning with the traditional groups of the Reformed type, adding the holiness groups, Bible churches, and now the neo-Pentecostal groups, there is a spectrum of denominations in Guatemala, each structured according to its own tradition and focused on teaching the Word of God. The larger denominations are Pentecostal or neoPentecostal. There are several major institutions for the training of pastors, including the Central American Theological Seminary, the Baptist Theological Seminary, the Pentecostal Biblical Seminary, Mariano Galvez University School of Theology, the Nazarene Theological Seminary, and the Panamerican University School of Theology. Typical Means of Educating Christians in Guatemala Each denomination uses different means and programs to help people grow spiritually as well as intellectually. Church leaders are aware that barely 2 percent of their congregations have a university education, 20 percent have attended middle school, 48 percent have attended elementary school, and about 30 percent are illiterate. There are 660 evangelical schools in Guatemala. About half are members of the Association of Christian

Distinctive/Unique Methods of Educating Christians A large majority of the population consists of 23 Indian groups, each with its own language. Spanish is the national language, but large segments of the Indian population know little Spanish. The first New Testament was translated and published in an Indian language (Cakchiquel) in 1931. Today there are Bibles published in nine Indian languages, and a number of New Testaments. The organization Faith Comes By Hearing has put many translations on CD, which are loaned to churches, with excellent results. Christian radio has been vital to spiritual growth since 1950, with broadcasts of Bible reading and Bible teaching several times a day. Christian television has been used for Bible teaching, first Channel 21, then Channel 27, with emphasis on evangelism and spiritual growth. Because of the 30 percent illiteracy in Guatemala, many churches have literacy programs so people can learn to read the Bible. Reference Grossmann, Roger. 2002. “Interpreting the Development of the Evangelical Church in Guatemala.” DMin diss., Southeastern Baptist Theological Seminary.

—Martha Saint-Berberian

Guidance as Christian Practice Guidance from the Christian perspective unites three overall themes. First is God’s intervening desire to interact with humans and communicate His redemptive purposes and actions toward the ultimate end of establishing his kingdom—the new heaven and the new earth. Second, God offers and directs guidance to both individuals and communities. Biblically speaking, guidance is 46. Estuardo Salazar, interview, Director Regional para Latinoamérica Association of Christian Schools International, 25 November 2011.

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provided to enable us to align our whole lives with God’s purposes. Third, guidance should happen in the context of community. God’s redemptive interventions happen in the context of, through, and often in spite of, humanity. Throughout God’s redemptive story, He chooses to partner with and participate in the lives of flawed men and women, whether Abraham, Sarah, Samuel, Deborah, David, Ezra, Nehemiah, or Mary, until ultimately, after Jesus’s triumph over death, the proclamation and demonstration of God’s kingdom transpires through Spirit-empowered men and women. Therefore, God personally communicates toward this ultimate end. This is general guidance. We know from scripture what God is trying to accomplish, and therefore guidance is our lives aligned with God’s purposes. “LORD, I know people’s lives are not their own; it is not for them to direct their steps” (Jer. 10:23 TNIV). “For we are God’s handwork, created in Christ Jesus to do good works, which God prepared in advance for us to do” (Eph. 2:10 TNIV). The individual discerns guidance as an expression of unique giftedness and basic function in the Body of Christ. Christians are called to offer and steward Godgiven natural abilities, acquired skills, and spiritual gifts, and these should direct primary choices for service. Peter states, “Each of you should use whatever gift you have received to serve others, as faithful stewards of God’s grace in its various forms” (1 Pet. 4:10 TNIV). Often individuals experience internal burdens for specific needs and/or opportunities. These burdens reveal guidance as well. God works in our hearts so that a vision, burden, or concern connects with a need and creates the conviction that something must be done. For example, the apostle Paul described his burden this way: “So from Jerusalem all the way around to Illyricum, I have fully proclaimed the gospel of Christ. It has always been my ambition to preach the gospel where Christ was not known, so that I would not be building on someone else’s foundation” (Rom. 15:19b, 20). Related to internal burdens, inner movements (thoughts, feelings, imaginings, desires, etc.), when noticed, also provide guidance. In the Roman Catholic tradition, Ignatian spirituality proposes noticing two inner movements: consolation and desolation. Consolation is movement toward God and is sensed as energy for creativity and inspiration, a focus on community and others’ needs/concerns, and discernment of God’s activity in others and us. Desolation

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is sensed as negative feelings of selfishness and self-focus, depletion of energy, isolation from community, and a spiral inward that inhibits one from seeing God’s activity.47 In summary, consolation is life-giving practices, attitudes, and postures. Desolation drains life. Connection to and processing in one’s community is absolutely crucial for individual guidance. Transparency in the context of belonging and love enlivens discernment processes. Sharing the inner movements of the heart, as in Ignatian spirituality or through, for example, the Quakers’ Clearness Committees, confirms individual guidance. In a Clearness Committee process, friends listen to the focus person express what she or he knows about a decision to be made (or a problem needing resolution). After listening, friends ask open, honest, nonleading questions without psychoanalyzing or giving advice. The focus person may or may not choose to answer the questions. The question-and-answer pace is slow, relaxed, and embracing of silence. In this process, the focus person and friends endeavor to notice the movement of the Spirit in the questions and answers. Someone takes notes and provides the notes to the focus person at the end of a two-hour period.48 Acts 15:1–34 provides instructive insight for guidance of a whole community. We observe a process something like the following: 1. Report (vv. 1–4) what God is doing and the disagreement that has surfaced. 2. Listen (vv. 5, 12–13) to people’s opinions. 3. Discuss (vv. 5, 7–11, 13–14) their implications. 4. Offer evidence (in this case, what participants have witnessed God doing; vv. 8–9, 12) and resources (in this case, other scriptures; vv. 16–18). 5. Express the decision (vv. 19–21). 6. Communicate the decision to all interested parties via appropriate, trustworthy methods (in this case, a letter delivered by representative leaders of both Jerusalem and Antioch; vv. 22–29). 7. Receive and embrace the decision (vv. 30–31). —Dan W. Bacon and Shelley Trebesch 47. See Margaret Silf, Inner Compass—10th Anniversary Edition—An Invitation to Ignatian Spirituality (Chicago: Loyola Press, 2007) and “Making Good Decisions,” http://www.ignatianspirituality.com/making-good -decisions/discernment-of-spirits/ (accessed 30 April 2013). 48. See Parker J. Palmer, A Hidden Wholeness: The Journey Toward an Undivided Life (San Francisco: Jossey-Bass, 2009), ch. 8.

H Hard Sciences, Christian Contributions to Christian educators may sometimes struggle to see the contributions of previous Christians to the traditional or “hard” sciences. These disciplinary fields engage in the empirical study, organization, and verification of natural or material phenomena through disciplines such as physics, astronomy, geology, chemistry, and biology. Scientists within these disciplines use various models of theory and research to reach varying claims about the nature of the universe, in its broadest and most particular sense, based on mathematical and empirical reasoning.1 Unfortunately, much of the fog around distinctive Christian contributions occurs because of previously popular, but false, notions of the warfare between science and religion. In the later 19th century, two popular publications by Professor John William Draper (History of the Conflict between Religion and Science, 1874) and Cornell president Andrew Dickson White (A History of the Warfare of Science with Theology in Christendom, 1896) produced a highly anti-Catholic, antireligious view of the history of science and the church.2 These publications provided an erroneous view of history, often reducing complex theological judgments to simplistic, and false, conclusions; however, they also resonated with many in scientific circles.3 The early 20th-century trial of John T. 1. Rodney Stark, For the Glory of God: How Monotheism Led to Reformations, Science, Witch-Hunts, and the End of Slavery (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2003), 124–125. 2. John William Draper, History of the Conflict between Religion and Science, 10th ed. (London: Henry S. King & Co., 1877); Don O’Leary, Roman Catholicism and Modern Science: A History (New York: Continuum Books, 2007), xiv–xv; Andrew D. White, History of the Warfare of Science with Theology in Christendom (New York: Macmillan, 1896). 3. Peter Harrison, introduction to The Cambridge Companion to Science and Religion, ed. Peter Harrison (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2010), 4–5; Margaret J. Osler, “Religion and the Changing Historiog-

Scopes over the issue of Darwinian evolution exacerbated the misguided but popular notion that the Christian faith opposed scientific inquiry.4 To be sure, there have been moments of disagreement between church and scientist (as the Copernicus and Galileo controversies highlight), but a long-term depiction of conflict appears problematic as the single defining way of describing the dialogue between science and religion.5 Christian educators would do well to heed historian Rodney Stark, who claims “that there is no inherent conflict between religion and science, but that Christian theology was essential for the rise of science” (author’s emphasis).6 Many of the “natural philosophers” of the period of the scientific revolution maintained either conventional or devout ties to either Catholic or Protestant faith traditions.7 Several Christians of note, from the Middle Ages to contemporary times, have contributed to scientific inquiry. As John Henry notes, “the work of the Royal Society, one of the first scientific institutions, was said by its first founders to be based on the method for establishing truth first developed by the Church of

raphy of the Scientific Revolution,” in Science and Religion: New Historical Perspectives, ed. Thomas Dixon, Geoffrey Cantor, and Stephen Pumfrey (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2010), 74–75; Lawrence M. Principe, “The Warfare Thesis,” in Science and Religion (Chantilly, VA: The Teaching Company, 2006). 4. Edward J. Larson, Summer for the Gods: The Scopes Trial and America’s Continuing Debate over Science and Religion (New York: Basic Books, 1997). 5. Ian G. Barbour, Religion and Science: Historic and Contemporary Issues (San Francisco: HarperSanFranciso, 1997), 77–105; Maurice A. Finocchiaro, “The Copernican Revolution and the Galileo Affair,” in The Blackwell Companion to Science and Christianity, ed. J. B. Stump and Alan G. Padgett (Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 2012), 14–25. 6. Stark, For the Glory of God, 123. 7. Ibid., 158–162, 198–199. Even Stark’s list may prove incomplete because it does not include Church of England royalist and neurologist Thomas Willis, who is addressed in Scientific Discoveries, Impact on Theological Assumptions and Pedagogical Practices.

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England.”8 Notables with a Christian background (this is not an exhaustive list by any means) include astronomer Nicholas Copernicus, science theorist Francis Bacon, astronomer Johannes Kepler, mathematician René Descartes, mathematician and physicist Blaise Pascal, mathematician Isaac Newton (though some of his theology would be deemed unorthodox), chemist Robert Boyle, physicist Michael Faraday, geneticist Gregor Mendel, and physicist William Thompson (Lord Kelvin). In addition, recent research has unveiled several early (17th- and 18th-century) women scientists with Christian convictions, such as Margaret Cavendish, Anne Conway, Aphra Behn, and Mary Astell.9 Other notable Christian scientists are quantum chemist Charles Albert Coulson,10 chemist and philosopher Michael Polanyi,11 physicist John Polkinghorne,12 and geneticist Francis Collins.13 While the current climate in science and religion often makes any embrace of Christian convictions more difficult, Christian educators should not be distracted from the rich heritage of Christian scientists who contributed, and continue to provide, both research and theoretical insight in the field of science. To be sure, many Christians engaged in this effort historically anchored their scientific practice in natural theology.14 However, Christian conviction about the world as “God’s handiwork” affords a deeper understanding of the intersections of belief and scientific inquiry for the future.15 References and Resources Barbour, Ian G. 1997. Religion and Science: Historic and Contemporary Issues. San Francisco: HarperSanFranciso. Collins, Francis S. 2006. The Language of God: A Scientist Presents Evidence for Belief. New York: Free Press.

Dixon, Thomas, Geoffrey Cantor, and Stephen Pumfrey, eds. 2010. Science and Religion: New Historical Perspectives. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Draper, John William. 1877. History of the Conflict between Religion and Science. 10th ed. London: Henry S. King & Co. Harrison, Peter, ed. 2010. The Cambridge Companion to Science and Religion. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Larson, Edward J. 1997. Summer for the Gods: The Scopes Trial and America’s Continuing Debate over Science and Religion. New York: Basic Books. O’Leary, Don. 2007. Roman Catholicism and Modern Science: A History. New York: Continuum. Pokinghorne, John. 1996. The Faith of a Physicist. Minneapolis, MN: Augsburg Fortress Press. Principe, Lawrence M. 2006. Science and Religion. Audiobook Lectures. Chantilly, VA: The Teaching Company. Rupke, Nicholaas A., ed. 2009. Eminent Lives in TwentiethCentury Science and Religion. 2nd ed. Frankfurt, Germany: Peter Lang. Stark, Rodney. 2003. For the Glory of God: How Monotheism Led to Reformations, Science, Witch-Hunts, and the End of Slavery. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Stump, J. B., and Alan G. Padgett, eds. 2012. The Blackwell Companion to Science and Christianity. Oxford: Blackwell. Torrance, Thomas F. 2000–2001. “Michael Polanyi and the Christian Faith—A Personal Report.” Tradition and Discovery: The Polanyi Society Periodical 27 (2). Accessed 8 June 2013. http:// www.missouriwestern.edu/orgs/polanyi/TAD%20WEB%20 ARCHIVE/TAD27-2/TAD27-2-basic-pg.htm. White, Andrew D. 1896. History of the Warfare of Science with Theology in Christendom. New York: Macmillan.

—Dean Blevins

Harris, Maria 8. John Henry, “Religion in the Scientific Revolution,” in The Cambridge Companion to Science and Religion, ed. Peter Harrison (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2010), 43. 9. Jacqueline Broad, “Women, Mechanical Science, and God,” in The Blackwell Companion to Science and Christianity, ed. J. B. Stump and Alan G. Padgett (Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 2012), 26–36. 10. Arie Leegwater, “Charles Alfred Coulson: Mixing Methodism and Quantum Chemistry,” in Eminent Lives in Twentieth-Century Science and Religion, 2nd ed., ed. Nicholaas A. Rupke (Frankfurt: Peter Lang, 2009), 74–103. 11. Thomas F. Torrance, “Michael Polanyi and the Christian Faith—A Personal Report,” Tradition and Discovery: The Polanyi Society Periodical 27 (2000–2001): 2, http://www.missouriwestern.edu/orgs/polanyi/ TAD%20WEB%20ARCHIVE/TAD27–2/TAD27–2–basic-pg.htm (accessed 8 June 2013). 12. John Pokinghorne, The Faith of a Physicist (Minneapolis, MN: Augsburg Fortress Press, 1996). 13. Francis S. Collins, The Language of God: A Scientist Presents Evidence for Belief (New York: Free Press, 2006). 14. Jonathan R. Topham, “Natural Theology and the Sciences,” in The Cambridge Companion to Science and Religion, ed. Peter Harrison (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2010), 59–79. 15. Stark, For the Glory of God, 121–197.

From the time this American religious educator published her first book, Experiences in Community, coauthored with Gabriel Moran (New York: Herder and Herder, 1968), until her death on 1 February 2005, Maria Harris’s work in the field has been considered both prophetic and provocative. Her exploration of religious education through the lens of the aesthetic sheds light on richer and holistic approaches to the work of fashioning faith communities while at the same time providing a prophetic voice regarding the role of women in the life of the global community. Born in New York City on 8 August 1932, Maria Harris and her brother, Tom, were raised by their single mother, Mary Tunney Harris, from the time of her husband’s death when Maria was eight years old. As a musician and teacher, Mary Harris nurtured Maria’s aesthetic

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sensibilities and musical talents.16 Maria entered the religious order of the Sisters of St. Joseph (Brentwood, NY), after her first year of college. Her experiences as a classroom music teacher soon gave way to an interest in religious studies and a master’s degree in theology from Manhattan College in New York City (1967). Experiences in Community, coauthored with the man who was eventually to become her husband and partner, Gabriel Moran, was published during the period when she was directing programs in adult education for the Rockville Center diocese. At the same time, Harris was engaged in doctoral studies in the joint program at Columbia Teachers College and Union Theological Seminary and teaching courses in Huntington, New York, at the major seminary for the Roman Catholic dioceses of Rockville Center and Brooklyn. In 1971, she completed her doctoral dissertation, “The Aesthetic Dimension in Redefining Religious Education,” under the direction of Dwayne Huebner (Columbia Teachers College) and Mary Tully (Union Theological Seminary).17 In 1973, Harris left the Sisters of St. Joseph. Invited to join the faculty of Andover Newton Theological School in Massachusetts in 1975 as their first Roman Catholic member, she was granted tenure within four years and in 1983 was awarded the Howard Chair of Religious Education. Major Contributions to Christian Education Maria Harris’s Andover experience unmasked a deeper reality associated with the term religious education. She believed her own personal experience of moving from her home city (New York) and the Roman Catholic work environment in which she had been immersed shed light on understanding the way in which the world of religion and education had shifted to include the need for an awareness of the ecumenical dimension of both. Genuine religious education needed to begin with a conversation among all religious traditions, simply because the world itself had become ecumenical.18 While Andover was a positive experience for her, Harris missed New York and found a way to return. She joined the faculty of Fordham University’s Graduate School of Religion and Religious Education (Bronx, NY). This position enabled her to continue to work with students who were engaged in education and ministry and to accept speaking engagements both nationally and internationally.

16. Joanmarie Smith, “In Memoriam: Maria Harris 1932–2005,” Religious Education 100, no. 3 (2005): 235. 17. Ibid., 236. 18. Maria Harris, “Weaving the Fabric: How My Mind Has Changed,” Religious Education 79, no. 1 (1984): 22.

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Maria Harris’s work reflects the influences of Freire, Dewey, Eisner, Moran, and her mentors, Mary Tully and Dwayne Heubner. Between 1976 and 1981, she published four books: The D.R.E. Book (New York: Paulist Press, 1976); Parish Religious Education (New York: Paulist Press, 1978); The D.R.E. Reader (Winona: St. Mary’s Press, 1978); and Portrait of Youth Ministry (New York: Paulist Press, 1980). The D.R.E. Book was instrumental in both naming the emerging position and defining the work of the director of religious education in Catholic parishes.19 In 1978, at Birmingham University (England), her voice was among the first to be heard during the founding meeting of the International Seminar on Religious Education and Values, where she presented a paper on educating for prayer and spirituality. Her approach to religious education can be situated within the reconceptualist tradition,20 the goal of which is to bring to light the unasked questions that will engage the entire community in the process of educating one another religiously. Harris’s work most clearly reflects her aesthetic sensibilities and encourages the aesthetic approach to religious education through the development of the organizing metaphor of the dance. For her, to educate religiously is to move through the process as if in a dance with one’s partner (teacher/student; faith community/leadership; parent/child; citizens/political leaders), in ways that allow “openness to the unexpected.”21 This metaphor sheds light on new possibilities and “the unexpected” in Harris’s exploration of curriculum in the church and the education of faith communities (Fashion Me a People, Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press, 1989) and the empowerment of women through pedagogies that reconceptualize issues of gender, politics, social justice, and spirituality (Women and Teaching: Themes for a Spirituality of Pedagogy, New York: Paulist Press, 1988; Dance of the Spirit: The Seven Steps of Women’s Spirituality, New York: Bantam Books, 1989; Jubilee Time, New York: Bantam Books, 1995; and Proclaim Jubilee, Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press, 1996). Firmly rooted in the Judeo-Christian tradition, the work of Maria Harris helped shape a religious way of being in the world as a global citizen, shedding light on the possibilities for “genuinely religious education for

19. Gabriel Moran, “In Praise of a Graceful Woman; Maria Harris’ Last Years” (unpublished manuscript, New York University, 2005), 4, www.nyu .edu/classes/gmoran/MARIA.pdf. 20. Kieran Scott, “Three Traditions of Religious Education,” Religious Education 79, no. 3 (1984): 401. 21. Margaret O’Brien, “Maria Harris,” Christian Educators of the 20th Century, http://www.talbot.edu/ce20/educators/catholic/maria _harris/#authors.

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our times to be one that is by definition a conversation among all religious traditions.”22 Other Notable Publications Harris, M. 1987. Teaching and Religious Imagination. San Francisco: Harper & Row. Harris, M. 1993. “Women Teaching Girls: The Power and the Danger.” Religious Education 88: 52–66.

References and Resources Harris, Maria. 1984. “Weaving the Fabric: How My Mind Has Changed.” Religious Education 79 (1): 18–23. International Seminar on Religious Education and Values. n.d. “ISREV History.” http://www.isrev.org/History.htm. Moran, Gabriel. 2005. “In Praise of a Graceful Woman: Maria Harris’ Last Years.” New York University. www.nyu.edu/ classes/gmoran/MARIA.pdf. O’Brien, Margaret, and Maureen O’Brien. n.d. “Maria Harris.” Christian Educators of the 20th Century. http://www.talbot .edu/ce20/educators/catholic/maria_harris/#authors. Scott, Kieran. 1984. “Three Traditions of Religious Education.” Religious Education 79 (3): 323–339. Smith, Joanmarie. 2005. “In Memoriam: Maria Harris 1932– 2005.” Religious Education 100 (3): 235–239.

—Sylvia McGeary

Harvard University Harvard was established in 1636, less than 20 years after the Pilgrims landed at Plymouth, and is located in Cambridge, Massachusetts. The institution began with nine students preparing for ministry; it now boasts more than 25,000 undergraduate, graduate, and professional students enrolled in credit courses, noncredit courses, and seminars in its 12 degree-granting schools and the Radcliffe Institute for Advanced Study. Historical Introduction Harvard holds the distinction of being the first institution of higher education in the United States. The university is named after Rev. John Harvard, who donated his personal library and half his estate in its early years. In the tradition of Cambridge, Harvard was founded to instill Puritan thought and aspiration in the New World, which would need competent civic leaders, qualified clergy, and cultured civilians. Focused primarily on providing a learned clergy to the colonies, it was not until the middle of the 19th century that Harvard began to take the shape of what is often understood today as a true university. 22. Maria Harris, “Weaving the Fabric: How My Mind Has Changed,” Religious Education 79, no. 1: 22.

Notable Academic Programs The university comprises 14 academic units or faculties. The following faculties oversee schools and divisions that grant academic degrees: Harvard Business School, Harvard College, Division of Continuing Education, Harvard School of Dental Medicine, Faculty of Arts & Sciences, Harvard Divinity School, Graduate School of Design, School of Engineering and Applied Sciences, Harvard Graduate School of Education, Graduate School of Arts and Sciences, Harvard Kennedy School, Harvard Medical School, Harvard Law School, and Harvard School for Public Health. In addition to the 14 colleges, continuing education and programs are offered through the Radcliffe Institute for Advanced Study. While most of Harvard’s academic programs would be considered notable, the business and law programs consistently enroll the largest number of students. Philosophy of Mission and Education Harvard University does not have a formal mission statement. Some point to the Charter of 1650 and reaffirm the charge to create knowledge, develop the minds of students, and nurture students’ skills and competencies to take the greatest advantage of their educational experience for the advancement of society. During its early years, Harvard’s philosophy of education was based on the classical method of recitation, with little to no free choice of courses for students. As the university grew in number of colleges and programs, so did the opportunities for students to select from a wide range of multidisciplinary courses along with traditional offerings. Harvard University has more than 40 current and former faculty members who are Nobel Laureates and one of the largest library collections in the world. Resource Rudolph, F. 1990. The American College & University: A History. Athens: University of Georgia Press.

—Peter G. Osborn

Hauerwas, Stanley Stanley Hauerwas (b. 1940) earned his PhD in theology from Yale University, then taught at Augustana College, University of Notre Dame, and Duke Divinity School. Raised as a Methodist in Texas, he came to identify himself with a congregation in the Episcopal Church. Some of his main intellectual influences were Aristotle, Reformed theologian Karl Barth, Lutheran pastor Dietrich Bonhoeffer, Anabaptist scholar John Howard Yoder, and Roman Catholic philosopher Alasdair MacIntyre. The author of over 30 books and myriad

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essays, Hauerwas became one of the most influential Protestant theologians in the English-speaking world during his era. In 2001, Time magazine named him “America’s best theologian.” Among his most discussed writings are Character and the Christian Life (1975); The Peaceable Kingdom (1983); Resident Aliens: Life in the Christian Colony, coauthored with William Willimon (1989); Community of Character (1991); and With the Grain of the Universe: The Church’s Witness and Natural Theology (2001), which contained the prestigious Gifford Lectures at St. Andrews in Scotland. He also authored Hannah’s Child: A Theologian’s Memoir (2010). His writings, at both the scholarly and popular levels, often are considered to be provocative and controversial treatments of their subjects. He is best known for his advocacy of Christian pacifism. A wide readership extended his influence across the denominational spectrum. As an educator, a teacher, and mentor to a generation of students in theology and ethics, he has shaped pastors, scholars, and teachers in a wide range of church, university, and seminary settings. Hauerwas addressed education, especially Christian higher education, in essays throughout his career, including those found in The State of the University: Academic Knowledges and the Knowledge of God (2007). He believes that all education, whether implicitly or explicitly, is moral formation. Accordingly, “any knowledge worth having cannot help but shape who we are and accordingly our understanding of the world.” Hauerwas’s understanding of education is shaped by his commitment to approaching ethics from the standpoint of the cultivation and exercise of moral virtues and to seeing the church as a “community of character” called to shape a distinctive people who resist the violent and consumerist ways of life assumed by the nation-state. Hauerwas criticizes the secular university as “the great institution of legitimation in modernity whose task is to convince us that the way things are is the way things have to be.” Thus, it forms people to be “faithful servants of the status quo.” Yet “if Christians are a people with an alternative history of judgments about what is true and good they cannot help but produce an alternative university.” This kind of institution would exist “to shape people in the love of God.” For Hauerwas, Christianity is more than a belief system. The educational task of the church should focus on learning a complex way of life, which is more like being apprenticed to a master to learn a craft (such as bricklaying or stone carving) than about processing information. It involves being gradually formed by the peculiar language, knowledge, skills, practices, attitudes, and habits that constitute the Christian faith. —Jeffrey P. Greenman

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Healing as Christian Practice Healing refers to a restoration of health and wholeness from a prior state of sickness, including physical, emotional, and spiritual. Experiencing such evil is common in a fallen world. Ultimate healing will come in the next age, when Jesus Christ conquers death (1 Cor. 15:53–57). Yet now God still proclaims, “I am the Lord, your healer” (Exod. 15:26). The Old Testament term shalom includes within its orb of meaning the concept of health, as well as peace, completeness, harmony, and fulfillment. God promises shalom to his people (Ps. 85:8). Fulfilling the promises of Isaiah 61:1, Jesus announced that He came “to proclaim . . . liberty to the captives and recovering of sight to the blind, to set at liberty those who are oppressed” (Luke 4:18), in which a prominent part of His ministry was healing “various diseases and pains, those oppressed by demons, epileptics, and paralytics” (Mark 4:24). Messiah is called the “Prince of Shalom” (Isa. 9:6; Eph. 2:14). The church continues this healing ministry. “The healing miracles that Jesus performed not only helped to establish his messianic identity, but they serve as instructive models for the church as Jesus uses people to mediate his dominion in the world” (Arnold 2012, 172). James 5:14–16 provides an important New Testament healing commission. “At the same time, James [5:16] makes clear that the church at large is to pray for healing. . . . James encourages all Christians, and especially those charged with pastoral oversight [elders], to be active in prayer for healing” (Moo 2000, 238). Questions about Healing In his extensive two-volume study of miracles, Craig Keener (2011) presents a sustained historical and theological argument for scholars who tend toward antisupernaturalism in their study of the New Testament miracles. Keener marshals evidence from ancient and contemporary accounts of miracles around the globe (almost 400 pages of accounts with citations, ch. 7–12) and addresses the classic philosophical criticisms raised by Hume (ch. 4–6) and contemporary research bias against supernaturalism (ch. 13–15). As an example of such bias in the church, Augustine (AD 354–430) originally held that miracles could not occur, but then changed his mind when miracles took place among his own congregation and subsequently had records kept of these (Kelsey 1973, 184–189). D. A. Carson (1987, 166) notes: “There is enough evidence that some form of ‘charismatic’ gifts continued sporadically across the centuries of church history that it is futile to insist on doctrinaire grounds that every report is spurious or the fruit of demonic activity or psychological aberration.” In his book discussing culture

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and worldview, Charles Kraft (2005), a former missionary and missiology professor, mentions his own personal and academic journey from reluctance to embracing a biblical supernatural perspective. Yet it is puzzling that God raises up some and does not raise up others. God is the healer, not our prayer alone. Although Jesus Christ inaugurated the Kingdom of God, the full measure of its features will not appear until Christ’s second coming—the kingdom is already and not yet. With confidence in God and following scripture, we pray for those who are sick, leaving the results up to God. God may not bring healing, as illustrated with the apostle Paul. He was instructed, “My grace is sufficient for you, for my power is made perfect in weakness” (2 Cor. 12:9). God has designed healing capacities within the human body and also healing properties in medicine, ancient and new. Employing a balanced approach includes room for varied ways that God can heal (cf. Paul’s medicinal advice to Timothy, 1 Tim. 5:23). John Wilkinson (1998, 292, 294), a former medical missionary, explains, “In the modern situation it is also possible to combine the gift of healing with training in the art and practice of medicine . . . for all true healing comes from God.” Categories of Healing In his classic treatment, Francis MacNutt ([1974] 1999, 133) identified three kinds of sickness: spiritual (personal sin, requiring prayer for repentance), emotional (resulting from trauma, lies embraced, and emotional wounding from others, requiring prayer for inner healing), and physical (from disease or accident). An additional arena for healing involves prayer for deliverance from demonic oppression. Our need for healing can result from a combination of sources, involving more than one category. For example, some physical sickness results from sin (John 5:14, 9:3), and some involves demonic oppression (Luke 13:10). Missiologist Charles Kraft (2004, 258) confirms this combination view and offers this analogy to clarify Satan’s attraction to our sinful habits: “[D]emons are like rats and rats go for ‘garbage.’” The major problem is not the “rats” but the “garbage.” Kraft suggests that we first address other arenas for healing through appropriate means (e.g., prayer, inner healing, repentance, medicine, counseling) and then turn to deliverance when needed. Due to contemporary skepticism regarding demons and the supernatural in general, the category of demonic oppression may seem incredible, yet the traditional triad opposing the believers’ relationship with God is the world, the flesh, and the devil (Eph. 2:1–3). “The Bible clearly conceives the possibility that a Christian may allow an evil force to have a controlling and dominating influence in his or her life” (Arnold 1997, 89, cf. Eph. 4:26–27). The early church practiced deliverance as part

of its two- to three-year catechumenate training prior to receiving formal church membership. “This was the logical time for the early church to deal with the evil spiritual attachments—since the vast majority of these people were in the process of renouncing their allegiances to various pagan deities and magical practices to embrace the living and true God” (Arnold 2012, 169–170). Practicing Prayer for Healing John Wimber’s (1987, 199–235) five-step healing prayer model is one pattern often used or adapted: Step 1: Interview (“answers the question, ‘Where does it hurt?’ ‘What do you want me to pray for?’”). Step 2: Diagnostic decision (“answers the question, ‘Why does this person have this condition?’ clarifying what is the person’s root problem: physical, emotional, sin/spiritual, and/or demonic”). Step 3: Prayer selection (“answers the question, ‘What kind of prayer is needed to help this person?’”). Step 4: Prayer engagement (which takes the bulk of time) (“answers the question, ‘How effective are our prayers?’”). Step 5: Post-prayer directions (“answers the questions, ‘What should this person do to remain healed?’ And ‘What should this person do if he or she was not healed?’”). When Richard Foster began learning how to pray for healing, he employed a “principle of progression” as we might with any other skill. “I began to prayer for small things like earaches, and headaches, and colds—whatever needs arose among my family and friends. And slowly, one step at a time, I began discovering the ways of Healing Prayer” (1992, 206). Likewise, it is helpful to join an experienced team of intercessors as they pray for healing, since, as Carson (1992, 182) observes, “Christians learn to pray by listening to those around them.” References and Resources Arnold, Clinton. 1997. Three Crucial Questions about Spiritual Warfare. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker. ———. 2012. “The Kingdom, Miracles, Satan, and Demons.” In The Kingdom of God, edited by Christopher Morgan and Robert Peterson, 130–153. Wheaton, IL: Crossway. Carson, D. A. 1987. Showing the Spirit: Exposition of 1 Corinthians 12–14. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker. ———. 1992. A Call to Spiritual Reformation. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker. Daunton-Fear, Andrew. 2009. Healing in the Early Church: The Church’s Ministry of Healing and Exorcism from the First to the Fifth Century. Milton Keynes, UK: Paternoster/Eugene, OR: Wipf & Stock.

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Flynn, Mike, and Doug Gregg. 1993. Inner Healing: A Handbook for Helping Yourself and Others. Grand Rapids, MI: InterVarsity Press. Foster, Richard. 1992. Prayer: Finding the Heart’s True Home. San Francisco: HarperSanFrancisco. Gaiser, Frederick J. 2010. Healing in the Bible: Theological Insight for Christian Ministry. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker. Keener, Craig. 2011. Miracles: The Credibility of the New Testament Accounts. 2 vols. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker. Kelsey, Morton. 1973. Healing and Christianity: In Ancient Thought and Modern Times. New York: Harper & Row. Kraft, Charles. 2004. Deep Wounds, Deep Healing: Discovering the Vital Link between Spiritual Warfare and Inner Healing. Ventura, CA: Vine/Regal. ———. 2005. Christianity with Power: Your Worldview and Your Experience of the Supernatural. Eugene, OR: Wipf & Stock. MacNutt, Francis. (1974) 1999. Healing. Rev. ed. Notre Dame, IN: Ave Maria. ———. 2005. The Healing Reawakening: Reclaiming Our Lost Inheritance. Grand Rapids, MI: Chosen/Baker. Moo, Douglas J. 2000. The Letter of James: The Pillar New Testament Commentary. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. Moreland, J. P., and Klaus Issler. 2007. In Search of a Confident Faith: Overcoming Barriers to Trusting in God. Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press. Wilkinson, John. 1998. The Bible and Healing: A Medical and Theological commentary. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. Wimber, John, with Kevin Springer. 1987. Power Healing. San Francisco: Harper & Row.

—Klaus Issler

Health and Sexual Education Historically, the close association of healing with a comprehensive view of salvation and the Kingdom of God has compelled the church to be invested in health care, disease prevention, and campaigns promoting wellness. The reality that God is interested not simply in the salvation of souls, but also in redeeming and healing all of Creation, including our bodies, has inspired Christian educators to address the physical, ethical, social, psychological, emotional, and spiritual domains of life. Christians of all stripes have generally affirmed sexuality as a divinely bestowed gift, emphasizing at various times the blessings couples share in procreating, expressing love, and/or enjoying pleasure within the security and protection of the marital bond. The Creation account narrates the differentiation of woman from man, but emphasizes (even etymologically, Gen. 1:23) their commonality, shared dominion over creation, and capacity for bringing forth life together. The relationality man and

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woman share together exemplifies the image of God in which they were created. The account of the Fall records how the creation intent of a one-flesh union between man and woman becomes distorted by the misuse of freedom and rebellion against God, introducing shame, fear, accusation, and enmity between the genders. Today, cultural visions of sexuality, made ever more salient and available through the media and technology, further exploit the good gift given by the Creator, making sexuality a particularly critical domain to be addressed by Christian educators. Internationally, the emergence of the HIV/AIDS crisis as one of the most pressing humanitarian crises of our time presses issues of sexuality further into health-care concerns. Several challenges confront the Christian educator when it comes to addressing sexuality. First, disagreement often occurs on the question about what is being targeted (promiscuous behavior, unwanted pregnancy, lack of social support) and what remedy is most needed within a given context. Condom distribution, for example, has been heralded by many as essential in combating the spread of disease, but criticized by others as providing sanction for immoral lifestyles. Second, the appeal one makes for moral behavior can be pitched at various levels of moral reasoning. Some programs rely on scare tactics, using fear of disease as a primary motivation. Others create strong taboos that exclude from fellowship any who breach the moral code. Still others create an ethos within a moral community that relies on relationships and appeals to biblical truth and on the Holy Spirit to be at work in the process of informing a person’s conscience. Third, contextualizing the message and considering age-appropriateness are particularly critical in determining what to emphasize and what message is redemptive. Abstinencebased programs may be innocuous when pitched to a target population in which the vast majority are already sexually active. Sociological and anthropological research can often help Christian educators “tell the truth” about current patterns of sexual involvement and provide helpful interpretations of why young people make the sexual choices that they do. Addressing particular sexual issues (e.g., human trafficking, rape, clitoridectomy) may also engage Christian educators in attempts to address sociopolitical structures. A fairly wide array of central virtues has shaped approaches to sexual education in the West in recent history, each of which offers instructive direction for the Christian educator, but also requires careful discernment before advocating it. Purity pledges and promise rings emphasize abstinence, sometimes pointing beyond prohibitions and toward what is gained from the covenant of marriage. Dawn Eden (2006) and Laura Winner

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(2005) focus on chastity. Wendy Shalit (1999) advocates modesty. Christine Colon and Bonnie Field (2009) have written a helpful book regarding singles that calls for renewed support for celibacy. Helpful in these approaches is an emphasis on virtue that focuses Christian educators beyond behavior management and toward being people of godly character. References and Resources Colon, Christine, and Bonnie Field. 2009. Singled Out: Why Celibacy Must Be Reinvented in Today’s Church. Grand Rapids, MI: Brazos. Eden, Dawn. 2006. The Thrill of the Chaste: Finding Fulfillment While Keeping Your Clothes On. Nashville, TN: Thomas Nelson. Shalit, Wendy. 1999. Return to Modesty: Discovering the Lost Virtue. New York: Touchstone. Winner, Lauren. 2005. Real Sex: The Naked Truth about Chastity. Grand Rapids, MI: Brazos.

—Chris Kiesling

Hebrew The incorporation of the Jewish sacred texts into the Christian canon of scripture paved the way for church scholars to become Hebraists in order to translate and interpret this “Old(er) Testament” or Hebrew Bible. At first, Christian students of Hebrew learned from Jewish rabbis and educators. Eventually, Christian theologians and linguists produced their own grammars about the classical or biblical language, and some learned to lecture in Hebrew. The fifth president of Yale University, and its first Semitics professor, having long been a friend and student of a Jewish rabbi, delivered a commencement address in Hebrew, Aramaic, and Arabic. To the frustration of many students, he made Hebrew a required freshman course, and some valedictorians gave their orations in Hebrew. The official seals and the earliest curricula of a number of major universities include OT Hebrew expressions. Hebrew, however, is not the name used for this language in the OT, where it is designated as a Canaanite dialect (Isa. 19:18) or as Jewish in distinction from Aramaic (e.g., 2 Kings 18:26; Neh. 13:24). “Hebrew” in the OT is used of a tribe, not a tongue. Due to the Hellenization of the Near East when the church was born, the Greek versions of the Old and then New Testaments were initially predominant. Hebrew gradually was reduced to the language of scholarship and synagogue and fell out of popular use. Aramaic and Arabic took its place in the Jewish world, and only a few Christian scholars focused on Hebrew, as Latin, along with Greek, dominated the church’s

life and liturgy. The Enlightenment helped renew interest in the study of the original languages of the Bible (exegesis). In the centuries that followed, Hebrew increasingly took its place as an essential part of theological training. Only in recent decades has this begun to fade, as pastoral ministry has come to be defined more purely in terms of homiletics and spiritual help, and theological training has become more heuristic and less traditionally academic. Even when Hebrew was more rigorously required, misinformation about the Hebrew, as well as the Greek, language was widespread. Notions about Hebrew as the first human language and the biblical languages as “heavenly,” unlike other normal spoken languages, were popular. The study of language apart from insights into linguistic realities, shared by most or all languages, led to some unfortunate interpretive outcomes. Like words in all languages, their meaning in Hebrew is based on current historical and literary contexts. The teaching of Hebrew in most seminaries traditionally focused on grammar and syntax, but unfortunately, until recently it did not give due emphasis to philology, semantics, and textlinguistics. Basing meaning on etymology or the totality of a word’s history of usage, however (and fortunately), is beginning to disappear from pulpits. Eventually Hebrew was recognized as just one of many Northwest Semitic dialects and as having developed thousands of years after the first human languages. In fact, some aspects of Hebrew remain unclear, so some OT interpretations have to be tentative. Advances in Hebrew vocabulary and syntax have come from comparative studies with other Semitic languages, principally Ugaritic, also of the Northwest group. Since the time of Ezra, Hebrew has employed the Aramaic script. It ceased being a living language around AD 200. The current trend of reducing or removing Hebrew from theological curricula is regrettable; however, computer-assisted language programs, while a tempting crutch, are allowing a refreshing focus on its function more than its mere formal mechanics. The consequence for contemporary Christian educators is that a working knowledge of OT Hebrew must remain in the curriculum requirements for theological and pastoral training. The advent of widespread computer use and the development of sophisticated software that morphologically and syntactically analyzes OT Hebrew texts are changing classroom pedagogy and leading to more online courses. There is no excuse for total elimination of original languages to make room for more practical subjects. Mastery of the language is still the ideal, but taking fewer credit hours in Hebrew, especially in U.S. seminaries, is the reality. However, teachers can now focus more on reading the Hebrew texts and giving functional and linguistic explanations of the forms. A preacher who can memorize and recognize a word’s

Hebrew Bible and Old Testament

form but not explain its meaning accurately, and who therefore cannot evaluate translations fairly, is an undesirable product of theological education. As hours given to language learning decrease, sadly, we still have the tools available to produce pastors or Christian educators with adequate exegetical and linguistic skills. One of the most notable Hebrew philologists currently is a Japanese Christian, Prof. Dr. T. Muraoka, English translator, editor, and reviser of the classic Hebrew grammar in French by Paul Joüon. References and Resources Barr, James. 1961. The Semantics of Biblical Language. London: Oxford University Press. Goldman, Shalom, ed. 1993. Hebrew and the Bible in America. Lebanon, NH: University Press of New England. Sáenz-Badillos, Angel. 1993. A History of the Hebrew Language. Translated by John Elwolde. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Schalit, Abraham, ed. 1972. The World History of the Jewish People: The Hellenistic Age. Vol. 6. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press. Schramm, Gene. 1992. “Hebrew.” In The Anchor Bible Dictionary, ed. David Noel Freedman, IV: 203–214. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Shanks, Hershel, ed. 1992. Christianity and Rabbinic Judaism. New York: Biblical Archeology Review Press.

—W. Creighton Marlowe

Hebrew Bible and Old Testament One Book was written by One author with one message. The English reader tends to see the Bible as a series of books rather than the meaning of Bible: “The Book.” Compartmentalizing books within the canon results in the 21st-century Christian missing the continuation of God’s story, begun in Genesis and consummated in Revelation. Understanding the coherence of God’s revelation to His people is crucial. Just as threads—small fibers or strands—unite to produce one strong length of rope, so scripture’s purpose is captured in many themes throughout The Book. Biblical Theology of the Hebrew Bible and Old Testament The author of the Bible is God. The unity of the Bible is held together by its Author. Throughout biblical history, God has established a complete view of Himself through His words and works. When the Christian reads the Bible, she can be assured that the Author has provided a whole, total, systemic view of what He wants His people to know (Rom. 4:24; 1 Cor. 9:10).

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The scope of the Bible is broad, capturing the bird’seye view of God’s eternal plan. Individuals from nations fulfill a universal perspective. Joseph, for instance, is the person who is used to save Israel from starvation, while Israel is used to save the world through Messiah (Gen. 50:20). Ruth’s foreign status serves a worldwide purpose: the Davidic dynasty (Ruth 4:13–18). David is Israel’s great king, whose lineage births The King of kings (Matt. 1:1). Theological connections begun in the Old Testament continue through to the New Testament. God’s sovereignty and human responsibility are both shown as true, though the explanation is difficult. Exodus, for example, notes that God “hardened pharaoh’s heart” (7:3, 13, 14, 22, 8:11, 15, 22, 9:7, 34), while “pharaoh hardened his heart” (9:12, 10:1, 20, 27, 11:10, 14:4, 8, 17). Humans continue to bear responsibility for their own actions, while at the same time God superintends all things (Acts 2:23). The synthesis of the Bible serves to encourage everyone within one’s own time to anticipate God’s ending of time (Rom. 15:4; 1 Cor. 10:1–11). Scripture constantly foresees those who would follow (1 Pet. 1:10–12). The nature of the Old Testament is to point forward to the New Testament. The seed of sin sown in Genesis is uprooted in the Gospels. Jesus teaching about Himself throughout God’s testament to the Hebrews is explained in His testament to Christians (Luke 24:25–27). Passages such as 1 Peter 2:9–10 and Revelation 1:5–6 and 5:10 never lose God’s missional purpose. Christian Practice for the Hebrew Bible A general overview should precede the teaching of any biblical text. The use of charts helps the parts of a passage become whole. Diagrams can create simple insights from a complex narrative. Images from ancient archaeology or geography can focus a learner’s awareness of detail. The big picture observation of a text prior to teaching can lead learners to detailed interpretation and ultimately personal application. A Bible encyclopedia search shows that the 10 plagues against Egypt functioned as God’s victory against other gods (Deut. 12:12, 26:5–9; Josh. 24:12–13), explained well with a visual aid. Interconnecting ideas beginning in the Old Testament should be traced. Connections to multiple concerns of apologetics, doctrine, history, or biography can bring the whole focus of scripture into clarity. Correlation—finding how passages fit together from across the Bible’s pages—reminds the reader of scripture’s scope. Finding God’s Hebrew name in Exodus 3 is translated as “I am” makes sense to the learner when she finds out the simple phrase was used by ancient kings as a marker of their ultimate status and is used by Jesus to show He is the Hebrew God (John 8, 10, 18).

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Teaching large sections of scripture lends itself to a big picture view. Themes running from one part of a book to another can add to understanding. The word “serve” in Exodus, for instance, is the same word for “worship” appearing scores of times in Exodus as “service,” “serving,” or “servant.” Moses is called God’s servant almost 50 times; the term was used by ancient Near Eastern kings for themselves, working on behalf of the deity (Josh. 1:2). The book begins by Israel serving an Egyptian pharaoh, God taking His people out of Egypt to serve Him, and ends with the building of the tabernacle: the place of Israel’s service-worship. Genealogical teaching begins in Genesis (chapters 4, 5, 10, 11, 25, 36, 49) and is bracketed by the final Old Testament book, Chronicles (chapters 1–9). To understand Jesus’s genealogies of Matthew 1 and Luke 3, the Christian must see the links beginning in Genesis 4 to Genesis 49 to Ruth 4 to Romans 1:2–4. Hebrew thinking about people in scripture is directly tied to ancestry. Simple teaching is the most powerful teaching and can be benefited by mnemonic devices. Old Testament geography laid out on a classroom floor comes to life when participants hold up a red C for The Red Sea or pass out caramels at Mt. Carmel. The book of Leviticus can be taught with the poem “Sacrifices, priests / Special days, feasts / Law code, disease / You can’t do what you please.” Christian teaching should always lead to application from the Old Testament. Israel “trembled with fear,” is told not to fear, and yet to fear God (Exod. 20:18–20). How can people be afraid while being told not to fear, yet to fear, God? It seems people cannot live with God and cannot live without Him, either. Jesus’s disciples first showed fear and then refocused their fear when Jesus calmed the storm (Mark 4:35–41). Peter’s response to Jesus’s knowledge of fish schools was a fearful desire to be out of His presence (Luke 5:1–11). Ultimately Christian fear (Phil. 2:14–15) should be mindful of adoration that comes from knowing Whom to fear: what Job knew, Paul knew, too (Job 42:1–6; Rom. 11:33–36). References and Resources The English Standard Version Study Bible. 2008. Wheaton, IL: Crossway. Fee, Gordon D., and Douglas Stuart. 2003. How to Read the Bible for All It’s Worth. 3rd ed. Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan.

—Mark Eckel

Hebrew Bible Interpretation There are general directives for the study and teaching of any Old Testament book within the Hebrew Bible. Bridging gaps between Hebrew and the English reader

is imperative. Understanding the multifaceted yet whole interests of the Hebrew mind-set must always be kept in mind by the Christian teacher. Biblical Theology of Hebrew Bible Interpretation The Hebrew Bible focuses on knowing God over other knowing (Hosea 4:6, 6:6). Knowledge always begins with God, since He is the author of all information (Isa. 40:14). In the West, the focus is on the five senses, what can be seen, whereas scripture directs attention to what cannot be seen (2 Kings 6). All material things have immaterial origins (Ps. 33:6–9; Neh. 9:6); therefore, all of life is sacred. The concept of “secular” does not exist in the Hebrew Bible (Lev. 25.23; Ps. 89:11). History for pagan peoples in the Old Testament was cyclical, repeating ceaselessly. For Hebrew peoples, God’s purpose was founded on a Person with purpose, best represented by a line, indicating that Israelite history had an end in sight (Mic. 4:1–6, 12; Acts 3:21). The contention of the Hebrew Bible is that everything is theological: everything, every action, every person, every event points to God (Prov. 16:1, 4, 9, 33; Isa. 46:9–11). Biblical Philosophy of Hebrew Bible Interpretation In the study of history, westerners must remember history is His Story (Gen. 12:1–3 with Gal. 3:7–9 and Rev. 5:9–10). In the West, time is a continuum, with logic and flow, whereas Eastern thinking is a point in time with continuing results. One action in the past continues into the future. God’s eternal nature (Ps. 90:2) reflects His eternal dominion (Dan. 4:34, 35) controlling time. He works within time for human benefit (Ps. 31:15, 39:4–7). God’s plan in the past will continue through the present into eternity (Isa. 45:21, 46:9–11; Eph. 1:9–11). Learning ancient Near Eastern culture is vital for the Christian teacher. The geographical location of Israel in between ancient superpowers shows Israel’s need of faith in God. The fact that the sun and moon are not named in Genesis suggests that giving a name gave authority; coming out of Egyptian idolatry, God wanted to culturally show that the lights of heaven were subservient to their Creator. Historical connections should not be missed, as Amalek was given mercy by God over time (Gen. 14:7; Num. 24:20). The meaning of words, starting with the language of Hebrew, connects the Passover begun in Exodus 12 with Jesus as the Passover Lamb (1 Cor. 5:7, 11:25). The mind-set of slavery begun in the Old Testament (Exod. 21:1–32) connects immediately to doctrinal teaching in the New Testament (Rom. 6:1–15). Teaching doctrine means interpreting culture. Literary forms or genres help Christian interpretation of Hebrew scripture. Narrative, poetry, proverbs, law code, genealogy, parables, and apocalyptic prophecy run throughout the Bible. Narrative, for instance, displays a

Heidelberg Catechism

biography of women named, while the king of Egypt is left unnamed (1:8, 15, 18; cf. 2:10, 22). The story’s details suggest that ultimate authority is taken from the throne room and placed in the nursery. The message is very specific: “that the world may know” (Exod. 7:5, 17, 8:6, 18, 9:14, 29, 10:2, 14:4, 18, 16:12). Literary connections begun in the Hebrew Bible continue throughout scripture (1 Sam. 17:46; John 17:23). Ideas are linked with physical items in Hebrew understanding. “Forgetting God” (Deut. 8:11–20) is not simple memory loss but an act of rebellion, an ethical choice to ignore. The process of “forgetting God” begins with apathy, leading to pride, ultimately resulting in idolatry. James explains to Hebrew Christians (1:25) that one antidote to forgetfulness is activity. So, feasts (Esther 9:27– 28), stones (Josh. 4:7), tassels (Num. 15:39–40), table tops (Num. 16:36–40), and repositories for scripture (Deut. 11:18) were active Hebrew reminders to remember God. Christian Practice of Hebrew Bible Interpretation Memory is important to every Christian generation in every culture. People deliberately forget (2 Pet. 3:5), so Christians have to be reminded (2 Pet. 1:12–15) not to forget (2 Pet. 3:8), “recalling the words” (2 Pet. 3:2), getting people to remember for themselves (2 Pet. 3:17). The importance of teachers to ensure collective memory is passed on, renewed by each successive generation. “Holiday,” for instance, is a better word than “vacation” to remember why people celebrate the past; the second word means to leave empty, while the former indicates a day set apart. Community commitment to the past reminds teachers that it is not about them but it is up to them. Indifference to and ignorance of history reside in the state of ingratitude. Forgetting God and forgetting those who have gone before is an active rebellion against God and the preservation of His plan. The teaching of history is a salute to the past and a stabilizing view toward the future. Remembering history is an active, collective, repetitive, and reflective process. Memory loss leads to lost motivation. The future is always dependent upon the past. The study of the past is essential to live in the present and anticipate the future. The Christian teacher must encourage broadminded thinking to interpret the Hebrew Bible. When the New Testament refers to “the scriptures,” the emphasis is on the testament that preceded it (Gal. 3:22; 2 Tim. 3:15; 2 Pet. 3:16). Grounded in the principles of living established in the Hebrew Bible, the Christian teacher can help students to interpret The Book and understand how The Book interprets the world. References and Resources Wilson, Marvin R. 1990. Our Father Abraham: Jewish Roots of the Christian Faith. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans.

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Walton, John H., Victor H. Matthews, and Mark W. Chavalas. 2000. The IVP Bible Background Commentary: Old Testament. Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press.

—Mark Eckel

Heid elber g Ca techism Introduction In the education of the church, the classical focus is often threefold, that is, on the instruction of the law, on faith, and on prayer. To elaborate on these subjects, the Heidelberg Catechism proposes a didactic analysis of subthemes such as the Apostles’ Creed, the sacraments, the Ten Commandments, and the Lord’s Prayer. The Content and Purpose of the Heidelberg Catechism The general aim of the catechism is to provide a practical answer to the—in those days of uncertainty about one’s eternal salvation—urgent question: How am I to be saved? That is indeed the first of the 129 questions posed: “What gives you your only assurance23 in life and in death?” The answer to this question is: “That I . . . am not my own, but belong to my faithful Savior Jesus Christ.”24 The catechism then continues by questioning what one has to know and to do in order to live and to die in the joy of this assurance. The reply to this inquiry is threefold and introduces the thematic arrangement of the Catechism: “Three things: first, how great my sin and misery are; second, how I am set free from all my sins and misery; third, how I am to thank God for such deliverance.”25 Therefore, the three parts are titled “The Misery of Man,” “Man’s Deliverance,” and “Thankfulness.” In these parts, the subjects are treated in 52 numbered paragraphs, called “Lord’s Day,” in the form of questions and answers, as was customary in the time when the Heidelberg Catechism was published. The purpose of this number was to create the possibility to explain one part of the catechism on each Sunday of a year. In many contemporary Reformed churches, an evening sermon based on one paragraph of the Heidelberg Catechism can still be heard. Furthermore, the Heidelberg Catechism has always been used for the education of the young members of the church, the so-called catechumen. In the preface of the first edition, Frederick appeals to the youth of the church 23. The original German text asks: “Was ist dein einiger trost in leben und in sterben?” The word “trost” in those days meant “support” or “assurance.” Therefore, the traditional translation “comfort,” with its connotation of consolation and sorrow, is not correct. 24. The answer to the second question of the catechism in the “2011 Translation of the Three Reformed Standards,” Christian Reformed Church, http://www.crcna.org/welcome/beliefs/confessions/heidelberg -catechism. 25. Ibid.

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and the schools to thankfully accept the Heidelberg Catechism and educate themselves with the aid of the book. He furthermore proclaimed the expectation that the catechism would help the preachers and the schoolmasters teach in a consistent manner and not introduce daily changes or “nasty” doctrine. Historical Background Approximately 50 years after the Reformation began, Elector Frederick III of the Palatine assigned a team of ministers and theologians of the Heidelberg University to compile a catechism. Zacharius Ursinus (1534–1583) and Caspar Olevianus (1536–1587) are traditionally considered the authors of the Heidelberg Catechism. Ursinus was then 29 and Olevianus 27 years old. However, on the title page of the first edition of the book, no author is mentioned. Presently, Ursinus is considered the author, assisted by members of the faculty: Casper Olevianus and Thomas Erastus (1524–1583), the chancellor of the university.26 In January 1563, the Heidelberg Catechism was officially acknowledged by a specially convened synod and subsequently published. It was swiftly translated and spread throughout Europe. Many churches in Europe chose this catechism as a standard of faith, especially the Reformed Church, followed in due time by churches in Africa, America, and Asia. References and Resources Bakhuizen Van Den Brink, J. N. 1976. De Nederlandse Belijdenisgeschriften. Amsterdam: Uitgeverij Ton Bolland. Courthial, P., ed. 1986. Quelle est ton unique assurance dans la vie comme la mort? Catéchisme de Heidelberg. Aix-enProvence: Fondation d’Entraide Chrétienne Réformée. Huijgen, Arnold, John V. Fesko, and Aleida Siller. 2013. Handboek Heidelbergse Catechismus. Utrecht, The Netherlands: Uitgeverij Kok. Wierenga, Lambert. 1995. De Heidelbergse Catechismus in Gewoon Nederlands. Kampen, The Netherlands: Kok Voorhoeve.

—Metta M. Wierenga

Hendricks, Howard G. Introduction Howard G. Hendricks (1924–2013) was an American pastor, educator, and author. He pursued his career at Dallas Theological Seminary (DTS), where he taught for over 50 years and educated thousands of students. Hen26. Charles D. Gunnoe, “Auteurschap van de Heidelbergse Catechismus: De Rol van Erastus,” in Handboek Heidelbergse Catechismus (Utrecht: Uitgeverij Kok, 2013), 80.

dricks was a sought-after conference speaker and consultant and authored numerous works related to Christian education, teaching, leadership family relationships, and family ministry. Early Life and Education Howard Hendricks was born on 5 April 1924 in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, and was raised primarily by his grandparents. Initially wanting to become a doctor, Hendricks turned down a full-tuition scholarship to Northwestern University in favor of attending Wheaton College. It was there that he was drawn to the field of Christian education through the influence of a professor, Dr. Rebecca Price, and two classmates, Mary and Lois LeBar. After graduating from Wheaton, Hendricks enrolled in Dallas Theological Seminary (DTS), earning a master’s degree in 1950. He then served on staff at a church in Dallas while teaching classes at DTS. While there he developed his Bible study methods course, which has become a staple of the DTS curriculum. Hendricks eventually enrolled in a PhD program at Yale University, where he was given the opportunity to study under renowned scholar Paul Vieth. However, the president of DTS, John Walvoord, phoned Hendricks and urged him to delay doctoral studies in order to serve as a professor of theology and homiletics at DTS, an offer Hendricks accepted. Hendricks began teaching a course in Christian education, which led to his teaching more courses in the field, bringing in numerous instructors and teaching fellows and eventually starting the Christian education department at DTS in 1958. His success in teaching earned him the affectionate designation “Prof” from DTS students. Hendricks brought in Gene Getz and Kenneth Gangel to teach in the Christian education program, which continues to be an essential part of a DTS education. He continued his own education at New York University, Biblical Seminary (now New York Theological Seminary), the University at Buffalo, and the Creative Education Foundation, among other places. Hendricks was awarded a doctor of divinity degree from Wheaton College in 1967. Hendricks was consistently involved in numerous parachurch ministries, the most famous being between 1976 and 1984, when he served as chaplain to the Dallas Cowboys. He also was involved on the boards of Promise Keepers, Multnomah School of the Bible, and Navigators, among other organizations. DTS established the Howard G. Hendricks Center for Christian Leadership & Cultural Engagement in late 1986. Its primary goal is to study Christian leadership for the goal of reproducing faithful Christian leaders for generations to come. In the 1990s, Hendricks authored numerous books, which have received wide acclaim. After many years of success-

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ful teaching, Hendricks retired from DTS in 2010. He passed away in 2013, at the age of 89. Howard Hendricks left behind a legacy of having authored numerous books, but more important, having taught more than 10,000 students during his years as a professor. Contribution to Christian Education Hendricks mentored numerous leaders in the field of Christian education over a 50-year period, notably several current and past professors of Christian education in evangelical colleges and seminaries and several wellknown pastors. He was the longest-serving Christian education professor in the field and taught courses not only in Christian education, but also in camping, counseling, inductive Bible study, homiletics, leadership, creativity, and many other areas. Hendricks also possessed a thriving ministry of preaching and teaching in many conferences, churches, and radio programs. In addition, he was a champion of inductive Bible study, which remains a focal point in the curriculum at DTS. Hendricks was always an ardent supporter of the academic study of Christian education, even though the discipline has sometimes been perceived as inferior to other theological disciplines. Though his authored works cover the broad spectrum of church ministry and Christian thought, Hendricks authored numerous Christian education texts, many aimed at church leaders. He was imminently concerned with the teaching process, in works such as Mastering Teaching (1991), Teaching to Change Lives (1996), and The Christian Educator’s Handbook on Teaching (1998). He was also concerned with Christian family life, evidenced by his famous “Christian Home” course at DTS, and his works Heaven Help the Home (1993) and Husbands and Wives (1988). Hendricks was interested in mentoring, a practice he outlines in As Iron Sharpens Iron: Building Character in a Mentoring Relationship (1995). Most notable, however, was his devotion to inductive Bible study, which he outlined in the best-selling book Living by the Book (1991). Hendricks’s life and works are evidence of a teacher who was deeply concerned that the teaching ministry of the church be holistic and grounded in biblical reality. References and Resources Dallas Theological Seminary (DTS). n.d. “The Life of Howard G. ‘Prof’ Hendricks.” Accessed 30 March 2013. http://www .dts.edu/read/howard-hendricks-prof/. Gangel, Kenneth O., and Howard G. Hendricks. 1998. The Christian Educator’s Handbook on Teaching. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Books. Hendricks, Howard G. 1983. Taking a Stand: What God Can Do through Ordinary You! Portland, OR: Multnomah Press. ———. 1987. Teaching to Change Lives. Sisters, OR: Multnomah Press.

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Hendricks, Howard G., and Jeanne W. Hendricks. 2003. Heaven Help the Home Today. Colorado Springs, CO: LifeJourney. Hendricks, Howard G., and William Hendricks. 1995. As Iron Sharpens Iron: Building Character in a Mentoring Relationship. Chicago: Moody Press. ———. 2007. Living by the Book: The Art and Science of Reading the Bible. Rev. and updated. ed. Chicago: Moody Press. Lawson, Michael, and Carisa Ash. n.d. “Howard G. Hendricks.” Christian Educators of the 20th Century. Accessed 30 March 2013. http://www.talbot.edu/ce20/educators/protestant/ howard_hendricks/.

—Benjamin D. Espinoza

Herbart, Johann Frederich German philosopher and psychologist Johann Friedrich Herbart (4 May 1776–14 August 1841) is best known among Christian educators for his systematic study of pedagogy and his role in making it an academic discipline. His schema for planning lessons significantly influenced the rise of the Sunday school movement in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Born in Oldenberg, Germany, Herbart was the only child of his lawyer father and his brilliant and strongwilled mother. He was tutored at home under the supervision of his mother and entered the Gymnasium of Oldenberg at the age of 12. He studied philosophy at the University of Jena, after which he became a tutor to the children of Herr von Steiger, the governor of Interlaken, Switzerland. It was during his three years as tutor that his interest in education and the way children learn developed. While in Switzerland, Herbart met and came to know Johann Pestalozzi, the German educator involved with issues of reform in the schools. Herbart received his doctorate from Göttingen and then went to Königsberg in 1809 to take the position formerly held by Kant. He returned to Göttingen in 1833 and remained there as a professor of philosophy until his death in 1841. Herbart believed that it was through education that the individual developed and was able to make a contribution to society. For Herbart, pedagogy provided the means by which individuals experienced moral development. In light of his educational theories, his followers described a five-step pedagogical process that was popular during the mid- to late 19th century in Germany, as well as in Great Britain and the United States: 1. Preparation: In line with Herbart’s theory of apperception, the teacher begins by relating the material to be learned to relevant existing ideas (memories) in order to prepare the student to receive the new material.

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2. Presentation: The teacher then presents new material in the form of actual experience of concrete objects or experiences. 3. Association: In the third step, comparison is made between the new idea and existing ideas in order to find similarities and differences and thus help the student grasp and remember the new idea. 4. Generalization: By using examples to illustrate the lesson’s core ideas, learning is taken beyond concrete experience to abstract concepts. 5. Application: Newly acquired knowledge is used so that it becomes an integral part of the life of the student (test students to ensure they learned the new lesson). As Herbart’s approach to education spread within the public school system, it began to have influence on Sunday schools and other forms of Christian education. Throughout the late 1800s and into the 1900s, his schema influenced the preparation of teachers as well as the development of educational materials designed for Christian education. References and Resources Blyth, A. 1981. “From Individuality to Character: the Herbartian Sociology Applied to Education.” British Journal of Educational Studies 29: 69–79. Cross, William C. C., and Barry Trunk. 1993. From Plato to Piaget: The Greatest Educational Theorists from Across the Centuries and Around the World. Lanham, MD: University Press of America. Herbart, Johann Friedrich. 1904. Outlines of Educational Doctrines. Translated by Alexis F. Lange. Annotated by Charles DeGarmo. New York: Macmillan. Ivie, Stanley D. 2007. “The Educational Legacy of Herbart and Herbartianism.” Vitae Scholasticae Annual, 39+. Spring, J. 2008. The American School: From the Puritans to No Child Left Behind. Boston: McGraw-Hill.

—Jane E. Regan

Heresy, Response to “Choice” is the root meaning of “heretic.” In the New Testament, the word was equivalent to a voluntary, personal decision to turn away from belief, showing that the person was never a believer in the first place (Heb. 10:26–31, 6:1–6; 2 Pet. 2:20–22; 1 John 2:18–19). Dedicated to himself, “heretic” expanded to mean “factious,” one who becomes divisive, of a diversity that destroys unity (Rom. 16:17). The “heretical person” (Tim. 3.10) is one who makes decisions independent of community and authority (2 Pet. 2:2). Heretics serve “their own appe-

tites” (Rom. 16:18). Intentional isolation creates heretics, who establish patterns of self-centeredness. Examples of placing self before others occurred at communion (1 Cor. 11:18–19) and teaching (1 Tim. 1:3–7). A heretic is characterized as “puffed up with conceit and understanding nothing” (1 Tim. 6:4). The Christian message is not self-centered but others-centered (Mark 10:45, 12:30–31; Phil. 2:1–11). Biblical Theology in Response to Heresy The heretical person is consistently considered next to the hygienic condition of doctrine (Tim. 1:9–2:1, 3:9–11); as good hygiene wards off sickness, so good hygienic doctrine wards off doctrinal sickness. Paul’s words “I insist on these things” (Titus 3.8a; 1 Tim. 3:1; 2 Tim. 2.11) within the immediate context of the passages suggest that right doctrine is inexorably linked with right deeds. “Profitable” works (Titus 3.8) are immediately contrasted with “unprofitable” talk. Worthless speech (Titus 1.10; 1 Tim 1.6) does not lead to good works. Right learning and living of a true Christian exposes the heretic (2 Thess. 2:11–17; 1 Tim. 4:15). The person who has right doctrine is faithful, reliable, and trustworthy (1 Tim. 1:15, 3:1, 4:9; 2 Tim. 2:11; Titus 3.8). The word “false” in the New Testament denotes a fabrication or production of a counterfeit (2 Cor. 4:2). The antithesis to truth is not error but active, calculated lying, deliberate deception (Rom. 1:25; Eph. 4:25; Titus 1:4). In contrast, the word “true” (Gal. 4:16) communicates faithfulness (Matt. 24:45; 1 Cor. 1:9), leading toward reliability in speech and teaching (Matt. 22:16; John 3:33, 8:44–46). A Greek idiom explains what it means to be wholly truthful: to “open wide” shows that one is not hiding anything, which is equivalent to the modern metaphor of complete truthfulness (2 Cor. 6:11). An association with truth-seekers suggests a strong sense of unity based on a clear standard of belonging in the same way siblings are from the same family (Phil. 3:1; James 2:15; 1 Pet. 2:17). Biblical Philosophy in Response to Heresy A standard for trustworthiness relies not simply on abstract, propositional truth statements, but on the person who is speaking (John 8:44). It is not enough that words be accurate; the speaker herself must be a truth-teller. Diotrephes is unflatteringly contrasted with Demetrius (3 John). The former speaks untruth, disassociating himself from the church. The latter is said to embody truth, which can be confirmed by everyone within the group, including the apostle John. Defection from the faith, joining the other side, is apostasy. In the Old Testament, switching sides suggests a trespass, stepping over the line. The trespasser who

Hermeneutics

steps backward is said to be “backsliding” (Isa. 57:17; Jer. 3:14, 22, 31:22, 49:4, 50:6). One who backslides is disloyal or faithless (Prov. 1:32; Jer. 2:19, 3:6, 8, 11, 12, 22, 5:6, 8:5, 14:7; Hosea 11:7, 14:4). Israel was said to have deserted the Lord (Jos. 22:22; 2 Chron. 29:19, 33:19; Jer. 2:19). Ultimately, apostasy is a conscious rejection of “the way of the Lord, the requirements of their God” (Jer. 5:5) by “scattering favors to foreign gods” (Jer. 3:13). Christian Practice in Response to Heresy Christians should study the Bible and stand on its on sound doctrine. Church history should be studied to see how previous Christians dealt with heresy in their time. Singing theologically correct hymns practices the clear teaching of Colossians 3:16. Catechizing children in God’s Truth is the duty of every Christian parent. Not placing too much emphasis on a single person, prescription, or curriculum acknowledges the diversity of explication of truth that gives a broader understanding in which to discern scripture. The importance of community, “encouraging each other with sound doctrine” (Titus 1:9), is the antidote to the person who creates factions within Christ’s body (1 Cor. 11:19; Gal. 1:8–9, 5:20; 2 Pet. 2:1). Heresy is avoided with consistent biblical preaching and teaching. Heretics should be exposed for who they are, not allowed to pervert the church. Church doctrine is often developed in response to heretical teaching. A compare and contrast methodology can help Christians identify incorrect teaching, discerning a proper response. Church leaders bear the responsibility of training Christians to know wrong instruction when they hear it. References and Resources Brown, Harold O. J. 1998. Heresies: Heresy and Orthodoxy in the History of the Church. Peabody, MA: Hendrickson Publishers. Chesterton, G. K. 2012. Heretics. 2nd ed. Nashville, TN: Sam Torode Book Art.

—Mark Eckel

Hermeneutics Hermeneutics is derived from the Greek hermeneuein, to interpret or make intelligible, whose root stem can be traced back to Hermes, as the tutelary divinity of speech, writing, and eloquence. Hermeneutics is an interdisciplinary discipline that explores how readers attempt to understand texts, especially those written in a different time and/or place. Biblical hermeneutics examines the ways in which biblical texts are read, understood, and responded to by

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readers. Until the early 19th century, biblical hermeneutics was essentially considered scientia in the traditional sense: a habitus that is committed to “listening” or understanding the subject matter on its own terms. It was regularly referred to as rules (regulae) for the interpretation of scripture, thus being virtually synonymous to procedures of exegesis. It was not until the notable works by Friedrich Schleiermacher (1768–1834; Hermeneutics) and Hans-Georg Gadamer (1900–2002; Truth and Method) that biblical hermeneutics emerged as an art rather than a science. The title of Gadamer’s Truth and Method is somewhat of a misnomer, in that Gadamer set out to interrogate and cast serious doubt on the primacy of rationalist or mechanical “method” as a way of attaining understanding and truth, urging readers to decide on truth or method. However, biblical hermeneutics should be construed as both a science and an art. As Milton Terry (1974) maintains, “As a science it enunciates principles . . . and classifies the facts and results. As an art, it teaches what application these principles should have . . . showing their practical value in the elucidation of more difficult scriptures.” According to Thiselton (1997), the art and science of biblical hermeneutics, as an interdisciplinary discipline, raises at least five strands of questions. First, it raises both biblical and theological questions, demanding a serious dialogue between synchronic and diachronic approaches to biblical interpretation and theology. Second, hermeneutics broaches philosophical questions about how readers come to understand and on what grounds understanding is possible and/or legitimate. Third, it introduces literary questions about text genres and the processes of reading in relation to the literary boundaries of the text. Fourth, biblical hermeneutics, in contradistinction to exegesis, invites social analysis and other broad sociological questions about how a reader’s vested interests—race, gender, class, and other sources of presuppositions—may influence how he or she reads and understands. Fifth, biblical hermeneutics invites questions from linguistic and communication theories and explores the whole range of communicative actions the text performs to affect readers or a community of readers. Integrated as a whole, biblical hermeneutics encompasses the divine author, author, text, and reader (and community of readers). Moreover, while exegesis denotes the actual process of interpreting texts, hermeneutics also includes, as Thiselton (2009) observes, “the second-order discipline of asking critically what exactly we are doing when we read, understand, or apply texts. Hermeneutics explores the conditions and criteria that operate to try to ensure responsible, valid, fruitful, or appropriate interpretation.” In this sense, hermeneutics and theology as the fruit of the reflection of the church on the truth re-

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vealed in the Word of God overlap a great deal, which can be found in recent and robust development of theological interpretation of the Bible. As a benefit, the process of hermeneutical inquiry enables readers to listen with greater openness within the bounds of the faith. Hermeneutical inquiry also opens up the more creative dimension of genuinely understanding the divine author of the texts, hermeneutic of retrieval, as opposed to trying to master the texts solely resorting to the more rational, cognitive, or critical dimension of explanation. Another important benefit of the hermeneutical inquiry is to make explicit the preunderstanding or presuppositions-in-action that readers bring to the texts, and thus self-deception within the reader as well as within a community of readers is countered through a hermeneutics of suspicion. As Thiselton via Gadamer envisions hermeneutics, its goal is to seek wisdom, phronesis, instead of instrumental or technical knowledge, techne. In religious education, Thomas Groome (1991) has consistently sought to engage with the approaches and fruit of hermeneutics in the way he has developed and refined his theory of shared Christian praxis. Starting with the call for Christians to engage in critical reflection on their lives, Groome’s preoccupation is to invite Christians to engage in a hermeneutical spiral in which, through the dialectics between their own story/vision and the Christian Story /Vision, they live a Christian life that moves upward and is constructive for God’s reign. In Anne Streaty Wimberly’s African American Christian Education, a hermeneutics of suspicion plays a key role in appropriating the hermeneutics of retrieval of the scriptures in African American family life as well as Christian education in the African American church. References and Resources Gadamer, Hans-Georg. 2004. Truth and Method. 2nd ed. New York: Continuum. Groome, Thomas. 1991. Sharing Faith. San Francisco: HarperCollins, 1991. Osborne, Grant. 2006. The Hermeneutical Spiral. Rev. ed. Downers Grove, IL: IVP. Terry, Milton. 1974. Biblical Hermeneutics: A Treatise on the Interpretation of the Old and New Testaments. Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan. Thiselton, Anthony. 1997. New Horizons in Hermeneutics. Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan. ———. 2009. Hermeneutics: An Introduction. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. Treier, Daniel. 2008. Introducing Theological Interpretation of Scripture. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker. Vanhoozer, Kevin. 2009. Is There a Meaning in This Text? Anniv. ed. Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan.

Vanhoozer, Kevin, Craig Bartholomew, Daniel Treier, and N. T. Wright. 2005. Dictionary for Theological Interpretation of the Bible. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker. Wimberly, Anne Streaty. 2005. Soul Stories: African American Christian Education. Rev. ed. Nashville, TN: Abingdon.

—S. Steve Kang

Hesburgh, Theodore (1917–) Numbers are perhaps the best way to quickly capture the life and contributions of American-born Theodore M. Hesburgh, CSC. While he was president of the University of Notre Dame (1952–1987), the university “doubled its enrollment, added 40 buildings, grew its endowment from $9 million to $350 million, increased student aid from $20,000 to $40 million, and upped the average faculty salary from $5,400 to $50,800” (The University of Notre Dame n.d.). Through it all, Hesburgh also led Notre Dame down the path to a lay board of trustees (1967) and coeducation (1972). While those numbers place him among the greatest college presidents in American history, his accomplishments were not limited to the South Bend campus. He also served in a host of U.S. presidential appointments, such as chairing the Civil Rights Commission, and papal appointments, such as being the Vatican’s delegate to the International Atomic Energy Agency. Finally, the Guinness Book of World Records identifies Hesburgh as holding the most honorary degrees, 150. The numbers are staggering and arguably unprecedented in many ways. Hesburgh, however, first and foremost viewed himself as a priest of the Congregation of the Holy Cross. He was born the second of five children into a Catholic home in Syracuse, New York, in 1917. Hesburgh’s parents, Theodore Bernard Hesburgh and Anne Marie Murphy, were squarely within the middle class and able to provide their children with an education at parish schools. Hesburgh reportedly always wanted to be a priest and made that intention public as early as age 12. Although Hesburgh originally thought about pursuing ordination as a Jesuit, Father Thomas Duffy, a member of the Congregation of the Holy Cross, persuaded the young man to pursue ordination as a Holy Cross priest. In 1934, Hesburgh enrolled at the Moreau Seminary on the campus of the University of Notre Dame. Identified early on as a candidate for ordination with considerable promise, Hesburgh was sent to Rome to complete his studies, which were cut short by World War II. Hesburgh completed those efforts at the Catholic University of America and then returned to South Bend, where he filled a number of roles in quick succession, such as chair of the theology department and chaplain to

Heutagogy

veterans, their spouses, and their children. Notre Dame president Father John J. Cavanaugh then asked Hesburgh to serve as his executive vice president. When Cavanaugh resigned as president, Hesburgh, at the age of 35, assumed the position he would hold for the next three and a half decades. Any understanding of Hesburgh’s life and his accomplishments is incomplete without mention of his executive vice president, Father Edmund P. “Ned” Joyce. Where Hesburgh was often known to be liberal in thought, Joyce was conservative. Where Hesburgh was long on large-scale thinking, Joyce expertly understood details. The two colleagues and friends worked side by side for 35 years. Given the roles Hesburgh held beyond campus, he often left the well-being of the Notre Dame campus in Joyce’s able hands. In many ways, Hesburgh was a university president who saw himself as a public intellectual. When Martin Luther King Jr. led a march in downtown Chicago, Hesburgh drove up to the Windy City and linked arms with King. When asked what he knew about atomic energy, Hesburgh responded that because he studied theology he had learned how to study the details of the created order. That mantle, the mantle of public intellectual, is one Hesburgh wore to the benefit of his nation, his university, and the church. In the end, the numbers only tell part of the story. References and Resources Ames, Charlotte A., comp. 1989. Theodore M. Hesburgh: A BioBibliography. New York: Greenwood Press. Connelly, Joel, and Howard J. Dooley. 1972. Hesburgh’s Notre Dame: Triumph in Transition. New York: Hawthorn Books. Hesburgh, Theodore M., with Jerry Reedy. 1999. God, Country, Notre Dame: The Autobiography of Theodore M. Hesburgh. Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press. Lungren, John C. 1987. Hesburgh of Notre Dame: Priest, Educator, Public Servant. Kansas City, MO: Sheed & Ward. O’Brien, Michael. 1998. Hesburgh: A Biography. Washington, DC: The Catholic University of America Press. The University of Notre Dame. n.d. “The Notre Dame President.” Accessed 15 November 2012. http://hesburgh.nd.edu/ the-notre-dame-president/.

—Todd C. Ream

Heutagogy Heutagogy, often understood as an expansion of andragogy, is the study of self-determined or self-directed learning. Like andragogy, heutagogy places emphasis on the learner rather than the teacher. As such, it is not the study only of learning that involves both a teacher and

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a learner, but also of contexts in which there is a learner without the direct leadership or oversight of a teacher, the type of learning that takes place in individuals as they go about their lives at work, home, church, and the community.27 Heutagogy is distinct from andragogy in that it places special emphasis on learning how to learn. In other words, the learning experience does not focus only on learning something new about a subject, but also on developing one’s ability to learn in general. The end goal is for the learner to develop the capacity to decide what should be learned, how to learn it, and when to learn it.28 Like connectivism, heutagogy emerged from the influence of the information age and digital technologies, providing a growing number of individuals with access to more information than individuals from past generations would have had access to in an entire lifetime. Given this growing amount of information and the increased rate of change in contemporary society, heutagogy serves to equip people with the skills and habits necessary to unlearn and learn new things throughout their lives. Since heutagogy is a newer concept, very little work has been done on its application to Christian education. Nonetheless, within the context of Christian education, heutagogy provides insights that aid in preparing individuals who are able to engage in lifelong, self-directed growth in the Christian faith. While this does not necessarily ignore the value of teachers and mentors, it does offer an opportunity to explore strategies for empowering and equipping Christians with learning skills. For example, principles of heutagogy might challenge Christian educators to go beyond teaching the Christian scriptures to teaching individuals how to learn from the scriptures on their own. This is represented in Paul’s visit to Berean in Acts 17:11, when the author notes that “the Berean Jews were of more noble character than those in Thessalonica, for they received the message with great eagerness and examined the Scriptures every day to see if what Paul said was true.” It is also illustrated in Psalm 1:2, when the writer describes the person as blessed “whose delight is in the law of the Lord, and who meditates on his law day and night.” Many such concepts related to reflection in heutagogy align with biblical models for self-examination and Christian meditation. Finally, since heutagogy emphasizes the role of learner more than that of teacher, it provides Christian educators with a means of thinking about the role of student-centered learning environments, measuring the effectiveness of the learn27. Steward Hase and Chris Kenyon, “Heutagogy and Developing Capable People and Capable Workplaces: Strategies for Dealing with Complexity,” http://epubs.scu.edu.au/gcm_pubs/166 (accessed 5 April 2013). 28. Steward Hase and Chris Kenyon, “From Andragogy to Heutagogy,” http://epubs.scu.edu.au/gcm_pubs/99 (accessed 5 April 2013).

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ing by what the student has or has not learned rather than by the practice or actions of a teacher. References and Resources Blaschke, L. M. 2012. “Heutagogy and Lifelong Learning: A Review of Heutagogical Practice and Self-determined Learning.” International Review of Research in Open and Distance Learning 13 (1): 56–71. Hase, Stewart, and Chris Kenyon. n.d.-a. “From Andragogy to Heutagogy.” ePublications@SCU. http://epubs.scu.edu.au/ gcm_pubs/99. ———. n.d.-b. “Heutagogy and Developing Capable People and Capable Workplaces: Strategies for Dealing with Complexity.” ePublications@SCU. http://epubs.scu.edu.au/gcm_ pubs/166.

—Bernard Bull

Hidden Curriculum Hidden curriculum refers to the messages and lessons taught or learned in an educational environment that were not included in the stated objectives. It often includes attitudes, norms, values, structures, and beliefs that were not an intentional part of the educational institution’s goals for learning. The hidden curriculum may reinforce or contradict aspects of the explicit curriculum. Hidden curriculum can relate to any educational context, including student-teacher interaction, the classroom structure, or the whole organizational pattern of the educational establishment. Examples are nonverbal cues from an instructor for student questions; the values communicated by the physical layout of a classroom or learning environment; implicit sociocultural preferences or prejudices, gender roles, and expectations; and how the instructor or institution models adherence to various institutional policies. For instance, the style of worship in a chapel at a Bible college may communicate acceptable and/or expected styles of worship for future ministers. Elizabeth Vallance’s definition emphasizes that much of the hidden curriculum may occur outside the classroom or the presence of the instructor: “[Hidden curriculum includes] those non-academic and systemic side effects of education that are sensed but which cannot be adequately accounted for by reference to the explicit curriculum.”29 The term “hidden curriculum” may have originated in Philip Jackson’s Life in Classrooms (1968),30 in which he explored education as a socialization process. This term 29. Elizabeth Vallance, “Hiding the Hidden Curriculum: An Interpretation of the Language of Justification in Nineteenth-Century Educational Reform,” Curriculum Theory Network 4 (1973–1974): 5–21. 30. Phillip Jackson, Life in Classrooms (New York: Teachers College Press, 1968), 33–35.

was also used by Benson Snyder, who conducted research at MIT and Wellesley College in the area and presented his findings in The Hidden Curriculum (1971).31 However, the concept of students being influenced by unintended factors was studied prior to Jackson and Snyder. Notably, psychologist/educator John Dewey explored this concept in Democracy and Education (1916),32 as did sociologist Émile Durkheim in Moral Education (1925).33 Within the area of Christian education, Lawrence Richards contended that hidden curriculum was the most powerful force within Christian education. This is seen in his emphasis on modeling through socialization and nurture. Modeling occurs for the Christian educator whether it is intended or not.34 Richards defined hidden curriculum as the “elements of every setting in which believers interact and either support or inhibit the transformation process.”35 This transformation process is the essence of Christian education, and every care should be taken to ensure that it is not being inhibited by our unintentional, conflicting messages. A specific example of hidden curriculum in a classroom is the way in which the instructor handles questions from students. When a student raises his hand to ask a question, the instructor may teach through nonverbal cues that the question is unwelcome (rolling her eyes, an exasperated sigh, etc.). The instructor may also teach that questions are welcome by giving a positive response to the question and affirming the student who asked it. Other students may pick up on the cues given by the instructor and be influenced to either ask or withhold future questions. To apply Richards’s definition to this example, one might ask, “Was the transformation process supported or inhibited by the interaction between student and instructor?” Both hidden and explicit curricula should receive attention from Christian educators. Indeed, by giving both proper consideration, they may serve to complement rather than contradict each other. Our educational environments and the ways in which we model behavior can reinforce the principles and content we mean to teach. Our interactions with students (both formal and casual) can communicate our expectations and values in both verbal and nonverbal ways. A thoughtful hidden curriculum can deepen and reinforce the educational experience. 31. Benson Snyder, The Hidden Curriculum (New York: Knopf, 1971). 32. John Dewey, Democracy and Education (New York: Macmillan, 1916), 26. The whole of chapter 2, “Education as a Social Function,” explores the social environment and meaning found within it. 33. Émile Durkheim, Moral Education (New York: The Free Press, 1925), 230–233. 34. Lawrence O. Richards, A Theology of Christian Education (Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan, 1975), 251–252. 35. Lawrence O. Richards, Christian Education: Seeking to Become Like Jesus Christ (Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan, 1988), 321.

Hill Museum and Manuscript Library

References and Resources Dewey, John. 1916. Democracy and Education. New York: Macmillan. Durkheim, Émile. 1925. Moral Education. New York: The Free Press. Jackson, Phillip. 1968. Life in Classrooms. New York: Teachers College Press. Richards, Lawrence O. 1988. Christian Education: Seeking to Become Like Jesus Christ. Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan. ———. 1975. A Theology of Christian Education. Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan. Snyder, Benson. 1971. The Hidden Curriculum. New York: Knopf. Vallance, Elizabeth. 1973–1974. “Hiding the Hidden Curriculum: An Interpretation of the Language of Justification in Nineteenth-Century Educational Reform.” Curriculum Theory Network 4: 5–21.

—James P. Bowers and Michael McMullin

Hill Museum and Manuscript Library The Hill Museum and Manuscript Library (HMML, often pronounced “Himmel,” the German word for “heaven”) is part of the St. John University (SJU) libraries in Collegeville, Minnesota. St. John University is a Benedictine university located next to a Benedictine monastery, and the Benedictine mission deeply informs HMML’s work. The “Rule” of St. Benedict enshrines a balance of work and prayer as essential to Christian life, and that balance unfolds through HMML in a love of and desire to preserve the cultural heritage of Christian communities, particularly those at risk through war and disaster. Manuscripts are handwritten texts—generally codices (books), but also documentary material such as charters, letters, and legal records—that provide the primary and often sole access to the historic cultures that have shaped the modern world. HMML’s photographic archive of more than 125,000 complete manuscripts, with more than 40 million pages, is by far the world’s largest collection of material for the study of manuscripts (http:// vhmml.wordpress.com/page/2/). Benedictines have been at the heart of manuscript culture for more than 15 centuries, believing that the obligation to work and to pray means that one’s spiritual being is as important as one’s role as an economic agent. Coupled with a passion for learning, the order bases an important element of its vocation in writing, copying, and preserving manuscripts. HMML is an outgrowth of that centuries-long commitment to manuscript preservation, a mission that took on renewed urgency in the 1960s during the Cold War. Fears of a Soviet threat to Europe prompted vari-

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ous monasteries to share their collections with HMML through microfilm. Its founders wanted HMML to be “a place where the contents of manuscripts are safe, where scholars are welcomed and provided all they need for their work, and where anyone interested in what human beings have considered to be worth writing down can learn more about the cultures that produced the world in which we live” (“Director’s Letter” 2011, 4). For almost 50 years, teams from HMML have been photographing manuscript collections across Europe, Ethiopia, the Middle East, and south India, making HMML the world’s leader in photographic preservation of manuscripts. The manuscript image collections of HMML are divided into four large groupings, with several smaller collections: (1) materials from Austria, Germany, and Switzerland; (2) the Malta collection; (3) the Ethiopian collection of over 8,000 manuscripts; and (4) a collection of Syriac, Arabic, and Armenian manuscripts from communities threatened with violence in the Middle East and India. Smaller collections include manuscripts from other European countries, such as Spain, Portugal, Sweden, England, and Ukraine. Early HMML collections came primarily from European monasteries. HMML now houses the world’s largest repository of Maltese archival holdings, and “it is the only place in the world that maintains an online catalogue for these archives” (“The Friends of the Malta Study Center” 2011, 6). Since 2009, HMML and its partners have also been digitally preserving the cultural heritage of the St. Thomas Christians, one of the largest Syriac communities in the world. HMML also holds an art collection that consists primarily of prints ranging from the 15th century to the present, providing a study collection for the history of religious image printmaking in the West. Both the manuscript and art collections include pieces that have particular contemporary interest, given renewed recognition of the challenges Christian communities face in developing religious identity in a multifaith world. For example, HMML has one of the earliest printed editions of a Koran in Latin, with an introduction written by Martin Luther. HMML also has an extensive collection of materials from the St. Thomas Christian communities in southern India. These collections include materials from early Christian communities that document their ability to live in interfaith harmony in regions often known for sectarian violence. The documents demonstrate that churches in this area employed Hindu scribes and include images of Jesus depicted with features often used on images of the Buddha. These communities were labeled heretical

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by the Portuguese colonial powers, who often destroyed their indigenous documents. By archiving digital images of these very fragile and fragmented manuscripts, HMML preserves and documents Christian cultures that are very diverse (http://www.pbs.org/wnet/religionandethics/epi sodes/april-24-2009/ancient-christians-in-india/2754/). The museum and library’s commitment to preserving cultural heritage extends to the unique intellectual property arrangements they have with the communities with which they are working. HMML provides high-quality digital imaging and catalogs those images, making them widely accessible. Yet the original manuscripts remain in the control of the communities that own them. Scholars wishing to access specific manuscripts do so within the guidelines set by the originating communities. Even the process of digitization is carried out as much as is feasible with local archivists and communities directing it. In addition to preservation of manuscripts, HMML is deeply involved in seeking to support careful study of manuscripts and the cultures in which they are produced. Toward that end, HMML is building a “virtual HMML” (to be known as vHMML), which will feature a school with online tutorials in paleography and manuscript studies to train a new generation of researchers in a variety of languages. This school will include a scriptorium, an online collaborative workspace allowing scholars in different locations to study, edit, and publish texts found only in manuscripts. It will also feature a lexicon of manuscript-related terminology in several languages, a library of key reference works, and a folio collection or annotated album of illustrative manuscript images. Finally, HMML has become a vital center of calligraphy education and support, an element of manuscript preparation that took center stage in the production of the St. John’s Bible, the first fully handwritten and illuminated Bible produced by a Benedictine community in 500 years. References and Resources “Codices Decoded: The History of Manuscripts.” 2010. The Economist, 16 December. http://www.economist.com/ node/17722547?story_id=17722547. “Director’s Letter.” 2011. Illuminations (Fall): 4. “The Friends of the Malta Study Center.” 2011. Melitensia (Winter/Spring): 6. “Hill Museum & Manuscript Library.” n.d. Wikipedia. http:// en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hill_Museum_%26_Manuscript _Library. “Monastery Works to Preserve Ancient Christian Texts.” 2010. PBS NewsHour, 31 December. http://www.pbs.org/news hour/bb/religion/july-dec10/sacredtexts_12–31.html. “A Monk Saves Threatened Manuscripts Using Ultra-modern Means.” 2009. Chronicle of Higher Education, 29 November.

http://chronicle.com/article/A-Monk-Saves-Threatened/ 49283/. Stewart, Columba. 2012. “Technology Can Preserve World History.” Star Tribune, 17 September. http://www.startribune .com/opinion/commentaries/169840226.html?refer=y. HMML. www.hmml.org The Order of St. Benedict. http://www.osb.org/ St. John’s Abbey. http://www.saintjohnsabbey.org/

—Mary E. Hess

Historical Criticism Historical criticism refers to the historical analysis of the individual writings that make up the Christian canon of scripture. The term “criticism” need not be taken as necessarily negative. Historical criticism has been used predominantly in two interrelated yet distinguishable ways. The first seeks to shed light on a given writing by contextualizing it within the world in which it was produced. In attempting to do so, the critic recognizes a certain distance between his or her own present historical context and the ancient one of the text. The critic seeks in part to bridge this distance by gathering relevant material from the time period of the writing as a means of better understanding it. One illustration of this practice may be found in consideration of the current English use of the label “Good Samaritan.” The term is used positively to identify a stranger who helps someone in need, and when the parable of the good Samaritan is read with this connotation, its potency is lost. However, when one takes into account first-century stories of Judean-Samarian relations, we find that there was significant hostility and even violent interaction between the two groups (see, e.g., the ancient historian Josephus’s accounts in Antiquities of the Jews 18.30, 20.118–129). Thus, from a first-century Jewish perspective, the label “Good Samaritan” would have been an oxymoron. By employing this type of historical criticism, we contextualize the parable and see that Jesus’s use of the Samaritan as a positive model for defining one’s neighbor subverts a stereotype. The second type of historical criticism is the analysis of biblical passages to determine “what actually happened.” Often discrepancies in the wording and chronology of parallel narratives are compared in an attempt to make this determination. So, for example, in the case of the chronological placement of the Temple cleansing, one might seek to determine whether the event occurred at the end of Jesus’s public mission (as in Mark 11:15–17; Matt. 21:12–17; and Luke 19:45–46) or near the beginning of His public mission (as in John 2:13–22), or if a similar incident happened twice. Examples of subsidiary

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forms of criticism used to accomplish this objective are textual criticism (analyzing manuscripts to reconstruct the original reading of the text as closely as possible), source criticism (identifying the sources used in a given biblical writing), and redaction criticism (identifying the author’s editing of the sources he used). According to the modernist mind-set, it was often thought that one could use these tools to pull back secondary layers of tradition to arrive at an untouched historical core. However, this particular conception of historical criticism was bound up with the fallacies of naïve realism (the idea that immediate experience is purely objective) and historical positivism (the idea that history is built up from blocks of uninterpreted facts). Indeed, history, both ancient and modern, is by its very nature interpretive (it expresses a viewpoint) and representational (it attempts to produce not a replica but a plausible representation of real events). Chastened by this awareness, those who practice historical criticism now are more likely to acknowledge their own starting presuppositions and the role that interpretive fit plays in determining the allowance of an individual saying, deed, or episode in the present historian’s broader narrative of the past. With these balances in mind, the subsidiary criticisms listed above are useful tools in producing plausible accounts of the events that underlie the narratives of biblical literature. With regard to Christian education, the following issues should be kept in mind when using historical criticism. (1) Historical criticism can be used to support certain points of Christian belief. For example, Jesus’s very existence as a historical figure is sometimes questioned on the popular level. However, against this mythicist view, the overwhelming majority of ancient historians accept Jesus’s historical existence, based on a number of historical criteria (e.g., the attestation of his existence in multiple independent sources, unflattering characterizations of him in those sources, and incidental mention of him in unbiased sources). Thus, historical criticism can be employed against irrationally skeptical viewpoints. (2) Conversely, historical criticism should in certain cases be used to guard against drawing individual conclusions simply because they support broader Christian presuppositions. For example, in the King James Version of the Bible, we find reference in 1 John to “the Father, the Word, and the Holy Ghost” being one (5:7). However, the earliest and most reliable manuscripts do not contain these words, which appear to be the interpolation of a medieval scribe. Other New Testament passages may contain the seeds of Trinitarian thought (Matt. 28:19; 1 Cor. 12:4–6; 1 Pet. 1:2), but the practice of textual criticism precludes the inclusion of 1 John 5:7 among them. (3) Historical criticism may also be used to avoid false assumptions that might arise from a superficial reading

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of the text. So, for example, in the book of Revelation, appreciation of context—such as the prevalence of the imperial cult in western Asia Minor (cf. Rev 1:4, 11), the frequent use of “Babylon” as an identification for Rome in literature of the period (1 Pet.; 4 Ezra; 2 Bar.; Sibylline Oracles; cf. Rev. 14–18), Rome’s common identification as the “city on seven hills” (cf. Rev. 17:9), and “666” as the numerical value for “Nero Caesar” in gematria (the practice of calculating the sum of numbered Hebrew letters in a word; cf. Rev. 13:18)—leads one to take into account the writing’s meaning to its original readers and prevents one from immediately jumping to futuristic interpretations. (4) Finally, the inherent limitations of historical criticism need to be appreciated. The remains of the past are fragmentary. Often insufficient evidence is available for drawing a probable conclusion. For example, the ambiguous reference to “the one who restrains” in 2 Thessalonians 2:7 has given rise to no fewer than five possible referents, without one single explanation garnering the support of a majority of scholars. A further limitation of historical criticism is the necessary circularity that exists between one’s hypothesis and the history being reconstructed. One’s philosophical outlook and worldview will necessarily influence one’s historical hypotheses, especially with regard to biblical texts. To summarize, in Christian education, historical criticism may be used to confirm, clarify, or challenge one’s presuppositions, and its inherent limitations should be acknowledged. References and Resources Collins, John J. 2005. The Bible after Babel: Historical Criticism in a Postmodern Age. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. Frampton, Travis L. 2006. Spinoza and the Rise of Historical Criticism of the Bible. New York, London: T&T Clark. Krentz, Edgar. 1975. The Historical-Critical Method. London: SPCK. Marshall, I. Howard. 1977. “Historical Criticism.” In New Testament Interpretation: Essays on Principles and Methods, edited by I. Howard Marshall, 126–138. Exeter, UK: Paternoster.

—S. Brian Pounds

History, Christian Contributions to Among the world religions, Judaism and Christianity stand out as uniquely concerned with history. Jewish faith was not primarily concerned with abstract philosophical theism, but with the God of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob. This was the God of the Exodus, the exile into Babylon, and the return to the Promised Land. Christianity added to this the importance of a historical Incarnation. Thus, St. Luke’s introduction to his Gospel

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account (Luke 1:1–4) defines its purpose as a historical narrative, drawn from eyewitness accounts. Luther’s investigations were meant to lead to a firm foundation for Christian claims. Likewise, St. Paul states that if Jesus did not rise from the dead in actual history, Christians should abandon their beliefs (Rom. 15:14). Christianity continued to emphasize the importance of history in its early sermons. For example, Peter (Acts 2) and Stephen (Acts 7) articulate the Gospel through a narrative of historical events leading up to the acts of Jesus. Likewise, the Apostles’ Creed has a narrative element: it moves from God’s initiation of time, to the history of Jesus’s life work—including reference to a historical figure, Pontius Pilate—to the ongoing, historically bound “communion of the saints.” While such expressions do not follow the precise historiographical methods of today, as linear accounts of the world (differing from Hindu and Buddhist cyclical perspectives), they are part of an intellectual framework from which modern approaches to history naturally emerged. The early church valued history. During this period, the father of church history, Eusebius (c. AD 263–339), produced the famous work Ecclesiastical History. Despite his obvious bias, he is an important source for historians of the first two centuries after the New Testament. St. Augustine (354–430) contributed a Christian philosophy of history in his monumental work City of God, which sought to make sense of the sack of Rome in 410, in light of God’s twofold engagement with history, through the divine and human “cities.” Writings like these were more concerned with theological interpretation than with the science of historiography, as were the accounts of saints and martyrs, which often took the form of hagiography, writings about saints that overlooked critical issues in order to focus on the miracles and spiritual lessons. During the 16th century, scholars began to develop methods and approaches that resembled the sort of historiography valued by scholars today. During the Reformation, both Roman Catholics and Protestants conducted historical research to demonstrate the antiquity of their respective confessions. Since heresy was connected with innovation, reformers wanted to show that they were simply returning to the faith of the early church; likewise, their Roman Catholic opponents tried to show the continuity of their apostolic tradition and the novel (or rehashed) heresies of the evangelicals. One finds the first indication of critical history in the writings of prominent Reformed scholars who began to think about historiography as a science rather than a rhetorical art. Theodore Beza (1519–1605) made some progress in this direction with his Histoire ecclésiastique (1580), which makes good use of primary documents despite its partisan agenda. More objective historiography came from Lance-

lot Voisin, Sieur de la Popelinière (1541–1608). Despite his religious, colonialist, and national (French) favoritism, he produced an embryonic form of critical research in the Histoire de France (1581), L’Histoire des histories (1599), and L’Idee de l’histoire accomplie (1599). Lutheran scholars, led by Matthias Flacius Illyricus (1520–1575), published a survey of Christian history called the Magdeburg Centuries. Like Beza’s account, this had an obvious polemic purpose; nonetheless, it encouraged interest in history as a platform for understanding theological and political developments. Christian and critical church history did not arise until the prolific output of the German Lutheran scholar Johann Lorenz von Mosheim (1694– 1753), deemed the father of modern church history. In the 19th century in America, a movement called Mercersberg theology renewed interest in the importance of history for Christian understanding. Mercersberg scholars were interested in recovering the riches of the ancient and Reformation churches. Chief among these was the father of American church history, Philip Schaff (1819–1893), who was influenced by Hegelian belief in progress and Reformed belief in God’s providence in specific historical events. Though contemporary scholars may find fault with some of his assumptions, he introduced Christian scholars to the importance of developments in Christian history. His History of the Apostolic Church (1853) and sevenvolume History of the Christian Church (1858–1890), along with other important reference works, continue to be valuable references for Christian teachers. Not all Christian educators have agreed that history ought to be taught in the critical manner. Danish educational reformer and Lutheran theologian N. F. S. Grundtvig (1783–1872) thought history could help with Christian theology and inspiration, and he was more interested in overarching themes of history than in particular names and dates. He saw God at work in human events, culminating in and flowing from Christ’s Incarnation. This approach to history became popular in 19th- and early 20th-century Scandinavian Lutheran school and college history curricula, which weaved the biblical narrative into a survey of world history. In the 20th century, neoorthodox theologian Karl Barth (1886–1968), who sought to reexamine the Reformation-era roots of theology, stimulated an increased interest in church history. Confessional Lutheran and Reformed scholars in America, whose theology sought to reappropriate the historic faith rather than construct new social theories, have steadily conducted historical research over the last 150 years in North America. Today, many professional Christian historians avoid overly theological interpretations of history. Instead, their service to the church involves providing material for Christian scholars in their attempt to trace the history

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of their traditions and denominational development. If there is a distinct quality to their historiography, it is visible when they confront secularist myths and Marxist materialist assumptions that theological beliefs aren’t as important as socioeconomic factors. Thus, the most successful Christians who are professional historians, such as George Marsden and Mark Noll, execute their discipline as an outworking of their scholarly vocation, rather than as a tool for confessional propaganda, even though the subjects they study are influenced by their Christian commitments. In particular, they resist the urge to read providence into historical causation or to privilege confessional agendas over distanced scholarship. A few voices from the younger generation of evangelical historians suggest that this forced objectivity might not be necessary, and that it is appropriate for scholars to bring their explicit worldviews into accounts of the past. Thus, one can see Christian historians who believe there is a specifically Christian story to be told, regardless of how this plays in the broader historical profession. References and Resources Bauman, Michael, and Martin Klauber, eds. 1995. Historians of the Christian Tradition: Their Methodology and Influence on Western Thought. Nashville, TN: Broadman & Holman. Dickens, A. G., and John Tonkin. 1985. The Reformation in Historical Thought. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Fea, John, Jay Green, and Eric Miller. 2010. Confessing History: Explorations in Christian Faith and the Historian’s Vocation. Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press. Kelly, Donald. 1971. “History as a Calling: The Case of La Popelinière.” In Renaissance Studies in Honor of Hans Baron, edited by A. Molho and J. A. Tedeschi, 67–113. Dekalb, IL: Northern Illinois University Press. Malone, Kemp. 1940. “Grundtvig’s Philosophy of History.” Journal of the History of Ideas 1 (3): 281–298. Muller, Richard, and J. E. Bradley. 1995. Church History: An Introduction to Research, Reference Works, and Methods. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. Wells, Ronald, ed. 1998. History and the Christian Historian. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans.

—Jeff Mallinson

Hofinger, Johannes Born in Tyrol, Austria, on 21 March 1905, Johannes Hofinger died in New Orleans, Louisiana, on 14 February 1984. Entering the minor seminary at the age of 11, he studied philosophy at the Pontifical Gregorian University in Rome. He joined the Society of Jesus on 7 September 1925 and studied theology under Josef Jungmann, SJ, in

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Innsbruck. Jungmann, the eminent historian, liturgist, and catechetical scholar, became the major intellectual influence on Hofinger. In 1937, Hofinger completed his doctoral dissertation on the history of the catechism in Austria and Germany since the time of St. Peter Canisius. In the same year, he was appointed to teach at Kinghsien regional seminary in China, where he produced his second book, in Latin and Chinese, Our Good News (1946). In 1949, the communists took power in China, and the Jesuits decided to move their seminarians to a safe place, choosing Manila in the Philippines. Father Hofinger went with the students and continued to teach them in an institute, where they all envisioned an early return to the Chinese mission. In 1955, Father Hofinger opened what he called the Institute of Missionary Apologetics, which in 1958 was renamed the Catechetical Centre and in 1961 the East Asian Pastoral Institute. The name arose in a conversation in September 1961 between Fr. Gomez and Fr. Brunner, two Jesuit confreres, who agreed that people didn’t understand the term “mission apologetics”; Hofinger gave the name to the new institute, which celebrated the 50th anniversary of its impressive history as a place of enculturation of the gospel in 2011. Hofinger was an ardent disciple of Jungmann and acknowledged this in a dedication in one of his many publications, The Art of Teaching Christian Doctrine (1961); the inscription reads: “To Father Josef Jungmann, S.J. Revered Teacher and Fatherly Friend.”36 As a scholar in his own right and an amazingly energetic promoter of a new approach to catechetics, from 1953 to 1960 Hofinger traveled the globe 16 times, lecturing on the “kerygmatic approach.” This approach emphasized for Catholics the importance of the keryx or the good news of salvation history, which climaxed in the birth, life, ministry, death, and resurrection of Jesus Christ. Together with the biblical focus, Hofinger contributed insights from the liturgical theology of his mentor and from the nascent social sciences. A prolific author, he organized a series of catechetical conferences, which would have significant influence not only on the teaching and learning of Catholic education, but also on several of the documents of Vatican II, specifically “the Constitution on the Sacred Liturgy, the Decree on the Missionary Activity of the Church, and the Declaration on the Relationship to Non-Christian Religions.”37 After Vatican II, the conferences influenced the International Catechetical Synod in Rome in 1971, the Synods on Evangelisation (1974) and Catechesis (1977), and the resulting Apostolic Exhortations of Paul VI, Evangelii nuntiandi (1975), and John Paul II, Cat36. Johannes Hofinger, The Art of Teaching Christian Doctrine (Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 1962). 37. F. J. Buckley, “Hofinger, Johannes,” in New Catholic Encyclopedia (Farmington Hills, MI: Gale Publishers, 2003), 903.

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echesi tradendae (1979). The documents of the two popes issued after the episcopal synods emphasize complementary but distinctive approaches to the Word of God, with one stressing the power of promulgation and the other catechesis. Two relatively recent documents from the United States Conference of Catholic Bishops, Fulfilled in Your Hearing (1982) and Preaching the Mystery of Faith: The Sunday Homily (2012), emphasize the distinction and complementarity of the kerygma and catechesis, although they are reflecting on the role of the homily in the Eucharistic assembly. The International Catechetical Congresses were unique in that they took place on different continents and involved a diverse range of scholars and practitioners: Nijmegen (1959), Eichstätt (1960), Bangkok (1962), Katigondo (1964), Manila (1967), Medellin (1968), and San Antonio (1969). It is no wonder that Hofinger reveled in the self-given label the “catechetical sputnik” as he sought to evangelize and educate countless Christians. From 1977 to 1984, he was associate director of the Office of Religious Education in New Orleans. He was also honored by the U.S. National Catholic Education Association (NCEA) and the Religious Education Association (REA). A prolific writer, Hofinger published numerous books and essays; according to the National Catholic Encyclopedia (2003) his major works are Nuntius Noster seu Themata Predicationis Nostrae (Tientsin, 1964); Der priesterlose Gemeindegottesdienst in den Missionen, with J. Kellner (Schöneck, 1956); The Art of Teaching Christian Doctrine (South Bend, 1957); Liturgische Erneurung in der Weltmission, with J. Kellner (Innsbruck, 1957); Worship: The Life of the Missions (Notre Dame, 1958); The ABC’s of Modern Catechetics, with W. J. Reedy (New York, 1964); The Good News and Its Proclamation, with F. J. Buckley (Notre Dame, 1968); Our Message Is Christ: The More Outstanding Elements of the Christian Message (Notre Dame, 1974); Evangelization and Catechesis: Are We Really Proclaiming the Gospel? (New York, 1976); You Are My Witnesses: Spirituality for Religion Teachers (Huntington, 1977); and Pastoral Life in the Power of the Spirit (New York, 1982).38 An annual Hofinger Conference, organized by the Catholic Archdiocese of New Orleans, celebrates the extraordinary contribution of Fr. Hofinger, who died one day before he would have become a U.S. citizen. References and Resources Buckley, F. J. 2003. “Hofinger, Johannes.” In New Catholic Encyclopedia, edited by Thomas Carson, Farmington Hills, MI: Gale Publishers, 903. 38. Ibid.

East Asian Pastoral Institute. n.d. “The EAPI Story.” http://eapi .admu.edu.ph/content/eapii-story. Hofinger, Johannes. 1962. The Art of Teaching Christian Doctrine. Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press. Hofinger, Johannes, with William J. Reedy. 1962. The ABC’s of Modern Catechetics. New York: William H. Sadlier. Markuly, Mark. n.d. “Johannes Hofinger.” Christian Educators of the 20th Century. http://www.talbot.edu/ce20/educators/ catholic/johannes_hofinger/.

—Michael A. Kelly

Holiness Holiness is the exclusive and defining characteristic of God and distinguishes the divine from the profane and human. Its primary attributes are sinlessness, incorruptibility, and purity in the sense that light is free of darkness. It is one of the characteristics that cannot be transferred in the fullest sense to human beings, because they are mired in space and time and corrupted by Original Sin. In Isaiah the angels cry (addressing God): “Holy, Holy, Holy is the Lord of Hosts . . . the whole earth is full of his glory.” Because holiness is built into the very nature and essence of divinity and is part of the divine ding an sich, it is permanent and unaffected by time and space. There is a secondary holiness associated with human spirituality and sanctification, but it is always a journey and not a state of being. Holiness in the first sense cannot be directly transferred to holiness in the second sense. Significantly, the English word holiness has no verb form. In the New Testament, the term used for holiness is hagios, following the Septuagint usage. This is a clear attempt to avoid the pagan associations of the word hieros (Greek, sacred), used widely in mystery religions. Rudolph Otto, in Idea of the Holy, uses the word numinous as a synonym for holiness and describes it as an overwhelming and fascinating mystery (mysterium tremdendum et fascinans). Because human beings cannot conceive of divine holiness, the concept has special significance in Christian theology. Jesus Christ, straddling the boundary between the divine and the human, is the key representation of holiness that is available to believers. Everything else is mixed, alloyed, and even corrupt. Despite the chasm between the divine and the human, human beings are capable of a longing for holiness, but this longing is like the candle in the wind; it is always buffeted by the winds of worldly desires and burdened with the self. In Christian theology, faith is like the lampshade that protects the flickering light. It is one of the basic assumptions of Christian theology that on their own human beings can never achieve holiness, and the only holiness that is open to them is that conferred on

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them through the imputed righteousness of Christ. The transfer of holiness from Christ through faith to those who believe in Him is one of the greatest mysteries of the Christian faith. Thus Hebrews 10:10 says: “We have been made holy through the sacrifice of the body of Jesus Christ.” Paul speaks of the church as “having no spot or wrinkle or any such thing, but that it should be holy and blameless” (Eph. 5:27). 1 Peter 2:9 calls Christians a “chosen race, a royal priesthood, a holy nation” and Romans 12:1 calls on believers to “present their bodies as a living sacrifice, holy and acceptable to God.” Holiness is primarily imputed through the righteousness of Christ to His followers, although human beings try to achieve it by ascetical, mystical, and sacramental means. Holiness is distinguished from such human virtues as piety, mysticism, spirituality, theopathy, and godliness. Ascetic Christianity does not equate with holiness, although it is as close an approximation as is possible for human beings. Holiness is a quality of the divine sphere into which human beings may be drawn, but it does not confer any special status and is always a transient experience. In prayer, a believer may behold the face of a holy God, but only briefly. In both the Old and the New Testaments, people and things consecrated to God are called holy in the secondary sense of holiness by association. Thus there are holy days, holy oil, and holy utensils used in worship. But holiness is properly a characteristic trait of committed believers, not things. There is also a popular belief that holiness can be transmitted by proximity. From ancient times, people have sought the proximity of supposedly holy men and women as well as holy places, such as temples, and material objects such as clothes and relics of saints that exude holiness. This is not the absolute holiness associated with God, but the holiness of fables and folk religions. In fact, only the Holy Spirit, a part of the Godhead, is capable of transmitting holiness. He does this through a process known as sanctification. It must be noted that holiness is a Spirit and cannot reside in the flesh. The flesh is always corrupt and subject to death and decay. In the Middle Ages, many Christians attained a high degree of spirituality, piety, and mystical devotion. The era was remarkable for some of the greatest devotional literature ever written, such as The Cloud of Unknowing and the Revelation of Divine Love. Later, Philip Nicolia’s Mirror of Joy (1599) and Johan Arndt’s True Christianity (1605) continued the tradition. In 1675, Philip Jacob Spener published his Pia Diesideria, which served generations of Christians as their spiritual manual. Three years later, John Bunyan wrote Pilgrim’s Progress, an allegorical tale of a Christian’s ascent toward holiness. In the same period, a number of Anglican writers and theologians explored the world of personal holiness, in-

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cluding Lancelot Andrewes, George Herbert, and Henry Vaughn. Jeremy Taylor’s Holy Living (1650) and Holy Dying (1651) made the term “holy” part of the vocabulary of Christian spirituality. The quest for holiness inspired holiness movements that arose from 19th-century denominations, such as Methodism, the Church of the Nazarene, and the Salvation Army. The watchwords of the Methodist holiness movement were perfection, perfect love, and entire sanctification. The phrase “Second Blessing” was used to denote the positive work of grace. Wesley’s doctrine blended the classic concept of Christ purging the heart with pietism as an effective element in spiritual experience and the Protestant view of assured faith as the sole means of salvation. Theologically, the holiness movement took three forms. The first was Wesleyan holiness, with its emphasis on transformed inner life as propounded by Oswald Chambers and A. Paget Wilkes. The second was Keswick holiness as taught at the Keswick Conventions, with its emphasis on the higher life and self-surrender, and trustful, expectant, and prayerful passivity. Keswick popularized slogans such as “Let Go and Let God,” and “Stop Trying and Start Trusting.” Exponents of Keswick holiness include Phoebe Palmer (1807–1874), W. E. Boardman (1810–1886), Robert Pearsall Smith (1827– 1899), Hannah Whitall Smith (1832–1911), Evan H. Hopkins (1837–1919), H. C. G. Moule (1841–1920), F. B. Meyer (1847–1929), and Andrew Murray (1828–1917). The third offshoot of the holiness movement was Pentecostalism, which equates holiness with baptism of the Spirit and gifts of the Spirit. Resource Burton-Christie, D. 1993. The Word in the Desert: Scripture and the Quest for Holiness in Early Christian Monasticism. New York: Oxford University Press.

—George Thomas Kurian

Holistic Education Holistic education is a teaching and learning approach grounded in human spirituality. Though concerned about an integrated education of the whole person, it is especially interested in the inner life and advances “a soul-based approach to learning” (Miller 2007, 109) and a “spiritual curriculum” (Miller 2000, 8). It is not religious education; it is more accurately described as an attempt to reimagine general schooling from spiritual, aesthetic, mystical, and ecological viewpoints. Although not grounded in any particular religious creed, holistic education seeks to foster a “reverence for life” that sees the earth as sacred and humans as “indi-

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vidual expressions of a transcendent creative source that we do not fully comprehend” (Miller 1991, 2). Holistic education serves both teachers and students. It explores “how we can bring soul into our classroom and schools” and “how we as teachers and administrators can nurture our own souls” (Miller 2000, 4). The emphasis on teaching as a spiritual act leads to a more effective pedagogy: “If the teacher’s soul is contracted and impoverished, then there is little chance that the student’s soul will be adequately cared for” (Miller 2000, 121). Holistic education thus provides teachers with practical classroom tools for incorporating spiritual dimensions into their teaching, such as Quaker listening practices, archetypical myths, meditation, dreamwork, contemplation, and soul journals. Foundations Because of its preference for inclusion, relationships, and global interconnectedness, holistic education draws from an eclectic range of disciplines. Miller (2007) outlines major inspirations as perennial philosophy, transpersonal psychology, and an ecological approach to society. Indeed, the term “holistic” has inclusivity built into its very meaning, and advocates describe the field as “an emerging paradigm in educational thinking that emphasizes wholeness and integration in the learning process, a nourishing and democratic community both inside the school and without, a global and ecological perspective on social and economic problems, and a recognition of the spiritual dimension of human existence” (Miller 1993, 10). Holistic education is often posed as a corrective response to various ills afflicting contemporary education (bureaucratization, nihilism, materialism, rationalism, anxiety), and modern schooling is described as “a grim pastime” (Miller 2000, 4). In this regard, it can be read as part of a larger narrative in educational theory that puts forth humanistic alternatives to mechanistic standardized curricula (e.g., John Dewey’s critique of the school-to-factory pipeline). What distinguishes holistic education from other humanistic approaches is its particular interest in human spirituality: “‘Holistic” implies spirituality or a sense of the sacred, while ‘wholistic’ is more material and biological with an emphasis on physical and social interconnections. I believe Dewey argued for wholism, while Gandhi and Steiner were holistic in their perspectives” (Miller 2007, 6). The field also draws on religious sources. Again, the selection is broad: Buddhist language of mindfulness sits alongside Christian language of sacramentality, which sits alongside ethical language of caring, and so on. The primary concern is not with one particular faith tradition, but with how the mystical and spiritual resources

of any tradition can enhance the inner life. For example, O’Reilley (1998, 4) describes a mélange of religious perspectives enabling her to teach contemplatively: “I have a Buddhist mind. . . . I have a Catholic heart. . . . I have a Quaker backside.” Relating “more to spiritualty than religion” (Miller 2000, 140), holistic education uses nontheological language to describe the soul: “Soul is a deep and vital energy that gives meaning and direction to our lives” (Miller 2000, 9). Purpel (1993) argues that holistic education can extend its influence by making links with critical theory and by drawing more explicitly on the religious prophetic tradition. Holistic Christian Education The field of Christian education has made conceptual strides toward addressing the dualisms between “head knowledge” and “heart knowledge” that holistic education addresses. Positioning her “holistic vision and pastoral approach” as moving beyond instruction and sacramentalization, Darcy-Bérubé (1995, 71) notes, “A holistic vision of religious education would require much greater emphasis on the contemplative dimension of Christian life.” She believes that in curriculum design it is important to balance theological knowledge with “existential religious literacy” (56–60). Christian educators’ increasing use of terms such as integration, spiritual formation, transformational learning, and whole person indicate a positive response to DarcyBérubé’s concerns. It is no surprise that Darcy-Bérubé’s student Thomas Groome (1980, 23) has stated that “good education needs to be a holistic approach to the total person—cognitive, affective, and behavioral,” and more recently that “spiritual beings need a pedagogy that engages and delves into their very souls, into the depths of the human spirit” (Groome 2011, 67). This understanding of educative growth is shared by some Christian theologians. For example, Howard Thurman (1954, 75–76) describes religious experience as being “alive with ‘Godness,’” which he sees as a “robust affirmation of the whole spirit of the man [sic].” Thurman uses terms such as wholeness, integration, and creative synthesis to describe the link between goodness and Godness. In union with God, there is an “altogetherness” in which all conflict is resolved and all tensions merge into a single integration. References and Resources Darcy-Bérubé, F. 1995. Religious Education at a Crossroads: Moving on in the Freedom of the Spirit. Mahwah, NJ: Paulist Press. Groome, T. 1980. Christian Religious Education: Sharing Our Story and Vision. San Francisco: Harper & Row. ———. 2011. Will There Be Faith? A New Vision for Educating and Growing Disciples. New York: HarperOne.

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Miller, J. 2000. Education and the Soul: Toward a Spiritual Curriculum. Albany: State University of New York Press. ———. 2007. The Holistic Curriculum. 2nd ed. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Miller, R., ed. 1991. New Directions in Education: Selections from Holistic Education Review. Brandon, VT: Holistic Education Press. ———. 1993. “Vital Voices of Educational Dissent.” In Renewal of Meaning in Education: Responses to the Cultural and Ecological Crisis of Our Times, edited by R. Miller, 8–26. Brandon, VT: Holistic Education Press. O’Reilley, M. R. 1998. Radical Presence: Teaching as Contemplative Practice. Portsmouth, NH: Boynton/Cook. Purpel, D. 1993. “Holistic Education in a Prophetic Voice.” In Renewal of Meaning in Education: Responses to the Cultural and Ecological Crisis of Our Times, edited by R. Miller, 70–94. Brandon, VT: Holistic Education Press. Thurman, Howard. 1954. The Creative Encounter. New York: Harper & Row.

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Wheaton, elaborated in a book he edited for the college’s 125th anniversary, The Making of a Christian Mind: A Christian World View and the Academic Enterprise (InterVarsity Press, 1985). In this endeavor he articulated guiding principles that shaped the approach he communicated to those he influenced. Among these tenets are the perspectival approach, a pluralism that honors various articulations of the same basic Christian perspective; a holistic goal (seeking the unification of all areas of knowledge); and the recognition that “all truth is God’s truth” (a phrase Holmes often repeated), so that there is not a great divide or adversarial relation between secular and sacred. He was a strong advocate for Christian colleges to be places of Christian education in the liberal arts rather than training schools for professions (including the ministry) or educational facilities that merely tack on biblical studies. Among those whom Holmes influenced are Merold Westphal (Fordham) and C. Stephen Evans (Baylor).

—Aaron J. Ghiloni Most Notable Publications

Holmes, Arthur Early History, Education, and Career Arthur Holmes was born in 1924 in Dover, England. A British citizen, he enlisted and served in the RAF before immigrating to the United States. He earned a BA in philosophy at Wheaton College (Illinois) and a PhD in philosophy at Northwestern University in Chicago. He joined the Wheaton College faculty in 1947, where he created and shaped the college’s philosophy department until his retirement in 1994. He died in 2011. In the 1950s, he initiated the Wheaton College philosophy conference, which became a significant venue for Christian philosophers to meet and discuss philosophical issues. He played a key role as cofounder of the Society of Christian Philosophers and its publication, Faith and Philosophy. He lectured widely and wrote several books. Significant Contributions to Christian Education Holmes had a very significant influence on Christian colleges in the United States during the latter half of the 20th century. He was a leader in Christian higher education in the drive toward “faith and learning integration,” as opposed to a mere conjunction of the two, a defensive rejection of human learning, or indoctrination of prepackaged answers. Though there are various models of integration, Holmes took a value-laden and confessional perspectival approach, which he articulated in one of his early publications with the Augustinian phrase “faith seeks understanding.” He also emphasized the development of a “Christian worldview,” a task he spearheaded at

Faith Seeks Understanding. 1971. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. All Truth Is God’s Truth. 1983. Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press. Contours of a World View. 1983. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. The Idea of a Christian College. 1987. Rev. ed. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. Fact, Value, and God. 1997. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. Building the Christian Academy. 2001. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. War and Christian Ethics: Classic and Contemporary Readings on the Morality of War. 2005. 2nd ed. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic. Ethics: Approaching Moral Decisions. 2007. Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press.

—Dennis Okholm

Holy Spirit In Christianity, the Holy Spirit has a vital role in the believer’s life. It is the power of the Holy Spirit that gives the believer the strength, courage, and power to live a Christian life here on Earth. Though the Holy Spirit has been working from creation till the present, in the Old Testament there is not as much emphasis placed on the Holy Spirit as there is in the New Testament. When the Holy Spirit is referred to in the Old Testament, the Hebrew word used is ruah, meaning wind, moving air, and breath. In the Old Testament, the Holy Spirit works to assist the judges and prophets in the performance of their duties with Israel. While the designation “Holy Spirit” might not actually be used, the actions of the Holy Spirit

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are implied in the actions of the men and women carrying out the work of God. The Holy Spirit is described in a variety of terms, but the description that is in line with the scriptures and Christian belief is the one that characterizes the Holy Spirit as a person. The scriptures depict the Holy Spirit as a person as having many of the same attributes as God. The Holy Spirit is also noted to have the same four divine attributes that are associated with God: omnipresence, omnipotence, omniscience, and being eternal. The Holy Spirit is part of the Godhead and has his own work to carry out in the earth. In the beginning, when the world was being formed, the Holy Spirit carried out the words of God in the shaping of the world. In the New Testament, the Holy Spirit goes from being a wind or breath to becoming the Spirit of God. The Greek word for spirit is pneuma; to associate this word with divinity, the word hagion is used with it. There may or may not be an article in its usage. When Jesus was preparing for his crucifixion, he told his disciples in the Gospel of John that he would leave them with a comforter, and that comforter is the Holy Spirit. The Holy Spirit made his entrance into the world on the Day of Pentecost, appearing to the 120 men and women tarrying in the upper room. The King James version of the Bible describes this entrance as “a mighty rushing wind and cloves of fire.” The Holy Spirit was sent to Earth to convict the world of sin and to testify of the Son of God. In the Holy Spirit’s present-day activities, he is believed to be the person of the Godhead that is here on the earth carrying out the will of God. The apostle Paul identifies the Holy Spirit as dwelling within the believer to assist in obeying the will of God and living a godly life here on Earth by “walking in the Spirit.” In order for the Holy Spirit to assist the believer, a believer is said to be filled with the Holy Spirit. The concept is that the Holy Spirit dwells in the believer’s heart. It is the workings of the Holy Spirit that regenerate the believer and free him or her from sin. In the work the Holy Spirit is to carry out on Earth, he can be grieved by the actions of individuals here, thus reinforcing the personification of the Spirit. It is the Holy Spirit that seals the believer until the Day of the Lord. Therefore, the Holy Spirit is associated with Christian eschatology. He gives the believer hope for the future and the promises of God for the end of time. References and Resources Bloesch, Donald G. 2000. The Holy Spirit; Works & Gifts. Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press. Thompson, John. 1991. The Holy Spirit in the Theology of Karl Barth. Allison Park, PA: Picwick Publications. Torrey, R. A. 1994. The Person & Work of the Holy Spirit. Downers Grove, IL: Zondervan.

—Candace C. Shields

Holy Spirit as Teacher The role of the Holy Spirit as teacher makes Christian education distinct from all other types of education. C. F. Dickason states that the Holy Spirit as the ultimate teacher “makes God’s truth relevant to the persons involved and enables application that causes life and growth.”39 To ignore the ministry of the Holy Spirit in Christian teaching, therefore, is to discount one of the most essential elements of effective Christian education. The Spirit not only illuminates God’s Word for believers to facilitate proper understanding of the truths of God, but also empowers both teachers and students to effect spiritual growth and transformation. Dangers in Failing to Properly Discern the Spirit’s Role in Education One danger is to view Christian education simply as a human task built on educational theory, programs, and personnel, to the neglect of the work of the Holy Spirit in the process of education. This fallacy, which ignores the fallen state of the human condition, “elevates man’s creativity and methods over God’s and fails to realize that only the Spirit can accomplish the spiritual goals of Christian education.”40 R. Zuck posits that “Christian education is a cooperative process, a venture involving both the human and the divine. Human teachers communicate and exemplify truth; the Holy Spirit seeks to provide guidance, power, illumination, and insight to the teachers.”41 Another danger is to emphasize the role of the Holy Spirit to the neglect of the human teacher as a tool of God in the process of education. Since this fallacy views the Holy Spirit as the only needed teacher, any human effort is viewed as both unnecessary and contaminating. This anti-intellectual position suggests that education is the enemy of spirituality and disregards the fact that God utilizes human teachers as instruments in the act of education (see Matt. 28:19–20; Acts 5:42, 15:35, 18:11, 25, 28:31; 2 Tim. 2:2).42 Often adherents of this erroneous view misinterpret 1 John 2:27, in which the apostle warns the church to avoid the man-made gnostic teachings of the heretics who left the faith community and whom the apostle deems to be anti-Christs (1 John 39. C. F. Dickason, “The Holy Spirit in Education,” in Christian Education: Foundations for the Future, ed. Robert E. Clark, Lin Johnson, and Allyn K. Sloat (Chicago: Moody, 1991), 121. 40. C. F. Dickason, “The Holy Spirit in Teaching,” in Introduction to Biblical Christian Education, ed. Werner Graendorf (Chicago: Moody, 1981), 112. 41. R. Zuck, “The Role of the Holy Spirit in Christian Teaching,” in The Christian Educator’s Handbook on Teaching, ed. Kenneth Gangel and Howard Hendricks (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker), 37. 42. Ibid., 33.

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2:18–19; 2 John 7). Instead, the apostle argues that the church should remain under orthodox teaching based on apostolic testimony (1 John 1:1–5), and that it is the Holy Spirit’s anointing that enables believers to discern whether or not a doctrine is in keeping with God’s orthodox standards. Titles Attributed to the Spirit in Teaching The biblical text undergirds the Holy Spirit’s role as teacher by attributing to the Spirit the following ministries that facilitate education: • Paraclete: This title is literally “one who is called alongside,” and can be rendered helper, advocate, counselor, encourager, and supporter. According to John’s Gospel, the Paraclete, who was sent by the Father at the Son’s request (14:6), teaches believers all things (14:26), reminds them about the teachings of Jesus (14:26), and testifies about Christ (15:26). This title emphasizes the Holy Spirit as the helper who comes alongside believers to aid and assist in our understanding. • Spirit of Truth: This function of the Spirit is seen in the guiding of believers into truth (John 14:17, 15:26, 16:13). Truth is an attribute of God and has its source in God. The Spirit helps believers to apply God’s truth to our lives. • Revealer of God: The Holy Spirit is the agent of divine revelation who reveals truths about God’s will, His person, and the deep mysteries of God. The apostle Paul states: “What no eye has seen, nor ear heard, nor the human heart conceived—what God has prepared for those who love him— these things God has revealed to us through the Spirit; for the Spirit searches everything, even the depths of God” (1 Cor. 2:9–10). The Holy Spirit and the Gift of Teaching The Bible teaches that the Holy Spirit bestows gifts of grace upon believers for the spiritual edification of the church. Teaching is mentioned as one of these gifts (Rom. 12:7; 1 Cor. 12:28; Eph. 4:11). Although all believers are commanded to teach (Matt. 28:20), the Spirit gifts some with the special ability to explain God’s truths. Gifted teachers cooperate with the Holy Spirit, who enables them to expound upon God’s Word, helping students to understand and apply God’s truths to their lives. The Holy Spirit is essential to the life and ministry of the effective Christian educator. For teaching to be successful, cooperation must exist between the teacher and student, who interact with God’s Word in a context in which the Holy Spirit is operating. “Without the work of the Holy

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Spirit in the teaching/learning process, the educational goal of spiritual transformation cannot be accomplished.”43 References and Resources Bartel, L. 1988. “The Holy Spirit and the Teacher.” In The Holy Spirit in Christian Education, edited by Sylvia Lee, 103–116. Springfield, MO: Gospel Publishing House. Dickason, C. F. 1981. “The Holy Spirit in Teaching.” In Introduction to Biblical Christian Education, edited by Werner Graendorf, 110–125. Chicago: Moody. __________. 1991. “The Holy Spirit in Education.” In Christian Education: Foundations for the Future, edited by Robert E. Clark, Lin Johnson, and Allyn K. Sloat, 121–36. Chicago: Moody. Esqueda, O. J. 2008. “The Holy Spirit as Teacher.” In The Teaching Ministry of the Church, 2nd ed., edited by William Yount, 74–87. Nashville, TN: B & H Academic Press. Henderlite, R. 1964. The Holy Spirit in Christian Education. Philadelphia: Westminster Press. Zuck, R. 1988. “The Role of the Holy Spirit in Christian Teaching.” In The Christian Educator’s Handbook on Teaching, edited by Kenneth Gangel and Howard Hendricks, 32–44. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker.

—Edward W. Watson

Holy Spirit, Educational Role of the Christian education must focus on the Holy Spirit, since He is its origin and meaning.44 It is the work of the Spirit that makes Christian education distinctive, glorious, dynamic, and noble.45 Zechariah 4:6 reads: “‘Not by might nor by power, but by My Spirit,’ says the Lord.” In fact, such Spirit-directed, Christian education serves as fertile soil for the Spirit to operate in grace.46 The Holy Spirit as member of the Trinity perpetuates the initiative of Christ to redeem humankind and maintains Christ’s indwelling of human hearts (John 14:20) as predicated by the New Covenant (Jer. 31:33).47 The Spirit testifies of Jesus (John 15:26) and satisfies the dictates of divine righteousness (Rom. 8:4), thus liberating believers from the law (2 Cor. 3:17–18). He provides daily empowerment that supersedes temporal dynamics, anoints believers with supernatural understanding and discernment (1 Cor. 2:11b– 14), endows spiritual gifts, and releases boldness in them (Acts 4:31). The Spirit helps, inspires, and also influences 43. Ibid., 37. 44. C. L. Hess, “Educating in the Spirit,” Religious Education 86, no. 3 (1991): 383–398. 45. Zuck, “Role of the Holy Spirit in Christian Teaching,” 32–44. 46. F. Rogers, “Dancing with Grace: Toward a Spirit-Centered Education,” Religious Education 89, no. 3 (Summer 1994): 377–394. 47. J. I. Packer, Keep in Step with the Spirit (Leicester, UK: Inter-Varsity Press, 1984).

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human utterances (John 14:26; Luke 12:12). Called the Spirit of Truth by Christ (John 14:15), He communicates God’s will to human hearts, teaches through revelations bringing enlightenment, and equips believers so that they progress in sanctification and regeneration (Gal. 5:22–23; Titus 3:5b).48 The Spirit repeatedly fills believers (Eph. 5:18), who cannot persevere or progress without Him. As a result, they enjoy freedom from condemnation (Rom. 8:1–2) and empowerment for daily kingdom living (Eph. 3:17–19). According to the Bible, the Holy Spirit is indispensable to the perseverance and progress of believers. The central task of the Spirit is to mediate the presence of Christ so that believers experience this presence and fellowship.49 The Spirit’s locus of activity is the human heart (Jer. 31:33), where He testifies of Jesus (John 15:26), satisfies the dictates of divine righteousness (Rom. 8:4), and liberates believers from the law (2 Cor. 3:7–18). The Spirit functions as a catalyst, transforming believers from carnal control into Christlikeness (Titus 3:5–7; Gal. 5:22– 23). The question must be asked about how Christian education can be “according to the Spirit.”50 Everything said thus far impacts the school context. A number of Christian educators have emphasized truths concerning the role of the Spirit specific to education. For example, Wilhoit and Rozema stressed the Holy Spirit’s role as principal teacher and primary initiator of truth.51 They also emphasized that the Spirit related to learners as the paraklete or comforter, advocate, and strengthener. Zuck emphasized the Spirit’s guidance into “all truth” (John 16:13) and inspiration of insight into “the deep things of God” (1 Cor. 2:10).52 Rogers underlined the Spirit’s indwelling, empowerment, and gifting of learners to live a redeemed and reconciled life.53 The Holy Spirit fulfills a specific critical role in the lives of Christian teachers as well. Such teachers need supernatural empowerment through being Spirit-filled, Spirit-gifted, Spirit-guided, and Spirit-inspired in terms of creativity.54 The apostle Paul declared that his message, though communicated through human ability, was executed with inner spiritual power (1 Cor. 2:1, 4). Similarly, the Spirit enables teachers as his instruments to serve in accordance with his will.55 The Spirit draws upon the Bible as the bedrock content of His curricula.56 Every 48. D. Willard, Renovation of the Heart (Leicester, UK: Inter-Varsity Press, 2002). 49. Packer, Keep in Step. 50. Hess, “Educating in the Spirit,” 383. 51. J. C. Wilhoit and L. Rozema, “Anointed Teaching,” Christian Education Journal 2, no. 2 (Fall 2005): 239–255. 52. Zuck, “Role of the Holy Spirit,” 32–44. 53. Rogers, “Dancing with Grace,” 377–394. 54. Zuck, “Role of the Holy Spirit,” 32–44. 55. Wilhoit and Rozema, “Anointed Teaching,” 239–255. 56. J. Gorman, “‘There’s Got to Be More!’ Transformational Learning,” Christian Education Journal 5, no. NS (2001): 23–51.

aspect of school life, including vision, management, discipline, counseling, staff matters, and so forth, must be brought under the direction of the Spirit. Increasing intimacy, partnership, and close cooperation with God, through the agency of the Spirit, steadily grounds educators in God’s grace and power and motivates their service to Him.57 Consequently, teachers manifest their relationship with the Spirit of Christ as they love, care for, and respond to the learner’s needs.58 References and Resources Gorman, J. 2001. “‘There’s Got to Be More!’ Transformational Learning.” Christian Education Journal 5 (NS): 23–51. Hess, C. L. 1991. “Educating in the Spirit.” Religious Education 86 (3): 383–398. Packer, J. I. 1984. Keep in Step with the Spirit. Leicester, UK: Inter-Varsity Press. Rogers, F. 1994. “Dancing with Grace: Toward a Spirit-Centered Education.” Religious Education 89 (3): 377–394. Wilhoit, J. C., and L. Rozema. 2005. “Anointed Teaching.” Christian Education Journal 2 (2): 239–255. Willard, D. 2002. Renovation of the Heart. Leicester, UK: InterVarsity Press. Zuck, R. 1988. “The Role of the Holy Spirit in Christian Teaching.” In The Christian Educator’s Handbook on Teaching, edited by Kenneth Gangel and Howard Hendricks, 32–44. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker.

—James A. Swezey and Thyra Cameron

Home and the Parents’ Role in Christian Education Scripture reveals that God established an educational curriculum from the beginning of human history. Adam was created as a finite and innocent being and given the responsibility to exercise dominion over creation (Gen. 1:26–28, 2:19–20). The dominion mandate implies a continual and necessary education from a holy and infinite being: God. The ability to fulfill the responsibility necessitated submission to God for the purpose of learning from Him. The Mosaic Law was one of the most comprehensive, enduring, and influential bodies of legislation ever enacted; it addressed the ceremonial, civil, domestic, and political. God’s law was enforced with somber penalties and thus regulated every aspect of Jewish life. Although every Jew did not obey the Mosaic Law, it was a code of values that created a nation and people of remarkable societal magnitude. When the nation began to neglect 57. Rogers, “Dancing with Grace,” 377–394. 58. Zuck, “Role of the Holy Spirit,” 32–44.

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their divine heritage, they experienced division and strife, which eventually culminated in captivity and exile. Parents were obligated to be the primary agents of defense in the propagation of moral and spiritual instruction (Deut. 6:4–9). Not only are parents responsible to impart God’s revelation with earnestness and long suffering, they are also obligated to model the purpose of such values. Throughout the Old and New Testaments, the family is one of the few motifs that reappear most consistently. God instituted the family as the first and basic social dynamic, as evident in his presentation of Eve to Adam (Gen. 2:18–25), who conceived and gave birth to the first children (4:1–2). Families existed prior to Israel becoming a nation and even earlier than the formation of the church. The plethora of genealogical records in both the Old and New Testaments emphasizes the biblical priority of the family (and especially in relation to the promise of the Messiah). The tremendous importance of families in the education of children is emphasized throughout the Bible (Exod. 12:23–28; Deut. 6:4–9; Josh. 4:4–47; Eph. 5:21–6:4; Col. 3:18–21; 1 Pet. 3:1–7). Parents serve as divine representatives who bear the primary responsibility for the spiritual instruction of children. They may delegate their role to other qualified individuals (Lat. in loco parentis, “in the place of a parent”). Teachers beyond the home reinforced the moral and spiritual instruction with proficiency. Initially, the teachers were the priests—from the tribe of Levi—who were divinely appointed. The priests were devoted to the sole purpose of teaching, and thus they were to reflect moral and spiritual integrity. Spiritual decay was rampant when the nation neglected God’s revelation. Humanism was dominant as the nation became more apathetic, and this culminated in division and then exile. Subsequent to the exile, the Jewish nation appeared to have learned from the errors of the past. Consequently, biblical morality and spirituality were taught in all aspects of life, as evident in the development of Jewish schools in every community. Carefully selected priests, scribes, and teachers staffed the schools. The primary instruction of children was supplemented by secondary instruction, which often occurred in the home of the rabbi, and this facilitated direct and dynamic contact with the moral and spiritual leadership of the time. The moral and spiritual curriculum was essential to the well-being of the nation. Throughout the Old Testament, the response to God’s educational curriculum was a development of the divine program with Adam by means of progressive revelation. The source of truth was God; the curriculum was the patriarch, the Mosaic Law, and the prophets; the responsibility was inherent in the home via the parents; the means for accomplishing the curriculum were the priest, scribes,

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synagogue, and wisemen; and the focus was always on the child. Throughout the New Testament, the educational curriculum was also progressively developed. The church believed in God as the source of all truth. However, the curriculum involved Jesus Christ, the Holy Spirit, and scripture. Responsibility for education was still inherent in the home (Acts 2:46; 2 Tim. 1:5). The means for communicating the curriculum were the local church and catechumenal schools. The focus still remained on the child. The secular response to God’s educational curriculum adheres to a similar structure. Human reason is the source of truth, and thus the curriculum is secular humanism and materialism. The responsibility for education is not inherent in the home; rather, the church, and then later the state, becomes the emphasis. The means for accomplishing the curriculum is no longer the church and school; rather, it is public education and society. Although the focus remains on the child, the secular response does not involve the home, family, or God. Success with God’s educational program, which was established by Adam, involves Judeo-Christian principles of parental responsibility, by means of the home (not merely as a place of residence) as a relating moral and spiritual curriculum. References and Resources Anthony, Michael J., ed. 2001. Introducing Christian Education. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker. Balswick, Jack O., and Judith K. Balswick. 1989. The Family: A Christian Perspective on the Contemporary Home. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker. Benson, Clarence H. 1943. A Popular History of Christian Education. Chicago: Moody. Bryne, Herbert W. 1977. A Christian Approach to Education. Rev. ed. Milford, MI: Mott Media. Gaebelein, Frank E. 1954. The Pattern of God’s Truth. New York: Oxford University Press. Ledbetter, J. Otis, and Kurt D. Bruner. 1996. Your Heritage. Colorado Springs, CO: Victor. MacArthur, John, Jr. 1982. The Family. Chicago: Moody.

—Ron J. Bigalke

Homeschooling Homeschooling is an educational methodology conducted primarily in the home as opposed to in parochial, private, or public schooling. The homeschool movement is representative of an extensive social dynamic of families (primarily in Western contexts) who believe that education of children is the ultimate responsibility of parents. The movement became prevalent during the last quarter of the 20th century (predominantly with

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younger children), in an unexpected manner. Parents separated themselves from generations of customs and laws to provide education to their children in their own homes, which of course does have a biblical foundation (Deut. 6:4–9; Prov. 1:8–9; Eph. 6:4); those traditions were primarily the result of child labor laws and societal changes that placed more children in schools. When the homeschool movement began, many of those who chose this educational alternative were reacting against public school curricula and environments. Consequently, as students entered their high school years and academic demands became more costly and rigorous, parents would often transfer their children to formal schools. The classical education model greatly helped to resolve this initial deficiency. In the early 1980s, there were approximately 20,000 homeschool students in the United States, and the current estimate by the National Center for Education Statistics is around 1.5 million. Homeschooling has increased in other countries also, such as Australia, India, and the United Kingdom. Founders of the modern homeschooling are Dr. Raymond Moore and his wife, Dorothy, who are often regarded as the “grandparents” of the movement. The Moores published Better Late Than Early: A New Approach to Your Child’s Education in 1972, in which they expressed the theory that children learned more effectively when they were developmentally prepared. They directly opposed the perspective of public schooling, contending that it is better for younger children to be educated at home in an environment of love and support. Another formative basis for homeschooling was the work of British educator Charlotte Mason, which was revitalized by the publication of Susan Schaeffer Macaulay’s book For the Children’s Sake: Foundations of Education for the Home and School (1984). Moore and Mason understood homeschooling as an opportunity for Christian expression. Others, such as agrarian theorist Ralph Borsodi, in Flight from the City (1933), and educator John Holt (who established the Growing without Schooling magazine in August 1977), argued secularly for homeschooling. Holt published Instead of Education (1976) to encourage parents to abandon any efforts toward reforming the public education system and promote the notion of “unschooling.” Homeschooling is a historic effort to maintain family intimacy and recover the role of parents in the education of their children. Families have regained a common purpose and work through homeschooling and have become healthier as a result (as evidenced by the fact that homeschooling families tend to have twice as many children as other families, and they are less likely to be affected by divorce). Homeschooling has also resulted in reclaiming and updating classical education.

References and Resources Bauer, Susan Wise, and Jessie Wise. 2004. The Well-Trained Mind. Rev. ed. New York: W. W. Norton. Berle, Adolf. 1913. The School in the Home. New York: Moffat, Yard and Company. Farris, Michael P. 1997. The Future of Homeschooling: A New Direction for Christian Home Education. Washington, DC: Regnery. Stevens, Mitchell L. 2001. Kingdom of Children: Culture and Controversy in the Homeschooling Movement. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.

—Ron J. Bigalke

Homeschooling, Impact of Legal Issues on This article addresses significant legal issues that have shaped and may potentially affect homeschooling. Homeschoolers refer here to those who, according to the Home School Legal Defense Association (HSLDA), are home educated 100 percent, without ties to state-mandated resources or curriculum. It is important that Christian education leadership and those unfamiliar with homeschooling accurately understand the issues in order to support homeschooling. Recent Examples Two California homeschooled teenagers on their way home from registering for college classes were ordered into a police car for truancy. The citation was dismissed, but as of 2010 an unlawful arrest suit was pending. In 2006, the Loudermilk family knew their Fourth and Fourteenth Amendment rights, but succumbed to threats of removal of their children, allowing illegal entry into their home and intimidation by social workers and police. These are but two of thousands of examples of harassment of homeschool families in the United States despite the legal status of homeschooling. Regardless of whether one is informed about the many advantages of homeschooling, the inaccuracy of perpetuated homeschooling myths, or the disadvantages of public education—all of which are addressed in-depth elsewhere (e.g., Ray 2004; NHERI; Klicka 1995; HSLDA)—legal issues have had a significant impact on homeschooling families, creating a defensive and preemptive legal posture. A Brief History Prior to a 1923 U.S. Supreme Court decision, it was unheard of for parents to seek protection of their rights to educate their children. But U.S. compulsory attendance laws in the 20th century almost quashed homeschooling until the 1970s and the rise of modern homeschooling. Most if not all of the difficulties that homeschooling

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families face center on National Education Association and other public educational organizations’ battles over state financial interests and educational philosophies. For example, the National Association of Elementary School Principals (NAESP) wanted homeschooling eradicated as a form of “child abuse” (Klicka 1995, 210). State educators ignore extensive current quantitative research, replacing it with anecdotes, misconceptions, or ad hominem attacks accusing homeschoolers of being “zealots,” “problems,” or “stepping backward to the seventeenth century” (Klicka 1995, 29–211). Wisconsin’s state superintendent claimed that homeschoolers were “neglected and abused” and not being educated (212). Harassment by child protection social workers and school boards continues in various forms, ranging from excessive unlawful requirements to intimidation and threats of removing children from the home (e.g., Calabretta v. Floyd [1995]; Kindstedt v. East Greenwich School Committee [1986]; Griswold v. Connecticut [1985]). In addressing these infringements legally, a prominent litmus test has been the compelling interest test, though most defenses rest on the free exercise clause of the U.S. Constitution (Klicka 1995, 327). Parental Rights Above all legal issues, the most significant and currently embattled issue is parental rights, which has even drawn the HSLDA and Parentalrights.org into the fray (cf. United Nation’s Convention on the Rights of the Child). For example, in January 2010 the Romeikes were granted asylum in the United States, not to flee war or tyranny but because they homeschool in Germany, where it is illegal (Moore 2010). In the United States, the right of parents to teach their children is guaranteed in the Fourteenth Amendment of the U.S. Constitution, and given that they often homeschool for religious reasons, parents also have protection under the First Amendment. Hence homeschooling is a right, not a privilege (Klicka 1995, 315)—a right being something imparted to us from an external source—and within the Judeo-Christian worldview all rights are sovereignly imparted from God, in the U.S. case through the First and Fourteenth Amendments (Wayne 2000). Early recognition of parents’ rights was established in the 19th century with Abington v. Schempp, in which the court recognized that education (private or public) was historically controlled by Protestant sects, and only gradually did control of education pass largely to public officials. The Oklahoma Supreme Court, in School Board District No. 18 v. Thompson (1998), ruled that “under our form of Government . . . the home is considered the keystone of the government structure. In this empire, parents rule supreme during the minority of their children” (Klicka 1995, 316–317). Later watershed cases have solidified parental rights in this area. Meyer v Nebraska (1923) was the first of many

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decisions that established constitutional parental rights in educating children (Klicka 1995, 318), derived from the Fourteenth Amendment, the “right to liberty.” In Pierce v. Society of Sisters (1925), the Supreme Court supported the Meyer decision that parents have the right to direct the religious upbringing of their children and to control the process of education. In addition, Pierce asserts that parents have the fundamental right to keep their children free from government standardization: “The fundamental theory of liberty upon which all governments in this Union repose excluded any general power of the state to standardize its children by forcing them to accept instruction form public teachers only” (Klicka 1995, 320). Finally, Wisconsin v. Yoder (1972) upheld Pierce as the charter of the rights of parents—“beyond debate as an enduring tradition”—to direct the religious upbringing of their children by asserting that the fundamental interest of parents, as contrasted with that of the state, was to guide the religious future and education of their children (Klicka 1995, 321). References and Resources Anthony, M., ed. 2001. Introducing Christian Education: Foundations for the Twenty-first Century. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker. Anthony, M., and W. Benson. 2003. Exploring the History and Philosophy of Christian Education: Principles for the 21st Century. Grand Rapids, MI: Kregel. Bell, D. 1997. The Ultimate Guide to Homeschooling. Nashville, TN: Nelson Klicka, C. J. 1995. Homeschooling: The Right Choice. Sisters, OR: Loyal Publishing. Moore, T. 2010. “Give Me Your Tired, Your Poor, Your Homeschoolers.” Time Magazine (March). www.time.com/time/ magazine/article/0,9171,1968099,00.html. Ray, B. 2002. Worldwide Guide to Homeschooling: Facts and Stats on the Benefits of Home School. Nashville, TN: Broadman & Holman. ———. 2004. Home Educated and Now Adults: Their Community and Civic Involvement, Views about Homeschooling, and Other Traits. Kearney, NE: Morris Sproul, R. C., Jr. 2004. “When You Rise Up: A Covenantal Approach to Homeschooling.” Phillipsburg, NJ: P&R Publishing. Wayne, I. 2000. Homeschooling from a Biblical Worldview. Covert, MI: Wisdom’s Gate. Homeschool Legal Defense Association (HSLDA). www.hslda .org National Home Education Research Institute (NHERI). www .nheri.org Parental Rights. www.Parentalrights.org

—Steven R. Clark

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Honduras and Christian Education

Honduras and Christian Education Beginnings Individual missionaries first brought the Gospel to Honduras in 1896. As the community of believers has grown, so have the number of local churches, orphanages, church-operated day care centers and schools that provide general education, and seminaries that provide professional training. Main Institutions Organizations such as the Association of Central American Churches (ASIECAH), Assembly of God denomination, Southern Baptist Convention, Conservative Baptists, and Mennonites, as well as a large number of independent and Pentecostal church organizations, currently minister in Honduras. Religious Freedom The constitution of Honduras assures religious freedom, reflected in the laws and policies that permit free exercise of religion.59 Education of Christians The major obstacle to Christian education in Honduras is a high degree of illiteracy (73 percent)60 and low educational levels (average 5.4 years of schooling). In churches, the majority of teaching is currently done through preaching. Sunday school curricula are infrequently used in children’s classes. Formal educational institutions still rely primarily on rote memorization learning. Opportunities for informal education may be found in small group activities in local churches and parachurch organizations. Innovations Formal theological institutions are experimenting with extension programs and online courses. —Philip Ozinga

Hong Kong and Christian Education With the cession of Hong Kong Island, Kowloon Peninsula and Stonecutters Island, and the New Territories to Great Britain in 1841, 1869, and 1889, respectively, Christian education commenced in Hong Kong,61 and 59. Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, “2010 Report on International Religious Freedom” 17 November, http://www.state.gov/j/ drl/rls/irf/2010/148763.htm. 60. Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, “International Religious Freedom Report 2005,” 8 November, http://www.state.gov/g/drl/ rls/irf/2005/51644.htm. 61. Timothy Man-Kong Wong and Sergio Ticozzi, “Hong Kong,” in A Dictionary of Asian Christianity, ed. Scott W. Sunquist (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 2001), 346.

eventually grew to comprise 33 kindergartens, 110 primary schools, and 89 secondary/vocational Roman Catholic schools,62 as well as 127 nurseries, 260 kindergartens, 199 primary schools, and 180 secondary Protestant schools.63 There are also two postsecondary Roman Catholic schools,64 three Protestant Christian universities, and seven seminaries accredited by the Association of Christian Universities and Colleges in Asia and the Association for Theological Education in South East Asia, respectively.65 Robert Morrison, one of the first Protestants desirous of learning Chinese, dreamed of establishing a Christian school in East Asia designed for European and Chinese students for “better understanding and training for evangelism.”66 However, because foreigners were not allowed to learn Chinese at the time, he started a school in Malacca Malaysia in 1820, which was eventually directed by James Legge of the London Missionary Society. Later, with the Nanjing Treaty opening doors for foreigners to study Chinese67 and the cession of Hong Kong Island to the British in 1841, Legge moved the school (Morrison Education Society School) from Malacca to Hong Kong in 1843, and theological courses were added.68 The British government provided subsidies for schools run by missionaries and Christian educators, such as the Anglo Chinese College of the London Missionary Society, Morrison Education Society School, and St. Paul’s College of the Church Missionary Society (Anglican Church).69 Two of Hong Kong’s first Christian tertiary education schools grew from the roots of Protestant missions in Mainland China. The Training School of Canton Presbyterian Mission, established in 1864 at Fati, Guangdong, later joined the Anglican and Methodist churches to become Canton Union Theological Seminary in 1914, which later became Chung Chi College. After Japanese occupation, the end of World War II, and the institution of China’s nationwide higher education reforms, Chung Chi College was reestablished in Hong Kong and eventually, in 1968, joined the Department of Philosophy and Religion at the Chinese University of Hong 62. http://www.catholic.org.hk/v2/en/cdhk/a08statistics.html (accessed 1 April 2013). 63. http://www.gov.hk/en/about/abouthk/factsheets/docs/religion.pdf (accessed 1 March 2013). 64. Ibid. 65. http://www.acuca.net/member_institutions/ and http://atesea.net/ member-schools/hong-kong/ (accessed 1 March 2013). 66. Samuel H. Moffet, A History of Christianity in Asia, vol. II, 1500– 1900 (Maryknoll, NY: Orbis, 2005), 294. 67. Ibid., 297. 68. Wong and Ticozzi, “Hong Kong,” 346. 69. Siu Lun Lau, “Converging in a Colonial Setting: The Experiences of Baptist College and Chung Chi College in Hong Kong,” in Christian Responses to Asian Challenges: A Glocalization View on Christian Higher Education in East Asia, ed. Yuansheng Liang and Ziming Wu (Hong Kong: Chinese University Press, 2007), 275.

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Kong and became the Divinity School of Chung Chi College.70 The Christian College of China, also started by Presbyterian missions in 1888 but in Guangzhou, later became Lingnan University, in 1927. The facilities and school were co-opted by the Chinese government in 1952 to become Sun Yat-sen University, but eventually alumni of Lingnan University restarted the university in Hong Kong in 1967.71 A third tertiary Christian school came on the scene in the years following World War II. Hong Kong Baptist College was founded in 1956 with a “unique vision of Whole Person Education.”72 In 1994 it reached university status and was renamed Hong Kong Baptist University. Other seminaries include Alliance Bible Seminary, Bethel Bible Seminary, China Graduate School of Theology, Chinese Mission Seminary, Concordia Theological Seminary, Hong Kong Adventist College, Hong Kong Baptist Theological Seminary, and Lutheran Theological Seminary.73 Albeit somewhat controversial (many believe that Christian education in Hong Kong was offered only to a select few and initiated primarily to teach English, so that British rule could succeed),74 Christian education has always been highly regarded and sought after in Hong Kong.75 Growth in Christian education will likely keep step with the growth of the church in China. —Shelley Trebesch

Hope The capacity of hope to engender possibilities and evoke dreams that are more powerful and expansive than the nightmarish realities of life has captured the human imagination for millennia, yielding a rich reservoir of insights and theological perspectives about its nature and power. The early church anticipated and hoped for Christ’s imminent return, grounding that hope in the promised resurrection of the “just and the unjust” (Acts 25:15) and God’s ultimate revelation to creation. With anxious expectation, Paul and other New Testament writers encouraged the church to remain steadfast, rejoicing in suffering, “knowing that suffering produces endurance, and endurance produces character, and character produces hope, and hope does not put us to shame 70. http://www.cuhk.edu.hk/theology/en/introduction2.html (accessed 15 April 2013). 71. http://www.ln.edu.hk/info-about/history (accessed 15 April 2013). 72. http://buwww.hkbu.edu.hk/eng/about_hkbu/history.jsp (accessed 15 April 2013). 73. http://atesea.net/member-schools/hong-kong/ (accessed 1 May 2013). 74. Lau, “Converging in a Colonial Setting,” 274–275. 75. Kwok Nai Wang, “Hong Kong,” in Church in Asia Today: Challenges and Opportunities, ed. Saphir Athyal (Singapore: Asia Lausanne Committee for World Evangelization, 1996), 150, 153.

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because God’s love has been poured into our hearts through the Holy Spirit who has been given to us” (Rom. 5:2–5, NRSV). Today we live in the space between promise and fulfillment. The anticipatory hope that grounded the early church has given way to uncertainty, and our capacity to live with hope during this multimillennial period of waiting seems increasingly fragile. A pervasive sense of unwellness hovers over us, and the harsh realities of economic insecurity, social instability, environmental degradation, wars, rumors of wars, suffering, and oppression in myriad forms cast shadows of despair across the globe. Our wishes and optimistic ideations have not come true, and many of our dreams remain deferred. The despairing realities of life obscure hope’s melody, such that we can scarcely sense our own deep yearning for wholeness and well-being. Hope calls the present into question. A personification of God’s Spirit assuring us of God’s presence, power, and fidelity, hope evokes yearning for wholeness and well-being and compels us toward just, liberating, and restorative action in the world. Hope is the spiritual tug that we sense, the holy indignation that we feel, that yearning for justice for all that confronts us as truth. Grounded in the theological conviction that God’s Spirit impregnates us with intense anticipation of wholeness and well-being, this image of hope echoes Paul’s letter to the Roman Church: “We know that the whole creation has been groaning in labor pains until now; and not only the creation, but we ourselves, who have the first fruits of the Spirit, groan inwardly while we wait for adoption, the redemption of our bodies. For in [by] hope we are saved” (Rom. 8:22–24a, NRSV). The Spirit groans within us, creating anticipation throughout all of creation and reminding us that we are giving birth to something new. All of creation groans; the earth and all of its inhabitants, sighing together so as to challenge the too often individualized conception of God’s Spirit in our world today. This collective groan “cries out for righteousness and justice,” filling us with hope and restless anticipation of a world in which love of God, neighbor, and the earth as our shared domicile might become the normative expression of human relationship.76 With hope we acknowledge the deeply divided and flawed nature of our world but will not concede that suffering and oppression are the inevitability of our existence. Therefore we wait, not in idleness or with mournful hearts, but with earnest expectation that our world and we are becoming new. 76. Emerson B. Powery, “The Groans of ‘Brother Saul’: An Exploratory Reading of Romans 8 for ‘Survival,’” Word & World 26, no. 3 (Summer 2004): 320–321.

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Hospitality as Christian Practice

As Christian religious educators, our task is to nurture the capacity of human persons to sense hope’s melody and give it concrete expression amid the cacophony of distortion that pervades our existence; that is, to live with hope. In Educating Congregations: The Future of Christian Education, Charles Foster identifies four practices that church educators might embrace in order to nurture hope. Church education nurtures hope, Foster writes, “if it equips children, youth, and adults to participate in the congregation’s vocation in the world, . . . when it creates space for people to practice the transforming presence of God in the world, . . . when it discovers clues to the content of the church’s mission in its own faith responses, . . . when it involves the playful exercise of the imagination.”77 Here, I expand Foster’s list by adding three insights that emerge from my own exploration of hope as well as from other theological voices. Church education nurtures hope (1) when it remembers stories of God’s presence, power, and fidelity into the present moment, including stories of forgotten voices in church and society; (2) by creating spaces and equipping persons with the tools necessary for truth-telling, reflection, repentance, repair, and reconciliation; and (3) when it incorporates communal lament, the hope-infused articulation of pain and grief, and other practices of resistance and contestation as pathways to hope and re-creation.78 As we embrace these practices, we become conduits of an “abiding hope that rises from the ground as people travel in the path of God’s promises and blessings.”79 —Veronice Miles

Hospitality as Christian Practice Hospitality is a vital Christian practice and, given the biblical emphasis on care for the orphan, widow, and stranger, an important theme in biblical ethics (Lev. 19:33–34; Deut. 14:29; Matt. 10:40–41; Rom. 12:13). Hospitality begins at the level of basic physical needs, involving provision of food and shelter to those who find themselves vulner77. Charles R. Foster, Educating Congregations: The Future of Christian Education (Nashville, TN: Abingdon Press, 1994), 125–126. 78. See the following for additional insights: Anne Streaty Wimberly, Soul Stories: African American Christian Education (Nashville, TN: Abingdon Press, 1994); Delores S. Williams, Sisters in the Wilderness: The Challenge of Womanist God-Talk (Maryknoll, NY: Orbis, 2000); Emilie Townes, Breaking the Fine Rain of Death: African American Health Issues and a Womanist Ethic of Care (New York: Continuum, 1998); Rubem A. Alves, A Theology of Human Hope (New York: Corpus Publications, 1969); Walter Brueggemann, “The Formfulness of Grief,” Interpretation: A Journal of Bible and Theology 31, no. 3 (July 1977) and “The Costly Loss of Lament,” Journal for the Study of the Old Testament 36 (1986). 79. Mary Elizabeth Mullino Moore, “Walking with Children toward Hope: The Long Road to Justice and Reconciliation,” in Spirituality and Ethics in Education: Philosophical, Theological and Radical Perspectives, ed. Hanan Alexander (Portland, East Sussex, UK: Sussex Academic Press, 2004), 97.

able. However, it goes beyond this to encompass social and spiritual needs. It includes a focus on welcome into table fellowship and, by extension, on openness of heart and attentiveness to the guest. There is a focus not only on individual acts of welcome, but also on the hospitable practices of the community toward community outsiders. While the guest may be a family member, there is in Christian reflection a particular emphasis on welcoming the marginalized and the alien. The guest is not merely fed, but also included, respected, and listened to. As Amy Oden puts it: “Hospitality requires that the host recognize both the need and the full humanity of the stranger. There is a respectful balance in successful hospitality that neither denigrates the guest’s neediness nor denies it. The other is fully honored as a child of God, while at the same time needs are addressed.”80 This means that the position of the host should not entail superiority or condescension, but rather a willingness to risk vulnerability and to receive from the guest as well as to give. Christian hospitality is practiced as a response to God’s welcome of us. Israel’s call to hospitality is grounded in its own experience of being a stranger, and the New Testament invites Christians to find the face of Christ in the face of the stranger who is to be welcomed (Matt. 25:35). As a practice of welcoming and honoring those who are socially marginal, Christian hospitality has a countercultural impetus. Embrace Miroslav Volf, arguing that our embrace of others needs to be modeled on God’s embrace of us, offers an account of the elements that characterize an authentically welcoming embrace. An embrace involves opening the arms in a moment of deliberate vulnerability, in which one lowers one’s defenses before the other. The next step is waiting for the other’s response; the embrace is not forced upon the other, who has the freedom to refuse. The third step is a mutual closing of the arms, and during the embrace each is embracing the other, with neither in a superior position. The final step is opening the arms again to release the other; an embrace does not seek to possess, but allows the other to retain his or her freedom.81 Hospitality as Educational Model When applying hospitality to education, physical hospitality (combining learning with shared food and attending to learners’ physical comfort) may be included, but the possibilities are also broader. Various educational writers have focused on the teacher’s pedagogical role as host 80. Amy G. Oden, And You Welcomed Me: A Sourcebook on Hospitality in Early Christianity (Nashville, TN: Abingdon Press, 2001), 26. 81. Miroslav Volf, Exclusion and Embrace: A Theological Exploration of Identity, Otherness, and Reconciliation (Nashville, TN: Abingdon Press, 1996), 99–166.

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and/or on the creation of an ethos in which hospitality to new ideas is practiced by the learning group. Viewing the teacher as host invokes basic relational concerns (who is included in the learning group, whether newcomers and outsiders are welcomed, whether learners feel respected and cared for while in the learning setting), but also broader pedagogical emphases. Hospitality implies that the teacher honors students, welcomes their voices, and is open to being changed by their contributions, while still having hospitality to offer; Volf’s account of embrace may suggest an alternative to both teacher-centered and learner-centered models of education. Henri Nouwen sees the role of host as calling on the teacher to provide a fearless space in which personal as well as intellectual growth can happen.82 Parker Palmer claims that three major characteristics of a learning space are “openness, boundaries, and an air of hospitality,” noting that

Newman, Elizabeth. 2007. Untamed Hospitality: Welcoming God and Other Strangers. Grand Rapids, MI: Brazos. Nouwen, Henri. 1986. Reaching Out: The Three Movements of the Spiritual Life. New York: Doubleday. Oden, Amy G. 2001. And You Welcomed Me: A Sourcebook on Hospitality in Early Christianity. Nashville, TN: Abingdon Press. Pohl, Christine D. 1999. Making Room: Recovering Hospitality as a Christian Tradition. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. Smith, David I., and Barbara Carvill. 2000. The Gift of the Stranger: Faith, Hospitality, and Foreign Language Learning. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. Volf, Miroslav. 1996. Exclusion and Embrace: A Theological Exploration of Identity, Otherness, and Reconciliation. Nashville, TN: Abingdon Press.

to be inhospitable to strangers or strange ideas, however unsettling they may be, is to be hostile to the possibility of truth; hospitality is not only an ethical virtue but an epistemological one as well. So the classroom where truth is central will be a place where every stranger and every strange utterance is met with welcome.83

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Cultivation of a hospitable stance on the part of learners creates space for interacting respectfully with new ideas and their proponents and remaining open to change while retaining a sense of boundaries (the guest is not invited to trash the house). More specific applications of the practice of hospitality to education echo the biblical focus on hospitality to the marginalized and excluded. Approaching education in terms of hospitality may involve identifying and seeking ways of welcoming participants or voices that are at risk of being marginalized in the educational process. Thinking in terms of hospitality may also be particularly apt for certain curriculum areas, such as when learning foreign languages and cultures is approached with an emphasis on learning to practice hospitality to strangers rather than with an emphasis on gaining skills for personal travel and employment needs.84 References and Resources Anderson, David W. 2011. “Hospitable Classrooms: Biblical Hospitality and Inclusive Education.” Journal of Education and Christian Belief 15 (1): 13–27. 82. Henri Nouwen, Reaching Out: The Three Movements of the Spiritual Life (New York: Doubleday, 1986), 84–97. 83. Parker Palmer, To Know as We Are Known (San Francisco: Harper, 1983), 71, 74. 84. David I. Smith and Barbara Carvill, The Gift of the Stranger: Faith, Hospitality, and Foreign Language Learning (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 2000).

—David I. Smith

Early Background and Education While scholars disagree on whether Hugh of Saint Victor was French (Flemish) or German (Saxon) by birth, they do agree that he was born in 1096, the eldest son of Conrad, Count of Blankenburg, and educated as a boy in Halberstadt. On the advice of his uncle, Reinhardt of Blankenburg, the local bishop, he entered the Abbey of Saint Victor for his studies, probably around 1115. The founder, William of Champeaux, had left Notre Dame and founded Saint Victor’s outside of Paris in 1108. His primary aim was to combine spiritual discipline and teaching, communal piety and scholarship.85 Hugh studied under the guidance and tutelage of William’s successor, Giluin, who continued Saint Victor’s reputation for piety and learning. In 1133, upon the death of the abbey’s then leader Thomas, Hugh was chosen to succeed him as head of the School of Saint Victor. Under his leadership, St. Victor’s gained a reputation for excellence in scholarship combined with virtuous living. Hugh was a popular lecturer and instructor until his death on 11 February 1141. His life and works were influential on Victorine leaders who followed him, such as Richard of Saint Victor and Andrew of Saint Victor. Most Notable Publications Considering the time in which he lived and wrote, Hugh of Saint Victor was quite a prolific writer. His most notable and influential publications are De Sacramentis (The Sacraments of the Christian Faith) and The Didascalicon 85. The fine scholarship of Paul Rorem in Hugh of Saint Victor (New York: Oxford University Press, 2009) has helped in navigating the discrepancies about Hugh’s early life.

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of Hugh of Saint Victor: A Medieval Guide to the Arts. De Sacramentis establishes Hugh as a theologian, because it is the first known attempt to systematize theological thought. Indeed, he is so well respected as a theologian that he has been called a second Augustine, the most influential theologian of the 12th century, and a forerunner to Thomas Aquinas. The Didascalicon establishes Hugh as an exemplary teacher, because it contains a framework for curricula, suggested pedagogical practices, and an emphasis on spiritual disciplines. Lesser known are his treatises on Noah’s ark, “On the Moral Interpretation of the Ark of Noah” and “On the Mystic Interpretation of the Ark of Noah,” both of which combine his interest in scripture—particularly the story of the flood—with his interest in moral formation.

the occupations of this life; and logical, which provides the knowledge necessary for correct speaking and clear argumentation. He was the first to include the pragmatic skills (mechanical) in a framework of learning. For Hugh, the study of philosophy as he divided it inevitably led to a way of life that included repentance and prayer, meditation and contemplation, and ethical living toward others. He placed a heavy emphasis on an attitude of humility, repeatedly encouraging his students to humble themselves in order to learn openly from the scriptures, from God, from their teachers, and from one another. —Laurie Matthias

Significant Contributions to Christian Education Christian higher education finds its roots in medieval universities and monasteries, and it owes much of its heritage in particular to Hugh of Saint Victor. His overriding goal for his students was to know God and to be known by Him. He believed that the best way to achieve this was to focus on creation and its restoration, both in terms of what a student studies as well as what he views as his own personal spiritual growth.86 Specifically, he saw no separation or distinction between the pursuit of knowledge or truth and the practice of virtue. In other words, the fusion of one’s faith, life, and learning was of the utmost importance to Hugh. It is difficult to view Hugh as either theologian or pedagogue; he is consistently and concurrently both. One of Hugh of Saint Victor’s strengths was the way in which he systematized learning, both theological and otherwise. Regarding the learning of theology, he advocated a specific sequence that moved the student from the foundation of historical facts, to a framework of doctrinal truths, to personal or spiritual appropriation or application. Again, even though he is linear in his pedagogical approach, he views the entire learning process as involving both the body and the mind, a confluence of the inner and the outer that leads eventually to the restoration of the whole person to what God intended him to be. Hugh also advocated a breadth of knowledge impressive for its time. He encouraged his students to learn all they could about everything. Demonstrating once again his penchant for systematic approaches, he divided philosophy (which he called a love of wisdom) into four branches of knowledge: theoretical, which strives for the contemplation of truth; practical, which considers the regulation of morals; mechanical, which supervises

John M. Hull was born 22 April 1935 in Corryong, Victoria, Australia. His father was a Methodist minister of conservative evangelical persuasion and his mother was a schoolteacher. The centrality of the Bible to Christian faith in these formative years left an imprint on him.87 He wrote about the impact of his parents’ life on his faith in The Shadow of My Parents. At the age of 13 he developed cataracts in both eyes; after several operations over the years, he became blind in 1980. He has written extensively about his disability in several books, including Touching the Rock: An Experience of Blindness (1991), On Sight and Insight: A Journey into the World of Blindness (1997), and In the Beginning There Was Darkness: A Blind Person’s Conversations with the Bible (2001). He most recent book is The Tactile Heart (2013). He and his wife Marilyn have four children, and John has an older daughter from a previous marriage.88 Hull earned a secondary teaching degree at the University of Melbourne in 1956. While teaching at Caufield Grammar School, he completed a bachelor of education degree in philosophy and psychology of education. He moved to Britain to study theology at the University of Cambridge from 1959 to 1962. While studying theology, he had a traumatic encounter with higher criticism of the Bible, which caused a crisis of faith. This crisis gave way to a theology strongly influenced by the “new theology,” with its utilization of the language of depth psychology and its embrace of secularity as part of God’s purposes for humanity.89 For Hull, the Bible continued to be the primary reference point for Christian belief, which is reflected in his book In the Beginning There Was Darkness (2001).

86. The male pronoun is used deliberately here, since all of Hugh’s students were males in the 12th century.

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87. Dennis Bates, Gloria Durka, and Friedrich Schweitzer, eds., Education, Religion and Society: Essays in Honour of John H. Hull (Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge, 2006), 3. 88. The biographical sketch is taken from http://www.johnmhull.biz/ about_jmh.html. 89. Bates, Durka, and Schweitzer, Education, Religion and Society, 3.

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In 1966, he taught at Westhill College of Education (now University of Birmingham) as a lecturer in divinity, where he trained religious education teachers. In 1969, he graduated from the University with a PhD in theology. For his contribution to the field of religious education, in 1989 he was awarded a personal chair as the first professor of religious education in a UK university. He served in a variety of capacities for over 36 years at the University of Birmingham, until his retirement in 2002. In 2004, he was appointed Honorary Professor of Practical Theology at the Queen’s Foundation for Ecumenical Education. He teaches courses in missions, social justice, and the church in the modern world for candidates in Christian ministry. 90 Religious Education and Practical Theology John Hull is an internationally known religious educator who views himself first as a Christian practical theologian applying his theology to the theory and practice of religious education. He defines practical theology as “theology seeking to be related to the problem and possibilities of human life both inside and outside the community of faith.”91 He endeavors to bring religious education into the mainstream of educational thought and practice. He has argued that it is necessary for Christian churches to adopt the same critical, reflective approach of education to the nurturing of children in their faith. His contribution to religious education both in church and state sectors is based on an overt Christian commitment that has made his thinking of great interest in the United Kingdom, Germany, the United States, and other countries around the world.92 He is one of the most influential religious educators in Germany, with many of his publications translated into German. The impact of Hull’s work extends beyond religious education to include practical theology. His own traumatic experience of total blindness has resulted in his work on a theology of disability. He has written on the distorting influence of the money culture and its impact on theology and religious belief in Western societies. Influence on Religious Education Hull’s influence on religious education is significant. In 1978, he and John Peatling cofounded the International Seminar on Religious Education and Values (ISREV). He served as its general secretary from 1978 to 2010. The ISREV is a group of over 200 religious education research scholars from 25 countries. Hull’s work with the ISREV has resulted in collaboration with leading figures in Ger90. Ibid. and http://www.johnmhull.biz/about_jmh.html. 91. John M. Hull, Studies in Religion and Education (Lewes, Sussex: Falmer Press, 1984). 92. Bates, Durka, and Schweitzer, Education, Religion and Society, 7.

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man religious education over the past 25 years. From 1971 to 1996 he was editor of the British Journal of Religious Education, and he served on its UK editorial board until 2009. He served twice as president of the National Christian Education Council, previously the British Sunday School Union, founded in 1802. He had an impact on religious education in the United States through his research in the areas of educational theory and practice, particularly as they relate to the role of theology and educational theory. In the late 1960s, this was an important issue being discussed by the Religious Education Association. He emphasized the value an educator may place on theology in educational theory. He indicated that the Christian community must decide whether theology is necessary (essential, not an option; theology must be present if education is to be Christian) or sufficient (theology alone can sustain education theory in the church) for religious education.93 Also, because of the separation of church and state in Britain, and his focus on interreligious dialogue between both religious and nonreligious sectors, U.S. religious educators were drawn to his description of the nature of religious education. This is reflected in New Directions in Religious Education (1982).94 Because of his influence on religious education in the United States, in 1992 Hull was awarded the William Rainey Harper Award of the Religious Education Association. This award is the highest award given by REA and represents an outstanding contribution to the study of religion and society and religious education. An indicator of someone’s influence in a discipline is colleagues and former students describing the impact that person has had on their lives and the field. This was the case for John Hull. The influence of his approach to interreligious education and learning in public schools and his emphasis on openness, dialogue, and encounter has been recognized by his former international colleagues and former students in Religious Education as Encounter: A Tribute to John M. Hull (2009), and a Festchrift was published to commemorate his 70th birthday: Education, Religion and Society: Essays in Honour of John M. Hull (2005). References and Resources Bates, Dennis, Gloria Durka, and Friedrich Schweitzer, eds. 2006. Education, Religion and Society: Essays in Honour of John M. Hull. Abingdon, Oxon, UK: Routledge. Hull, John M. 1977. “What Is Theology of Education?” Scottish Journal of Theology 30: 30.

93. John M. Hull, “What Is Theology of Education?” Scottish Journal of Theology, 30 (1977): 3. 94. Bates, Durka, and Schweitzer, Education, Religion and Society, 4.

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———, ed. 1982. New Directions in Religious Education. Lewes, Sussex, UK: Falmer Press. ———. 1984. Studies in Religion and Education. Lewes, Sussex, UK: Falmer Press. ———. 1985. What Prevents Christian Adults from Learning? Valley Forge, PA: Trinity Press International. ———. 1990. Touching the Rock: An Experience of Blindness. London: SPCK. ———. 1991a. A Gift to the Child. New York: Simon & Schuster. ———. 1991b. God Talk with Children. Valley Forge, PA: Trinity Press International. ———. 1995. The Holy Trinity and Christian Education in a Pluralist World. London: National Society / Church House Publishing. ———. 1997. On Sight and Insight: A Journey into the World of Blindness. London, UK: OneWorld Publications. ———. 2001. In the Beginning There Was Darkness: A Blind Person’s Conversations with the Bible. London: SCM Press. ———. 2006. Mission-Shaped Church: A Theological Response. London: SCM Press. ———. 2013. The Tactile Heart: Blindness and Faith. London: SCM Press. Miedema, Sieben, Cok Bakker, Hans-Gunter Heimbrock, and Robert Jackson, eds. 2009. Religious Education as Encounter: A Tribute to John M. Hull. Munster, Germany: Waxmann Verlag GmbH.

—Mark Maddix

Human Rights The Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the European Convention on Human Rights are post–World War II expressions of positive international law that seek to enshrine basic norms for human conduct. Many have regarded any objective morality or concept of natural right as a hopeless task. Jeremy Bentham, Friedrich Nietzsche, and Karl Marx all had their doubts about the project. Bentham regarded rights as “nonsense on stilts.” Nietzsche thought the realm of equal rights and/or universal suffrage was a frustration of the will to power and individual greatness. Marx regarded rights as the ideas of the ruling class and thus irredeemable: “The ideas of the ruling class are in every epoch the ruling ideas, i.e. the class which is the ruling material force of society, is at the same time its ruling intellectual force” (Marx 1932). It is against this backdrop that Christian teachers and educators must operate. These are some of the ideas that undermine faith in moral objectivity. If they are correct, there can be no concept of justice that binds the conscience and has ramifications for the soul, a foundational idea of Christianity and indeed most religions.

The foundation of the very idea of human rights is to be found in the natural law tradition. The idea that there are laws of nature, universal, timeless, objective, and in principle knowable, is the basis for the idea that these laws have implications for the individual. The preChristian Cicero says of the natural law: “For there is a true law: right reason. It is in conformity with nature, is diffused among all men, and is immutable and eternal; its orders summon to duty; its prohibitions turn away from offense.”95 Peoples are governed by statutes and customs (leges et mores), partly the people’s own peculiar law and partly the common law of all humankind. That law which a people established for itself is peculiar to it and is called ius civile (civil law), the special law of that civitas (state), while the law that natural reason establishes among all humankind is followed by all peoples alike and is called ius gentium (law of nations, or law of the world), the law observed by all humankind. Gaius regarded the ius gentium aspect of natural law as distinguished from civil law and defined the ius gentium as what “natural reason has established among all peoples.”96 Aquinas suggested that the ius gentium was that aspect of positive law that was immediately derived by deduction from the natural law and was universally applicable across jurisdictions.97 In this sense, the force of ius gentium was grounded both in natural law and in the human reasoning that created the institutions that flow directly from natural law. For Aquinas, an example of this is the norm of pacta sunt servanda (agreements are to be performed). On one level, making a contract is a social convention that has developed and been given legal force because it has been proved to serve the common good. Francisco Suárez and Francisco de Vitoria analyzed the concept of natural law and extended the idea of the ius gentium, highlighting the basic human rights and the natural pacts of peoples in the new world. Hugo Grotius, a Protestant thinker, and Samuel von Pufendorf sought to establish a more individualistic conception. Locke and Hobbes outlined an idea of human rights built on a social contract, and in the case of Hobbes on the basis of the need for survival, a far cry from the Socratic willingness to suffer rather than do evil. For many years, the idea of universal and timeless human rights, at least in the ivory tower, came under sustained assault. World War II brought about international instruments attempting to 95. Cicero, Rep. III, 22, 33. 96. Quod vero naturalis ratio inter omnes homines constituit . . . vocator ius gentium (Digest 1.1.9); Brian Tierney, The Idea of Natural Rights (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 2002; orig. pub. Scholars Press, 1997), 136. 97. Fathers of the English Dominican Province, eds., Summa Theologica (New York: Benziger Brothers, 1947), I–II: q. 95, a.2, 4.

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enshrine these rights in positive international law. But although human rights in terms of divine commands might be persuasive where all parties to the discussion shared the same conception of the divine, in a very diverse world those rights are not guaranteed. Billions of people are not Jewish, Christian, or Islamic. Persuading people to recognize human rights is less difficult than persuading them to accept a particular religion. Legal enactment at the national and international levels provides a far more secure status for practical purposes. In this way, secular conceptions of human rights allow discussion between peoples on basic moral norms. Since World War II, the greatest impetus for the idea of human rights that need to be respected has been the horrors of the 20th century as well as the persistent assault on innocent human life the world over by terrorism. Insisting on objectivity, universality, and timeless realities, the natural law tradition provides a foundation for Christian education and rational discourse across diverse worldviews. For the purposes of general education, it allows discussion between Christians and non-Christians and those of no faith. Entrenched as it is in truth eternal, it supplies the rational basis for all respectful discussion among peoples. Christian educators have a duty to introduce Christian doctrine to those who have no experience of it, in particular teaching on monogamy as distinct from polygamy, mercy rather than death for apostasy or adultery, and education and women’s dignity rather than child marriage. Christ kills no one, not even in self-defense. On the contrary, He offers himself up as a perfect and eternal sacrifice for the salvation of men. Human rights law, however, far from protecting Christians, is being used to undermine their very faith and practices. In numerous cases decided in the European Court of Human Rights, Christians are finding their rights of expression increasingly limited. The institutionalization of Islam is rarely questioned, and in some nonjurisdictions, millions of Christian workers have no access to any church, much less freedom from unfair taxation, freedom of belief, freedom of expression, and much more. In some countries, merely holding a Bible in public risks the death penalty. Human rights law offers Christians few protections; on the contrary, it undermines the few freedoms that Christians have in formerly Christian areas. References and Resources Aquinas, T. 1920. The “Summa Theologica” of St. Thomas Aquinas Literally Translated by Fathers of the English Dominican Province. London: Burns, Oates and Washbourne. Augustine. 1887. Translated by Peter Holmes and Robert Ernest Wallis. Revised by Benjamin B. Warfield. In Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, 1st series, vol. 5, edited by Philip Schaff. Buffalo, NY: Christian Literature Publishing.

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Cicero. 1998. The Republic, the Laws. Translated by N. Rudd. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Finnis, J. 1980. Natural Law and Natural Rights. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Freeman, M.D.A. 1994. Lloyd’s Introduction to Jurisprudence. London: Sweet and Maxwell. Grotius, H. 1814. On the Law of War and Peace. London: A.C. Campell. Hobbes, Thomas. (1651) 2006. Leviathan, or the Matter, Forme, & Power of a Common-Wealth Ecclesiasticall and Civill. Mineola, NY. Laing, Jacqueline A., and Russell Wilcox. 2013. The Natural Law Reader. Oxford: Wiley Blackwell. Locke, J. 1690. Two Treatises of Government. (Edited by P. Laslett.) Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Marx, Karl. 1932. The German Ideology: Critique of Modern German Philosophy According to Its Representatives Feuerbach, B. Bauer and Stirner, and of German Socialism According to Its Various Prophets. Vol. 5. New York: W. W. Norton & Company; 2nd Revised & enlarged edition, 1978. Scott, J. B. 1934. The Spanish Origin of International Law: Franscisco de Vitoria and His Law of Nations. London: Humphrey Milford. Sophocles. 2004. Antigone. Translated by R. C. Jebb. London: Duckworth. Suárez, Francisco. 1944. Selections from Three Works of Francisco Suarez. Oxford: Clarendon Press.

—Jacqueline Laing

Human Rights Violations The Scope of Human Rights Violations Locally and globally, violations of human rights include those actions that oppress and deny fundamental rights, human dignity, personal freedoms, and the individual’s and society’s ability to pursue independent and selfchosen, beneficial life choices. These violations consist of actions by governments, political groups, religiously motivated individuals or groups, and others who oppress or deny, by various means, those freedoms related to human rights. Specifically, these rights include freedom of religion and speech; equal treatment and due, impartial process of law; freedom from enslavement; freedom from torture, including all forms of physical and emotional torment; freedom from tyranny and from the absolute power of governmental and political bodies that interfere with the pursuit of life and liberty; and freedom to move from place to place. The Judeo-Christian Roots of Human Freedom The beliefs and perspectives of both individuals and groups concerning the meaning and values of human

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rights and human rights violations will differ slightly or significantly depending on the individuals’ or group’s philosophical or theological perspectives, sociological viewpoints, and cultural factors influencing those beliefs. In a Christian context, human rights historically derive from the Judeo-Christian scriptures, most prominently the Ten Commandments and the teachings of Jesus Christ, rather than from philosophical, sociological, or political considerations, which may primarily reflect changing secular perspectives regarding morality and ethics. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights, adopted by the United Nations on 10 December 1948, reflects an understanding of human rights and the violations of those rights derived primarily from JudeoChristian origins. Human Rights and the Creation Narrative In biblical context, the understanding of human rights begins with the Creation narrative: the scriptural confirmation that human persons, both male and female, are created in imago Dei, in the image of God, and are endowed with the gift of free will, the ability to consider various choices and make decisions based on the variety of choices available in any given circumstance (Gen. 1: 26–27). The concept of human rights begins with God’s gift to humankind of free will: the power and individual authority, granted by God, to make choices according to individual volition. The denial to any person of the right to make individual and free choices is, biblically and historically, a violation of the human rights given by the Creator. The Decalogue: Imperatives in Avoiding Human Rights Violations The individual decrees of the Mosaic Law or the Decalogue: the Ten Commandments of the Torah, constitute a further and more extensive understanding of human rights and the violation of human rights (Exod. 20:1– 17). One’s primary responsibilities toward God, toward others, and toward oneself are enumerated as the 10 principal commands that protect the rights of others, including spiritual, religious, relational, societal, and economic rights. They are the basis for establishing and maintaining moral and ethical integrity in the lives of individuals, families, communities, and whole societies, encompassing the primary basis for an understanding of human rights and their violation throughout history. Each commandment implies a free moral choice: the right to choose what is good or what is evil. In the historical and continuing tradition of Judeo-Christian understanding, these commandments affirm that free will is possible, and one may choose to act with integrity and in loving ways, toward God and others, or choose attitudes and actions that offend and dishonor God and violate the rights of others.

Jesus’s Response to Human Rights Violations The gospel of Jesus Christ includes Jesus’s response to the question: “Teacher, which is the great commandment in the Law?” (Matt. 22:36). Jesus responded by stating two commands that, in essence, encompass the basis for human rights and avoiding violations of those rights: “And He said to him, ‘You shall love the Lord your God with all your heart, and with all your soul, and with all your mind.’ This is the great and foremost commandment. The second is like it, ‘You shall love your neighbor as yourself.’ On these two commandments depend the whole Law and the Prophets” (Matt. 22: 37–40). In the Judeo-Christian context, when God is not honored and obeyed, the immediate result is the negation of individual and societal actions that model respect, caring, and love for others. The habitual practice of actions that dishonor God results in the oppression and denial of human rights, leading to the moral decline of individuals and groups within a society, which may ultimately lead to the downfall of an entire civilization. St. Paul Addresses the Principle of Natural Law Many theologians point to St. Paul’s first two chapters in his Epistle to the Roman Church as emphasizing the reality of natural law: the attitudes and actions of moral and ethical behavior understood as inherent in or derived from nature and accepted as justified by human reason. Paul maintains that the reality of God’s existence leaves humankind with no excuse for immorality: “For the wrath of God is revealed from heaven against all ungodliness and unrighteousness of men who suppress the truth in unrighteousness, because that which is known about God is evident within them; for God made it evident to them. For since the creation of the world His invisible attributes, His eternal power and divine nature, have been clearly seen, being understood through what has been made, so that they are without excuse” (1: 18–20). The theory of natural law, as derived from the Judeo-Christian scriptures, is evident in the development of Christian canon or codified ecclesial law and the accepted doctrine of various denominations and groups and underlines the principles from which the modern understanding of human rights and human rights violations are derived. Christian Education and Human Rights Violations The opportunity to pursue educational goals that enrich the experience of life and provide the knowledge, training, and skills required to prepare for effective employment is a necessary human right. Violations of human rights in education proliferate anywhere opportunities for children and adults to engage in any level of learning are oppressed or denied due to governmental, political, or religious factors, as well as racial, ethnic, and

Human Trafficking

gender prejudices. The violation of the human right to freely choose and pursue educational goals impacts the economic viability of individuals, families, and whole societies. Education in such difficult circumstances is rarely possible without the concerted efforts of individuals and groups, both religious and secular, willing to address those human rights violations that prohibit the free pursuit of educational opportunities. Historically, Christian missionary efforts devoted to establishing and maintaining educational opportunities, both locally and globally, have been a biblically based response to the need for academic progress in areas where violations exist. Often these efforts to initiate and maintain educational opportunities have succeeded, resulting in progress to eliminate certain forms of human rights violations, even in the face of grave danger to the missioners, especially in those areas were governmental, political, religious, and cultural opposition to the right of education has previously existed or continues, on various levels, to exist. References and Resources Amesbury, Richard, and George Newlands. 2008. Faith and Human Rights: Christianity and the Global Struggle for Human Dignity. Minneapolis, MN: Fortress Press. Adeney, Frances S., and Arvind Sharma, eds. 2007. Christianity and Human Rights: Influences and Issues. Albany: State University of New York Press. Claude, Richard Pierre, and Burns H. Weston, eds. 2006. Human Rights in the World Community: Issues and Action. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. Donnelly, Jack. 2013. Universal Human Rights in Theory and Practice. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. Hollenbach, David. 2003. The Global Face of Public Faith: Politics, Human Rights and Christian Ethics. Washington, DC: Georgetown University Press. Hunt, Lynn. 2008. Inventing Human Rights: A History. New York: W. W. Norton. Long, Adrian. 2009. Paul and Human Rights: A Dialogue with the Father of the Corinthian Community. Sheffield, UK: Sheffield Phoenix Press Ltd. Maritain, Jacques. 2011. Christianity and Democracy and the Rights of Man and Natural Law. San Francisco: Ignatius Press. Marshall, Christopher D. 2002. Crowned with Glory and Honor: Human Rights in the Biblical Tradition. Harrisonburg, VA: Herald Press. Marshall, Paul, Lela Gilbert, and Nina Shea. 2013. Persecuted: The Global Assault on Christians. Nashville, TN: Thomas Nelson. Shepherd, Frederick M., ed. 2009. Christianity and Human Rights: Christians and the Struggle for Global Justice. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books. Stassen, Glen H., and David P. Gushee. 2003. Kingdom Ethics: Following Jesus in Contemporary Context. Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press.

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Witte, John, Jr., and Frank S. Alexander, eds. 2010. Christianity and Human Rights: An Introduction. New York: Cambridge University Press.

—Mara Lief Crabtree

Human Trafficking As a form of modern-day slavery, human trafficking, in its simplest definition, is commercial sex, servitude, or labor services obtained through force, fraud, or coercion, through the denial of basic human rights and privileges. Human trafficking preys upon those who are vulnerable, disempowered, and poor. Followers of Jesus Christ, whose commission is to love, protect, and seek justice for those who are unable to do so for themselves, find their hearts pricked by the injustice of this modern-day pandemic. There are many avenues through which Christians choose to respond to this travesty. Within the United States, many churches and parachurch organizations reach out to women in the sexual entertainment industry, becoming regular parts of victimized women’s lives, using the avenues of encouragement and prayer support. Others choose to use backgrounds in social justice and anticrime efforts to do undercover research exploring the industry to bring the vulnerable in bondage to freedom and rehabilitation and the exploiters to justice. Other ministries go to cross-cultural contexts and work in the midst of the boroughs and red-light districts. They use friendship and living alongside women, children, and families to bring respect, awareness, and freedom to the poorest and most vulnerable of the world. Though many Christian efforts to help survivors of human trafficking revolve around evangelism, others seek to provide a holistic ministry that disciples, counsels, and rehabilitates survivors to become not only members of mainstream society, but also testimonies of God’s grace and heart for those under the bondage of trafficking. Through these ministries, survivors are exposed to the Gospel and teachings of the Christian faith, and sometimes minister with the organizations themselves through frontline engagement or speaking tours. Practically, several of these efforts seek to disciple survivors through Bible study and church involvement while providing food, medicine, shelter, basic life-skills education, and protection. A primary emphasis of specific human trafficking ministries is simply educating churches and organizations about the pervasiveness of human trafficking around the globe. Many of these ministries emphasize awareness, as combating human trafficking on the front lines is dangerous and tricky for people unaware of the challenges and lacking proper training. Thus, a thrust of many of these ministries is spreading awareness of human trafficking

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with an eye toward influencing churches to undertake the task of financially supporting these ministries and/ or encouraging people to volunteer in local ministries. Specifically, many of these ministries advocate prayer vigils, seeking the support of local and national politicians, supporting local law enforcement, sponsoring victims, refraining from consuming products tied to human trafficking practices, and several other responses. In the United States, human trafficking is pervasive, and organizations encourage churches to partner with local organizations and law enforcement to seek out hubs of trafficking and dismantle them. The Christian faith affirms the dignity and worth of each individual, as all are created in the image of God (Gen. 1:26–27). In the Old Testament, the prophet Micah spoke against the people of God because of their failure to live up to their calling as a chosen and set apart people. The injustices present during that time were perpetuated and sustained by God’s people. Micah proclaimed to the people of his day a message from God: “He has told you, O man, what is good; and what does the Lord require of you but to do justice, to love kindness, and to walk humbly with your God?” (Mic. 6:8). In the 21st century, Micah’s words ring boldly to Jesus’s followers: if God is one who seeks out justice and protection for the least in the community and world we live in, then Christians hold fast to the proclamation of Micah to live in such a way that reflects Jesus’s hope and truth. Disciples of Christ are to carry out justice, to love kindness, and to walk humbly with God, but also to expose evil and to rescue and protect those who are oppressed and enslaved.

eval scholasticism, Western scholars revived Greek and Roman literature. Christian humanists, such as Erasmus, established the foundation of humanism’s influence on the Protestant Reformation. The proliferation of humanist ideals impacted the Enlightenment and ultimately modern secular humanism. Humanist ideals such as the dignity of humanity, rationality, aesthetics, and freedom of conscience have indelibly marked the Western tradition and the Christian faith.

References and Resources

Humanism versus Humanities However, scholars such as Frank Gaebelein (1968) and Francis Shaeffer (1976) have made a firm distinction between secular humanism and the study of the humanities; both scholars advocated a “renaissance” of scholarship in the fine arts, literature, and philosophy that ultimately leads to cultural influence. Participation in the construction of culture, as inherited from the Renaissance tradition, promotes Christianity’s “capacity to influence areas in which its universality [can] shine forth again” (Nemoianu 1996, 3). Christian scholars who reject the cultural engagement of the humanities because of a fear of secularity make an immediate concession that secularity, in turn, constitutes the humanities (Nemoianu 1996). This has not been and need not be the case. The humanities provide the basis for Christian scholars to reflect universal meaning through diverse expressions of human values such as beauty, fear, hope, and the like. Consequently, Virgil Nemoianu (1996, 2) asserts that Christian scholars have an opportunity to redeem secular aesthetics and demonstrate that “no beauty, in-

Bales, Kevin, and Ron Soodalter. 2009. The Slave Next Door: Human Trafficking and Slavery in America Today. Berkeley: University of California Press. Batstone, David B. 2010. Not for Sale: The Return of the Global Slave Trade—and How We Can Fight It. New York: HarperOne. Malarek, Victor. 2009. The Johns: Sex for Sale and the Men Who Buy It. New York: Arcade Publishing. Shelley, Louise I. 2010. Human Trafficking: A Global Perspective. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Skinner, E. Benjamin. 2008. A Crime So Monstrous: Face-toFace with Modern-Day Slavery. New York: Free Press.

—Benjamin D. Espinoza and Gina Shaner Farcas

Humanism While the term “humanism” typically refers to the modern conception of secular humanism, its roots were in the Renaissance, when, following the era of medi-

Secular Humanism in Christian Perspective Modern secular humanism, however, has forced Christian scholars to confront competing claims about the nature of reality, the existence of absolutes and universals, and the limits of human goodness. Secular humanism is not identical with secularism; it emphasizes the centrality of human existence, achievement, and potential as paramount to understanding reality. Through unlimited progress, secular humanism avows a triumph of human goodness and ingenuity over ignorance, disease, poverty, and suffering. Secular human has sought to elevate the dignity of humanity, effectively positioning the human being at the center of meaning. The historic Christian faith, however, has taken into account the reality of human limitations such as sin, evil, and the human need for salvation and redemption. Although not neatly dichotomous, the Christian worldview remains in sharp conflict with humanism in the realms of both education and scholarship. Christian institutions generally stand in contrast to secular institutions in a perennial battle for influence over Western culture.

Hungary and Christian Education

telligence, or goodness is alien to Christianity.” In like manner, John Byl (2002, 89) declares that such Christian engagement can “recapture the cohesive unity in diversity of a genuine liberal arts education” and “above all address the quintessential questions of man, the meaning of existence, and how we should live.” Both Gaebelein and Shaeffer agree. Further, Statford Caldecott (2009, 133) argues that Christian scholars can uniquely “glimpse the true nature of humanity and in humanity the goal and purpose of nature.” The humanities are the consummate study of “human experience: what can happen to people and what people can do; possible ways of thinking, ways of feeling, and ways of speaking; possible motives and possible value” (Wierzbicka 2011, 36). The humanities constitute a “re-living” or “re-experiencing” of the shared cultural, moral, and spiritual experiences of the universal human community (Dennison 2007, 36) and need not be conceded to secular humanism. Instead, Christian scholars can redeem the aesthetic values inherent in the humanities, influence culture, and lead human beings to reconciliation with their Creator (Reichard 2011). References and Resources Byl, J. 2002. “Naturalism, Theism and Objective Knowledge.” Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 14 (1/2): 69–90. Caldecott, S. 2009. Beauty for Truth’s Sake: On the Re-enchantment of Education. Grand Rapids, MI: Brazos Press. Dennison, W. 2007. A Christian Approach to Interdisciplinary Studies: In Search of a Method and a Starting Point. Eugene, OR: Wipf & Stock. Gaebelein, F. 1968. The Pattern of God’s Truth: Problems of Integration in Christian Education. Colorado Springs, CO: Purposeful Design Publications. Nemoianu, V. 1996. “Teaching Christian Humanism.” First Things 7 (5), http://www.firstthings.com/article/1996/05/003teaching-christian-humanism. Reichard, J. 2011. “Humanities and Interdisciplinary Studies: Modern, Postmodern, or Christian?” Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 13: 77–96. Schaeffer, F. 1976. How Should We Then Live? The Rise and Decline of Western Culture. Old Tappan, NJ: Fleming H. Revell. Wierzbicka, A. 2011. “Defining the Humanities.” Culture & Psychology 17 (1): 31–46.

—Joshua D. Reichard

Hungary and Christian Education Hungarians moved to the Carpathian Basin in the ninth century AD. Their first king, St. Stephen, was crowned in the year 1000. The country was Christianized in the Western Christian tradition. King Stephen organized

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several dioceses, and for centuries the Catholic Church was responsible for catechism among the people. The ideas of the Reformation reached Hungary soon after 1517. Students and pastors brought with them Reformation ideas from Germany as well as Switzerland. By the end of the 16th century, as much as 90–95 percent of the Hungarian population was Protestant. The majority Protestants held a Constitutional Synod in 1567 in Debrecen; this can be regarded as the foundation of the Reformed Church in Hungary. Protestants felt a responsibility for providing Christian education from the earliest times of their presence in the country. Three colleges were founded by the Reformed Church very early: in Pápa and in Sárospatak in 1531 and in Debrecen in 1538. Primary schools were founded by the Reformed Church in almost all cities and villages. The three main colleges eventually became theological academies. The college in Debrecen was granted university status in 1990. Cardinal Péter Pázmány founded a Catholic university in 1635 in Nagyszombat. It started with a focus on theology, but other disciplines have been added to it over the centuries. The communist state nationalized it, splitting it up into several state universities after World War II. However, the Catholic Church reestablished it with several faculties (including theology, humanities, and law) in 1992 under the name Pázmány Péter Catholic University. Protestants founded another theological academy in Pest in 1855, and a few years later the Lutherans separated, forming their own college for training pastors. The Reformed Theological Academy in Budapest was granted university status by the Hungarian Parliament in 1990. Its legal successor is the Károli Gáspár University of the Reformed Church in Hungary, founded in 1993 (today with four faculties: theology, humanities, law, and teachers’ training). The Lutheran church owns the Lutheran Theological University, which trains pastors and teachers of catechism. Today all the main churches also own secondary, primary, and nursery schools. The population of Hungary is around 10 million people; about 55–60 percent belong to the Catholic Church, 15–20 percent to the Reformed Church, and 3–4 percent to the Lutheran Church. Many other smaller denominations are also present, and most of them have a theological college. Other religions are present only in small percentages. The Reformed Church in Hungary owns around 30 secondary, 100 primary, and 50 nursery schools. After 1990, Christian catechism in state schools was organized by the churches on a voluntary basis, and it has been part of the compulsory curriculum in churchrelated schools. In 2013, the state introduced a new regulation: in all the state schools there will be a compulsory new subject, and students must choose between ethics

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and (denominational) Christian catechism. Thus, the schools are now the primary places of Christian education in Hungary. References and Resources Kovács, Ábrahám, ed. 2009. Calvinism on the Peripheries: Religion and Civil Society in Europe. Budapest: L’Harmattan. Unghváry, Alexander Sándor. 1989. The Hungarian Protestant Reformation in the Sixteenth Century Under the Ottoman Impact: Essays and Profiles. Lewiston: The Edwin Mellen Press.

—Peter Balla

Hymnology Hymnology is the study of hymnody through research and analysis of its music, poetry, history, function, and practice, as well as its authors and composers. While hymnody is an ancient art predating the Christian era, the study of hymnody is a relatively modern discipline, finding its source in the origins of modern musicology in early 19th-century Germany. The first significant contribution to hymnology research was produced by the German polymath Karl Eduard Philip Wackernagle. His fivevolume Das deutsche Kirchenlied von der ältesten Zeit bis zu Anfang des 17 Jahrhunderts (1855) documented the history of the Lutheran chorale. It was, however, through the work of the English ecclesiastical renewal known as the Oxford Movement that hymnology flourished. The initial contributions to the music component of this movement came from a number of translators, most notably Catherine Winkworth (translating German chorales), Edward Caswall (translating the hymns of the Breviary), and John Mason Neale (translating ancient Greek, Latin, and Russian hymns). The work of these figures and their contemporaries resulted in the publication of Hymns Ancient and Modern (1860). This hymnal represented a broad spectrum of worship music for congregations; tens of millions of copies were printed in its initial and subsequent editions. Scholarly publications during this period include the work of the English bookseller and hymnologist Daniel Sedgwick, A Comprehensive Index of Names of Original Authors & Translators of Psalms & Hymns, with the Dates of Their Various Works (1860), and the most significant 19th-century resource in hymnology, A Dictionary of Hymnology (1892) by John H. Julian. Recent contributions to the canon of hymnological research include companion volumes for many of the significant denominational hymnals of the late 20th century. Of these, the four-volume Hymnal 1982 Companion (1990), edited by Raymond F. Glover, and Hymnal Companion to the Lutheran Book of Worship (1981), by

Marilyn Kay Stulken, are notable examples. In addition to these resources, numerous surveys of hymnology, references on focused subcategories of hymnology, and broad-based collections of “hymn stories” for the casual reader have been published. The most recent educational resource for hymnology is the website hymnary.org, produced and managed by the Christian Classics Ethereal Library (CCEL) and the Calvin Institute of Christian Worship of Calvin College. Contemporary hymnologists include Harry Eskew, Hugh T. McElrath, David W. Music, and the late William J. Reynolds. Perhaps the most noted hymnologist of the last century is the English Congregational minister Erik Routley, who produced numerous hymns, hymnals, and reference volumes. Pedagogically speaking, courses in hymnology are part of the core curriculum of Christian seminaries in the Western world, particularly those that train church musicians and grant degrees in that field. Common methods for teaching and studying hymnody include analysis of both texts and music to determine form and meter, hymn writing, exploration of tune-name origins, and historical surveying. The field of hymnology is well represented by professional organizations and societies, including The Hymn Society in the United States and Canada (1922), The Hymn Society of Great Britain and Ireland (1936), Internationale Arbeitsgemeinschaft fuer Hymnologie (1959), and the Internationale Gesellschaft für Studien des Gregorianischen Chorals (1975). These and other similar bodies promote the study and use of congregational song through educational workshops, conventions, scholarly journals, hymnological tours of historically significant sites related to hymnody, and numerous other efforts. —Mark Bowdidge and R. Kevin Johnson

Hymns as an Educational Tool From the Greek word hymnos, meaning songs of praise, didactic hymnody has roots in the Hebrew Bible, and hymns were sung by Jesus and the disciples (Matt. 26:30). Psalmody was the use of the biblical psalms in worship, as distinguished from hymnody, the creation and use of poetic and musical compositions in worship. The distinction goes back to Paul’s admonition to edify one another through the use of “psalms and hymns and spiritual songs” (Eph. 5:19). Hymns are a means by which the spiritual heritage is received and passed on to subsequent generations. For centuries they have taught people about God and how to praise and have helped to form Christian identity. Throughout the history of the church, hymn singing has been a major means of building Christian community (Hawn 1990, 44).

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Protestant reformers wrote hymns to challenge some of the accepted theology of the day. Martin Luther (1483–1546) wrote hymns like “A Mighty Fortress Is Our God.” In England, Isaac Watts (1674–1748) was a prolific hymn writer. Charles and John Wesley wrote thousands of hymns. These theologians knew the power of the hymn to teach. John Wesley wrote in the preface of his Collection of Hymns to be Sung by the People Called Methodists that this book was “large enough to contain all the important truths of our most holy religion” (Wainwright 1980, 201). Some hymnals from this era were written expressly for children, such as Watts’s Divine Songs Attempted in Easy Language for the Use of Children (1715), John Wesley’s Hymns for Children and Others of Riper Years (1763), and Cecil Frances Alexander’s Hymns for Little Children (1845). Watts used concrete imagery like birds, trees, and flowers that children would appreciate, but also included severe descriptions of heaven and hell. Many of these hymns for children revealed views of children that do not reflect what is known today about developmental psychology (Hawn 1990, 46). Negro spirituals were sung by slaves who came to America, engendered by the way their faith buoyed the struggle for freedom. The Sunday school movement made use of hymns for all ages. The Gospel hymns of Fanny Crosby (1820–1915) were popular in Sunday school assemblies. Hymns contain scripture, doctrine, poetry, piety, emotion, prayer, confession, stewardship, and eschatological longing (Wainwright 1980, 198, 204–205). James A. Warren has noted, “We are what we sing. Our songs affect our thinking, values, worldview and actions” (1988, 13). Hymns express theology and influence theological thinking, but are influenced by theology as well. Knowing the power of language, feminist theology of the 1970s called for the need to make the language of the hymns more inclusive and gender neutral. Today some people may object to certain theologies represented in some of the old hymns. Some hymns contain imagery and language that many have claimed are too intense for children. Most Protestant denominations have made recent revisions of their hymnals to use both traditional and updated language and images so that hymns continue to enhance faith rather than raise a stumbling block. Contemporary hymn writers like Brian Wren, Ruth Duck, and Miriam Therese Winter attempt to articulate the Christian faith in today’s language. Some traditions have preferred the singing of choruses and praise music over the traditional hymns. Another development is the inclusion of hymns from many cultures. African American spirituals have become part of denominational hymnals, as well as hymns from Latin America, Korea, and many other places. A genre of literature on hymn stories exists as a means of Chris-

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tian education, telling the backstories of why particular hymns were written. Hawn notes, “It is natural to sing one’s faith. Singing is a holistic human activity that joins both rational discourse (left brain) and emotional sensibility (right brain) into a unified expression” (1990, 44). Music ignites the imagination and becomes embedded in memory. According to Don Saliers, hymn singing is the knitting together of an embodied theology (1997, 185–186). Communicating Bible stories and theology through hymns is an important task in Christian education. References and Resources Farlander, A. 1936. “The Place of the Hymn in Christian Education.” Religious Education 31 (4): 298–301. Hawkes, M. 1984. Sing to God: Songs and Hymns for Christian Education. Cleveland, OH: Pilgrim Press. Hawn, C. M. 1990. “Hymnody and Christian Education: The Hymnal as a Teaching Resource for Children.” Review and Expositor 87: 43–58. Morgan, R. J. 2003. Then Sings My Soul: 150 of the World’s Greatest Hymn Stories. Nashville, TN: Thomas Nelson. Saliers, D. 1997. “Singing Our Lives.” In Practicing Our Faith: A Way of Life for a Searching People, edited by Dorothy C. Bass, 177–192. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Wainwright, G. 1980. Doxology: The Praise of God in Worship, Doctrine and Life. New York: Oxford University Press. Warren, J. 1988. O for a Thousand Tongues. Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan.

—Susan Willhauck

Hymns, Early Christian The earliest Christians associated “psalms, hymns and spiritual songs” with teaching and admonition (Col. 3:16), as well as with shared confessional praise of God as Holy Trinity (Eph. 5:18–21). By the fifth century, Prosper of Aquitaine’s “legem credendi lex statuat supplicandi” exhorted all to diligent prayer and worship, manifesting a biblical faith. Liturgical theology has ancient foundations. Messianic believers sang the Old Testament Psalms (Greek hymnos, Latin carmen). These proclaimed wholeperson love of the one true God as creator and redeemer, identity in a covenant community of faith, and a living hope anticipating the coming kingdom. Other poetic pieces were utilized. For example, the Greek church drew from the Bible codex Alexandrinus (fourth century) nine passages as “canonical” biblical odes or canticles: Exodus 15:1–18; Deuteronomy 32:1–43; 1 Samuel 2:1–10; Habakkuk 3:2–19; Isaiah 26:9–21; Jonah 2:2–9; Daniel 3:26–45, 52–56, 57–90; and Luke 1:46–56, 68–79. The earliest surviving Christian hymn collection, the “Odes of

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Solomon,” was likely sung antiphonally. Its Syrian provenance anticipates later works by Ephrem. Luke’s gospel preserved Zechariah’s “Benedictus,” Mary’s “Magnificat,” and Simeon’s “Nunc Dimittis.” Studies demonstrate the influence of Jewish midrash on these infancy narratives, presenting theological motifs of promise, fulfillment, and praise. Hymnic elements in Paul’s letters include Ephesians 5:14; Colossians 1:15–20; 1 Timothy 3:16; and perhaps most notably, Philippians 2:6–11. At the end of the first century, this high Christology is echoed in the hymns of Revelation 4:11, 5:9–10, and 7:15–17. The Roman governor Pliny the Younger, in AD 112, sent to Emperor Trajan an early notice of Christian meetings: “On a fixed day they used to meet before dawn and recite a hymn among themselves to Christ, as though he were a god. So far from binding themselves by oath to commit any crime, they swore to keep from theft, robbery, adultery and breach of faith.” This linking of Christ-centered song with discipleship ethics is significant. By century’s end, the educator Clement of Alexandria’s theological primer Paedagogus closed with the triumphant hymn, “Shepherd of Tender Youth.” From the third century comes the traditional evening hymn-chant of the Orthodox Church, Phos Hilaron (“O Gladsome Light”). Rome’s fourth-century legalization of Christianity brought debates within the church over the nature of God. Countering Arian initiatives, the classic Te Deum, bishop Ambrose of Milan’s “O Splendor of God’s Glory Bright,” and poet Aurelius Prudentius’s “Of the Father’s Love Begotten” are all hymns rich in Nicene theology and are remembered for their beauty. It was this faith to

which Augustine converted in AD 386. His treatise De Musica was begun before baptism and was foundational to themes in Confessions books 9 and 10. His argument in 10.33 is that music uniquely moves humans, both through the act of singing and by what is sung. When we’re captivated by the tune only, careless of the words, there is distraction and sin. But when truth is empowered through melody, our affections find proper direction, bringing us deep delight—and glory to God. Theologian and worshipper, Augustine anticipates the “cloud of witnesses” to come, following their Lord, singing together the story. References and Resources Charlesworth, J. 2009. The Odes of Solomon: The Earliest Christian Hymnbook. Eugene, OR: Cascade Books. Church, F., et al. 1988. The Macmillan Book of Earliest Christian Hymns. New York: Macmillan. Farris, S. 1985. The Hymns of Luke’s Infancy Narratives. Sheffield, UK: JSOT. Ferguson, E. 1997. “Hymns.” In Encyclopedia of Early Christianity, 2nd ed. New York: Garland Press. Fontaine, J. 1992. “Hymn-Hymnology.” In Encyclopedia of the Early Church, edited by Angelo DiBernardino, 672–678. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Liderbach, D. 1998. Christ in the Early Christian Hymns. Mahwah, NJ: Paulist Press. Martin, R. 1997. Carmen Christi: Philippians 2:5–11 in Recent Interpretations and in the Setting of Early Christian Worship. Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press. Stapert, C. 2007. A New Song for an Old World: Musical Thought in the Early Church. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans.

—James D. Smith III

I Iceland and Christian Education The Viking explorers who settled Iceland between AD 870 and 930 brought with them the traditional Norse religion. However, in the year 981 Christian missionaries arrived from Germany preaching the Gospel. While the settlers did not immediately convert to Christianity, the Icelandic parliament (the Althing) decided that they would become Christians in the year 1000. In 1550, Lutheranism became the official religion of Danishcontrolled Iceland. An independent republic since 1944, Iceland’s population numbers just over 320,000 (January 2013). Approximately 82 percent of the population claim membership in the National and Free Lutheran Churches. Approximately 5 percent are registered with various other Christian congregations—including Roman Catholics and Pentecostals. Most significant for the Christian education of young people is the confirmation process, in which the majority of Icelandic children engage. Another important education program is the Sunday school, which is also an important means of service and outreach to parish families. Summer camps form another key component in the Christian education of children and youth. Religious freedom is guaranteed by the Icelandic constitution, but Christianity has always occupied a privileged position. For example, instruction in the basic tenets of the Christian faith is part of the elementary public school curriculum. Due to increasing pluralism, public education now includes teaching children about other religions as well. Recently there have been voices raised against the emphasis on Christianity, and some have criticized the unrestricted access to school students that members of the clergy enjoy, as well as groups like the Gideons.

Education and training for Lutheran Church leaders is conducted for the most part by the theological faculty of the University of Iceland. Many of the leaders of the smaller church bodies receive their training for ministry through Bible schools and seminaries in Europe and North America. References and Resources Aikins, Gregory. 1991. “Iceland.” In New 20th Century Encyclopedia of Religious Knowledge, edited by J. D. Douglas, 417–418. Grand Rapids, MI, Baker. Einarsson, Sigurbjörn. 1981. “Church Profile: The National Church of Iceland Celebrates 1,000 Years of Christianity in Its Country.” Lutheran World Information, no. 41: 1–38. University of Iceland. n.d. “Hvers vegna eru kristin fræði kennd í grunnskólum á Íslandi?” Accessed 10 May 2013. http:// visindavefur.hi.is/svar.php?id=5275. Iceland Statistics Bureau. http://www.statice.is/.

—W. Gregory Aikins

Icons Icons are a distinctive feature of Eastern Christian churches and their liturgy and spirituality. They are sacred images depicting Jesus Christ; the Virgin Mary (the Theotokos in Orthodox nomenclature); one or more saints; prophets of the Old Testament; and events in their lives, biblical events, and milestones in the history of the Church. Even when depicting a contemporary event, icons are created according to a style first established in the Byzantine era (AD 600–1500), although various styles and schools of art do exist. In addition to wall or panel paintings, icons are executed as frescoes, mosaics, embroidery, relief carvings, engravings, and more. Since

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the invention of photography and printing, icons are photographed, printed, and mounted for use. The role of imagery was largely unchallenged for the first seven centuries of Christian history. The iconoclastic controversy began in 726, when Emperor Leo III (r. 717–741) ordered their removal from public spaces, as an act of religious reformation. He believed that the use of icons was idolatrous and that the empire had prospered when it was under the Sign of the Cross as it had been under Emperor Constantine the Great. In 754 the church, at the Council of Hieria, officially condemned icons, ordering their destruction. As a result, only a few examples of icons from before this period exist. The controversy continued until the Seventh Ecumenical Council in 787, held in Nicaea, organized under the reign of Empress Irene (regent for her son, Constantine VI, 776–797), overturned the decisions of the 754 council and restored the icons. This proved only a temporary reprieve. In 815, a council held at the Hagia Sophia of Constantinople overturned the 787 council and reinstated the decrees of 754. But in 843, a council at Constantinople, organized under the leadership of Empress Theodora (regent for her son Michael III, 842–867) restored the decisions of the 787 council. To this day, the Eastern churches celebrate this event on the first Sunday of Great Lent as the “Sunday of Orthodoxy.” The theological controversy pitted iconoclasts, the “destroyers of icons,” and iconophiles, the “friends of icons,” although the term “iconodules” is also used. While there are almost no extant iconoclast writings, the iconophile argument was largely framed by John of Damascus (c. AD 650–675 to 749) and Theodore (759–826) of the Stoudios Monastery in Constantinople. The controversy centered around four issues: the Decalogue prohibition, whether an icon could depict the divinity and humanity of Christ, whether an icon was homoousios with what it depicted, and whether icons were being worshipped. Regarding the Decalogue, iconophiles responded that God also created images of Himself in scripture, Christ who is the “image of the invisible God” (Col. 1:15), and humanity itself, created in God’s “image and likeness” (Gen. 1:27). To the second point, the iconophiles argued that because of the incarnation, an image of Jesus was not only acceptable but necessary to prove His historicity. The icon depicted the person of Christ, in the fullness of his humanity and divinity. Third, the iconophiles argued that to call an icon homoousios with what it depicted was preposterous; while many images of the emperor could be found, there was still only one emperor. So it was with icons. Finally, the iconophiles argued that indeed, only God was due worship (latreia or douleia); icons were venerated (proskynesis), a relative form of honor, and the honor paid to the image passed through to the prototype.

Icons are a central feature of church decoration and an integral part of liturgical worship. They decorate a church building according to a predetermined program. Within the liturgy, icons may be carried in processions preceded by candles and incense in and around the church. Icons are also central to the devotional lives of Eastern Christians. They are found in homes, places of business, automobiles, classrooms, and other places, where they serve as expressions of personal faith and piety, as well as defining spaces for prayer. In both churches and homes, icons are used as material for sermons and instruction. At the time of the iconoclastic controversy, many of their defenders called icons “books for the illiterate.” What they depict is considered equal to what can be found in scripture and is lifted up for people as examples for imitation in their lives. References and Resources Cavarnos, C. 1993. Guide to Byzantine Iconography. Vols. 1–2. Brookline, MA: Holy Transfiguration Monastery. Pelikan, J. 1974. The Christian Tradition: A History of the Development of Doctrine. Vol. 2, The Spirit of Eastern Christendom (600–1700). Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Tradigo, A. 2006. Icons and Saints of the Eastern Orthodox Church. Translated by S. Sartarelli. Los Angeles: Getty Museum. Vrame, A. 1997. The Educating Icon: Teaching Wisdom and Holiness in the Orthodox Way. Brookline, MA: Holy Cross Orthodox Press.

—Anton C. Vrame

The Idea of a University John Henry Newman (1801–1890), the Anglican cleric leader of the Tractarian or Oxford movement who later became Roman Catholic and was appointed a cardinal in 1879 by Pope Leo XIII, wrote The Idea of a University in 1852.1 In this work, Newman proposed that the university “is a place of teaching universal knowledge. This implies that its object is, on the one hand, intellectual, not moral; and, on the other, that it is the diffusion and extension of knowledge rather than the advancement.”2 These words reveal three important affirmations that proved influential in education, especially Catholic higher education. First, Newman saw university education as concerned with “teaching” and “the diffusion and extension of knowledge rather than the advancement.” He argued that universities do not exist as places of research but of 1. James E. Reed and Ronnie Prevost, A History of Christian Education (Nashville, TN: Broadman & Holman, 1993), 276–277. 2. John Henry Newman, The Idea of a University (1852), ix, http:// newmanreader.org/works/idea/#contents (accessed 15 September 2013).

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teaching. Second, the subject matter is to be everything that is part of “universal knowledge,” including theology. Newman believed that true teaching and knowledge must be comprehensive and give attention to all areas that complete one’s full knowledge of all things conducive to intellectual excellence. Third, his statement indicates that he saw the goal of university studies as being a modification of Greek paideia, the formation of character and virtue. University education has as its goal “intellectual, not moral” knowledge or excellence. Thus, Newman sees intellectual development and excellence as the highest ideal for human beings, as opposed to any moral or religious vision of virtue.3 Newman’s proposals in The Idea of a University were decidedly antimodern, though shaped by the Enlightenment, culturally biased, and theologically problematic. Concerning the purpose of university education, he observed, “If its object were scientific and philosophical discovery, I do not see why a University should have students; if religious training, I do not see how it can be the seat of literature and science.”4 Again, Newman emphasized the teaching function of university education, a priority with which many would agree in the contemporary North American context. But even though he founded a Catholic college in Ireland and defended the place of theology in university education, Newman made it clear that “religious training” is not the focus of collegiate experience. In “Discourse 5: Knowledge Its Own End,” he specifically rejected any utilitarian goal for higher education: “Knowledge is capable of being its own end. Such is the constitution of the human mind, that any kind of knowledge, if it be really such, is its own reward.”5 Newman rejected any specifically professional purpose or ecclesiastical concern for Christian formation as inappropriate. The education he desired had very definite advantages of particular cultural nature and, of course, presumed the leisure to pursue such benefits: What are these advantages? I repeat, they are in one word the culture of the intellect. Robbed, oppressed, and thrust aside, Catholics in these islands have not been in a condition for centuries to attempt the sort of education which is necessary for the man of the world, the statesman, the landholder, or the opulent gentleman.6

Here Newman is proposing a view of university education conducive to producing a “gentleman,” obviously, male and with certain socioeconomic status and opportunities. His view of human nature also turns out to 3. David H. Kelsey, Between Athens and Berlin: The Theological Education Debate (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1993), 33–34. 4. Newman, Idea of a University, ix. 5. Ibid., 103. 6. Ibid., xv.

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be overly rationalistic and theologically problematic. As David Kelsey has noted, The Idea of a University reflects an understanding of education that sees persons as “contemplators” within an intellectual tradition who are little affected as agents by particular social, political, cultural, and economic structures; thus Newman does not take seriously the sociality of human persons or the ways in which knowledge—and one’s view of education, in this case—is socially constructed.7 Kelsey concluded, “If contemplative capacities are more basic to our humanity than are competencies for intentional action, it is not surprising that Newman’s idea of teaching should privilege intellectual values that correlate with political, economic, and social privilege.”8 References and Resources Kelsey, David H. 1993. Between Athens And Berlin: The Theological Debate. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. Newman, John H. 1852. The Idea of a University. Accessed 15 September 2013. http://newmanreader.org/works/idea/#contents. Reed, James E., and Ronnie Prevost. 1993. A History of Christian Education. Nashville, TN: Broadman & Holman.

—James P. Bowers

Idealism Idealism has been largely considered by philosophers of education, such as George Knight and Michael Peterson, to be one of three traditional philosophies (the other two being realism and neoscholasticism) that privileges the mind and ideas as constitutive of reality, in contradistinction to the material or empirical world. While the origin of idealism as a school of thought can perhaps be traced back to Plato (429–347 BC), its rich corpus as a whole must be considered in the context of a network of loosely interrelated systems of ideas about reality throughout history, particularly since the Enlightenment. What is clear, however, is that without René Descartes’s notion of the first item of knowledge, Cogito Ergo Sum (“I think, therefore I am”), the basis of philosophical idealism could not have been ascertained. In one sense, when contrasted to the phenomena of the material or contingent, Plato is rightly seen as an idealist. However, if idealism is allied with nominalism—a philosophical tradition that denies the independent existence of universal essences that correspond to abstract concepts or universals, which instead only exist in language or names—and against realism, such idealism would cease to apply to Plato, since in a broad sense he may also be re7. Kelsey, Between Athens and Berlin, 41–46. 8. Ibid., 46.

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garded as a realist. For Plato, the ideas obtained through human sensory experience are limited and inaccurate. Instead, ideas are not merely construals of human minds; they exist in a more authentic and perfect realm consisting of ideas or forms that are eternal and immutable, functioning as the structure and character of the world. Some two millennia later, the British empiricist John Locke (1632–1704) espoused epistemological idealism, wherein he argues that the empirically perceived sensory data of objects of reflection themselves constitute ideas. Empiricism functions as the avenue through which ideas of reality are construed and adjudicated, thus implying its comparability with idealism. William Berkeley (1685– 1753), another British empiricist, advanced epistemological idealism further, arguing that all perception took the form of ideas, declaring, “to exist is to be perceived.” Reality, for Berkeley, consists exclusively of minds and their ideas. Seen by many as counterintuitive, his argument is rather strong and flexible and able to withstand most objections. Basically, in this immaterialist idealism, when human beings perceive ordinary objects, they perceive only ideas of such objects. Therefore, human beings perceive only ideas. In response to the seemingly indefensible or unverifiable position of Berkeley, German philosopher Immanuel Kant (1724–1804) emphasized the cognitive activity of the mind in the way human beings perceive reality. Human cognition, for Kant, entails the use of cognitive structures or categories that the mind imposes in order to understand and to organize perception and understanding. Importantly, what is postulated in Kant’s understanding of reality is the existence of reality that is external and noncontingent to the mind, that is, the “thing-in-itself”—forever unknowable. Thus his central concern in the formulation of transcendental idealism was the possibility of metaphysics: philosophical knowledge that transcends the constraints of experience, but also the inevitable possibility—namely, the problem of the antinomies or contradictions in constructing valid proofs for each of the two or more conflicting positions in metaphysics. Subsequently, Georg Wilhelm Fredrick Hegel’s (1770– 1831) preoccupation was to situate his own idealist system in the dialectic between concrete history and logic. Based on his key presupposition that history reveals a rational process of development of the historically conditioned nature of human thinking, Hegel argued that by scrutinizing history, human beings could comprehend their own nature and vocation in the world. In The Philosophy of History, Hegel declares, “The history of the world is none other than the progress of the consciousness of freedom.” Yet for Hegel, freedom is not some sort of individual autonomy, as John Stuart Mill conceived,

but it is, by interrogating the external forces that control human beings, the human capacity to take control of those forces. The ultimate end of human beings, then, is to be able to share a common ability to reason as a willing community built on a rational basis where the duty and the self-interest of the human being coincide. Driven by an extraordinary optimism, Hegel envisioned nothing less than working toward creating a rational and harmonious community that is grounded in his metaphysics, particularly in his concept of Geist (spirit and/or mind in English), an overarching collective Mind/Spirit, which is an active force throughout history, and of which all individual minds are a part. Mind/Spirit, for Hegel, was the ultimate reality in a monistic sense, where everything that exists in the world as distinct parts is interrelated within one vast, complex system, which he called the Absolute, thus absolute idealism. However, Hegel’s identification of the Absolute with Mind/Spirit provoked the left-wing young Hegelians, such as Ludwig Andreas Feuerbach and Karl Marx, to reject the “mysticism” in which Hegel enveloped his system, and to replace Spirit with material, socioeconomic forces of the community where a complete harmony between the interests of the individual and the common interests for all exists. Idealism as a whole is a network of loosely interrelated systems postulating varying permutations of the distinction between appearance/perception and reality. While proponents of idealism apprehend reality empirically, nominally, transcendentally, or absolutely, they view the world in general as rational and purposeful. Moreover, they all seem to construe human beings, in varying degrees, as an interpretive community that strives toward mutual interest. In this sense, the telos of education in the confines of philosophical idealism is twofold: imitation of the Absolute and reflection of the Ideal. Imitation of the Absolute provides counterpoints or correctives to human sensory experience, especially perception, which is inevitably finite, confined, and partial, functioning as the structure and character of what the authentic reality of the world can be. Reflection of the Ideal challenges human beings to strive to clarify reflexively the patterns of cognitive processes and live out their lives to authenticate what they believe. Furthermore, reflection of the Ideal challenges human beings to strive toward establishing a rational and harmonious community in which everyone is committed to playing his or her distinct part within one vast, complex system. References and Resources Collinson, Diane. 2006. Fifty Major Philosophers. London: Routledge. Honderich, Ted, ed. 2005. The Oxford Companion to Philosophy. New ed. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

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———, ed. 2001. The Philosophers. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Knight, George. 2006. Philosophy & Education. 4th ed. Berrien Springs, MI: Andrews University Press. Lechte, John. 2007. Fifty Key Contemporary Thinkers. London: Routledge. Peterson, Michael. 2001. With All Your Mind. Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press. Thiselton, Anthony. 2002. A Concise Encyclopedia of the Philosophy of Religion. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker.

—S. Steve Kang

Ignatius of Loyola Early Background and Education Ignatius of Loyola (1491–1556), a Spanish mystic, is the founder of the Jesuit Order and author of the Spiritual Exercises, a manual for spiritual renewal and living a disciplined Christian life. Recovering from a severe leg injury that he had sustained in battle, while reading the lives of the saints Ignatius had an epiphany and redirected his life to following Christ. He lived for a time as a hermit, studied Latin in Barcelona, and received a master of arts degree in Paris in 1528. In 1537, he and his six Spanish followers, who together as “friends of the Lord” had taken a vow of poverty and service, were ordained in the church. The pope granted the request of Ignatius to establish the Jesuit Order in 1540, and he served as the superior general until his death. Significant Contributions to Christian Education The most significant contribution of Ignatius to the field of Christian education is his manual of spiritual formation, called the Spiritual Exercises. In his words, “the spiritual exercises are means to prepare and entice the soul to separate itself from disorderly desires and then to seek and find God’s will for one’s life.” The exercises were a progressive development by Ignatius based on the direction he gave others. The educational method of the exercises is a form of directed mentoring in which the director, under the direction of the Holy Spirit, leads the retreatant through a series of four stages or weeks: purgation and preparation, Kingdom of Christ, meditation on the suffering of Christ, and finally, the resurrection of Christ and the experience of divine love. The purpose of these stages is to understand the movements of consolation and desolation of the soul so as to distinguish and follow the signs of the good spirit in contrast to the evil spirit. The lasting value of the exercises is in the pedagogy that Ignatius employed. Rather than a lock-step method of instruction, the manual, written for the director, gives guidance and

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suggestions for leading the retreat in personal discernment during the 40-day period through reflection, meditation, and discipline. The exercises remain a standard requirement for the Jesuits today; they have been adapted through many iterations for personal and community settings among the clergy and laity in Catholic circles, and their use is increasing among Protestants desiring growth in spiritual formation. Besides founding the Society of Jesuits, Ignatius founded the Roman College (now the Gregorian University) and the German College to prepare priests for Germany. Through his missionary zeal, Ignatius was also responsible for sending Jesuits throughout the world. When he died at the age of 65, 16 years after the order was formed, there were 1,000 members of the Jesuit Society. Most Notable Publications Besides writing and rewriting the Spiritual Exercises, Ignatius wrote the constitutions, dictated an extensive autobiography that develops his understanding of spiritual formation, and left behind more than 8,000 personal letters, 7,000 of which have been published. Ignatius. 1974. The Autobiography of St. Ignatius Loyola, with Related Documents. New York: Harper & Row. Ignatius, and Louis J. Puhl. 2000. The Spiritual Exercises of St. Ignatius: Based on Studies in the Language of the Autograph. Vintage Spiritual Classics. New York: Vintage Books. Ignatius, and Joseph N. Tylenda. 2001. A Pilgrim’s Journey: The Autobiography of Ignatius of Loyola. Rev. ed. San Francisco: Ignatius Press.

Resource Meissner, W. W. 1992. Ignatius of Loyola: The Psychology of a Saint. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.

—Philip Bustrum

Illiterates in a Literate Culture An illiterate individual is distinguished by the inability to read and write. Illiteracy is categorized as illiterate, semi-illiterate, functionally illiterate, and hidden illiterate (a recently added category). The functionally illiterate division is large, as the individuals in this category can read and write simple words, but not well enough to handle employment qualifications or everyday living skills. Illiteracy is a global problem, which has poor life outcomes for illiterate individuals, such as poverty, unemployment, social exclusion, crime, and long-term illness. Poor life outcomes for illiterates are prevalent in developed and undeveloped countries. The problem of being illiterate is more widespread among women and

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children than among men. Illiteracy leaves in its wake individuals who are very unlikely to be able to change their employment and living conditions and as a result will remain in the same condition all of their working lives. Literate individuals have a better opportunity to improve their standards of living because they are better able to function in the working world. It is not uncommon for individuals who are illiterate to be on welfare and receiving unemployment benefits. This results not only in low income, but also in illiterates’ struggling in other areas of their lives. For example, illiterates have health issues due to not being able to read prescriptions or understand directions give to them. The effects of being illiterate are seen within the family structure, as illiterate parents are not able to assist their children with homework and have lower expectations and aspirations for their children. Illiterate individuals are often stripped of their hope for higher education, as the inability to read or write will hinder them from attempting higher education. However, there are illiterate individuals who are interested in Christian education and enroll to take classes pertaining to the Bible, church polity, and Christian living, especially within their denomination. This is an opportunity for Christian educators to do their part to strike a blow against illiteracy. The World Literacy Foundation declared in 1948 that every individual has a right to an education. Since that time, this organization has worked steadily to decrease illiteracy. Consequently, illiteracy had begun to decline. However, with widespread population increases, the World Literacy Foundation (WLF) has not been able to keep up with the population growth. The WLF believes that to rid the world of illiteracy, a mind-set shift must take place in how illiteracy is viewed. The WLF has given illiteracy the same status as a disease and states that when the world views illiteracy as a disease, then the inhabitants of the world will treat illiteracy as a disease that must be eradicated, just like any other disease. Christian education must take a role in assisting with eradicating illiteracy, not only as a means of discipleship, but to help the illiterate, so that the illiterate can then help themselves. References and Resources Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. n.d. “Adolescent and School Health: Childhood Obesity Facts.” Accessed 21 August 2013. www.cdc.gov/healthyyouth/obesity/facts.htm. Cree, Anthony, Andrew Kay, and June Steward. 2012. “The Economic & Social Cost of Illiteracy: A Snapshot of Illiteracy in a Global Context.” Final Report, World Literacy Foundation. SIL International. n.d. “Literacy in the 90’s: The Role of SIL.” Accessed 28 July 2013. http://www-01.sil.org/literacy/lit90/ illit.htm.

—Candace C. Shields

Imagination as Christian Practice Maria Harris observes that imagination is “far too complex a reality to be reduced to mere definition. It is imagination’s nature not to pin down.”9 Hence, when tempted to settle for just the standard definition—the capacity to see in the mind what does not exist in the senses—we quickly grant her point. At times, for example, imagination attends not to fantasy but to what exists with the purpose of rendering the familiar strange again. Imagination is frequently associated with art and with aesthetic ways of knowing that stir the human heart. While powerful, aesthetic insights resist logical or empirical agendas of specificity and certainty. Furthermore, imagination is integral to the human capacity for self-transcendence, a decidedly mixed blessing, as Adam and Eve discovered. Given this ambiguity, perhaps it is inevitable that imagination be implicated in both doxology and devilry within the Christian tradition. The Bible’s assessment of imagination holds theological themes in tension. On the one hand, imagination finds itself indicted for its propensity to incline humans to idolatry. The Bible repeatedly warns against “imaging” God out of concern for domesticating God for human purposes. Imagination also may prompt a kind of creativity on the part of humans that is inappropriate to their creaturely status. The capacity for transcendence may (wrongly) tempt human beings to usurp God’s unique creative role, even to fancy themselves as God. The physicist Robert Oppenheimer, chief architect of the atomic bomb, testified to this danger when he confessed: “The physicists have known sin.”10 That humans can contemplate building weapons capable of destroying all life does not mean that they should so imagine, let alone indulge their demonically idolatrous fantasies. On the other hand, the writer of Colossians imaginatively and positively portrays Jesus as the “image” (eikon) of God (1:15). Gazing upon Jesus, Christians are provided a window into Holy Mystery. More than that, however, Jesus as “image” not only functions to point toward God; He fully participates in the divinity He represents. Here the door is opened to the faithful use of imagination within the Christian tradition. If flesh and blood humanity may faithfully image the invisible God, then by analogy humans may make imaginative use of material things for their own iconographic purposes. Water, bread, and wine become ingredients of sacraments. Music, drama, storytelling, stained-glass windows, and other visual

9. Maria Harris, Teaching and the Religious Imagination: An Essay in the Theology of Teaching (San Francisco: HarperSanFrancisco, 1991), 8. 10. Quoted in Parker Palmer, To Know as We are Known (San Francisco: Harper & Row, 1983), 25.

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arts proliferate for doxological purposes. Holy men and women are declared saints. Of what does the Christian imagination consist, and what is its purpose? Minimally, it would seem to require a rich trove of images—symbols, stories, practices—that display God’s history of covenant association with Israel; self-revelation through the life, death, and resurrection of Jesus Christ; and intent to build a realm consistent with God’s creating and redeeming nature. Imaginative knowing is associative and expansive, not specifying and reductive; therefore the larger the image trove, the greater the possibility for faithful imagining. In addition, Christian imagination includes awareness that Christian images themselves always bear a surplus of meaning. When Christians use even a single symbol, story, ritual, or metaphor, they speak and enact limitless possible associations. “Bread,” for example, implies companionship, thanksgiving, abundance, feasting, trust, value, community, life, and also (broken) body. This plurality is entirely appropriate when the imagination’s ultimate referent is a God who transcends human capacities for description. The abundance of images, coupled with their polyvalence, supports the Christian imagination’s capacity for the prophetic task. According to Brueggemann, this includes exposing the lies of the “managed speech” of empire.11 Where empire seeks to reassure that “the state of the union is strong,” prophets speak God’s righteous anger against smoothed-over injustice. They do so imaginatively by juxtaposing common images in uncommon ways or by placing new images next to conventional wisdom. Through this poetic enterprise, the prophet carves the familiar into stark relief, inviting persons into different perspectives and renewed truthful vision. These dynamics are at work when Hosea declares Israel, the self-assumed bride, “whore,” or where Jeremiah dons a yoke of slavery, mocking his nation’s pretense to protected status in light of its disobedience to God. While the Christian imagination enables prophets to see that the emperor has no clothes, it is also a constructive and creative capacity. As Dykstra observes, Christian imagination “sees what is ‘not yet’ and works to create it.”12 It interpretively correlates the images from its trove with the present fears, hopes, joys, and sufferings of human beings and communities. Where persons are yearning for or claiming identity as God’s beloved children in Christ, seeking and finding healing from per11. See Walter Brueggemann, The Creative Word: Canon as a Model for Biblical Education (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1982), chapter 3. See also Brueggemann, The Prophetic Imagination (Philadelphia : Fortress Press, 1978). 12. Craig Dykstra, “Pastoral and Ecclesial Imagination,” in For life Abundant: Practical Theology, Theological Education, and Christian Ministry, ed. Dorothy C. Bass and Craig Dykstra (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 2008), 59.

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sonal and social ills, or where hope-filled transformative action toward justice is “rolling down like the waters,” the Christian imagination sees the Spirit at work. More than creatively linking God’s saving past with the present, then, it also seeks to equip persons to participate in God’s saving work. Christian imagination acts in anticipation of the future it imagines with hope. —Fred P. Edie

Imagination, Biblical Foundations of Humanity is continually acquiring knowledge. The process begins at birth and continues for as long as one pursues it by availing oneself of all accessible means. Learning characterizes one’s life when knowledge is implemented in all facets of life. Life is enhanced and enriched by acting based on past knowledge, by continuing to pursue greater understanding, and by demonstrating wisdom. Knowledge is best acquired by actively pursuing it, and one effective means in that pursuit is engagement of the imagination in that process. Imagination is the faculty of formulating mental images of things not present. In the realm of epistemology, one many imagine a future state of knowing or envision a future experience to which one aspires. The desire to gain more knowledge or to learn more regarding something involves engaging the imagination to envision the goal one hopes to achieve, and thereby using the various means of knowledge that are accessible. The nature of imagination is such that no prerequisites are established with regard to what is possible for achieving an envisioned experience; it ponders the outcome that is not a component of one’s current experience and considers what would be necessary to achieve it. Imagination uses the creative processes of the mind to seize an idea, then delineates and focuses attention on whatever is within its possibility. As one more compellingly and conspicuously envisions the future condition or knowledge that one desires, the process for achieving that goal will be more effective, efficient, enjoyable, and productive. Imagination must be distinguished from the realm of fantasy, wherein one functions in contradiction to reality and ignores facts of life. The more one refines and works toward the vision of the future, the easier it is to formulate the means for achieving that notion and to achieve a greater condition of knowledge than previously known. Imagination is dependent upon existing knowledge for the discovery of new meaning and perspective; it is frequently prompted by external incentives, such as through the accumulation of facts, by means of an experience, or by the example of someone currently or formerly respected. Imagination strategizes a future condition of existence and knowledge that one envisions but that is not

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yet realized. The more one engages the imagination to strategize toward the desired goal of knowing, the more diligently and perseveringly will one perform the task of acquiring the desired knowledge. Envisioning future circumstances of a desired condition for knowing something necessitates acting toward that desired condition, such as in the educational process. As students imagine something not currently realized, they become productive contributors and participants in a manner that elicits pleasure and satisfaction. A student’s emerging imagination is obliged by envisioning a lucid and persuasive notion of his or her future and can then use the knowledge that is already acquired to continue the process of gaining more knowledge in the pursuit of these envisaged conditions. Of course, a parent or teacher can hinder the development of an active and productive imagination by means of disappointment and discouragement. Believers in Jesus Christ are able to use their imagination in a manner that is impossible for those who are not believers (cf. 1 Cor. 2:6–16). The “surpassing greatness of [Christ’s] power toward us who believe . . . [is] . . . far above all rule and authority and power and dominion, and every name that is named, not only in this age but also in the one to come.” Christ is “able to do far more abundantly beyond all that we ask or think,” thus the church ought to desire and pursue “the hope of His calling” beyond all else in life (Eph. 1:18–23, 3:20). The believer’s imagination is captive to an authentic and reliable authority (Deut. 8:3; Matt. 5:18; 2 Cor. 10:5; 2 Pet. 1:3)—having been made alive together with Christ (John 3:3; Eph. 2:1–4)—and this rebirth results in a newness and transformation of life (Rom. 6:4, 12:1–2). The believer’s future is “far beyond all comparison,” and thus is “an eternal weight of glory” for stimulating the imagination (2 Cor. 4:17). References and Resources Brahn, Eva T. H. 1991. The World of the Imagination. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield. Cocking, John M. 1991. Imagination: A Study in the History of Ideas. London: Routledge. Forbes, Cheryl. 1986. Imagination: Embracing a Theology of Wonder. Portland, OR: Multnomah. Holmes, Urban T., III. 1981. Ministry and Imagination. New York: Seabury Press. Kearney, Richard. 1988. The Wake of Imagination. New York: Routledge. Kilby, Clyde S. 1985. “Into the Land of the Imagination.” Christian History 4: 16–18. Lewis, C. S. 1964. The Discarded Image. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Markman, Keith D., William M. P. Klein, and Julie A. Suhr. 2009. Handbook of Imagination and Mental Stimulation. New York: Psychology Press.

Murphy, Peter, Michael A. Peters, and Simon Marginson. 2010. Imagination: Three Models of Imagination in the Age of the Knowledge Economy. New York: Peter Lang. Ryken, Leland, ed. 2002. The Christian Imagination. Colorado Springs, CO: WaterBrook Multnomah.

—Ron J. Bigalke

Imago Dei The author of Genesis sets the stage for understanding both who we are and for what we were created: Then God said, “Let us make man in our image, in our likeness, and let them rule over the fish of the sea and the birds of the air, over the livestock, over all the earth, and over all the creatures that move along the ground.” So God created man in his own image, in the image of God he created him; male and female he created them. God blessed them and said to them, “Be fruitful and increase in number; fill the earth and subdue it. Rule over the fish of the sea and the birds of the air and over every living creature that moves on the ground.” (Gen. 1:26–28)

This idyllic picture was shattered by the Fall into sin. The goal of education is to lead people to become once again what they were originally created to be, to be like God. Although it sounds contradictory, secular education shares the same goal as Christian education—to make students become more like God—but it does so without acknowledging God. In psychological terms, the goal is self-actualization. In biblical terms, the path that Adam and Eve took when they fell into sin resembles a radically secular approach to education. Instead of acknowledging God as the ultimate authority for their faith and life, Adam and Eve sought to determine on their own what was right and wrong. The “tree of the knowledge of good and evil” from which Adam and Eve ate has often been misunderstood as a tree that would reveal knowledge to Adam and Eve, as if God had created them without knowledge and then forbade them to acquire it. That cannot be a correct understanding. Adam and Eve were originally created as moral beings with whom God could communicate about what was right and wrong, and who would know that to obey God’s commands was right and to disobey them was wrong. The Hebrew root yd’ (to know), used in the phrase “tree of knowledge,” is better understood here with the meaning that it and its cognates have in some contexts: opine, judge, perceive. Perhaps the best parallel is Job 32:6, in which a nominal cognate is used for the expression “to declare my opinion” (ESV; likewise Job 32:10, 17). Understood in this way, the sin of Adam and Eve was repeated by the Israelites during the period

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of the judges: “In those days there was no king in Israel, everyone did what was right in his own eyes” (Judg. 17:6; 21:25). Similarly, Adam and Eve’s “eyes were opened” (Gen. 3:7, cf. 5) to perceive reality on their own, contrary to God’s point of view. It is not that they were blind before they ate the fruit, but that they could not see in this way. For Adam and Eve, as well as for the Israelites during the period of the judges, their fundamental sin was to set themselves up as the ultimate authority to decide what was right or wrong, regardless of what God had said. Although it sounds contradictory, that made Adam and Eve more like God, as He Himself says (Gen. 3:22), but it did so in a radically secular way that disregarded God, so He expelled them from the garden. Christian education leads people to become more like God in ways that fulfill the purpose for which God created them. It sets a framework within which all studies can flourish without rebelling against Him. God’s revelation through His Word and work is treated with respect. The entire universe is studied as a work of God that reflects His power, glory, wisdom, justice, and compassion for the creatures He has created (cf. Job 38–41; Ps. 19:1–4, 97:6; Matt. 5:43–48; Rom. 1:18–32; Acts 14:17). While human beings are the only creatures explicitly called “the image of God,” they share with other created things the quality of being like God. In fact, the word ’el/’elohim (god) is used to describe mountains, hills, trees, stars, gardens, fire, angels, and various categories of people. Wherever one searches in the universe, there he will find likenesses of God. This adds to the joy and excitement of discovery for both teacher and student in all areas of study. Christian education, however, can never be content with studying God’s works in nature. It is essential to include the study of God’s Word as well. God creates a new spirit in those who study His Word, a spirit that knows who the one true God is, assents to His will, and delights to live in His holiness. With this new spirit, people regain a spiritual likeness that had been lost in the fall (cf. 2 Cor. 4:3–7; Eph. 4:22–24; Col. 3:9–10). In addition, God begins to restore other corrupted likenesses, encouraging creativeness, purposefulness, the ability and desire to rule as stewards over creation according to His plan, and the treasuring of social relations. Every area of study in the humanities, sciences, or professional studies is a new arena in which students are nurtured to grow in mind, body, and spirit so that they can represent God to others and fulfill His purpose in their lives. References and Resources Crossan, John. 1959. Imago Dei: A Study of Philo and Saint Paul. Maynooth, Ireland: n.p. Hoekema, Anthony A. 1986. Created in God’s Image. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans.

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Horton, Ronald A. 1992. Christian Education: Its Mandate and Mission. Greenville, SC: BJU Press. Jastram, Nathan. 2004. “Man as Male and Female: Created in the Image of God.” Concordia Theological Quarterly 68 (1): 5–96. Knight, John A. 1976. In His Likeness: God’s Plan for a Holy People. Kansas City, MO: Beacon Hill Press. Westermann, Claus. 1974. Genesis 1–11: A Commentary. Translated by John Scullion. Minneapolis, MN: Augsburg. 1984.

—Nathan R. Jastram

Imitation and Christian Maturity Margaret Miles observes that “in order to live the Christian life, one must first imagine such a life, must visualize what it might look like, might feel like.”13 The image of the Christian imitation (particularly the imitation of Christ) and its vision of Christian maturity provides one metaphor of the Christian life. Miles notes that imitation is probably the most frequently developed traditional metaphor, evident in the writing of Gregory of Nyssa, Thomas à Kempis, and Francis of Assisi.14 In addition, this vision of imitation and transformation spawned a number of movements in early Christianity, from the Desert Fathers and Mothers (including the Benedictines), to the Franciscans and Poor Clares, to early Methodism and its emphasis on accountable discipleship.15 These movements also provided varying views of Christian maturity, often through the lens of Christlikeness or the more general category of holiness.16 This particular approach to Christian discipleship is anchored in an ascetical or disciplined approach to spiritual formation, reminiscent of athletic or military training.17 While adherents often place attention on the exercise of the will (to do the right things), Christian educators should note that true imitation is also about the alignment of the heart (with its attendant desires or affections) as well as engagement of the mind and imagination with the virtues and possibilities resident within this approach. 13. Margaret Miles, Practicing Christianity: Critical Perspectives for an Embodied Spirituality (New York: Crossroad Publishing, 1990), 19. 14. Ibid., 21–42. 15. Joann Wolski Conn, “Toward a Spiritual Maturity,” in Exploring Christian Spirituality: An Ecumenical Reader, ed. Kenneth J. Collins (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Books, 2000), 364–371; Robin Maas, “Wesleyan Spirituality,” in Spiritual Traditions for the Contemporary Church, ed. Robin Maas and Gabriel O’Donnell (Nashville, TN: Abingdon Press, 1990), 303–330; Philip Sheldrake, Spirituality & History: Questions of Interpretations and Methods, new ed. (Maryknoll, NY: Orbis, 1991, 1995), 116–140. 16. Stephen Barton, ed., Holiness Past and Present (London: T & T Clark, 2003). 17. Alister E. McGrath, Christian Spirituality: An Introduction (Oxford: Blackwell Publications, 1999), 9; Karen Marie Yust and E. Byron Anderson, Taught by God: Teaching and Spiritual Formation (St. Louis, MO: Chalice Press, 2006), 87–93.

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As noted, the category for Christian maturity, Christlikeness or holiness, provides a very general metaphor, similar to the language of imitation. Douglas J. Davies notes: In Christianity holiness refers primarily to God as the source of salvation, and can be pursued in the direction of ethics, commandments and covenants, and of worship, rituals and devotion. Depending upon context, particular stress may be placed upon any of the three persons of the Holy Trinity, on some particular church, the Bible, or some rite or leader.18

Davies states that holiness may invoke a number of subsidiary emphases, including giftedness, embodiment, ritual, vitality, action, reciprocity, merit, and purity.19 While Christian maturity does not always adopt the language of holiness, the vision of Christlikeness also carries many of the same themes of instilling “a preoccupation with the life of Christ in occupations, and ultimately in Christian lifestyle.”20 Christian maturity evokes a personal vision of participation both upon, and with, Jesus. While a number of writers in spiritual formation have sought to fashion guides to assist Christians in the process, Christian educators should realize that the vision of Christian maturity culminates in a desire to emulate Christ, yet adapts to surrounding circumstances so that particular patterns of mature practice may vary based on culture or historical location. Christian educators should note the potential limitations of this metaphor as well as its strengths. For instance, Philip Sheldrake cautions that imitation and maturity language, anchored in early Christian martyrdom, often invokes an individualistic understanding of discipleship and holiness, rather than embracing communal frameworks.21 In addition, Miles cautions against tendencies to pit souls against the physical body, operate out of a misplaced sense of fear, or become preoccupied with suffering. In particular, Miles notes that imitation language (particularly couched in language of denial and denigration) can create enormous problems for women when they are already in positions of inequity.22 Similarly, Joann Wolski Conn notes that the biblical tradition situates Christian maturity within an experience of deep, inclusive love of the Triune God, present within all aspects of life, including one’s sinfulness.23 This love results in a holistic vision of Christian maturity, includ18. Douglas J. Davies, “The Sociology of Holiness: The Power of Being Good,” in Holiness Past and Present, ed. Stephen Barton (London: T & T Clark, 2003), 49. 19. Ibid., 48–67. 20. Miles, Practicing Christianity, 33. 21. Sheldrake, Spirituality & History, 68–70. 22. Miles, Practicing Christianity, 32–42. 23. Conn, “Toward a Spiritual Maturity,” 364.

ing integrative growth (as in growth in grace) rather than degradation or elitism.24 Christian educators can nurture a vision of seeking to imitate Christ, to follow the ministry and message of Jesus in a way that results in Christlikeness or holiness of heart and life. As a strenuous, inspirational metaphor for Christian education, this vision enables a robust practice, as long as the theological theme of grace and the presence of community serve as necessary companions on the journey. References and Resources Barton, Stephen, ed. 2003. Holiness Past and Present. London: T & T Clark. Conn, Joann Wolski. 2000. “Toward a Spiritual Maturity.” In Exploring Christian Spirituality: An Ecumenical Reader, edited by Kenneth J. Collins, 355–378. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Books. Maas, Robin. 1990. “Wesleyan Spirituality.” In Spiritual Traditions for the Contemporary Church, edited by Robin Maas and Gabriel O’Donnell, 189–213. Nashville, TN: Abingdon Press. McGrath, Alister E. 1999. Christian Spirituality: An Introduction. Oxford: Blackwell Publications. Miles, Margaret. 1990. Practicing Christianity: Critical Perspectives for an Embodied Spirituality. New York: Crossroad Publishing. Sheldrake, Philip. (1991) 1995. Spirituality & History: Questions of Interpretations and Methods. New ed. Maryknoll, NY: Orbis. Yust, Karen Marie, and E. Byron Anderson. 2006. Taught by God: Teaching and Spiritual Formation. St. Louis, MO: Chalice Press.

—Dean Blevins

Immigrants In the Old and New Testaments, God instructs the nation of Israel about its treatment of foreigners living in the land. In Hebrew scripture, a foreigner is defined as a person from a different racial, religious, ethnic, and/ or linguistic background than the majority Israelite population. As they have emerged from an immigrant heritage of their own, God implores the Hebrew people to remember their own suffering in Egypt as they interact with resident aliens (Exod. 23:9, 22:21). When the law was given to Moses on Mt. Sinai, consideration was made for foreigners living among the Israelites. Under the law, permanent residents were not to be oppressed or mistreated (Exod. 22:21, 23:9); they were to be given a fair 24. Ibid., 372–376.

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wage (Deut. 24:14, 15), Sabbath rest (Exod. 20:10, 23:12; Lev. 25:6; Deut. 5:14), and access to surplus produce (Lev. 19:10, 23:22, 14:28–29; Deut. 24:19–22). Overall, immigrants were to be treated with the same respect as if they were native-born (Lev. 19:34). However, despite these allowances in the law, foreigners were often the poorest residents in Israel, along with orphans and widows (Lev. 14:28–29; Deut. 24:19). In the New Testament, non-Israelites were increasingly involved in Jesus’s ministry and the life of the church. Foreigners were listed in Jesus’s genealogy (Matt. 1), present at His birth (Matt. 2:1–12), and recipients of His ministry (Matt. 8:28–34; Luke 7:1–10; Mark 5:1–20; Luke 8:28–39, 17:11–19). As Samaritans (Acts 8:4–25) and Gentiles (Acts 10) were added to the Christian community, a new understanding of being an heir of Abraham emerged (Gal. 3; see Gen. 12:3). The foreigners in the land who followed Christ were now “no longer foreigners and strangers, but fellow citizens with God’s people and also members of his household” (Eph. 2:19). From biblical times, immigrants, or foreigners in the land, have faced a variety of challenges. Uprooted from their home countries, immigrants experience the challenge of living without the social and physical assistance of extended family members and friends. Once settled in a foreign land, immigrants are often considered permanent outsiders due to their diverse sociocultural backgrounds. In 2009, the International Organization for Migration (IOM) recorded that there were approximately 214 million immigrants worldwide. During the past decade, the primary reasons for immigration were displacement due to natural disasters, national economic crisis, gender inequality in the workplace, and forced immigration due to war or political unrest. Since the first century, Christianity itself has been a migratory religion. According to 2014 Pew Research statistics, approximately 105 million immigrants globally are Christians, equaling 49 percent of the total immigrant population. In the United States, 72 percent of all immigrants in 2010 self-identified as Christians, and 85 percent of immigrants to Latin America and the Caribbean were listed as Christians. In considering these statistics, Christian education among immigrant populations often refers to supporting Christian communities, not evangelization. In Beyond Christendom, Jehu J. Hanciles (2009) notes the consistent pattern of mission-minded migrants spreading the gospel throughout church history. In the world today, some of the largest Christian churches are led by African immigrants, including the Kingsway International Church Centre in London, England, and the Embassy of the Blessed Kingdom of all Nations in Kiev, Ukraine. Despite the extension of Christianity via immigration, theological education has struggled to accom-

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modate the specific needs of the Christian diaspora. In addressing the lack of immigrant access to theological education, the ETE Global Study Report on Theological Education, presented at Edinburgh (2010), highlighted several directives for future development. The key mandates were (1) the need for theological institutions to develop innovative and financially affordable models of theological education; (2) the imperative for institutions and denominations to work with global interdenominational partnerships; and (3) the need to diversify theological education through online curriculum and the expansion of non-English-language teaching resources, curriculum, and publications. References and Resources ETE Global Study Report on Theological Education. 2010. http://www.oikoumene.org/en/resources/documents/ wcc-programmes/education-and-ecumenical-formation/ ete/edinburgh-2010-study-group/report-on-edinburgh -2010-session-on-the-future-of-theological-edcuation-in -the-21st-century. Hanciles, Jehu J. 2009. Beyond Christendom: Globalization, African Migration and the Transformation of the West. Maryknoll, NY: Orbis. Pew Forum Research. 2014. http://www.pewforum.org/2014/ 04/04/global-religious-diversity/ Wan, Enoch, ed. 2012. Diaspora Missiology: Theory, Methodology, and Practice. Portland, OR: Institute of Diaspora Studies.

—Sarita D. Gallagher

India and Christian Education According to tradition, Christianity was brought to India in the first century by Thomas, one of Jesus’s 12 disciples. Christian education in the modern era has been shaped primarily by the influence of the missionary movement of the late 19th and early 20th centuries. One of the missionaries’ initiatives was to connect the Sunday school curriculum with the day schools associated with the mission, emphasizing the role of the church and the influence of the Sunday school teacher. More recently, Christian education has been strongly shaped by the ecumenical movement through the formation of regional and national conferences, which were begun for evangelization purposes but became powerful influences for church union. This has led to the formation of union theological institutions. As a result, Christian education is viewed from a broader perspective, with an emphasis on moral education and Christian character formation. In 1964, the National Council of Churches in India formed one national structure for theological education:

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the Board of Theological Education of the Senate of Serampore College (SSC). There are currently 51 affiliate institutions, representing a broad spectrum of Christian traditions. While the SSC is attempting to update its curriculum to speak to the current issues of poverty, indigenization of faith, and plurality of religions, the influence of earlier missionaries is still strong, and changes occur very slowly. —Thomas Kimber

Indoctrination A Dilemma Driven by the evangelistic and discipling objectives of the Christian church—to ensure that all people take their rightful place in the Kingdom of God—it is very easy for leaders and educators to put pressure on students. They may claim a biblical warrant to do so (e.g., 1 Cor. 9:22) but fail to show due concern for allowing participants the appropriate degree of self-determination, which lies at the heart of the faith and theology being proclaimed. The worthy end does not give license to allow any means, which could justify the charge of indoctrination (in its contemporary sense). Indoctrination in Educational Literature Much is written about indoctrination, usually in the context of schools and authoritarian societies, and especially where there is an element of compulsory participation. Historically it has been a positive term, similar to some of the common meanings of education. Within religious settings, it has meant teaching doctrine, or instructing in religious belief. However, in contemporary educational usage indoctrination has a negative stigma, with a meaning akin to “unreasonable manipulation.” Indoctrination in its negative connotation has been described as “the teaching of any subject matter with the intention that it be believed regardless of the evidence . . . [and] so defined, is morally reprehensible.”25 In broadly religious education settings, with their assumption that “faith can be proposed but not imposed,”26 indoctrination has been further defined as “the attempt to impose beliefs and belief systems on others by authority and by methods which allow little or no room for questioning, when the beliefs themselves more properly call for a free and critical acceptance.”27 25. Ivan A. Snook, Indoctrination and Education (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1972), 75. 26. Graeme Rossiter, “The Need for a ‘Creative Divorce’ Between Catechesis and Religious Education in Catholic Schools,” Religious Education 77, no. 1 (1982): 34. 27. Charles F. Melchert, “Does the Church Really Want Religious Education?” Religious Education 69, no. 1 (1974): 19.

Indoctrination in Christian Faith Communities In Christian education, the underlying concern is the need for integration between the theology and educational philosophy of institutions. Key theological values that have a significant impact on the indoctrination discourse include belief in individual personal worth before God; the call to change allegiance to an alternative society, the Kingdom of God; and a communitarian perspective. Indoctrination in Christian faith communities may be deemed to occur when elements of the intentional processes of that community inhibit holistic edification appropriate to a participant’s stage of development:28 • Holistic edification recognizes that the goal of education in Christian settings is comprehensive transformation of people toward Christian maturity.29 Rational autonomy (a major outcome in school-based education) arising from appropriate knowledge is necessary, but along with changed beliefs, values, and attitudes—and this transformation depends on growing commitment that is voluntary, self-determined, and (the corollary) without coercion. • Intentional processes acknowledge that indoctrination may happen in evangelism, discipleship, and spiritual formation settings that are intentional but less formal and less obviously “educational” than many church-based teaching/learning programs. Corporate worship services, small groups, and camp/retreat settings have special potential for being indoctrinating. • The word “elements” highlights the potential within both the explicit and implicit forms of educational curriculum for indoctrination to eventuate, consciously or otherwise. The dynamics and impact of psychosocial elements of the “hidden curriculum” are especially powerful. Responsibility does not necessarily lie only with the educational facilitators per se; a facilitator’s intention may not be to indoctrinate, but indoctrination may still be perceived to have resulted. • The phrase “appropriate to a person’s stage of development” recognizes that the indoctrinating potential of any element in the processes is dependent on how it is normally responded to by different people. Certain intervention techniques may be indoctrinating for children but not adults, and may vary for those at different stages in their faith development.

28. Allan G. Harkness, “Educational Indoctrination in Christian Faith Communities,” Journal of Christian Education 45, no. 3 (2002): 37–38. 29. See Education, Paul’s Concept of.

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Principles to Limit Indoctrination The application of four principles will lessen the likelihood of indoctrination in Christian settings: 1. Create open community: Relational and uncoercive settings that reflect biblical dynamics of community will minimize the potential for indoctrination. In such settings, participants will be able to probe and evaluate their faith commitment, free to respond as and when they are ready. Families—in extended or nuclear form—are an especially significant setting for such encouragement. 2. Encourage comprehensive commitment: All the dimensions and directions of Christian faith commitment (Luke 10:27) need to be explored, internalized, and owned for effective transformation. But as leaders and educators encourage this, they need to emulate the example of Jesus, who challenged people to adopt God’s values and clearly laid down the demands of discipleship, but never forced anyone to respond to His claims (e.g., Mark 10:22; John 6:60, 66). 3. Appreciate the realities of power and influence: To enhance uncoerced responses, those who facilitate spiritual nurture and growth in others need to ensure that they do not trade on the goodwill generated with people to hustle them into making assertions or commitments they do not understand or are not yet ready for. Even in “willing-involvement” activities, a power differential will exist between the designated leaders and the participants, and the leaders need to know how to handle their power appropriately.30 4. Recognize the limitations of participants: It is very easy to unwittingly impose emotional and spiritual pressure on persons of any age, so knowing their participants is a key for leaders to avoid indoctrination. With children an example is recognizing their levels of dependence and developing autonomy; with adults, an example is encouraging open discussion or alternative viewpoints and not forcing the sharing of personal experiences and spirituality. Corporate Worship: A Special Concern Indoctrination concerns arise especially in corporate worship services, with their inherent heightened affective component, as it is there that the development and expression of voluntary, self-determined, and uncoerced commitment is most frequently challenged.

30. Ray Anderson, The Soul of Ministry (Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press, 1997), 191.

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Here, special care needs to be taken to ensure techniques are not used that are likely to override the personal autonomy of the participants in such areas as creating settings that are overly charged emotionally, the style of challenges to respond, and implicit peer pressure for behavioral conformity. References and Resources Anderson, Ray. 1997. The Soul of Ministry. Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press. Copley, Terence. 2005. Indoctrination, Education and God: The Struggle for the Mind. London: SPCK. Harkness, Allan G. 2002. “Educational Indoctrination in Christian Faith Communities.” Journal of Christian Education 45 (3): 33–47. Hill, Brian V. 1990. That They May Learn: Towards a Christian View of Education. Exeter: Paternoster Press. Melchert, Charles F. 1974. “Does the Church Really Want Religious Education?” Religious Education 69 (1): 12–22. Rossiter, Graham. 1982. “The Need for a ‘Creative Divorce’ Between Catechesis and Religious Education in Catholic Schools.” Religious Education 77 (1): 21–40. Snook, Ivan A. 1972. Indoctrination and Education. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. Thiessen, Elmer J. 1993. Teaching for Commitment: Liberal Education, Indoctrination and Christian Nurture. Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press.

—Allan Harkness

Indonesia and Christian Education Christianity came to Indonesia during the invasion by the Portuguese and the Dutch in the 16th and 17th centuries. The Portuguese brought the Catholic faith, while the Dutch introduced the Protestant religion, the fruit of the Reformation. The pietistic movement in Europe during the 18th century, which brought more missionaries, also contributed to the growth of Christianity throughout the area. Numerous church organizations exist in Indonesia today, including Catholic, Lutheran, Reformed, Presbyterian Calvinist, Anglican and Episcopal, Mennonite, Baptist, Methodist, evangelical, Pentecostal, and charismatic, as well as the Salvation Army. The government recognizes the existence of Jehovah’s Witnesses, Mormons, and Christian Scientists. Christian education in the local congregation in general occurs through child ministry in Sunday school programs, catechism for adult baptism and youth confirmation, and premarital guidance. Seminars and workshops for laypeople, training for activists and leaders, midweek

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Institute for Christian Studies

worship services, and small group activities are other forms of religious education. Church-based schools and colleges provide religious education and extracurricular activities for the spiritual formation of students. As an implementation of the state constitution and the law on education, religious education is compulsory in formal education from schools to universities. Therefore, opportunities for Christian faith learning in many formal institutions are available, even taught by certified teachers appointed and paid by the government. Although the constitution of Indonesia and its ideology, the Pancasila (the five principles), guarantee religious freedom, churches have been suffering significant hindrances from fundamentalist Muslims. This situation demands more creative strategies of congregation education. The practices of Christian religious learning in educational institutions in majority Muslim communities have also faced difficulties. Access for Christian teachers in government schools and universities has become limited. Fortunately, in many areas local churches cooperate to provide and support voluntary teachers to teach Christianity in the nearby government schools or universities. —Binsen Samuel Sidjabat

Institute for Christian Studies The Institute for Christian Studies (ICS), Toronto, is a research institute and graduate school of interdisciplinary philosophy and theology in the Reformed tradition. ICS prepares students to teach in colleges and universities in various fields and also supports the professional development of teachers and those in other walks of life and forms of social engagement. The doctor of philosophy, master of arts (philosophy), and master of worldview studies programs are distinguished by their foundational, interdisciplinary, and reformational approach, the latter term designating the philosophical tradition inspired by neo-Calvinist Dutch intellectuals. Most prominent in the early generations of this tradition were Abraham Kuyper, Herman Dooyeweerd, and D. H. Th. Vollenhoven, who all taught at the Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam (VU), which Kuyper founded. In 2010, ICS established the Centre for Philosophy, Religion and Social Ethics, in which it has invited a number of institutions to partner. The Centre also serves public outreach, connecting its research agenda with issues in the broader community. This is a fundamental concern of Christian scholarship as ICS envisages it: to explore the ramifications of the gospel for life beyond the academy, so that healing may be experienced throughout the world that God in Christ, by the power of the Spirit, has created and redeemed.

History ICS owes its establishment to Dutch immigrants convinced of the vital role of universities in providing cultural and societal leadership. On the initiative of a number of pastors and others in the Christian Reformed Church in North America, the Association for Reformed Scientific Studies was formed in 1956. This denomination had long been committed to Christian day schools and college education (Calvin College being founded in Grand Rapids, Michigan, in 1876). Unsurprisingly, Calvin College significantly influenced those who were to become faculty at ICS, especially through Dr. H. Evan Runner, who himself became a part-time faculty member in the early days. Whereas Calvin College was an institution of the CRCNA, ICS (like the VU) was established free of control by the church (and state), in accordance with the Kuyperian societal principle of sphere sovereignty. The institute enrolled its first students in 1967, with the appointment of Dr. Hendrik Hart. Early subsequent appointees as “senior member” (indicating the collegial approach at ICS, where “junior members” work with a mentor in the expectation of a particularly close academic relationship) included Dr. James H. Olthuis and Dr. Calvin Seerveld; all three men remained at ICS until retirement. Dr. Bernard Zylstra served as the first principal and president (1978–1985); he was succeeded by Dr. Clifford Pitt (1985–1989), Dr. Harry Fernhout (1989–2005), Rev. Dr. John Suk (2006–2008), Mr. Chris Gort (2010–2012), and copresidents Rev. Dr. Tom Wolthuis and Mrs. Dawn Wolthuis (2013–). ICS began granting master’s-level certification in 1972. In 1983, the Parliament of Ontario authorized the master of philosophical foundations and a program of doctoral studies in cooperation with the VU. In 1992, the master of worldview studies was approved; in 2004, royal assent enabled ICS to mount a doctorate in its own right (with the conjoint degree continuing to be offered) and to award the master of arts (philosophy). As a graduate school, ICS was to be the penultimate step toward a Reformed university, in cooperation with sister colleges. ICS affiliated with these institutions in the 1980s in an organization known as the Reformed University of North America, but ambitions moderated, and this transformed into a looser grouping, the Association of Reformed Institutions for Higher Education (renamed Association for Reformed Colleges and Universities in 2012). Though not a seminary, ICS is affiliated with the Toronto School of Theology at the University of Toronto. It is also a member of the International Association for the Promotion of Christian Higher Education and a former affiliate of the Council for Christian Colleges and Universities.

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Philosophy and Mission ICS expresses its mission as that of a graduate school in which “the gospel’s message of renewal shapes [its] pursuit of wisdom” and “scholars focus on the intersection of Reformational philosophy and contemporary scholarship and society” (http://www.icscanada.edu/about/ mission). Its basis is “the Scriptures of the Old and New Testaments,” and principles founded therein are articulated in an educational creed (drafted by Runner and Vollenhoven), which affirms that “human life in its entirety is religion,” with the caveat that “scholarly study unfolds itself as service either of the one true God or of an idol” (VanderVennen 2008, 265–266). Scripture, as “integral and active divine Word or Power,” leads to “the Truth, which is Christ . . . the Redeemer and Renewer of our life in its entirety and therefore also of our theoretical thought.” At “the heart of all created reality is the covenantal communion of human beings with God in Christ”; thus, “true knowledge is made possible by true religion.” Communal scholarship is regarded as an essential response to the cultural mandate (Gen. 1:28) and is charged with providing an “account of the structure of creation” (not limited to the “natural” world but including its societal and cultural elements). Such scholarship is not for its own sake, however; it is to “promote a more effective ordering of the everyday experience of the entire community.” Such experience is considered primary; theoretical reflection involves abstraction from it, offering crucial but only partial insight into aspects of the former, which is characterized by complex interrelationships among concrete things (inorganic entities, plants, animals, persons, acts, events, societal structures). The scholarly task should therefore be service to the larger Christian community and to the world at large. Scholarship that does not honor Christ’s sovereign rule over all things but looks for the source of order and meaning within creation will tend to be ontologically and not merely methodologically reductive (thus reductionist, as an expression of idolatry). However, insights into reality are not limited to Christians and are to be gratefully received whatever their source, although “the central religious antithesis” forbids “the synthesis of scripturallydirected thought with any other system of thought.” Academic freedom is upheld against the constraints that other institutions might impose, and scholarship is “to be undertaken in the God-given freedom of a complete and voluntary submission to the Word of God and the divine laws that govern human life.” The original structure of ICS owed much to that of the Centrale Interfaculteit at the VU, where most of the initial and subsequent faculty members earned their doctorates. Whereas in the early days of the church, signifi-

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cant influence had been exercised by biblically informed philosophers such as Augustine, the medieval and modern model for the Christian academic enterprise tended to assign prominence to the discipline of theology as “queen of the sciences.” Reformational philosophers aver that academic disciplines (including theology) are philosophically grounded in a threefold idea of the origin, diversity, and coherence of reality; this is ultimately rooted in religious heart-commitment. The positivist project, by which disciplines were to break free of religious and metaphysical beliefs to function in a value-neutral manner, is a failure to recognize that scientific-scholarly investigation is guided by faith, which furnishes presuppositions about the nature of reality and the purpose and meaning of life. Given the preeminence accorded to scripture, the academic project of ICS is often described as an inner biblical reformation of the disciplines. ICS, as reformational, is committed to ongoing reformation (ecclesia semper reformanda est), rather than adherence to a particular (historically and culturally situated) formulation of Christian philosophy. The interdisciplinary character of ICS is reflected in its policy of appointing faculty in the foundations of special disciplines, as well as in systematic philosophy, the history of philosophy, and theological and biblical studies. These fields currently include politics and society, arts and culture, religion, and education; previously, psychology, science and technology, economics, and history were offered. The curriculum comprises courses in reformational philosophy and biblical foundations, as well as an interdisciplinary seminar in which all available faculty participate, investigating themes such as hermeneutics, truth, religion, dialogue between schools of thought, and play, or a text by authors such as Plato, Charles Taylor, Alasdair MacIntyre, Miroslav Volf, and Nicholas Wolterstorff. References and Resources Dooyeweerd, Herman. 1969. A New Critique of Theoretical Thought. Translated by David H. Freeman and William S. Young. Vols. I–IV. Philadelphia: Presbyterian and Reformed. Seerveld, Calvin. 2011. “Thinking Deeply About Our Faith.” The Banner http://www.thebanner.org/departments/2011/01/ thinking-deeply-about-our-faith/. VanderVennen, Robert E. 2008. A University for the People: A History of the Institute for Christian Studies. Sioux Center, IA: Dordt College Press. Institute for Christian Studies. www.icscanada.edu. Institute for Christian Studies: Perspective. http://www.ics canada.edu/perspective/.

—Doug Blomberg

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Institutional Effectiveness

Institutional Effectiveness Institutional effectiveness in Christian higher education is a dynamic process of organizational analysis, evaluation, and strategic planning dedicated to understanding the impact of, and advancing the mission of, the educational purpose of the institution. This evaluative process requires the institution to directly address the traditional questions concerning curriculum design, student learning outcomes, and student success while meaningfully addressing the real-life challenges of today’s higher education landscape. It is both the responsibility and privilege of Christian educators to discover new answers and respond to changing conditions in a way that reflects best efforts in providing a Christian higher educational experience that is relevant, effective, and personally transformational. The first step is to clearly identify the institutional purpose in order to evaluate the institution’s effectiveness in achieving it. Historically, three options surface when considering the primary goal of education: the development of the individual, the perpetuation of society, and the need to change society. Along with these broader philosophical concerns, the purpose of Christian higher education also embraces at least three unique domains: doctrinal (cultivating faith and developing beliefs), formational (developing personal and spiritual growth), and practical (practical application in real-life ministry settings). An integrative approach defines the purpose of Christian higher education as personal formation that happens within a social context and that affects future social conditions. Education always involves individuals and society and is rightly understood as being both personally and socially transformative. From a Christian perspective, these overlapping themes function in a continual and dynamic interaction: personal faith development, Christian activity within the community of faith, and Christian activity in society at large. These themes would be considered key indicators in any work to evaluate institutional effectiveness of Christian higher education. Assessing and promoting institutional effectiveness is accomplished through a composite analysis process incorporating three major areas: (1) educational alignment and mission fit, (2) measures of student learning and achievement, and (3) direct links to strategic planning and budgeting. Educational alignment and mission fit refers to an evaluation of the level of direct coordination or the link among the stated mission of the institution, the institutional learning outcomes (to be evident in all students), and the program learning outcomes for each degree offered. This link should be readily apparent by tracing the institutional goals and objectives throughout each degree program, thereby demonstrating alignment that is appropriate to the educational mission.

Measures of student learning and achievement provide necessary metrics for analyzing and quantifying institutional effectiveness. In order to track and improve educational progress and accomplishment, a systematic evaluation of student learning and program learning outcomes should be implemented as part of a regular cycle of institutional assessment. Multiple measures (formative, summative, direct, and indirect) should be incorporated to assess the effectiveness of student learning outcomes. Assessment results should be reviewed, goals identified, and steps determined to implement changes. Institutional effectiveness metrics also include a regular analysis of retention rates, persistence rates, and completion (graduation) rates. Student success rates on licensing exams, job placement rates, ministry involvement (ordinations, licensures, chaplaincies, supported missionaries, etc.), and other verified professional employment and services can also be included as valuable sources of data. Finally, there should be a direct links to strategic planning and budgeting. To ensure and promote institutional effectiveness, the institution should maintain and implement a comprehensive institutional strategic plan. The plan should be based on a thorough review of internal and external environmental factors and be developed on institutional research and assessment findings. The strategic plan provides a clear path to improving institutional effectiveness and performance through both incremental short-term and long-range goals. The planning document should include prioritized goals, action steps and timetables for implementation, the required personnel, and the financial resources required for meeting the goals. The strategic planning process serves as an integral part of the institution’s commitment to the ongoing evaluation and improvement of institutional effectiveness. References and Resources Banta, Trudy W., Elizabeth A. Jones, and Karen E. Black. 2009. Designing Effective Assessment: Principles and Profiles of Good Practice. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Kramer, Gary L., and Randy L. Swing, eds. 2010. Higher Education Assessments: Leadership Matters. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield. Middaugh, Michael F. 2010. Planning and Assessment in Higher Education: Demonstrating Institutional Effectiveness. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass.

—Gino Pasquariello

Institutional Mergers For over 200 years, the founding of Christian institutions of learning at the elementary, secondary, and higher education levels of education has been one of the

Institutional Mergers

distinctive aspects of the U.S. educational landscape. Today thousands of institutions exist, ranging from preschool programs in local churches to complex colleges and universities. In recent years, because of the increased secularization of public education, more and more churches, religious groups, and other entities are engaged in creating and managing educational institutions intentionally connected to and influenced by the Christian faith. The largest denominational entities sponsoring these schools are the Lutheran and Roman Catholic expressions of Christianity. In more recent years, many evangelical Protestant denominations, but particularly individual and often independent local churches, have started institutions to counteract the perceived post-Christian influences of contemporary culture in public education settings. While there is a wide variation in quality, most of these institutions are generally effective in achieving their stated objectives. However, the current economic challenges facing society, along with the increasing costs of keeping these institutions functioning and competitive, is causing several to consider either closing or merging. Some observers are forecasting a significant increase in closings and mergers, while others are less convinced that the majority of the institutions will face these difficult decisions. And some see the closing and merging of underperforming schools as a necessary and desirable step to ensure the quality of the education parents and students deserve as well as to protect the reputation of and important position held by faith-anchored educational experiences and opportunities. Drivers of Mergers Several factors seem to be driving institutional mergers in both the public and private sectors of education. Not all are the result of crises and institutional exigencies. Some institutional mergers are motivated by the desire to better serve a broader cultural or geographic constituency, improving and expanding student access to target populations. Other mergers are initiated to strengthen and expand the quality and the quantity of the curricular, cocurricular, and extracurricular offerings available to students. Most mergers, however, are crisis oriented, motivated by and designed to address critical issues such as accreditation, fiscal shortfalls, deferred maintenance, rising operational costs that cannot be absorbed by the target populations, and other factors that are eroding the quality, marketability, and viability of the organization. Whatever the factors contributing to a merger consideration, the ultimate goal should be to do that which provides the best alternatives for the parents and students the institution is serving. In some cases, closing the insti-

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tution and supporting students in finding another place to learn may well be the best alternative. Types of Mergers Mergers are essentially the combining of two or more entities into a single operating unit under the supervision of a single governing entity. Assets of the merging organizations are pooled to provide both the needed resources as well as the centralized control required by federal and state laws governing these entities. It should be noted that usually the liabilities of the merging entities also become the responsibility of the new organization. The due diligence sophistication of those leading the merger determines how well the entities can achieve their new objectives using and managing both the assets and liabilities present. There are basically two distinct categories of mergers, each with unique challenges and opportunities. The majority of mergers of faith-based educational institutions are voluntary in nature: each entity works toward a common goal of preserving and expanding its individual mission through shared resources, constituencies, and opportunities. These types of mergers are amicable, positive, and productive, being seen by the majority of the stakeholders as a win-win for both organizations. It should be noted that there usually is some degree of angst even in the best of mergers, particularly among those deeply invested in the institutions, such as parents, faculty, alumni, and major founders/supporters. The second category of mergers is in many cases less amicable. These mergers are often between a stronger institution and one that is failing or in the process of closing. In these cases, even when terms like “merger” and “consolidation” are used, the stakeholders of the weaker institution usually see it as a takeover and a painful loss indicative of failure. Unless significant efforts are made by the stronger institution to preserve key aspects of the other institution’s history, mission, and tangible assets, the merger can face considerable challenges and misunderstandings. In one case, a merged institutional structure was more of a takeover, with the identity of the weaker, smaller institution essentially disappearing within just a few years. It became clear that the acquisition could not be supported, and the decision was made to sell off the remaining assets and discontinue the educational operations formally under that entity’s supervision. While this was a sound business decision, the ramifications for public and community relations were difficult to manage. The negative impact on the former institution’s students and alumni, as well as faculty and staff, was substantial, despite the responsible efforts of the parent entity to mitigate them.

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Merger Strategies and Considerations While case studies of successful mergers are limited, and the formal research on such mergers is just beginning (see the references for available studies and other resources), and while much of the literature pertains to higher educational settings, some important universal considerations can help guide decisions about and procedures for institutional mergers in faith-based educational settings. Mission/Core Values Compatibility In keeping with the Bible’s exhortation about not being unequally yoked (2 Cor. 6:14), it is important that in a merger there be significant agreement on the foundational mission and core values that anchor the merging institutions together in a new and hopefully strengthened vision for their Christian educational objectives. Even when two organizations are Christian at their common core, differences in theological conviction, degree of commitment to historic fundamentals, lifestyle parameters, beliefs about whom the institution should serve (particularly the target audiences; e.g., exclusively Christian students or a willingness to admit non- or marginally Christian students), and the nature of leadership and board governance are all critical components of agreement for a merger to be successful. A good place to begin is an examination of the institutions’ founding histories and purposes, to see how the original visions might be connected and thus celebrated. Due Diligence Considerations In corporate mergers, the process of due diligence involves a thorough and in-depth analysis of each entity’s financial condition, assets and liabilities, continuing commitments in terms of mortgages, contracts and related obligations, as well as any current or potential legal entanglements. This same model of assessment should be followed in Christian organizational mergers. Take nothing for granted. Sometimes good faith intentions, and more often assumptions, are not fully supported by the facts and realities. Since governing boards carry the ultimate responsibility for the merger process, and recognizing that it is not uncommon for these boards to have only limited understanding of the current conditions and future obligations of their own entity, it is advisable to utilize an outside, objective consultant to help each institution best assess the encumbrances the merged entity will carry. One higher education institution had two different opportunities to merge with another institution and acquire the campus of the second. After a thorough due diligence, it was concluded that significant liabilities would be part of those mergers, and the process was

stopped. If a merger endangers the viability of the new organization, it should not be pursued. Corporate Culture While much of the existing corporate culture of the entities can be discerned through the mission and core values considerations noted above, understanding how each entity is administered, and particularly the attitudes and morale that the style of administration deployed has produced, is a critical component of successful mergers. If one entity is more command and control in its leadership style and the other is participatory and shared governance oriented, significant challenges will be present in bringing together the two approaches in a new context. Usually employee satisfaction surveys of each entity can help identify key differences as well as similarities that will need to be addressed in a merged entity. Forums with employees and the current student bodies as well as the parents can bring to the surface distinctive issues, attitudes, concerns, and even fears that can impact the success of the combined entities. These efforts at understanding the individual cultures can also identify common threads of interest, conviction, style, and mission that can be used to more quickly unite the two entities into a common purpose and process for achieving the new mission. The governing style of each entity’s board is also an important factor to examine as the issues of corporate culture are addressed. Stakeholder Communications Strong mergers are driven by careful evaluation of the fiscal and other related due diligence considerations, but often with only limited attention given to how the past and current stakeholders of the institutions are impacted. The current employees, as well as the students and parents of the organizations, often feel excluded, ignored, and undervalued in the heady processes of merger. The alumni of the institution, and previous leadership who may still be meaningfully involved, also experience a considerable amount of anxiety as they see the institution they were so deeply invested in go through dramatic change. Clear, consistent, and frequent communication with those who are most deeply affected by the merger is important. In essence, the experiences are like those faced by blended families when a marriage brings together children from a previous relationship into a new family context. And there also is a parallel to the grief stages of death, which these community members face as they see their previous institution slowly change and even disappear. The most successful mergers pay close attention to the human implications of change as well as the fiscal and operational dimensions.

Institutionalized and Elderly, The

Spiritual Nurture and Support While it is presumed that mergers of Christian institutions pay sufficient attention to the spiritual needs and opportunities of the process, this may not be the case. Most merger efforts will call for prayer from the various stakeholders. However, greater attention needs to be paid to how the constituents can be nurtured spiritually and thus assured that their prayers are being answered. Various means of spiritual formation—including regularly scheduled corporate prayer and worship experiences, times of fasting, periodic updates from those guiding the mergers that explain how they are seeking God’s direction, and evidence that they are seeing His hand—are important for creating a spiritual climate that can support and sustain the merger process. In the end, the overriding desire of all involved is to discern the will and purposes of God and receive His guidance, blessings, and provisions so that the new merged entity is better equipped and positioned to accomplish His purposes for the advancement of Christian education. Many factors make it necessary, as well as prudent, to explore the opportunities for merging Christian educational institutions at every level—from preschools through colleges and universities. The need to model good stewardship, using the resources entrusted to these institutions wisely, as well as delivering on the promises of quality educational experiences in an intentional Christian context, may be achieved by combining efforts, resources, and vision. While mergers are often structurally complex and challenging in terms of the cultural and spiritual angst produced, increasingly institutions should give serious consideration to how the ultimate cause of Christ-centered education might be strengthened and advanced through more cooperative and collaborative efforts. References and Resources Jaschik, Scott. 2008. “Will More Colleges Merge?” http://www .insidehighered.com/news/2008/08/25/mergers. Koontz, Kristen. 2009. “The Impact of Mergers in Higher Education on Employees and Organizational Culture.” Research paper, Graduate School, University of Wisconsin–Stout. http:// www2.uwstout.edu/content/lib/thesis/2009/2009koontzk.pdf. McBain, Lesley. 2009. College and University Mergers: Recent Trends. A Higher Education Policy Brief. Washington, DC: American Association of State Colleges and Universities. http://www.aascu.org/uploadedFiles/AASCU/Content/ Root/PolicyAndAdvocacy/PolicyPublications/PM-College UniversityMergers.pdf. Skodvin, Ole-Jacob. 1999. “Mergers in Higher Education—Success or Failure?” Tertiary Education and Management 5 (1): 65–80. http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/13583 883.1999.9966981).

—David Gyertson

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Institutionalized and Elderly, The Defining the Institutionalized and Elderly Populations defined as the criminally institutionalized include, but are not limited to, incarcerated individuals residing in private or regional jails and prisons, maximum or super-maximum security facilities, specially designed high-level supervision jails, secure-status mental health hospitals, regional jails, and military incarceration facilities. Institutionalized individuals may also reside in various types of care-giving facilities designed to provide shortterm or life-term, high-level medical and/or psychological care for individuals with diverse types of conditions. The care needs may result from birth defects, including genetically related conditions; accident or other injury; and various forms of mental and/or emotional illness. Care institutions include, but are not limited to, highlevel residential care facilities, including special hospitals for the profoundly disabled; assisted living in homes or other facilities; convalescent residencies; and nursing facilities. Many of these are founded, supported, and administrated by various Christian denominations or other Christian faith-based groups. The definition of “elderly” differs according to country, culture, and governmentally assigned categorizations of older age, with the low end in some locations being age 50. In many Westernized countries, age 60 or 65 is the beginning of the “elderly” category, due to its correlation with the usual age of retirement from one’s job or profession. Medically, the term “elderly” is generally applied to any adult over 75 years of age. The wide range of ages used to delimit the elderly underlines the diversity of individuals who may fall within this group. The elderly differ significantly in overall health condition, economic status, job or retirement status, and living conditions. Common Needs of the Institutionalized and Elderly Although groups and individuals described as institutionalized or elderly live in a variety of conditions and situations, they do have some common challenges and needs. They may experience feelings of isolation due to distance from or loss of family, friends, faith communities, and the wider interaction experienced in one’s local community. Living on the edges of mainstream society, the elderly face the challenge of social marginalization and a sense of disconnection from people and events that is much less common for many others. Due to isolation and marginalization, the institutionalized and elderly may experience various types of depression, feelings of worthlessness, hopelessness, and even changes in cognitive capacity and overall emotional and physical health due to their isolation from the mainstream of society.

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Successful Education for the Institutionalized and Elderly The various real or perceived limitations of the institutionalized and the elderly should not be considered deterrents to the education of individuals in these groups, but rather should be approached with an understanding that education for them is both necessary and possible. However, education for these groups requires contextualization to their specific needs to achieve realistic and lasting educational goals and outcomes. Diversities and Obstacles in Meeting Individual Needs and Approaches to Education Individuals in these groups are very diverse, ranging from the profoundly physically or mentally disabled, to those with milder forms of disability or other challenges, to those with significant cognitive, emotional, or social limitations. Prejudice, lack of knowledge, and misinformation about the abilities of the institutionalized and elderly are common obstacles to the successful education of individuals in these two groups. The lack of knowledge and information concerning the very real learning abilities of people in these groups is sometimes the result of an initial attitude of prejudice. Prejudicial attitudes include a noncompassionate view of the institutionalized and elderly and an unwillingness to dedicate time, energy, and financial resources to educating individuals in these groups, based on the misconception that educating the institutionalized and elderly wastes resources needed for educating nonmarginalized members of society. Understanding the Educational Needs of Special Individuals and Groups Successful education for the institutionalized and elderly requires a careful understanding of the individual student’s needs, depending on his or her specific challenges and conditions. Appropriate contextualization of learning goals and desired outcomes is essential in planning educational opportunities that align well with the specific needs of the special students in both groups. Those espousing a Christian theological foundation for their ministry of teaching the institutionalized or elderly require a biblical understanding of the inestimable worth of each individual as created in the image of God. Educators for the institutionalized and elderly must maintain a conviction of God’s unconditional and uncompromising love for every person. Teachers also require an appropriate level of education and training in the special skills necessary to understand and adequately mentor and train persons defined as belonging to one of the two groups. Graciousness, love, patience, respect for each student, and an overarching attitude of Christian compassion for others are foremost qualities indispensable to the ministry of teaching the institutional-

ized and elderly. In addition, educators require knowledge in understanding each student’s preferred type of learning style. To achieve each student’s learning potential, the teacher must determine whether auditory, visual, kinesthetic, or a combination of learning approaches and other formats for receiving information will be most effective in teaching, training, and producing growth cognitively, emotionally, and relationally. The Benefits of Educating the Institutionalized and Elderly Education based on the biblical, theological, and historical foundations of the Christian faith emphasizes the meaning and value of each individual life, regardless of the human challenges or limitations existing in it. Society as a whole is morally elevated when human life, in all its circumstances and conditions, from before birth to the end of earthly life, is respected and honored. Respect for the institutionalized and elderly and provision for their educational needs allow individuals with special needs to contribute, often in unexpected and very significant ways, to the common good of society. Education improves life conditions and can serve as a preventative to mental and physical decline during aging. The process of learning can provide hope and preparation for the future in the lives of those who are incarcerated. Appropriate kinds of educational opportunities allow the profoundly disabled to feel love and a sense of self-worth. Education for the institutionalized and elderly ennobles educators and those whom they teach and train, witnessing to the integrity of the Gospel message, which offers peace and profound meaning to every human life. References and Resources Clark, Doris C. 2000. Feed All My Sheep: A Guide and Curriculum for Adults with Developmental Disabilities. Louisville, KY: Geneva Press. Forster, William. 1998. Education Behind Bars: International Comparisons. Leister, UK: National Institute of Adult Continuing Education. Hughes, Emma. 2012. Education in Prison: Studying through Distance Learning. Farnham, Surrey, UK: Ashgate Publishing. Lambdin, Lois, with Mary Fugate. 1997. Elder Learning: New Frontier in an Aging Society. Phoenix, AZ: Oryx Press. Manheimer, Ronald J., Diane Moskow-McKenzie, and Denise D. Snodgrass. 1995. Older Adult Education: A Guide to Research, Programs, and Policies. Westport, CT: Greenwood. Micheals, Bruce. 2011. College in Prison: Information and Resources for Incarcerated Students. Bloomington, IN: Trafford Publishing. Saucer, Bobby Joe. 2005. Our Help in Ages Past: The Black Church’s Ministry Among the Elderly. Valley Forge, PA: Judson Press.

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Wacker, Robbyn R., and Karen Roberto. 2008. Community Resources for Older Adults: Programs and Services in an Era of Change. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications. Zoukis, Christopher. 2012. Education Behind Bars: A Win-Win Strategy for Maximum Security. Camp Hill, PA: Sunbury Press.

—Mara Lief Crabtree

Instrumentalism and John Dewey John Dewey was born in Burlington, Vermont, in 1859. He graduated from the University of Vermont and earned a PhD from Johns Hopkins University. Dewey taught elementary and high school before accepting faculty positions at the University of Michigan, the University of Chicago, Columbia University, and Columbia University’s Teachers College. As a professor, he was also a prolific author. Among his most influential works on education are The School and Social Progress (1907), Democracy and Education (1916), and Experience and Education (1938). Dewey was a pragmatist who believed that truth was true by virtue of its usefulness to society. If a particular proposition was valuable to society, then it served some end and thus was considered categorically true; however, if the same proposition at some point in time lost its value or usefulness, it would also lose its status as truth. Truth is therefore relative to the needs of a society. But Dewey did not believe that this necessarily relegates truth to an indefinite status. He argued that certain truths were of such manifest and permanent value that they would never be considered valueless, and therefore they had a kind of objective status. In order to place these on a stable footing, he offered an instrumental theory of truth that elevated the scientific method as a mode of discovering the most useful or instrumental manner to achieve the goals of a democratic society. Instead of arbitrarily letting truth fall in and out of use based on our whims, we could thereby stabilize truth and so further develop as a civilized, democratic nation. This was of paramount importance because, Dewey argued, we are, as humans, thrust into a world that is rife with problematic and precarious situations that threaten our happiness and existence; thus we need ways of resolving these situations so that we can continue to grow and evolve as individuals and as a society.31 If our notions of truth do not tend toward the resolution of the problematic situations, then we will slowly decline as a civilization. Dewey asserted that the scientific method protects us from this peril. The same 31. John Dewey, The Later Works, vol. 1, Experience and Nature (Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 1981), 37–65.

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goes for our moral systems. Morality, like technology, medicine, and jurisprudence, can either have a positive effect on our continued success and health as a species or have the negative effect of causing pain and perhaps even annihilation. We must therefore use the same rational method for determining morality as well. In this way, instrumentalism offers what appears to be a viable way of developing a highly functioning, stable social organization that, according to Dewey, avoids the pitfalls inherent in religious and ethical squabbles that do not have a rational justification.32 From this, one can infer the role Dewey thinks education must play in the development of our democratic, technologically driven society: education must be one of the chief institutions that promote the scientific method. If the public education system fails to foster viable methods of appropriating truth, then the populace will not be able to make educated decisions, thus weakening democratic ideals. In Experience and Education, Dewey argues that schools must promote the scientific method for the sake of progress. “The educational system must move one way or another, either backward to the intellectual and moral standards of a pre-scientific age or forward to ever greater utilization of scientific method in the development of the possibilities of growing, expanding experience.”33 Most Christian educators would agree that the scientific method is one important method of establishing truth. However, they would argue that the scientific method is not the only reliable method for apprehending truth. References and Resources Dewey, John. 1939. Intelligence in the Modern World: The Philosophy of John Dewey. Edited by Joseph Ratner. New York: Random House. ———. 1981. The Later Works. Vol. 1, Experience and Nature. Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press.

—Jonathan Eckert

Integrated Education Lagan College, the first planned integrated secondary school in Northern Ireland, opened in 1981, in a scout 32. John Dewey, Intelligence in the Modern World: The Philosophy of John Dewey, ed. Joseph Ratner (New York: Random House, 1939), 791–792. It need hardly be said that this view of truth is not unique to Dewey, nor without its logical difficulties. At some point, Dewey would be forced to admit that the universal principles democracy and human progress that he so assiduously espouses cannot be based on instrumental rationality and therefore are granted as axioms that are no more founded in scientific method than the metaphysical axioms of any number of religious and ethical sects. 33. Ibid., 682.

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hall close to the River Lagan in South Belfast. It consisted of 28 pupils, the principal, one full-time teacher, and five part-time teachers. Beginning in 1974, and through some of the worst years of the Troubles in Northern Ireland, the pressure group All Children Together (ACT) lobbied for schools that would be shared by all the community. Northern Ireland has a largely divided system of education, in which controlled, or state, schools are predominantly Protestant in management, staffing, enrollment, and culture, and maintained schools, usually called Catholic maintained schools, are run by the Catholic Council for Maintained Schools. Both these sectors are funded by the government. Added to the mix are the voluntary grammar schools, which operate a selection policy, based on examination at age 11. These schools are significantly funded by the state. There are relatively few independent schools, and among them are some Christian schools. Such schools are not aided by the Department of Education. Current statistics from the Department of Education demonstrate that close to half of Northern Ireland’s school population are taught in schools where at least 95 percent are of the same religion. Integrated education schools, comprising grant maintained integrated schools and controlled integrated schools, serve around 7 percent of the school population. The dynamic for integrated schools in Northern Ireland came from parents of different religious traditions. It was also dependent on committed teachers who were willing to risk their future careers to further a new vision for education in the province. Lagan College was the prototype that proved to the government that the concept could work. It was also a catalyst for other groups to develop their vision for establishing an integrated school. In 1988, the Education Reform (NI) Order provided for the financial support of integrated education, where there was a demand from Catholic and Protestant parents. The legislation, which came into effect in 1990, imposed on the Department of Education in Northern Ireland (DENI) the requirement to encourage and promote that type of education. In 1991, the Northern Ireland Council for Integrated Education (NICIE) was core funded by DENI, to support the development of planned integrated education and schools in Northern Ireland. The experience and expertise accrued by NICIE over a number of years is significant in the growth of the movement. The Integrated Education Fund (IEF) was set up independently in 1992, to be a financial foundation for the furtherance of integrated education. Signed 10 April 1998, the Good Friday agreement endorsed integrated education. In subsequent broad policy documents, however, integrated education receives little specific mention, and since the Bain Report

in 2006, there is a need to clarify the meaning of terms that have come into vogue, such as “shared education,” “mixed education,” and “integrating education.” Parents choose integrated education for a variety of reasons. Some are motivated by the ideal of children from different traditions learning together. Others view the sector as a new chance for a pupil who, for whatever reason, has underachieved at a primary school. Some vote for an integrated school on the basis that their child has not attained a place in a grammar school, while others simply see the integrated school as their nearest school. For certain parents, it simply provides what they consider the best education in the area, while for others it is a second choice after the local grammar school. Critics of integrated education have argued that the controlled system is open to all pupils, and therefore there is no requirement for integrated schools. This turns a blind eye to a system that is largely Protestant in enrollment and management. Some in the Catholic sector have viewed integrated education as a challenge to the Catholic faith and a dilution of the nationalist culture, despite the fact that integrated schools are recognized for having well-established practices and curricular initiatives to promote a constructive approach to cultural and religious diversity. Integrated education, as understood by NICIE, is that which seeks to provide an excellent education for young people in a school populace mainly drawn from the Protestant and Catholic traditions. Integrated schools are essentially Christian in character, while welcoming those of all faiths or none. It should be noted, however, that the Christian ethos of an integrated school is often dependent on the commitment of the principal and staff members. Does integrated education work in Northern Ireland? Surveys over many years have shown consistently that respondents believe integrated education is important to peace and reconciliation. Certainly it is not a panacea for all the ills of years of sectarianism, yet it can contribute to social cohesion. As Basil McIvor, a former Stormont minister of education and doughty supporter of integration, said in a conversation with the author, “Integrated education may not be the answer to the problems of Northern Ireland, but it is certainly not the problem.” References and Resources Abbott, L., S. Dunn, and V. Morgan. 1999. Integrated Education in Northern Ireland: An Analytical Literature Review. Belfast: DENI. Hansson, Ulf, Una O’Connor Bones, and John McCord. 2013. “Integrated Education: A Review of Policy and Research Evidence 1999–2012.” Report commissioned by the IEF, Belfast, January.

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Irwin, C. 1991. Education and the Development of Social Integration in Divided Societies. Belfast: Northern Ireland Council for Integrated Education. Macaulay, Tony. Churches and Christian Ethos in Integrated Schools. Belfast: Macaulay Associates. McGlynn, C. 2008. “Integrating Education: Case Studies of Good Practice in Response to Cultural Diversity.” Research report, Queen’s University, Belfast. Millward Brown Research. 2008. “Public Opinion Survey: Integrated Education in Northern Ireland.” Belfast, Northern Ireland Council for Integrated Education. See weblink http:// www.agendani.com/integrating-education/ Moffat, Chris, ed. 1993. Education Together For a Change. Belfast: Fortnight Educational Trust. O’Connor, F. 2002. A Shared Childhood: The Story of the Integrated Schools in Northern Ireland. Belfast: Blackstaff Press.

—Robert Jennings

Integrating Christian Practices Discussions about and attention to the integration of faith and learning in Christian higher education have experienced a few significant changes over the past few decades. An emphasis on worldview perspectives, rooted in a Reformed theology, dominated the focus from the 1960s on and is still influential. In the 1990s, both Mark Noll and George Marsden voiced concerns that evangelical Christians should pursue scholarship with more rigor and intention.34 At the beginning of the 21st century, several voices from other theological perspectives reinforced the importance of addressing the education of the heart and hands as well as the head.35 The integration of Christian practices into the classrooms of Christian colleges and universities is a new area of focus in Christian higher education. The integration of Christian practices as a concept has been heavily influenced by a philosophical anthropology proposed by James K. A. Smith.36 Smith urges those in Christian higher education to consider students as desiring or worshipping beings first before they are cognitive beings. In other words, humans desire or love before they think. With this perspective as a foundation, Smith then explains how practices and liturgy influence desire. The implications of this discussion for Christian educa34. Mark Noll, The Scandal of the Evangelical Mind (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1994); and George Marsden, The Outrageous Idea of Christian Scholarship (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997). 35. The most prominent example of this shift is the volume edited by Douglas Jacobsen and Rhonda H. Jacobsen, Scholarship and Christian Faith: Enlarging the Conversation (New York: Oxford University Press, 2004). 36. James K. A. Smith, Desiring the Kingdom: Worship, Worldview, and Cultural Formation (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic, 2009).

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tion are vast; he asks important questions about what the goals of Christian education should be and how they can be attained. Specifically, if Christian professors and teachers could integrate Christian practices into classroom liturgies, would students be more likely to love God and to devote their lives to being His disciples? The Kuyers Institute for Christian Teaching and Learning at Calvin College in Grand Rapids, Michigan, has facilitated discussions about this new way of thinking about Christian higher education. Director David I. Smith has led conferences and summer seminars to further discussions about how Christian practices can be integrated into various disciplines. Specifically, professors in Christian liberal arts colleges have examined and drawn from the works of Dorothy Bass and Craig Dykstra, who have been advocating the integration of Christian practices in seminary classrooms for some time.37 In addition, a volume edited by James K. A. Smith and David I. Smith gathers chapters authored by a variety of professors in different institutions and various academic disciplines, all of whom have attempted to integrate Christian practices and are sharing their experiences.38 Examples of practices that they have integrated are hospitality, lectio divina, liturgical calendar, testimony, and breaking bread. How these practices are integrated, how liturgies (regular rhythms of practices) are established, and whether or not they impact students are all topics of conversation and debate. —Laurie Matthias

Integration of Faith and Learning The phrase “faith and learning” is a ubiquitous moniker among evangelical Protestant colleges and universities in the United States. Perhaps the leading institution to both utilize and explore this term is Wheaton College in Illinois, an evangelical interdenominational institution founded in 1860. Under the enormous influence of their late philosophy and faculty chair and author, Arthur Holmes (who mentored countless Christian professors in the last and current century), the term was popularized in his writings and teachings. It is not without its detractors, however, who believe that it restricts dialogue and discussions of faith and learning to very dichotomous or binary ways and excludes the complexity that is nuanced in the Roman Catholic Church and other traditions. For some, 37. Dorothy Bass, ed., Practicing Our Faith: A Way of Life for a Searching People (San Francisco: Jossey-Bass, 1997); and Dorothy Bass and Craig Dykstra, eds., For Life Abundant: Practical Theology, Theological Education, and Christian Ministry (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 2008). 38. David I. Smith and James K. A. Smith, eds., Teaching and Christian Practices: Reshaping Faith and Learning (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 2011).

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the cultivation of faith and learning is a more accurate use of the term. For others outside faith practices, especially scientific positivists, the term is an oxymoron: religious faith has no role in rigorous intellectual pursuits. So, how does this concept purport to work? Within the two major Christian traditions, Protestant and Catholic, it is framed very differently, with Protestants advocating for a serious examination of scripture, as opposed to the Catholic tradition of the Social Gospel and the mystery of the Eucharist. For Protestants, the term is implicitly (or explicitly in some cases) used to signal the necessity of biblical literacy among members. Therefore, faith and learning terminology is frequently restricted to the study of the Bible, with heavy emphasis on exegesis and hermeneutics. Discussions on the integration of faith and learning are centered on the teachings and meaning of scripture. This is especially evident among historically Reformed and evangelical institutions. For others, the term represents multiple avenues for explaining the integration of Protestant faith and learning. For Roman Catholics, the concept is best understood in the cultivation of one’s character, values, and spiritual exercises inspired by the various religious orders that founded their institutions (i.e., Jesuits, Dominicans, etc.), and sacred habits of mind combined with social activism. It is not a sole exercise in sola scriptura that cements the integration of faith and learning. For sacramentalists, the integration that mainstream Protestants speak of may be found symbolically and literally in the liturgy and sacraments. With the advent of the reforms of Vatican II in the early 1960s, Catholic institutions faced a steep decline in enrollment at their previously robust institutions, and they still face an uncertain future. For Protestant collegiate institutions, many of their church-related colleges and universities no longer have fiduciary responsibilities, nor do they have representative dominance on their respective boards of trustees. Thus, for all Christian denominations, the church-related college has been in a steady decline. For the inter/nondenominational evangelical institutions, their vigor is tied to their cultural popularity in the United States, as evidenced by their church numbers and the steady numbers of their current student bodies, though only 2 percent of their alumni base send their children to these institutions. So their current vigor is not tied to a solid base of evangelical support. This poses the question: Is there enough audience or clientele for Christian education to survive in an increasingly secular society? Those institutions that take the study of faith and learning seriously must demonstrate how this integration leads to lives of fulfillment, both intellectually and spiritually, in order to survive the current century.

References and Resources Burtchaell, James. 1998. The Dying of the Light: The Disengagement of Colleges and Universities from Their Christian Churches. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. Marsden, George. 1994. The Soul of the American University: From Protestant Establishment to Established Non-Belief. New York: Oxford University Press.

—Louis B. Gallien Jr.

Intercultural Life, Educating for Cultural diversity is an important trait of many contemporary cities, towns, and neighborhoods, and increasingly a characteristic of churches. When Christians become aware of diverse cultures in their midst, their responses vary: fear, curiosity, love, anger, welcome, resistance, openness, control. Christian education provides a set of perspectives and resources that can make it more likely that a church’s commitments to the Gospel will gain a priority in regarding people of other cultures. A church’s attention to cultural diversity may be focused because of migration patterns and neighborhood changes, when there is increased cultural diversity among friends and family members, or by visitors to worship or partnerships with other churches. These experiences provide opportunities for educators to shape learning environments that serve a church’s discernment about God’s call on their lives. Among other tasks, educators have the responsibility of guiding a church to engage biblical texts that provide narratives and teachings concerning God’s priorities for how we relate to persons who are culturally different (see especially DeYoung 2009). (1) Early in his ministry, Jesus confronted the religio-cultural prejudices of His own hometown synagogue (Luke 4:16–30). In His reflections on how the Gospel was clarified by Isaiah, he refers to Old Testament stories in which God showed preference for Gentiles (1 Kings 17:8–16; 2 Kings 5:1–1). The anger he incited is not totally unknown in contemporary churches. (2) The parable of the Samaritan neighbor (Luke 10:29–37) can be told alongside a church’s stories about the goodness that members have experienced among culturally different peoples, and perhaps time could be allowed for confession about behaviors that parallel the avoidance of a priest and a Levite. (3) The stunning experiences of the first postresurrection Pentecost celebration (Acts 2) make clear that God wants cultural boundaries to be crossed; parochial languages matter, and common life matters. (4) Acts continues to tell God’s story as prejudices are confronted and new leaders are sanctioned; see especially 6:1–7, 10:1–8, and 15:1–35. (5) Pauline letters confront ethnically diverse commu-

Interdisciplinary Approaches

nities with reconciliation (Gal. 3:28–29; Eph. 2:11–22), thus emphasizing intercultural life. (6) John’s Revelation of eschatological characteristics (Rev. 7:9–10) calls the church to embody the traits that indicate our holiness and faithfulness. (7) In addition to the OT passages used by Jesus (above, in Luke), Jeremiah 29 calls an exiled Jewish community to forgo its cultural prejudices in favor of “seek(ing) the shalom of the city (Babylon)”—certainly a jarring cross-cultural call. Christians and churches are seldom transformed solely by reading Bible texts; rather, a learning environment needs to include various opportunities that mix experiences, conversations, prayer, meditation, study, and the voices of “others,” all in service of paying attention to the Spirit’s guidance so that participants then, perhaps tentatively, engage experiments. This is what is called an action-reflection cycle (see Branson and Martínez 2011, 39–54). Whenever possible, these activities need to be inclusive, including age, economic status, gender, and church roles. Some potential activities are writing and discussing personal cultural autobiographies (including family stories of migrations and common cultural habits of thinking and acting); personal stories about boundary-crossing and cross-cultural relationships; field trips to cultural centers, neighborhoods, and churches; guest speakers; movies, books on various cultural narratives, novels, and music; study of a church’s/denomination’s cultural heritage, including positive and negative stories about cultural diversity; reading or hearing a history of the region or nation from perspectives other than those of the dominant culture; engagement as listeners and partners with local churches with other cultures regarding activities that matter to them; and meditation and conversation that continually bring these activities to pondering scripture and what God wants for the next steps. Churches embody habits of thinking, feeling, and acting. Those habits are all shaped by culture, even though such influence is often unconscious. And because change (like intercultural life) is perceived by many as loss, churches often experience grief in the midst of educational activities that are intended to increase faithful hospitality and partnership. Churches frequently believe they are welcoming even while they speak and act in ways that ensure others will remain less-than-full partners. Churches have their own structures, approaches to listening (or not listening), approaches to decision making, modes of using power, priorities concerning what Bible texts get prioritized, and expectations about the visual and musical environment and the visibility of diversity. New perspectives and ideas often meet deflection, denial, emotional dynamics, and other forms of resistance. Some approaches to diversity—accommodation, ethnic-spe-

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cific groups and leadership, niche marketing, occasional celebrations of diversity, and affirmations that “we are all human”—can actually undermine genuine intercultural life. Only through a continuing engagement of the action-reflection cycle can trust be built toward a greater experience that all God’s people are subjects rather than objects, that they are full participants, valued for their gifts and perspectives, engaged mutually in the gospel of transformation in their own lives and context. References and Resources Anderson, David. 2004. Multicultural Ministry. Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan. Branson, Mark Lau, and Juan Martínez. 2011. Churches, Cultures and Leadership. Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press. DeYoung, Curtiss Paul. 1997. Reconciliation: Our Greatest Challenge—Our Only Hope. Valley Forge, PA: Judson. ———. 2009. Coming Together in the 21st Century: The Bible’s Message in an Age of Diversity. Valley Forge, PA: Judson. Law, Eric. 1993. The Wolf Shall Dwell with the Lamb. Atlanta, GA: Chalice. ———. 2002. Sacred Acts, Holy Change: Faithful Diversity and Practical Transformation. Atlanta, GA: Chalice. Rah, Soong-Chan. 2010. Many Colors: Cultural Intelligence for a Changing Church. Chicago: Moody. Smith, Efrem. 2012. The Post-White & Post-Black Church. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Takaki, Ronald. 1998. A Larger Memory: A History of Our Diversity, with Voices. New York: Back Bay. Yancy, George. 2003. One Body, One Spirit. Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press.

—Mark Lau Branson

Interdisciplinary Approaches Mary Dalton observes that “one of the many convictions which has emerged from the theological and catechetical development of the past few years is the idea that religious attitudes and beliefs are intrinsically entwined with the whole fiber of our existence.” She suggests that interdisciplinary studies in religious education have been an outcome of this recognition (Dalton 1976, 17). If we couple this with James Fowler’s contention that faith is a structural condition of human experience by which “we construct (and therefore ‘know’) self-others-world as related to transcendence” (1981, 297), we may infer that religious commitment provides focus and coherence to life and should do so for the curriculum as well. Curriculum development requires the selection and organization of experience (broadly conceived) for the purposes of teaching and learning. The disciplinary approach to this task has ancient roots; while a liberal edu-

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cation was intended to be generalist, it was actually limited by the assumption that flourishing is best achieved by nurturing the intellect (or the soul, of which reason was the crowning feature). Because theoretical investigation is concerned largely with articulating the general structure of limited aspects of reality, it becomes more and more abstracted from the latter in its complexity and contingency. As it attains greater rigor, it also assumes less relevance to ordinary experience. The concerns of concrete experience are multidimensional, a “swampy lowland” remote from the “high, hard ground” of theorizing (Schön 1983, 42). Interdisciplinary approaches have emerged in research and education to coordinate the resources of specialized disciplines so as to address matters that exceed the boundaries of each alone, for example, in the fields of epidemiology and ecology. They may also be an attempt to redress the fragmentation and irrelevance of the traditional curriculum that is judged to impede the construction of meaning. Largely under the influence of progressivism, focusing on children’s learning rather than subject matter, attention has turned to how the curriculum could be shaped best to facilitate the former. If meaning entails seeing the ways in which things are related to one another, curriculum should be organized to highlight rather than obfuscate connections across domains. In this regard, integrated curricula have been developed as a way of bringing schooling closer to ordinary life, by building it around themes, cases, or problems. “Integrated” is an instructive term; while it may point to a desired integration of relatively abstract studies with concrete experience, it also indicates that disciplines rather than experience remain the building blocks. A central concern for the Christian educator is how faith is to be integrated with other forms of knowledge and experience. This has long been addressed by the claim that theology is queen of the sciences, in which case it may be deemed sufficient to add theological and biblical studies to the secular curriculum. Increasingly, however, the integration of faith and learning has become an explicit goal, though taking a variety of forms; integration that is predominantly cognitive, however, is inadequate to a biblically holistic understanding of religion, the person, created reality, and knowing (Smith 2009). If a Christian perspective is to permeate all studies, and faith is to give direction to life in all its dimensions, the goal of integrating faith and learning should be superseded by that of the integrality of faithing and living. One expression of the latter is the advocacy of education for discipleship and an integral, problem-posing curriculum (Stronks and Blomberg 1993; Van Brummelen 2002; Hull 2009), reflecting the conviction that all things cohere in

Christ (Col. 1:15–20) and that life is motivated by religious commitment. This is a transdisciplinary approach, inspired by a Hebraic view of knowing as personal and relational, rather than a Greek view of knowing as primarily rational and propositional; rooted in concrete experience, it is a form of experiential education. References and Resources Beane, J. 1997. Curriculum Integration. New York: Teachers College Press. Dalton, Mary A. 1976. “The Theology of Ecology: An Interdisciplinary Concept.” Religious Education 81 (1): 17–26. Fowler, James W. 1981. Stages of Faith: The Psychology of Human Development and the Quest for Meaning. Blackburn, Vic.: Dove Communications. Hull, John E. 2009. “Education for Discipleship: A Curriculum Orientation for Christian Educators.” Journal of Education & Christian Belief 13 (2): 155–168. Jacobs, Heidi Hayes. 1989. Interdisciplinary Curriculum: Design and Implementation. Alexandria, VA: Association for Supervision and Curriculum Development. Null, Wesley. 2009. Why Teach Interdisciplinary Curriculum? Waco, TX: Baylor University. www.baylor.edu/content/ services/document.php?id=81704. Schön, D. A. 1983. The Reflective Practitioner: How Professionals Think in Action. New York: Basic Books. Smith, James K. A. 2009. Desiring the Kingdom: Worship, Worldview, and Cultural Formation, Cultural Liturgies. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic. Stronks, Gloria Goris, and Doug Blomberg, eds. 1993. A Vision with a Task: Christian Schooling for Responsive Discipleship. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House. Van Brummelen, Harro W. 2002. Steppingstones to Curriculum: A Biblical Path. 2nd ed. Colorado Springs, CO: Purposeful Design Publications.

—Doug Blomberg

Intergenerational Learning Intergenerational learning in a church setting is sometimes confused with multigenerational learning; they are not necessarily the same thing. Multigenerational may mean simply that all ages park in the same parking lot and enter the same doors, but once there, they disperse to age-segregated settings such as adult worship, youth group, children’s programming, and senior adult programs. Intergenerational, on the other hand, usually means that there is intentional cross-pollination between the age levels. This takes place so that the generations can learn from each other and spur each other on to deeper spiritual growth. The goal in an intergenerational church

International Council for Evangelical Theological Education

is to be a community of Christ together: to create a setting in which the old and young and babies and singles and families and widows and the deaf and ethnic minorities are all rubbing shoulders and sharing space and serving, worshipping, learning, and living together. To better understand the importance of intergenerational learning in the church setting, it may be helpful to take a brief look at the state of the church in 20th-century Western culture. The church found itself becoming age segregated. There are numerous reasons why this happened, but it primarily came about when the post–World War II church began accommodating and even competing with the culture for the hearts, minds, and souls of youth. With increases in leisure time, discretionary income, and mobility, the culture came to value materialism, individualism, entertainment, and mobility. The result was a Western cultural church that found itself in the position of accommodating these cultural values. Adding to that accommodation was the increased influence of social sciences and secular teaching methods, also on the rise during the 20th century. The church was influenced to look to these modernistic models as the proper way to do religious education in a modernist ethos. Parachurch ministries, which were also on the rise in postwar America, often competed rather than partnered with local churches as a means of reaching the youth of the era with the Gospel message. Ralph Carmichael, a popular band leader who was hired by the parachurch ministry Youth for Christ, predicted that teenagers reached with the new folk-rock sound would eventually want to worship to that sound. Thus were born what has been referred to as the worship wars over musical style in worship, further segregating the generations.39 By the last couple of decades of the 20th century, and especially the turning of a new millennium, the call had gone out to the churches to bring generations back together again to be a community of Christ together: a call to create a setting in which old and young, families and singles, would rub shoulders and share space and worship, serve, and learn together what it means to be the family of God. This is the essence of intergenerational learning. Early in the 21st century, multiple models and curricula have been and are being created to encourage local congregations to come together and learn together, to enrich one another’s lives with stories of faith and faithfulness, thus developing places of belonging with the goal of forming identity and purpose in God’s diverse and intergenerational Kingdom. —Trevecca Okholm 39. Thomas Bergler, The Juvenilization of American Christianity (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 2012), 201.

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International Council for Evangelical Theological Education History The origins of the International Council for Evangelical Theological Education (ICETE) lie in the emergence of regional networks of evangelical theological schools in the majority world during the late 1960s and early 1970s. Thus, the impetus for and development of ICETE came from the felt needs of these constituencies, beginning with quality assurance (accreditation) to facilitate regional and international recognition of schools belonging to a given region. Subsequently, these networks, and ICETE, developed support services and promoted relationally based interdenominational collaboration. The World Evangelical Alliance (WEA) Theological Commission agreed to sponsor the project, and ICETE was formed in March 1980. In the years since its founding, ICETE has become the established forum for dialogue and cooperation among evangelical theological educators internationally. Under its motto, “strengthening evangelical theological education through international cooperation,” ICETE has taken a leading role in fostering renewal and excellence in evangelical theological education globally, its membership now covering all major regions of the world. ICETE’s previous international directors are Paul Bowers (1980–1982), Robert Youngblood (1983–1988), Roger Kemp (1989–1997), Dieumeme Noelliste (2000–2006), and Paul Sanders (2006–2012). The international director is Riad Kassis. Purposes ICETE exists 1. to promote the enhancement of evangelical theological education worldwide; 2. to serve as a forum for contact and collaboration among those worldwide involved in evangelical theological education, for mutual assistance, stimulation, and enrichment; 3. to provide networking and support services for regional associations of evangelical theological schools worldwide; and 4. to facilitate among these bodies the enhancement of their services to evangelical theological education within their regions. ICETE Manifesto One of the major landmarks of ICETE is the “ICETE Manifesto on the Renewal of Evangelical Theological Education.” Its origins date back to meetings of ICETE held at Chongoni, Malawi, in 1981. As a new body link-

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ing programs of evangelical theological education worldwide, ICETE determined to draw up such as manifesto for public consideration. After wide consultation and several revisions, the manifesto was unanimously adopted by ICETE in 1983 and was subsequently published in Theological Education Today (16, no. 2: 1–6) and in Evangelical Review of Theology (8, no. 1: 136–143). The manifesto has also been published in Spanish, Portuguese, and Russian. The manifesto aims to articulate the broad consensus on renewal already existing among evangelical theological educators worldwide, as well as to formulate values that could provide encouragement, guidance, and critical challenge in pursuing renewal. In doing so, it is attempting to encourage the community of evangelical theological educators who recognize how much agreement already exists and to explore additional points of agreement. ICETE Consultations for Theological Educators These triennial events have functioned as the principal international forum for professional reflection and interaction among evangelical theological educators worldwide. The triennials have been held alternatively in the majority world and in the West, including the United Kingdom, Malawi, Korea, the United States, Cyprus, Germany, Thailand, Hungary, and Kenya. Several collections of papers from these consultations have been published in an ICETE publication series, Evangelical Theological Education Today.

Facing Christian Higher Education across the World Since its founding, ICHE has addressed wide-ranging educational concerns by networking and partnering with Christian educators, specialist agencies, and institutions worldwide. Through these relationships, established colleges and universities have been able to make significant contributions to institutions, especially those in countries where educational opportunities are restricted, and are helping members develop sustainable and integrated models of higher education that reflect biblical faith through learning and service. The aims and objectives of ICHE are 1. to network individuals and institutions involved in Christian higher education in order to pursue common concerns in the cause of excellence; 2. to engage in appropriate educational programs and projects of global concern; 3. to offer assistance and advice to institutions in keeping with the highest standards of relevant global education; 4. to offer expertise in culturally appropriate education, building communities in a real-life context; 5. to specialize in both program design and delivery for varied contexts, in both traditional as well as distance education modes (including a master’s in development studies, master’s in leadership, and a unique master’s in nonprofit management); and 6. to offer scholarship possibilities for its members, with an open library and online forum.

References and Resources Bowers, Paul. 1984. Evangelical Theological Education: An International Agenda. Nairobi: Evangel Publishing House. ———. 2000. “International Council for Evangelical Theological Education?” In Evangelical Dictionary of World Missions, edited by A. Scott Moreau, 533–534. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker. Kemp, Roger. 1994. Text and Context in Theological Education. Springwood, Australia: ICAA. ———. 1995. “Brief Introduction to ICAA.” Evangelical Review of Theology 19 (3): 314–315. www.icete-edu.org

—Paul R. Sanders and Riad A. Kassis

International Council for Higher Education The International Council for Higher Education (ICHE) has its registered office in Zurich, Switzerland. It was founded in 1997, with the distinct purpose of assisting Christian colleges and universities, by concerned Christian educators who joined together to address vital issues.

Furthermore, ICHE facilitates faculty and student exchange programs and research. In addition to offering program design and learning methods, ICHE provides accreditation and validation possibilities for member institutions. Membership is open to institutions, educators, students, and agencies of higher education throughout the world, and those organizations whose reputation is founded on a commitment to the mission and bylaws of ICHE. Members pay a modest annual fee and are encouraged to attend the annual and triennial international assemblies. Recent assemblies were held in Los Angeles, Zurich, Sophia, and Manila. In 2014 the assembly was held in Nairobi. More information is available at www. iche.org. —Wil Goodheer

The International Institute for Christian School Educators Since 1971, the International Institute for Christian School Educators has offered an annual summer confer-

International Theological Education Network

ence that draws leading Christian educators from across the globe. The Institute, as it is affectionately called, began at Grace College in Winona Lake, Indiana. Bill Male and Roy W. Lowrie Jr. founded the Institute to meet the professional and spiritual needs of Christian school educators through professional development, mutual support, encouragement, and spiritual refreshment. The Institute began humbly, with 11 faculty members (5 with earned doctorates) and 77 participants from 21 states. The impressive list of faculty members included many who would go on to serve as founding members of the Association of Christian Schools International (ACSI) board or work on the ACSI executive staff. An important aspect of the Institute’s unique contribution to Christian education is the deep sense of camaraderie developed between faculty members and delegates. Lowrie’s strategic formation of rich traditions, both serious and light, forged bonds of friendship that would last for decades. Many of the Institute’s humorous traditions were grounded in Lowrie’s experiences as director at Camp Sankanac. But he displayed a much more serious side when it came to the spiritual traditions at the Institute. Time in the Word of God and prayer were central to his devotional life. He expected all faculty members to rise early and join him each morning for devotions. Lowrie also relished singing the beloved hymns of the faith. At the conclusion of his messages, he would sometimes break out in song, a cappella, and encourage the audience to join him. His all-time favorite was “Nothing but the Blood of Jesus.” He began the opening session of every Institute with a complete rendition of every verse. These spiritual traditions shaped a generation of educators and forged a spiritual depth that rippled throughout the Christian school movement. Lowrie’s most lasting legacy may be the countless young men and women he encouraged to pursue terminal degrees, who have since gone on to assume positions of leadership within Christian schools and Christian higher education. The Institute was singularly instrumental in the formation of ACSI, serving as the catalyst that brought together the leaders of the three founding regional associations by providing a critical common bond. The environment, traditions, and memories established were instrumental in providing context for deep, abiding friendships. There were opportunities to pray together, to serve and support each other, and to simply sit together telling jokes, talking and laughing, and sharing a vision for future ministry together. These abiding friendships saw ACSI’s leadership through the trying times to come, because after the euphoria of the merger subsided, many conflicts arose and difficult decisions had to be made. ACSI went on to become one of the leading Christian school associations, impacting Christian education throughout the world.

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The Institute serves a vital need for professional development as delegates choose from a variety of seminar tracks or even pursue a graduate degree specifically designed for and taught by Christian school educators and administrators. No topic is more important to the Institute’s leadership than that of a distinct Christian philosophy of education. Early in its history, the Institute served a growing number of international Christian schools and played a critical role in fostering a climate of racial tolerance within a Christian school movement that was often accused of forming “white flight” academies. The Institute eventually moved from Grace College to the campus of Columbia International University (CIU) in South Carolina. Its influence almost came to an end with the unexpected death of Lowrie in 1994. His son, Roy Leon Lowrie, and Milt Uecker helped lead the Institute during this time of transition, then Uecker continued as director in 1995. Uecker eventually initiated talks that led to cosponsorship of the Institute by CIU and ACSI. While the Institute has made cosmetic changes over the years, it has remained true in its zeal and enthusiasm for a Christian philosophy of education. In the realm of professional development, the program has continued to progress and diversify. The Institute continues to play an important role in the professional development of Christian school administrators from across the country and around the world. It provides a forum for the honing of a well-articulated Christian philosophy of education and helps instill this philosophy in future generations of Christian school leaders. It gave rise to one of the only graduate programs in America specifically designed for and taught by Christian school administrators and strengthened the relationships between the American Christian schools and their international counterparts. The many traditions begun by Dr. Male and Dr. Lowrie continue each summer at the Institute on the campus of CIU and hopefully will for decades to come. —James A. Swezey

International Theological Education Network Beginning in the 1960s, missionaries such as Ralph Winter and Ross Kinsler identified a growing trend in Guatemala: the leaders who needed the most biblical training (i.e., indigenous pastors) were least able to receive it due to mobility, finances, and familial commitments. In response, the two men developed a decentralized educational model known as “Theological Education by Extension.” In the process, they reestablished the central importance of theological training in missions and fur-

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ther strengthened the global church by designing a model by which the seminary could be brought to the pastors. The historical importance of such moments in missions is noteworthy, because despite a handful of examples, the majority of mission agencies continue to exist with a primary focus on reaching unreached people groups (UPGs) through church planting programs divorced from ongoing theological training. This has caused some to lament, “sadly, mission history shows that in our rush to reach as many UPGs as possible, we may be creating new ones.”40 In response, the authors of the 2010 “Cape Town Commitment” committed afresh to the idea that theological education needs to play a central role in the global mission of the church. In doing so, they highlighted the belief that all theological education needs to be both intrinsically and intentionally missional. Its authors boldly asserted: “Those of us who lead churches and mission agencies need to acknowledge that theological education is intrinsically missional. Those of us who provide theological education need to ensure that it is intentionally missional, since its place within the academy is not an end in itself, but to serve the mission of the Church in the world.”41 In accordance with this belief, the ITEN was developed by the Evangelical Presbyterian Church as a ministry arm of World Outreach, focusing on theological and leadership training for nationals around the globe. Born from a conviction that the great commission includes a variety of mandates, ITEN encourages the church to embrace holistic church planting that not only seeks to evangelize and baptize new believers, but is also faithful to teaching converts to obey all that Christ commands (Matt. 28:19–20). This great need is corroborated by M. David Well in Reaching and Teaching: “In recent years, mission agencies and missionaries have increasingly shifted away from teaching and discipleship toward an emphasis on evangelism and church planting—some to the exclusion of any other field activity. While evangelism and church planting are essential components of a missions program, deep discipleship, pastoral preparation, and leadership training must be priorities as well.”42 Toward this end, ITEN’s mission is to “to develop teachers among unreached peoples who will develop teachers among other unreached peoples.”43 This is accomplished by working in countries in Europe, Africa, Asia, and Latin America with the goal of growing training 40. M. David Wells, Reaching and Teaching (Chicago: Moody Press, 2010), 217. 41. Cape Town Commitment, Part 2, Section IIF, 4A. 2011. 42. Wells, Reaching and Teaching, 11. 43. World Outreach: International Theological Education Network, http://www.epc.org/ministries/world-outreach/international-theological -education-network-iten/ (accessed 23 July 2013) (website developed by Bruce Anderson).

programs that will develop mature, reproducing Christian leaders from within churches among UPGs. A defining aspect of ITEN’s vision is to educate and strengthen indigenous leaders to foster the ability of their churches to reach not only their own people, but ultimately other unreached peoples. This vision supports a larger commitment to holistic, full cycle church planting, outlined in the New Testament model of collaboration between Paul (church planting) and Apollos (leadership training; 1 Cor. 3:57; Acts 18) for continued multiplication of churches. This work is accomplished by ITEN’s focus on four key areas: networking, recruiting and sending new teaching missionaries, training and developing current field missionaries, and forming partnerships with global educational organizations. References and Resources The Cape Town Commitment. 2011. London, UK: Didasko Publishing. Wells, M. David. 2010. Reaching and Teaching. Chicago: Moody Press. World Outreach: International Theological Education Network. http://www.epc.org/ministries/world-outreach/inter national-theological-education-network-iten/. Developed by Bruce Anderson.

—Stephen L. Woodworth

Interreligious Education Interreligious education is an educational process in which individuals and groups of differing religious backgrounds learn from one other. It seeks a detailed and sympathetic understanding of religious difference. Although cross-tradition learning has long occurred, cultural challenges such as globalization, immigration, religious illiteracy, and religious violence are the backdrop against which the importance of this discipline is often established. The process of interreligious education involves the reciprocity of speech/silence, explaining/discovering, teaching/being taught. Accordingly, definitions commonly pair the terms learn about and learn from. This coupling indicates that learning should involve (a) gaining critical information about the great cumulative traditions known as religions and (b) gaining personally formative insight from diverse experiences of transcendence and faith. For example, an international group of scholars defines the discipline as “an interactive process through which people learn about and learn from a diversity of religions. It aims at the transformation of

Interreligious Education

attitudes and behaviors that may stereotype, demonize, or view those of other religions with suspicion” (Engebretson et al. 2010, v). Background In framing the discipline bilaterally, interreligious education owes much to Wilfred Cantwell Smith (1916–2000), whose work in comparative religious studies introduced a range of religious traditions to the Christian West. Though Smith was a Christian, his scholarship balances giving information (learning about) and expressing appreciative understanding (learning from) of other religious traditions. Theoretically, the need for deepened and nuanced awareness of different religious traditions lies in what Smith (1962, 126) refers to as the “transcendent dimension” of faith, which resists essentializing or institutionalizing. The transcendent capacity of faith leads to the possibility of “intercommunication among religious communities” (177) and minimizes clear-cut dualisms between the perspectives of insiders and outsiders, adherents and observers. This mutuality between traditions he termed “a ‘we’ or ‘us’ kind of knowing” (1981, 81). The possibility of interreligious partnership led Smith (1962, 310) to remark that “one of the exciting prospects before modern man [sic] is the new possibility of our learning to appreciate religious traditions other than our own.” Comparative religion posed questions so vital that Smith believed that nothing less than the fate of civilization hinged on the ability of humans to cooperatively address them. The manner in which one could go about doing this was through active and reciprocal learning: “Unless men [sic] learn to understand and to be loyal to each other across religious frontiers, unless we can be build a world in which people profoundly of different faiths can live together and work together, then the prospects for our planet’s future are not very bright” (1962, 14). More recently, this approach has been articulated by Francis X. Clooney (2010), whose method of comparative theology is often expressed in pedagogical language. Comparative theology, not unlike interreligious education, involves “the dynamics of back-and-forth learning” (11), in which one explores his or her own religious tradition in concert with looking for insight outside that tradition. “Learning across religious borders” can be an “integral intellectual and spiritual education” (126), which “discloses the truth of my faith, in the light of their faith” (16). Terminology The term “interreligious education” is sometimes used interchangeably with “multireligious education.” Both approaches can be distinguished from a mono-religious approach to theological education. For example, in a

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seminal essay, Knitter (1991, 174) associates a “multireligious restructuring of theological education” with the “mainlining of an interreligious conversation into the general curriculum.” Technically speaking, however, the multireligious and interreligious approaches are distinct (Hermans 2003; van der Ven 1994). Interreligious education refers to a reciprocal transaction between faiths and implies that participants personally identify with at least one faith and have some openness to being taught by those of differing faiths. An example is the Claremont Lincoln University (California) consortium, which in 2013 included member schools from Jewish, Christian, and Islamic traditions, as well as affiliations with Buddhist, Hindu, and Jain institutions. In this regard, interreligious education is often linked with interfaith dialogues, the Parliament of World Religions, and the ecumenical movement. Multireligious education refers to a more neutral comparison of faiths and does not assume that students have a religious commitment. An example is outlined in the 1975 Birmingham Agreed Syllabus for Religious Education. This was “the first syllabus to abandon the aim of Christian nurture and to embrace a multi-faith, phenomenological model of religious education; and it was also the first syllabus to require a systematic study of non-religious ‘stances for living,’ such as Humanism, and for such study to begin in the primary school” (Barnes 2008, 75). It might be said that interreligious education occurs perpendicularly, while multireligious education occurs parallelly. An Academic Discipline Interreligious education is a relatively new discipline. Norma Thompson, a participant in Jewish-Christian dialogues, edited Religious Pluralism and Religious Education in 1988. Nevertheless, in 2004 Judith Berling claimed that her guidebook, Understanding Other Religious Worlds, was “ahead of its time” (3) and that Christian theological education had largely “ignored” (54) other religious traditions. “Theological education remains largely monoreligious” (57). Likewise, The International Handbook of Inter-religious Education, published in 2010, was said to represent “the first time that such a group of scholars has addressed itself to this issue in a co-ordinated way.” Interreligious education is an interdisciplinary discipline. In his vision for moving “beyond a mono-religious theological education,” Knitter (1991) proposed a marriage between theology and religious studies. More recently, the field has been described as involving “comparative religion, theology, the sociology of religion, and religious education, as well as philosophy of education, peace education, and critical and cultural studies” (Engebretson et al. 2010, v).

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Interreligious education is an educational discipline. While the term interreligious dialogue is popular, as a pedagogical activity, interreligious education involves experiential and curricular components not denoted by the practice of dialogue. Some believe that dialogical approaches are too narrowly focused on texts, theories, and institutions; as Clooney (2010, 100) warns: “Comparative theology risks becoming something white guys do in their offices, while most of the Church happens elsewhere.” Thus, recent scholars have taken steps to add teaching and learning theories to the theological and religious perspectives that also inform the field. Berling (2004) employs theories on multiple intelligences, empowerment, imagination, and reacculturation. Others refer to transformative learning theory (Engebretson 2009) and Deweyan pragmatism (Ghiloni 2011) in mapping approaches to interreligious education. Location of Interreligious Education Locality is a decisive issue in interreligious education. Contexts of formal education (e.g., religious education in state schools) may well require a very different approach than less formal contexts (e.g., community gatherings involving faith communities). Reflective of the inherently international scope of both inter- and multireligious education, much of the scholarship has focused on formal schooling in places such as The Netherlands (Miedema 2000; Sterkens, Hermans, and Van der Yen 1988), Australia (Engebretson 2009), and the United Kingdom (Barnes 2008). While the notion of religious education in state schools is somewhat foreign to the United States, the educational theorist Walter Feinberg (2006, 213) hints that interreligious education may happen more effectively in America’s public schools than in its religious and parochial schools, inasmuch as the former are more reflective of society’s pluralism. Theological and clerical education is another distinct location in which interreligious and multireligious curricula are being developed (Mosher and Baird 2009). The practice of interreligious education in nonschooling contexts, such as in neighborhood groups and faith communities, is an area where further research is needed. References and Resources Barnes, L. P. 2008. “The 2007 Birmingham Agreed Syllabus for Religious Education: A New Direction for Statutory Religious Education in England and Wales.” Journal of Beliefs & Values 29 (1): 75–83. Berling, J. 2004. Understanding Other Religious Worlds: A Guide for Interreligious Education. Maryknoll, NY: Orbis. Clooney, F. X. 2010. Comparative Theology: Deep Learning Across Religious Borders. Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell.

Engebretson, K. 2009. In Your Shoes: Inter-Faith Education for Australian Religious Educators. Ballan, Australia: Connercourt. Engebretson, K., M. De Souza, G. Durka, and L. Gearon, eds. 2010. International Handbook of Inter-religious Education. Dordrecht: Springer Science+Business Media. Feinberg, W. 2006. For Goodness Sake: Religious Schools and Education for Democratic Citizenry. New York: Routledge. Ghiloni, A. J. 2011. “Interreligious Education: What Would Dewey Do?” Religious Education 106 (5): 476–493. Hermans, C. A. M. 2003. Participatory Learning: Religious Education in a Globalizing Society. Ledien: Brill. Knitter, P. 1991. “Beyond a Mono-religious Theological Education.” In Shifting Boundaries: Contextual Approaches to the Structure of Theological Education, edited by B. Wheeler and E. Farley, 151–180. Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press. Miedema, S. 2000. “The Need for Multi-Religious Schools.” Religious Education 95 (3): 285–298. Mosher, L., and J. Baird. 2009. Beyond World Religions: The State of Multifaith Education in American Theological Schools. New York: Auburn Theological Seminary, Center for Multifaith Education. Smith, W. C. 1962. The Meaning and End of Religion: A New Approach to the Religious Traditions of Mankind. New York: Mentor. ———. 1981. Towards a World Theology: Faith and the Comparative History of Religion. Philadelphia: Westminster Press. Sterkens, C., C. A. M. Hermans, and J. A. Van der Yen. 1988. “Formation of the Religious Polyphonic Self: Inter-Religious Learning in Religiously Affiliated Schools.” In Search for Meaning: Education into Realms of Meaning in Plural Society, edited by C. Sterkens and A. Ploeger, 123–143. The Netherlands, Kampen: KOK. Thompson, N., ed. 1988. Religious Pluralism and Religious Education. Birmingham, AL: Religious Education Press. van der Ven, J. 1994. “Religious Values in the Interreligious Dialogue.” Religion and Theology 1 (3): 244–260.

—Aaron J. Ghiloni

Iona Monastery Iona, a small Hebridean island southwest of Mull, is celebrated as the birthplace of Christianity in Scotland. The island was given to Columba by Conall mac Comgaill, king of Dál Riata, soon after his arrival in Scotland in AD 563, and there he founded a monastic institution that was to influence the spread of Christianity, not only in Gaelic Scotland, but also in northern England. Aidan, a monk from Iona, later founded Lindisfarne, where he and his successors were instrumental in the

Ireland and Christian Education

conversion of the Northumbrians and even extended the influence of Christianity into central England and beyond. Adomnan, the ninth abbot of Iona, in his Life of St Columba, provides an insight into the day-to-day life of the monks. They lived in single cells, constructed of wattle or wood. The Abbot’s cell was built slightly apart from the rest. The daily regimen was mortification, scriptural study, and manual work. Every Wednesday and Friday the monks fasted, with no food taken until afternoon. The exception was between Easter and Whitsun. During the period of Lent, the fast was extended until evening, excluding Sunday, when a modest meal was permitted. The study of scripture formed a principal part of the monks’ day. The Psalms in particular were committed to memory. From Adomnan’s description, it is apparent that secular literature, as well as the lives of saints, was part of the curriculum. No doubt this would facilitate the monks’ learning Latin. Columba was an outstanding scribe, and he and his second abbot, Baíthlín, put in place the groundwork for the scribal art, which was to become one of the most remarkable features of Irish monastic schools. The monks in Iona worked on the land, plowing, sowing, and harvesting. Intricately carved stones and crosses of the eighth century are also testimony to their artistic talent. It is probable that the Book of Kells, one of the most outstanding of the illuminated scriptural manuscripts, originated in the late eighth or early ninth century in Iona. Scholarly opinion today is that toward the end of the ninth century, at an incomplete stage, it was taken from Iona to the Columban monastery in Kells, County Meath, to protect it from the rapacious Norsemen. The Book of Kells is now preserved at Trinity College, Dublin. Similarly, authorities consider that the Book of Durrow, one of the earliest illuminated Irish manuscripts, had an Ionian or Northumbrian provenance. It has indications of being produced by monks who had Irish training. From the late eighth century, Iona was the focus of Viking raids, to the extent that in the mid-ninth century, Columba’s relics were removed: some to Kells and some to Dunkeld in Perth and Kinross. The latter monastery is thought to have been founded by the saint in the late sixth or early seventh century. In 806 and 986, the settlement at Iona was decimated, yet it still remained a thriving spiritual center until the 12th century. Its political and spiritual significance is evidenced by the fact that the graveyard was the burial place of kings of Scotland from the ninth to the eleventh centuries. In 1203, Iona came under Benedictine “Rule,” despite opposition from the Columban Familia in Ireland. The connection with the Benedictines continued until the late 15th century, when the abbey became the see of the bishops of the Isles.

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The onset of the Reformation in the mid-16th century was the death knell for monasticism, and the abbey was a Protestant cathedral until the buildings fell into ruins in the 17th century. The church was restored in the first decade of the last century, and the monastic buildings have now been reconstructed. In the present day, the restored abbey is a center of Christian ecumenical activities. This is due to the vision of the Reverend George Macleod who, in 1938, founded the community and began reconstruction work on the church. Macleod believed in an incarnational gospel and was an indefatigable campaigner for social justice. His aim, in essence, was to glorify God in the High Street. Nowadays, community membership is drawn from a variety of Christian denominations. Each one assents to a “Rule” that provides for, among other things, regular meetings, daily prayer and Bible reading, accountability for one’s use of time and financial resources, as well as a commitment to act for peace and justice. References and Resources Anderson, A. O., and M. O. Anderson, eds. and trans. 1991. Adomnan’s Life of Columba. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Attwater, D., with John, and Catherine Rachel. 1995. The Penguin Dictionary of Saints. London: Penguin. Dilworth, M. 2000. “Iona.” In Encyclopedia of Monasticism, vol. 1, A–L, edited by William M. Johnston, 658–659. Chicago and Dublin: Fitzroy and Dearborn. Farmer, D. H. 1982. The Oxford Dictionary of Saints. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Herbert, M. 1996. Iona, Kells and Derry: The History and Hagiography of the Monastic “Familia” of Columba. Blackrock, Dublin, Ireland: Four Courts Press.

—Robert Jennings

Ireland and Christian Education The arrival of Christianity in pagan Ireland is most famously associated with St. Patrick in the fifth century.44 Contemporary Christian education in the Republic of Ireland is inextricably linked to the island’s complex and divided religious and political history. After Partition in 1921, primary and secondary education was controlled by the Roman Catholic Church (over 90 percent) and the minority Protestant population (mostly Anglican, approximately 3 percent today). Smaller Protestant denominations such as Presbyterians and Methodists also manage some primary and secondary schools in the republic.45 44. For the text of Patrick’s Confession and related resources, see http:// www.confessio.ie/. 45. Wesley College in Dublin, for example, caters for a wide variety of Protestants at the secondary level and has a strong Christian ethos.

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Separate Protestant and Catholic teacher training colleges46 continue to be mirrored in distinct theological training institutions at the tertiary level, such as the Church of Ireland Theological College (CITC); All Hallows College (Catholic, a college of Dublin City University); and St. Patrick’s College, Pontifical University, Maynooth and the Milltown Institute (Jesuit; a recognized college of the National University of Ireland). These are complemented by evangelical and denominational theological colleges, namely Belfast Bible College and the Irish Bible Institute in Dublin. In Northern Ireland, the Presbyterian Church in Ireland trains its ministers at Union College, and the Methodist Church has Edgehill College. Many charismatic, Pentecostal, and newer ethnic churches prefer to develop their own, unvalidated forms of Christian education and training. Many Christian leaders are acutely aware of the failure of Ireland’s Christendom model of “franchising out” Christian education within the primary and secondary school systems, where religion acts as little more than a political, ethnic identity marker. The collapse of Catholic vocations; significant decline of all the historic denominational churches; increasing pluralism; and an associated waning of political, social, and cultural influence all pose profound challenges for Christian educators in Ireland. In a post-Christendom future, it is likely that effective Christian education in Ireland will be less and less able to rely on the support of the state, but will need to find fresh ideas and resources to communicate, teach, and apply the good news of Jesus Christ at an individual and local church level. —Patrick Mitchel

Irenaeus of Lyons Church father and Bishop of Lyons, Irenaeus (c. 115– c. 202) was born in Asia Minor, possibly Smyrna, where as a youth he listened to the preaching of Polycarp. Later he traveled to Rome to complete his education. As an adult, he migrated farther west to Gaul, becoming a presbyter in the church at Lyons and a leader in the struggle against Gnosticism. When Bishop Photinus died as a martyr in 177, Irenaeus ascended to the episcopal office. As bishop, he focused his work on sending missionaries to unevangelized areas of Gaul and maintaining the church’s unity against persistent challenges through a vigorous defense of the “rule of faith.” Scholars believe Irenaeus died as a martyr in the Roman massacre of Gallic Christians in 202.

46. For example, Church of Ireland College of Education (CICE) and St. Patrick’s College (Catholic, primary) and Mater Dei (Catholic, secondary).

Although Irenaeus wrote a number of books and treatises, only two are extant. The most famous, Adversus Haereses or “Against Heresies,” is a thorough refutation of the many expressions of Gnosticism plaguing early Christianity. The other, Demonstration of Apostolic Teaching, gives a synopsis of Christian teaching intended for the baptized. Both works present the “rule of faith,” which Irenaeus argued was received from the apostles and faithfully taught by the church scattered throughout the world. Together they give a clear picture of the doctrinal content of early orthodoxy and Christian instruction in the second-century church. In Adversus Haereses, Irenaeus provides a summary of the “rule of faith” in three places (1.10.1, 3.4.1–2, and 4.33.7). He states that the church believes in One God the Father Almighty, maker of heaven and earth; in Jesus Christ, the Son and Word of God, through whom the act of creation took place, who became incarnate through the virgin Mary to bring salvation to the fallen world by uniting in himself God and humanity, passed through every stage of human development in order to redeem people of every age, died on a cross, overcame death for all humanity through bodily resurrection, is now glorified by the Father, and will come again to judge humanity; and in the Holy Spirit, by whom the prophets spoke, the apostles taught, and humanity is brought to truth and perfected in the image of God. In Demonstration of Apostolic Teaching, in addition to giving the “rule of faith” as found in Adversus Haereses, Irenaeus provides the first detailed account of the theological narrative (God, creation, fall, redemption, and consummation) used in Christian education. He teaches that there is one uncreated, infinite, and invisible God, the Father, who in love brought creation into being by His Word, the Son of God, and adorned it through His Spirit. God formed humanity as a steward of creation to be like God, reflecting divine holiness and love. He gave humanity free will, through the faithful exercise of which they could grow increasingly in divine likeness and be made fully like God, incorruptible in nature and character. However, Satan became jealous of humanity’s glory and deceived Adam and Eve in the Garden, causing them to disobey God and inaugurating the reign of death and sin in the world. Because of God’s love for humanity, He could not leave humanity in misery. Through a succession of Old Testament covenants, God prepared the world for the coming of His Son. The only way to redeem humanity—defeat the devil, destroy sin, overcome death, perfect the divine likeness, and impart incorruption to humanity—was for the Son of God to become human, passing through every stage of life, thereby paving the way for union with God.

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Christ’s redemptive work in life, death, resurrection, and exaltation to the “right hand of the Father” set the foundation for the outpouring of the Holy Spirit upon humanity. Through baptism in the Triune name, Christians are absolved of sin, born into new life through the Spirit, and receive the Spirit as “an earnest” of ultimate perfection. The Holy Spirit then works continually to render Christians into greater likeness to God. Finally, at Christ’s second coming, the Holy Spirit will enable mortal life to take up incorruptibility in bodily resurrection, and humanity will be fully united with God in final consummation. References and Resources Bounds, Christopher T. 2010. “Irenaeus and the Doctrine of Christian Perfection.” Wesleyan Theological Journal 45 (2): 45–60. Donovan, Mary Ann. 1997. One Right Reading? A Guide to Irenaeus. Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press. Osborne, Eric. 2001. Irenaeus of Lyons. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Purvis, Sara, and Paul Foster. 2012. Irenaeus: Life, Scripture, Legacy. Minneapolis, MN: Fortress Press.

—Christopher T. Bounds

Irish Christianity, Influence of Early It is well known that Patrick brought Christianity to Ireland. At that time, the fourth century AD, the Celtic people who inhabited the island had developed a rich spirituality, which was strongly linked to nature and the seasons of the year. Patrick and the early missionaries were very sensitive to native sacred rituals, and instead of eliminating them, they Christianized them. This form of enculturation of the Christian message was very successful, and in a relatively short time, the Celts became a Christian nation. For many centuries, the Celtic spirit imbued the new faith, and Celtic Christianity took on a distinctive character. Unlike European Christianity, which was exported to the New World, the Celtic mind was not burdened by dualism. As John O’Donohue points out, “The dualisation which separated the visible from the invisible, time from eternity, the human from the divine, was totally alien to them.”47 The Celtic imagination recognized how the rhythm of nature, human life, and divinity followed a circular pattern. This continued to be the pattern of faith and practice to the time of the Protestant Reformation in Europe. 47. John O’Donohue, Anam Cara: Spiritual Wisdom from the Celtic World (London: Bantam Press, 1997), 16.

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Irish Christianity was characterized by a rich blend of Celtic spirituality and “orthodox” Christianity, at least in its popular form. This living incarnate religion was ritualized regularly outside the confines of church buildings and centered around four great feasts marking the beginnings of the four seasons of the year: Samhain (1 November), Imbolg (1 February), Bealtaine (1 May), and Lughnasa (1 August). The first challenge to this unique expression of Christianity integrated into the lives of Irish people came from the Protestant reformers. By the 18th century the (Protestant) Church of Ireland had become the established religion, since Ireland was under English rule. Patrick continued to be the great symbol of Christianity in Ireland. “Patrick’s religion became the guarantor of stability and the bringer of a national social principle. He epitomized the established Church and state as national and enlightened.”48 From a Church of Ireland perspective, the result was an image of Patrick that mirrored the position of this church as the established religion. While the vast majority of Catholics continued with their Celtic expression of Christianity, a comparable image of Patrick, with its consequent expression in practice, emerged between the lay professional Catholics and their Protestant counterparts. Yet among the majority of people, the popular cult of attending holy wells, places of pilgrimages, and patrons did not claim denomination allegiance: “It extended beyond denomination, often comprising pre-Christian characteristics.”49 The impact of the Catholic Counter-Reformation eventually reached Ireland, and church leaders made strenuous efforts to purge many traditional practices of the unique Irish expressions of Christianity and to embrace an essentially clerical ecclesial vision. Throughout the 18th century, the Catholic Church devoted much energy to the creation of church structures, especially parishes, and also to engaging in catechesis on the sacraments and doctrinal formation. It is clear that by the middle of the 19th century, despite the best efforts of the church and the English-ruled state to “purify” religion, the Irish people clung tenaciously to their ancient ritual celebrations. It required one of the greatest peacetime catastrophes to change that. Where the Reformation and Counter-Reformation had failed, the Famine (1845– 1852) succeeded in transforming the religious minds and hearts of Irish Catholics. “It is in this sense,” says Drumm, “that it is probably true to speak of contemporary Irish Catholicism as a post-Famine phenomenon.”50 48. Bridget McCormack, Perceptions of St. Patrick in Eighteenth Century Ireland (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2000), 32. 49. Ibid., 36. 50. Michael Drumm, “A People Formed by Ritual,” in Faith and Culture in the Irish Context, ed. E. G. Cassidy (Dublin: Veritas Publications, 1996), 83.

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Traditional rituals were relentlessly attacked by both Catholic priests and Protestant evangelists. Their path was cleared, as there were no longer any first fruits of the harvest to celebrate the feast of Lughnasa (1 August). The second attempt at a Protestant Reformation in Ireland, in postfamine years, was met face to face by a Counter-Reformation. The former failed, whereas the latter had extraordinary success under the leadership of Paul Cullen, Catholic archbishop of Dublin. Cullen’s impact on the postfamine church was so great that is was termed the Cullenization of Irish Catholicism. The outcome was a devotional revolution, which resulted in church-based practices of faith. The great majority of Irish people became practicing Catholics and uniquely remained so until recent decades. The first half of the 20th century witnessed an extraordinary rise in vocations to church ministries, together with an expansive missionary drive throughout the world. Thereafter, it was evident that the Catholic Church in Ireland, now heavily influenced by traditional European structures, would have great difficulty in responding to the rapid socioeconomic and cultural change that was about to occur and permeate every level of Irish society. As a result of very rapid economic and social change, unequaled anywhere else in the developed world, a major cultural shift has dramatically changed the Irish religious landscape, leading to a corresponding weakening of religious beliefs and practice among all people, especially the rising generation. —Oliver Brennan

Italy and Christian Education Christianity appeared in what is now Italy in the second half of the first century as a result of missionary journeys made by Paul of Tarsus as well as the activity of the apostle Peter. The first Christian communities established the principle of one-man leadership of the bishop. The Edict of Milan in 313 was of the greatest importance. It guaranteed full religious freedom to Christians and allowed the followers of the Roman religion to convert to

Christianity. This resulted in the dynamic development of Christianity in the territory of present-day Italy. Italy’s religious structure is diversified: Roman Catholics constitute 83.2 percent of the population, Muslims 1.9 percent, Orthodox 1.6 percent, Protestants 1.3 percent, and others 12 percent (Kielian 2010). In Italy a facultative form of religious education functions in public schools, and it is characterized by the fact that pupils’ participation in religious education depends on the submission of a positive declaration of intent to participate in such lessons. Confessional lessons of religious education may be held in all types of schools and educational institutions. Religious education is treated on equal terms with other subjects, except for assessment, and is part of the schedule. Representatives of other faiths may attend the lessons for the Catholic religion (Misiaszek 1999). The inclusion of the confessional lesson of religious education in the school schedule means that pupils enrolled for facultative lessons of Catholic religion are obliged to regularly participate in such lessons, because the subject of Catholic religion is an integral part of the school educational program. Approximately 80 percent of pupils take part in such lessons. There is a clear presence of the Catholic Church in the field of education. It conducts several religious universities, among which the most renowned are Pontifical University of the Holy Cross, Pontifical University of St. Thomas Aquinas, Pontifical Gregorian University, Pontifical Lateran University, Pontifical Salesian University, Antonianum (University of Rome), and Pontifical Urbaniana University. References and Resources How Teachers in Europe Teach Religion: An International Empirical Study in 16 Countries. 2009. Edited by H. G. Ziebertz. Berlin: University of Riegel. Kielian, A. 2010. Modele nauczania religii rzymskokatolickiej w krajach europejskich. Kraków: Wydawnictwo UNUM. Misiaszek, K. 1999. Koncepcja nauczania religii katolickiej w publicznej szkole włoskiej po Konkordacie z 1984 roku. Warszawa: Białystok.

—Marian Zajac

J James, William Early Background and Education Born in New York, William James (1842–1910) was the oldest child of Mary James and Henry James Sr., a Swedenborgian theologian. He earned an MD from Harvard, but never practiced medicine. James briefly taught anatomy at Harvard before eventually turning to psychology. He was instrumental in bringing German experimental psychology to the United States and getting it accepted as an academic field at Harvard. His two-volume work, The Principles of Psychology ([1890] 1981), was foundational for the development of the discipline in the United States. He later shifted his attention to philosophy and became one of the most influential and popular American philosophers of his time, developing and popularizing pragmatism (a term originated by Charles Peirce) as a distinctly American philosophy. Significant Contributions to Christian Education In spite of his commitment to empirical science, religion was always one of James’s primary interests in life. The tension between the two shaped much of his philosophy, as reflected in a good deal of his writing from 1880 onward. Empirical science of the day dismissed any religious phenomena from the realm of the physical or the “real world,” while traditional religion insisted that ultimate reality existed beyond the physical realm. James vigorously supported the power, vitality, and validity of religious experience in the lives of devotees against what he felt was the limited perspective of empirical science. He also rejected the Kantian “universalist supernaturalism,” in which the entities of the “ideal world” were barred “from interfering causally in the course of phenomenal events” associated with the “real

world.” He further stated that his view “admits miracles and providential leadings, and finds no intellectual difficulty in mixing the ideal and the real worlds” (James [1902] 1961, 403). Because of the centrality of experience to his metaphysics, James tended to discount the issues that occupied philosophical theologians, such as the existence of God, and focused more on the experiential realities as well as the doubts and aspirations of living individuals. As the first American psychologist to devote special attention to educational issues, James played a significant role in the development of educational psychology. His ideas influenced a diverse spectrum of psychological schools that developed educational theory and practice. His view that as humans “we are thus mere bundles of habit” and that as such we “are stereotyped creatures, imitators and copiers of our past selves” (James [1899] 1915, 66 ) had significant impact on the development of behavioral psychology. On the other hand, humanistic psychologies were also influenced by his focus on the “importance of the individual” (James [1897] 1979, 255) and his emphasis on the importance of “introspection” (James [1890] 1981, 185). However, James’s most significant contribution to the development of education was his influence on his contemporary John Dewey. In describing his shift from Hegelian idealism, Dewey claimed that one of the most significant factors in this change was “the influence of William James,” which he described as a “specifiable philosophic factor which entered into my thinking so as to give it a new direction and quality” (Dewey 1930, 33). In Dewey’s biography his daughters also stated, “William James’ Principles of Psychology was much the greatest single influence in changing the direction of Dewey’s philosophical thinking” (Dewey 1939, 24).

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James’s work has left an indelible mark on the study of the psychology of religion as well as educational psychology. Students of Christian spirituality can benefit from his work and his rigorous defense of humanity’s right to believe as well as the empirical support he offered for the legitimacy of religious experiences. His concern for the life experiences, including doubts, of authentically religious people can be a source of encouragement to those struggling in their spirituality. There is also great benefit in the rich variety of religious and theological perspectives reflected in the breadth and width of the religious traditions represented in James’s studies. Notable Publications James was a prolific writer who had a significant impact in several fields. His 1,000-page Principles of Psychology ([1890] 1981) has proved to be his most influential work, containing much of his philosophical foundation as well as his ideas on psychology. This book both develops and follows his method of “introspection,” which became central to his epistemology. The Will to Believe and Other Essays in Popular Philosophy ([1897] 1979) was also extremely influential during the last century. In the title essay, James vigorously defends an individual’s right to religious beliefs based on the outcomes of those beliefs in a person’s life. The book also contains writings that attempt to alleviate the tension between religion and science of the day and others that provide a thorough statement of his views on morality. His book Talks to Teachers on Psychology ([1899] 1915), based on 12 lectures he gave to teachers at Cambridge in 1892, eventually became a central part of teacher education programs in a number of countries, including the United States. In these essays, James encourages teachers to engage in a “plurality of outlooks,” which “commands us to tolerate, respect, and indulge those whom we see harmlessly interested and happy in their own ways, however unintelligible these may be to us” ([1899] 1915, 264). In The Varieties of Religious Experience ([1902] 1961), James focuses on that part of human nature that deals with religious experience. In this book, he is not concerned with the institutional trappings of religions or even their beliefs. Rather, his concern is with the “the feelings, acts, and experiences of individual men in their solitude, so far as they apprehend themselves to stand in relation to whatever they may consider the divine” ([1902] 1961, 42). The book includes a chapter on mysticism, which discusses four helpful characteristics of an experience that would justify labeling it “mystical.” One of the last books that James published before his death in 1910 was Pragmatism ([1907] 1979), based on lectures he gave on pragmatism from 1898 through 1907. The book provides a helpful outline of James’s fundamental ideas about this philosophy.

References and Resources Carette, Jeremy, ed. 2005. William James and “The Varieties of Religious Experience”: A Centenary Celebration. London: Routledge. Dewey, Jane, ed. 1939. “Biography of John Dewey.” In The Philosophy of John Dewey, edited by Paul Schilpp, 3–45. New York: Tudor Publishing Co. Dewey, John. 1930. “From Absolutism to Experimentalism.” In Contemporary American Philosophy: Personal Statements, edited by George P. Adams and Wm. Pepperell Montague, 13–27. New York: Russell and Russell. Garrison, Jim, Ronald Podeschi, and Eric Bredo, eds. 2002. William James and Education. New York: Teachers College Press. James, William. (1890) 1981. The Principles of Psychology. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. ———. (1897) 1979. The Will to Believe and Other Essays in Popular Philosophy. Cambridge, MA, and London: Harvard University Press. ———. (1899) 1915. Talks to Teachers on Psychology and to Students on Some of Life’s Ideals. New York: Henry Holt. ———. (1902) 1961. The Varieties of Religious Experience. New York: Macmillan. ———. (1907) 1979. Pragmatism. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1979.

—John Lillis

Japan and Christian Education The first known appearance of organized Christianity in Japan was the arrival of Roman Catholic missionaries from Portugal in 1549. There is earlier evidence of Japanese encounters with Christians through trading with the Portuguese and South Asian Indians from Goa, a central base of the Portuguese East India Company. Roman Catholic missionaries arrived in the southern Japanese cities of Nagasaki and Kagoshima, the most notable of whom was Francis Xavier, a Jesuit, who was later given sainthood. These early Christians and their converts faced persecution from the later 16th through the 17th centuries, resulting in many martyrs and the development of a “hidden church.” After 1853, when Japan became open to foreign trade, Catholic, Protestant, and Orthodox churches began sending missionaries in significant numbers. Despite rigorous missionary activity, less than 1 percent of the population now claims Christian belief or affiliation. The vast majority of Christian churches in Japan have a membership of fewer than 30 people, though attendance is markedly higher. Protestant churches (United, Presbyterian, Methodist, Episcopal, Lutheran) and the Roman Catholic Church share the

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majority of congregations in Japan. Many Japanese recognize both Roman Catholics and Protestants for their ongoing colleges and universities. Many Christians in Japan cite the Sunday school as the most important evangelistic and outreach method. Because many secular parents consider the Christian church to be a good place for their children to obtain a moral education, and because the Japanese culture places such a high value on education, significant numbers of churches report more children in their Sunday schools than members in worship. With small membership numbers and an aging population, however, Japanese churches are often struggling to find teachers for Sunday school. Japan is an open and progressive but largely secular society. Despite the small percentage of Christians, for instance, there have been nine Christian prime ministers in the 20th and 21st centuries. Important theologians emerged from the Japanese church in the 20th century, including Kosuke Koyama (1929–2009), professor of theology at Union Theological Seminary in New York City and author of Waterbuffalo Theology; Kazoh Kitamori (1916–1998), professor at Tokyo Union Seminary and author of The Pain of God; and Toyohiko Kagawa (1888– 1960), a social rights activist, author, and nominee for the Nobel Peace Prize and the Nobel Prize in Literature. References and Resources Ibuka, Kajinosuke. 2007. Christian Education in Japan. Report of a Commission on Christian Education in Japan Jointly Issued by the National Council of Churches of Japan, the National Christian Education Association of Japan, the Foreign Missions Conference of North America and the International Missionary Council. Tokyo: International Mission Council. Wiens, Ruth L. 1984. “Christian Education in Japan.” Christian Education Journal V (1): 31–37.

—Rodger Nishioka

Jerome Born in AD 347 at Stridon, Dalmatia, to a Catholic Christian family, who according to common custom did not baptize him in his infancy, Jerome was a brother of Paulinian, who was some 20 years younger and from AD 385 constantly lived with him. Between 360 and 367, Jerome studied in Rome at the school of Donatus Elius, where he obtained a splendid acquaintance with Latin rhetoric and classical literature, and from which he derived his special admiration for the works of Cicero and Vergil. During his studies, he became friends with Rufinus of Aquilea. In 366 he was baptized by Pope Libierius. For a time he lived at the imperial court

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in Trier, but becoming familiar with the ideals of monastic life, he rejected the career of a civil servant and around 370 left for Aquilea, where with some friends he led an ascetic lifestyle. After a few years, Jerome went to Antioch, where he perfected his knowledge of Greek and listened to the lectures of Apollinaris of Laodicea. Under the influence of a mysterious dream, he abandoned secular literature and devoted himself to the study of scripture and Hebrew, learned from a Jewish hermit. In 378 at Antioch, he was ordained a priest, and in 382 he went back to Rome, where he became secretary to Pope Damasus, performing his pastoral work among the Roman noblewomen. After the death of the pope in 384, Jerome went to Palestine and Alexandria, where he attended the lectures of Didymus the Blind. In 386 he settled in Bethlehem, where he organized monastic life for men and women, assisted by a Roman noblewoman, Paula. He taught sacred scripture and the classics in the monastery school. After he died, 30 September 420 in Bethlehem, he was buried beside Paula and Eustochium near the grotto of the Nativity. Jerome is renowned for his work on the text of the Bible and translations of works of the Greek fathers of the church, especially Origen, under whose influence he remained for most of his life. His own works can be divided into exegetical, historical, dogmatic-polemical, homilies, and letters. The most pivotal of these is De viris illustribus, a description of 135 Christian, Jewish, and pagan authors, inspired by the work of Suetonius, and Commentarii in Prophetas, a commentary on the Old Testament’s prophets. In the field of education, Jerome became famous for his guidance on the education of girls, which he included in two letters: 107, To Laetha, regarding the educational process of the girl Paula; and 128, To Gaudentius, about the education of his daughter, Pacatula. The basic assumptions of Jerome’s educational theory were that the family is the first educational environment, that the teacher should always be carefully selected to match the age of the child, and that he should be a man of high moral character and impeccable behavior. According to Jerome, the main educational aims are to protect the child from the source of evil and to fight evil with good. He distinguishes two periods in the intellectual education: up to seven years, when parents should concentrate on the accuracy and beauty of the language and teach the child to read and write, and from eight years of age up, when the psalter, scripture, and strictly indicated canon of books should be the subject of teaching. He pointed to the enormous value of labor at every age in a child’s development. St. Jerome stressed the importance of ascetic and moral education as well. Concerning girls’ education, Jerome emphasized the execution of certain restrictions

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or instructions that were to protect the pupils against moral decay. He recommended adequate nutrition and proper hygiene, appropriate selection of the company, and emphasis on modesty in behavior and dress. He recommended that a child, under the guidance of parents and educators, should have direct contact with the scriptures. From girls, whom he divided into two groups, Jerome required concrete things: a girl dedicated to God has to have some fear of God; she should imitate Holy Mary in all things; bad words or secular songs were not for her ears; and she should get to know the letters and be encouraged to read the Bible. Such a girl should not use cosmetics or earrings and wear trailing robes; she should never leave the house alone, if she has a friend, she should be in her likeness, and she should stay away from men. She should eat vegetarian dishes, she should not go into the bath with a married woman, and if she reads after sunset, she should read piously. A lay girl should learn to worship her grandparents and learn weaving, she should not go out alone and be alone anywhere, and she should not drink wine excessively. At the age of 13, a sound man should be found for her. Another influence of St. Jerome in the field of education is his Latin translations of the Hebrew text of the Bible, called Vulgata (Latin: vulgus—ordinary, common). Jerome made a translation into Latin that was used by the common folk. His work on the text of the Bible began in Rome (383) by the order of Pope Damasus; in 390 he began the translation of the Old Testament from Hebrew and Aramaic. When he encountered an unusual difficulty during his translation or exposition, he relied on the help of others: for the Book of Job he paid a teacher to come to him from as far away as Lydda; for the Chaldee of Tobit he brought a rabbi from Tiberias; and he worked over the Chronicles word by word with a doctor of law from Tiberias. Paula no doubt subsidized this work. At a later time, when his resources failed, Chromatius of Aquileia and Heliodorus of Altinum supported the scribes who assisted him. References and Resources Brunner, J. N. 1910. Der hl. Hieronymus und die Mädchenerziehung auf Grund seiner Briefe an Laeta und Gaudentius. Eine Patristisch-Pädagogische studie. München: J.J. Lentner. Cain, A., and J. Lössl, eds. 2009. Jerome of Stridon: His Life, Writings and Legacy. Burlington, VT: Ashgate. Kelly, J. N. D. (1975) 1998. Jerome: His Life, Writings, and Controversies. Peabody, MA: Hendrickson. Rebenich, S. 1992. Hieronymus und sein Kreis: Prosopographische und sozialgeschichtliche Untersuchungen. Stuttgart: Steiner. ———. 2002. Jerome. Early Church Fathers. New York: Routledge.

—Marcin Wysocki

Jesuits, The The Jesuits are members of the Roman Catholic male order known as the Society of Jesus. The order began humbly in 1534, when the Spaniard Ignatius Loyola (1491–1556) and fellow university students each took a vow to serve God and offer their services to the pope to perform whatever commands he gave them (Boehmer 1928, 57–58). In 1539, the Company of Jesus was organized with a draft of regulations known as the Formula Instituti (65). The pope sanctioned the new order in 1540 in the papal bull Regimini Militantis Ecclesiae, and Loyola was elected as its first general (66–67). Very quickly the Jesuits became prominent in “church reform, organizers of Christian instruction, founders of a new method of preaching and of new methods of practice in the confessional, restorers of the true nature of ecclesiastical organizations and of the Church’s works of mercy” (Boehmer 1928, 71–72). But the society became best known for its two interconnected purposes: the education of young boys and countering the Protestant Reformation. It was primarily through the establishment of schools and superior teaching that the Jesuits achieved a measure of success in arresting the Protestant movement in select regions. By the 17th and 18th centuries, the renowned Jesuit educational system had been firmly established across Europe, providing education for lay boys and clerics alike (Aveling 1981, 212–213). The Jesuits deemed the education of young people key to achieving the aim of countering the humanism of Protestant schools and universities. René Fülöp-Miller (1963) notes that between 1600 and 1700, they were so successful in their quest that even “Protestant parents were entrusting their children to the Jesuits” (405). The teaching of the Jesuit institutions was arranged in three stages: The lowest or “Grammar” class, in which Latin was taught, was intended merely for the thorough exercise of the memory; the following classes in the “Humanities” and “Rhetoric” were to develop the formulation of ideas. . . . The final stage, that of “Dialectics,” was intended to enable students correctly to assess the importance of contradictory arguments, and to accustom them not merely to solve contradictions by an affirmative or a negative, but in accordance with the methods of mediaeval scholasticism, to raise them to a higher unity. (Fülöp-Miller 1963, 408)

The Jesuits were very careful to systematize their subject matter, and only prescribed curriculum, textbooks, interpretations, and doctrines were used. Naturally, notes Manfred Barthel, curriculum was “limited to those subjects and opinions that enjoyed the full endorsement of the Church” (1984, 115). While this all made for a

Jesus Christ

universal approach to teaching, the system discouraged independent and reflective thinking. For example, Boehmer points out that theologians “were compelled to accept the interpretation of a passage in the Bible made by the popes or ecumenical councils as binding in every respect” (1928, 116). Despite all the advances and successes achieved by the Jesuit order in education, even among good Catholics they have been the subject of contention. Robert Ulich argues that [t]he older Orders disliked the infiltration into their established domains, and the secular clergy disliked it tendency to undermine the few remnants of national independence left by the council of Trent. There were also differences of opinion in regard to the dogma, especially the concept of grace. Jesuits destroyed even the work of reform attempted by more liberal Catholic clergymen and educators, while the universities regarded with suspicion the intrusion of Jesuit politics. (1968, 125)

Yet the legacy of the Jesuits in the field of education cannot be denied. Today there are 3,730 Jesuit educational institutions around the world, serving 2.5 million students. In the United States, there are 71 secondary or presecondary schools for boys and girls. There are 28 colleges and universities in the United States affiliated with the Society of Jesus, including Loyola, Xavier, Georgetown, Boston College, Fordham, and Gonzaga (Jesuits). Canadian Jesuit schools of higher education include St. Bonaventure College and St. Mary’s University. References and Resources Aveling, J. C. H. 1981. The Jesuits. New York: Dorset Press. Barthel, Manfred. 1984. The Jesuits: History and Legend of the Society of Jesus. Translated by M. Howson. New York: William Morrow. Boehmer, Heinrich. 1928. The Jesuits: An Historical Study. Translated by by P. Zeller Strodach. Philadelphia: The Castle Press. Fülöp-Miller, René. 1963. The Jesuits: A History of the Society of Jesus. Translated by by F. S. Flint and D. F. Tait. New York: Capricorn Books. Ulich, Robert. 1968. A History of Religious Education. New York: New York University Press. Jesuits. http://www.jesuit.org/worldwide/education/.

—Harley T. Atkinson

Jesus Christ Jesus Christ is the central figure in the early Christian movement and is the central character in Christian edu-

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cation today. The title “Jesus Christ” is a combination of the personal name “Jesus” and “Christ,” which means “anointed one” and referred to the future son from the royal line of King David who will fulfill prophecies and rule on the throne of David his father forever (see Ps. 2:2; 2 Sam. 7:12–16). The primary sources of information for Jesus’s life and teaching are the Gospels of Matthew, Mark, Luke, and John. It is important to note for teaching purposes that these are theological biographies motivated by a theological agenda. The Gospels of Matthew and Luke are the only Gospels that describe the birth and childhood of Jesus. Mary and Joseph are the parents, yet Jesus was conceived by the Holy Spirit while Mary was still a virgin (Luke 1:27, 35, 2:5; Matt. 1:18, 25), in the time of Herod (Luke 1:5; Matt, 2:15, 16–19). Herod’s intention to have Jesus (and all children two years old and younger in and around Bethlehem [Matt. 2:16]) killed points to a date of 6–4 BC for the birth of Jesus, since the Jewish historian Josephus indicates that Herod died in 4 BC (Jewish War 1.33.5). The beginnings of Jesus’s public ministry can be ascertained by its association with John the Baptist. The Gospel of Luke places the time of the appearance of John the Baptist “in the fifteenth year of the reign of Tiberius Caesar” (Luke 3:1), which indicates a time not earlier than autumn of AD 27 nor later than midsummer AD 29. Jesus most likely had either a three- or four-year ministry, based on the data from the Gospel of John, where it is stated that He was involved in three Passovers (John 2:13, 6:4, 12:1; John 5:1 refers to an unnamed feast of the Jews, possibly another Passover feast). Jesus healed lepers, raised the dead, restored sight to the blind, and proclaimed good news to the poor, indicating that the Kingdom had dawned (Matt. 12:28; Luke 11:20) and was operating through Him. He had a specific sense of mission to “sinners”: “I came not to call the righteous but sinners” (Mark 2:17; Matt. 9:12–13; Luke 5:31–32). It is stated that in His final days, Jesus celebrated the Passover meal with his disciples (Matt. 26:17–29; Mark 14:12–25; Luke 22:7–23; see also 1 Cor. 11:23–26). Jesus blessed the unleavened bread, broke it and distributed it among the disciples, and said, “This is my body.” After the meal, Jesus took the cup and asked His disciples to drink from it, saying, “This is my blood of the covenant, to be poured out for many for the forgiveness of sins.” This language interpreted Jesus’s imminent death as a substitutionary and sacrificial death that would inaugurate the new covenant (see Exod. 24:8; Jer. 31:31–34; Isa. 53:11–12). With the help of Judas Iscariot, Jesus was arrested later on the same night in a garden on the Mount of Olives and was hastily brought to trial before the Jewish religious leaders known as the Sanhedrin. Since the

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Sanhedrin did not have jurisdiction in capital cases, the case was referred to the Roman prefect Pilate. The following morning, Jesus was tried before Pilate on charges of sedition and claiming to be a messianic pretender and a king (Luke 23:2). Pilate found Jesus guilty despite the innocence communicated in His responses. He was then scourged and led to Golgotha, just outside the city gates of Jerusalem, where Roman soldiers crucified him with two thieves. Jesus was put on the cross about noon and died about three hours later (Mark 15:16–32; Matt. 27:27–44; Luke 23:26–43; John 19:16–27). After Jesus died, His body was taken down from the cross and buried in a tomb provided by Joseph of Arimathea (John 19:38– 42). Jesus’s crucifixion most likely took place in April in the year AD 30, which covers the overlapping reigns of the prefect Pilate (AD 26–36), the high priest Caiaphas (AD 18–36), and the tetrarch Antipas (4 BC–AD 37). In the Gospels we do not have any firsthand witnesses of what happened in the tomb of Jesus. However, there is widespread attestation of experiences with the resurrected Jesus (Matt. 28; Mark 16:1–8; Luke 24; John 20–21; Rom. 10:9; 1 Cor. 6:14, 15:5–8, 15) and early traditions of empty tomb stories (Mark 16:6; Matt. 28:6; Luke 24:5; John 20:2–10). The early testimony of Jesus’s resurrection goes back to a very early stage of Christian proclamation. Many Christians believe that Jesus will come back to inaugurate the final phase of the Kingdom of God/Heaven: “They will see the Son of Man coming on the clouds of the sky, with power and great glory” (Matt. 24:30; see also Mark 14:62; Luke 12:40). References and Resources Dunn, James D. G. 2003. Jesus Remembered: Christianity in the Making. Vol 1. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. Green, Joel B., Scott McKnight, and I. Howard Marshall, eds. 1992. Dictionary of Jesus and the Gospels. Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press. Meyer, Ben F. 1992. “Jesus Christ.” In The Anchor Bible Dictionary, edited by D. N. Freedman, 3:773–796. New York: Doubleday. Wilkins, Michael J., and J. P. Moreland, eds. 1995. Jesus Under Fire: Modern Scholarship Reinvents the Historical Jesus. Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan. Witherington, Ben, III. 2006. What Have They Done with Jesus? San Francisco: HarperSanFrancisco.

—John A. Bertone

Jesus Prayer, The This ancient prayer—“Lord Jesus Christ, Son of God, have mercy on me a sinner”—known as both the “Jesus Prayer”

and “Prayer of the Heart,” is not only the original Christian prayer, it is also the earliest form of Christian education. The prayer has its variations, such as “Lord Jesus Christ, Son of God, have mercy on me” (or us if used in public). “Lord have mercy,” or “Kyrie eleision,” is not the classic Jesus Prayer, but a petition invoking His name. Or just the Holy Name, “Jesus,” may be repeated in solitude or in the context of daily life, silently or aloud. Well known to Eastern and Orthodox Christians for centuries, used by ascetics in solitary contemplation and in monasteries and convents both cenobitic and idiorythmic, the Jesus Prayer is curiously not used much in Western churches nor well known by believers in the West. Scholars and clergy do not agree on the etymology of the Jesus Prayer. Perhaps it was the Gospel accounts of the blind man, Bartimaeus, calling out to Jesus as he passed by on the road from Jericho, “Jesus, thou son of David, have mercy on me” (Mark 10:47; Matt. 20:30–31; Luke 18:39). There was also the woman of Canaan, who uttered, “Have mercy on me, O Lord, thou son of David; my daughter is grievously vexed with a devil” (Matt. 15:22). And there is this about a crowd of 10 lepers: “And they lifted up their voices, and said, Jesus, Master, have mercy on us” (Luke 17:13). There are multiple references to cries for mercy in the Gospels and in the Psalms. In the sixth century, teachings of continued recitation of the name of Jesus were solidly established through the work of the Syrian-born St. John Climacus (c. 525–606), who at age 75 would become the abbott of St. Catherine’s Monastery at the foot of Mt. Sinai: “Hesychia is to stand before God in unceasing worship. Let the remembrance of Jesus be united to your breathing, and then you will know the value of hesychia” (from The Ladder of Divine Ascent). Meyendorff notes that St. John uses the “term hesychia (‘silence,’ ‘quietude’) and hesychasts, designat[ing] quite specifically the eremitic, contemplative life of the solitary monk practicing the ‘Jesus Prayer’” (1974, 70). Climacus (1959) clearly did teach connection of mind and heart, connected to breathing, toward deification of the whole person into the transfigured Christ. To “remember Jesus” was and is to monks an experience of divine presence, not just a symbol or simulacrum. This is done by evoking “Jesus” “in the heart,” not just externally imagining or thinking of the historical or utilizing representational figures. To the monks it is about being united in God’s presence via the sacraments, beyond imagination. His Eminence Archbishop Justinian Chira Maramureseanul of Baia Mare, Romania, portrays the Jesus Prayer and its cause or effect differently. He argues that the Jesus Prayer did not originate with St. John Climacus, but rather with the apostles themselves: “Because the ascension of Christ to heaven, the apostles stayed alone

Jewish Catechetical Tradition

and they started day and night to say this prayer—Jesus Christ, Son of God, have mercy. It was the only way to keep contact with the one who had ascended to heaven through thoughts, image and sound.” The archbishop says, “When the heart is pure, it starts elevating itself towards the mind, and it enlightens the mind, and it goes slowly down on the lips, and then the human being says, ‘Jesus Christ, Son of God, have mercy on me.’” (Maramureseanul, 2007, n.p.). Archbishop Justinian goes against the Platonic. Here, the purified heart is in control; the emotions and the affective aspect of humanity inform the mind, illuminating the entire being, infusing the whole person with prayer, which floats up to the intellect. The Jesus Prayer is particularly useful in Christian education because it is easy to remember. Father Johannes, a monk at a monastery on Mt. Athos, notes: “[I]t was originally forwarded orally, for people who were illiterate. They could recite the prayer without having to read Scripture” (Unpublished research note, Chumley, 2011, n.p.). Father Lazarus, the Starets of St. Anthony’s Monastery, teaches that when you pray the Jesus Prayer with concentration, with intention, with love, with humility, with penitence in your heart, you acknowledge something [or someone greater] when you are saying “Lord.” You are already in a whole theology; you have moved in three words. You are way past your personal life into Jesus. “Have mercy on me, I need mercy.” If you add your breathing . . . if you breathe in . . . “Lord Jesus Christ,” you take in, you breathe in with your breath the name of the Lord, and you hold it, when you confess your sins, as Peter confessed you are the Lord, you confess your sins, you breathe in. And the result? You breathe out your sin. This is a marriage of body and soul. This is a purification of your body by your prayer. It’s already an accelerated way of silence, because you arrive at a point where your mind is still because it has surrendered to Jesus. (Lazarus, 2014, 82)

References and Resources Burton-Christie, Douglas. 1993. The Word in the Desert: Scripture and the Quest for Holiness in Early Christian Monasticism. New York: Oxford University Press. Chryssavgis, John. 2004. John Climacus: From the Egyptian Desert to the Sinaite Mountain. Hants, UK: Ashgate. Chryssavgis, John, and Abba Zosimas. 2003. In the Heart of the Desert: The Spirituality of the Desert Fathers and Mothers: With a Translation of Abba Zosimas’ Reflections, Treasures of the World’s Religions. Bloomington, IN: World Wisdom. Chumley, Norris J. 2011. Mysteries of the Jesus Prayer. San Francisco: HarperOne. (Feature film, New York: Magnetic Arts and SnagFilms; Boston: American Public Television, 2011 and 2012. www.JesusPrayerMovie.com.)

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Chumley, Norris J. Unpublished research notes for “Mysteries of the Jesus Prayer.” New York: HarperCollins, 2011. Climacus, John. 1959. The Ladder of Divine Ascent: Classics of the Contemplative Life. New York: Harper. Harmless, William. 2004. Desert Christians: An Introduction to the Literature of Early Monasticism. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Lazarus, Father. 2014. Monastery of St. Antony, Egypt. In Norris J. Chumley, Be Still and Know: God’s Presence in Silence, Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 82. Lossky, Vladimir. 1963. The Vision of God. Translated by Ashleigh Moorhouse. London: Faith Press. Louth, Andrew. 2007. The Origins of the Christian Mystical Tradition: From Plato to Denys. 2nd ed. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Maramureseanul, His Eminence Archbishop Justinian Chira. From the documentary motion picture, “Mysteries of the Jesus Prayer,” Recorded January 23, 2007, Bucovina, Baia Mare, Romania. HD Master Reel 33. Meyendorff, John. 1974. Byzantine Theology: Historical Trends and Doctrinal Themes. New York: Fordham University Press, 70. Ware, Kallistos. 1974. The Power of the Name: The Jesus Prayer in Orthodox Spirituality. Fairacres Publication. Fairacres, Oxford: SLG Press.

—Norris J. Chumley

Jewish Catechetical Tradition “So when your son asks, ‘Why?’ say to him.” Jewish and Christian parents both face the same question. “Why?” asks for meaning, reason, and purpose. All people interested in passing on the system of beliefs they hold ponder the best way to do so for their children. Biblical Theology of Catechism Everyone has a heritage, a tradition, something passed down to another. Whether positive or negative, heritage has a sense of permanence. Land was given as an enduring right to the Hebrews (Lev. 25.23, 28; Num. 26:52–56; 1 Kings 21:3–4). The Hebrews were God’s heritage (Deut. 4:20, 32:9), in turn, He was to be theirs (Ps. 119:57, 142:5). God gave His law for His people’s inheritance (Deut. 33:4; Ps. 119:111). Primary for Hebrew peoples is that children are an inheritance from the Lord (Ps. 127:3). Hebrews combined the two most precious earthly possessions they had—God’s law and their children—to establish a practice of answering “Why?” Four repetitious passages establish the Jewish catechetical tradition. In each case, the same format is followed: (1) the question, (2) who asks, (3) who answers, (4) what event occurred, and (5) what action was taken. The

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first three are always the same. Children seek meaning about a certain event from their parents. Passover (Exod. 12:24–28), law-giving (Deut. 6:20–25), and the Jordan crossing (Josh. 4:1–9, 19–24) are the events prompting the catechism, the passing down of the information to “generations yet to come” (Exod. 12.42). Further observations illicit ideas for the catechetical process to be followed. The rite or ritual was a literal work, labor, or service (12.24). The service (13:5) was something planned or scheduled (13:4) and provided an opportunity to have a ready answer (13:8) to the question (13:14), which was assumed (Exod. 10:2). A similar question was later asked about a stone marker for the Jordan River crossing. The sign was a historical symbol pointing back to a space-time event (Josh. 4:6). The pile of rocks was to be a memorial, a place of reflection, recalling the past event (Josh. 4:7). Biblical Philosophy of Catechism Five ways of thinking spur people to pass down their beliefs to the next generation. First, the importance of belief prompts teaching. The events of history must not be forgotten; etched in memory, parents relive the past. The past depends on interpretation, so guidance is needed to ensure proper analysis. Second, the intention of belief promotes planning. Teaching does not happen by happenstance. Traditions are employed to create repeated attention to historical detail. Physical-visual aids are necessary to connect the past to the present, one generation to the next. Third, the instruction of belief upholds meaning. A celebration of creed develops confidence, something upon which future generations can depend. Questions and answers can build trust, leading to certainty. Fourth, the indicative of belief encourages investigation, the idea that credibility is sustained through proper analysis. A story retold is only as good as the research and inquiry into whether or not the history is true. Fifth, the imperative of belief endorses commitment. If the belief is true, people have no other choice but to tell it. Exclusivity marks the belief. There can be no neutrality, no vacillation, and no acceptance of competing belief systems. The belief is a command of God, not a human invention. Christian Practice of Catechism Will Christian young people be able to meet the challenges of the 21st century? A catechism is both a personal and corporate attempt to educate sons and daughters of the faith. Children need to know what and why they believe. “What?” must proceed “Why?” then “How?” the teaching is given. The early church was certainly concerned that some had not been well taught (Heb. 5:11–14), teaching being critical to the future of the church. In the case of the Hebrews (5:11–6:2), the cat-

echism had calcified. Christian teaching had occurred but prompted no growth. These Christians did not know “the elementary principles” (5:12), the primary materials of creation (2 Pet. 3:10). Maturity should result from consistent scriptural training (Heb. 5:14). Catechism can lead people to the well of learning, but each person still bears responsibility to drink. Very deliberate practices can give clear direction for the church’s catechesis based on scriptural teaching. Catechism should be a curricular design, planned and scheduled. Attention should be paid to detail developing the necessity of personal reflection. The educational process should involve question and answer as well as stories being retold. Christian interpretation is based on historical connections that are maintained. Seriousness and solemnity should mark the procedure. Parents should be personally involved with their children’s belief education. Active learning, visual aids, and physical memorials help convey the Christian remembrance. An audible invocation or commencement engages children, which is helpful as they plan to pass on to their children what they have learned. Christian children must be able to defend what and why they believe, be able to give an answer to all who ask with gentleness and respect (1 Pet. 3:15–16). The content of belief is combined with communication for the sake of training. Knowledge provides confidence for explanation to others. Two groups, believers and unbelievers, benefit from continuing catechesis, according to Joshua 4:24: “so that all the peoples of the earth may know that the hand of the LORD is mighty, that you may fear the LORD your God forever.” References and Resources Parrett, Gary A., and S. Steve Kang. 2009. Teaching the Faith and Forming the Faithful: A Biblical Vision for Education in the Church. Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press. Spooner, Bernard M., ed. 2012. Christian Education Leadership: Making Disciples in the 21st Century. Coppell, TX: Christian Leadership Publishing.

—Mark Eckel

Jewish Model of Education Jewish education began with the close of the Hebrew period of Old Testament history, when Solomon’s Temple was destroyed in 586 BC. The culture of Judaism differed drastically from that of the Hebrews and fostered a new educational model. Education in Judaism is an expansion of Hebrew education, with adaptation and additional instructional initiatives to respond to the cultural transitions within the community of faith. The Jewish

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TABLE J.1 Student Age

School

Curriculum Content

Comment

5–9 10–14 15+

Beth Hassepher (“House of the Book”) Beth ha-Midrash (“House of Study”) Scribal/rabbinic school

Torah, Nebhim, and Kethubim Mishnah (oral law) Talmud

Elementary education; reading and writing Secondary education; discussion of subjects Higher education

educational system developed in three distinct phases: (1) the Sopherim period (515–200 BC), in which the scribes (Heb. sopherim) were the principal educational leaders (cf. Ezra 7:6–10; Neh. 8:2, 8, 13); (2) the Zugot period (200 BC–AD 10), literally meaning pair, wherein the Sanhedrin was ruled by a pair of leaders, such as Hillel and Shammai; and finally, (3) the Tannaitic period (AD 10–220), which was characterized by the leadership of rabbis, such as those referenced in the New Testament. The Jewish model was developed in response to new questions raised by the Jewish community as it encountered its non-Jewish context. How does one preserve Jewish faith and identity in a non-Jewish setting? Four educational institutions took root within Judaism: the synagogue, secondary schools, elementary schools, and rabbinical academies or colleges. Philo of Alexandria called the synagogue the “House of Instruction” (Life of Moses, 3.27) and provided universal educational opportunity for lifelong learning (Drazin 1940, 15–23). In addition, three levels of Jewish formal education were established (see table J.1). Instruction at the Jerusalem Temple, public reading of scripture, participation in feasts and festivals, as well as parental instruction continued to contribute to the education of God’s people. In addition, Jewish literature began to play a role in the educational process. Literature such as Hallakah (formulations of oral law) and Haggadah (legends) added to the collective knowledge of the Jewish community (see table J.2). The Jewish teacher was a moral and intellectual exemplar and was expected to instill these qualities in his students. In fact, the most important qualification for a teacher was not his scholastic ability, but his moral fiber. Education was for Torah (intellectual) and Mitzvot (right

conduct). Teachers typically taught without pay, most becoming bivocational educators (Ebner 1956, 54). Education within Judaism provides the immediate backdrop for understanding education in the church of the first century AD. It is easily forgotten that Jesus, His disciples, and the earliest Christian communities were in fact Jewish. We observe several points of intersection between education within Judaism and the development of Christianity within the first century AD. Jesus would have participated in the synagogue, as well as perhaps the Beth Hassepher. Jesus would have also been acculturated into Jewish society through socialization as He participated in the rituals and feasts of the Jewish community (Luke 2:21–30, 46). Jesus was primarily a teacher, as He is most frequently called in the Gospels. Mark 10:1 best illustrates this when it states, “as it was his custom, he taught them.” Hence, Jesus was both the recipient and provider of instruction within the context of Judaism. Paul’s life seems to be a summation of the Jewish educational system (Gal. 1:14; Acts 23:3). He would have received education on all levels of Judaism, including higher education in the rabbinical academies. The intellect of Paul was partially the product of the Jewish educational system. Paul likewise utilized the presence of the synagogue as a means of teaching others about the Christian faith (Acts 13:14–52, 17:1–4). References and Resources Barclay, William. 1959. Educational Ideals in the Ancient World. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House. Crenshaw, James L. 1998. Education in Ancient Israel. New York: Doubleday. Drazin, Nathan. 1940. History of Jewish Education from 515 BCE to 220 CE. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press.

TABLE J.2 Literature

Divisions

Composition Date

Contents

Midrash

Hallakah (Heb. walking) Haggadah

100 BC–AD 300

Commentary on the Torah; focus on legal sections Discourses on the entire Old Testament; focus on nonlegal section

AD 100–300

Supplemental materials for the Mishnah

AD 200

Commentary on the Mishnah

AD 200 AD 500

Commentary on the Torah, six sections of legal commentary Commentary on the Mishnah

Tosefta (Heb. Supplament) Palestinian Talmud Babylonian Talmud

Gemara (Heb. completion) Mishnah (Heb. repetition) Gemara

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Ebner, Eliezer. 1956. Elementary Education in Ancient Israel during the Tannaitic Period (10–220 CE). New York: Bloch Publishing Company. Heaton, E. W. 1994. The School Tradition for the Old Testament. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Swift, F. H. 1919. Education in Ancient Israel from Earliest Times to 30 A.D. Chicago: Open Court.

—James Riley Estep Jr.

John Paul II Catholic University The John Paul II Catholic University of Lublin—KUL is the oldest Catholic university in Central and Eastern Europe, founded in 1918. The university motto is “Deo et Patriae—For God and Fatherland” and attracts people searching for truth and wisdom. History with the Professor: The Future Pope in the Background In July 1918, the Polish Bishops’ Conference approved the establishment of a Catholic university. The Most Sacred Heart of Jesus was chosen to be the patron of the new university, which soon became the center of Christian culture. The promising development of the university was interrupted by the outbreak of World War II. Numerous professors and students were murdered or transported to concentration camps. Despite all these repressions, the university carried out secret teaching. On 21 August 1944, KUL resumed its activity as the first university in Poland. The university started to promote Christian education. Cardinal Karol Wojtyła, who was elected pope on 16 October 1978, as Rev. Karol Wojtyła had started working at KUL in October 1954, teaching ethics classes. Two years later he became the head of the Department of Ethics. He combined his didactic and scientific work with his pastoral service. He was among those professors who left an indelible mark on their students’ memories. In 1987, this most famous professor of the Catholic University of Lublin, visiting his alma mater, addressed the academic community with the unforgettable words: “University! Serve the Truth!” Upon Holy Father John Paul II’s death in 2005, the University Senate passed a resolution to name the university “The John Paul II Catholic University of Lublin.” KUL Today KUL is currently one of the fastest growing universities in Poland. It is known for its high standards of education and for conducting scientific research determined by the humanistic traditions of the university as well as by its openness to the needs of the contemporary human being.

At present KUL consists of 12 faculties: theology; law, canon law, and administration; philosophy; humanities; social sciences; biotechnology and environment sciences; mathematics; information technology; and landscape architecture. There are three off-campus faculties: legal and economic sciences in Tomaszów Lubelski and socials science and law and economic sciences in Stalowa Wola. There are also many interfaculty units, such as the College for Inter-Faculty Individual Studies in the Humanities and the School of the Polish Language and Culture. The most fundamental mission of KUL is to conduct scientific research in the spirit of harmony between science and faith, to educate and bring up Catholic intelligentsia and co-create the Christian culture. The university’s history is not only the number of generations of students, layers of tradition, or age of university walls. What is essential is the accumulation of knowledge, which determines the shape of the university. Therefore, the Catholic University of Lublin—where the effort to investigate the truth about God, man, and the world has been made since the beginning of its existence—has retained its links with the oldest universities, thanks to its scientific and moral courage. Resource Kiciński, A. 2012. “The John Paul II Catholic University of Lublin (KUL).” The Person and the Challenges: The Journal of Theology, Education, Canon Law and Social Studies Inspired by Pope John Paul II 1: 139–245.

—Andrzej Kiciński and Paweł Mąkosa

Jones, E. Stanley E. Stanley Jones was born on 3 January 1884 in Baltimore, Maryland. He was converted at age 17. At the time, he believed that he was to be a lawyer, sensing there was a great need for lawyers who were Christian. But it wasn’t long before (as he put it) law moved to the margins of his life, and ministry moved into the center, although his first attempts at preaching left him disappointed and somewhat confused about his life’s purpose. During this time, Dr. H. C. Morrison came to Baltimore to preach a revival. He was serving as president of Asbury College in Wilmore, Kentucky. Through the influence of Morrison, Jones was convinced that this was where he should go to college. While there, he had an unexpected call to missions. When he graduated, he had three offers to consider, one of which was an altered assignment to India by the Methodist Mission Board. Stanley took all three offers to God in prayer and came out of his room saying, “It’s India.” Neither he, the church, nor millions in the world had any idea what those words would come to mean.

Jordan and Christian Education

Stanley Jones arrived in Bombay on 13 November 1907. For the next 66 years, India would be both his literal home much of the time and always his “heart home.” It would be his vantage point for looking at the rest of the world, seeing its need for the Lordship of Jesus and the growth of the Kingdom of God, personally and socially. His early ventures in missionary ministry were the lower castes, but soon God opened doors for him to be an influential witness among political and religious leaders as well. He knew many in the Indian independence movement, including Gandhi, and he was known for his interfaith work, which he often referred to as “Christ at the roundtable.” In 1919, as his ministry spilled over the banks of one country and into the larger world, the Methodist Mission Board renamed him “Evangelist-at-Large”—a title he would hold for the rest of his life. It was also in India that he met the woman he would marry, Mabel Lossing, herself a missionary at Isabella Thoburn College in Lucknow. For the next 40 years, they made their home in Sitapur, 50 miles from Lucknow. It was there that their only child, Eunice, was born. Mabel continued her teaching ministry, while Stanley moved ahead in the various ministries God had given him in the church and society. Most notable was his founding of the Christian ashram movement in 1930. Patterned on a Hindu model, but distinctively Christian (with Jesus, not a guru, at the center), this retreat ministry became a major evangelistic tool in Stanley Jones’s hands. He believed that the soundest conversions occurred in a low-pressure context, with plenty of time for seekers to pray, ask questions, and make realistic commitments. The United Christian Ashrams continue to this day all over the world. Brother Stanley’s speaking engagements increased as time went by. But so too did his ministry of writing. His first book, The Christ of the Indian Road (1925), opened the floodgates for another 27 books. In them E. Stanley Jones presented his message (centered in the conviction that “Jesus is Lord”), with accompanying emphases on the Kingdom of God as a global, multiracial, multicultural, and multidenominational enterprise. His influence extended so far that in 1938 Time Magazine called him the world’s greatest Christian missionary. In 1962, he was nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize, and in 1963 he won the Gandhi Peace Award. He ministered almost literally to the end of his life. In December 1971 he suffered a massive stroke while leading a Christian ashram in Oklahoma. He wanted to die in India, so his family arranged for him to go there, where he died on 25 January 1973. Putting it all together, we can see Brother Stanley’s legacy in Christian education running through his speak-

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ing (often recorded and distributed), his writing (used by Sunday schools and small groups all over the world), and the United Christian Ashram movement. Many of his books and taped messages remain available. His granddaughter, Anne Mathews-Younes, has launched the E. Stanley Jones Foundation to assist in perpetuating his writings and legacy, and the United Christian Ashram movement has also undergone a renewal of its own, reaching out to a new generation of younger adults with the Gospel message and the hallmark message of E. Stanley Jones: “Jesus is Lord!” References and Resources Graham, Stephen. 2005. Ordinary Man, Extraordinary Mission. Nashville,TN: Abingdon Press/Summerside Press. Jones, E. Stanley. (1936) 1968. A Song of Ascents: A Spiritual Autobiography. Nashville, TN: Abingdon Press. ———. (1963) 2006. The Word Became Flesh. Nashville, TN: Abingdon Press. ———. 2010. Victorious Living. Minneapolis, MN: Bethany House.

—Steve Harper

Jordan and Christian Education His Majesty, the late King Hussein Talal Abdullah Hashem of Jordan, helped set the tone for religious education with the country motto of “God, the Nation, the King.” Christian education in Jordan reflects this motto, with emphases on knowing and following God, working with and serving others, and respecting the king and encouraging one another to obey the law. Freedom of religion is best expressed by the freedom to teach communicants their faith in a variety of ways. Christian education in Jordan is conducted as (1) an informal process in homes; (2) a nonformal process in the youth and fellowship groups of churches and parachurch organizations; and (3) a formal process in schools, training programs, colleges, and seminaries. An Informal Educational Process Christian education is strongest in the home. Parents, members of the extended family, and the clan provide the framework for Christian faith and practice. With respect for elders as a hallmark of Arab society, uncles, aunts, and grandparents play special roles in shaping Christian education in the family. A Nonformal Educational Process Local churches are the most common provider of Christian education. Through age-specific meetings, youth and adults learn the truths, joys, and responsibilities of

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Journaling as Christian Practice

Christian discipleship. They learn the worship practices by participating in worship. Outside of the churches but related to them, other nonformal Christian education occurs through group camping, praise bands, sport teams, scouting, and rallies. Teacher trainers are in high demand because of the many different ministries that local churches support. Media play a special role in nonformal Christian education through radio, CDs, and satellite TV. Formal Christian Education This kind of education occurs through the private Christian nursery schools and primary and secondary schools for young people. Colleges and seminaries that meet in face-to-face and virtual classes help men and women develop their skills as Christian educators. Christian education leaders are parents, teachers, young people, and adults who want to see children, teenagers, and adults grow in the practice of their Christian faith. In Jordan, as in many other nations, Christian education for Christians is a right protected by the state and provided by Christian citizens. —Richard Kenneth Hart and Robin Hart

Journaling as Christian Practice Journaling is not an educational delivery method. Rather, it is an evaluative mechanism in the assessment of student learning. The three spheres of educational process are cognitive, affective, and behavioral. Whereas the assessment of student learning is fairly straightforward in the first and last spheres, affective learning is far more difficult to assess. For example, if the goal of your lesson is to increase the passion of your students regarding a particular issue, how will you evaluate the degree to which your students reach that goal? Journaling can be an appropriate response to that question. Although a powerful educational tool that has been gaining credibility in the writings of adult educators Malcolm Knowles and R. S. Christensen, journaling still remains underused as a teaching or learning tool. Journaling evokes conversations within our minds as well as in our world, real or imagined. It helps the student distill, reflect, and synthesize events and their emotional contribution to our journey. Journaling is not simply recording the events of your day. A chronological record of events records the “what” of your life. A journal records the “why” and the emotions surrounding those events. A journal is a narrative record of the emotions and personal interaction with information, discoveries, and events in the life of a student.

A powerful example of the educational use of a journal can be found in the movie Freedom Writers. In this movie, the teacher struggles to enter the lives of her students. After trying various options, she provides each student with a tablet in which he or she is to keep a journal. The students submit them by placing them on a shelf in the classroom, where she collects them, then reads the deep thoughts and emotions of her students. The results are powerful and life changing for both her and her students. Another educational use of journaling is to read the journals of others. Many have used the reflections of Anne Frank, Jim Elliot, John Wesley, and others who have kept journals to gain insight into their struggles and triumphs. A variety of journaling formats are available for use as educational tools. Diaries usually include chronological recording of daily events as perceived by the student. This type of journaling will also reveal the amount of time allocated to particular events or systems in the life of a student, which can reveal priorities and values and can be indicting. A dream log is a record of dreams that students have and write down upon waking before they fade from memory. These dreams can be fascinating reflections of deep thoughts, fears, and symbols. Spiritual journals record personal reactions to spiritual or metaphysical matters. God’s supernatural work in our lives or the lives of others is recorded and interpreted. Often vows, covenants, and personal commitments are born out of these events. Professional journals include statements of professional commitment, personal philosophies related to vocation and professional growth. Often these professional journals are included in portfolios. Interactive reading logs are another journaling approach. Similar to book reports, these interactive reading logs allow students to write down reflections on readings they complete. Whether commentary on passages read in the Bible or reaction to other literature, these journals help students interpret and personally apply that literature to their personal lives. Electronic journaling (often in the format of a blog, or web log) is simply a technological variation of journaling. Students record their insights and reflections in some electronic format. Advantages include the reduction of trees sacrificed in the production of paper, the ease of editing, and less storage space being required. Disadvantages include a tendency to verbosity, the potential for technological breakdown (dependency on power supply), and vulnerability to hacking and invasion of privacy. Journaling can reduce stress, assist the student in problem solving and critical thought, overcome writing blocks, and promote personal understanding and development. When using journals as a mechanism of affec-

Julian the Apostate, The Edict of

tive goal measurement, educators need to bear in mind a couple of important points. First, honor confidentiality and ask permission to read them. Make it clear whether the journals will be read and the extent to which they will be shared before the students begin journaling. Second, predetermine broad themes, phrases, or concepts to be noted as you read the journals. Although the nomenclature may vary to a degree, watch for those predetermined categories to better evaluate the degree to which the students have reached the goal(s) of your course. —Larry H. Lindquist

Julian the Apostate, The Edict of Julian was the nephew of Constantine I, the Great. In AD 362, on 17 June, he passed a law forbidding Christians to teach in the traditional schools that populated the Roman context, which concerned the enkyklios paideia.1 These schools followed a model that had been established in classical Athens, which had been adopted almost entirely within and across the Roman world. It concentrated first on literacy, then on the liberal arts and rhetoric. The literature studied in these schools, the models that students used to learn form and style and to glean ideas, was drawn from ancient Greek and Roman sources. Context: Christian Teachers of the Pagan Classics Julian’s principal complaint against Christian teachers was that they promoted a worldview that ran contrary to the culture espoused within these texts. The classical schools could not, in his opinion, be distinguished from the culture in which they developed. In Julian’s view, Christian teachers—who were themselves educated in these schools, which remained the principal means of cultivating a literate populace—were hypocritical. They had turned away from the culture of the enkyklios paideia and thus threatened to undermine it. Julian’s Edict against Christian Teachers Julian’s edict initially stated that teachers had to gain permission from the imperial authorities and from the emperor himself to guarantee their pedagogical qualities and moral character. What this meant, according to the clarification that was circulated shortly thereafter, was that Christians had no credibility when teaching sources that they disbelieved. What is particularly curious about Julian’s position is how it parallels the work of Christian writers such as Tertullian and Jerome, who felt a profound anxiety about the presence of Christians in the traditional, pagan schools. The Christians felt the poison 1. In Greek, ενκύκλιος παιδεία.

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of pagan culture would corrupt the Christian mind-set, whereas Julian, who had wholeheartedly become an initiate in that pagan culture, felt that the Christian teachers would corrupt the classics. Julian’s edict worked as a catalyst in the Christian world. Saint Gregory of Nazianzus, in particular, was motivated to speak against the emperor and this seeming incompatibility of Christianity and classical knowledge. A great deal of his 3rd and 4th Orations are direct attacks on Julian, and his 43rd Oration, the funerary speech dedicated to his friend Saint Basil of Caesarea, condemns Julian’s fanaticism. Gregory spoke for many Christians, who found the edict banning them from the schools in which they studied and worked humiliating. This sparked an interest in developing Christian schools of their own, which would be modeled on the traditional ones. In the words of Marrou, “they refused to allow themselves to be thus deprived of their literary inheritance and set to work to produce their own textbooks as substitutes for the classics.”2 He cites the work of a father and son, the Apollinarii, who were teachers in Alexandria and passionate promoters of Greek literature. These two developed a new set of texts for students to study by rewriting Christian texts in the style of classical texts. Marrou notes: “They set about rewriting the Pentateuch in the style of Homer, the historical books of the Old Testament in the style of drama, and so on, using every kind of literary form and all manner of metres, from Menander’s comedies to Pindaric odes. The New Testament became a series of Platonic dialogues.”3 Consequences and Aftermath Julian’s edict was in effect only two years. The emperor was killed in an ill-advised military campaign to subdue the Sassanids in Persia. The ban was lifted on 11 January 364. The immediate effect of Julian’s anti-Christian educational policies was thus brief. Christians resumed their chairs and teaching posts following his death, and the enkyklios paideia remained the main curriculum model for schools in the Eastern Roman Empire, Byzantium, even until the fall of Constantinople in 1453. The lasting legacy of Julian’s edict was the rousing and politicizing of individuals like Gregory of Nazianzus, who along with Basil of Caesarea and John Chrysostom would advocate a reasoned and thoughtful employment of classical literature within a Christian framework of schooling. Each had received a classical education, and each could see its usefulness in a life lived in pursuit of virtue. —Theodore Michael Christou 2. Henri-Irénée Marrou, A History of Education in Antiquity, trans. George Lamb (New York: Sheed and Ward, 1956), 324. 3. Ibid.

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Jurisprudence

Jurisprudence “Jurisprudence” derives from the Latin words juris, or law, and prudentia, or practical wisdom, discretion or understanding. Jurisprudence, then, is practical wisdom about the nature of law. In Anglophone contexts, it tends to refer to legal theory or legal philosophy. Jurisprudence is the study and theory of law and involves a study of the nature of law, legal reasoning, legal systems, and legal institutions. There are several schools of jurisprudential thought. These include the natural law tradition, which paradigmatically sees some universal and timeless realities to which positive or man-made law must answer if it is to be regarded as having the key feature of law, which is bindingness. For those in the natural law tradition, the foundations of law are accessible through human reason, and it is from these laws of nature that man-made or positive laws gain their binding force. Legal positivism, unlike the natural law tradition, generally holds that there is no necessary connection between law and justice and that the force of law comes from some basic social facts, which may be commands, sanction, rules, social facts, human consensus, or any combination of these. Either way, law is fundamentally regarded as a social construct. Legal realism argues that the real-world practice of law is what determines what law is. This view is then not unlike the positivist tradition, in that law is defined in terms of what legislators, judges, and members of the executive do with it. In this sense, legal realism is unlike philosophical realism, because it depends on social constructions rather than mind-independent realities, which are the concern of the philosophical realist. The issue for both realists and positivists alike is the concern of the teacher of first-year law students: without reference to ordinary sources of law, we remain in the dark about what law might be. Critical legal studies are a post-Marxist analysis of law as an expression of the policy goals of the dominant social group. The theory derives from the civil rights, women’s rights, and antiwar movements of the 1960s, and some thinkers try to develop the theory to encourage to development of alternative institutional structures to those they regard as flawed by reason of being dominated by an elite. The idea that there are laws of nature—universal, timeless, objective, and in principle knowable—has characterized the thinking of many peoples throughout history, as well as Christian thought. The pre-Christian Cicero said of the natural law: “For there is a true law: right reason. It is in conformity with nature, is diffused among all men, and is immutable and eternal; its orders summon to duty; its prohibitions turn away from offense. . . . To replace

it with a contrary law is a sacrilege; failure to apply even one of its provisions is forbidden; no one can abrogate it entirely” (Rep. III, 22, 33). Socrates, Plato, and Aristotle were all thinkers in the classical natural law tradition. St. Augustine of Hippo is famous for his dictum, “Lex iniusta non est lex,” which highlights the idea that law and bindingness are closely linked, and where a law becomes unjust, it begins to resemble tyranny rather than genuine law. Some thinkers conflate natural law with divine law. But both Augustine and Aquinas held that since human reason could not fully comprehend the eternal law, it is supplemented by divine revelation or revealed divine law. Aquinas, like Augustine, taught that all human or positive laws were to be judged by their conformity to the natural law. These laws govern not merely the physical universe, but also the moral one. Closely related to the notion of mind-independent moral and physical laws is the related though separate idea that these laws derive from an eternal source. St. Augustine defined the eternal law as the divine reason and will, commanding that the natural order of things be preserved and forbidding that it be disturbed. The eternal law drives all motion and acts of the universe. Bodies obey the direction or tendency of their natures. The natural law tradition has been a pillar of Christian philosophical thought. The doctors of the church have always regarded the desire for truth as a foundational aspect of Christianity. Because God’s Word is Truth (cf. John 17:17), the human search for truth, philosophy pursued in accordance with the precepts of reason, can only help to understand revelation better. But because Christianity involves both faith and practice by way of both individual virtue and social justice, it has natural links with theories that take a critical approach to the practice and understanding of law. Law is seen not merely as a static given, to be acted upon by obedient automata. On the contrary, law is to be created, interpreted, and applied with reason and justice. In this sense, other jurisprudential theories cannot be discounted as highlighting significant concerns. The natural law tradition must incorporate critical, positivistic, and realistic elements for a fuller understanding of how the law is to be justly created, interpreted, and applied. Procedural correctness, social consensus, social contract, and sanction are a significant feature of the law, for reasons of justice. In “Taking Rights Seriously” in Law’s Empire (1986), Ronald Dworkin criticizes H. L. A. Hart’s Concept of Law ([1961] 1994) and the positivists for their refusal to treat law as a moral issue. Dworkin argues that law is an “interpretive” concept that requires judges to find the best-fitting and most just solution to a legal dispute, given their constitutional traditions. According to

Justice Seeking as Christian Practice

him, law is not entirely based on social facts, but includes the morally best justification for the institutional facts and practices that we intuitively regard as legal. It follows on Dworkin’s view that one cannot know whether a society has a legal system in force, or what any of its laws are, until one knows some moral truths about the justifications for the practices in that society. It is consistent with Dworkin’s view—in contrast with the views of legal positivists or legal realists—that no one in a society may know what its laws are, because no one may know the best justification for its practices. Dworkin insists that interpretation involves the requirement that reading of a text must meet the criterion of fit. Of those interpretations that fit, however, Dworkin maintains that the correct interpretation is the one that puts the political practices of the community in their best light or makes of them the best that they can be. Although there is skepticism about whether there is a single best justification for the complex practices of any given community, and furthermore, whether they should be counted as part of the law of that community, Dworkin supplies a jurisprudential argument which, although not in the natural law tradition, allows law to be intimately connected with morality and justice, so that any articulation of law must inevitably involve it in a realm beyond the socially constructed. In certain ways, though an ardent liberal, Dworkin is more like those who insisted that “Lex iniusta non est lex.” John Finnis (1980), a theorist writing in the natural law tradition, may be described as a positivist-style natural lawyer. References and Resources Aquinas, T. 1920. The “Summa Theologica” of St. Thomas Aquinas Literally Translated by Fathers of the English Dominican Province. London: Burns Oates and Washbourne Ltd. Austin, John. 1831. The Province of Jurisprudence Determined. London: John Murray. Cicero. 1998. The Republic, the Laws. Translated by N. Rudd. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Dworkin, Ronald. 1986. Law’s Empire. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Finnis, J. 1980. Natural Law and Natural Rights. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Freeman, M. D. A. 1994. Lloyd’s Introduction to Jurisprudence. London: Sweet and Maxwell. Grotius, H. 1814. On the Law of War and Peace. London: A. C. Campell. Hart, H. L. A. (1961) 1994. The Concept of Law. 2nd ed. with Postscript. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Hobbes, T. 1651. Leviathan. Edited by C. B. MacPherson. London: Penguin. Kant, I. 1785. The Groundwork of the Metaphysics of Morals. Translated by M. Gregor and C. Korsgaard. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.

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Laing, Jacqueline A., and Russell Wilcox. 2013. The Natural Law Reader. Oxford: Wiley Blackwell. Locke, J. 1690. Two Treatises of Government. Edited by P. Laslett. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Sophocles. 2004. Antigone. Translated by R. C. Jebb. London: Duckworth.

—Jacqueline Laing

Justice Seeking as Christian Practice Justice seeking is working for change and transformation in a world scarred by injustice. In the words of William McElvaney (2009, 59), justice seeking is “working for tikkun olam, that is, repairing the world and reshaping it in the form of justice.” The church realizes its social mission to the world through justice-seeking education. As Christian educators enter into the 21st century, there is a bourgeoning emphasis on addressing both local and global injustices. Justice seeking in Christian education draws on a long history, beginning with the biblical accounts of the Hebrew prophets, most notably Jeremiah 22: 3: “This is what the Lord Says: Do what is just and right.” More recently, justice-seeking Christian education can be seen in the civil rights movement and the various liberation movements (class, race, gender, sexual orientation). Catholic Church documents such as Pope Paul VI’s encyclical Populorum Progressio (1967), the Synod document Justice in the World (1971), and the United States Catholic Conference of Bishops’ The Challenge for Peace (1983) and Economic Justice for All (1986) all call for justice in terms of poverty, human dignity, care for creation, solidarity with the oppressed, the dignity of work, and workers’ rights. In the 21st century, there has been an increase across denominations in “justice-seeking congregations.” These congregations place an emphasis on teaching how faith communities can respond to the injustices of the world. According to McElvaney (2009, 69), effective justice seeking programs begin with “listening and learning. Victims of injustice know the most about the daily specifics of their oppression and what remedies might be most possible.” The clearest expression of the daily expression of justice seeking is the action-reflection model, especially as articulated by Latina theologians Carmen NankoFernández (2010) and the late Ada María Isasi-Díaz (Isasi-Díaz and Tarango 1988). Nanko-Fernández (2010, 138) suggests that justice “is affected by the enactment of socio-economic change through public policies, institutions, and legislation.” To achieve these goals, Isasi-Díaz (1988: 87–86) suggests a four-movement strategy for liberation that constitutes justice-seeking education:

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Justin Martyr

1. Community members share stories of injustice. 2. The community analyzes the social situation that allowed the injustice to occur. 3. The community investigates the religious tradition for how God aids those seeking justice. 4. The community strategizes how to best seek justice in society. In these four interrelated movements, religious education gets at the heart of injustice by hearing the stories of victims and then analyzing the situation that allows such injustices to occur. Religious educators are instrumental in the third movement, when the community engages the Christian tradition in the context of seeking justice. This step in justice-seeking education asks: How can our theological and liturgical tradition aid in the quest for justice? Finally, the worshipping community must strategize for broader societal change before justice can be realized in the community. References and Resources Espín, O., ed. 2009. Building Bridges, Doing Justice: Constructing a Latino/a Ecumenical Theology. New York: Orbis Books. Isasi-Díaz, A., and Y. Tarango. 1988. Hispanic Women; Mujer hispana: Prophetic Voice in the Church; voz profética en la iglesia. Scranton, PA: Scranton University Press. Martin, Jim. 2012. The Just Church: Becoming a Risk-taking, Justice-seeking, Disciple making Congregation. Carol Stream, IL: Tyndale House Publishers. McElvaney, W. 2009. Becoming a Justice Seeking Congregation: Responding to God’s Justice Initiative. New York: IUniverse Books. Nanko-fernandez, Carmen. 2010. Theologizing En Espanglish: Context, Community, and Ministry. Maryknoll, NY: Orbis Press. National Conference of Catholic Bishops. 1983. The Challenge of Peace: God’s Promise and Our Response. Washington, DC: United States Catholic Conference Inc. ———. 1986. Economic Justice for All: Pastoral Letter on Catholic Social Teaching and the U.S. Economy. Washington, DC: United States Catholic Conference Inc.

—Patrick Bruner Reyes

Justin Martyr Introduction Justin Martyr (c. AD 100–165) was a Roman apologist and philosopher who defended Christianity against pagan philosophies. Justin’s theology asserted that Jesus Christ was the divine logos, or reason, governing the universe. Justin’s work as an apologist and philosopher

gave shape to early Christian thinking and helped lay the foundation for theological reflection for years afterward. Early Life and Education Justin was born to pagan parents in the Roman colony of Flavia Neapolis (known today as Nablus). Much information about his early life comes from the beginning chapters of his notable work, Dialogue with Trypho. Educated in the Grecian tradition, Justin believed philosophy held the answers to all of life’s questions and thus surveyed the broad spectrum of philosophical thought. Justin thoroughly explored Stoicism, the Peripatetic school, and the Pythagorean school, before finally settling on Platonist philosophy. He notes that within Platonism, he expected “forthwith to look upon God, for this is the aim of Plato’s philosophy” (Dialogue with Trypho, 2.6). However, Justin stopped short of fully submitting to Plato’s philosophy, because a conversation with an elderly man in the city of Ephesus exposed him to the shortcomings of Platonism. He soon came to believe that God had revealed Himself through the prophets of the Old Testament, who prophesied and announced the coming of God’s Son in the flesh. For Justin, philosophical inquiry was incomplete without God’s self-revelation in the person and work of Jesus Christ, and this revelation was inspired and sealed by the testimony of the Old Testament prophets. In addition, the perseverance in faith of the early church amid strong persecution further convinced Justin of the divine truth of Christianity. Thus Christianity surpassed Platonism in Justin’s mind as the most complete and true philosophy known to humanity. After his conversion, Justin donned a philosopher’s attire and traveled the Roman Empire, teaching and defending the Christian faith to curious pagans. Once he arrived in Rome, Justin founded his own academy, where he mentored a young Assyrian theologian named Tatian. During his time in Rome, Justin debated the cynic philosopher Crescens, who denounced him as a threat to the Roman Empire. After being tried alongside six colleagues by the prefect Junius Rusticus, Justin was beheaded in 165; surviving official records authenticate his martyrdom. Contribution to Christian Education Justin Martyr’s primary contribution to Christian education (and Christianity in general), like many in his era, was in the field of apologetics. Justin’s background in Platonic philosophy enabled him to reason with prominent opponents to Christianity. Notably, he pioneered the idea that Jesus Christ was the logos who had been described earlier in philosophical thought as the force of reason governing the universe. Justin authored numer-

Justin Martyr

ous treatises defending the Christian faith, such as his First Apology, Second Apology, On the Resurrection, and Dialogue with Trypho. The central thrust of these works was to counter various religious claims and philosophies of political and religious leaders and give philosophical validity to the Christian faith. Justin’s argumentation for and defense of the Christian faith laid the foundation for further theological reflection by the church fathers who came after him. These refutations and apologetic works provide insight into how the early church interpreted scripture and reasoned about the faith with nonChristians. In this way, Justin contributed to the educational ministry of the church by providing reasonable defenses of the faith and providing religious confidence to Christians under persecution. Moreover, Justin was a

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remarkable pedagogue, devoting his life to teaching and defending the Christian faith against pagan philosophies incongruent with scriptural teaching. Justin founded a catechetical school in Rome, where he educated Tatian, who went on to become a noted theologian. References and Resources Barnard, Leslie W. 1997. The First and Second Apologies. New York: Paulist Press. Martyr, Justin, Alexander Roberts, and James Donaldson. 2007. The Writings of Justin Martyr. Berkeley, CA: The Aprocryphile Press. Minns, Denis, and P. M. Parvis. 2009. Justin, Philosopher and Martyr: Apologies. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

—Benjamin D. Espinoza

K Kennedy, William B. Early Background and Education William Bean Kennedy was born on 18 October 1926 in Spartanburg, South Carolina. He was the fourth of five children and the son of a pharmacist and a former schoolteacher. He relates that his family was “poor but cultured middle class.” During the Great Depression, his father lost the family-owned drugstore, but they were able to keep their modest home thanks to the federal New Deal program instituted by President Franklin D. Roosevelt and his Democratic Party. Given his upbringing, this oriented Kennedy’s later Christian education teaching and research toward issues of economic and racial justice. Kennedy’s family was very involved in the First Presbyterian Church of Spartanburg, a large, well-educated congregation, and he particularly remembers the significant influence of the congregation’s director of Christian education, Rachael Wylie. Kennedy attended Wofford College in Spartanburg and was inducted into the Phi Beta Kappa Society in 1945. After serving in the Navy for one year, he completed his undergraduate degree and was awarded a graduate fellowship to Duke University, where he earned his master’s degree and then went on to teach high school and junior college history classes. He attended Union Theological Seminary, a Presbyterian-related seminary, in Richmond, Virginia, where he earned his bachelor’s of divinity in 1954, and then went to Yale University, where he earned his doctor of philosophy degree in 1957. His dissertation, “The Genesis and Development of the Christian Faith and Life Curriculum,” was a contemporary study of a major new curriculum in the United Presbyterian Church in the USA. He married Frances Barron Harris in 1952, and the couple had four children. Upon the completion of his doctoral degree, Kennedy returned to Union Seminary in Richmond to teach

Christian education. There, during the tumultuous 1950s and 1960s and the civil rights movement in the American South, and with his growing interest in the role of education in the life of the church and the church’s place in society, Kennedy eventually left his faculty position at Union and became the secretary of education for the Board of Christian Education of the Presbyterian Church in the United States, the southern Presbyterian church, where he led the Christian education efforts of the whole denomination. In 1969, Kennedy was called to be the first director of the Office of Education for the World Council of Churches in Geneva, where he worked closely with Paulo Freire, exploring the relationship between Christian education and liberation theology and adapting Freire’s concepts to European and North American contexts. In early 1976, Kennedy returned to the United States as director of the Atlanta Association for International Education, and in 1979 he was called as professor of religion and education at Union Theological Seminary in the City of New York. In 1981, he was named Skinner and McAlpin Professor of Practical Theology. He retired to Black Mountain, North Carolina, in 1994, and died in his home in 2006, survived by his wife of 54 years, Frances, 4 children, and 10 grandchildren. Significant Contributions to Christian Education Kennedy early on focused his research on “seeing education whole,” using this as the theme for the first World Council of Churches conference on education, sponsored by the newly formed Office of Education. For Kennedy, this meant seeing education as both schooling and all that occurs outside of the school, and it called for careful social, ideological, and theological analysis of the location of education within larger social and political systems. He argued that education is never neutral, and the question of “who profits” became a crucial one for him.

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Influenced by his work with friend and colleague Paulo Freire, Kennedy believed that education for justice happens best when it begins either with direct involvement with those who are poor or with direct engagement in the struggle against the forces that oppress them. For Kennedy, this meant either active commitment and action to work alongside those who are already so engaged or the radical change of the context, which would force a fresh look at oneself and one’s social setting, with its conditioning influences. In the U.S. church context, it meant deliberately and strategically entering into an activity and working through a process actively to grow a broader critical consciousness. Kennedy was clear that this required a significant level of risk, but without this risk, he argued, without the inevitable “flow of adrenaline” that follows, there would be little chance that a deeply held conviction or ideology would be exposed, challenged, and changed. Kennedy believed that “to know” viscerally is essential if learning intellectually is to do more than reinforce already conditioned values and beliefs. His early interest in the significance of class and race expanded during his career to include gender, sexual orientation, and cultural privilege, particularly in the North American religious context. While his many global experiences deeply and profoundly shaped and formed his understanding and practice of Christian education, Kennedy was most concerned about the ideological captivity of the American church by American culture. Most Notable Publications Among Kennedy’s most notable works are a volume he edited with two colleagues, Pedagogies for the Non-poor (New York: Orbis, 1987), and another volume, edited with Paulo Freire and Werner Simpfendorder, Seeing Education Whole (Geneva: World Council of Churches Press, 1971). References and Resources Kennedy, W. B., ed. 1997. “Religious Educators Oral History: Religious Education in the Twentieth Century in the United States,” vol. II. Unpublished manuscript (14 vols.), Union Theological Seminary, New York Library, and Union-PSCE Library. Vann, Jane Rogers. 1998–2013. “William B. Kennedy.” Christian Educators of the 20th Century Project. Biola University, Talbot School of Theology. http://www.talbot.edu/ce20/ educators/protestant/william_kennedy/

—Rodger Nishioka

Kenya and Christian Education Kenya is a country in East Africa with a population of 43 million (July 2012 estimates) and more than 42 ethnic groups. The Christian population is 82.5 percent of the

people (Protestant 47.4 percent, Catholic 23.3 percent, and others 11.8 percent). In 1884 Ludwig Krapf, a Christian Missionary Society (CMS) missionary, arrived in Mombasa. Following the construction of the Mombasa-Uganda railway line, several more groups of missionaries arrived. Christian education was dominated by the teaching of literacy skills, Bible reading, and basic religious instruction. The lack of Christian education programs to address cultural concerns among Africans created conflict between missionaries and communities (Njenga 2010; Karanja 1999; Nthamburi 2002). This motivated the founding of indigenous churches, further encouraged by the East Africa Revival in the 1930s. This growth created a vacuum in the area of trained Christian educators. From 1970 to 1990, Pentecostalism and the charismatic movement had an immense impact on the Kenyan church, with renewed evangelicalism and a quest for power encounter experiences (Kalu 2008; Parsitau and Mwaura 2010). These features have also become characteristic of Christian education programs in the country. Although the quality and value of teaching Christian religious education in schools have been questioned (Itolondo 2012; Kowino et al. 2011), it remains an open door for Christian educators. Nevertheless, the church lacks trained Christian educators. Thus, as Kenya celebrates milestones in Christian education, much innovation for training personnel is needed. References and Resources Itolondo, Wilfrida Arnodah. 2012. ‘The Role and Status of Christian Religious Education in the School: Curriculum in Kenya.” Journal of Emerging Trends in Educational Research and Policy Studies 3 (5): 721–729. Kalu, Ogbu. 2008. African Pentecostalism: An Introduction. New York: Oxford University Press. Karanja, John K. 1999. Founding an African faith: Kikuyu Anglican Christianity, 1900–1945. Nairobi: Uzima Press. Kowino, O. J., J. O. Agak, Owino C. Obiero, and R. O. Ong’unya. 2011. “The Perceived Discrepancy between the Teaching of Christian Religious Education and Inculcation of Moral Values amongst Secondary Schools Students in Kisumu.” Educational Research and Reviews 6 (3): 299–314. Njenga, George N. 2010. “A Synopsis of the History of Kenya before Colonisation.” Wisdom@Strathmore series. http:// www.digital.library.strathmore.edu. Nthamburi, Zablon. 2002. “The Beginning and Development of Christianity in Kenya: A Survey.” In Dictionary of African Christian Biography. http://www.dacb.org. Parsitau, Damaris Seleina, and Philomena Njeri Mwaura. 2010. “God in the City: Pentecostalism as an Urban Phenomenon in Kenya.” Studia Historiae Ecclesiasticae 36 (2): 95–112.

—Rosemary Wahu Mbogo

Kerygma, An Overview of

Ker ygma , An Overview of Kerygma is the proclamation of the good news about the redemption taking place in Jesus Christ and about the call to conversion. The essence of kerygma is the person of Jesus Christ and the mystery of His resurrection. The testimony of the proclaimer who upon meeting Christ shares with others the experience of this most important meeting in his life is the fundamental form of the proclamation of kerygma. What is more, kerygma also consists of a distinct call to believe in Christ and to change one’s life. The Origins of Kerygma The term kerygma originates from the Greek noun to kérygma, which means the proclamation, calling, or teaching, or perhaps the contents of such a message itself. This term is strongly settled in the New Testament (its verb form appears 61 times, whereas the noun form appears 3 times), especially in the texts written by St. Paul, who adopted this term as the technical term for his theology. He most frequently uses the verb form kerysso (19 times) and the noun form keryks (twice). Apart from St. Paul’s texts, this term can be most commonly found in texts by St. Mark (14 times). St. Peter’s speeches included in the Acts are also an example of apostolic kerygma (2:14–39, 3:12–26, 4:8–12, 10:34–43, 13:16–41, 14:15–17, 17:22–31). In biblical and patristic sources, this term has mostly covered the first concise proclamation of the good news with the aim to call to conversion or its contents—that is, the teaching of Jesus Christ passed on to the apostles (Paciorek 2000). The Content of Kerygma The content of kerygma is what God has done out of love for man through His Son Jesus Christ: the liberation from sin (redemption) and the gift of the grace of sonship as well as the gift of the Holy Spirit. The work of redemption proclaimed in kerygma is inextricably linked with the call to repent and to accept Christ (Kudasiewicz and Zuberbier 1985, 246–247). Ch. H. Dodd (1978, 23–28) captures the content of classic kerygma based on St. Peter’s teaching included in the Acts in six points: 1. The history of the world has been fulfilled; the fullness of time, the “last days” announced by the prophets, have come. 2. The fullness of time has been fulfilled through the birth, life, death, and resurrection of Jesus Christ. 3. Christ’s resurrection is a sign of might and the proof of His credibility. 4. The Holy Spirit in the church is a sign of the present might and glory of Christ.

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5. The present time will find its final fulfillment on the day of Christ’s return. 6. All are invited to participate in the work of redemption accomplished by Christ. On the other hand, on the basis of synoptic Gospels, James Dunn (1977) enumerates the following items comprising the kerygma: 1. The proximity of the Kingdom of God (Mark 1:15; Matt. 10:7; Luke 21:31) 2. The fulfillment of time (Matt. 11:5; Luke 7:22) 3. The call to repent and believe in the Gospel (Matt. 11:21; Luke 10:13) 4. The proposal to participate in the work of redemption 5. Ethical implications (Matt. 5:21–32; Luke 7:1–23) However, the truth addressed to every human being— “God loves you, Christ has come for you, Christ is your ‘Way and the Truth and the Life’” (John 14:6) is the fundamental message of kerygma. Thanks to this fact, the experience of a personal meeting with Christ becomes possible, which as a consequence results in the undertaking of the decision to live according to the challenges that arise from such a meeting. The Form of Kerygma Proclamation The form of kerygma is patterned on the teaching of the apostles about Jesus Christ and His mystery of redemption (John Paul II 1994, 42). A proclaimer of kerygma shares his joy stemming from the meeting with the most important person in his life and shows how other people may meet Him. At the same time, he believes in the commitment of fidelity arising from such a meeting. The form of kerygma proclamation should therefore have the character of a testimony and personal engagement. By its nature, kerygma should most of all be understandable and communicative. Therefore, it should be characterized by conciseness, clarity of thought, transparency, and logic, as well as some sort of directness (Augustine 2009, 397–426, IV: VIII 22– X 24). The proclamation of kerygma may not be reduced to impersonal, purely theoretical, and abstract speech. The fundamental contents of the faith are presented in such a manner as to move hearts, to disclose the living Christ, with whom one can meet and establish a real relationship. What is also important is the timeliness of the message and the disclosure of the good news, not as a distant notion but as the coming of God into the present situation of an individual person, which goes to the heart of one’s expectations, longings, failings, desires, and problems.

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References and Resources Augustine. 2009. On Christian Doctrine, in Four Books (De Doctrina Christiana). Grand Rapids, MI: Christian Classics Ethereal Library. Dodd, Ch. H. 1978. La predicazione apostolica e il suo sviluppo. Brescia: Paideia Editrice. Dunn, J. D. G. 1977. Unity and Diversity in the New Testament: An Inquiry into the Character of Earliest Christianity. Philadelphia: Fortress. John Paul II. 1994. Apostolic Letter Tertio Millenio Adveniente 42 (Vatican). Kudasiewicz, J., and A. Zuberbier. 1985. “Kerygmat.” In Słownik teologiczny, edited by A. Zuberbier, 1:246–247. Katowice: Księgarnia Św. Jacka. Macdonald, J. I. H. 1980. Kerygma and Didache. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Paciorek, A. 2000. “Kerygmat w Biblii.” In Encyklopedia Katolicka, 8;1361. Lublin: TW KUL. Patzia, A. G. 1995. The Making of the New Testament: Origin, Collection, Text and Canon. Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press. Theobald, M. 1962. “Kerygma.” In Lexikon für Theologie und Kirche, edited by M. Buchberger, J. Höfer, and K. Rahner, 6:1406–1409. Freiburg im Breisgan: Herder-Verlag.

—Paweł Mąkosa

Ker ygma , New Testament Foundations of The New Testament texts seek to proclaim, to transmit the message, the kerygma, simply to make an announcement. The Greek of the New Testament scripture, kerysso, to herald or proclaim, is often used interchangeably with “to preach.” While it is often assumed there is a basic kerygmatic structure or proclamation underlying the whole of the New Testament, it is best to remember the urgent nature and purpose of Christian proclamation, as a public announcement of the Gospel as news, good news of a whole new state of affairs brought about by God. Indeed, the New Testament, as the fulfillment of the scriptures of Israel, reads like an extended sermon, the purpose of which is to proclaim the good news of God’s redemptive action in Jesus Christ. As doxological speech, preaching is the work of the whole church which, drawn by the Spirit in responding to the Living Word in the Risen Lord, offers itself in prayer and praise and so constitutes and is constituted as the body of Christ. Moreover, the saving power of God’s revealed speech is experienced and rooted in worship. Animated by the gift of divine grace, the church attends to the Gospel in both speech and action, offering its attention to the astonishing glory, goodness, and love of the Triune God. Thus the proclamation of the Word is an

ecclesial practice, public speech that acclaims the divine glory for the salvation and sanctification of all creation, the wonder and witness of living communion enjoyed by the church within the life of the Holy Trinity. Such dramatic announcement and communal celebration is indeed the work of evangelism, the astounding news that in the calling of Israel and the life, death, resurrection, and exaltation of Jesus Christ, God has defeated the false gods and powers of this world and enthroned Him as Lord of heaven and earth. Joined with Christ by the Spirit whose presence indwells scripture and the church, the church’s liturgical celebration of the Gospel through Word and Sacrament is both a witness and a blessing to the nations, offering a compelling invitation and urgent summons to join the great vocation of praise as God’s good creation. The Book of Acts provides a beautiful expression of the prophetic word revealed in and through the story of the church as a creation of the Spirit, which in its living and speaking bears witness to the crucified and risen Lord, who enacts what the apostolic witness proclaims. The church therefore lives from and for the Gospel: the story of the words and actions of Jesus that are centered on His death on a cross and resurrection from the dead. In light of this story, praise and thanks will be the primary starting point for all expressions of mission, since the church is a community that confesses its origin and destiny are found in God’s reign of love revealed in the calling of Israel, the sending of Jesus, and the outpouring of the Spirit. Intrinsic to the church’s identity is a way of life consistent with its destiny; the announcement of God’s mighty acts of gathering up, reconciling, and perfecting of all things by the Spirit of Jesus, who has been exalted as both Lord and Christ. References and Resources Pasquarello, Michael. 2008. Christian Preaching: A Trinitarian Theology of Proclamation. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic. Sider, Robert D. 1983. The Gospel and Its Proclamation. Yonkers, NY: Michael Glazier. Wilder, Amos N. 1965. Kerygma, Eschatology and Social Ethics. Minneapolis, MN: Fortress Press, 1965.

—Michael Pasquarello III

Kienel, Paul Early Background and Education Dr. Paul A. Kienel is arguably the most important figure in the formation and early rapid growth of the Association of Christian Schools International (ACSI), one of the largest Christian school organizations in the world.

Kienel, Paul

It could even be argued that as ACSI’s founding executive director, he was among the most important global leaders in the Christian school movement during the 20th century. Paul A. Kienel IV was born on 25 September 1933 in Daytona Beach, Florida, where his father, Rev. Paul Kienel III, served as a minister. Like many of his generation, he and his family suffered through extreme hardship during the Great Depression. His father passed away in 1940 from tuberculosis when Paul was only seven, leaving his wife, Velma Kienel, to raise Paul and his two younger sisters alone. After graduating from Bethany Bible College, Kienel was ordained in 1959 with the Assemblies of God denomination and assumed a series of positions at both the local and national levels. Soon after, he began his graduate studies and accepted a position as both teacher and principal at the recently founded Westminster Christian School in California. Significant Contributions to Christian Education Westminster Christian School grew quickly to 318 students in just three years. After only three and a half years, Kienel left in 1966 to lead the California Association of Christian Schools (CACS), where two years earlier he had been appointed to serve on the board. His wife Annie soon joined him as his first assistant, and they worked from their home for four years. It was a bold move by the CACS board and the member schools to hire a full-time executive director for what had been an all-volunteer organization. It was a daring commitment financially, based on faith that the Christian school movement was ready to blossom. In order to fund the added costs associated with a full-time director, Kienel had to demonstrate his entrepreneurial skills. Kienel led the association through a season of phenomenal expansion. It grew steadily, from 8 schools in 1950, to 68 schools in 1965, and then mushroomed to 408 member schools and colleges by its 25th anniversary in 1975. Student enrollment also ballooned, from a few hundred in 1950, to 11,388 in 1965, to 52,459 in 1975, an increase of 600 percent. In February 1974, Kienel received a telephone call from Douglas Horney, the president of the Arizona Association of Christian Schools, headquartered in Phoenix. Horney suggested that his association might be willing to merge with CACS, if CACS would change its name to the Western Association of Christian Schools (WACS). Kienel and the CACS board readily agreed, and they formed a fledgling regional organization. The following year the Northwest Fellowship of Christian Schools (NFCS) joined the growing WACS. The NFCS included Christian schools in Washington, Oregon, Idaho, and Montana. Within three more years the organization

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would encompass 19 western states. The Western Association was growing steadily, and Kienel was leading the charge. In 1978, the opportunity for a merger with the National Christian School Education Association and the Ohio Association of Christian Schools was presented to the WACS board. The merger of these three associations would lead to the formation of ACSI. Kienel was known to often credit Bill Male, Gene Garrick, Roy Lowrie, and himself with initiating the discussions for the initial merger of the three founding associations. Notable Publications Besides being a visionary leader and entrepreneur, Kienel was also a prolific writer. One of his early books was The Christian School: Why Is It Right for Your Child? His most prolific and influential publication was his Christian School Comment, which he wrote for 26 years. Comment dealt with just about every conceivable topic related to Christian school education, and circulation eventually rose to around 140,000. Later in life, Kienel chronicled the history of Christian school education from a Protestant perspective in his two-volume A History of Christian School Education. In the first volume, published in 1998, Kienel traced the early development of a system of education by firstcentury Christians who did not want their children educated by Rome. Kienel recounted the rise of Christian school education in Rome; its eventual persecution at the hands of the emerging Catholic Church; its preservation through the Middle Ages; its reemergence during the Reformation; and finally its propagation by the Pilgrims, the Puritans, and other evangelical groups that eventually immigrated to America. In volume two, published in 2005, Kienel described, in detail, the early influence of Christian schools in the New World. The second half of volume two provided a detailed account of the advent of state-sponsored education and the wane of Christian schools. These two volumes are an important historical treatment of the unique history and societal contributions of Christian school education. Conclusion Now approaching his 80th birthday, Kienel’s passion for the movement he helped shape still burns bright. He is a patriarch who still contributes to the cause of Christian school education in various roles. His extensive travel across the country and around the world provides him with a global perspective, and his vast experience building an international organization provides him with an extensive background in corporate dynamics and change. Kienel’s perspective as a historian makes him able to recognize trends that may help or hinder his cause. The Christian school education community owes

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him an enormous debt of gratitude for his leadership and many contributions. —James A. Swezey

Education and Christian Faith In his essay “Kierkegaard as Educator,” Ronald Manheimer explains the link among Kierkegaard’s writing style, his understanding of Christianity, and the role of the teacher:

Kierkegaard, Søren Biographical Elements Søren Kierkegaard was a Danish philosopher, born in 1813 in Copenhagen, where he spent most of his life until his premature death in 1855. He studied philosophy and theology at Copenhagen University and finished his doctorate in 1841 with a dissertation on the concept of irony in Socrates’s philosophy. After graduation, Kierkegaard devoted himself entirely to writing, rejecting the professional path of professorship or ministry. His mother, Ane Sørensdatter Lund, died in 1834, and his father, Michael Pedersen Kierkegaard, four years later in 1838, leaving Kierkegaard an inheritance sufficient to pay for his studies and the publication of his first manuscripts. Of the seven children born into the Kierkegaard family, only one other child survived and outlived Søren, his oldest brother, Peter Kierkegaard (1805–1888). In 1837, Kierkegaard met Regine Olsen (1822–1904) and immediately fell in love with her; he formally proposed to her in 1840, only to break off their engagement one year later. Kierkegaard never married, and many of his biographers discuss the impact of this failed relationship on his work and life. Major Works A prolific writer, Kierkegaard’s complete works cover several thousand pages; many of his essays were published posthumously. Between 1843 and 1846, Kierkegaard published some of his most important works: Either/ Or (1843), Repetition (1843), Fear and Trembling (1843), The Concept of Anxiety (1844), Philosophical Fragments (1844), and Stages of Life’s Way (1845), all six of them written under pseudonyms, as well as his Concluding Unscientific Postscript to Philosophical Fragments (1846), published under his own name. His dissertation set the tone of his philosophical approach and style: analyzing Socrates’s rhetoric, Kierkegaard conceives of the role of the philosopher as a midwife, assisting individuals in the quest for their own selves. In this process, irony serves as a unique tool that destabilizes the individual and forces him or her to question predetermined answers. In addition, in Kierkegaard’s understanding of Christianity, the notion of becoming Christian (as opposed to being one) is central: faith is a lifelong process rather than a series of dogmas to learn. As such, Kierkegaard is often seen as the founder of existentialism.

Kierkegaard has the generosity of acknowledging that no one can take the steps of inward deepening except each singular individual. The language corresponding to this truth of process would, therefore, need to reflect acts of human becoming rather than final results. The speaker would share a process rather than communicate as if from the side of the accomplishment. This is why Kierkegaard would disclaim the role of teacher, because, for him, to teach has connotations of positioning oneself on the side of finality and of communicating results. Teaching, thus understood, is inconsistent with the truth of human being as self-becoming and with the ever unfinished, because always yet to be lived, the truth of becoming Christian. (1977, 169–170)

Against the institutionalized church, Kierkegaard imagines himself as God’s spy, in charge of defending authentic Christianity and preaching God’s paradoxical revelation of the crucified Christ. In this context, education participates in an ongoing, existential act of selfdiscovery instead of being limited to the formal teaching of some objective knowledge. Kierkegaard’s view of Christianity leads to the necessity of recognizing the impossibility of communicating directly the contents of Christian faith; rather, Christian faith is always first and foremost an existential experience. God’s incarnation represents the absolute paradox, the encounter between eternity and immortality, finite and infinite. Human reason and language can partially explain this paradox, but can never fully understand it; only an individual’s “leap of faith” allows for its full understanding. In this context, there cannot be any formal Christian education, and the model of the midwife is ultimately the only model available for an authentic Christian teacher. References and Resources Evans, C. Stephen. 1996. The Historical Christ & the Jesus of Faith: The Incarnational Narrative as History. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ———. 2006. Kierkegaard on Faith and the Self: Selected Essays. Waco, TX: Baylor University Press. Hannay, Alastair. 2001. Kierkegaard: A Biography. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Hannay, Alastair, and Gordon D. Marino, eds. 1998. The Cambridge Companion to Kierkegaard. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.

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Hong, Howard V., ed. 2000. The Essential Kierkegaard. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Lippitt, John, and George Pattison, eds. 2013. The Oxford Handbook of Kierkegaard. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Manheimer, Ronald J. 1977. Kierkegaard as Educator. Berkeley: University of California Press. Nielsen, Klaus. 2006. “The Negativistic Process of Education: Kierkegaard and the Ontology of Despair.” Nordic Psychology 58 (3): 183–195. Pattison, George. 1992. Kierkegaard on Art and Communication. New York: St. Martin’s Press. Walters, David. 2008. “Existential Being as Transformative Learning.” Pastoral Care in Education 26 (2): 111–118.

Internet Resources Kierkegaard Library at St. Olaf College: http://www.stolaf.edu/ collections/kierkegaard/ Kierkegaard Research Center at the University of Copenhagen: http://www.skc.ku.dk/english/

—Muriel Schmid

Kildare Monastery The Monastic Center at Kildare (Cill Dara), which means Church of the Oak, was founded by St. Brigit. Variously described as “Foster Mother of the Saints in Ireland,” and as “Mary of the Gaels” (Mhuire Na Gael), Brigit is regarded as one of the three patrons of Ireland (the others are Patrick and Columba). Traditions about the saint are conflicting, leading some scholars to conclude that she did not even exist. Some have suggested that the rapid growth of the cult of Brigit can be accounted for on the basis that she is a merely euhemerized pagan deity, or the outcome of syncretism. It is evident that hagiographers over the centuries, writing for a Christian constituency, have transmitted an overidealized picture of Brigit. Nevertheless, given the paucity of information on the background of the druidical goddess associated with her, the evidence suggests that the Christian Brigit was a historical figure of some significance. The circumstances of Brigit’s religious profession are varied. One tradition explains that at the age of 16, she received the white veil and white garment, signifying dedication to Christ, with at least seven other young women, from Bishop Mel in Telcha Mide. In error, he conferred on Brigit the Episcopal Order, and when challenged about his mistake, attributed it to the work of the Holy Spirit. Regardless of what actually happened, Brigit’s life became a byword for holiness of Christian living, generosity of spirit, faith, and miraculous power. Our primary source for the monastery at Kildare is Cogitosus, who wrote the Life of Brigit in the mid-seventh

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century, but it supplies little concrete information on her life. He does, however, provide insight into the ecclesiastical politics of the time. Because of his allegiance to Kildare, he is hardly neutral in his assessment of the significance attached to that church. Scholars have posited that his work is the product of the Scriptorium in Kildare, which flourished at an early stage and was sustained until the ninth century. The success of scriptoria in Irish monastic schools is often predicated on wealth. In this case, Cogitosus chronicles a church that is remarkably large and well endowed. He describes Kildare as a great metropolitan city, the implication being that it is the major church in Leinster. In his prologue, he describes it as the head of practically all the Irish churches and at the forefront of monasteries that spread throughout the whole island. The bishop of Kildare is depicted as the “Chief of the Irish Bishops.” At this distance, it is difficult to assess the validity of such claims, but certainly Cogitosus’s imprecision does not inspire confidence. Nevertheless, it appears that Kildare by the time of Cogitosus’s writing, had developed links with monasteries that put it on a par with the jurisdiction associated with the monastery at Iona. Kildare operated under a strict Rule, and frequent fasts were observed, with unceasing prayer and vigils. Monks slept on the hard ground, food was limited, and they had to till the land by hand. One of the most noteworthy features of the monastery was its school for boys. The focus in the monastery was on faith in God, holiness, and simplicity of lifestyle. Kildare is also famous for its double monastery, although it also served dependents of the monastic community. There is no record of another such center in Ireland at the time. The double monastery consisted of two houses, one for each sex, built around a shared chapel. All were under the jurisdiction of the abbess, Brigit, who was assisted by a bishop called Conlaedh. The women needed the spiritual services of consecrated monks, their protection, and their support in the heavy manual work. The church was divided into sections, with a screen between the nave and the sanctuary and two doors leading into the latter, providing access: one for the bishop and monks and the other for the abbess and the nuns. Another decorated screen partitioned the church, providing space on either side for men and women. Brigit and Conlaedh died in the 520s, and their sarcophagi flanked the high altar in the church at Kildare, decorated with gold and silver jewels, topped with gold and silver crowns. Brigit was a woman of virtue, dedicated to Christ, living for Him and strengthened by His love. Her feast day is celebrated on 1 February each year, a fitting tribute to a woman whose sanctity stood out in a male-dominated culture, as well as evidence of the position achieved by the Monastery at Kildare.

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References and Resources Hughes, K. 1972. Early Christian Ireland: Introduction to the Sources. London: Hodder and Stoughton. Kenney, J. F. 1993. The Sources for the Early History of Ireland, Ecclesiastical: An Introduction and Guide. Blackrock, Dublin, Ireland: Four Courts Press. McCone, K. 1982. “Brigit in the Seventh Century: A Saint with Three Lives?” Peritia 1: 107–145. Ó Ríordaín, John J. 2001. Early Irish Saints. Dublin: Columba Press. Pochin Mould, Daphne, DC, BSc, PhD. 1976. The Monasteries of Ireland: An Introduction. London: BT Batsford. Ryan, J., Rev. 1931. Irish Monasticism: Origins and Early Development. Dublin and Cork: Talbot Press. Walsh, John R., and Thomas Bradley. 2003. A History of the Irish Church 400–700AD. Blackrock, Dublin, Ireland: Columba Press.

named “kindergarten,” which is known globally today. Key to the development of the kindergarten system is its emphasis on “play,” the use of materials for play called “gifts,” and the use of “occupation” activities in learning. These three concepts were rooted in the ideas that all children and adults are essentially productive and creative, but for individuals to feel fulfilled, these must be in harmony with both God and the world.2 Froebel’s influence on modern education is focused on informal education, learning through activities such as play, the importance of social learning, and the importance of the “unification of life.” While the kindergarten theories and activities have continued to develop as the concept is used and developed globally, even encouraging the study and education of younger children, the kindergarten system is widely accepted today as a tool to assist in addressing societal concerns.

—Robert Jennings

Kindergarten Since its origin, the kindergarten has been an effort to respond to the social and moral evils of society. Its principal founder, Friedrich Wilhelm August Froebel, was born at home on 21 April 1782 near Schwarzburg-Rudolstadt, Germany. Froebel himself had a difficult childhood, as his mother died when he was a baby and his working father was mostly absent, so what attention he did receive was from his older brother. Even as a young man, he received very little attention as an apprentice working in the nearby forest. However, these experiences shaped his thoughts, giving him time to reflect, grow in his love for nature, and develop a strong Christian faith and beliefs about education, of which he writes that the purpose of education is to encourage and guide man as a conscious thinking and perceiving being in such a way that he becomes a pure and perfect representation of the divine inner law through his own personal choice; education must show him the ways and meanings of attaining that goal.1

Froebel was educated in Jena, Germany, and studied pedagogy following the work of Johann Pestalozzi and the theories of John Comenius, who some 200 years before believed education should be more comprehensive and advanced. Froebel contributed as an educator, working out Comenius’s theories and founding a system he 1. Mark K. Smith, “Fredrich Froebel (Fröbel),” infed.org (1997), http:// www.infed.org/thinkers/et-froeb.htm); Fredrick Froebel, The Education of a Man, trans. D. Appleton (1887), http://books.google.com/ books?id=Hm4WAAAAIAAJ&dq=the%20education%20of%20man&pg= PA2#v=onepage&q&f=false).

History of the Kindergarten in the United States German immigrants introduced Froebel’s system of kindergarten to the United States in the 1850s, and Margarethe Schurz opened the first kindergarten in Watertown, Wisconsin, in 1856. Like many that followed, it was privately operated in her home. Schurz was herself a German immigrant and had been trained as a kindergarten teacher by her sister in London.3 Since the latter part of the 20th century, publicly funded kindergartens have been available to nearly all five-year-old children in the United States.4 The kindergarten concept has been essential to the ongoing development of learning theories concerning young children and an influential catalyst for 21st-century national policy debates about the need to provide preschool and other forms of early childhood education for all children starting at birth. Longitudinal research has sought to prove the positive outcomes of the program for society. Current Findings Supported by many years of research, the kindergarten system has proven to be both socially and academically beneficial. However, the critics of the U.S. curriculum argue that its programs are more focused on social than academic development, and recent research on the impact of public funding of kindergarten reveals that the kindergarten has had little impact on the reduction of dropout rates. This was only among white children (2.5 percent), yet it has had a larger impact on keeping white 2. Ibid. 3. L. Prochner, “‘Their Little Wooden Bricks’: A History of the Material Culture of Kindergarten in the United States,” Paedagogica Historica: International Journal of the History of Education 47, no. 3 (2011): 355–375. 4. E. U. Cascio, “What Happened When Kindergarten Went Universal?” Education Next 10, no. 2 (2010): 62–69.

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children out of prison or institutionalized quarters (22 percent). In addition, there seems to have been little impact on African Americans, as they already had the advantage of high-quality programs that were offered to disadvantaged minorities.5 Educators continue to believe that kindergartens have a social impact beyond what they can statistically validate for all populations. References and Resources Bruce, T., A. Findlay, J. Read, and M. Scarborough, eds. 1995. Recurring Themes in Education. London: Paul Chapman Publishing. Bruegel, G. A. 1899. “History and Problem of the Kindergarten.” The Lutheran Church Review 18: 704–711. Cascio, E. U. 2010. “What Happened When Kindergarten Went Universal?” Education Next 10 (2): 62–69. Ewen, D., H. Matthews, and Center for Law and Social Policy. 2007. “Title I and Early Childhood Programs: A Look at Investments in the NCLB Era.” CLASP Child Care and Early Education Series. Policy Paper No. 2. Center for Law and Social Policy, Inc. (CLASP). Froebel, F. 1826. On the Education of Man (Die Menschenerziehung). Keilhaul/Leipzig: Wienbrach. “History and Problem of the Kindergarten.” 1899. The Lutheran Church Review 18 (January 1): 704–711. Lilley, I., ed. 1967. Friedrick Froebel: A Selection from His Writings. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Prochner, L. 2011. “‘Their Little Wooden Bricks’: A History of the Material Culture of Kindergarten in the United States.” Paedagogica Historica: International Journal of the History of Education 47 (3): 355–375. Smith, Mark K. n.d. “Fredrich Froebel (Fröbel).” infed. http:// www.infed.org/thinkers/et-froeb.htm.

—Karen L. Estep

Kingdom Education Kingdom education overtly advances the Holy Spirit– empowered kingdom that Jesus inaugurated and will consummate at His second coming. The intentional incorporation of the presence, leading, and enjoyment of the presence of God goes beyond Christian education’s traditional practice of combining academic and biblical content. Kingdom education reprioritizes through equipping to bring the kingdom qualities of God’s personal nature to earth through the academic venue, which otherwise equips students mainly for temporal competence. Kingdom schools are envisioned as centers of worship where learning occurs (rather than vice versa); its graduates are treasure chests of God’s endowments. 5. Ibid.

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Human Kingdoms The predominant Old Testament understanding of the term “kingdom” related primarily to human institutions. With God’s blessing on David’s kingdom, it had the most enduring and greatest hope for longevity (cf. Ps. 89:20– 29; Acts 1:6, NKJV). David himself, however, signaled the eventual replacement of his earthbound kingdom by a qualitatively different, heavenly inspired kingdom (Ps. 145:11–13; Isa. 9:6–7). How Christians contribute to bringing God’s Kingdom to earth has multiple, sometimes less than clearly delineated, interpretations. Certainly, the Son of God came to earth in human form to initiate the process. The redemptive or restorative approach favored by groups such as neoCalvinists is that believers are called to redeem all cultural and institutional expressions from the consequences of the Fall, since “every square inch” of creation is His. The scholarly excellence and Christian worldview development characteristic of this emphasis have not shifted cultures as expected, however. Excellent academics notwithstanding, the two-kingdoms, Augustinian, and similar type orientations believe that Christians presently occupy God’s peaceful countercultural Kingdom and are to spread it via His personal qualities such as love, service, and forgiveness. In His perfect time, God will replace all earthly kingdoms with a new heaven and new earth occupied only by His own (2 Pet. 3). The interim expansion of God’s Kingdom on earth thus focuses on infusing each receptive individual with the nature of Christ rather than on externally aligning human institutions according to biblical precepts. Akin to the second orientation, a third and least traditional approach, known by names such as revivalists, reformers, and the Seven Mountains mandate, tends toward more overt incorporation of the supernatural and a conscious lifestyle of heavenly family intimacy. God’s Kingdom The Old Testament Hebrew words for kingdom, such as mamlakah, and the New Testament Greek word basileia, connote dynamics such as dominion, governing influence, sovereignty, reign, and power (Munroe 2007, 78). Some recent interpretations hold that God’s Kingdom expansion on earth is about more than a monarchical rule of a one-dimensional, triumphal nature (Clowney 1995, 39). The Kingdom of God / Kingdom of heaven (generally synonymous terms) is not primarily about refinement of earthly kingdoms. It is not of this world (John 18:36), will not be directly militant against opposing human agency (Eph. 6:12), will not look like temporal kingdoms (Barclay 1968, 121), is not a program to reform society (Bright 1981, 222), and is open to aggression (Matt. 5:10). Broadly, a kingdom reflects the characteristics of its king. Accordingly, God’s Kingdom is primarily about

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God’s essential nature of love. His kingdom is about joy-filled relationships within a harmonious family of an eternal Father who lavishly loves His children. In adoring the Father, biblical obedience of His sons and daughters originates in affection rather than duty. The love-based Two Greatest Commandments and the Great Commission, coupled with the power qualities of the Holy Spirit, capture the essence of God’s Kingdom on earth. This kingdom of agape love and power is matched by the fact that humans were created to love and be loved, a prime reflection of God’s image. Kingdom Education The fact that the earthly realm is temporal, corrupt, and under Satan’s control (1 John 5:19) complicates bringing God’s Kingdom to earth. Entrance into His kingdom depends on being humble and childlike. The dynamics of replacing temporal with kingdom qualities require employment of kingdom keys (Matt. 16:19) and Holy Spirit empowerment (1 Cor. 4:20). The keys bind hindrances and facilitate receptivity for heavenly downloads; divine empowerment equips for interconnecting the supernatural and the natural. Kingdom education contributes to the ultimate heaven-to-earth transition; academics essentially equip for an environment that will eventually be replaced (2 Pet. 3). Kingdom education focuses on treating self and others as forgiven, just as God does (Col. 2:13): sinner identity no more; believers are saints! The focus is on, for instance, uncovering the God-implanted “gold” in humans’ earthly natures, operating in the supernatural, “going the extra mile,” loving unconditionally, eliminating judgmental attitudes, receiving inner healing, living as Kingdom royalty, praying powerfully, establishing a culture of honor, desiring and enjoying God’s presence, joyfully trusting God in all things, learning to live responsibly in liberty, pursuing personal destiny from God, being completely preoccupied with God, naturally exuding Sermon on the Mount and fruit of the Spirit qualities, being instruments of healing, evangelizing the lost, blessing others, living in gratitude and gratefulness, praising and worshipping God, expecting kingdom visitations, living from heaven’s abundance rather than earthbound neediness, discipling rather than punishing, banishing shame, and hearing God’s voice. The focus is intimate fellowship with God, blessing and honoring His heart rather than performing obediently for Him. Kingdom education can be described as being Spiritempowered, living in agape love with God, self, and others to partner with the Creator of the universe to live from heaven to earth. Equipping for rule-following is superseded by equipping for fellowshipping with the Creator of the rules.

Problems with kingdom education include potential confusion resulting from an expanding yet diverse understanding of it, balancing kingdom grace with educational standards, incorrectly interpreting love as license, interpreting grace narcissistically, and shifting from educating for living in the temporal realm to flourishing in the invisible yet expanding kingdom realm. References and Resources Arroyo, A., and H. Jordan, eds. (2012). The Secret Kingdom for Educators. New York: Pearson. Barclay, W. 1968. The King and the Kingdom. Philadelphia: Westminster Press. Boardman, G. D. 2008. The Kingdom. Shippensburg, PA: Destiny Image. Bright, John. 1981. The Kingdom of God. Nashville: Abingdon Press. Clowney, E. P. 1995. The Church. Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press. Cooke, G. 2010. Prophetic Wisdom. Vacaville, CA: Brilliant Book House. Cox, W. F., Jr. 2011. “Kingdom Education.” Journal of Research on Christian Education 20 (3): 330–341. Moreland, J. P. 2007. Kingdom Triangle. Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan. Munroe, M. 2007. Applying the Kingdom. Shippensburg, PA: Destiny Image. Rogers, A. 2002. The Incredible Power of Kingdom Authority. Nashville, TN: Broadman & Holman. Silk, D. 2009. Culture of Honor. Shippensburg, PA: Destiny Image. Smith, J. K. A. 2009. Desiring the Kingdom. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic. Vallotton, K., and B. Johnson. 2006. The Supernatural Ways of Royalty. Shippensburg, PA: Destiny Image. VanDrunen, D. 2010. Living in God’s Two Kingdoms. Wheaton, IL: Crossway. Wallnau, L. 2010. “The Seven Mountain Mandate.” In The Reformer’s Pledge, edited by C. An, 177–196. Shippensburg, PA: Destiny Image.

—William F. Cox Jr.

Kingdom of God The word “millennium” is derived from the Latin mille (“thousand”) and annum (“year”), in reference to the statement in Revelation 20:4 (“and they came to life and reigned with Christ for a thousand years”). The early church referred to the millennium by the Greek term, chiliasm. Throughout the history of the church, there have been three primary views about the nature of the thousand years: (1) amillennialism, (2) postmillennial-

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ism, and (3) premillennialism. Interpretative (hermeneutical) differences are the reason for three views, such as whether to understand “thousand” in Revelation 20 as literal or symbolic. How one understands the millennium will also influence one’s views on the details of eschatology (“the doctrine of last things”). The millennium is the Kingdom of the Lord Jesus Christ and includes not only spiritual blessings but also glorious expectation. The term premillennialism refers to the future literal reign of Jesus Christ on David’s throne in Jerusalem. Premillennialism is in contrast to amillennialism and postmillennialism. Amillennialism does not deny the literal return of Jesus Christ (which is taught to occur at the consummation of the church age), but it does communicate that the church age is presently the Kingdom of God; therefore (according to the amillennial view), there will not be a future literal reign of Jesus Christ on the earth. Postmillennialism also does not deny the literal return of Jesus Christ (which is taught to occur after the millennium); rather, adherents of this position teach that the church will inaugurate the Kingdom of God (which is not a literal thousand years, but rather a long, indefinite period) through the moral and spiritual influence of Gospel proclamation. The distinctions are important to understand, because many conservative evangelicals believe there is only one general, inclusive rule of God in the hearts of all His people. According to such an understanding, the Kingdom of God is essentially soteriological (“the doctrine of salvation”); however, the concept of the Kingdom cannot be reduced to mere soteriology, as there are other aspects of it in scripture. The concept of the Kingdom of God is the major theme or purpose of divine election. The entirety of world history—from Genesis to Revelation—concerns the progression of the Kingdom of God. The concept of the Kingdom includes more than one aspect. The definition includes (1) the ruler, (2) the ruled, and (3) the realm. Scripture provides a detailed description of various aspects of the Kingdom of God: (1) the universal kingdom, (2) the millennial (Davidic/Messianic) kingdom, (3) the mystery form of the kingdom, (4) the spiritual kingdom, and (5) the kingdom of man. The universal Kingdom is God’s sovereign rule of history, from creation throughout eternity (1 Chron. 29:11; Ps. 96:13, 103:19, 145:9–13; Dan. 2:37). The ruler of the universal Kingdom is the Triune God. The ruled is all creation (including heaven and earth). The realm is all time and eternity. The millennial (Davidic/Messianic) Kingdom is according to God’s promise to Israel (2 Sam. 7:5–16; 1 Chron. 17:3–15; Rev. 20:1–10). The ruler of the millennial kingdom will be the King, Jesus Christ (as King David ruled in history). The ruled is the earth and its

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inhabitants. The realm is the thousand years following the second coming of Jesus Christ. This Kingdom could also be called the single, unified, mediatorial kingdom that existed historically under the Mosaic covenant and was prophesied by the Old Testament prophets to be restored in its former glory at the second coming; it is the same kingdom John the Baptist preached and Jesus offered to Israel at His first coming. It is therefore the same Kingdom that Israel rejected in the first century. The Kingdom is historic, prophetic, offered, and rejected. The mystery form of the Kingdom is the church age, which encompasses the period between the comings of Christ (Matt. 13). The ruler of the mystery form of the Kingdom is Jesus Christ. The ruled is Christendom. The realm is the period between the comings of Christ. The spiritual Kingdom is God’s rule over His people at all times in history (John 3:3; Col. 1:13; Heb. 1:4–14; 2 Pet. 1:11). The ruler is the Triune God. The ruled includes the elect of humanity and the angels. The realm is from eternity past to eternity future. The kingdom of man includes humanity as ruler (Gen. 10–11, 11:31–12:9; Rev. 17–18). The ruled, of course, is mankind. The realm began at the Tower of Babel and will culminate at the beginning of the millennial Kingdom. God’s blessed provision to end the kingdom of man began in history with the calling of Abram for the purpose of establishing His Kingdom through the nation of Israel. The Kingdom of God is an important emphasis of scripture. The doctrine of the Kingdom is that God is not only king over the present world, but also sovereign over a coming kingdom of peace and righteousness. One must be “born again” (John 3:3, 5) to enter the Kingdom of God, and those who are “fellow heirs with Christ” will prove their citizenship as they “walk by the Spirit” (Rom. 8:12–17; Gal. 5:16–26). Scripture exhorts believers to build upon the foundation “which is Jesus Christ,” for in doing so one labors for that which no time can efface, because such work will endure for all eternity (1 Cor. 3:10–15). References and Resources Berkhof, Louis. 1951. The Kingdom of God. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. Boettner, Lorraine. 1958. The Millennium. Philadelphia: Presbyterian and Reformed. Froom, LeRoy Edwin. 1945. The Prophetic Faith of Our Fathers. 4 vols. Washington, DC: Review and Herald. Ladd, George Eldon. 1959. The Gospel of the Kingdom. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. McClain, Alva J. 1959. The Greatness of the Kingdom. Winona Lake, IN: BMH Books. Peters, George N. H. 1952. The Theocratic Kingdom. 3 vols. Grand Rapids, MI: Kregel.

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Sandeen, Ernest R. 1970. The Roots of Fundamentalism: British and American Millenarianism 1800—1930. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Walvoord, John F. 1959. The Millennial Kingdom. Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan.

—Ron J. Bigalke

Knowledge Knowledge in the Bible refers to a whole life response to God and God’s creation that embraces His revelation as the essential source for both truth and wisdom. Knowledge in general as a cognitive apprehension of reality (yada) is distinguished from wisdom (chokmah) that issues in life. In the Old Testament, the reverence of God (Prov. 1:7, 9:10) is the beginning of wisdom, “for the Lord gives wisdom; from his mouth come knowledge and understanding” (Prov. 2:6). In the New Testament, the claim is that in Jesus Christ “are hidden all the treasures of wisdom (sophia) and knowledge (gnosis).” (Col. 2:3). Therefore, a biblical view of knowledge is one that is holistic in the sense of involving knowledge in the cognitive sense along with feeling and action. Knowledge includes a physical dimension that implies a personal commitment and intention to be one with the person or thing known. In the case of knowing God, this knowledge embodies a loving, obedient, and believing response to God and thus a relational/experiential/reflective way of knowing grounded in God’s revelation as described in the scriptures (Groome 1980, 141–145). The Bible regards knowledge as something that arises from personal encounter, and knowledge of God is related to the revelation of God in the historic past and the promised future. Yet God is also revealed in the present earthly sphere in which His creatures have their being and live out their history. The knowledge of God is inseparably bound up with His revelation in time and space and in historical contexts. In the Bible, knowledge implies the awareness of the specific relationship in which the individual person and corporate community stand with the person or object known. Just as the individual is considered as a totality rather than as a being composed of body and mind, knowledge is an activity in which the whole individual is engaged. Knowledge is also recognized as a social and cultural construction related to the sources drawn upon to gain understanding of the world, ourselves, and the meaning of life. It is discerned through nature and science that studies the natural world, through rationality, experience, tradition, history, intuition, and even imagination. Parker Palmer suggests that knowledge as understood in our societal context must be related to human in-

terests and passions, namely the three human interests or passions of control, curiosity, and compassion. The knowledge gained through applied empirical and analytical study generally seeks to gain control over a body of information. The knowledge gained through speculative, historical, and hermeneutical study generally seeks to discover knowledge as an end in itself, to satisfy curiosity (Palmer 1983, 6–10). The knowledge that liberates is described in 1 Corinthians 8:1–3: “We know that we all possess knowledge. Knowledge puffs up, but love builds up. The man who thinks he knows something does not yet know as he ought to know. But the man who loves God is known by God.” This knowledge is associated with the interest of compassion or love and recognizes the web of relationships in which knowledge is embraced. The New Testament maintains that knowledge or truth must be related to love (Eph. 4:15; 2 John 1), and that all truth is God’s truth. The problem posed for the Christian is how to maintain in creative tension those truths discerned through study in various disciplines with the truths revealed in scripture, while at the same time being guided by love for God, others, and the creation. It is Jesus’s prayer that His disciples be sanctified by God’s truth, recognizing that God’s Word is truth (John 17:17). Christ declares that He incarnates truth (John 14:6). Huston Smith (1979) points out the dangers of limited or excluded knowledge in relation to values and faith. For example, science values control, prediction, objectivity, numbers, and signs, while faith values surrender, surprise, subjectivity and objectivity, words, and symbols. Whereas science deals with the instrumental values of utility, usefulness, service, and control, faith deals with the intrinsic values of wonder, awe, reverence, creativity, imagination, and promise. Whereas becoming is the dominant focus of science, being/becoming is the focus of faith. The faith perspective of Christianity provides an alternative way of knowing that expands upon, but does not contradict, the truths of science, given that all truth is God’s truth. The Christian is free to explore the insights of science, which are discerned or discovered through use of reason and empirical observation in relation to the natural world of God’s general revelation. Several questions emerge for Christians: What is the nature of knowledge in a Christian perspective, and how is knowledge related to life? How is reason related to faith? What has Jerusalem to do with Athens? To what extent can Christianity be wed to a particular philosophy, or does Christianity itself imply a general philosophy and epistemology or understanding of knowledge? Christians recognize the limits of human knowledge and the place of no-knowledge or what mystics describe as the “cloud of unknowing.” This recognition honors the

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place of mystery and reverence in relation to knowledge and all of life. Abraham Heschel, a Jewish educator, has suggested a comparison of the insights from the Greek heritage that influenced the New Testament with those of the Old Testament and today: “The Greeks learned in order to comprehend. The Hebrews learned in order to revere. The modern man learns in order to use” (Heschel 1959, 37). Although comprehension and the use of learning are important, the challenge remains for Christian educators to enable persons to revere, to appreciate, to stand in awe of, and to worship God as a result of their teaching and the knowledge it shares. Heschel points to the need for Christian educators to transcend the persistent pragmatism prevalent in the United States. Knowledge cannot be separated from a person’s being in the world, and knowledge, as proposed by societies and faith communities, embodies and conditions the tasks of naming, creating, critiquing, and transforming that world by particular persons and groups. Christians acknowledge the place of mystery and incomplete knowledge in both doctrine and life, which counters any stance of arrogance in relation to one’s own knowledge. Christians can recognize the place of paradox and always be open to new light and truth from God’s Word—written, created, and incarnate. Knowledge is conditioned by the context, by the questions being asked, and is therefore always knowledge from a certain perspective or position. The recognition and ownership of one’s perspective is important for all communities. Knowledge is also socially distributed. It is an instrument in the struggle for survival and power and has the potential for the liberation and actualization of persons. Knowledge can be a tool for oppression or liberation, depending on its distribution and perpetuation (Freire 1970). There are different ways of knowing. A person may only draw on an established authority or tradition (heteronomy). Through the use of human reasoning and thought, a person may ask questions, critique ideas and situations, assemble data, and use what appeals to reason and thought in the light of experience (autonomy). Personal or corporate experience may provide knowledge (autonomy). However, while Christians use reason, experience, and authority to make sense of the factual world, they acknowledge the beyondness known only by revelation. They accept both the supernatural and the reality of the concrete and practical, giving priority to the place of revelation (theonomy). Christians are to actively listen and interpret within their historical context, combining conviction with tolerance, commitment with openness, to gain knowledge. It is possible to view knowledge as a union with the person or thing known. It does not mean that there must always be union with the object of knowledge in order for

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knowledge to exist. The highest knowledge possible for persons is knowledge of God that is discussed in terms of spirituality. This knowledge is conditioned by faith and obedience, by a willingness to know and submit to the will of God that flows from a loving heart. The known in this case is God, but God is also unknowable and unknown beyond revelation. Christians recognize the place of mystery and allow for the working of the Holy Spirit. As the Holy Spirit encounters human spirits, life and growth are possible as God is known in new ways. Again, the words of the apostle Paul about the issue of food sacrificed to idols in Corinth serve to warn Christians regarding our knowledge and its potential idolatry: “We know that we all possess knowledge. Knowledge puffs up, but love builds up. The man who thinks he knows something does not yet know as he ought to know. But the man who loves God is known by God” (1 Cor. 8:1b–3). Human knowledge is transcended by being known by God and encountering God’s love. Paul’s warning does not negate the quest for knowledge, but sets that quest in a wider context of biblical faith and commitment. References and Resources Berger, Peter L., and Thomas Luckmann. 1966. The Social Construction of Reality: A Treatise in the Sociology of Knowledge. Garden City, NY: Doubleday. Freire, Paulo. 1970. Pedagogy of the Oppressed. Translated by Myra Bergman Ramos. New York: Seabury. Gill, Jerry H. 1971. The Possibility of Religious Knowledge. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. Groome, Thomas H. 1980. Christian Religious Education: Sharing Our Story and Vision. San Francisco: Harper & Row. Habermas, Jürgen. 1971. Knowledge and Human Interests. Boston: Beacon. Heschel, Abraham J. 1959. Between God and Man: An Interpretation of Judaism from the Writing of Abraham Heschel. Edited by Fritz A. Rothschild. New York: Free Press. Palmer, Parker J. 1983. To Know as We Are Known: A Spirituality of Education. San Francisco: Harper & Row. Pazmiño, Robert W. 2008. Foundational Issues in Christian Education: An Introduction in Evangelical Perspective. 3rd ed. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic. Sloan, Douglas. 1994. Faith and Knowledge: Mainline Protestantism and American Higher Education. Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press. Smith, Huston. 1979. “Excluded Knowledge: A Critique of the Modern Mind Set.” Teachers College Record (February): 419–445. Tozer, A. W. 1961. The Knowledge of the Holy. New York: Harper & Row. Underhill, Evelyn. 1946. Cloud of Unknowing. 4th ed. London: J. M. Watkins.

—Robert W. Pazmiño

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Knowles, Malcolm

Knowles, Malcolm Malcolm Knowles (1913–1997) was born, lived, and worked in the United States his entire life as a pioneer in the field of adult education. He became known by some as the “father” of the important concept of andragogy, which makes a distinction between the principles for educating children and those for the learning of adults. Knowles freely acknowledged his debt in early life and learning to both his parents, his schooling, and the Boy Scout movement (1989). He gained a scholarship to Harvard University and was influenced while there by Alfred North Whitehead. On leaving Harvard, he by chance fell into a role with the National Youth Administration, developing skills-based courses for young people entering industrial jobs. It was here he met and became a devoted follower of Eduard Lindeman, author of The Meaning of Adult Education (1926). In the 1940s, between war service, Knowles cut his adult educator teeth in the YMCA movement, first in Boston and then Chicago, and at the same time studied for a master’s degree at the University of Chicago. He published his master’s thesis as Informal Adult Education in 1950. In 1951, Knowles became the executive director of the Adult Education Association of the USA, which offered him an opportunity to oversee the development of the field and to chart its progress while studying for a PhD, also at Chicago. At the end of the 1950s, Knowles became an associate professor at Boston University. He labored there for the next 14 years, where he produced his most important books: The Modern Practice of Adult Education (1970) and The Adult Learner (1973). These texts brought him to prominence in the adult education field in the United States and put the notion of andragogy squarely on the map. In 1974 he moved to the faculty of the North Carolina State University, where he completed his formal academic career, although he continued to be active as professor emeritus after retiring in 1979. Knowles’s six key “andragogical” assumptions have become widely accepted and almost axiomatic among adult educators, including Christian facilitators of adult learning:

5. An adult’s willingness to learn comes from within rather than from external sources. 6. Adults have a desire to know why they need to learn—or to sum up numbers 5 and 6, perhaps a little too crudely: adults only learn when they want to. Knowles’s andragogical theory has proved both wide reaching and controversial and is therefore subject to several criticisms. Some question whether it is a comprehensive theory of learning at all, since it appears as a set of assumptions or even “shoulds” about human beings. Knowles himself blurred the distinction between andragogy and pedagogy as he developed his thinking, and the principles take very little account of the social, historical, and cultural context of the learner and seem to be highly individualistic. Nevertheless Knowles’s ideas have endured and continue to influence adult education practice long after his death. References and Resources Jarvis, P. 1987. “Malcolm Knowles.” In Twentieth Century Thinkers in Adult Education, edited by P. Jarvis, 144–159. London: Croom Helm. Knowles, M. S. 1970. The Modern Practice of Adult Education: Andragogy versus Pedagogy. New York: Cambridge Books. ———. (1973) 1990. The Adult Learner. A Neglected Species. 4th ed. Houston: Gulf Publishing. ———. 1975. Self-Directed Learning. A Guide for Learners and Teachers. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall/Cambridge. ———. 1980. The Modern Practice of Adult Education: From Pedagogy to Andragogy. 2nd ed. New York: Cambridge Books. ———. 1989. The Making of an Adult Educator. An Autobiographical Journey. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Knowles, M. S., et al. 1984. Andragogy in Action. Applying Modern Principles of Adult Education. San Francisco: Jossey Bass. Merriam, Sharan B., Rosemary S. Cafarella, and Lisa M. Baumgartner. 2007. Learning in Adulthood: A Comprehensive Guide. 3rd ed. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Smith, M. K. 2002. “Malcolm Knowles, Informal Adult Education, Self-direction and Andragogy.” In The Encyclopedia of Informal Education. Accessed 2 December 2013. www.infed .org/thinkers/et-knowl.htm.

—Nigel Rooms 1. Mature adults are self-directed human beings. 2. Adults have a rich reservoir of experience, which is a resource for learning. 3. Adults’ openness to learning is related to the ways in which they need to develop in their life roles. 4. Adults look for immediate applications of their learning and so become more problem centered than subject centered.

Knox, John John Knox (c. 1505/1515–1572) was a Scottish theologian and pastor who is generally recognized as the leader of the Reformation in Scotland and one of the founders of Presbyterianism.

Kohlberg, Lawrence

Early Career and Education Little is known about John Knox’s early life. He was probably born at Haddington, Scotland. Knox was educated at either Glasgow or St. Andrews University and ordained as a priest in 1536. He came to adopt Reformist views that put him at odds with the government of the Scottish regent, Mary of Guise. One of his mentors, Charles Wishart, was burned at the stake by Cardinal Beaton in 1546. When Beaton himself was murdered two years later, Knox was accused of taking part in the plot. Knox retreated to the fortress at St. Andrews, where he tutored the sons of Protestant noblemen and served as chaplain for the Protestant garrison. When the fortress fell to the French at the end of July 1567, Knox was imprisoned aboard a French galley for the next 19 months. He survived despite deplorable conditions and was released, seeking refuge in England in 1549. Knox ministered in England until the restoration of Catholicism under Mary I (r. 1553–1558) forced him to seek asylum on the continent in 1554. It was during this period that Knox traveled to Geneva to pursue theological studies with John Calvin and Theodore Beza. This period strengthened Knox’s already passionate commitment to Reformed theology. Significant Contributions Knox spent the years 1554–1559 studying at Geneva, pastoring a church at Frankfurt, and briefly returning to Scotland to be examined by the Queen Regent’s tribunal. The hearing was canceled, and Knox used the time to preach in Scotland before returning to Geneva. He produced a work entitled The First Blast of the Trumpet Against the Monstrous Regiment of Women in 1558. This pamphlet was a direct attack on female Catholic rulers such as Mary I of England, Regent Mary of Guise of Scotland, and her daughter, Mary Queen of Scots, in France. Unfortunately for Knox, his screed against the “unnatural” rule of women was published on the eve of Mary Tudor’s death and the ascension of her sister Elizabeth to the throne. Despite Elizabeth’s Protestant convictions, she maintained a frosty attitude toward Knox because of his attack on rule by women. Her hostility extended the length of Knox’s journey when he returned to Scotland in 1559, because he was not able to travel through England. The Scotland that Knox returned to was primed for change. He joined the Scottish Covenanters in rebelling against the regency of Mary of Guise. Mary’s death in 1560 led to the end of hostilities and an opportunity for Protestants to shape the religious future of Scotland. The ascendancy of Mary Queen of Scots presented barriers to their ambitions; in 1561 she decreed that she would continue to maintain the old order. Knox clashed with Mary face to face in several personal audiences, one of which, in 1563, left Mary weeping in frustration. As Mary’s reign

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deteriorated over the course of the decade, Knox openly opposed her. He preached against her marriage to Lord Darnly in 1565, preached at the coronation of her son James in her stead in 1567, and called for her execution in 1568. Mary survived in spite of the efforts of Knox, who labored hard to see her executed. Knox continued to minister in Edinburgh, with the exception of a brief exile to St. Andrews in 1571, until his death in 1572. Knox is primarily remembered for his leadership of the Scottish Reformation and his chronicle of that movement, The History of the Reformation in Scotland. His sermons and letters also helped define the Reformed theory of republicanism and civil disobedience. The ecclesiastical influence of John Knox continues through the numerous expressions of Presbyterianism that survive. References and Resources Bond, Douglas, and Stephen J. Lawson. 2011. The Mighty Weakness of John Knox. Sanford, FL: Reformation Trust Publishing. Knox, John. 2010. The Works of John Knox. 4 vols. Edited by David Laing. Burlington, Ontaria, Canada: Tanner Ritchie Publishing and The University of St. Andrews. Kyle, Richard G., and Dale W. Johnson. 2009. John Knox: An Introduction to His Life and Works. Eugene, OR: Wipf & Stock. Mackie, J. D. 1968. John Knox. London: Historical Association.

—Scott Culpepper

Kohlberg, Lawrence Early Background and Education Lawrence Kohlberg (1927–1987) was born in Bronxville, New York, into the family of a wealthy businessman. Although he received his early education from exclusive preparatory schools in New York, Kohlberg was more interested in seeing the world than in academics and joined the Merchant Marines after high school. Having become involved in the Zionist movement, he later joined the crew of a ship that was involved in smuggling Jewish refugees into Palestine after World War II. He would later state that his interest in moral development and morality in general began during the Nazi era, when he was still in boarding school. In 1948, Kohlberg enrolled at the University of Chicago; because of high test scores, he completed his bachelor’s degree in just one year. He continued at the university as a PhD student in psychology, where he was heavily influenced by Jean Piaget’s theories on cognitive and moral development. He completed his degree in 1958, and his dissertation provided the basic outline of what became his theory of moral development. Kohlberg taught briefly at Yale University (1956–1961) and then at

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the University of Chicago until 1968. In 1968, he joined the Harvard Graduate School of Education, where he stayed until his death in 1987. Significant Contributions to Christian Education Kohlberg’s lasting contribution to education was his theory of moral development. Basing his initial research on the presentation of moral dilemmas to a core group of 72 white, adolescent boys, Kohlberg found that when talking with children about morality, “they have as many ways of making judgments which are not ‘internalized’ from the outside, and which do not come in any direct and obvious ways from parents, teachers, or even peers” (Kohlberg 1968, 26). Using Piaget’s theory of cognitive development, Kohlberg similarly posited that moral reasoning, itself based on cognitive processes, must also involve a sequential development. By moral reasoning, Kohlberg meant the general forms and structures of moral thought and judgments independent of specific content related to moral decisions or actions. His concern was with how individuals come to moral decisions as they develop cognitively, regardless of their cultural context, and not with the content of those decisions. Individuals at the same stage of cognitive development may hold differing moral views, but they will have arrived at those views using the same forms and structures of moral reasoning appropriate to their cognitive development. As a result of his research, Kohlberg proposed a typology for moral development that involved three levels and six stages. His first two stages are a part of the level that he called the preconventional level, which generally occurs in children aged 4–10. In this level, Kohlberg found that, “while the child . . . is responsive to cultural labels of good and bad, he interprets those labels in terms of their physical consequences or in terms of the physical power of those who enunciate the rules and labels” (1968, 26). Stage 1 is characterized by an “egocentric point of view,” in which right behavior is “literal obedience to rules and authority, avoiding punishment, and not doing physical harm” (Kohlberg 1981, 409). Stage 2 is characterized by what Kohlberg initially called a “naïve instrumental hedonism” (1963, 12) in which “right is serving one’s own or others’ needs and making fair deals in terms of concrete exchange” (Kohlberg 1981, 409). Stages 3 and 4 are part of the conventional level. At this level, typically demonstrated by preadolescents, the individual is concerned with conforming to and maintaining the stability of various social contexts (e.g., family, community, nation). Stage 3 introduces a relational perspective with a “good-boy / good girl orientation,” in which “good behavior is that which pleases or helps others and is approved by them” (Kohlberg 1968, 27). Intentions become paramount in this stage as a standard for right

behavior. Stage 4 is characterized by respect for authority and concern for maintaining a given social order through following fixed rules. “Doing one’s duty” is a common posture in this stage, and one “takes the view point of the system” and “considers individual relations in terms of place in the system” (Kohlberg 1981, 411). In the third level (postconventional), moral behavior is based on moral principles that have validity apart from one’s primary social context (e.g., the Golden Rule). According to Kohlberg, individuals at this level, especially at stage 6, are able to “accept the possibility of conflict between norms” and are able to “attempt something like a rational decision between conflicting norms” (1963, 20). In defining Stages 5 and 6, Kohlberg was heavily influenced by social contract theory, especially that of Harvard colleague John Rawls (1971). Stage 5 moral behavior involves “upholding the basic rights, values, and legal contracts of a society, even when they conflict with the concrete rules and laws of the group” (Kohlberg 1981, 411). The final stage of moral development, stage 6, is achieved when an individual’s behavior is guided by “self-chosen ethical principles appealing to logical comprehensiveness, universality, and consistency” (Kohlberg, 1981: 19). Whereas stage 1 behavior strives to avoid punishment, stage 6 behavior strives to avoid self-condemnation. Many Christian educators believe that Kohlberg’s model should be used with caution. Although he claims that all of his stages describe natural moral thinking rather than the content of moral judgment, many Christian authors have argued that his last two stages are laden with values and moral content. Stephen Moroney, in an article evaluating the pros and cons of Kohlberg’s model from a Christian perspective, stated, “The Christian Scriptures present people with a broad spectrum of valid reasons for doing what is right, and these reasons do not fit naturally within Kohlberg’s progressive hierarchy of higher and lower stages of moral reasoning” (2006, 370). Notable Publications Kohlberg published extensively in psychology, philosophy, and education. The best and most recent compilations of his views are found in the three-volume set The Philosophy of Moral Development (1981), in The Psychology of Moral Development (1984), and in Lawrence Kohlberg’s Approach to Moral Education (Powers, Higgins, and Kohlberg 1988). References and Resources Kohlberg, Lawrence. 1963. “The Development of Children’s Orientations toward a Moral Order.” Vita Humana 6:11–33. ———. 1968. “The Child as a Moral Philosopher.” Psychology Today 2 (4): 25–30.

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———. 1981. The Philosophy of Moral Development. San Francisco: Harper & Row. ———. 1984. The Psychology of Moral Development. San Francisco: Harper and Row. Maroney, Stephen. 2006. “Higher Stages? Some Cautions for Christian Integration with Kohlberg’s Theory.” Journal of Psychology & Theology 34 (4): 361–371. Powers, F. Clark, Ann Higgins, and Lawrence Kohlberg. 1988. Lawrence Kohlberg’s Approach to Moral Education. New York: Columbia University Press. Rawls, John. 1971. A Theory of Justice. Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University.

—John Lillis

Kuyper, Abraham Abraham Kuyper (1837–1920) was a Dutch Calvinist prime minister, statesman, editor, pastor, theologian, and founder of the Free University of Amsterdam (now VU Amsterdam). Kuyper famously said: “There is is not a square inch in the whole domain of our human existence over which Christ, who is Sovereign over all, does not cry: ‘Mine!’”(Kuyper 1998). As the founder of a major university in The Netherlands, Kuyper was deeply committed to education and research. He believed every aspect of creation, and hence learning, must be seen as rightfully belonging to God. With this notion of God’s sovereignty in mind, Kuyper became a major advocate for private education in The Netherlands. This was also represented by his affiliation with the Anti-Revolutionary Party and his editing work with two Dutch papers, De Heraut and De Standaard. Early Background and Education Abraham Kuyper was born in Maassluis, The Netherlands, the son of a Dutch Reformed Church minister. As a child he played on the docks at the port of Middelburg, which provided him with a longing for travel, perhaps in line with the Dutch sea captains in days of old. Kuyper began his studies at the University of Leiden in 1855, showing great enthusiasm for the study of literature. In graduate school, he studied the Reformed tradition under the modernist scholar J. H. Scholten. Kuyper completed his doctorate in theology in 1862. As a student, he certainly flirted with modernist leanings toward Christianity, but he repudiated these tendencies when he took up his first pastoral ministry in Beesd. This was followed by pastorates in Utrecht and Amsterdam. In 1872, Kuyper began publishing a daily paper called De Standaard, as a response to liberals attempting to put an end to religious schools. Kuyper entered politics in 1874, being elected to the Second Chamber of the Dutch parliament for the

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Anti-Revolutionary Party. Kuyper served as the prime minister of The Netherlands from 1901 to 1905. Significant Contributions to Christian Education Kuyper promoted a system of independent Christian elementary schools in The Netherlands, along with advocating the advancement of Reformed higher education. His robust view of God’s creation and God’s sovereign providence over that creation implies the need for humankind to redeem culture for God’s glory. Kuyper’s example and promotion of common grace inspires Christian educators to respect the entire world of learning and culture within the framework of God’s creative, authoritative providence. This perspective on God’s common grace to all humankind opens up the educational space for Christians to learn from both Christians and non-Christians in many spheres of life and study. Kuyper founded the Free University of Amsterdam in 1880, serving as its first president and professor of theology from 1880 to 1901. Most Notable Publications Kuyper, Abraham. 1898. Encyclopedia of Sacred Theology: Its Principles. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons. ———. 1899. Calvinism: Six Lectures Delivered in the Theological Seminary at Princeton. New York, Chicago, Toronto: Fleming H. Revell Company. ———. 1900. The Work of the Holy Spirit. New York, London: Funk & Wagnalls.

References and Resources Bratt, James D. 1998. “Abraham Kuyper: His World and Work.” In Abraham Kuyper: A Centienniel Reader, edited by James D. Bratt, 1–16. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. Kuyper, Abraham. 1998. “Sphere Sovereignty.” In Abraham Kuyper: A Centienniel Reader, edited by James D. Bratt, 488. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. “Kuyper pages.” n.d. All of Life Redeemed: Resources for a Christian Worldview. Accessed 18 December 2012. http:// www.allofliferedeemed.co.uk/kuyper.htm. Strauss, Gideon. n.d. “Abraham Kuyper: Christian Cultural Activist.” Accessed 15 December 2012. http://thebigpicture .homestead.com/abrahamkuyper.html. Veltman, P. 1992. “Kuyper, Abraham.” In Who’s Who in Christian History, edited by J. D. Douglas and Philip W. Comfort, 406. Wheaton, IL: Tyndale House.

—Ronald T. Michener

Kyiv Theological Academy and Seminary Kyiv Theological Academy and Seminary (KTAS) is a theological and educational institution of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church, which comprises the seminary (the

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first level of theological education) and the academy (the second level). The history of systematic theological education in Kyiv starts in 1615, when the first Kyiv brotherhood school was founded. At that time Kyiv was a part of the PolishLithuanian Commonwealth. Under the conditions of violent confrontation between Catholicism after the Council of Trent and the Protestant confessions, the Orthodox population of the commonwealth tried to create its own competitive educational system. For this reason, the brotherhood schools were formed (these were schools opened and supported by Orthodox communities). Yet the schools offered only basic education and didn’t have any full-fledged philosophical or theological courses. The merger of a brotherhood school with the school that was operating in Kyiv, Pechersk Lavra, marked a new phase in the development of Kyiv theological education. The merger took place in 1632 on the initiative of Kyiv metropolitan Peter Mohyla. Kyiv Collegium was created, based on a Western European model of education. Here, along with elementary grammar courses, rhetoric and poetry were taught. However, the Polish government did not permit the Kyiv Collegium to teach complete courses in theology and philosophy, so the alumni had to apply to Polish Catholic theology schools in order to finish their education. Only in 1689, when Kyiv was already a part of the Moscow Principality, did the Kyiv Collegium start teaching a complete course on theology. By decrees of Tsar Peter I, issued in 1694 and 1701, the Kyiv school was granted full rights to teach complete courses of philosophy and theology, and its autonomous rights were recognized. From then on the Collegium obtained official status as an “academy” (in the modern literature this educational institution is called the Kyiv Mohyla Academy). In the 18th century, the complete course of studies at the academy required 12 years, which was distributed among seven classes. The opening courses were Slavonic, Polish, and Latin grammar (the elementary level), and the concluding courses were philosophy and theology (the higher level). In Kyiv Mohyla Academy, the theology studies were based on the late scholastic tradition adopted through Polish theology literature in Latin. Though avoiding direct copying of clear Catholic sections of theology, the Kyiv professors were still fully following scholastic theological methodology. At the beginning of the 18th century, a well-known church figure, the academy rector Theophan Prokopovich, attempted to reform this system of theological studies. He was critical of Catholic tradition and sympathized with Lutheran theology. In his course on theology, which he taught in 1711–1715, he largely rejected the tradition of Catholic theological

education and tried to create his own system of theology. Nevertheless, he never overcame the decisive Catholic influence on theological studies at the Kyiv Academy. At the beginning of the 19th century, at the instigation of Russian emperor Alexander I, the system of theological education in the Russian Empire was fully reformed. As a result, during 1817–1819 three independent educational institutions were formed on the foundation of the Kyiv Mohyla Academy: the school (the elementary level), theological seminary (the intermediate level), and the theological academy (the higher level). The training period at the seminary was six years, and at the academy four years. During the 19th and early 20th centuries, there were several reforms of theological education, in the course of which the approach to the content of education, as well as to the system of theological accreditation, was changed, though the training duration remained the same. During those years, the Kyiv Theological Seminary formed its distinctive biblical, philosophical, and historical schools, which had an important influence on the development of theological disciplines in the Russian Empire and far abroad. At the Kyiv Academy there were not only Ukrainians and Russians, but also Serbians, Bulgarians, Greeks, Syrians, and representatives of other nations who became leading figures at various local Orthodox churches. After the final establishment of Soviet power in Kyiv in 1920, for some years the Kyiv Theological Academy continued functioning as a private educational institution, having lost its centralized financing. Moreover, the academy lost its buildings and its library. Until 1924, teaching was done in the private apartments of the academy professors, and after that year the academy ceased its activities. Following Perestroika in 1989, when the Russian state abandoned its violent atheist policy, Kyiv Theological Seminary was reestablished. In 1992 it had its first class of graduates, and in the same year, the Kyiv Theological Academy was revived. Today Kyiv Theological Academy and Seminary is an educational institution with a united administration and scientific-pedagogical body. The seminary’s training term is four years. Its main goal is to equip future priests for the Ukrainian Orthodox Church. The seminary matriculates young men who have completed their secondary education. Graduates receive bachelor’s diplomas in Orthodox theology. At present, the training term at the Kyiv Theological Academy is four years. The academy offers higher theological education. The best graduates of theological seminaries are enrolled in the academy. In order to earn the academy’s diploma, it is necessary to write and to present a paper (thesis or dissertation). Graduates who defend their dissertations receive a PhD

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in theology. In the near future, the four-year training term at the academy will be changed into two levels: two years of a master’s program and possibly three years of postgraduate studies. This is being done so that the KTAS educational structure will meet the requirements of the Bologna Process. In January 2013, the KTAS had 336 full-time students (204 seminary students and 132 academy students) and 887 distance students (534 seminary students and 353 academy students). The faculty includes 67 professors and teachers. In addition, the KTAS offers catechism courses for laypeople and a Sunday school for everyone.

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The Works of Kyiv Theological Academy, the KTAS magazine, comes out two times a year and publishes scientific research on theology, biblicism, church history, and practical church disciplines. The students publish their own magazine, The Academic Chronicler, which contains articles of a spiritual and educational character. The academy has its own student scientific society. In 2009, the KTAS founded its Museum of Church Archeology, which has a large collection of church antiquities. Since 2007, Antoniy (Pakanych), metropolitan of Borispol, has served as the KTAS rector. —Vladimir Bugera

L Langham Partnership Langham Partnership is a Christian organization that emerged from the global teaching and preaching ministry of Rev. John R. W. Stott (1921–2011). The name is derived from Langham Place, the location of Stott’s Anglican congregation, All Soul’s Church, in London. Stott started a charitable trust called Langham Trust in 1969 to fund doctoral study for non-Western church leaders. In 1971, he set up the Evangelical Literature Trust to receive all the royalties from his extensive publications and distribute funds to provide books for pastors and seminary libraries around the globe. Stott led these two entities until they were merged into a new entity called Langham Partnership International in 2001, when Christopher J. H. Wright was appointed as its international director. The organization gradually grew to include six coordinated yet independent partner organizations in Australia, Canada, Hong Kong, New Zealand, the United Kingdom and Ireland, and the United States (where the organization was called John Stott Ministries between 1996 and 2012). The growth of Langham preaching movements around the world led to the admission of more than 20 new partner countries in 2013. Langham aims to strengthen the ministry of God’s Word in the churches of the majority world (their preferred term for the non-Western world of Africa, Asia, and Latin America). It is oriented by what Stott called the “Langham Logic”: God wants His church worldwide to grow up to maturity; the people of God grow through the Word of God; and the Word of God comes to people mainly, not exclusively, through biblical preaching. So the primary aim of Langham is to raise the standards of biblical preaching. A key aspect of Stott’s strategy was supporting formal theological training outside the West. Langham’s vision “is to see Majority World churches being equipped for mission and growing to maturity in

Christ through the ministry of Christian leaders and pastors who believe, teach and live by the Word of God.” Its work comprises three mutually reinforcing ministries. The first ministry is Langham Scholars. Scholarships are provided for PhD studies in core theological disciplines to majority world students who are committed to returning to their own regions, especially to teach in seminaries to prepare pastors. In the early decades, students came to the United Kingdom or United States for their studies, but increasingly they are studying at majority world seminaries and universities. As of 2012, more than 250 Langham scholars had completed doctorates. The second ministry is Langham Literature, distributes evangelical literature to pastors and seminaries around the world. More recently, this ministry has been developing majority world writers of theological books, including major one-volume Bible commentaries by indigenous authors, such as The Africa Bible Commentary, as well as advancing Christian publishing through an academic imprint called Langham Monographs. The third ministry, Langham Preaching, equips pastors in expository biblical preaching through building training networks in various regions of the world that sponsor a series of developmental seminars, offer instructional materials, and organize local groups of preachers for ongoing fellowship and mutual training. Langham Partnership’s contribution to global theological education has been significant. It has facilitated library development; trained indigenous faculty for majority world theological colleges, where few have had the opportunity to be educated to the doctoral level; and fostered indigenous Christian publishing for the church and academy. Langham scholars often have provided influential leadership in their countries and regions as theological scholars, Christian educators and authors, biblical preachers, and organizational developers. —Jeffrey P. Greenman

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Latin

Latin The Latin language originated among the people of Latium and ancient Rome, finding expression in written form during the eighth century BC. Old Latin is the earliest form of the language, developed from the Etruscan alphabet, and it was spoken until the middle republican period in the first century. Crafted by orators, poets, and scholars as the language of the intellectual elite, classical Latin was used by the great writers, such as Virgil and Cicero, and taught in rhetoric schools, which provided a model for education that lasted long after the collapse of the empire. Those who used classical Latin did so to resist the deterioration of the language in the form of Vulgar Latin, a result of the decline in educational standards as the empire began to fall apart. The dissolution of the Roman Empire led to Late Latin, which retained an affinity for the spoken language, and medieval Latin, used in writing. The medieval period saw the transformation of Late Latin vernacular into the Romance languages—which today include Spanish, Portuguese, French, and Italian—and the rise of ecclesial Latin, used in the Holy rite of the Roman Catholic Church. In the Renaissance era, the deterioration of Latin inspired a movement to rediscover classical Latin and to reestablish it as a spoken language. Although most books were written in Latin up through the 18th century, vernacular Latin did not survive the Renaissance, with the only major exception being its use in the Roman Catholic Church. Since the 20th century, the living Latin movement has sought to again reestablish Latin as a spoken language, with minor successes. The Latin language has existed in close relationship to Christianity, with many implications for Christian education. Initially, first-century Latin speakers with a higher level of intellectual training reacted strongly against early translations of the Bible into their language, which generally did not follow traditional literary conventions. Latinspeaking Christians responded in two significant ways. First, they began to form their own biblical Latin, seeking to respect the Greek text through inventing and employing a new and unique style that fit its original meanings. This resulted in a distinct use of Latin within their private community life (in which they were often targets of persecution) and in their writings. Second, they hesitated to give up the conventions of the classical literary tradition entirely and sought ways in which they might integrate the two. Christians generally had their children attend the classical schools of their day. They wanted to remain relevant and active within their culture, and they then naturally began to relate the Greek and Roman literary traditions to their faith tradition. Christians developed some supplemental religious education directed by the

church and within the family, but very rarely established entirely separate educational institutions. St. Jerome was one of the most influential church fathers to shape the relationship between Latin and the church. He produced the Vulgate Bible and worked to preserve the importance of the original Greek text through favoring a more literal translation, sacrificing some Latin stylistic norms in the process. St. Jerome also wrote explicitly about the relationship between Christian thought and classical literature, suggesting that Christians can learn from the wisdom of Greek and Roman works, but that they must exercise great discernment in the process, with scripture maintaining the dominant role. By the fourth century, Latin was instituted more centrally as the language of the liturgy, making it an integral part of church practice for many hundreds of years. By the Middle Ages, Latin was the shared language of most Europeans, including the church; within the growing number of schools and universities; and for most writers on all subjects. The church, which ran most educational institutions during this time, was heavily influenced by the classical tradition associated with its official language. The liberal arts were established as the core of educational goals and practice during the Middle Ages. Monasteries played a central role in preserving texts and in providing a space for study, and until the 12th century many, if not most prominent leaders of society were educated in Latin in the monastery schools. The influence of the Latin language and the classical culture associated with it was widespread. The language changed as it encountered Germanic languages and as some stylistic and grammatical elements shifted with use. However, around the time of the Renaissance, two trends contributed to Latin becoming a dead language. First, many writers began using vernacular languages, a development that gained popularity and become increasingly pervasive. Second, the classical ideals of the Renaissance led many to call for a return to a use of the original Latin. This removed Latin from the daily lives of many people, and it became a much less central element of educational practice. However, the relationship between Latin and the church established many traditions that persist in Christian education, including, perhaps most prominently, a careful intention of relating faith and church life to contemporary culture and history. Since the beginning of the Roman Empire, fluency in the Latin language—particularly in its written form—has played a central role in education. Well into the modern period, knowledge of classical literature was necessary for those who wished to join the ranks of the intellectual elites, which required training in classical Latin. Beginning in the medieval era with the fragmentation of Latin vernacular into the Romance languages, members of

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the educated classes benefited from a Latin education to communicate across national and linguistic borders. Latin as the language of Europe thus encouraged scholarship by facilitating the exchange of ideas. It also made possible the unity of the Roman Catholic Church and European Christendom. Many secondary and postsecondary educational institutions teach Latin today. Organizations such as the Classical Association (UK) and the American Classical League (US) promote the study of antiquity, the classics, and the Latin language. Many educators in Western countries argue for the instruction of Latin, emphasizing its ability to help students understand both their Western heritage and their own native tongue, particularly in the areas of vocabulary and grammar. In the past decade there has been a marked increase in interest in Latin among middle and high school students, especially in Christian schools. References and Resources Cook, William R., and Ronald B. Herzman. 2004. The Medieval Worldview: An Introduction. New York: Oxford University Press. Daintree, Daniel. 2011. “The Case for Latin.” Quadrant Magazine 55 (9): 94–97. Accessed 12 April 2013. http://connection .ebscohost.com/c/articles/65287773/case-latin. Kopff, Christian E. 1998. The Devil Knows Latin: Why America Needs the Classical Tradition. Wilmington, DE: Intercollegiate Studies Institute. Marrou, H. I. 1956. A History of Education in Antiquity. Translated by George Lamb. New York: Sheed & Ward. Mohrmann, Christine. 1957. Liturgical Latin: Its Origins and Character. Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press. Ostler, Nicholas. 2008. Ad Infinitum: A Biography of Latin. New York: Walker Publishing Company. Simmons, Tracy Lee. 2002. Climbing Parnassus: A New Apologia for Greek and Latin. Wilmington, DE: Intercollegiate Studies Institute. Solodow, Joseph B. 2010. Latin Alive: The Survival of Latin in English and the Romance Languages. New York: Cambridge University Press.

—Jeffry C. Davis

Latin America and Christian Education There are few investigations of Christian education in Latin America. In recent years, there has not been any even minimally comprehensive research done on the complexity of the reality of Christian education in Latin America. Christian education is a fundamental tool to bring people back to God, other people, their own selves, and

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the natural world. However, in Latin America, several particular situations form barriers to carrying out this task as it should be done.1 One is the high percentage of illiteracy, which makes the educative experience painful2 and at the same time poses a great challenge for Christian education. Even though there have recently been many governmental efforts to improve the level of education among children and young people, efforts to educate adults are still limited. At its second conference, Consejo Episcopal Latin America (CELAM) stated: “Admittedly, there are very considerable efforts being made in most of the countries, by extending education at various levels, and are great merits which correspond to the Governments, to the Church and to other sectors responsible for education in that effort.”3 Another challenge for Christian education is that there are some cultural restrictions on the education of women, especially in the rural areas of several countries throughout Latin America.4 There is much transience, because people migrate in search of employment and to obtain resources that they cannot find in their region of origin.5 This is a serious issue for the families, church, schools, and community. Yet another challenge is the way that Christian education is perceived. It is thought of as an activity aimed at children and viewed as the responsibility of churchwomen, or Christian women teachers,6 held at churches, mainly in a Sunday school program and at Christian schools. 1. Pablo A. Deirós, “El futuro del testimonio cristiano en América Latina” (paper presented at the Conference on the International Convention INSTE, 2004). This paper included a series of reflections on education in Latin America. One has to do with the crisis of Christian education in Latin America, including philosophy, methodology, aim, and locus. 2. Anna Lucía D’Emilio, ed., Mujer Indígena y Educación en América Latina (Santiago, Chile: OREALC, 1989), 25. The region of Latin America as a whole, registers a relative decrease in illiteracy, from 27.3 percent in 1970 to 17.3 percent in 1985, and efforts to eradicate illiteracy continue. Greatest rates of illiteracy are found in Guatemala, Honduras, El Salvador, and Bolivia. 3. CELAM, “Educación,” Comisiones Vicaría de Pastoral Arquidiócesis Primaria de México, http://www.vicariadepastoral.org.mx/5_celam/2 –medellin/medellin_08.htm (accessed 25 June 2013). This is their second conference. 4. D’Emilio, Mujer indígena y educación, 297. Indigenous women in the rural areas perform some traditional roles. They must work at an early age, and this prevents them from attending school regularly. They contribute in agriculture and the rearing of younger siblings. For these reasons, farmers are reluctant to allow their daughters to go to school. It is believed that education serves no purpose for women, and because parents cannot afford much education as it is, they do not invest in the education of their daughters. This is the first obstacle that must be overcome to educate in the Latin American context. 5. María Clara Lucchetti Bingemer, “Desafíos y tareas de la teológica en América Latina hoy,” Theologica Xaveriana 62, no. 174 (July–December 2012): 406. This article is the result of research carried out by the author in an internship as a postdoctoral fellow at De Paul University, Chicago. This is a preliminary report; the rest is to be published by a Brazilian publisher. 6. Not necessarily because they are trained as teachers, but because they are committed Christians who have the desire to serve as teachers in the church or Christian schools. Another reality is that teachers in formal education, such as seminaries, know their subjects, but lack training as teachers.

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While there are sophisticated buildings and well-made infrastructures in which Christian education takes place, there are many more facilities that are insufficient for the needs of education. Because of limited resources and lack of space, these inadequate locations become classrooms. In the majority of cases there are no libraries, chapels, offices, or recreation centers. There is concern that the conditions of these facilities render learning extremely difficult. Normally, the expectation that Christian families have for Christian education in the church or school is that these programs are in charge of the growth of the spiritual life of their children. Therefore, parents send their children to church and Christian schools for that purpose, even though they do not attend church regularly.7 This situation affects how the students respond to the teaching in churches or Christian schools. The resources for teaching are also very limited. The manuals that teachers use in Sunday school classes are normally translated from English. These materials are written for another context, and because of the lack of training of teachers, they teach exactly as the manual is written; even though the activities are out of context, they are followed. Teachers lack knowledge of how to design a curriculum for the various educational programs within the church as well as in Christian schools, Bible institutes, seminaries, and parachurches ministries. They mainly follow imported pensums, without any previous needs assessments to contextualize the curriculum for their particular ministries. The content is generally too abstract and formalistic. Teaching methods are more concerned with the transmission of knowledge than with creating other values, such as critical spirit.8 The philosophy of Christian education is unknown, or in need of revision, and even not considered important by the leaders in the various ministries of Christian education. The majority of Christian schools are not accredited, either because they are unaware such organizations exist or because they have failed to meet the requirements for accreditation.9 The Christian educational goal of producing integral transformations of lives faces obstacles in Latin America. This goal is well defined by George Knight: the role of education should be the development of the Christian character in students, as well as of a Christian mind.10 7. Pontificia Commissio pro América Latina, Actas: La familia y la educación cristiana en América Latina (Roma, Italia: Published by Libreria Editrice Vaticana, 2007). 8. CELAM, “Educación.” 9. This information is from ACSI International, “Schools’ Memberships Per Country,” n.d., http://www.acsilat.org/index.php?option=com _content&view=article&id=13&Itemid=35 (accessed 31 July 2013). 10. George R. Knight, Philosophy & Education: An Introduction in Christian Perspective, 3rd ed. (Berrien Springs, MI: Andrews University Press, 1998), 201.

C. B. Eavey affirms this goal of the task of the Christian teachers: “The foundational aim in Christian education is the bringing of the individual to Christ for salvation. Before a man of God can be perfected, there must be a man of God to perfect; without the new birth there is no man of God.”11 There is hope that these challenges can be overcome. The following changes are needed to do so: • It is necessary to establish a dialogue between Christian education and the various branches of knowledge that respects the proper autonomy of the sciences and brings the light of the Gospel to the convergence of human values in Christ. Christian education seeks to prepare the student for both the present world and eternity. • It is necessary for education to affirm with sincere appreciation local and national peculiarities and integrate them in the pluralistic unity of the continent and the world. • It is necessary to educate the church and its leaders about the importance of a well-organized, pertinent, and effective ministry of Christian education in each church, school, Bible institute, seminary, and parachurch ministry. • It is necessary to train teachers to teach the Word of God well. That way, it can fulfill the purpose for which is given to us.12 • It is necessary to develop a philosophy of education wherein the praxis is seen as an integration of theory and practices. This philosophy would support the teacher-disciple relationship as characterized by horizontality, personal example, accompaniment, submission, and discipline,13 and the evaluation of the disciple by transformation of his or her heart, which is evident in his or her conduct.14 • Finally, Christian education should empower new generations for permanent and integral change that involves the development of men and women, in order to “reach unity in the faith and in the knowledge of the Son of God and become mature, attaining to the whole measure of the fullness of Christ.”15 Christian education is called upon to respond to the challenges of the present and the future for the Latin American continent. 11. C. B. Eavey, “Aims and Objectives of Christian Education,” in An Introduction to Evangelical Christian Education, ed. J. Edward Hakes (Chicago: Moody Press, 1964), 62. 12. Hebrews 4:12. 13. Deirós, “El futuro del testimonio cristiano en América Latina.” 14. Ibid. 15. Ephesians 4:13 (NIV).

Latvia and Christian Education

Latin American Members of ACSI There are 21 Latin American countries with 439 Christian schools. Argentina has 1; Belize’s membership is in process. Bolivia has 1, Brazil has 102, Chile has 64, and Colombia has 43. Costa Rica has 3; Ecuador, 8; El Salvador, 11; Guatemala, 98; and Honduras, 29. México has 7; Nicaragua, 4; Panamá, 28; Paraguay, 51; Perú, 36; and Puerto Rico, 32. República Dominicana has 43, Uruguay, 1; and Venezuela, 1. References and Resources ACSI International. n.d. “Schools’ Memberships Per Country.” Accessed 31 July 2013. http://www.acsilat.org/index.php ?option=com_content&view=article&id=13&Itemid=35. CELAM. n.d. “Educación.” Vicaría de Pastoral Arquidiócesis Primada de México. Accessed 30 July 2013. http://www.vicaria depastoral.org.mx/5_celam/2–medellin/medellin_08.htm. Deirós, Pablo A. 2004. “El futuro del testimonio cristiano en América Latina.” INSTE. D’Emilio, Anna Lucía, ed. 1989. Mujer indígena y educación en América Latina. Santiago, Chile: OREALC. Eavey, C. B. 1964. “Aims and Objectives of Christian Education.” In An Introduction to Evangelical Christian Education, edited by J. Edward Hakes, 62. Chicago: Moody Press. Knight, George R. 1998. Philosophy & Education: An Introduction in Christian Perspective. 3rd ed. Berrien Springs, MI: Andrews University Press. Lucchetti Bingemer, María Clara. 2012. “Desafíos y tareas de la teológica en América Latina hoy.” Theologica Xaveriana 62 (174): 399–432. Pontificia Commissio pro América Latina. 2007. Actas: La familia y la educación cristiana en América Latina. Rome: Published by Libreria Editrice Vaticana.

—Ana María E. Campos

Latvia and Christian Education Christianity was taken to the territory of Latvia in the 12th to 13th centuries by Roman Catholic missionaries (there was some Orthodox influence in the eastern region in the 12th century16).17 Latvia, one of the Baltic countries, for 50 years was a part of the Soviet Union, and its inhabitants were subjected to forced atheism. The Constitution of Latvia now guarantees religious freedom and also referrs to religious education. In 2011, Latvia’s popula16. According to The Chronicle of Novgorod: 1016–1471, trans. Robert Michel and Nevill Forbes (London: Offices of the Society, 1914), http:// faculty.washington.edu/dwaugh/rus/texts/MF1914.pdf (accessed 6 April 2013). 17. “No latīņu valodas tulkojis Ā. Feldhūns: Ē. Mugurēviča priekšvārds un komentāri,” in Indriķa hronika (Rīga: Zinātne, 1993), http://www .historia.lv/alfabets/I/In/Indrika%20hronika/teksts/saturs_indr_hr.htm (accessed 6 April 2013).

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tion of 2.2 million people were 34 percent Lutheran, 21 percent Catholics, 18 percent Orthodox Christians, and 21 percent nonbelievers. Gaining independence in 1991 opened the possibility of religious education. The Constitutional Law of Latvia (1991) provides for separation of church and state and defines freedom of religious belief as having the right to practice rituals and ceremonies or to learn religious doctrine.18 Christian education is occurs in churches as traditional Sunday school or catechesis. According to the Law on Religious Organizations, Christian education in the form of a Christian faith subject can be taught in the first three grades of public schools; students must choose between Christian faith and ethics.19 At the beginning of the 1990s, work on the introduction of beyond-confessional religion lessons common for all Christian denominations began, but the lessons did not meet with the approval of the church authorities. In 1996, facultative and confessional religion lessons became available for Lutherans, Catholics, Baptists, Orthodox Christians, and Old Catholics. Syllabuses of religious lessons were prepared by particular denominations and approved by state authorities, and they served to introduce the fundamental truths of faith. Religion teachers received missions from their communities. Confessional religious education, strongly criticized by the mass media, was not perceived as a means to opening faith to others and improving relations. People opposed to religious education in the schools raised objections of indoctrination, lack of an ecumenical attitude, and lack of education in tolerance toward others. Low church attendance and participation forced church authorities to change their position. Since 2004, beyond-confessional classes in the Christian faith or ethics are taught in primary schools (parents more frequently choose ethics classes for their children). Youth can choose between general and Christian ethics. The school curriculum also includes the history of religion as a subject. Religious education, especially referring to sacraments, takes place in particular parishes. These are the places of evangelization and experience of faith for the faithful. —Laima Geikina and Radosław Chałupniak

18. Dz. Ilishko, “Religious Education in Latvia,” in Religious Education in Europe: Situation and Current Trends in Schools, ed. E. Kuyk, R. Jensen, D. Lankshear, E. Löh Manna, P. Schreiner (Oslo, Norway: IKO Publishing House, 2007), 122–123. 19. The Law on Religious Organizations, http://www.vvc.gov.lv/ advantagecms/LV/meklet/meklet_dokumentus.html?query=Law%20 of%20religious%20Organization&resultsPerPage=10 (accessed 6 April 2013); Ilishko, “Religious Education in Latvia,” 123; and A. Filipsone, “Religious Education in Post-Soviet Latvia,” East-West Church & Ministry Report 13, no. 4 (Fall 2005), http://www.eastwestreport.org/articles/ew13404. html (accessed 6 April 2013).

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Laubach, Frank C.

Laubach, Frank C. Frequently known as the “apostle of literacy” or the “apostle of compassion,” once he discovered his method of literacy education, Laubach (1884–1970) traveled tirelessly to every corner of the world. He received his education at Princeton University, Union Theological Seminary in New York, and Columbia University (PhD in sociology). Laubach’s early ministry in the Philippines was marked by frequent painful experiences, including the death of three of his children to malaria. In 1929, enduring severe exhaustion and discouragement, he experienced a life-changing event atop Signal Hill that convinced him to truly love the Muslim people with whom he lived. Laubach’s spirituality was also renewed by this experience and became the primary motivation for his educational ministry of literacy. He acknowledged the specific influence of Brother Lawrence’s Practicing the Presence of God, and Thomas à Kempis’s The Imitation of Christ. He also cultivated a greater awareness of God’s presence to guide him daily in his missionary service. Reading specialists distinguish between two methods for literacy training: the analytic or “meaning emphasis” approach, often known as “whole language,” and the synthetic or alphabetic and phonic approach. Laubach’s synthetic pedagogy for teaching reading was developed through simple charts that depicted phonics or word associations to express sight–sound correspondence. The complexity of the language determined whether a story or keyword method would be utilized. In countries with more complex languages, such as India, picture–word– syllable charts or other alternatives were created. Another common feature of Laubach’s literacy method was to enlist volunteers to tutor family and friends with the new skills they had recently learned; hence the motto of Laubach’s rapidly expanding method for literacy, “Each One, Teach One.” Both research and experience persuaded him that literacy was the most critical need of people because of its ability to produce the necessary social change. Over a 40-year period, Laubach visited and guided 103 countries to develop methods to improve their literacy and was responsible for creating literary primers in 315 languages. He also challenged those who were trained not to neglect the importance of compassion toward others. In this way, literacy education and evangelism often intersected in Laubach’s life. Laubach recorded many of his spiritual insights and struggles. Game with Minutes (1952), initially written for the Maranao people of the Philippines, records his attempt to cultivate a minute by-minute awareness of God. His earlier Letters by a Modern Mystic (1937) details his life-transforming experience on Signal Hill. His active life, inspired by contemplation, demonstrates the impor-

tance of integrating prayer with action. Throughout his life, Laubach stressed that every person can learn to read, but to teach people you have to first love them and demonstrate that they are important and that you sincerely care for them. In addition, God is everywhere present and will lead you if you surrender yourself and depend on His guidance. Laubach maintained that Christians are often ineffective in the world because they devote inadequate time and awareness to God and others. Love and compassion are more effective in drawing others to Christ than just preaching doctrine, and prayer is the strongest power in the world that can accomplish God’s purposes. His frequent travels confirmed for him that greed and apathy inside a country exert a far greater threat than perceived enemies outside that country. Contemporary educators can profit from Laubach’s wisdom to love and respect our students and seek to involve them as actively as possible in the learning process. Furthermore, educators must not neglect their personal preparation through prayer or compassionate prayer for their students. References and Resources Laubach, Frank C., and Robert S. Laubach. 1960. Toward World Literacy: The Each One Teach One Way. Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press. Mason, David E. 1966. Apostle to the Illiterates. Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan. Norton, Karen A. 1990. Frank C. Laubach One Burning Heart: A Biography of Frank C. Laubach. Syracuse, NY: Laubach Literacy International. Roberts, H. M. 1961. Champion of the Silent Billion: The Story of Frank C. Laubach. St. Paul, MN: Macalester Park.

—Tom Schwanda

Law, Christian Contribution to The Judeo-Christian tradition has provided a foundation for the establishment of legal systems in the Western world. Wayne House notes: “Law relates to order based on a standard. It may be divided, usually, into three different categories: the law of God revealed in nature, the law of God revealed in Scripture, and the implementation or enactment of the law by statute or ordinance” (1992, 16). House also indicates that Sir William Blackstone recognized an additional category, natural law, which is to be distinguished from the law of nature. Blackstone viewed natural law as man’s distorted analysis, interpretation, and application of the law of nature (221). An example of the biblical foundation for law is the Ten Commandments. According to House, the following principles flow naturally from the Ten Commandments (1992, 17–18):

Law, Christian Contribution to

• Commandment 1: Sanctity of the special claims of God on his people. • Commandment 2: Sanctity of the incomparability of God. • Commandment 3: Sanctity of the character of God. • Commandment 4: Sanctity of the worship of God. • Commandment 5: Sanctity of the parents as the reflection of God. • Commandment 6: Sanctity of human life. • Commandment 7: Sanctity of marriage as the reflection of God. • Commandments 8 and 10: Sanctity of private property or sole stewardship over God’s creation. • Commandment 9: Sanctity of the person’s character from defamation. Another major Judeo-Christian contribution to law is found in the development of social mores and standards. Thomas Taylor notes: “An even more elaborate sociotheological development occurred in the recognition that some sins were of greater social consequence than others. Killing your neighbor’s goat had far less social import than killing your neighbor. Laws well established in the Pentateuch and other Old Testament writings to distinguish some sins as worse than others, by attaching more severe punishments or remedies to certain acts” (1996, 17). Examples of distinguishing between certain acts and actions are found in both the Old and New Testaments. The principle of letting the punishment fit the crime was foundational in the Judeo-Christian model. Joshua, in following the word of the Lord, was instructed to appoint cities of refuge where a person who had accidentally killed another could flee for safety and protection after a trial if the person was found to be innocent. Once the man was determined to be innocent, he could stay in the city of refuge without fear of revenge by the dead man’s friends or relatives. The person would remain in the city of refuge until the death of the man who was high priest when the act occurred. After this event, the man was free to return to his own home and town, the place from which he had fled (Josh. 20:1–6). This philosophy of jurisprudence promoted the concept of mitigating factors, inherent in modern judicial systems. According to Taylor, “These texts and acts of the ancient Jewish and Christian communities represent early legislature efforts to make a given punishment fit the crime (or wrongdoing)—an equitable maxim also recognized in our western legal heritage” (1996, 17). The Bible is clear concerning the obligation to take care of certain classes of individuals who could easily be abused or harmed. Christians are reminded in James 1:27 that pure religion involves visiting orphans and widows

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in their affliction as well as keeping oneself unstained from the world. In the sheep and goat judgment in Matthew 25:31–46, Jesus makes it clear that the righteous will take care of the hungry, sick, or needy; strangers; and those in prison. Jesus indicates that when you did it unto one of the least of these, “you did it to me” (v. 40). Many of these Christian principles made their way into the legal system. Taylor asserts, “Modern laws, whether statutory or from judicial precedent, keenly look out for the welfare of individuals or groups that cannot otherwise look out for themselves, such as children, the mentally impaired, the elderly, or others who may be vulnerable in many circumstances” (1996, 19). Contemporary Western legal systems have a foundation of morality based on Judeo-Christian principles. The Magna Carta in 1215 and the ongoing development of English common law have for many years served as a standard for the development of legal systems. For many years, attorneys and barristers studied the law by reading William Blackstone’s Commentaries on the Common Law. Gibbs and Gibbs note: “The first 140 pages of Blackstone’s Commentaries outlined the Biblical precepts and principles that controlled English common law. The remainder of the Commentaries detailed how this law was being interpreted (not always correctly in England. For the first hundred years of its existence, America’s founders and, later, its judges and lawyers, used Blackstone’s principles in developing the legal system for the newly emerging nation” (2006, 162). One controversial issue among educators and society in general is whether one can legislate morality. In essence, law does reflect morality. House argues: “Since someone’s morality is going to be law, and since Christian morality preserves society, benefits individuals and glorifies God, Christians should seek to have a public morality based upon Judeo-Christian moral standards” (1992, 19). He points out that it is important to distinguish between attempting to establish a public morality and people being saved by the law. “The latter would be futile. People cannot be saved by law. However, the former is appropriate. All laws reflect a morality. Laws against murder are moral laws, as are laws against theft or perjury. . . . People may differ on which moral laws to legislate, but all agree to legislate morality” (House 1992, 19). One of the most compelling arguments for a Christian contribution to law is the founding of the United States of America. The Declaration of Independence was based on a concept of a creator God who bestowed rights, privileges, and obligations upon citizens. The U.S. Constitution was developed on biblical concepts. Gibbs and Newcombe argue that “the Biblical understanding of the sinfulness of man was the guiding principle behind the United States Constitution. The Bible was quoted more

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Leadership Development in the Early Church (Through the Fourth Century)

than any other source in the political writings of Americas founding era. In the First Amendment, the founders presented America with a framework for religious liberty, not a weapon to be used by secularists against any public expression of Christianity” (2003, 11). Christians must recognize that government was ordained by God as a divine institution. In Romans 13, the apostle Paul makes it clear that there is no authority except from God, and that believers are to be in subjection to the governing authorities. This may involve obligations under the legal authority of the state. Romans 13:7 (ESV) states, “Pay to all what is owed to them: taxes to whom taxes are owed, revenue to whom revenue is owed, respect to whom respect is owed, honor to whom honor is owed.” For Christians, there will always be a delicate balancing act in how issues are to be addressed regarding the law and church and state issues. Jesus admonished his disciples to render to Caesar what is Caesar’s and to God the things that are God’s (Matt. 22:21). Jesus also challenged his disciples to be wise as serpents and harmless as doves (Matt. 22:16). As Christians face issues related to government and the law, it would be wise to heed the advice of the Master Teacher. God is the ultimate lawgiver, and His Word is the standard by which all law must be evaluated. References and Resources Gibbs, David, Jr., and David Gibbs III. 2006. Understanding the Constitution. Seminole, FL: Christian Law Association. Gibbs, David, Jr., with Jerry Newcombe. 2003. One Nation Under God. Seminole: Christian Law Association. House, H. Wayne. 1992. Christian Ministries and the Law. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House. Taylor, Thomas F. 1996. 7 Deadly Lawsuits. Nashville, TN: Abingdon Press.

—J. Gregory Lawson

Leadership Development in the Early Church (Through the Fourth Century) There is no doubt that from the very beginning of the church, the apostles established the functions of deacons and presbyters, also referred to as bishops. This is evidenced by the Acts of the Apostles and Letters of St. Paul. During the time of the first generation of Christians, accounts of whose lives are found in the New Testament, there is no distinction between bishops and presbyters. The terms were used interchangeably. The faithful constituted a “domestic church,” led by its founder (e.g., one of the apostles) and senior members (presbyters), also called episkopos (from the Greek: carer, guardian, caretaker). The functionary’s task was to take

care of the common goods, preside over the Eucharist, provide proper teaching to catechumens, and prepare them for baptism. In those primitive communities one could also find deacons, also established by the apostles (Acts 6), whose position was initially clearly defined. The title was first used by the apostles and then by their successors in the ministry of charity. From the beginning, the method of establishing deacons was a formal ceremony, in front of the community, comprising the official presentation of the candidates and the imposition of hands. An example of such a community is the church of Didache. What is more, this preliminary period is the wellspring of the concept of monarchical episcopate. St. Ignatius of Antioch was a supporter; in his letters, he emphasized the importance of one bishop (episkopos) and his council of presbyters, around whom is gathered the whole church. This understanding of leadership has met with objections, mainly from the original presbyters, as evidenced by the letters of Ignatius of Antioch and the Letter of Clement of Rome to the Corinthians. At that time (in the first centuries), a particularly important issue was the bishop’s combining the functions of teaching and presiding over the community, especially during celebration of the Eucharist. Before the end of the second century, the Greek term hiereus-priest (as an equivalent to mark bishops or presbyters) had been rejected by Christians. Clearly, in popular opinion the term resembled nothing associated with Christian sacrifice. There was also in Judeo-Christian circles an attempt to form a hierarchy copied from the model of the destroyed Jerusalem Temple. As the Didaskalia Apostolorum notes, the function of bishop was granted an extraordinary dignity, being God’s deputy. Equally high was the position of the deacons, who held the place of Christ. Startling is the low position in the hierarchy of presbyters. The function of teacher was ascribed solely to the bishop, as well as the notion of infallibility and being located above the community. This concept, born in Syria, met immediately with very strong criticism. In addition to the hierarchical structure of the church in the second century, there was also a prophetic structure, in which the prophets occupied a privileged place (Didache; Ireneus of Lyon). Moreover, in the region of Asia Minor, there existed a commonly accepted notion of prophetic succession. Due to the prophetic structure, analogous to the hierarchical one, mutual friction was unavoidable (Ignatius of Antioch), the effect of which was to strengthen the position of the bishops. Prophecy then found its outlet in heterodox movements such as Montanism. The best-known concept of hierarchy in the church was presented to the world in the third century, through the spiritual and allegorical interpretation of scripture performed by Origen. According to him, the only priest

Leadership Development in the First Century: Jesus

of the New Covenant is Christ, and it is His priesthood that is extended in the common priesthood of all of the baptized. Bishops, priests, and deacons are in the priestly service of the people, and they carry out a function that is an extension of the work of Christ on earth. They have to be open to the Word of God; they are to teach others and to spread the faith and the value of forgiveness. In a similar manner, Tertullian (after AD 225) wrote about presbyters in sacerdotal terms, yet he did so from a different standpoint: presbyters are called out from among a priesthood of all believers. He specifically argued against different rules regarding chastity and remarriage for priests and laypeople. Furthermore, along with the development of the inner life of the church and its external organization, there appeared a need for further auxiliary offices: ministries. Thus, in third-century Rome one could meet subdeacons, acolytes, exorcists, lectors, and ostiariuses. Due to the Edict of Milan (AD 313), the understanding of the functions, dignities, and importance of the church hierarchy has changed. Along with the change in the appearance of Christian places of gathering—the temples now being modeled on the pagan and Jerusalem Temple—was another alteration: those who had previously been called episcopoi or presbyteroi officially received the title of hiereus-priest. In addition, a new emphasis was placed on the sacrificial dimension of the Eucharist. Some Roman influence may be discerned, because the priest became a civil servant, guarding the temple and sacrifices, and hence identified as the pontifex (e.g., Ambrose of Milan), an official who so far had only been watching over the correctness of prayers and sacrifices in the pagan Roman system. —Marcin Wysocki References and Resources Campenhausen, H. von. (1967) 1997. Ecclesiastical Authority and Spiritual Power in the Church of the First Three Centuries. Translated by J. A. Baker. Peabody, MA: Hendrickson. Ferguson, E. 1993. Church, Ministry, and Organization in the Early Church Era. Studies in Early Christianity 13. New York: Garland Publishing. Sullivan, F. A. 2001. From Apostles to Bishops: The Development of the Episcopacy in the Early Church. New York: Paulist Press.

Leadership Development in the First Century: Jesus Many have pointed to Jesus as the ultimate leader and developer of leaders throughout the centuries. Developing leaders was a requirement for Jesus and is now a crucial task for Christian educators, so that the mission and

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purpose of His church will be completed in the future. There are a number of considerations that one must keep in mind when contemplating the leadership development of Jesus: Jesus called His disciples, carried Himself as their example, coached His followers, and cared for them. The first thing that Jesus did in leadership development was to call His followers, so that He could make them “fishers of men” (Matt. 4:23–25). That is, He invited people to follow, learn from, and be committed to Him. This was offered generally to any who would follow, but Jesus also chose specific, key individuals (Luke 6:12–16; John 15:16). These disciples would learn from Him as He prepared them to take over His ministry after His departure. Second, Jesus carried Himself as their example. Jesus wanted all of His followers to see that it was possible to live righteously before God. “The character of the Christian leader is always more important than any activity” (Gangel 2001, 410). As a result, “His goal . . . was to change the quality of life of his students, raising them to a higher measure of obedience to God and a higher level of holiness. Because Jesus would lay down his life for them (John 10:11), he was able to teach and enable them to live in new ways” (Downs 1994, 33). Jesus, then, serves not only as an example in leadership development, but also of living a righteous life. Third, Jesus coached His disciples as a means of preparing them for ministry. This included three key features: they watched Jesus live out His life of faith and ministry (Luke 8:22ff.), they participated with Him in faith and ministry (Luke 9:10–17), and they were sent out on their own ministry to be reviewed and evaluated later (Luke 9:1–6, 10, 10:1–24), (Robbins 2004, 550–552). Jesus spent time with His developing leaders demonstrating how to pray, lead, and minister. He expected that they would be able to minister on their own, so He walked them through the process of leadership development. Finally, Jesus cared for those who followed him (Woolfe 2002). This is evidenced in the way He wept for Lazarus, who had died (John 11:25–36), and how He constantly had compassion upon the crowds (Mark 6:34–44). The high priestly prayer (John 17, esp. v. 12) demonstrates that Jesus had a sense of care for His followers as they grew into obedience. While He trained His disciples, He cared for them and protected them so that they would develop effectively as leaders. Many leadership texts have been written, and Bredfeldt (2006, 52–54) suggests a different way of developing leaders that is less leadership-guru-like, more like one who shepherds his followers. Each of these aspects of leadership development can be identified in the metaphor of Jesus as the Good Shepherd (John 10:1–18). In leading like a shepherd, one calls out those who will follow well,

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Leadership Development in the First Century: Paul

leads by example, coaches followers to excellence, and cares for them. In His final meeting with the disciples, after He had washed their feet, Jesus reminded them, “I have set you an example, that you should do as I have done for you” (John 13:15, NIV). This is the quintessential leadership development lesson of Jesus, that of sacrificially serving those He led. References and Resources Bredfeldt, G. 2006. Great Leader, Great Teacher: Recovering the Biblical Vision for Leadership. Chicago: Moody Publishers. Downs, P. G. 1994. Teaching for Spiritual Growth. Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan. Gangel, K. 2001. “Leadership.” In Evangelical Dictionary of Christian Education, edited by Michael Anthony, 409–410. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic. Robbins, D. 2004. This Way to Youth Ministry. Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan. Woolfe, L. 2002. The Bible of Leadership. New York: American Management Association.

—Donald R. Shepson III

Leadership Development in the First Century: Paul Leadership development in the first century was a natural part of apostolic work and church life in the progress of the Gospel. Paul appointed elders in each church (Acts 14:23; Titus 1:5), wrote letters of instruction to the leaders of churches, and provided models by his presence (e.g., in Ephesus for two years) and the record of his presence (Acts 19:1–20:38). He also sent his young apostolic leaders into substantial places of difficult ministry (e.g., Timothy to Thessalonica, Titus to Crete) and wrote letters of instruction to them. Local churches developed leaders to sustain an exponential church planting movement, best summarized in 2 Timothy 2:2 (NASB): “The things which you have heard from me in the presence of many witnesses, entrust these to faithful men who will be able to teach others also.” Local church and apostolic leaders are responsible to perpetuate the apostolic teaching, namely the proclamation about Christ (kerygma) and the corresponding doctrine (Didache) about what to believe and how to live accordingly. All believers are gifted by the Spirit (1 Cor. 12:7). These gifts are to be stewarded for the sake of Christ and therefore need to be developed (Eph. 4:16; Col. 2:19). Gatherings of believers should include edification, stimulation, and growth (Col. 3:16; Heb. 10:24–25). Emerging leaders should “fan into flame the gift of God” (2 Tim. 1:6).

Roles and responsibilities are at the core of Paul’s teaching about leadership development. These can be categorized according to the social concept of household. A distinguishing characteristic of a Christian family is the spiritual development of its members (Eph. 5:21–6:9; Col. 3:18–4:1). The household is also present in Paul’s conception of the church (1 Tim. 3:15), instructions about relationships in the church (1 Tim. 5:1–2; Titus 2:1–10), and qualifications for church leaders, which overlap significantly with family leadership (1 Tim. 3:1–15; Titus 1:6–9). Criteria are important in the first-century model of leadership development. Overseers are to be “above reproach” (1 Tim. 3:1) and “have a good reputation with outsiders” (1 Tim. 3:7) and deacons alike (1 Tim. 3:8). It was acknowledged that Timothy had been “spoken well of” by the brethren (Acts 16:2). Qualifications of leaders and therefore content of leadership development include family characteristics (e.g., husband of one wife, managing his own family well), personal characteristics (e.g., self-controlled, respectable, hospitable), and ministry characteristics (e.g., able to teach). The leadership development approach of Paul (with emphasis on organizational structure and the establishment of churches) and the leadership development of Jesus (with emphasis on relationship and the emergence of a new community) should be viewed as complementary. The Gospels themselves were leadership development tools written by apostles who served alongside Paul (e.g., Luke was a close coworker with Paul). The Gospels provide leaders and churches with a foundational understanding of Jesus (kerygma), an apology for the legitimacy of the apostles, and a connection between the teaching of Jesus and the teaching of the apostles (Didache). References and Resources Bruce, F. F. 1985. The Pauline Circle. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. Reed, Jeff. 2001. “Paul’s Concept of Establishing.” In Pauline Epistles: Strategies for Establishing Churches, 17–37. Ames, IA: BILD International. Verner, David C. 1981. The Household of God: The Social World of the Pastoral Epistles. Chico, CA: Scholars Press. Zuck, Roy B. 1998. Teaching as Paul Taught. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker.

—Stephen J. Kemp

Leadership Development in the Middle Ages The emperor, holy man, and bishop were the most powerful leaders during the Middle Ages (5th–15th cen-

Leadership Development in the Post-Reformation Era

turies). Religious leadership during this period was developed mainly in two broad areas. First was the Benedictine tradition. The other main source of religious leadership development was the cathedral schools, the early format of our modern university system. Too often the ecclesial structure, leadership, and worship of the Middle Ages have been ignored by evangelicals, who seem to be either embarrassed or confused by the fact that the church prior to the Protestant Reformation was so Roman Catholic. In fact, to discover the leadership structure and development of this period of church history, one must rely on the documents of the Catholic Church and the writings of monks and secular historians. Those who would become leaders in the church under the Benedictine tradition entered a rigid admission process. Candidates (both men and women) were detained at the gate for four or five days to demonstrate their capacity for patience. When they were granted entry, they were required to stay in the guesthouse for further observation. Later, the ability to pay the customary entry fee was the principal criterion. In the first year, the candidate was examined three times (at two, eight, and twelve months). The training might go on for several years (between eight and twelve years) under the guidance of a senior governor. The culmination was a ceremony of profession in which they would pledge adherence to Benedict’s “Rule.” The acquisition of the Latin language and the Rules of Benedict constituted the bulk of the curricular training for these novitiates. Beyond that, they were required to know the complete canon of the liturgy, the antiphons, psalms, prayers, readings, and responses. Beyond these curricular requirements, every day the novices were to study the Bible as well as the culture of the community in which they were to make their profession (Clark 2011, 74–85). With the rise of the cathedral schools, the monasteries lost their secular students (those who sought the educational benefits rather than having a call to church leadership). There was confusion and stress in the process of leadership transition in the church from the apostles (personally trained and commissioned by Christ) to those mentored and sent by the apostles (Ireneous, Polycarp, etc.) to the next generation of leaders ordained by the church leadership. The danger of heracy and corruption increased with each generation of leadership. The papacy fell prey to the ambitions of powerful Roman families. Several popes were murdered, some even apparently by their successors. Sometimes there was more than one claimant to the throne of Peter. At one point, a 15-yearold even became pope (Gonzalez 1996, 44). The feudal system of the Middle Ages and the role confusion between political lords and ecclesial bishops caused

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the church leadership to lose much of its moral and spiritual authority during the Middle Ages. It was during this period that the Crusades, Black Death, Eastern schism (1054), and great Western schism (1378–1423) occurred. Church leadership during this period was militant, confused, fearful, superstitious, and ill informed. References and Resources Clark, James G. 2011. The Benedictines in the Middle Ages. Woodbridge, Suffolk, UK: The Boydell Press. Gonzalez, Justo L. 1996. Church History: An Essential Guide. Nashville: Abingdon Press.

—Larry H. Lindquist

Leadership Development in the Post-Reformation Era The Reformation was, at its beginnings, a university movement, aided by the recovery of humanistic studies that were assimilated for the advancement of reform in belief, practice, and learning. It would be difficult to overestimate the significance of 16th-century reforms for the education of ecclesial leadership. Protestant universities eliminated aspects of the curriculum that were perceived to be “popish.” New universities were founded as a consequence of Protestant and Catholic reforms. Eventually, the increasing divide between Protestants and Catholics created distinct confessional settings for the training of church leaders. In addition to the education provided by the universities, the Council of Trent approved seminaries supervised by bishops for educating Catholic clergy (1563). The greatest impact of this decree was that it opened theological education to many clergy who were not part of the select few who had the privilege of a university education. Oriented to the priesthood and its ministry, the seminaries provided practical and moral training in the service of the church. One of the primary shifts in the education of church leaders among Protestants in the 16th century was changes in the nature of ordained ministry. Protestant reformers were vehement in their criticism of the Catholic priesthood, calling for a more learned clergy that would feature the centrality of the pulpit: preaching and teaching the Word of God. Those universities that were aligned with the newly formed Protestant churches sought to provide higher levels of education to produce a more professional clergy. Interestingly, in spite of the sharp divisions that came to shape the church following this period of intense reform, both Protestant and Catholic leaders emphasized an increasing need for ministries of preaching, teaching, and direction in mat-

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ters spiritual and moral that would meet the changing needs of a more learned laity. For centuries, schools of higher theological education were rare in the Orthodox world. Prior to the founding of seminaries, most candidates for the priesthood were trained in monastery schools. There they were educated in the fundamentals of Orthodox doctrine and the practice of music and worship within the Orthodox liturgy. During the 19th and 20th centuries, modern theological schools, seminaries overseen by the church, and university-affiliated theological schools were founded in Orthodox countries in the West. At the same time, postReformation theological education among Protestants and Catholics was characterized by a shift from the study of theology to the theological encyclopedia, the study of one thing to the study of many things. Of importance in this change was the rise of new universities, new genres of scholarly publication, Pietism, and the Enlightenment. Orthodoxy, for the most part, did not experience the Renaissance, Reformation, religious wars, or Enlightenment modernity. Orthodox theological education remained Eucharistic in its ethos, emphasizing what is fundamental to the life and mission of the church: the teaching and wisdom of the fathers, pneumatology, theosis and deification, the economy of Word and Spirit, and a liturgical community oriented eschatologically to the Kingdom of God. Perhaps the most significant challenge facing Orthodox theological education in the immediate future will be discerning how to train leaders for the church in a post-Christian and post-patristic world. References and Resources D’Costa, Gavin. 2005. Theology in the Public Square: Church, Academy and Nation. Oxford, UK: Blackwell Publishing. Farley, Edward. 1983. Theologia: The Fragmentation and Unity of Theological Education. Minneapolis, MN: Fortress Press. Werner, Dietrich, ed. 2010. Handbook of Theological Education in World Christianity. Oxford, UK: Regnum Books.

—Michael Pasquarello III

Leadership Development in the Reformation Era The date usually given as the beginning of the Reformation is 1517, when Luther posted his 95 theses on the door of the castle church of Wittenberg. However, the era of the Reformation extends basically from 1453 to the 1600s. The most recognizable initiating Protestant leaders in this movement are Martin Luther and his successor (Philip Melanchthon), John Calvin, and Ulrich Zwingli. However, not all those who abandoned Roman Catholicism became followers of these Protestant leaders.

Mary Tudor (a Roman Catholic) violently fought the Church of England (Anglican or Episcopal) that had been established by Henry VIII to circumvent the Roman Catholic marital prohibitions. After Mary’s death, the Church of England gained strength. Leadership in the Church of England was politically appointed. Evidence of this can be seen in the conflict between Charles I and Parliament. The latter called the Assembly of Westminster in 1647, whose Confession became a fundamental document for Calvinist orthodoxy and established church government that the king did not support. In response to the Protestant Reformation as well as inner dynamic issues, the Roman Catholic Church went through a renewal process, often called the CounterReformation. The effective Catholic Reformation began in Spain about the time Luther was born. Roman Catholic theologians involved in this movement include John Eck, Robert Bellarmine, and Caesar Baronius. Part of the result of this Catholic Reformation was the birth of new monastic orders. The Society of Jesus, or Jesuits as they came to be known, was founded by Ignatius of Loyola. The Jesuits soon became leaders in the struggle against Protestantism. Although the Catholic Reformation addressed abuse and corruption, it was mostly a moral and administrative reform and defended the centralized power of the papacy and traditional doctrine. The Council of Trent (1545–1563) was an effort to address these reformation issues. However, this council did not include Protestant representation, so the decisions of the council placed scripture and tradition on an equal basis, which only the leaders of the church could interpret. Both faith and works were declared necessary for justification, and the seven sacraments and the doctrine of transubstantiation, celibacy, and papal power were upheld. In an effort to better qualify clergy, theological seminaries were to be established in every diocese, and the clergy were to be examined before ordination or appointment. Periodic synods, or meetings of the clergy, were ordered. The preaching activities of the monastic clergy were restricted and the administration of these orders tightened. Protestant reforms looked differently on the leadership of the clergy. The Protestant minister was simply one who for the sake of public order was appointed to certain duties every Christian was entitled to perform. Pastors with more education and training served churches in towns, while those with less training served country parishes. Education was a serious priority for the reformers. Melanchthon was known as the “teacher of Germany” and established more than 60 schools that emphasized the need to prepare youth for the ministry and civil government. —Larry H. Lindquist

Leadership Development in the United States (19th Century to the Present)

Leadership Development in the United States (19th Century to the Present) Prior to the 20th century, there was one dominant approach to the discussion of leadership, known as trait theory. This theoretical approach was based on the thinking that “great men” dominate historical or organizational events due to personal qualities such as charisma, personality, stature, and so forth. It was believed that their greatness was innate or hereditary. Research in this area focused on discovering which characteristics or traits led to their success (Northouse 2007, 15). Scientific Management Patrick Montana and Bruce Charnov (1993, 8) note that since the time of Moses and Jethro in Exodus 18, there have been discussions of effective management and the successful management of people and projects. However, not until recently has there been a body of literature that examines these processes in a scientific way. The beginning of the scientific management era is generally marked by the influence of Frederick W. Taylor (1856–1915). “Created by engineers, scientists, and practicing managers concerned with the improvement of worker efficiency (the amount a worker produces in a given period of time), this approach assumed two major forms: management of work and management of organizations” (Montana and Charnov 1993, 9). Taylor, called the “Father of Scientific Management,” and his associates thought that workers, motivated by economics and limited by physiology, needed constant direction. This approach and other theories were published in The Principles of Scientific Management in 1911. Taylor’s writings, which were influenced by his experiences in companies such as Bethlehem Steel, continue to influence concepts such as job design, work layout, and task scheduling. Taylor believed that maximum production was tied to maximum efficiency of the worker. Such efficiency was possible only by having a management scientist “redesign tasks for employees who were not to be trusted with structuring the work themselves” (Hoy and Miskel 1982, 2). Administrative Management Traditional or classical organizational thought, often called administrative management theory, concentrated on the broad problems of departmental division of work and coordination. While Taylor’s human engineers worked from the individual workers upward, the administrative managers worked from the managing director downward. Their focuses were different, but their contributions complemented one another (Hoy and Miskel 1982, 3). Henri Fayol (1841–1925) was a trained engineer who used a scientific approach to ad-

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ministration and is therefore known as the developer of administrative theory. He developed his concepts of management while leading a large French coal-mining company and published them in General and Industrial Management (1929). In this text, Fayol is credited with several major contributions to administrative theory. First, he distinguished between supervisory and managerial responsibilities, assigning more importance and recognition to managing as opposed to supervising workers. Second, he defined what the managers did as functions of management, which served as tools for the classification and evaluation of management. He also developed general principles that offered practical advice on how to function as a manager. Finally, Fayol departed from contemporary thought to argue that these principles could be learned, as opposed to the notion that managers are born with these abilities (Montana and Charnov 1993, 13–14). Another theorist, Luther Gulick (1892–1992), later amplified these functions as he developed his response to the question, “What is the work of the chief executive?” He listed seven administrative procedures, which have been reduced to the well-known acronym POSDCoRB: planning, organizing, staffing, directing, coordinating, reporting, and budgeting. Gulick emphasized the principle of division of labor. He believed that the more a task could be broken down into its components, the more specialized, and therefore the more effective, the worker would be in performing the task. A second principle was span of control, or the number of workers supervised. In subdividing from the top downward, each work unit had to be supervised and coordinated with other units. The span of control considered to be most effective was five to ten subordinates. Human Relations Movement As noted in the preceding discussion, the management theory of the early decades of the last century was totally focused on the formal structure of the organization and gave no thought to the dynamics at work in the informal structure. A growing awareness of this powerful but unexamined dimension of any organization gave rise to the human relations movement. During a time of transition, the work of Mary Parker Follett (1868–1933), one of the first researchers and authors who focused on the human side of administration, pointed managers to the importance of developing and maintaining dynamic and harmonious relationships. Specifically, she focused on how managers deal with conflict. She developed what she called “a collaborative approach to problem solving,” in which she advocated the involvement of workers in the everyday conflicts and the use of compromise in management disputes (Montana and Charnov 1993, 13). Despite her work, the development of the human relations approach is usually traced to what have become some

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Leadership Development in the United States (19th Century to the Present)

of the most famous studies done in the first half of the century—the studies conducted at the Hawthorne plant of the Western Electric Company in Chicago. The Hawthorne studies, done from 1927 to 1932, began with three experiments that were conducted to study the relation of quality and quantity of illumination to efficiency in industry. The initial results revealed that the production rates increased in the test group until the light became so poor that the workers complained that they could no longer see what they were doing. Elton Mayo, an Australian industrial psychologist, and Fritz Roethlisberger, a social psychologist, were Harvard professors who were hired by the company to investigate further the relationship between physical conditions of work and productivity. The company thought that both psychological as well as physiological factors were involved. In an effort to isolate the variables they were examining, the researchers put six women in a special working environment and began to manipulate work conditions such as payment systems, rest breaks of various sorts and lengths, variations in the length of the workday, and the provision of food and refreshments during the workday. These women were under the watchful eye of a supervisor, who became more like a friendly observer than a disciplinarian. After a five-year period, these workers returned to the main workforce; however, a totally unexpected set of findings resulted. Output increased, but the increase was independent of any change in rest pauses or working hours. Both the daily and weekly production levels rose to a point much higher than under the nearly identical conditions of the pre-experimental setting (Hoy and Miskel 1982, 6). The women responded to the realization that they were taking part in a meaningful experiment. (The researchers identified this tendency to react differently because they were being observed as the “Hawthorne effect.” Though this one phrase is often quoted as the primary finding in these studies, there was a much more significant result.) Montana and Charnov summarize the work of the Hawthorne studies: “Mayo and his colleagues concluded that factors other than the physical aspects of work had the power of improving production. These factors related to the interrelationships between workers and individual worker psychology were termed, after much additional investigation, human relations factors” (1993, 20). These experiments changed forever the importance and awareness of the informal dimensions that are significant when considering the motivation of participants in an organization and the interpersonal dynamics that influence productivity. Behavioral Science Movement The theoretical movements and corresponding periods following the human relations movement of the 1930s and

1940s have been classified in a variety of ways by different authors, who have generally agreed on the theorists who have made the most significant contributions, though some names may appear in more than one category. The third major movement of the 20th century is usually considered to have occurred around 1950, and it is labeled a reaction to the overemphasis on formal structure by the classical approach on the one hand and the concern by the human relations approach for social relations on the other. What resulted was the behavioral science approach, which focused on work behavior in formal organizations. New theories in the fields of psychology, sociology, political science, and economics influenced the thinking in this approach. Included in the behavioral science approach, also called management science (Montana and Charnov 1993), are the writings of Chester Barnard, Douglas McGregor, and Herbert Simon. Barnard originated much of the thinking of the movement with his analysis of organizational life in Functions of the Executive, which was published in 1938. The product of Barnard’s years as president of Bell Telephone Company of New Jersey, this book provides a comprehensive theory of cooperative behavior in formal organizations (Hoy and Miskel 1982, 9). He maintained that employees form organizations to achieve goals and emphasized “cooperative effort as a key to organizational productivity and managerial effectiveness” (Montana and Charnov 1993, 19). Human Resources Movement In the mid-1960s Raymond Miles, a writer for the Harvard Business Review, posed a question in the title of an article that would suggest a new era: “Human Relations or Human Resources?” One of the theorists of this new movement, Chris Argyris, articulated the focus of this approach: “We’re interested in developing neither an overpowering manipulative organization nor organizations that will ‘keep people happy.’ Happiness, morale, and satisfaction are not going to be highly relevant guides in our discussion. . . . Individual competence, commitment, self-responsibility, fully functioning individuals, and active, viable, vital organizations will be the kinds of criteria that we will keep foremost in our minds” (1964, 4). Another well-known figure at this time, Rensis Likert, noted that the leader characterized by this movement would be neither directive nor patronizing, but instead supportive: “The leader and other processes of the organization must be such as to ensure a maximum probability that in all interactions and in all relationships within the organization, each member, in light of his background, values, desires, and expectations, will view the experience as supportive and one which builds and maintains his sense of personal worth and importance” (1961, 103). Perhaps

Leadership Development in the United States (19th Century to the Present)

the best known representative of this approach is Douglas McGregor, who pointed out that administrative decisions are influenced by the leader’s attitude toward his or her workers. Some executives view their employees as lacking potential for growth, being uninterested in the productivity of the organization, and being unable to put forth meaningful effort unless they are closely supervised. This generally negative view is held by a leader McGregor designated as Theory X. In The Human Side of Enterprise (1960, 132), he lists these assumptions held by a Theory X leader: the average worker is indolent, lacks ambition, and is inherently self-centered. Theory Y leaders, on the other hand, believe that managers must take the responsibility to establish workplace environments in which workers feel valued and trusted. In such environments, they become motivated to be productive and even to desire professional growth. The writings of the fourth theorist of the human resource movement, Frederick Herzberg, further highlight the emphasis on developing an individual’s potential, as can be seen in his discussion of his two-factor theory, also called the motivation hygiene theory. Herzberg’s research led him to believe that there are certain factors associated with work that may be considered maintenance factors. As these needs are met, the worker is not “dissatisfied.” He or she basically comes to work in a neutral state, that is, a neutral state of motivation, since his or her maintenance needs have been met. Herzberg argues that as the motivator factors are provided, the worker is satisfied or positively motivated. He described the influence of the two-factor theory in the following way: “To feel that one has grown depends on achievement of tasks that have meaning to the individual, and since the hygiene factors do not relate to the task, they are powerless to give such meaning to the individual. Growth is dependent on some achievements but achievement requires a task. The motivators are task factors and thus are necessary for growth” (1966, 78). In the last four decades of the 20th century, several new models emerged that are based on the concept that leaders are capable of altering their behavior or style depending on the environment in which they find themselves. The managerial grid, developed by Robert Blake and Jane Mouton in the mid-1960s, examines how leaders help their organizations reach their goals by looking at two factors: concern for production and concern for people. Concern for production refers to how a leader is concerned with achieving organizational tasks through such things as policies and processes. Concern for people shifts the focus and attention to the people who make up the organization (Northouse 2007, 73). A second influential model is the situational leadership model, developed by Paul Hersey and Ken Blanchard in the late 1960s and early 1970s. As the title suggests, leaders

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make decisions about their approach to leading and managing based on the needs of those being supervised. The supervisor must determine whether or not the situation calls for more or less direction and to what extent support is needed. These two behaviors of the leader vary according to the individual employee’s performance, training, and experience. Ultimately the leader is able to delegate responsibilities to the follower when the need for direction and support are both low (Northouse 2007, 91–92). During the same period, Fred Fiedler was developing a related model called contingency theory. This model is concerned with styles and situations. Effective leadership is contingent upon matching the leader’s style with the situation (Northouse 2007, 111). Transformational leadership is a final major category of leadership that dominated the discussion during the last two decades of the 20th century. It has been defined and examined in detail by James MacGregor Burns (1978). He describes transforming leadership as occurring when the leader recognizes and exploits an existing need or demand of a potential follower. In addition, the leader looks for potential motives in followers, seeks to satisfy their higher needs, and attempts to engage the full person of the follower. As a result, both the leader and follower in this relationship experience mutual stimulation and elevation, which may convert followers into leaders and may transform leaders into moral agents. By the concept moral leadership, Burns means, “Leaders and those they lead have a relationship not only of power but of mutual needs, aspirations, and values” (1978, 4). References and Resources Argyris, Chris. 1964. Integrating the Individual and the Organization. New York: John Wiley & Sons. Burns, James MacGregor. 1978. Leadership. New York: Harper & Row. Coley, Kenneth S. 2010. The Helmsman: Leading with Courage and Wisdom. Colorado Springs, CO: Purposeful Design. Herzberg, Frederick. 1966. Work and the Nature of Man. New York: World Publishing. Hoy, Wayne K., and Cecil G. Miskel. 1982. Educational Administration: Theory, Research, and Practice. 2nd ed. Edited by Jack Nelson. New York: Random House. Likert, Rensis. 1961. New Patterns of Management. New York: McGraw-Hill. McGregor, Douglas. 1960. The Human Side of Enterprise. New York: McGraw-Hill. Montana, Patrick J., and Bruce H. Charnov. 1993. Management. 2nd ed. Barron’s Business Review Series. Hauppauge, NY: Barron’s Educational Series. Northouse, Peter G. 2007. Leadership: Theory and Practice. 4th ed. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.

—Kenneth S. Coley

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Leadership Emergence Theory

Leadership Emergence Theory Applying grounded theory research methodology to the life stories of biblical, historical, and contemporary leaders, J. Robert Clinton developed leadership emergence theory, which explains the “process in which God intervenes throughout a lifetime in crucial ways, to shape that leader towards His purposes.”20 Clinton defines leadership as “a dynamic process in which a man or woman with God-given capacity influences a specific group of God’s people toward His purposes for the group.”21 Grounded theory analysis of 10,000 pages of life history data revealed three variables influencing leadership emergence: (1) processing (shaping experiences and activities), (2) time, and (3) the leaders’ responses (either positive, embracing transformation, or negative, rejecting transformation).22 Transformation through these means leads to spiritual (shaping of character and growth in relationship with God), ministerial (acquiring leadership skills), and strategic formation (pursuing vocational call). Overall, the formation “ involves internal psychological shaping, external sociological shaping, and internal/external divine shaping.”23 Clinton observed 50 types of process items (shaping incidents) common in leaders’ lives. Examples include formation through conflict, challenging assignments, encounters with authority, life crises, opportunities for choosing integrity, and Bible study. Recognizing these process items offers perspective, especially during periods of suffering. As already noted, time factors into leadership emergence as well. Here, Clinton observes four common stages in development.24 The first stage correlates with the formation that occurs during the first years of leaders’ lives through their family, teachers, and socio-contextual factors. If persons are natural leaders, leadership emergence will most likely occur in this foundational stage. In the second stage of development, leaders embrace a calling to leadership (which becomes observable through a variety of experiences) and pursue more formal steps to orient their life’s work toward leadership. Formation in this stage is directed toward the person’s character (integrity, faithfulness to responsibilities, choosing transformation, etc.) and experience with a variety of activities, which in turn increases abilities and skills in leadership. The activities lead to the emergence of spiritual gifts, the strength20. J. Robert Clinton, Leadership Emergence Theory: A Self-Study Manual for Analyzing the Development of a Christian Leader (Altadena, CA: Barnabas Publishers, 2003), 7. 21. J. Robert Clinton, The Making of A Leader: Recognizing the Lessons and Stages of Leadership Development, 2nd ed. (Colorado Springs, CO: NavPress, 2012), 10. 22. Clinton, Leadership Emergence Theory, 8. 23. Ibid., 27. 24. Ibid., 30.

ening of natural abilities, and further acquiring of skills. Toward the end of this stage, leaders have responded in transformative ways to opportunities for character formation, have strong self-awareness regarding their gifts and limitations, and have experienced effectiveness in using their gifts. They also have experimented with various types of roles, so that when the time for the next stage naturally unfolds, they actively choose a role that most enables them to leverage their experience and capitalize on their gifts. Experimenting with various positions enables leaders to discern the type of role that most utilizes their gifts (natural abilities, acquired skills, and spiritual gifts). Therefore, in the third stage of leadership emergence, leaders choose a role that connects their gifts and calling; thus, often there is a narrowing of focus in their vocation. Also during this time, leaders gain a deeper sense of how they have been made to influence, whether broadly (regional, national, international, etc.), comprehensively (small groups, one-to-one mentoring, etc.), or somewhere in between. Understanding of sphere of influence leads to the next stage in leadership development. In the fourth stage, ideally leaders focus call, experience, gifts, influence, and role to enable fruitful work. Clinton describes this focus as “convergence,” which is a fantastically effective period of work. In the later part of this stage, as leaders age or draw near to the end of their lives, activity often decreases, and therefore leaders solidify their legacy through relationships, mentoring, writing, or a combination of all three. —Shelley Trebesch

Leadership Formation and Development Nature or nurture? Discussions on leadership formation and development often begin with this or similar questions. Is one born a leader? Can the skills of leadership be taught? While nature can play a role in leadership, contemporary scholars conclude that most aspects of leadership can be developed. Before turning to growth and development, however, let’s define the parameters of Christian leadership formation and development. According to the research of J. Robert Clinton (leadership emergence theory), formation of Christian leaders leads to spiritual (shaping of character and growing in relationship with God), ministerial (acquiring leadership skills), and strategic formation (pursuing vocational call). Overall, the formation “involves internal psychological shaping, external sociological shaping, and internal/external divine shaping.”25 Leadership development is “the expansion of a person’s capacity to be effective in leadership roles and 25. Ibid., 27.

Learning

processes” where “leadership roles and processes are those that enable groups of people to work together in productive and meaningful ways.”26 Progress in leadership development requires experiences and the ability to learn from experiences.27 Therefore, a cycle of practice and reflection is critical. The most productive growth experiences are those in which there are challenges (new situations, increased responsibilities, etc.), support (empathetic encouragement), and assessment (feedback that corrects mistakes and highlights success).28 Thus for one’s self or for those who oversee leadership development, the proactive creation of sequential developmental experiences (which include challenge, support, and assessment), along with periods of reflection, ensures leader development. Recent studies in neuroscience also contribute to the discussion of leadership formation and development. The premise is that because of the neuroplasticity of the brain, development can occur. Daniel Goleman compiled research in neuroscience from scholars at Harvard, UCLA, Rutgers, and other institutions and advanced the concept of emotional intelligence, which is connected to the brain functioning of the limbic system. Ninety percent of the most effective leaders have high emotional intelligence: understanding and handling one’s and others’ emotions. Emotional intelligence comprises four domains: selfawareness (recognizing one’s emotions and their impact on others, knowing one’s strengths and limitations), selfmanagement (self-control, transparency, and adaptability), social awareness (empathy toward and awareness of others’ emotions), and relationship management (inspiration, bonding, teamwork, conflict resolution, and developing others).29 The limbic system (the emotional part of the brain, which includes the amygdala—the flight or fight response) features prominently in emotional intelligence. The limbic system is an open-loop system, needing connection and interaction for healthy functioning.30 Due to the neuroplasticity of the brain, one can increase emotional intelligence by imagining the ideal (envisioning being emotionally intelligent in situations), assessing reality, planning for actions that lead to change, and inviting others (the limbic system needs connection) to participate in the change. Therefore, leaders can increase their emotional intelligence, and this is a key aspect of leadership development. —Shelley Trebesch 26. Cynthia D. McCauley, Russ S. Moxley, and Ellen Van Velsor, eds., Handbook of Leadership Development (San Francisco: Jossey-Bass, 1998), 4. 27. Ibid., 7. 28. Ibid., 6. 29. See Daniel Goleman, Emotional Intelligence: Why It Can Matter More Than IQ (New York: Bantam Books, 2005). 30. Daniel Goleman, Richard Boyatzis, and Annie McKee, Primal Leadership: Realizing the Power of Emotional Intelligence (Boston: Harvard Business School Press, 2002), 6.

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Learning Implicit in any understanding of learning is the notion of change, although the nature of that change varies. A familiar emphasis is on the acquisition of knowledge, but this quantitative focus is gradually giving way to an appreciation of more qualitative aspects, which are concerned with the processes of learning and the corresponding growth and development experienced by individuals. Outside a specifically Christian context, the study of learning has been approached from a number of perspectives, including theoretical (behaviorist, cognitivist, and interactionist, such as experiential learning theories); epistemological (which emphasizes learners as knowers); situational (especially the place where learning is occurring, such as the workplace); and promotional (strategies for promoting and fostering learning) (Taylor 2005).To these may be added more recent emphases on the context or stage of learning, such as students in higher education (Biggs and Tang 2007). Despite the fact that there is now recognition that learning occurs throughout life (something most clearly seen in the lifelong learning movement), which has encouraged a more extensive investigation into learning than simply how children learn, the view that it is possible to formulate one grand, universal theory of learning is increasingly challenged (Biggs and Tang 2007). Jarvis’s theory of experiential learning (2006, 2009, 2010) is an example of such an attempt; he brings together the whole person (both body and mind) and the social situations that are encountered and that result in the transformation of experience and the continually changing person (Jarvis 2009). The person is therefore more at the center of all thinking about learning than has been the case thus far, and the study and understanding of learning has adopted a highly multidisciplinary approach. Christian understandings of learning have tended to follow secular trends, especially in the emphasis on how children learn and how they might be “discipled” within a church setting or appropriately “informed” within a secular school context. Each of these raises questions about whether “Christian learning” has specifically different characteristics from other subject disciplines. Astley (2000) makes an important distinction between learning about Christianity and learning Christianity, observing also that new Christians, at whatever age, have to receive information about their faith, its traditions, and its practices. Reception precedes what he perceives as the crucial dimension of critically reflecting on the Christian tradition and people’s personal faith, a practice and skill that Hull (1991) identifies as weakly exercised among many adult Christians. Hull argues that adult Christians are prevented from learning because of the ways in which ideologies function, as well as the role of

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the emotions within humans. While there are grounds to challenge the notion of “non-learning,” especially from the perspective of experiential learning theories, it is clear that many adult Christians do not develop in their faith in a profound or meaningful way. Faith development may well be the central goal of Christian learning, and it incorporates many dimensions, in terms of both learning and faith. In a contemporary climate that prizes the articulation of learning outcomes that can be assessed both formatively and summatively, the development of a distinctly Christian character often eludes identification, although Leclercq (1982) suggests a range of activities that contribute to “sacred learning,” such as “active” reading, meditative prayer and reminiscence, and the fostering of a biblical imagination. References and Resources Astley, Jeff, ed. 2000. Learning in the Way. Leominster, UK: Gracewing. Biggs, John, and Catherine Tang. 2007. Teaching for Quality Learning at University. 3rd ed. Maidenhead, UK: Open University Press and The Society for Research into Higher Education. English, Leona, ed. 2005. International Encyclopedia of Adult Education. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Hull, John. 1991. What Prevents Adult Christians from Learning? Philadelphia: Trinity Press International. Jarvis, P. 2006. Lifelong Learning and the Learning Society. Volume 1, Towards a Comprehensive Theory of Human Learning. New York: Routledge. ———. 2009. Learning to Be a Person in Society. Abingdon, UK: Routledge. ———. 2010. Adult Education and Lifelong Learning. 4th ed. Abingdon, UK: Routledge. Jarvis, P., J. Holford, and C. Griffin. 1998. The Theory and Practice of Learning. London: Kogan Page, 1998. Leclercq, Jean. 1982. The Love of Learning and the Desire for God. 3rd ed. Translated by Catharine Misrahi. New York: Fordham University Press. Taylor, Edward. 2005. “Learning.” In International Encyclopedia of Adult Education, edited by Leona English, 348–353. New York: Palgrave Macmillan.

—Alison Le Cornu

Learning and the Rise of Vernacular Languages Europe’s “national languages” are largely a product of the modern era. They resulted from the slow and steady growth of vernacular languages and dialects. In the Middle Ages, Europe’s major language families—outside of the Latin used for ecclesiastical and scholarly

purposes—encompassed an unfathomable morass of regional and dialectical variations. For medieval people, Latin remained the lingua franca of the West. Over time, however, vernacular languages began to develop their own distinct literary and scholarly identities. During the later Middle Ages and into the 17th century, developments in language reached a culmination as the modern language map of Europe more or less emerged in its present-day form. Vernacular languages of common people eventually evolved into the major national languages of modern times. Along with the natural changes in syntax, grammar, vocabulary, and accents that inevitably occur in any given linguistic milieu over time, the development of strong literary and scholarly traditions aided greatly in the rise of vernacular languages. Such changes develop naturally over time from the accumulated influences of trade or daily banter. Institutional forces like religion also played an important role in shaping language patterns. Education and learning were key ingredients in the rise of Europe’s modern national languages. The Meaning of Vernacular Languages as they exist today have evolved over thousands of years. None of the modern languages existed in antiquity, although the revival of biblical Hebrew in 1947 as the national language of the state of Israel might constitute one fascinating exception. There were many greater and lesser languages and dialects in the ancient world and during the Middle Ages. These often became ancestral stock for the modern languages. In many cases, there was a natural tension between the language of the street and the language of the written word. In general, everyday speech and common dialects constitute “vernaculars,” the native tongues of the common people. Vernacular languages that developed a strong literary tradition usually rose above the vast host of local and regional dialects. The word “vernacular” literally means “of the slave,” coming from the Latin word verna, or “household servant.” In the ancient world, the great imperial languages like Hellenistic Greek or Latin were widely spoken as common tongues across the huge geographical areas of the Roman Empire. Many well-to-do people would have spoken either Greek or Latin, and the elites usually spoke both, often fluently. In this Greco-Roman world, a vernacular language would have been a local dialect or language standing apart from the dominant lingua francas of the day. Vernacular languages would have been spoken as household languages. They often developed alongside the larger languages such as Greek or Latin. Ancient World Antecedents In Victorian times, history was usually alleged to have begun with the advent of writing in Sumer, around 3500

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BC. Everything before 3500 BC was considered “prehistory.” Since the 19th century, newer approaches to history have developed, including a strong emphasis on material culture and archaeology, oral histories, and other innovations. These new areas of research and inquiry have added enormously to historical scholarship. Therefore, in more recent decades, the old distinction between “history” and “‘prehistory” became blurred. Nonetheless, writing’s historical significance is huge by any reckoning, especially when considering the development of vernacular languages. Before writing, one can only imagine the vast prehistorical mosaic of dialects and local idioms that must have existed. Varying levels of sophistication and complexity must have differentiated the various local languages spoken, even in those early times. While many of these languages and dialects shared common linguistic roots, variations between groups and regions undoubtedly made identifying single coherent languages a problematic endeavor. In historical periods, famous ancient languages like Greek or Hebrew still featured many distinctive dialects and accents that rendered them almost unintelligible, even to related peoples and kinsmen. The biblical story of the Tower of Babel found in Genesis 11 colorfully recounts the welter of languages that made up even relatively local regions in those days. The two major language groupings of the Western ancient world were Indo-European and Semitic. The Indo-European language family constitutes a wide array of distinct tongues and their related dialects, a huge linguistic grouping found all through Europe, across Asia Minor, into Persia, and down into India. In ancient times, two especially significant Indo-European tongues were Greek and Latin. The Indo-European Greeks lived on the southeast tip of the Balkan peninsula, as well as around the rim of the Aegean Sea, including the west coast of Asia Minor. Several dialects existed within ancient Greek, though the various Greek regions probably enjoyed a rough form of mutual intelligibility. Among the most famous of the Greek dialects are Attic, spoken by the Athenians, and Doric, spoken by the Spartans. For its part, Latin—which would become the mother tongue of millions, and one of the most important languages in history—began as an obscure tribal language nestled in the linguistically heterogeneous mix of peoples that once occupied central Italy. Due to the great militarism and imperialism of the mighty Romans, Latin grew to become one of history’s most important languages. The other major language grouping of the ancient world was the Semitic group. Most of the peoples of North Africa and the ancient Near East were Semitic in ancient times. Hebrew, Phoenician, Egyptian, and the early dialects of Arabic were all Semitic languages. A ma-

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jority of the early Mesopotamian cultures were Semitic, notwithstanding the famous “Indo-European invasions” from the north in 1800 BC. Semitic languages produced both the writing scripts of Mesopotamian cuneiform and Egyptian hieroglyphics, usually regarded as the two oldest writing systems. The development of written literature, law, and liturgy helped to standardize the significant variations that almost always existed in earlier, exclusively oral versions of any given language. Business receipts and accounting records also played an important role in this regard. In general, the version of the language that was written often gained precedence over dialects of a language that remained unwritten. Grammatical and syntactic conventions within a written language undoubtedly came to be seen as more “correct.” Similarly, the relative permanence of written language facilitated dissemination across time and place, unlike more ephemeral spoken language. Admittedly, the tension between written language and nonwritten speech contains a bit of the “chicken and the egg” dynamic, since unwritten language no doubt shaped written language and vice versa. Nonetheless, all the distinct languages that emerged from the ancient world inevitably possessed solid and effective systems of writing. The alphabet system devised by the Phoenicians is one of the most important developments in language and learning that came from the ancient Near East. The Phoenician alphabet was adopted by the Greeks sometime around 800 BC. It was an arguably superior system of writing, capable of transliterating virtually any spoken language with its symbols representing sounds made by human speech. With relatively few symbols to learn— originally around 22—writing and reading were greatly simplified. This simplification of writing greatly aided in the democratization of literacy, which had previously been extremely elite. The Phoenician alphabet eventually became the basis of written languages throughout virtually the whole of the Mediterranean. A version of the Greek/Phoenician alphabet was adopted by the Romans, adding to its diffusion. Vernacular Languages and Imperialism During the heyday of the Roman Empire, languages were greatly affected by politics and imperialism. Following the conquests of Alexander the Great (r. 363–323 BC), Greek became the lingua franca of much of the ancient Near East. This world, with the Greek tongue overlaying the rich mix of local historic languages all across the Eastern Mediterranean, is often called the “Hellenistic” or “Greek-like” world. The New Testament, with its koine (common) Greek, is a product of this world. Greek was a strong second language and used by non-Greeks in areas such as business, political matters, and scholarship.

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With the Roman conquests of the Eastern Mediterranean that began in the second century BC, this Hellenistic culture largely continued. The Roman Empire featured a Latin-speaking half and a Greek-speaking half. When the Western Empire fell in AD 476, the Greekspeaking half remained, commonly called Byzantium. During the early years of the Byzantine period, Greek continued as the lingua franca of the East. After the death of the prophet Muhammad in 632, the Arabic language moved into much of the Middle East and all across North Africa, along with the Islamic faith. In the ensuing years, Greek largely settled back into its historic homeland on the southeastern tip of the Balkans. Nonetheless, the centuries of Hellenistic cultural influence in the Eastern Mediterranean meant that the Greek language would continue to have a huge influence in later years, especially in scholarship and the arts. In the West, Latin became the universal tongue. Moreover, unlike the East, where Greek remained largely a secondary language, Latin replaced local languages in many areas of the West. Latin became the “first language” for millions of formerly non-Latin peoples. In Spain, the Celto-Iberian tribes largely adopted Latin. In what is now France, the Gallic peoples largely lost their ancient Celtic languages, though isolated rural pockets of the Gallic ancient language remained until medieval times. The Italian peninsula, once home to a score of languages and dialects, including Greek in the south and the strong heritage of Etruscan in Tuscany, was heavily Latinized as early as the first century AD. North of the Danube in far eastern Europe, Dacia was another important area of the Roman Empire. Conquered by the Roman emperor Trajan (r. 98–117), the Province of Dacia also adopted Latin, virtually wholesale. Over the centuries, these “Latinized” areas of the old Roman Empire produced the Romance languages: Romanian, Italian, French, Spanish, and Portuguese. Regional dialects also exist within these major languages, often categorized as subgroupings of one of the major Romance tongues. Not all areas of the Roman Empire were Latinized. The ancient peoples of the Eastern Mediterranean—Greeks, Egyptians, Syrians, Jews, and many others—largely retained their ancient tongues, as well as the Hellenistic influences predating Roman conquest. The Latin imprint was also lighter in Roman Britain. There, the Celtic tribes largely retained their historic dialects, maintaining them throughout the years of Roman imperialism and beyond. When the Romans left the island early in the fifth century, Latin left with them. When the Anglo-Saxon tribes invaded the island beginning in the fifth century, the Latin heritage in the southwest part of the island was even more lost. Ancient England in the days after the withdrawal of Roman troops was almost like a Scandinavian

country. Latin gradually came into the British cultures through Christian missionaries, though largely as a language of scholarship, liturgy, and literature. Areas of western North Africa also were heavily Latinized by Roman rule. The great Latin Christian saint Augustine of Hippo (354–430) was from Tagaste, in modern-day Algeria. But his background both culturally and linguistically seems almost that of a native Latin Roman. By later antiquity, the once mighty North African city of Carthage, in modern-day Tunisia, also had become virtually a Latin city. The movement of the Muslims across North Africa in the seventh century resulted in a linguistic change to Arabic. Indeed, the Muslim movement across North Africa also supplanted the ancient Egyptian language in Egypt, replacing it with Arabic. Early European Vernacular Dialects Prehistoric continental Europe mostly lacked clearly defined languages, at least by modern standards. Frankish is often described as a language, as is Anglo-Saxon. But there were strong variations even within these larger tribal tongues. In terms of families of dialects, Europe had four main groupings: Latin/Romance dialects, Germanic dialects, Celtic dialects, and Slavic dialects. Within these larger categories, a welter of tribes in their various groupings often spoke in local patterns and idioms. Within the four major groups, many of the local dialects were probably somewhat intelligible to those speaking related dialects. In this sense, a language continuum existed. Sharp, clearly defined distinctions between various dialects were rare. Subtle changes existed as one traveled from town to town and grew more pronounced with greater distances. The closer people were geographically, the more likely it was that they understood each other. The odds of mutual intelligibility decreased substantially the more one traveled. Few of these dialects were written down, making them even more local and colloquial. Even centuries after the development of the major European national languages, many of these extremely local and regional flavors would continue to color the language map of Europe. A few isolated languages do not seem a part of Europe’s main language families. Languages such as Finnish or Magyar (Hungarian) seem to be more Asiatic in origin. Questions remain about their original relationships to the four main branches of European languages. At any rate, the Magyars came out of Asia in the 10th century, so they are relative newcomers. Ancient Basque, isolated in rugged northeast Spain, also seems to stand alone, predating the convenient modern linguistic categories of European language families. In some cases, it is impossible to prove original linguistic roots of these ancient and highly distinctive smaller languages.

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Religion and the Vernacular Languages In the early Middle Ages, religion played a key role in shaping the development of future language patterns. Three great religious heritages developed on the territory of the old Roman Empire: the Eastern Orthodox heritage, the Western Roman Catholic heritage, and the Islamic world. Both Christianity and Islam were “missionary religions” that purported to have universal messages for all men and women, regardless of ethnic or language group. In general, this reflected a large change from pagan religions, which were often based on birth or nationality. Moreover, both Christianity and Islam featured sacred, fixed texts—the Bible and the Koran—which made language and literacy important components of their outreach to others. Both Eastern and Western Christianity vigorously promoted missionary activity into the heart of “barbarian” Europe. The Byzantine “Orthodox” Church, however, generally encouraged the translation of the Bible into the vernacular languages. This policy of encouraging vernacular languages aided in the development of national identities across the Orthodox world, with distinct national churches emerging, each with its own patriarch. Saints Cyril (827–869) and Methodius (826– 885), the famous “missionaries to the Slavs,” were credited with having developed the Cyrillic alphabet, named after Saint Cyril. It should be noted that not all Slavic peoples converted to the Byzantine brand of Christianity, including the Cyrillic alphabet. The Poles converted to Catholicism and therefore adopted the Latin alphabet. Similarly, the Slavic Croatians also converted to Roman Catholicism, sharing close geographical and cultural ties with Italians on the Adriatic. Though the Croatian language is very similar to Serbian, it is written with the Latin alphabet, adding to an arguably artificially heightened sense of linguistic distinction between the two groups. In the West, Latin reigned supreme as the lingua franca of Catholic Christianity. Saint Jerome’s translation of the Bible into Latin in the late fourth century—commonly called the Vulgate—virtually established Latin as a sacred language, on a par with Hebrew or Greek. Moreover, Catholic authorities generally discouraged translation of the Vulgate into vernacular languages and promoted Latin Mass all across Western Europe. This policy helped maintain a strong Latin presence in virtually all of medieval Western Christendom. Over the centuries, the translation of the Bible, along with the language of Mass, would flare up occasionally as an issue pitting regions and local vernaculars against the Latin popes. During the Reformation, one of the most important impacts of Protestantism was the translation of the Bible into vernacular languages. Luther’s translation of the Bible into German

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was an especially important translation. King James’s Authorized Version of the Bible (in English), released in 1611, was another. Missionaries in the West also promoted the Latin language. In many cases, they not only promoted Latin in particular, but literacy in general. This was especially true in the pagan areas of the Germanic North. Many of these areas had little or no tradition of writing, though a “runic” script did appear in scattered inscriptions. The Benedictine order of monks that was ordained in the sixth century included in its famous Benedictine “Rule” the establishment of a school with each and every monastery. All across Anglo-Saxon England and Germany, and into Scandinavia, Latin learning was promoted by Catholic missionaries. Though Latin never replaced the vernacular languages in Germanic areas such as these, it did become a strong intellectual language. In the later Middle Ages, the Latin-based university system that flourished all across Europe and learned Latin writings were therefore more widely disseminated. The third religious tradition that settled into the area of the old Roman Empire was Islam. After the prophet’s death in 632, Islam moved into a period of great expansion. It quickly moved out of its home in the Arabian Peninsula, moving both east and west. The expansion of Islam is one of history’s most stunningly rapid religious and cultural movements. Within 50 years, Islam had triumphed in virtually all of North Africa, throughout the Middle East, and on into Afghanistan and the Indus Valley of India. In 711, Islamic forces crossed over into Spain, overthrowing the Roman Catholic Visigoths, who occupied most of the peninsula. The spread of Islam is very important in terms of linguistic development. Like Christians and Jews, Muslims had a holy book, the Koran. This meant Islam naturally encouraged literacy and education as part of its outreach. Moreover, as had been the case with Roman Catholics and the Vulgate, Islamic leaders forbade the translation of the Koran into vernacular languages. Within a hundred years after the death of Muhammad, Arabic had emerged as one of the world’s most important languages, with millions and millions of speakers. Indeed, in many areas of the Islamic world, the old vernacular languages were completely erased. Unfortunately for Christianity, this meant that many formerly Christian areas became Islamic. In particular, the Byzantine Empire lost an enormous amount of territory to the advance of Islam, a development that ultimately precipitated the Crusades. Prior to the rise of Islam, Greek had remained a strong language in the Eastern Mediterranean in a range of areas including Egypt, the Holy Land, Syria, and Asia Minor. In western North Africa, Latin was virtually eradicated.

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Latin and Vernacular Languages in the Early Middle Ages On the continent, Latin was the most important language for many centuries following the Western Empire’s fall. In terms of writing, vernacular alternatives to Latin were few and often lacked the universal qualities and especially refined literary heritage Latin possessed. There were almost no “national” languages comparable to the modern languages of Europe. While there was a “Latin language” in the singular, linguistic sense, there was no such thing as a singular “German” language. Similarly, there was no Spanish, Italian, or French, either. But the Latin language was at least ostensibly uniform. In the early Middle Ages, the peoples of Western Europe were usually either “Germans” or “Latins.” And while Latin had a long established writing tradition, the numerous Germanic dialects had very little. Unlike German, Latin was already well-established as a great literary language, with many centuries of excellent learning and literature to its credit. But even Latin was far less uniform in the Middle Ages than one might suppose. After AD 476, with the connectivity of the Roman Empire now ruptured, the Latin-speaking areas of Europe grew increasingly isolated from one another. New accents, grammatical constructions, and spellings inevitably arose. Over time, Latin came to be as fragmented and dialectical as the Germanic languages were. By 1000, Latin had become virtually extinct as a living spoken language. At the same time, it continued as strong as ever as a form of written expression. The result was that for millions of Europeans, the language they spoke and the language they wrote were entirely different. The Significance of the Treaty of Verdun Always lurking beneath the surface, dialects of Latin began to emerge more clearly in the ninth century. One of the most important events in this regard is the famous Treaty of Verdun, approved in 843. The Treaty of Verdun divided the Frankish Empire of Charlemagne among Charlemagne’s three grandsons. Three separate kingdoms were created out of the old Frankish Empire: an eastern Frankish kingdom ruled by King Louis the German, a western Frankish kingdom ruled by Charles the Bald, and a middle kingdom ruled by Lothair, the eldest of the three brothers. Along with being the middle king in his own right, Lothair also inherited Charlemagne’s and Louis’s title of emperor, a vague precursor to the Holy Roman Emperor of the following century. Overall, the Treaty of Verdun was an attempt to straddle the seemingly irreconcilable principles of Germanic inheritance—whereby brothers generally inherited equally—and the Roman principle of primogeniture, in which everything went to the eldest son, thereby pre-

serving concentrations of power and wealth. Though it bought a few years of relative peace (and only a few), its flaws and failures reflect in microcosm the growing language and ethnic divisions that were emerging in the new Europe. At the treaty negotiations, the Franks from the west of the empire no longer spoke the old Germanic Frankish language as their principal language. The West Franks had become Latinized. For the East Franks, who were living on territory that had never been part of the once mighty Roman Empire, Germanic Frankish remained the native tongue. Between the East and West Franks, many no longer even understood each other. The Roman Empire—once overrun by the Franks—had had the last laugh. The Germanic West Franks who lived in old Roman Gaul had basically become Romance language speakers. Not only did the West Franks switch from being Germans to Latins; they also were speaking a new variant of the old Gallo-Roman tongue. The Latin spoken in the West Frankish realm had changed greatly by 843. It was no longer classical Latin. But it was not really the new streamlined medieval Latin, either. In fact, the entourage of Charles the Bald was speaking Old French, the earliest version of French. One of the world’s most famous and beautiful languages had emerged. The creation of the middle kingdom by the Treaty of Verdun is very instructive, especially with regard to the important interplay between language and nations. Lothair’s middle kingdom had especially glaring conceptual flaws. By the terms of the treaty, Lothair, the eldest brother, held two titles. He was the king of his own middle kingdom and also “emperor,” with a vague overlordship over his two brothers. If it seemed like a good idea on paper, the middle kingdom proved to be very unworkable in reality. Stretching from the North Sea to Rome, which linked Lothair to the pope, this narrow kingdom had no real linguistic or historical meaning. The western kingdom roughly corresponded to the Latin areas of the empire. Similarly, the east Frankish kingdom roughly corresponded to German-speaking areas. But Lothair’s kingdom drew on both Franco-Latin and German areas, creating an unwieldy center. In fact, it roughly corresponded to the Franco-German border. Further complicating matters was inclusion of Italy, south of the natural geographical boundary, the Alps. Given these geographical and linguistic difficulties, the arrangements made at Verdun lasted only a few years. The kings of France and Germany behaved as virtually sovereign monarchs. When their brother Lothair died in 855, the imperial title passed briefly to his son, Lothair II (835–869). When Lothair II died in 869, the brothers divided up what was left of the middle kingdom. The sovereign kingdoms of France and Germany

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now dominated the continent. In the years to come, former territories of the middle kingdom—The Netherlands, Alsace and Lorraine, Burgundy—remained battleground states. With no emperor or king, Italy became a world of smaller principalities and duchies, with the Papal States in the center of the peninsula preventing unification along national lines. The Treaty of Verdun—and especially the catastrophic failure of the middle kingdom—illustrates the importance of considering language and cultural ties when forging states. The European continent had been unified under the Franks, reaching its apogee under Charlemagne (r. 768–814). In some ways, it really was a revival of the old Roman Empire of Augustus, with its ideals of internationalism and universality. But by the 10th century, the Frankish empire had vanished, leaving in its wake two new sovereign kingdoms and three increasingly distinct lands: Italy, Germany, and France. Vernacular Languages in the Heyday of the Middle Ages (1000–1400) The Old French that appeared in 843 still had many archaic qualities and idiosyncrasies. It retained some of the Latin inflections and cases from Latin, making it virtually a foreign language to modern Francophones. Nonetheless, Old French is an early version of French, and distinct from its Latin roots. In the coming centuries, it would become even more distinct as a language all its own. Around 1100, the famous Song of Roland appeared in French. Enormously influential, it helped spawn a great spate of French vernacular literature, further establishing the bona fides of French as a language in its own right. The Song of Roland depicts heroic French fighters at the famous battle of Roncesvalles (778), with the Franks and the Moorish Saracens fighting in the rugged mountains. It inspired a large body of French romantic literature focused on Charlemagne as the ideal Christian king and warrior, a rambling body of various legends and stories comparable to the legends of King Arthur. During the High Middle Ages (1000–1300), French vernacular literature was perhaps the most viable of all the vernacular languages in Europe. The troubadour tradition, though not reserved to France per se, was especially strong in France. In general, French vernacular literature of the period was “romantic” in both the literal and figurative senses. Preferring to leave heavy scholarship or dreary theology to the Latin speakers in the universities, French literature often emphasized courtly love, heroic deeds and legends, and knightly quests. Another of the most important French vernacular writings is the Arthurian Romances (circa 1191) by Chrétien de Troyes. Building on the mystical and fantasy-like Celtic core of the legends of Camelot and King Arthur, Chrétien

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greatly enriched Arthurian legend with the addition of anachronistic elements such as chivalry and other courtly elements from his own time. In the years after Verdun, other romantic dialects also crystallized into their own distinct vernaculars, following the example of French. Spanish was another important romantic language that emerged from the vast sea of Latin regions that were left in the wake of the fall of the Roman Empire in the West. The Iberian Peninsula experienced many invasions and conquests over the years. These naturally influenced the development of language. Nonetheless, as was the case with Gaul or Dacia, the Latin language proved to be deeply rooted in the streets and homes of Spain. The Visigoths moved into Spain following their famous sacking of Rome in AD 410. In 711, the Moors attacked. All this time, Latin seems to have remained a strong linguistic presence on the Iberian Peninsula. Nonetheless, as had been the case with French, changes and variations inevitably emerged in the various romantic dialects spoken in the Iberian Peninsula. The Moorish invasions of 711 introduced thousands of words into the language. Indeed, over time many of these words became common in most European languages, including English: admiral, alcohol, algebra, almanac, candy, sofa, syrup, and many others. During the reign of Charlemagne, the Franks began a Reconquista (Reconquest) of Spain, establishing petty Christian states on territory seized from the Moors: Castile and Aragon were created in 1035; Portugal in 1139, after the Battle of Ourique. With the reintroduction of Roman Catholicism into the peninsula, Spanish grew stronger. Castilian—the principal dialect equated with formal Spanish—evolved during these years. The epic El Cid appeared around 1140, the tale of heroic Rodrigo Diaz (1043–1099), a fighter in the Reconquista who conquered and ruled Valencia, gaining fame for his wisdom, humanity, and bold exploits. The development of Spanish as a vernacular began to reach its stride later in the Middle Ages. In 1469, the marriage of Ferdinand of Aragon with Isabella of Castile—both heirs apparent to their respective thrones—created the dynastic foundation for a unified Spain. When they had both gained royal power in 1479, they began a vigorous campaign of creating a more homogeneous and unified country. The still prevalent nationalist linkage between Spanishness and Roman Catholicism dates from this time. The period is often remembered for religious and ethnic chauvinism, including such acts as the expulsion of the Moors and Sephardic Jews in 1492, as well as the imposition of the infamous Spanish Inquisition. Nonetheless, it was also in the late medieval years that Spanish emerged as one of Europe’s greatest literary languages.

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In the early 17th century, the great Spanish writer Miguel Cervantes (1547–1616) published Don Quixote. Often called one of the first modern novels, Cervantes’s work was to the Spanish language what Shakespeare’s writings were to English. Cervantes’s contemporary, Lope de Vega (1562–1635), was another important writer in this newly mature Spanish language. His play El Nuevo Mundo descubierto por Cristóbal Colón (The New World Discovered by Christopher Columbus) depicts the civilizing role of Spanish culture and people in the New World. Both Lope and Cervantes are “modern” in the broader sense of the term, meaning part of the more secular and scientific world that emerged with the ending of the Middle Ages. Both their works are relatively less religious and more secular than earlier literature generally was. Both also reflect a national Spanish character that was emerging by the early 17th century. Regional romantic dialects continued to flourish, even after the emergence of more consolidated vernacular languages began to shape the beginning of national literary traditions. In the south of France, the Provençal language was especially equated with the rich ballads and poems of the minstrels. In fact, a large and closely related swath of romantic dialects ran from east to west, all across southwestern Europe, from northern Italy, through southern France, and into southeastern Spain beyond the Pyrenees (Catalonia). Closer to old Latin than French was, this dialect was sometimes called Occitan, because it used the old Latin hoc—“this”—for the word “yes,” as opposed to oui, which prevailed in the North around Paris, or si, prevalent in Spanish and Italian. Unfortunately, this dialect never benefited from having a unified country based around it. Over time, it largely faded into the more dominant languages of Spain, Italy, or France, though even today it still colors accents and some idioms, especially around Provence. Parisian French became the standard and most prestigious form of French. On a related note, the language Portuguese had not yet emerged as a distinct language during the high Middle Ages. It was perceived as a lower dialect of Spanish, somewhat similar to the way Dutch was viewed in German-speaking countries. In Italy, the Italian language also began to make deep inroads into the old Latin base of Western Europe. As in Spain or France, many regional Latin-based dialects existed in the Italian Peninsula and the great Mediterranean islands of Sicily, Corsica, and Sardinia. The Tuscan dialect around the resplendent city of Florence would come to be especially equated with Italian. Three towering figures in this regard are the so-called Tuscan Triumvirate, who wrote extensively in their native Tuscan: Dante (1265–1321), Petrarch (1304–1374), and Boccaccio (1313–1375). All three of these men were great writers who brought intelligence, personality, and

charm to literature. Petrarch was a classicist living on the cusp of the Renaissance. His love of the Greek and Latin texts foreshadowed the humanistic movement that transformed so much of European cultural life during the 15th and 16th centuries. Though a Latinist of the first rank, his sonnets in Tuscan are among his most famous works. Boccaccio’s Decameron is another highly influential vernacular work. Like other such efforts, Boccaccio’s writings show the power of colloquial vernacular speech to convey humor and personality. His ribald tales—often featuring nuns and priests engaged in highly scandalous behavior—combined excellent writing with earthy humor and social commentary. Of the three Tuscan writers, Dante is probably the most important. He is not only a quintessential example of medieval thinking and knowledge at its most brilliant, but he also helped begin the process by which vernacular literature gained prestige and intellectual stature on a par with the finest and most significant Latin writings. Dante wrote extensively in Latin early in his life, but it was his Divine Comedy, written in Tuscan, that made him a giant of European literature. Many vernacular writings were often seen as enjoyable, but less formal and serious. The Divine Comedy changed all that. Often described as being to literature what Thomas Aquinas was to theology, Dante’s Divine Comedy was arguably the first vernacular work that connected scholarly and academic writings with vernacular literature. By any reckoning, it is one of the most important books written in the Middle Ages. Germanic Vernacular The Germanic dialects followed a path similar to those of the romantic dialects. Most Germanic areas of Europe had existed outside the Roman Empire. Over time, however, exposure to the Roman Empire or to Roman Catholicism greatly influenced the development of vernacular literatures in German. As was the case with Latin, the Germanic tongues were a cacophony of different tribal and regional variations. Gradually, however, Germanic peoples acquired literary traditions. Around AD 340, the Arian Christian Ulfilas (310–383) created a script for the Visigoths, drawing largely on the Greek alphabet. This was the first ever attempt to write any Germanic language. During the Middle Ages, most of the German-speaking areas were in the so-called Holy Roman Empire, a somewhat loose-knit state based on an arguably awkward alliance between the German ruler in the North and the Roman Catholic pope. In 962, the pope had crowned the king of the East Franks “emperor,” reviving the ancient Roman title as well as the imperial title held by Charlemagne a century earlier. While most Germanic peoples outside of Scandinavia lived in the Holy Roman Empire,

Learning and the Rise of Vernacular Languages

it should not really be considered Germany per se. It envisioned an imperial government reflecting the internationalism and universality of the old Roman Empire. Such pretensions are almost amusing and, at any rate, never really lived up to their billing. There were many language groups in the Holy Roman Empire. Along with a strong majority of Germans, there were also many romance speakers, as well as Slavs. Catholicism—a universal Christian doctrine—was supposedly the organizing political principle of the empire. An important related point about the Holy Roman Empire is that it really had no single capital city. Instead, it had many regional or provincial capitals. While cities like Berlin or Vienna would ultimately emerge as major capitals for their respective regions or principalities, no single capital comparable to Paris or London existed in the Holy Roman Empire. Even the Diets—the imperial parliaments, as it were—moved from host city to host city, taking the trappings of the imperial court with them as occasions required. In was a somewhat picturesque, decentralized, fairy-tale-like world of minor princes, bishops, dukes, and lower nobles. No one dialect emerged as dominant. The major division dialectically was between High German and Low German, with Dutch being like an especially low form of lower German. By the early Middle Ages, Germanic vernacular languages were making appearances in some fairly substantial literature. Still, these efforts were relatively limited, in comparison to the exponential growth of writing in Latin that was occurring all across Christian Europe. Beowulf in Anglo-Saxon “Old English” (circa 800) represents early literature in a Germanic vernacular, though its excellent composition was greatly enabled by Old English adaptation of the Latin alphabet. Though normally equated with England, Beowulf also has obvious continental derivations, both linguistically and in terms of the story. The Norse Edda, written in Iceland during the 13th century, also are famous vernacular writings from quite early in a script related to the one used in Beowulf. While both the Edda and Beowulf are indeed great specimens of epic “Viking” storytelling, they are much more widely read today than they ever were in the Middle Ages. Other famous Germanic vernacular writings from the Middle Ages are Parsifal, by Eschenbach (1160–1220), and Tristan and Isolde, written early in the 13th century by Gottfried von Strasbourg (d. 1210). The invention of the printing press in 1452—usually attributed to Johann Gutenberg (1398–1468)—gave another strong impetus to the movement toward vernacular languages, especially in the countries of the northern Renaissance. Not only did the printing press facilitate a far greater dispersion of written knowledge; it also helped give rise to easier writing and publishing, making dis-

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semination possible of everything from the most serious medical books to popular flyers and inflammatory pamphlets. The influence of the printing press on literary and popular culture cannot be overemphasized. In the 16th century, when the printing press was having its greatest transformative impact, Europe was also undergoing a revolution in which more and more common people were learning to read—especially in the northern parts of Europe. Most of these people knew no Latin, so the rise of vernacular languages is part of a complex linguistic and social dynamic that intertwined education, Protestant religious movements, and the technology of printing. Arguably, the German language did not really come into its own, however, until the Reformation. After his excommunication in 1521 and his refusal to recant later that year at the famous Diet of Worms, Luther spent time hiding at the gloomy Wartburg Tower. There, he wrote his famous translation of the New Testament into German. Luther’s translation helped produce standardization of the German language. Luther wrote in the High German dialect, which helped to make it the accepted, standard German. Despite the significant heritage of vernacular literature in German, much serious writing in Germany was still in Latin during the 16th and 17th centuries. But by the time of the Enlightenment, German had developed a rich and freestanding literary tradition. Two of the greatest German writers of early modern German were Schiller (1759–1805) and Goethe (1749–1832). Like other Enlightenment and romantic-era writers, they wrote in a time when self-confident vernacular literature in the major European languages had finally come of age. On a related note, composers like Mozart (1756– 1791) and Beethoven (1770–1827) began writing songs and even operas in German. European composers of vocal works had long avoided the “guttural” languages like German or English. Virtually any romance dialect was preferred for serious singing over a Germanic one, especially Italian or Latin. During the 19th century, German emerged as one of the greatest languages of scholarship. German universities of the 19th century were widely admired and imitated. In a range of disciplines, German scholars produced cuttingedge works. Along with French, German became one of the de rigueur languages that advanced students in the liberal arts or sciences had to be able to translate. Vernacular English The rise of vernacular English during the Middle Ages closely corresponds to the other examples seen here. A Germanic language in origin, English is commonly divided into three major period groupings: Old English (Anglo-Saxon), Middle English, and Modern English.

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While many variations and subdialects exist within each of these groupings—especially Old English and Middle English—early on English also developed one of the more coherent and distinct vernacular traditions in Western Europe. Today, England is renowned for its great literary heritage, much in the way the Dutch are remembered as great painters, or the Germans are hailed for their great compositions in classical music. Old English is the language of the Anglo-Saxon invaders who came to the island following the withdrawal of Roman troops. Beowulf is a classic Old English text, though it also likely has continental derivation and certainly is set in the Viking world of Sweden and Denmark. Relatively speaking, fair amounts of Old English writings are extant. The monks who usually maintained the scattered Anglo-Saxon poems and texts seem to have had a preservationist instinct, saving the colorful and often folksy literature of their ancestors for posterity. The famous Saxon poet Caedmon (657–680), who lived around the Whitby Abbey in Northumbria, penned his hymns in Old English. Numerous other poems survived as well, including a fascinating collection of 95 “riddles.” These are found in The Exeter Book, a book presented by the bishop of Exeter to the Cathedral Library in 1071. The Exeter Book contains most of the extant Anglo-Saxon poetry. It has survived many centuries of abuse and was apparently used as a chopping board at some point in the Middle Ages and as a beer mat. Nonetheless, the fact that Exeter is inland protected the precious texts in The Exeter Book from salty sea air. Most of the poems in it have fortunately survived the past thousand years. During the heyday of Old English, many fine scholars in England wrote in Latin, though they themselves were Anglo-Saxon. One of the most important in this regard was Venerable Bede (673–735). His work An Ecclesiastical History of the English People is a vital resource for anyone studying the history of the spread of Christianity to the Anglo-Saxons in the early Middle Ages. More than that, it is an excellent window into this fascinating and complex time. His work reflects the growing alliance between Anglo-Saxon intellectual life and the Latin language by the eighth century. Despite the increasing prevalence of Latin, however, Old English continued to be written and spoken. In 1066, the famous Norman Invasion by William the Conqueror introduced a strong dosage of French into the Anglo-Saxon language. For many years thereafter, the two languages coexisted uneasily. Norman courts and public life were conducted in French, whereas the older Anglo-Saxon tongues were reserved for the often downtrodden, common people. Over time, English absorbed many French words, greatly enriching the vocabulary of English as opposed to either German or French. Some

of the most famous French words imported into English during these years have to do with food, physical functions and anatomy, and officialdom. Many “dirty words” are Anglo-Saxon in derivation, whereas the French equivalent words are usually considered polite. The English that evolved after 1066 is commonly called Middle English. Somewhat more accessible to modern English speakers than Old English—which is, for all intents and purposes, a foreign language—Middle English is nonetheless usually “translated” for modern readers. By far the most important and famous of the Middle English writers was Chaucer (c. 1340–1400). His Canterbury Tales are the definitive work of Middle English. Depicting a group of pilgrims on the Pilgrim’s Trail to Canterbury—a path that once led from east to west across much of southern England—the colorful, highly insightful tales present a rich window into 14th-century daily life, attitudes, and values. Chaucer’s writings also bespeak the personality and vitality often shared by other vernacular writings. His earthy, authentic, funny, colloquial English wit and charm could not have emerged in as satisfying a fashion had he penned his work in Latin. When the printing press came to England in 1478, England’s first printer, William Caxton (c. 1415–c. 1492), chose The Canterbury Tales as the first book he printed. Chaucer wrote in the East Midland dialect, considered at the time to be the “King’s English.” With the greater dissemination of Chaucer produced by the printing press, the East Midland dialect of Middle English became increasingly seen as the standardized form of English. There are many other important Middle English writings, though none as famous as The Canterbury Tales. The Green Knight, a tale drawn from Arthurian legend, was written in Middle English sometime around the late 14th century. Many Middle English lyrics to songs also exist. Since writings were often preserved in ecclesiastical settings and recorded by monks or clerics, many of the poems and lyrics that exist are religious in nature. Nonetheless, some secular love songs have survived. “The Cuckoo Song (Sumer Is Icumen In)” is a popular Middle English favorite still sung today. There is no one single moment when Middle English became Modern English. Sir Thomas Malory’s (1405– 1471) famous Le Morte d’Arthur—which is arguably the most comprehensive and definitive source for the legends of Camelot and King Arthur—reflects the slow transition. Written while Sir Thomas was probably in prison during the dreary years of the War of the Roses, Le Morte d’Arthur in its original form is probably difficult if not impossible to read for most casual readers of modern English. Nonetheless, it is a bit late to be labeled as Middle English, and should probably be considered Early Modern English, or at least as an important tran-

Learning Biblical Languages

sitional work between Middle and Modern English. The language spoken in the Tudor court was likely an “Early Modern” form of English as well. Continuing in this vein, the language spoken during the reign of Queen Elizabeth (1558–1603) is commonly nicknamed Elizabethan English. Edmund Spenser’s The Fairie Queen (1595) and the highly influential works of the playwright Christopher Marlowe reflect the ongoing evolution of English in this period (1564–1593). English reached its status as a mature, national language early in the 17th century. In 1611, King James I (r. 1603–1625) authorized the King James Version of the Bible, one of the landmark events of the English language. Sometimes called the Authorized Version to ensure others of its legitimacy, the KJV represented the culmination of many centuries of struggle over the language of scripture. Earlier English translations existed, of course—notably William Tyndale’s (1494–1536) English Bible. But the Authorized Version had the king’s own stamp of approval behind it, as well as a wonderful and refined literary quality. Over the years the King James Version proved to be one of the most beloved and enduring works of the English language. (This should remind scholars that translations are a legitimate form of literature.) The many memorable poetic phrases and general beauty of the King James Bible’s language deeply influenced English during the 17th and 18th centuries. In 1742, George Frederick Handel used the simple verses of the KJV as his libretto for the Messiah. The coupling of Handel’s precise and wonderful musical expression and the evocative wording drawn from the KJV produced one of the most popular and important choral works ever written. The other major writer in Early Modern English is William Shakespeare (1564–1616). His many fine tragedies, comedies, and sonnets reflected the new stature of English as one of the world’s great literary languages. Like the King James Version of the Bible, Shakespeare’s writing reflects more or less modern grammar, vocabulary, and syntax—although it can often seem archaic at first blush. Shakespeare’s writing is also “modern” in the broader sense of the term. Unlike Chaucer, Shakespeare’s plays and sonnets are overall secular. They also reflect a well-rounded humanist education that characterized the finest Renaissance upbringings. There is also a sense of “Englishness” in Shakespeare’s plays. His histories, in particular, reflect a great love and care for his native England. In Chaucer’s time, arguably, that sense of being “English” in a national or political sense was less developed. Later, in the 17th century, great writers like John Milton (1608–1674) continued to demonstrate the power of the English vernacular. His Paradise Lost combined the biblical epic with the classical epic, and all in English—a work in English that rivaled that of Vergil himself.

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Though vernacular languages had made great strides by the 17th century, many authors continued to work in Latin. This was especially true of scientific works, whose authors hoped to connect with the broadest possible audience, across national borders. Galileo’s Sidereus Nuncius [Starry Messenger] (1610) and William Harvey’s De Motu Cordis [Regarding the Motion of the Heart] (1628) are two famous 17th-century scientific works still penned in Latin, among many others. Many works—even in the scholarly sciences—were by this time being penned in the vernacular. Robert Hooke’s Micrographia (1665), a work that introduced readers to the world of microscopic organisms and also coined the term “cell,” was in English, addressed to Charles II. In France, René Descartes (1596–1650) generally wrote in French, as did Blaise Pascal (1623–1662). One of the last major scholarly works penned in Latin was Principia Mathematica, published in 1687 by Sir Isaac Newton (1642–1727). Even in the late 17th century, Newton believed that Latin was necessary to reach the widest possible audience. In the coming years, however, Latin declined precipitously. Once Western Europe’s “universal” language, it was increasingly relegated to the status of dead language, outside the Vatican, historical scholarship, or university. Conversely, during the 18th century, virtually all of the Enlightenment’s great writers wrote in their respective languages. Their charm and color, as well as their relative accessibility to a wider audience, showed that vernacular languages in Europe had truly come of age. References and Resources Bartlett, Robert. 1993. The Making of Europe: Conquest, Colonization and Cultural Change. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Curtius, E. R. 1953. European Literature and the Latin Middle Ages. Translated by by W. R. Trask. New York: Pantheon Books. Elcock, W. D. 1975. The Romance Languages. London: Faber & Faber. Geary, P. J. 1988. Before France and Germany. New York: Oxford University Press. Harris, Martin, and Nigel Vincent. 1988. The Romance Languages. New York: Oxford University Press. Mugglestone, Lynda, ed. 2006. The Oxford History of English. New York: Oxford University Press.

—David Leinweber

Learning Biblical Languages We have many Bible translations today, so why put in the hard work undoubtedly required to learn the original languages?

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Learning Biblical Languages

Learning biblical languages is crucial for Christian education: it enables learners and educators to engage with the Bible itself, rather than a translation, however good. Translators must choose one translation, and some knowledge of the original language helps in understanding translators’ dilemmas in considering the best way to express a word, phrase, or sentence. Translation is never-ending, for languages change; a translation that served well in one period needs updating. At least 600 words in KJV are now obsolete, or their meaning has changed substantially. In addition, the healthy development of Christian theology and learning requires that the church continually return to biblical roots. Such reflection is much stronger when engaging with the original biblical texts, for it is hard to do full justice to the riches of the Hebrew and Greek. Thus biblical language knowledge is vital in encountering alternative biblical interpretations, such as the Jehovah’s Witnesses’ translation of John 1:1: “In the beginning was the Word, and the Word was a god,” contrasting with the traditional, “was God” (see Barrett 1978, 155–156; Michaels 2010, 47–48). A Very Short History Biblical languages were neglected throughout the Middle Ages because of the dominance of the Latin Vulgate translation. The 14th- and 15th-century Renaissance called on scholars to return ad fontes (“to the sources”), and thus Christian theologians began to engage afresh with Greek New Testament texts, and later Hebrew and Aramaic Old Testament texts. Such reengagement with scripture led to the Reformation, as theologians encountered ideas at variance from the Catholic Church’s official interpretation. This return to the sources marked Christian theology over the following centuries; it differs interestingly from Muslim interpretation of the Koran, which reads it through the lens of the later writings and commentaries (Walton 2013, 215). As Protestant universities and seminaries expanded, Greek and Hebrew were core curriculum until the early 20th century. During the 20th century, however, the expansion of religious studies (rather than Christian theology) in the universities and the burgeoning of other areas in seminary curricula, led to biblical languages being sidelined. Many Christian ministers and clergy now know no Greek or Hebrew at all.

ments are organized through recognizing and engaging with key grammatical and syntactical signals; varieties of uses of, for example, Greek cases and Hebrew verb moods; and variant readings among original language manuscripts. Learning to use good tools. The most valuable reference works for in-depth study of the Bible rely on knowledge of biblical languages: dictionaries, grammars, concordances, computer-based tools (e.g., Accordance, BibleWorks), and commentaries. Recognizing the distance between the Bible and us. Engaging with biblical languages enables us to feel the strangeness of the Bible, which leads to appropriate humility in interpreting it, for we recognize the limits of what we may claim from the Bible. Learning to think independently. Those who learn biblical languages, if those languages are taught well, also learn skills in reading texts. They are able to read independently, not simply be led by the questions previous scholars and commentators asked. They learn to assess the work of scholars for themselves. In sum, they join the reformers in returning to the fountainhead of Christian theology, the Bible itself. Methods of Learning Deductive approaches to language learning prioritize grammar, syntax, and vocabulary, hoping learners will apply this material to reading biblical texts, with appropriate support from a teacher (e.g., Mounce 2003; Duff 2005). They provide good grounding in the language, but can demotivate learners—it takes a long time to grasp a language’s basic ideas well enough to read a whole text. Inductive approaches prioritize in-depth language engagement, including reading biblical texts. Such approaches draw on modern language pedagogy: they immerse learners in the language—indeed, some (e.g., the Biblical Language Center) speak only the biblical language in class. Such approaches depend on excellent teachers and can work well. Mediating approaches seek to combine the best of inductive and deductive methods by giving students a good grounding in the language while drawing extensively on the Bible for examples and illustrations (with appropriate help, especially in early stages). By this means they seek to keep learners motivated (e.g., Macnair 1995). References and Resources

Aims Four central aims motivate and animate initial learning of biblical languages: Learning to read well. Language knowledge enables readers to see more clearly how stories and argu-

Barrett, C. K. 1978. The Gospel According to St John. 2nd ed. London: SPCK. Duff, J. 2005. The Elements of New Testament Greek. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Macnair, I. 1995. Teach Yourself New Testament Greek. Nashville, TN: Nelson.

Learning, Project-Based

Michaels, J. R. 2010. The Gospel of John. New International Commentary on the NT. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. Mounce, W. D. 2003. Basics of Biblical Greek Grammar. 2nd ed. Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan. ———, ed. 2006. Mounce’s Complete Expository Dictionary of Old and New Testament Words. Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan. Walton, S. 2013. “What Is Progress in New Testament Studies?” Expository Times 124: 209–226. Accordance Bible. http://www.accordancebible.com/ BibleWorks. http://www.bibleworks.com/ Biblical Language Center. http://www.biblicallanguagecenter .com/

—Steve Walton

Learning, Project-Based Humans are created as whole people. People learn linguistically, logically, aesthetically, spatially, socially, intrapersonally, interpersonally, and kinesthetically. Kinesthetic or physical movement is important because humans are corporeal. Teaching-learning is concerned with every aspect of the human person, including physical engagement. Project-based learning is an essential component of any Christian’s education. Biblical Theology of Project-Based Learning God created a physical world (Gen. 1) including physical humans (Gen. 2:5–7). God uses His creation to physically proclaim His own message (Ps. 19, 148). He actively participates in fulfilling the needs of His creation (Ps. 102, 147). In fact, God declares that the physical world is His (Lev. 25:23; 1 Chron. 29:11; Ps. 50:9–12, 89:11). God tells His prophets to communicate in unique ways: parading naked while preaching (Isa. 20), wearing an oxen’s yoke (Jer. 28), or marrying prostitutes (Hosea). God’s revelation took the form of physical writing (Exod. 20; Jer. 36; Dan. 5) and employed the speech of animals (Num. 22) and the physical presence of His Son (John 1:14–18). Jesus’s miracles were physical, impacting creation (Luke 8) as well as healing humans (Luke 5–7). The teaching of Jesus’s incarnation—literally “in-fleshness”—is dependent on real, physical, historical space-time events: birth, life, death, resurrection, ascension, and consummation. Repetition and memory were fostered through activity. The Sabbath was a “sign” (Ezek. 20:12, 20) practiced through community celebration of Jesus’s resurrection (1 Cor. 15:54–16:2). Feasts (Esther 9:27–28), stones (Josh. 4:7), tassels (Num. 15:39–40), tabletops (Num. 16:36–40), and repositories for scripture (Deut. 11:18) were the premise for active reminders through monuments, holidays, and medallions.

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Israel built and maintained a physical place of worship (Exod. 35–40) focusing attention on the physical aspects of worship. God’s people were to actively participate in sacrifices (Lev. 1–7) as well as annual festivals (Lev. 23–25). Worship is focused on participatory performance (1 Chron. 15–16). Communion, baptism, foot washing, and love feasts are used as participatory acts of worship by believers (Matt. 28:29; John 13; 1 Cor. 11). Paul made it clear that the Christian use of the body was a physical act of worship (Rom. 6:13, 12:1). Biblical teaching is concerned with a change in physical behavior (Eph. 4; Col. 3). God is concerned about the body’s sinful misuse (1 Cor. 5, 6), including verbal attacks on others (James 3:5–8). The physical needs of widows arise early in the church’s history (Acts 6). Good works were to be the result of the Christian life (Gal. 6:9–10; Eph. 2:10; Titus 3:1, 8, 14). The Gospel is to be lived out in front of others (2 Cor. 3:3; 1 Thess. 4:11–12; Titus 2:1– 10). Seeing the needs of others without physically acting on them called into question Christian transformation (James 2:14–17; 1 John 3:16–18). Biblical Philosophy of Project-Based Learning Creation, revelation, worship, and biblical teaching all teach that the physical component of life must not be ignored. Teaching curriculum is content-centered and teacher-directed, yet also student-discovered. Transfer of ideas can be achieved through an incarnational, active, practical process that engages the full person of the student, intellectually embodied. Students bear the load of learning, accountable before the Lordship of Jesus for their efforts. Instructors should be committed to both content and communication. What and how something is taught are both equally important. Effective teaching necessarily includes active engagement with truth. Christian Practice of Project-Based Learning The human person is multifaceted, yet whole, so Christian teaching will follow different tactics to engage students in the fullness of who they are. Jesus’s incarnation teaches that students should be met where they are, with the opportunity to conform to Heaven’s standard. Application of truth to life is nowhere better stated than in Micah 6:8, where humility, justice, and mercy are standards of conduct in community. In this way, learning could be “sweet” (Ezek. 3:3; Ps. 119:103; Prov. 24:13–14). A Christian lifeview can transform the mind-sets of individuals and the public policies of institutions. An interdisciplinary framework will mesh belief with practice. Christian living can be demonstrated in practical ways. Teachers seeking to implement project-based learning should enact certain guidelines. First, foundational lessons should build up to the project, cementing the con-

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Learning, Spiritual Dimension of

tent needed to understand an assignment. Second, the students or groups should be chosen on the basis of their giftedness, the teacher being aware of all student activity. Third, the project should be linked to specific activities: dressing like a character, character development, the setting of a play, singing, map creation, problem solution, and so forth. Fourth, specific rubrics should be created to properly assess student learning. Students should have access to the rubrics from the beginning of the project so they know exactly how they will be assessed. Students enjoy active learning because by it, they own their learning (Acts 17:11). Teacher preparation makes project-based learning possible. Creativity is an important component of teaching-learning for both teachers and students. Project-based learning allows teachers to give individual attention to students. In turn, active learning encourages differentiation in learning. If the creation belongs to God, then all aspects of His world are potentially open for investigation. Each subject sphere should be investigated and established in the same general pattern: laying a biblical groundwork, creating a Christian philosophy statement, engaging cultural ideas, countering errant thinking, specifying relevant application to the Christian life, and suggesting methodological cues. Educational arenas may include, but are not limited to, fine arts, business, cultural apologetics, athletics, government, math, science, history, psychology, technology, politics, journalism, health, economics, literature, and administration. How one engages multiple disciplines is as varied as the number of disciplines themselves. Ideas for project-based learning include a retreat for discussion, professional lectures, film reviews, reflective questionnaires, problem solving, interdisciplinarity, site visits (e.g., museums), expert interviews, storytelling, community events, and cocurricular activities. References and Resources deSilva, David A. 2008. Sacramental Life: Spiritual Formation Through the Book of Common Prayer. Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press. Silberman, Mel. 1996. Active Learning: 101 Strategies to Teach Any Subject. Needham Heights, MA: Allyn and Bacon.

—Mark Eckel

Learning, Spiritual Dimension of Spirituality, in Christian education, has been inextricably linked to religion and therefore religious education. Spirituality is usually understood as spiritual practices, such as prayer, liturgies, action for social justice, and a study of sacred literature. However, in the contemporary

world, there is a pressing need for Christian educators to move beyond this rather restrictive understanding of spirituality, given the multiple perspectives and practices that have emerged alongside traditional ones. This is particularly the case where secularism and pluralism have become essential and influential features in the construction of the reality that contextualizes the lives of children and young people. The notion that the human person is a spiritual being is recognized by many writers from a range of backgrounds and disciplines (see, e.g., Armstrong 2009; Ó Murchú 1997; Rahner 1978; Teilhard de Chardin 1955), and this has significant implications for education. Throughout the last century, school programs were based on cognitive learning—that is, developing knowledge and skills that were important for the individual to function in society. Less attention was given to learning in the affective domain. However, learning in the spiritual domain has often been neglected in public Western education systems or restricted to expressions of religiosity in faithbased schools. Within the Christian context, addressing the spiritual dimension of education is even more imperative in a world where: The influence of religious traditions is declining, many children are “unchurched” or “dechurched” (Collins-Mayo et al. 2010, 3), and many have only a superficial knowledge of their faith tradition (Lynch 2002; Rymarz 1999). In such instances, religious education may be likened to the teaching of a foreign subject, in which connections must first be established if it is to become at all meaningful. The health—including mental health—and social problems that beset children and young people have become significant symptoms in societies across the globe (de Souza et al. 2009). Given this environment, many professionals working with children and young people have identified spiritual wellbeing as an essential area to be addressed. In addition, strategies to nurture spirituality in the lives of children and young people have become topics for much research and discussion (e.g., de Souza et al. 2009; Roehlkepartain et al. 2006). A Contemporary Understanding of Spirituality Spirituality, as it is being discussed here, is understood as the relational dimension of the individual, and expressions of spirituality are expressions of the connectedness that the individual experiences with the human and nonhuman world (de Souza 2003; Groome 1998; Hay and Nye 1998; Ó Murchú 1997). Thus, care, empathy and compassion, joy and happiness, peace and freedom, still-

Learning, Spiritual Dimension of

ness and silence, prayer, contemplation and meditation, and wonder and awe, among others, are all expressions of human spirituality. These are feelings and experiences that arise in the individual in response to something or someone other than the Self. For some, these responses are to a Higher Power, a Divine Being sometimes known as God, but not all individuals are at this stage of realization and awareness. Nonetheless, they remain spiritual beings, deeply connected, at some level, to the Other31 in their physical world. Spirituality in Education Consequently, spirituality in education needs to focus on the relational dimension of being. Current practices that emphasize competition, compartmentalization, assessment, weighting of some subjects over others, valuing some personalities/characteristics over others, and so on need to be revisited. Nurturing children and young people’s spirituality requires that attention be given to the activities and resources used in learning programs as well as the design of learning environments. These should be chosen with care so that there is an acknowledgment that children need time and space for silence, stillness, and solitude in a noisy, busy world. More attention needs to be given to activities that promote, positively, the relational aspects of students’ lives rather than those that continue to propagate the highly charged competitive climate. The latter encourages the individual to work against one’s costudents, thereby generating a dehumanizing effect. One way is to share stories so that students may appreciate, in a world of diversity, how the Other’s story may mirror their own. Children and young people need rites of passage and rituals to ground them in a world steeped in change and uncertainty. Beyond that, they need to experience being valued for who they are and what they bring to the table, which is developing their self-esteem and sense of identity. Ultimately, children and young people should be encouraged to recognize that their individual gifts are God given for the use and benefit of all, thereby deepening their sense of belonging within their communities and beyond. Belonging brings with it a sense of purpose generated by the responsibility they may feel to and for their community, and it may enrich their sense of connectedness to Other. Further, individuals are provided with a communal framework within which they may make meaning of their life experiences. For this reason, addressing the spiritual dimension of the student needs to be foundational for learning across the curriculum in Christian education, instead of being restricted to some aspects of a religious education classroom.

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The Complementarity of Cognitive, Affective, and Spiritual Dimensions of Learning A particular learning approach that recognizes the complementarity of the cognitive, affective, and spiritual dimensions of education (de Souza 2006) is one that identifies the following elements in the learning process: perceiving, thinking, feeling, and intuiting/imagining/ creating. Subsequent to the initial perceptions that the child gains as she or he engages with the outer world, other elements follow and may be aligned with cognitive (thinking), affective (feeling), and spiritual (intuiting, imagining, and creating) learning. This approach also recognizes the role of conscious (thinking and feeling) and nonconscious (feeling/intuiting/imagining and creating) learning in the process. It is holistic, thus recognizing the intellectual, emotional, and spiritual dimensions of the human person and involving each of these dimensions in the process of learning, whereby it addresses the whole person. These four elements enable us to become familiar and engage with both our inner and outer worlds, and this is essential if learning is to become meaningful and address the whole person. Hence, learning must be balanced among the four elements of the process: perceiving, thinking, feeling, and intuiting. The elements of intuiting, imagining, and creating come from beyond the conscious mind, in other words, the nonconscious mind (de Souza et al. 2009); this, again, is an area upon which little emphasis has been placed in the educational arena. Intuition in particular is an element that becomes an integrating factor between new and old learning, thereby raising the potential for the learning to address the relational aspects of the individual’s life, that is, the spiritual dimension. This learning approach involves perpetual movement: learning is taken beyond the surface to the depth levels of the individual’s being, where a merging between new and previous knowledge takes place. This fusion should, then, generate outward expressions of transformed thinking, action, and behavior. A significant factor in the educational environment, of course, is the teacher. Therefore, teachers in Christian education settings should be trained to become reflective and intuitive practitioners who bring their souls into their educational practice. This is the only way teachers will be enabled to nurture the spiritual lives of their students. Only then will Christian education provide children and young people with opportunities to develop meaningful knowledge about their faith tradition and help them become faith-filled, hope-empowered, and love-inspired people. References and Resources

31. I use “Other” with a capital “O” to identify collectively and to personify all others.

Armstrong, K. 2009. The Case for God. London: The Bodley Head.

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Collins-Mayo, Sylvia, Bob Mayo, Sally Nash, and Christopher Cocksworth. 2010. The Faith of Generation Y. London: Church House Publishing. de Souza, M. 2003. “Contemporary Influences on the Spirituality of Young People: Implications for Education.” International Journal of Children’s Spirituality 8 (3): 269–279. ———. 2006. “Rediscovering the Spiritual Dimension in Education: Promoting a Sense of Self and Place, Meaning and Purpose in Learning.” In International Handbook of the Religious, Moral and Spiritual Dimensions of Education, edited by M. de Souza, K. Engebretson, G. Durka, R. Jackson, and A. McGrady, 1127–1140. Dordrecht, The Netherlands: Springer Academic Publishers. de Souza, M., L. Francis, J. O’Higgins-Norman, and D. Scott, eds. 2009. International Handbook of Education for Spirituality, Care and Wellbeing. 2 vols. Dordrecht, The Netherlands: Springer Academic Publishers. Groome, T. H. 1998. Educating for Life. Allen, TX: Thomas Moore. Harris, M., and G. Moran. 1998. Reshaping Religious Education. Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press. Hay, D., and R. Nye. 1998. The Spirit of the Child. London: Fount Paperbacks. Hyde, B. 2008. Children and Spirituality: Searching for Meaning and Connectedness. London: Jessica Kingsley Publishers. Lynch, G. 2002. After Religion: “Generation X” and the Search for Meaning. London: Darton, Longman & Todd. Ó Murchú, D. 1997. Reclaiming Spirituality. New York: Crossroad Publishing. Rahner, K. 1978. Foundations of Christian Faith: An Introduction to the Idea of Christianity. Translated by W. Dych. London: Darton, Longman & Todd. Roehlkepartain, E. C., P. E. King, L. Wagener, and P. L. Benson. 2006. The Handbook of Spiritual Development in Childhood and Adolescence. The SAGE Program on Applied Developmental Science. Thousand Oaks, CA, London, and New Delhi: Sage Publications. Rymarz, R. 1999. “Constructing the Future: A Reflection on the Post-conciliar Generations.” Australasian Catholic Record 76 (1): 24–33. Tielhard de Chardin, P. 1959. The Phenomenon of Man. English trans. London: Wm. Collins Sons.

—Marian de Souza

learning style, and that it has nothing to do with one’s IQ, educational background, or cultural experience. One of the best-known voices and advocates of learning styles is David Kolb (1984). Kolb’s model is based on experiential learning theory and outlines the following four learning styles: converger, diverger, assimilator, and accommodator. Convergers prefer learning by active experimentation, abstract conceptualization, and deductive reasoning. Divergers lean toward more concrete experiences, reflective observation, and seeing things from multiple perspectives. Assimilators also value abstract conceptualization but prefer inductive reasoning. Accomodators prefer concrete experience and actively doing things rather than just reading about or reflecting on things. In Christian education, Marlene LeFever (1995) embraces the following four learning styles—imaginative learner, analytic learner, commonsense learner, and dynamic learner—which finds much of their roots in Kolb’s model. Imaginative learners learn best in settings that allow collaborative relationships and opportunity for sharing and listening to ideas. Analytic learners learn best by watching and listening and will often favor the more traditional, teacher-focused approach. Commonsense leaners like to explore and test ideas to see if they are possible. Dynamic learners also like the practical, handson side of learning, but prefer to work from intuitive hunches and value creative and flexible solutions. LeFever argues that the four learning styles fit into a cycle, and when all four styles are employed in a learning context, healthy biblical community and learning have the best opportunity to take place. Learning style approaches have faced significant criticism in recent years, especially from neuroscientists, who argue that brain research doesn’t support what they call an oversimplistic understanding of how people process information. The critics also highlight that many of the learning style assessments and inventories lack solid independent empirical research. While learning styles have seen significant criticism, many would argue, that like other modern adult learning theories, learning styles offer helpful practical insights and strategies for improving teaching and learning in many contexts. Although it may be possible to criticize learning styles for not being a full learning theory, it does provide considerable pragmatic assistance for many in the teaching trenches.

Learning Styles References and Resources Research and use of learning styles has exploded over the past several decades. However, the rapid growth and interest have not been without critics. Learning styles are often defined or understood as a learner’s natural or unique preferred means of gaining or processing information. Proponents argue that everyone has a preferred

Kolb, David. 1984. Experiential Learning: Experience as the Source of Learning and Development. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall. LeFever, Marlene. 1995. Learning Styles: Reaching Everyone God Gave You. Colorado Springs, CO: David C. Cook Publishers.

—Peter G. Osborn

LeBar, Lois E.

Lebanon and Christian Education Located in the Eastern Mediterranean, Lebanon is bordered by Syria on the north and east and Israel to the south. Lebanon’s location makes it the crossroads of the Mediterranean Basin; Beirut is its capital. How and When Christianity Came to the Country Lebanon has a long history with Israel and is the home of the cedars of Lebanon, which was used in building the Temple (1 Kings 9:19). Jesus visited Tyre and Sidon in South Lebanon during His Galilean ministry, where He ministered to the Syro Phoenician woman (Mark 7:24– 31). Marionite Catholics settled in the Lebanese mountains in the sixth century and have been an active part of the Christian community since that time. In the 1800s, Europe’s interest in Lebanon’s Christians increased. In 1920, the French created “Greater Lebanon” with a very pro-Christian government. Main Denominations and Institutions in the Country The religious composition of Lebanon is Muslim, Catholic, and evangelical. Approximately 60 percent of Lebanese are Muslim of various sects, with 39 percent Marionite Catholics, Orthodox, and Coptic Christians. Evangelicals are approximately 1 percent of the total population.32 Evangelical denominations break out as follows: • Anglican Church of Lebanon: All Saints Anglican church is a blending of two languages, Arabic and English. The international congregation is composed of more than 22 nationalities and worships in English. • Baptist Christians of Lebanon was founded in 1895 by Said Jureidini.33 This convention is composed of 28 churches and approximately 1,000 baptized members. Southern Baptist missionaries began working with this convention in 1948. • Presbyterian Church of Lebanon, PC (USA) began its ministry in the early 1800s and established the American University in Beirut as a primary focus. Later the national church became the National Evangelical Synod of Syria and Lebanon, and it ministers through multiple institutions.34 Institutions The American University in Beirut (AUB) was founded in 1886 by evangelical Christians and is now a private, 32. Central Intelligence Agency, The CIA World Factbook 2012–2013 (Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 2012), 419–422. 33. Albert W. Wardin, ed., Baptists around the World (Nashville, TN: Broadman & Holman, 1995). 34. “Presbyterian Missions in Lebanon,” http://www.Presbyterian mission.org/ministries/global/lebanon (accessed 28 March 2013).

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secular, independent university.35 With three campuses in Beirut, Byblos, and Sidon, the Lebanese American University (LAU) was founded by Presbyterians and continues to train church leaders in an American university setting.36 The Near East School of Theology (NEST) is an “interconfessional” Protestant Seminary serving the churches of the Middle East.37 Other seminaries in Lebanon include the Arab Baptist Theological Seminary, Christian Alliance Institute of Theology, Eastern Mediterranean Nazarene Bible College, and Mediterranean Bible College. Typical Means of Educating Christians in the Country Lebanon has many private Christian schools and universities that serve their own specific religious communities. In addition, education is available via broadcast media using SAT 7, an evangelical religious broadcaster, which offers an extensive selection of Bible study and preaching programming. Brief Description of the State of Religious Freedom, Freedom to Worship, Conscience, Church and State Relations With the majority of the population being Muslim, Lebanon is considered partly free on the Freedom House Freedom Index.38 The relationships among Muslims, Christians, and evangelicals continues to be a political concern, as these three religious groups struggle for governmental control and balance. Freedom of worship exists in Lebanon, as there are no prohibitions against it, but evangelism is limited. Church and state relations are political in nature, as the Lebanese constitution specifies religious qualifications for president (Maronite Christian), prime minister (Sunni Muslim), speaker of the Parliament (Shia Muslim), and deputy prime minister (Eastern Orthodox).39 Lebanon is the only Middle Eastern country where religious freedom is protected in the constitution. —Stephen K. McCord

LeBar, Lois E. Early Background and Education Lois E. LeBar (1907–1998) was born and raised in Olean, New York. She grew up attending a Methodist church 35. “American University of Beirut,” http://www.aub.edu.lb (accessed 28 March 2013). 36. “Presbyterian Missions in Lebanon,” http://www.Presbyterianmis sion.org/ministries/global/lebanon (accessed 28 March 2013). 37. “Near East School of Theology,” http://www.theonest.edu.lb (accessed 15 March 2013). 38. “Freedom House Index,” http://www.freedomhouse.org/search/ lebanon (accessed 20 March 2013). Freedom House rates religious freedom in a country level on a scale from free to not free. 39. “Lebanon’s Confessionalism: Problems and Prospects,” United States Institute of Peace, http://www.usip.org/pubs/usipeace_briefings/2006/0330 _lebanon_confessionalism.html (accessed 17 January 2013).

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and as a youth helped her mother teach Sunday school there. She attended Geneseo State Normal School, in Geneseo, New York, and upon graduation in 1928 taught first grade in Perry, New York. Though raised in a climate of theological liberalism, she and her sister Mary, who was also a schoolteacher, embraced an evangelical faith commitment in 1932. Together, Mary and Lois pursued further education for possible ministry. They both studied at Moody Bible Institute under Clarence Benson, where Lois became involved in curriculum development projects with Benson that later became part of Scripture Press curricula. Following graduation, Lois was hired to teach courses in children’s work at Moody (1935–1942). She continued her studies at Pestalozzi-Froebel Teacher’s College and Central YMCA College, graduating with a BA in psychology in 1943. Both Lois and Mary then earned their master’s degrees in Christian education at Wheaton College, studying under Rebecca Price. Following graduation, they both began to teach at Wheaton and in 1946 pursued doctoral studies in religious education at New York University, studying under Samuel Hamilton and D. Campbell Wyckoff. The sisters returned to teach at Wheaton College in 1949 and earned their doctoral degrees from New York University in 1951. Significant Contributions to Christian Education Among evangelical Christian education leaders, Lois LeBar was an early advocate for applying the results of recent educational psychology research to teaching the Bible in the church. Her emphasis on active learning, developmental readiness, inductive Bible study methods, student discovery and application of scriptural principles, and the teacher as a facilitator of student learning challenged the prevalent Herbartian focus on well-organized content and the teacher as a dispenser of knowledge. In 1958, Lois published her most significant work, Education That Is Christian. In it she integrated biblical examples of teaching and learning, a scriptural understanding of how people grow to maturity in Christ, and the growth of the whole person (mind, emotions, will, behavior). She also focused on beginning with students’ needs and moving them to encounter their real needs through a study of the scripture, God’s divine revelation, the Living Word. She promoted an active learning approach, both in understanding what the scripture taught and in learning to apply it in daily life. This book has remained in print for over 50 years, still impacting readers today. Lois wrote two other books that also had a significant impact in the church’s educational ministry efforts: Children in the Bible School (1952), and Focus on People in Church Education (1968).

Lois and Mary taught at Wheaton College until their retirement in 1975. In the years that followed, both were involved in training schoolteachers to teach the Bible in public schools in Zimbabwe and in parts of Asia, Canada, and Central America. In 1980, they moved to a retirement community in Fort Myers, Florida. Lois continued to be involved in various writing projects, particularly curriculum development. Mary died of a heart attack in 1982, and Lois died in 1998, at the age of 90. Along with her impact through teaching at Wheaton for 30 years and her publications, Lois was also involved in a number of organizations that promoted the development of the church’s nonformal educational ministry efforts. She served as a children’s book review editor for Christian Life magazine, developed curriculum for Scripture Press Publications, and was involved in leadership roles in the National Sunday School Association (NSSA). She served as a leader of the NSSA Commission on Christian Education in 1951, which in 1970 became the National Association of Professors of Christian Education (renamed North American Professors of Christian Education in 1991, and the Society of Professors in Christian Education in 2012). Her commitment to teaching the scriptures through educationally sound methods continues to be a model to learn from today, influencing curriculum development in the church around the world. Most Notable Publications LeBar, L. E. 1958. Education That Is Christian. Old Tappan, NJ: F.H. Revell Publishing. ———. 1952. Children in the Bible School: The HOW of Christian Education. Old Tappan, NJ: Fleming Revell Publishing. ———. 1968. Focus on People in Church Education. Old Tappan, NJ: Fleming Revell Publishing.

References and Resources Setran, David P. n.d. “Lois E. LeBar.” In Christian Educators of the 20th Century. http://www.talbot.edu/ce20/educators/ protestant/lois_lebar/

—Kevin E. Lawson

Lectio Divin a as Christian Practice The literal meaning of lectio divina is “divine reading,” but it is also translated as “spiritual reading,” because its focus is on God, and what its practitioners are seeking through it is communion with God (Pennington 1983, 82). Another description of lectio divina is “a way of prayerfully engaging with Scriptures in order to hear God’s personal word to you” (Benner 2010, 47). Lectio divina treats “[s]criptures

Lectionary

not as a text to be studied or a set of truths to be grasped, but as the living Word—always alive, active, always fresh and new” (Benner 2010, 48). There are varying opinions on how, when, and by whom lectio divina began to be practiced. Although the term was not used until the sixth century by St. Benedict of Nursia, a number of records indicate that the early Church believers practiced this type of prayer. Benner notes, “The root of Lectio Divina goes back to Judaism. Jews have always had two approaches to the Torah. The first is analytical and seeks to discover the one objective, true meaning of the text. The second is more subjective in that it seeks the deeper and more personal spiritual meaning. Both have validity and importance, but it was the second that provided the soil out of which early Christians developed Lectio Divina” (2010, 47). Early texts that make reference to the use of this type of prayer during the early church period are by Origen (AD 185–254), who used the Greek phrase thea anagnosis (divine reading) to describe a way of approaching scriptures for the purpose of finding a personal message from God (Benner 2010, 47–48); Cyprian of Carthage (AD 200–258), who wrote, “Be assiduous in prayer and in reading. In the one you speak to God, in the other God speaks to you” (Fiedler 1996); St. Jerome (AD 347–420), who wrote, “Now he looks at God when he reads the sacred books; now he speaks to God when he prays to the Lord” (Fiedler 1996); and St. Augustine (AD 354–430), who commented on Psalm 85, “Your prayer is a speaking with God. When you read, God speaks to you: when you pray, you speak to God” (Fiedler 1996). St. Benedict (AD 480–547) of Nursia actually used the words lectio divina and practiced the prayer. Because of his use of the phrase, lectio divina became more widespread and central to Western monasticism (Stock 2001, 105). Although the practice was primarily associated with monastic spirituality until the 20th century, it has been revived by Catholics as well as Protestants through recent interest in classical Christian spirituality (Hagan, Raab, and Gricoski 2007, 107–130). Theologians and practitioners agree that lectio divina is not a technique or a method of prayer; instead, it is more of an intention and an expectation to encounter God behind scripture. The commonly practiced four movements of the prayer were described and formulated by the 12th-century Carthusian monk Guigo II, who labeled them lectio, meditatio, oratio, and contemplatio. Lectio is prayer as attending, which is the foundation of all prayer. The literal meaning is reading. Meditatio, from English meaning meditation, is prayer as pondering. This is a moment of reflection which the supplicant has received from God in lectio. Oratio, with its literal meaning of speaking, is prayer as responding. Several

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forms of responses can take place: words, journaling, worship, singing, painting, and other forms of expressing gratitude. Contemplatio is prayer as being, which means the supplicant rests in the presence of God (Benner 2010, 51). Lately, a few more movements have been added to the original four—silencio (silence) before lectio for the preparation for the prayer, and incarnatio after contemplation for the practical application in everyday life on which the supplicant learned from lectio divina (Mulholland 1993,112). Whether lectio divina was originally developed and practiced for spiritual growth of the individual or community is still debated. Nevertheless, currently lectio divina is used as a tool for individual spiritual enhancement as well as in a community, especially for small group ministry (Casey 1995). References and Resources Benner, D. G. 2010. Opening to God. Downers Grove, IL: IVP Books. Casey, M. 1995. Sacred Reading: The Ancient Art of Lectio Divina. Liguori, MO: Triumph Books. Fiedler, E. J. 1996. “Lectio Divina: Devouring God’s Word.” Liturgical Ministry 5 (Spring): 65–69. Hagan, H., C. Raab, and T. Gricoski. 2007. The Tradition of Catholic Prayer. Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press. Mulholland, M. R. 1993. Invitation to a Journey: A Roadmap for Spiritual Formation. Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press. Pennington, M. B. 1983. A Place Apart: Monastic Prayer and Practice for Everyone. Garden City, NY: Doubleday. Stock, B. 2001. After Augustine: The Meditative Reader and the Text. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press.

—Mariana Hwang

Lectionary The word “lectionary,” derived from the Latin “to read, to choose,”40 refers to a book of lessons (lections) or portions of scripture appointed to be read in a worship service; it also refers to the list of appointed passages.41 Beginning in ancient times, synagogues had fixed scripture readings appointed for the Jewish feasts and readings for ordinary Sabbaths; an example of this practice may have occurred when Jesus was in the synagogue in Nazareth and “stood up to read the lesson and was handed

40. “Lection, n.,” in OED Online (Oxford University Press, June 2013), http://www.oed.com/view/Entry/106853 (accessed 12 July 2013). 41. “Lectionary, n.,” in OED Online (Oxford University Press, June 2013), http://www.oed.com/view/Entry/106855?redirectedFrom=lection ary& (accessed 9 July 2013).

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the scroll of the prophet Isaiah” (Luke 4: 16–17, NEB).42 Greek versions of Christian lectionaries date back to the third or fourth century.43 Following Jewish practice, early lectionaries usually involved continuous readings (lectio continua), with each day’s reading picking up where it left off the previous day.44 In the ninth century, various local versions in western Europe were standardized into a Sunday lectionary, which was used until recent years by Roman Catholics, Anglicans, and Lutherans;45 worship renewal movements in the mid-20th century led to major consultations, which produced the Roman Catholic Lectionary for Mass of 1969, the ecumenical Common Lectionary of 1983, and the Revised Common Lectionary of 1992, which is now widely used by Protestants around the world. In recent decades, other special interest lectionaries, such as the African American Lectionary, have also been developed.46 Lectionaries come in two basic forms: (1) a simple table of readings, which gives the liturgical date and the scripture references for the texts to be read, and (2) a full-text edition, which includes the complete texts from a particular translation of the Bible.47 The Revised Common Lectionary presents three readings for each Sunday—an Old Testament lesson, a Gospel reading, and an Epistle—and a responsorial Psalm. The readings are arranged in three-year cycles, each year centered on one of the three synoptic Gospels: Year A, the year of Matthew; Year B, the year of Mark; and Year C, the year of Luke; portions of the Gospel of John and Acts are read each year. Each year begins on the first Sunday of Advent.48 By following the suggested readings, over the threeyear cycle regular worshippers will be exposed to the breadth and depth of the biblical story, with particular emphasis on the person and life of Christ. Despite limitations,49 using the lectionary provides preachers 42. Hoyt L. Hickman, Don E. Saliers, Laurence Hull Stookey, and James F. White, ed., Handbook of the Christian Year (Nashville, TN: Abingdon Press, 1986), 24. 43. “Text,” in The Interpreter’s Dictionary of the Bible, ed. George Buttrick (New York: Abingdon Press, 1962), 4:598. 44. The Revised Common Lectionary (Washington, DC: Consultation on Common Texts, 1992), 9. 45. For a concise history of lectionaries up to the development of the Common Lectionary, see John Reumann, “A History of Lectionaries: From the Synagogue at Nazareth to Post-Vatican II,” Interpretation 31 (1977): 116–130. 46. The African American Lectionary, which “focuses on liturgical moments of significance to most African American Christians,” is available at www.theafricanamericanlectionary.org. 47. Revised Common Lectionary, 9. 48. For a fuller explication of its history, structure, and use, see Revised Common Lectionary. 49. For a well-balanced assessment of the concerns and advantages of using the Revised Common Lectionary, see C. Clifton Black, “Journeying through Scripture with the Lectionary’s Map,” Interpretation 56, no. 1 (2002): 59–72.

and worship leaders with a scaffold on which to build integrated sermons and worship experiences, and helps Christian educators develop unified teaching programs. Aiding them are a wide variety of lectionary-based commentaries, preaching and worship resources, personal devotional materials, and educational curricula—both published and online50—enabling the faithful to explore the sacred text together. As Clifton Black states, a lectionary is only a map, and scripture is the atlas, directing us to the territory for which we were created—life in God as Christ is formed in us.51 References and Resources The African American Lectionary. n.d. www.theafricanamerican lectionary.org. Black, C. Clifton. 2002. “Journeying through Scripture with the Lectionary’s Map.” Interpretation 56 (1): 59–72. Buttrick, George, ed. 1962. “Text.” In The Interpreter’s Dictionary of the Bible, vol. 4. New York: Abingdon Press. Hickman, Hoyt L., Don E. Saliers, Laurence Hull Stookey, and James F. White, eds. 1986. Handbook of the Christian Year. Nashville, TN: Abingdon Press. “Lection.” 2013. OED Online. Oxford University Press. Accessed 12 July 2013. http://www.oed.com/view/Entry/106853. “Lectionary.” 2013. OED Online. Oxford University Press. Accessed 12 July 2013. http://www.oed.com/view/Entry/10685 5?redirectedFrom=lectionary&. Meeter, Daniel. 2006. “The Church Tells Time; The Observance of the Liturgical Year with the Lectionary.” Liturgy 21 (2): 35–41. Reumann, John. 1977. “A History of Lectionaries: From the Synagogue at Nazareth to Post-Vatican II.” Interpretation 31: 116–130. The Revised Common Lectionary. 1992. Washington, DC: Consultation on Common Texts. Published in Canada by Wood Lake Books. Webber, Robert E., ed. 1993. The Services of the Christian Year. Vol. V, The Complete Library of Christian Worship. Peabody, MA: Hendrickson Publishers. Willimon, William H. 2001. “The Lectionary: Assessing the Gains and Losses in a Homiletical Revolution.” Theology Today 58: 333–341.

—Carol Anne Janzen 50. For an introductory bibliography of resources, though somewhat dated, see Robert E. Webber, ed., The Services of the Christian Year, vol. V, The Complete Library of Christian Worship (Peabody, MA: Hendrickson Publishers, 1993), 102–104. The Calvin Institute of Christian Worship offers a rich variety of resources based on the Revised Common Lectionary at http://worship.calvin.edu. See also the dictionary entry “Lectionary-based Curriculum.” 51. Black, “Journeying through Scripture,” 72.

Lectionary-based Curriculum

Lectionary-based Curriculum A lectionary-based curriculum is built on the biblical texts (lections) that have been appointed to be read in worship, using the lectionary (see Lectionary) that any given congregation, denomination, or gathered body of believers may be following. While the most widely used lectionaries are the Roman Catholic Lectionary for Mass and the Protestant Revised Common Lectionary, other lectionaries are available (for instance, the African American Lectionary). Lectionary-based curricula facilitate the integration and vitality of worship (leitourgia) and education (Didache), two of the key tasks of the church.52 By focusing on the same weekly scripture passages in worship, church school, and adult study groups, people of all ages learn and worship together, such that learning flows into worship and worship reinforces the Gospel taught. Such curricula are also designed to encourage family conversations about faith, since the youngest to the oldest have explored the same texts in age-appropriate activities. This approach has the potential to bring scripture to life as various perspectives are shared; a particular strength is that children are not disadvantaged since they, too, are able to bring their voices to the conversation. In general, most lectionary-based curricula follow the Christian calendar, thereby covering the whole story of redemptive history, rather than just the obligatory observance of Christmas and Easter. In doing so, it is anticipated that the lessons may lead worshippers and learners “toward a fuller recognition of the progress and continuity of the presence of God in His dealings with Israel, in the life of Christ, and in the growth of the church.”53 Moving in a disciplined fashion through the seasons and with the rhythms of the church year has the potential to deepen one’s spiritual insight and broaden one’s understanding of the full story of God’s dealing with God’s people. In the years since the Lectionary for Mass and the Revised Common Lectionary were published and widely adopted, a variety of curricula, supporting a spectrum of Christian denominations, have been developed. Many are available both in print and online. A representative sample includes Catechesis for Children54 (Roman Catho52. The other key tasks of the church are kerygma (proclamation of the Gospel), koinonia (fellowship, building up the body), and diakonia (service, caring for those in need). 53. D. Bruce Lockerbie, “Living and Growing in the Church Year,” in The Christian Educator’s Handbook on Spiritual Formation, ed. Kenneth O. Gangel and James C. Wilhoit (Wheaton, IL: Victor Books, 1994), 139. 54. Sylvia deVillers, Lectionary-Based Catechesis for Children: A Catechist’s Guide (Mahwah, NJ: Paulist Press, 2002).

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lic), Living the Good News55 (produced by the Episcopal Church but available for both the Roman Catholic and Protestant lectionaries), Spark Lectionary56 (Evangelical Lutheran Church in America), Come and See Jesus57 (Lutheran Church of Australia), The Whole People of God and Seasons of the Spirit58 (international, ecumenical), Feasting on the Word59 (Presbyterian Church [USA]), and Nurturing Faith60 (Baptists Today). As is the lectionary itself, the lectionary-based curriculum is simply a tool for leading regular church attendees through scripture in a comprehensive and unified fashion; if followed faithfully, it has the capacity to grow biblical literacy, theological depth, and personal spiritual devotion. References and Resources Come and See Jesus: A Children’s Ministry Curriculum Based on the Three-year Lectionary. 1990. Adelaide: Lutheran Publishing House. deVillers, Sylvia. 2002. Lectionary-Based Catechesis for Children: A Catechist’s Guide. Mahwah, NJ: Paulist Press. Feasting on the Word. 2008. Louisville, KY: Presbyterian Publishing Corp. & Congregational Ministries Publishing. www .feastingontheword.net. Living the Good News. 1995. North Blackburn, Vic.: Dove. Morehouse Education Resources, an imprint of Church Publishing, Inc. www.livingthegoodnews.com. Lockerbie, D. Bruce. 1994. “Living and Growing in the Church Year.” In The Christian Educator’s Handbook on Spiritual Formation, edited by Kenneth O. Gangel and James C. Wilhoit, 130–142. Wheaton, IL: Victor Books. Nurturing Faith. 2011. Macon, GA: Baptists Today. www.nurturingfaith.net. Seasons of the Spirit. 2003. Kelowna, BC: Wood Lake Publishing. www.seasonsonline.ca. Spark Lectionary. 2013. Minneapolis, MN: Augsburg Fortress Press. Whole People of God Online. 2010. Kelowna, BC: Wood Lake Publishing. www.wholepeopleofgod.com.

—Carol Anne Janzen 55. Living the Good News (Morehouse Education Resources, 1995), www.livingthegoodnews.com. 56. Spark Lectionary (Minneapolis, MN: Augsburg Fortress Press, 2013). 57. Come and See Jesus: A Children’s Ministry Curriculum Based on the Three-year Lectionary (Adelaide, Australia: Lutheran Publishing House, 1990). 58. Whole People of God Online (Kelowna, BC: Wood Lake Publishing, Inc., 2010), www.wholepeopleofgod.com; and Seasons of the Spirit (Kelowna, BC: Wood Lake Publishing, Inc.), www.seasonsonline.ca. 59. Feasting on the Word (Louisville, KY: Presbyterian Publishing Corp. & Congregational Ministries Publishing, 2008), www.feastingontheword.net. 60. Nurturing Faith (Macon, GA: Baptists Today, 2011), www.nurturing faith.net.

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Lee, James Michael

Lee, James Michael Early Background and Education James Michael Lee IV was born in 1931 in New York City to Roman Catholic parents of exceptional artistic, religious, and intellectual inclinations. Lee described his childhood as “extremely happy,” even though his artloving and erudite accountant father died at age 45 of a massive stroke.61 Both his mother and father exerted significant positive spiritual and intellectual influence on Lee, and from their example he learned an incredibly industrious work ethic and commitment to excellence in personal and professional pursuits. Lee attributed his focus on the “real and demonstrable” in his educational theory to his experience growing up on the streets of New York City. His later emphasis on the importance of family in religious development—although grounded by Lee in empirical research—is also likely due to the decidedly formative impact of his childhood family experience. Lee’s early life was marked by powerful spiritual experiences that he considered foundational and determinative of his vocation throughout his life. He claimed his “call to serve God came rather early in life.”62 Attributing this life-defining experience as a “rather low-keyed occurrence” that unfolded over several weeks, Lee concluded, “All I know for certain is that sometime during this extended experience and also as a direct consequence of this experience I irrevocably and completely gave myself to God’s service.”63 Strikingly, this experience so shaped his religious consciousness that Lee remained convinced throughout his life that “God had personally called me to be one of his apostles.”64 Another such experience— which Lee described as “very powerful”—occurred when he was around age eight. It involved Lee promising God he would “work night and day for you with everything I have” if he were granted a life of 80 years. In mystical fashion, Lee continued to “somehow hold it fast within my soul” that God had honored his admittedly childish appeal and—despite all manner of skepticism about this—that “somehow and in some way St. Michael is personally watching out for me and armoring me in a very special way.”65 Consequently, Lee developed a passionate missionary and apostolate sense of vocation and, contrary to scholarly perception, was influenced greatly in his later educational theory making by these formative spiritual experiences. 61. James Michael Lee, “To Basically Change Fundamental Theory and Practice,” in Modern Masters of Religious Education, ed. by Marlene Mayr (Birmingham, AL: Religious Education Press, 1983), 256–257. 62. Ibid., 258. 63. Ibid., 259. 64. Ibid. 65. Ibid., 261.

His educational experience was also quite influential in his continuing intellectual and spiritual development. His educational journey included Coindre Hall private boarding school, the Jesuit Brooklyn Preparatory School, Venard junior seminary, St. John’s University, and Columbia University.66 His early education was spiritually and intellectually effective in deepening his faith, but his time in junior seminary set him on a course of disdain for clergy politics and mental slothfulness that followed Lee throughout his life. He decided not to enter the priesthood; he found the education at St. John’s University satisfying, but considered Columbia Teacher’s College educationally weak. Interestingly, although Lee wanted to study theology, he chose to pursue doctoral studies in education because of the barriers to laypersons teaching theology in the Roman Catholic Church and his conviction that “any person who works in God’s service ought not go into a field primarily because he likes it but rather because he is needed.”67 Other formative influences in Lee’s life included his stint with the Catholic Worker movement and Catholic Action and his involvement in New York City politics, which left him convinced politicians were characterized by self-interest and compromise, resulting in the “abandonment of people and principles.”68 Significant Contributions to Christian Education James Michael Lee has championed a social science approach to the process of Christian formation and is recognized as the “father of the social science approach to religious instruction.”69 Lee’s trilogy of works—The Shape of Religious Instruction (1971), The Flow of Religious Instruction (1973), and The Content of Religious Instruction (1985)—were foundational to the ascendance of the social science school in religious and Christian education. After leaving Notre Dame when its graduate department in religious education was arbitrarily closed, Lee joined the faculty of the University of Alabama in Birmingham in 1977 and founded the Religious Education Press. The press has become the most influential publisher of works in the field of religious education in the world.70 Lee’s primary contribution to Christian 66. James E. Reed and Ronnie Prevost, A History of Christian Education (Nashville, TN: Broadman & Holman, 1993), 355; Lee, “To Basically Change Fundamental Theory and Practice,” 260–277. 67. Lee, “To Basically Change Fundamental Theory and Practice,” 274. 68. Ibid., 273. 69. See Kenneth O. Gangel and Warren S. Benson, Christian Education: Its History and Philosophy (Chicago: Moody Press, 1983), 325; Harold William Burgess, An Invitation to Religious Education (Birmingham, AL: Religious Education Press, 1975), 127; and Thomas H. Groome, Christian Religious Education: Sharing Our Story and Vision (San Francisco: Harper & Row, 1980), 130. 70. Reed and Prevost, History of Christian Education, 356.

l’Epée, Abbé Charles-Michel de

education is his advocacy of a viable theory for teaching learning in the instructional process that can achieve learning goals and yield measurable evaluative data. Most Important Publications Lee has published works on seminary education; the spirituality of educators; the future of religious education; guidance and counseling; secondary education; Catholic education; and the implications of social science for teaching theory, instruction, and content. While Lee considered his work on seminary education to have had the greatest impact, his foundational works on the social science approach to religious instruction are his best known and most influential in theorizing about religious or Christian education. Lee’s immanentist theological assumptions and empirical passion have led many Christian educators committed to a more theologically shaped approach to formation not to fully engage Lee’s work. In the present American educational context of learning outcomes, more rigorous learning assessments, and increasing focus on the scholarship of teaching and learning, Lee’s works are valuable and may see a wider readership among Christian educators who do not share his theological presuppositions. References and Resources Burgess, Harold William. 1975. An Invitation to Religious Education. Birmingham, AL: Religious Education Press. Gangel, Kenneth O., and Warren S. Benson. 1983. Christian Education: Its History and Philosophy. Chicago: Moody Press. Groome, Thomas H. 1980. Christian Religious Education: Sharing Our Story and Vision. San Francisco: Harper & Row. Lee, James Michael. 1983. “To Basically Change Fundamental Theory and Practice.” In Modern Masters of Religious Education, edited by Marlene Mayr, 254–323. Birmingham, AL: Religious Education Press. Reed, James E., and Ronnie Prevost. 1993. A History of Christian Education. Nashville, TN: Broadman & Holman.

—James P. Bowers

l’Epée, Abbé Charles-Michel de Abbé Charles-Michel de l’Epée was a French Catholic hearing educator credited with establishing the first free school for the deaf, in Paris, France, in 1760. He is best known for his contribution to establishing methods of deaf education that use signed languages rather than ascribing to a philosophy of educating deaf people by teaching them to speak. Born to a wealthy family in Versailles in 1712, he studied for the priesthood but was initially denied ordination as a result of his refusal to sign an

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oath rejecting the teachings of Jansenism. He then turned to studying law and was admitted to the bar, but returned to his religious calling and was eventually ordained but barred from serving as a priest (Lane 1984, 53–54). The sequence of events that led Abbé de l’Epée to invest his time and talents in educating deaf people has been romanticized and mythologized in French culture through a long-running and popular play penned by Jean Nicolas Bouilly that frames l’Epée as a “father of the deaf” who regularly saved unfortunate deaf people from destitution and led them onto a path of mental and spiritual development, much to the satisfaction of French audiences of the early 19th century (Lane 1984, 42). Similarly, histories of deaf culture often enshrine his encounter with deaf people in a manner that frames it as a discovery of deaf people and enrichment of their prospects, in a problematic manner akin to Columbus’s “discovery” of the New World (Wrigley 1996, 46). While such hagiographic accounts are less than helpful in understanding historical facts, they do point to the significance of Abbé de l’Epée’s work in deaf education. As the successor to a Catholic priest, Father Vanin, l’Epée often visited the poorer quarters of Paris. After Father Vanin’s passing, l’Epée took charge of the religious education of two deaf sisters who were using manual signs to communicate with one another. In learning and using these signs, he began to chart a method for teaching religious concepts to deaf people (Lane 1984, 57–58). In his writings, l’Epée later explained his efforts in religious education for deaf people as “seeking, . . . ‘to reach heaven by trying at least to lead others there.’” (Lane 1984, 57). Having learned the signs that deaf people throughout Paris were using to communicate with one another, Abbé de l’Epée’s school used his manualist method of deaf education with great success. However, l’Epée also viewed the signs that deaf people were using as incomplete language, as there were no signs for specific parts of speech present in spoken and written French. By supplementing the natural signed language of Parisian deaf people with additional signs and distorting them to follow French syntax and grammar, he developed what he termed “methodological signs” as a part of his educational approach (Fischer 1993, 14–15). While these signs allowed students to understand French sentences and render their responses in precise French grammar when asked to do so at public exhibitions of Abbé de l’Epée’s methodology for teaching the deaf, they were unwieldy and unlike the natural signed language of deaf Parisians. One of the lasting legacies of this confusion between l’Epée’s methodological signs and the natural signs of deaf Parisians is that Abbé de l’Epée is often credited with having invented signed language (Wrigley 1996, 61). Similarly, subsequent opponents to the use of signed languages in

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deaf education, known as oralists, pointed to l’Epée’s apparent need to supplement existing signs as a weakness or deficiency in the natural signed languages of deaf people (Fischer 1993, 23). Regardless of l’Epée’s misconceptions about the nature of signed languages, his work in establishing the first public school for deaf people using signed languages has a lasting significance. By his emphasizing signed language in his pedagogy, many deaf students became educators themselves, and a number of successful graduates of this school went on to assist with the founding of and lead teaching at deaf schools throughout Europe and the United States. References and Suggested Reading Fischer, Renate. 1993. “Abbé de l’Epée and the Living Dictionary.” In Deaf History Unveiled: Interpretations from the New Scholarship, edited by John Vickrey VanCleve, 13–26. Washington, DC: Gallaudet University Press. Lane, Harlan. 1984. When the Mind Hears: A History of the Deaf. New York: Random House. Wrigley, Owen. 1996. The Politics of Deafness. Washington, DC: Gallaudet University Press.

—Kirk A. VanGilder

Lewis, C. S. Clive Staples Lewis (1898–1963), known as “Jack” among his friends, was an Anglican scholar, university don, and author. He held academic posts at both Oxford (1925–1954) and Cambridge (1954–1963). Lewis deeply influenced modern-day evangelical thought and apologetics through his vast writings. His BBC radio broadcasts between 1942 and 1944 resulted in the publication of a book, Mere Christianity, that set the tone for a robust evangelical apologetics in the late modern English-speaking world. Early Background and Education Lewis was born in Belfast, Ireland, the son of Albert, a lawyer, and Flora, a well-educated daughter of an Anglican vicar. “Jack” and his older brother, Warren, had vivid imaginations, perhaps in part due to their family’s vast library. The boys played together in their “made-up” land of Boxen, a world of talking animals. Lewis was educated at home by his mother in his early years. After his mother’s death to cancer in 1908, Lewis attended various boarding schools in England until his private education under the former tutor of his father, W. T. Kirkpatrick, the former headmaster of Lurgan College. In 1917, Lewis began studying at Oxford, but he interrupted his studies to follow the footsteps of his older brother by volunteering for the British Army, serving in World War I. In

April 1918, he was wounded in battle; eventually demobilized, he returned to his studies at University College, Oxford. In May 1925, Lewis was appointed fellow and tutor in English literature at Magdalen College, Oxford, where he remained until his professorship at Cambridge in 1954. Lewis, a committed atheist by the age of 15, converted to Christianity in 1931 following an engaging conversation with two Christian friends, J. R. R. Tolkien and Hugo Dyson. Significant Contributions to Christian Education One can hardly speak of Christian intellectual engagement without mentioning C. S. Lewis. His diverse works of poetry, fiction, and popular Christian apologetics have provided extensive resources for Christian education in both formal and informal settings. His fictional work, The Screwtape Letters, opened the door for discussion in the modern world about the character and influence of the demonic in our daily lives. Although Lewis denied the allegorical nature of his stories, his adventure novels in The Chronicles of Narnia series certainly set the stage for Christian narrative reflection in the context of myth and allegory. His rigorous literary scholarship has inspired many Christian teachers to emulate his academic assiduity. Lewis’s forthright, unashamed defense of the Christian faith has stimulated many discussions about history, myth, miracles, and the problem of evil. His involvement in the Oxford Socratic Club, along with his BBC broadcasts, provided an example for many of the robust confidence Christians may maintain as public intellectuals and educators. Today, his legacy continues through such organizations as the C.S. Lewis Institute (www.cslewis institute.org), which provides discipleship resources for the church; the C.S. Lewis Foundation (www.cslewis .org), which focuses on higher education and culture; and a multitude of additional C. S. Lewis centers, institutes, and programs. Most Notable Publications The Allegory of Love, 1936 Space Trilogy: Out of the Silent Planet, 1938 Perelandra, 1942 That Hideous Strength, 1945 A Preface to Paradise Lost, 1942 English Literature in the Sixteenth Century, 1954 The Chronicles of Narnia: The Lion, the Witch and the Wardrobe, 1950 Prince Caspian, 1951 The Voyage of the “Dawn Treader,” 1952 The Silver Chair, 1953 The Horse and His Boy, 1954 The Magician’s Nephew, 1955

Liberal Arts

The Last Battle, 1956 Till We Have Faces, 1956 The Problem of Pain, 1940 The Screwtape Letters, 1942 The Abolition of Man, 1943 The Great Divorce, 1945 Miracles, 1947 The Weight of Glory, 1949 Mere Christianity, 1952 The Four Loves, 1960 The World’s Last Night, 1960 God in the Dock, 1971.

References and Resources “About C.S. Lewis.” n.d. Harper One. Accessed 8 January 2013. http://www.cslewis.com/about.aspx. Edwards, Bruce. n.d. “A Modest Literary Biography and Bibliography.” Accessed 16 November 2012. http://personal.bgsu .edu/~edwards/biobib.html. Schultz, Jeffrey D., and John G. West Jr., eds. 1998. The C.S. Lewis Readers’ Encyclopedia. Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan. C.S. Lewis Foundation. http://www.cslewis.org/resources/ cslewis.html. Explorefaith.org. http://www.explorefaith.org/lewis/bio.html.

—Ronald T. Michener

Liberal Arts The liberal arts are an educational tradition characterized by the cultivation of the intellect and other human powers (as opposed to vocational training), the pursuit of knowledge for its own sake (rather than for utilitarian ends), the study of the humanities (as opposed to a purely scientific education), and the exploration of a broad range of subjects (rather than narrow specialization). The liberal arts had their origins in ancient Greece and Rome, were systematized by the early church, and became the leading educational paradigm for the medieval university and, in a different variation, for the academies of the Renaissance and the Reformation. The liberal arts also shaped the curriculum of modern universities. Recovering the liberal arts tradition is the basis of the contemporary educational reform movement known as classical Christian education. The Arts and Sciences The Greeks and the Romans practiced two kinds of education: one for slaves and one for free citizens. Slaves were given a “servile” education (derived from the Latin for slave, servus), in which they were trained in arts of craftsmanship and whatever occupation they were ex-

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pected to perform. Free citizens, on the other hand, were given a “liberal” education (derived from the Latin for “free,” liber). In order to take part in Greek democracy or the Roman republic, a citizen had to be able to deliberate, to persuade others, and to think rationally. In addition, those who were free must receive and pass on their cultural heritage and cultivate civic virtues. With the rise of philosophy, as institutionalized in Plato’s academy and Aristotle’s lyceum, liberal education became associated with the pursuit of knowledge as an end in itself and the exploration of the true, the good, and the beautiful. This included mathematics, music, and the study of nature. Whereas the Greek curriculum emphasized philosophy, the Romans emphasized literature and the art of rhetoric. When Christianity came to the Hellenistic and Roman world, the early church worked to reconcile “pagan” learning with Christian truth. Augustine showed how the insights and knowledge of the pagans could be understood more deeply as aspects of God’s creation. The Christian scholar Cassiodorus went so far as to systematize classical educational theory and practice, formulating what became the definitive list of the seven liberal arts. These were the trivium of grammar, logic, and rhetoric and the quadrivium of arithmetic, geometry, music, and astronomy. Essentially, the three arts of the trivium taught the mastery of language, while the four arts of the quadrivium taught the mastery of mathematics. As another Christian scholar, Boethius, explained the quadrivium, arithmetic is the study of numbers, geometry is numbers in space, music is numbers in time, and astronomy is numbers in space and time. The medieval universities were organized around the seven liberal arts, to which were added the three sciences. An “art” referred to an ability of the human mind. “Science” (from the Latin word for knowledge, scientia) referred to any kind of knowledge. Medieval educators classified the various kinds of knowledge into three categories: Natural sciences (knowledge of the created world, including physics, biology, and metaphysics), moral sciences (knowledge of human beings, including history, law, and the humanities), and theological science (knowledge of God, including theology and scripture). Theology was the “queen of the sciences” because the knowledge of God gave coherence to all of the other sciences, as well as to the arts. The Varieties of Liberal Education Even within the structure of the seven liberal arts and the sciences, a liberal education could take different forms. The trivium of grammar, logic, and rhetoric was foundational, but some approaches would emphasize one of the arts over the others. The Greeks favored logic, also termed “dialectic,” referring to the pedagogical

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method of Socratic questioning that was employed to teach logical understanding. The Romans, in contrast, favored rhetoric, with its political applications. Similarly, the medieval version of the liberal arts tended to stress logic, resulting in the syllogisms and chains of reasoning that characterize scholastic theology. The Renaissance, however, emphasized rhetoric, with its literary creativity. For all of their differences, the Greeks and the Romans, the medieval scholastics, and the Renaissance humanists were all part of the liberal arts tradition.71 The liberal arts, accompanied by the study of Greek and Latin literature, dominated Western education, from the parochial schools of both Catholics and Protestants to the great universities of Oxford and Cambridge, Harvard, and Princeton. A new approach to education, however, arose in the 19th century. In Germany, Wilhelm von Humboldt, with the help of theologian Friedrich Schleiermacher, designed a new kind of curriculum for the new University of Berlin, founded in 1810. It was designed in accordance with modern science, rather than the liberal arts, featuring highly specialized departments, majors, and courses. This so-called German University model became the template for the modern research university. Beginning with Johns Hopkins in the United States, founded in 1876, the German model was adopted for the numerous public land grant universities being established, and in the course of the 20th century, it was adopted by virtually all American institutions of higher education. And yet many observers felt the scientific, technical model for higher education—which was applied even to subjects such as literature and theology—fell short, leaving students with a narrow specialty, but without the broader knowledge and skills necessary for a full education. A professor at Columbia University, John Erskine, taught a course in Western literature that became the inspiration for a liberal arts “core curriculum.” Students would have a liberal arts requirement, consisting of courses in humanities and samplings from a wide range of disciplines, and then they could specialize in their majors. The president of the University of Chicago, Robert Maynard Hutchins, further promoted the core curriculum. He favored an approach to the liberal arts through the study of the “great books” of the Western tradition. Soon the liberal arts core curriculum became a fixture in virtually all universities, ranging from extensive common cores taken by all students to a more cursory menu of electives. Although since the 1970s many colleges and universities have dropped or dramatically reduced their liberal arts requirements, institutions of higher education 71. See Bruce A. Kimball, Orators and Philosophers: A History of the Idea of Liberal Education (New York: College Board, 1995).

still honor the tradition, whether through experimental interdisciplinary courses or for the larger goal of forming free citizens. Some Christian colleges, such as New St. Andrews, Patrick Henry College, and Aquinas College, have returned to the classical liberal arts as an antidote to the progressivism of most higher education and in an attempt to rebuild the Christian intellectual tradition. Classical Christian Education The liberal arts are being recovered as they apply to primary and secondary education in the classical Christian education movement, which has become popular among homeschoolers and private Christian schools. The catalyst was an essay by the English author Dorothy L. Sayers entitled “The Lost Tools of Learning,” in which she described the trivium as a developmental model for how children learn, progressing from a “grammar” stage of direct instruction and memorization in the early grades, moving to a “logic” stage of questioning in the middle school years, and then moving to a “rhetoric” stage of personal expression in the high school years. Reformed pastor Douglas Wilson started a school on those principles, Logos School, in Moscow, Idaho. He published a book, Recovering the Lost Tools of Learning, about what he called “classical Christian education” in 1991. This inspired the founding of similar schools across the country. The Association of Classical Christian Schools now has over 200 member schools. Other classical schools, reflecting different theological perspectives, have been founded, along with more organizations, such as the Society for Classical Learning and the Consortium of Classical & Lutheran Schools. In 1999, Susan Wise Bauer and Jessie Bauer published The Well-Trained Mind: A Guide to Classical Education at Home, with the secular press W. W. Norton. Today there are many liberal arts curricula for homeschoolers, as well as online tutorials and distance learning classes. References and Resources Bauer, Susan Wise, and Jessie Bauer. 1999. The Well-Trained Mind: A Guide to Classical Education at Home. New York: W. W. Norton. Joseph, Miriam, Sister. 2002. The Trivium: The Liberal Arts of Grammar, Logic, and Rhetoric. Philadelphia: Paul Dry Books. Kimball, Bruce A. 1995. Orators and Philosophers: A History of the Idea of Liberal Education. New York: College Board. Littlejohn, Robert, and Charles T. Evans. 2006. Wisdom and Eloquence: A Christian Paradigm for Classical Learning. Wheaton, IL: Crossway Books. Sayers, Dorothy L. 2001. The Lost Tools of Learning.” Reprinted in Classical Education: The Movement Sweeping America (Studies in Philanthropy), rev. ed., edited by Appen-

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dix Wilson, Gene Edward Veith and Andrew Kern, 59–85. Washington, DC: Capital Research Center. Wilson, Douglas. 1991. Recovering the Lost Tools of Learning. Wheaton, IL: Crossway.

teaching evolution, fundamentalism went underground and maintained a militant position through separate educational institutions.

—Gene Edward Veith

Controversy Surrounding Education The modernist/fundamentalist conflict erupted in large part due to concerns surrounding education. As American universities became increasingly dominated by modernist/liberal scholars, fundamentalists grew increasingly suspicious of such institutions. Historians generally consider the publication between 1910 and 1915 of a series of tracts titled The Fundamentals: A Testimony to the Truth the catalyst for the rising movement. The purpose of these tracts was to disseminate core values and beliefs to a culture that no longer placed authority in the divine inspiration of scripture. The project was funded by two tycoons of the Standard Oil Company, Lyman and Milton Stewart. These two brothers financed a wide range of mission projects to endowed professorships at educational institutions. As the Stewart brothers became disenchanted with other educational institutions, they ultimately founded the Bible Institute of Los Angeles (BIOLA). According to Lyman Stewart, the purpose of the school was to create a theological safe haven where the authority of the Bible was never to be questioned. He specifically cited that his concerns had arisen during the 1890s when a teacher at Occidental College, a school where his money funded the entire Bible department, had a teacher who used historical-critical textbooks that undermined confidence in supernatural aspects of the biblical narrative. Such “positively devilish” teachings, as he put it, destroyed faith in the “absolute inerrancy” of scripture. Thus BIOLA was founded to ensure that this did not happen again. The Stewart brothers set a precedent in which the rising fundamentalist movement created its own educational subculture that became a lasting part of American society. Although the emerging cross-denominational fundamentalist movement did not have a defined set of beliefs, it stood vehemently for the Bible and against anything that might compromise it. Historian Ernest R. Sandeen argues that the publication of The Fundamentals did little to impact biblical studies. What it did accomplish was to arouse average Christian lay members to action—individuals who previously were unaware of historical criticism and other scholarly work. Within this subculture, fundamentalists created a separate body of literature along with separate educational institutions to safeguard their children.

Liberalism/Fundamentalist Controversy Introduction During the late 19th and early 20th centuries, American Protestants became increasingly polarized. One vein of thought, the modernists, argued that Protestantism needed to break down traditional barriers between religion and culture and thereby embrace modernity. For example, some of these “New Theologians,” such as Newman Smyth, Charles A. Briggs, and Theodore Munger, attempted to integrate science and theology. By the turn of the century, modernism was a discernible and influential movement that emphasized the immanence of God in the natural and cultural order while preserving Christianity’s uniqueness. By the end of the 1920s, the term “modernism” had fallen into disuse as “liberalism”—as personified by Harry Emerson Fosdick—instead emphasized the divine immanence while avoiding the earlier movement’s emphasis on human progress. The term “fundamentalism,” in its broadest sense, refers to a conservative milieu within a particular type of culture of religion. In a historical sense the rising “fundamentalist” movement was a militant antimodern and antiliberal movement recognizable during the first few decades of the 20th century. This movement comprised a loose coalition of conservative Christians who constructed their identity and worldview around the Bible, which they regarded as divinely inspired and beyond the reach of human criticism. These “fundamentalists,” as they later came to be known, were evangelical Christians who emphasized the importance of being “born again” and viewed sharing the good news of salvation as the highest task entrusted to human beings. The origins of the fundamentalist movement came about, as historian George R. Marsden argues, as a response to profound social and intellectual change after the American Civil War (1861–1865). The fundamentalists were set apart by their conspicuous militancy in defending what they considered to be “traditional” Protestantism. Secularism, Marxism, evolutionary naturalism, Roman Catholicism, and even “cults” were a threat to white Anglo-Saxon Protestantism. Four paramount emphases distinguished this historic movement: revivalist evangelicalism, dispensationalist premillennialism, the Holiness movement, and efforts to defend the faith. By the late 1920s, after the debacle of the Scopes trial over

References and Resources Carpenter, Joel A., ed. 1988. The Fundamentalist-Modernist Conflict: Opposing Views on Three Major Issues. New York: Garland Publishing.

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Liberation Pedagogy

———. 1997. Revive Us Again: The Reawakening of American Fundamentalism. New York: Oxford University Press. Dayton, Donald W., and Robert K. Johnston, eds. 1991. The Variety of American Evangelicalism. Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press. Hutchinson, William R., ed. 1968. American Protestant Thought: The Liberal Era. New York: Harper & Row. ———. 1976. The Modernist Impulse in American Protestantism. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Larson, Edward J. 1997. Summer for the Gods: The Scopes Trial and America’s Continuing Debate Over Science and Religion. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Marsden, George M. 1980. Fundamentalism and American Culture: The Shaping of Twentieth-Century Evangelicalism, 1870–1925. New York: Oxford University Press. ———. 1991. Understanding Fundamentalism and Evangelicalism. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. Marty, Martin E. 1992. Fundamentalism and Evangelicalism. Munich: K. G. Saur. ———. 1993. Fundamentalisms and Society: Reclaiming the Sciences, the Family, and Education. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. ———. 1995. Fundamentalisms Comprehended. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Riley, William B. 1917. The Menace of Modernism. New York: Christian Alliance. Sandeen, Ernest R. 1970. The Roots of Fundamentalism: British and American Millenarianism, 1800–1930. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Weber, Timothy P. 1983. Living in the Shadow of the Second Coming: American Premillennialism, 1875–1982. rev. ed. Grand Rapids, MI: Academic Books.

—Michael W. Campbell

Liberation Pedagogy The term “liberation pedagogy” has political connotations in its essence, with visionary and prophetic implications in its application. It implies a pedagogy concerned with sociopolitical systems that compromise human dignity. From such a perspective, the primary role of education is to engage learners in a dialogical process of critical consciousness, identifying colonialist, hegemonic, and neoliberal schemes of domination that perpetuate inequalities. Liberation pedagogy encompasses the dialectics of oppression and liberation and aims to foster critical individuals to articulate prophetically a new vision for humanity and society. The work of Paulo Freire (1921–1997), Brazilian educator, has been very influential and rightly referred to as one of the most expressive exponents of liberation pedagogy, not only in Latin America, but worldwide.

According to Freire, “authentic liberation—the process of humanization—is not another deposit to be made in men [sic]. Liberation is a praxis: the action and reflection of men and women upon their world in order to transform it” ([1971] 1997, 60). Through this praxis, human beings become critically conscious of the social, political, and economic structures that oppress them, and by denouncing these dehumanizing situations of oppression and alienation, they announce alternative structures that seek to liberate and transform their reality. In light of Freire’s thinking, liberation pedagogy is not reducible to a mechanical method of instruction and transferable skills, which Freire identifies as a “banking” model of education, but is a social-political construct, a liberating form of education that engages participants in critical thinking and the quest for mutual humanization. For Freire, liberation pedagogy implies an “archaeology” of consciousness—that is, a deepened consciousness of the historical reality that leads individuals to analyze and acquire an understanding of the roots of existing conditions and to become aware of their place in the world as active subjects and cocreators of history. However, Freire concedes that reaching a critical comprehension of any oppressive situation through the process of “conscientization” does not liberate the oppressed immediately, but is simply the first step toward transformation. The Role of Liberation Pedagogy According to Freire, the role of liberation pedagogy is to educate for critical consciousness, with the ultimate goal of humanization and the building of a just society. He regards the ontological vocation of human beings “to be more” as a central construct of his theory, which explicitly opposes any action that is destructive and inhuman. Consistent with his thinking, liberation is made possible only insofar as the historical subjects assume the contradictions of the society in which they live, and through their praxis, work to change it. Within that context, liberation pedagogy empowers teachers and students to advance democracy, to enhance their literacy and knowledge of the world, working together for change. Therefore, liberation pedagogy is not a place to arrive, but rather a place of departure that implies a critical view of social reality, an engaged praxis, and faith to move prophetically forward toward transformation. In light of Freire’s understanding, liberation pedagogy is not a pedagogy for the oppressed, but with the oppressed. It seeks to address life’s circumstances of misery, ignorance, and abandonment. It is to be engaged by those who are imprisoned in their own banality, superficiality, and selfishness, so that they may recognize how their alienated condition oppresses their brothers and sisters. Thus, liberation pedagogy is, at the end, in favor of life

Liberation Theology

and freedom. It does not constitute a methodological prescription to those who merely want to be in solidarity with the oppressed; on the contrary, it is for those who are willing to undergo the process of “conscientization” and transformation together. Implications to Religious Education The theological dimensions of Freire’s principles are undoubtedly present in the framework of his liberation pedagogy. For him, to understand the Gospel is to be able to put into practice its message. According to him, the word of God invites us to re-create the world, not to control others, but to liberate all of us together. As he declares, “listening to the word of God does not mean acting like empty vessels waiting to be filled with that word. . . . That is why I insist that a utopian and prophetic theology leads naturally to a cultural action for liberation and hence to conscientization” (1972, 12). Thus, a faith that anchors itself in passivity and accommodation is an alienating faith and serves to promote injustices and inequities. In essence, it contradicts the Christian message to love God and neighbors. Love in this respect is not an abstraction, but rather materializes in concrete actions of solidarity and justice in face of oppressive socioeconomic and cultural circumstances. As he reminds us, “having faith, believing, is not a problem, the problem is claiming to have it and, at the same time, contradicting it in action” (Freire and Freire 1998, 104). In this framework, liberation pedagogy within the religious education landscape respects local contexts, individual stories and narratives, and historical events and works diligently to connect them to a universal ethic that has as its epicenter human beings—their freedom, potential, distinctiveness, and nonnegotiable dignity as children of God. A pedagogy such as this encompasses denouncement and announcement, critique and compassion, indignation and hope— all core concepts found in the Judeo-Christian tradition. See also Conscientization; Consciousness; Critical Thinking; Freire, Paulo; Pedagogy. References and Resources Freire, A. M. A. 1999. A Pedagogia da Libertação em Paulo Freire. São Paulo, Brazil: UNESP. Freire, Paulo. 1970. Cultural Action for Freedom. Cambridge, MA: Harvard Educational Review. ———. (1971) 1997. Pedagogy of the Oppressed. New York: Seabury Press. ———. [1972]. “The Educational Role of the Churches in Latin America.” Pasos, no. 9: 43–54. ———. 1973. Education for Critical Consciousness. New York: Seabury Press. ———. 1984. “Education, Liberation and the Church.” Religious Education 79 (4): 524–545.

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———. 1994. Pedagogia da Esperança. Um Re-Encontro com a Pedagogia do Oprimido. São Paulo, Brazil: Paz & Terra. ———. 2001. Pedagogy of Freedom: Ethics, Democracy, and Civic Courage. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield. Freire, P., and A. M. A Freire. 1994. Pedagogy of Hope: Reliving Pedagogy of the Oppressed. New York: Continuum. ———. 1998. Pedagogy of the Heart. New York: Continuum. ———. 1999. A Pedagogia da Indignação. Cartas Pedagógicas. São Paulo, Brazil: UNESP.

—Débora B. Agra Junker

Liberation Theology In the past half century, many people have articulated a Christian theology that focuses on liberation from economic and sociopolitical oppression as an expression of God’s salvation. First associated in academic theology with theologians from Latin America, liberation theologies have also been explored by black, feminist, Asian, African, and other theologians around the globe. Liberation theologies are marked by concern for orthopraxis (right action) as much as orthodoxy, by a commitment to God’s preferential option for the poor, by political and social analysis as a key step to theological reflection and construction, by the importance of communities in the practice of theological knowing, and by their critique of the way that the Christian tradition has often been co-opted by the powerful as a tool of domination. As one of the major theological developments of the second half of the 20th century, the insights of liberation theologies have had a profound impact on understandings of Christian education since their emergence.72 The emphasis on the experience of everyday persons, particularly the poor and oppressed, as a source of theological insight and revelation shifted the focus of theological teaching from dissemination of the doctrinal formulations of the tradition. This emphasis on the folk wisdom of everyday people contributed to a rethinking of educational purposes, moving from traditional catechesis through schooling models to a focus on the agency of the learner in articulating the tradition and participating in its meaningful interpretation into daily life. Discerning Christian insight through communal dialogue with the tradition was central to both expressions of liberation theology and the Christian educational process. This transition can particularly be seen in the work of post–Vatican II Roman Catholic Christian educators such as Thomas Groome and Maria Harris, who created 72. An early exploration of the connections between religious education and liberation theology is Daniel Schipani, Religious Education Encounters Liberation Theology (Birmingham, AL: Religious Education Press, 1988).

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Liberty University

methodologies and visions of curriculum that engaged laypeople in the act of critical and constructive theological reflection within the tradition.73 This focus on local communities and their social location also led to attention being devoted to the functions of ethnicity, cultural particularity, and multicultural dynamics in Christian education across the field.74 Another feature of liberation theology that worked its way into Christian education was the focus on liberation from oppression as a goal or outcome of Christian education, such as in the work of Anne Streaty Wimberly and Michael Warren.75 For those who took seriously this understanding of Christian salvation, liberation demanded not only the religious literacy and spiritual well-being of believers, but also attention to the material conditions and social practices of one’s life as part of Christian formation. This focus on the political nature and implications of Christian knowing led to an increased public focus in the work of Christian education and critique of and resistance to social practices such as racism, sexism, and colonialism as a part of the work of Christian formation. The social analysis and critique central to liberation theology lent itself to practices beginning with analysis of the generative themes of a community to identify educational needs and questions rather than with the answers defined by the tradition. In particular, Brazilian educator Paulo Freire’s popular educational methods, particularly his emphasis on conscientization, dialogue, and the political nature of knowledge, contributed new methodologies and aims to the field. —Katherine Turpin

Liberty University Historical Introduction Liberty University was founded in 1971 as Lynchburg Baptist College (LBC; later renamed Liberty Baptist College) by the late Dr. Jerry Falwell and Dr. Elmer Towns as a ministry of Thomas Road Baptist Church (TRBC). The goal in creating this university in Lynchburg, Virginia, was to create an institution that would be for evangelical Christians what Notre Dame and Brigham Young Universities are for Catholics and Mormons. Falwell Sr.’s 73. Thomas Groome, Christian Religious Education: Sharing Our Story and Vision (San Francisco: Jossey Bass, 1999); Maria Harris. Fashion Me a People: Curriculum in the Church (Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press, 1989). 74. Charles R. Foster, ed., Ethnicity in the Education of the Church (Nashville, TN: Scarritt Press, 1987). 75. Anne E. Streaty Wimberly, Soul Stories: African American Christian Education, rev. ed (Nashville, TN: Abingdon Press, 2005); Michael Warren, At This Time, in This Place (Harrisburg, PA: Trinity Press, 2000).

rallying vision for Liberty was to “Train Champions for Christ” within a conceptual framework embodied in the school’s motto, “Knowledge Aflame.” The 110 students who arrived in August 1971 saw their number increase to 305 by the end of the first year, and to 484 by the beginning of the second year in 1972 (Strober and Tomczak 1979, 45–47). The continuous growth of the student body contributed to a sense of destiny that was evident in the early years of the new school. Drs. Falwell Sr. and Towns’s original goal for Liberty was 5,000 students, seeking to surpass the two prominent Christian universities of that time, Bob Jones University in Greenville, South Carolina, and Tennessee Temple University in Chattanooga, Tennessee, each of which had approximate enrollments of 4,000 to 4,500 students. By 1985, the Liberty student body exceeded 5,000 students. Several years prior to this accomplishment, Dr. Falwell Sr. had begun to express a new goal of 50,000 students, studying both on campus and as distance learners. Dr. Towns relates a conversation with Dr. Falwell Sr. as a critical element in defining the purpose of Liberty as they planned together early in 1971: “Jerry saw the university, then college as an extension of the local church; in this case Thomas Road Baptist Church, and whose purpose was to prepare students not only academically, but also to invade the culture with the truth of God’s word” (Hirschman 2010, 81–82). He stated that Dr. Falwell’s desire was “to start a world-class university, not a Bible College; a liberal arts university training young people in all walks of life; better than a Wheaton, better than a Bob Jones” (Hirschman 2010, 82). Ten years following the inaugural class, A. Pierre Guillermin (president of LBC in 1981) reemphasized the original purpose of the institution: “Our goal at LBC is to produce champions—men and women equipped to make an impact on their world, whether they enter the ministry, business, education, the media, or any other profession. We think we can do that best by offering a program of academic excellence in a Christian environment” (Hirschman 2010, 82). LBC formally became Liberty University in 1985 following full accreditation from the Southern Association of Colleges and Schools (SACS), a process that had begun in 1980. The leadership of the university transferred to Jerry Falwell Jr. (JD, University of Virginia) upon Dr. Falwell Sr.’s death in May 2007. Since assuming the senior leadership role of the university, Chancellor Falwell has guided Liberty into a new era of academic growth and financial stability, while at the same time continuing the original theme of “Training Champions for Christ.” In 2010, Liberty University surpassed Falwell Sr.’s goal of 50,000 students. In 2011–2012, the residential popula-

Liberty University

tion of Liberty University exceeded 12,000 students, and there were 80,000 students online. The school’s campus is currently undergoing a $200 million enhancement that will include infrastructure, athletic, and academic improvements. Description of Notable Academic Programs Liberty’s first step into graduate education began in 1973, with the establishment of Liberty Baptist Theological Seminary (LBTS), with Dr. Robert Hughes serving as its first dean. The philosophy underlying the seminary continued the late Dr. Falwell’s theme of training champions. From its inception, LBTS was designed to be a place where students could be trained in rigorous biblical and theological studies while also being skilled in the practical areas of ministry. Dr. Towns, who has now served as dean of the seminary on two separate occasions, has often said that a seminary cannot be built on scholarship alone, but it cannot be built without it, either. This philosophy has helped maintain LBTS’s emphasis on both scholarship and ministry praxis. In 1985, Liberty began a process that situated it as a pioneer of distance-based education in America, so that nontraditional students would not have to relocate in order to earn an accredited university degree. Originally referred to as the Liberty University School of Lifelong Learning, this program evolved over several years under the leadership of Dr. Ron Godwin to become the Liberty University Distance Learning Program, and ultimately into Liberty University Online (LUO). It is currently the largest Christian, nonprofit, online school in the nation, offering an education to students in all 50 states and all over the world. In 2011, Liberty adapted the LUO format to create Liberty University en Español (LUE), which offers 12 degree programs using the online format. Faculty members teach these degree programs in a unique context, using a combination of English and Spanish textbooks while allowing students to submit work in their native or preferred language. Over the course of its maturation, Liberty has added additional graduate programs, establishing the Schools of Education, Communication, Health Sciences, Music, and Worship; the Overton Graduate School of Business; the Helms School of Government; the Liberty University School of Law; and the proposed Liberty University College of Osteopathic Medicine, which accepted its first class of students in 2014. Liberty University currently offers a variety of academic opportunities, including 193 undergraduate and certificate programs and 110 graduate programs, 4 postgraduate programs, and 7 doctoral programs (JD, DMin, EdD, PhD). Liberty University received Level VI ac-

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creditation from SACS in 2009. This is the highest level of classification and is reserved for schools offering four or more doctoral degrees. Summary of Christian Philosophy of Education Liberty University continues to have a distinct relationship with Thomas Road Baptist Church (TRBC). It was the intent of Dr. Falwell Sr. to guard Liberty against what he saw as the theological liberalization of many Christian colleges over the course of their maturation. In order to guard against the tendency of academia to slide left, Pastor Jonathan Falwell of TRBC functions as the vice chancellor for spiritual affairs. In this role, he must consent to any doctrinal changes and all faculty members hired in the areas of religion or theology. This process is a purposeful result of Liberty’s unique philosophy of education in concordance with its desire to maintain its historical doctrinal positions. One of Dr. Falwell Sr.’s consistent messages to students, staff, and faculty was “if it’s Christian, it ought to be better.” He meant that Liberty’s excellence should not just be driven by the desire to succeed, but should reflect humanity’s divine calling and equipping by the Holy Spirit. This approach to education has resulted in the development of a curriculum and vision to produce graduates who can enter national and global arenas in their specific disciplines with the intention of making significant contributions that not only benefit the discipline, but also contribute to societal change motivated by a biblically Christian worldview and philosophy. References and Resources Falwell, J. 1973. Capturing a Town for Christ. Old Tappan, NJ: Fleming H. Revell. ———. 1987. Strength for the Journey: An Autobiography by Jerry Falwell. New York: Simon & Schuster. ———. 1997. Falwell: An Autobiography. Lynchburg, VA: Liberty House Publishers. ———. 2005. Building Dynamic Faith. Nashville, TN: Thomas Nelson. Falwell, J., and E. Towns. 1971. Church Aflame. Nashville, TN: Impact Books. ———. 1984. Stepping out on Faith. Wheaton, IL: Tyndale. Hirschman, D. W. 2010. “An Examination of the Significant Factors Motivating Early Liberty University Ministerial Graduates to Envision and Pursue Ambitious Ministry Opportunities.” DM diss., Liberty Baptist Theological Seminary, Lynchburg, VA. http://digitalcommons.liberty.edu/cgi/view content.cgi?article=1340&context=doctoral. Strober, G., and R. Tomczak. 1979. Jerry Falwell: Aflame for God. Nashville, TN: Thomas Nelson.

—David W. Hirschman and Benjamin K. Forrest

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Libraries, Early Christian

Libraries, Early Christian Between the late second century and the middle of the third, libraries were established as scriptoriums in the three great Christian schools at Alexandria, Caesarea, and Jerusalem. The library of Jerusalem was founded by Bishop Alexander. It was used by Eusebius in compiling his History. Most coenobia in Egypt also had large collections of books. In the West, Martin of Tours helped to found the earliest library in Gaul. Notable among the private collections of this period was the library of Augustine in Hippo, but it was destroyed during the Vandal invasions. Many Christian libraries and archives were destroyed during Diocletian persecutions. Pope Hilarius helped to rebuild the collections in the cloister of St. Lorenzo at Verano. In Rome, the Vatican Library was expanded by Pope Gelasius (492–496) and Pope Agapetus (1535–1536), who created the library on Scaurus on the Coelian Hill. It later merged with the Lateran library established by Gregory the Great (590–604). From the sixth to the seventh centuries, scriptoria began to become increasingly numerous thanks to the Benedictine order. In Italy, Cassiodorus founded the Vivarium at Calabria, which was closely linked to St. Benedict. At Bobbio, Columbanus, with the help of the Longobard kings, founded an abbey that soon became famous for its writing school as well as its library. New libraries were founded in Gaul. In Spain, Isidore, the noted encyclopedist and archbishop of Seville, amassed a large library that he used in writing his encyclopedias. Also noteworthy were libraries established by Columba in Scotland. In the British Isles, other notable libraries were being built up, especially at Iona, Lindisfarne, and Jarrow. In Germany, the great libraries were at Fulda and Mainz. —George Thomas Kurian

Life-span development The notion of humans “developing” in a particular and common way has dominated understandings of and approaches to studying the aging and maturation processes for decades. Defined stages of childhood development have been proposed by scholars such as Piaget, Erikson, and Freud. These have been appropriated not only in a descriptive but also in a prescriptive way, allowing diagnoses of “early” and “late” development, along with, in some cases, exceptional ability, disability, and medical or psychological issues. The focus of these theories has primarily been on the cognitive domain. Stages of physical maturing accompany the cognitive, and Tennant (2005) adds self-development and identity as a third category; together the three are understood to provide a picture

of growth and progress across the full range of human dimensions. Within a religious context, Fowler’s Stages of Faith (1981) introduced a faith dimension to human development, extending this beyond childhood into a lifelong activity. However, Fowler’s understanding of “faith” as a human universal is controversial, and many dispute that his schema accurately represents the faith journey of adherents to specific religions such as Christianity. At the beginning of the 21st century, there are increasing indications that rigid approaches to understanding life-span development are questionable. The very notion of “development” has been challenged (see Tennant 2005), and new studies have emerged in which maturation and aging are not seen in developmental terms. Jarvis (2001, 61) quotes Giddens’s (1991) view that the life span is structured around “open experience thresholds” rather than a ritualized passage. We learn from the experiences we have during life and we develop as we age—but in no particular idealized direction—although there are sets of values and characteristics at which individuals regard it desirable to aim. He also references Sheehy (1995) and Hudson (1999), who discuss aging by 10-year periods, rather than by any more sophisticated theoretical framework. For Jarvis, this is linked to the fact that lifestyles and roles are not that fixed and agerelated in late modern society. This recognizes the power of social forces in shaping the course of people’s lives, something evidenced also by studies into women’s development, such as those conducted by Gilligan (1982) and Belenky and colleagues (1986). Slee (2004), reporting an empirical study conducted into women’s spirituality and faith, endorses this and similarly challenges the idea that “development” is linear and uniform. Spirituality, spiritual intelligence (Zohar and Marshall 2000), and spiritual development are now increasingly recognized as significant throughout the life span, although they are not necessarily explored and promoted from within a religious context. As is the case with much Christian education, ongoing dialogue must take place between the “Christian” and the secular, allowing each to contribute to the other. Many attributes—especially wisdom—that are valued by Christianity are gained throughout the life span through experience. There is some evidence to suggest that a distinctively Christian wisdom can be “developed” through the capacity for theological reflection, and also that reflection itself has an embedded developmental progression that can be deliberately fostered (Moon 2000). Lifelong learning therefore becomes a key dimension to life-span development however it is conceived, challenging the idea that all aspects of human beings remain stable or that there is necessarily a gradual deterioration of cognitive abilities after maturity, and affirming the notion that although there might be

Lindisfarne Gospels

biological deterioration, ongoing learning and personal experience compensate for this. In addition, Christian theology offers profound insights into the nature of human beings that should guide and inform understandings of both the aging and maturation processes. References and Resources Belenky, M. F., B. M. Clinchy, N. R. Goldberger, and J. M. Tarule. 1986. Women’s Ways of Knowing. New York: Basic Books. Fowler, James W. 1981. Stages of Faith. San Francisco: Harper & Row. Gilligan, Carol. 1982. In a Different Voice. London: Harvard University Press. Hudson, M. 1999. Ruins of Identity: Ethnogenesis in the Japanese Islands. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press. Jarvis, P. 2001. Learning in Later Life: An Introduction for Educators and Carers. London: Kogan Page. Moon, Jennifer. 2000. Reflection in Learning and Professional Development. London: Kogan Page. Sheehy, G. 1995. New passages: Mapping Your Life across Time. New York : Random House. Slee, Nicola. 2004. Women’s Faith Development. Aldershot, UK: Ashgate. Tennant, Mark. 2005. “Lifespan Development.” In International Encyclopedia of Adult Education, edited by Leona English, 378–381. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Zohar, Danah, and Ian Marshall. 2000. Spiritual Intelligence: The Ultimate Intelligence. London: Bloomsbury Publishing.

—Alison Le Cornu

Lindisfarne Gospels The manuscript known as the Lindisfarne Gospels was written and decorated in a monastery off the Northumberland coast at Lindisfarne in England (around 715) in honor of God and Bishop Cuthbert of Lindisfarne (634– 687), by the monk Eadfrith. The book was Jerome’s Vulgate version of the Gospels, preceded by his prefaces and canon tables. Written in Latin calligraphy with a complex rhythmic labyrinth of ornamentation, each Gospel was introduced by authorship prologues, chapter summaries, and instructions for feast day readings. An interlinear, word-for-word translation of the text into Old English was inserted between the lines of the Latin text by Aldred, provost of Chester-le-Street in County Durham, in the mid-10th century. This is one of the two oldest surviving translations of the Gospels in the English language. In Aldred’s brief description of the publication of the book, he recorded that Eadfrith (bishop of Lindisfarne, 698–721) wrote the manuscript, Ethelwald (bishop of Lindisfarne in 721) bound it, and

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Billfrith (an anchorite) ornamented the outside of the document with precious metals and gems. Both Eadfrith and Ethelwald were monks of the community who were contemporaries of Cuthbert. During this period, teams of scribes in scriptoriums usually copied biblical texts, so it was unusual that this intricate book was written by one hermit and that his name is known. Though Eadfrith was English, he drew from a variety of artistic traditions, such as Celtic, Germanic, Italian, Byzantine, and Middle Eastern. In particular, the work displays the Irish pattern of writing and illumination, given that he had studied with Irish monks on the Holy Island from his youth and continued under their tutelage for another six years in various Irish monasteries. Even though there were many non-Christian artistic influences in the text, the patterns display Christian motifs and concepts. For instance, the opening words of the Gospels were highly decorated with interlaced birds and beasts of artistic naturalness and authenticity, representing the beauty of God’s creation. The 518 pages of the Lindisfarne Gospels employed half-uncial script along with ornamental pages drawn and colored using interlaced coiling patterns. Eadfrith drew these configurations by using mathematical instruments on the reverse side of the page. The artist-scribe must have been an innovative designer and chemist to have achieved his elaborate designs using the limited local products to re-create the array of colors. The Lindisfarne Gospels contain the Gospels of the four evangelists Matthew, Mark, Luke, and John, about the life of Jesus. Each Gospel is preceded with a portrait of the evangelist, a cross-carpet page, and a decorated initial page. Carpet pages were composed of complex interlace patterns influenced by early Egyptian Coptic art in their similarity to Islamic prayer rugs, which prepared worshippers for prayer. They were designed to spiritually prepare the reader before the Gospel message, with each page having an image of a cross highlighting the central message of the Christian faith. The evangelists were represented by their personal symbols: Matthew was the man (representing the humanity of Christ), Mark was the lion (figurative of the resurrected Christ), Luke was the calf (symbolic of Christ’s sacrifice on the Cross), and John was the eagle (symbolizing Christ’s second coming). Each of the gospel writers was portrayed in the manuscript: Matthew, Mark, and Luke were shown writing, whereas John holds a scroll and is looking forward. Influenced by the Byzantine manner of figure painting, the miniature portraits also symbolized the divine and human natures of Christ. Mark and John were represented as young men (the divine nature of Christ), while Matthew and Luke were depicted as older and bearded (Christ’s humanity).

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Linguistics, Christian Contributions to

The Gospels were preceded by a letter from Jerome to Pope Damasus I and by 16 pages of Eusebian canon tables on which parallel passages of the four Gospels were correlated. The Latin Gospel text was a version of Jerome’s Vulgate, with the script after the tradition developed in early Christian Ireland and transmitted to Northumbria by Iona and Irish missionaries. The book was not only produced for practical ceremonial use, but was also a representation of the splendor of God’s Word and the Christian religion in missionary exploits. The monks were well aware of the deep impression that such a book as the Lindisfarne Gospels would have on non-Christian communities. This would also have been an important contribution to the cult of Cuthbert, which turned Lindisfarne (the place of Cuthbert’s burial) into a pilgrimage site in the late seventh and eighth centuries. A number of archivists believe that at this time there was a need in England to foster a spirit of reconciliation and cooperation among Bede (the Northumbrian scholar), Abbot Adomnán of Iona, and Bishop Eadfrith. This process came to be symbolized by the Lindisfarne Gospels, housed at the saint’s shrine, which was a focus for Cuthbert’s cult of collaboration in the generation after his death. Housed at the British Library in London since 1753, the manuscript is one of the finest examples of early Hiberno-Saxon art extant. References and Resources Brown, Michelle P. 2003a. The Lindisfarne Gospels: Society, Spirituality, and the Scribe. London: British Library; Toronto: Toronto University Press. ———. 2003b. Painted Labyrinth: The World of the Lindisfarne Gospels. London: British Library. ———. 2010. The Lindisfarne Gospels and the Early Medieval World. London: British Library.

—Robert L. Gallagher

Linguistics, Christian Contributions to Linguistics is the study of language and concerns itself with describing and explaining the nature of human language, which enables people to communicate with each other, to express ideas, hypotheses, emotions, desires, and all the other things that need expressing. It is philosophical in nature and includes the study of semantics (how meaning is inferred from words and concepts). Christian contributions to linguistics come out of the necessity to speak about God in ways that can be understood and responded to (Miller 1970, xiii). Many Christian theologians have written about and employed linguistics. St. Augustine was a teacher of rhetoric before his ordination. He spoke of language

as signifying and of words as signs (Kirwan 2001, 191). This view of language was critiqued by the influential philosopher Ludwig Wittgenstein (1889–1951), who claimed that the notion of language as an arbitrary code is mistaken. Although Wittgenstein’s understanding of Augustine has been disputed (Kirwan 2001, 186), his notion of “language games” has been beneficial to Christian theologians and educators. “Language games” was his term for the idea that language is essentially a shared activity and that words find meaning through their use. He noted various categories of language games, including religious language. To call religion a language game is to say that certain practices, such as church attendance, lighting candles, and going on pilgrimage, are the background against which religious claims are made. Practice gives words their sense, according to Wittgenstein. Early in his work, he argued that talk of God is beyond the range of meaningful discourse, but later he modified his thinking to say that God talk is beyond the reach of cognitive meaning, not because it is meaningless, but because it is personal and mysterious (Musser and Price 1992, 280). In 1936 A. J. Ayer, in Language, Truth and Logic, dismissed any religious statements as having no meaning other than the emotive and having “weak verification” (Miller 1970, 23). This prompted some Christian theologians to defend God talk and how we interpret the Bible. Rudolf Bultmann’s demythologization hermeneutic was one such effort. Process philosophers and theologians like Alfred North Whitehead and Charles Hartshorne began talking about God’s relation to the world in terms that would resonate with the scientific thinking of the day (Miller 1970, 54, 62–63). Ian T. Ramsey (1957) described the central problem of theology as how to use language so as to be suitable currency for what, in part, transcends language. He wrote that religious language seems strange because we only have ordinary, human language to talk about “cosmic commitment” to Christ. In the 1960s there was a surge of interest in linguistics, and because language is a universal characteristic of humanity, other disciplines sought to apply linguistics to their work. Amos N. Wilder (1964) provided an analysis of early Christian uses of language. Because Christianity is a “speech-event,” it is important to attempt to understand how language conveys it. David Crystal’s Linguistics, Language and Religion (1965) examined the power of language for faith and the principles of liturgical language. Because many religions follow a sacred text, espouse wise words of revered leaders, and create a liturgy that claims a connection with the divine, language is crucial. Language plays a major part in communicating God and faith, so the uses and abuses of language are a pastoral concern. Paul van

Listening as Christian Practice

Buren (1963) wrote about the difficulty of talking about God because the word does not refer to anything that can be understood empirically. The language of faith does have meaning, because it is a “blik,” a term derived from R. M. Hare that refers to a deeply held conviction grounded in the unconscious that cannot be falsified. The language of Christianity is of one who has been “caught by the Gospel” (Miller 1970, 29). Randolph Crump Miller, who was the Horace Bushnell Professor Emeritus of Christian Nurture at the Yale Divinity School, wrote The Language Gap and God: Religious Language and Christian Education in 1970. In this volume he attempted to relate language analysis to the work of Christian education toward explaining the Bible and theology in a secular age. Miller said that the language of the early Christians fitted their culture. At first they used the Jewish texts, which reflected the life and culture of the Middle East. As Christianity moved into the world of the Greeks and Romans, their uses of language changed to meet the new situation. After the canon was closed, Christians continued their theology and catechesis to adopt their language to the changing conditions. As long as there is a relatively close connection between the language of Christians and the culture, communicating the faith was easier. In different or secular cultures, it becomes more difficult (Miller 1970, 2–3). Also influenced by the philosophy of Wittgenstein, theologian George Lindbeck (1984) argues, in contrast to liberal relativism, that religious faith is neither feeling nor propositions, but a cultural linguistic enterprise. Faith is centered in the language and culture of a living tradition. Sallie McFague brought a feminist perspective to the question of religious language. In her view, to absolutize one tradition or way of speaking about God becomes idolatrous, to substitute right language in place of God, or irrelevant, for the experiences of many people will not be included within the absolutized tradition. She offered a critique of patriarchal Western religious language. Because Christian theology and education is an interpretation of the Gospel in a particular time and place, she argued that a metaphorical theology is indigenous to Christianity (McFague 1982, 3, 14). Similarly, postmodern philosophers, notably Jacques Derrida, insist that language does not function in a nomenclaturistic way, but is shaped by the lived experience of the communities that use it. He claimed the need for deconstruction of language and texts so as to render invalid any claim to unequivocal domination of one mode of signifying over another. Recent works on slang, hip-hop, and the lingua franca of popular culture continue to attempt to meet the challenge to find language to speak of God and teach faith, an ongoing task for Christian education.

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References and Resources Crystal, D. 1965. Linguistics, Language and Religion. London: Burns & Oates. Kirwan, C. 2001. “Augustine’s Philosophy of Language.” In The Cambridge Companion to Augustine, edited by E. Stump and N. Kretzmann, 186–204. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Lindbeck, G. A. 1984. The Nature of Doctrine: Religion and Theology in a Postliberal Age. Philadelphia: Westminster Press. McFague, S. 1982. Metaphorical Theology: Models of God in Religious Language. Philadelphia: Fortress Press. Miller, R. C. 1970. The Language Gap and God: Religious Language and Christian Education. Philadelphia: Pilgrim Press. Musser, D. W., and J. L. Price, eds. 1992. A New Handbook of Christian Theology. Nashville, TN: Abingdon Press. Ramsey, I. T. 1957. Religious Language. London: SCM Press. Van Buren, P. 1963. The Secular Meaning of the Gospel. New York: Macmillan. Wilder, A. 1964. The Language of the Gospels: Early Christian Rhetoric. New York: Harper & Row.

—Susan Willhauck

Listening as Christian Practice Within the tradition of Christian formation, the act of listening and being listened to has been an important theme foundational to many traditional practices, although often not explicitly identified as such. Scripture provides us with the model of what this looks like, as we encounter a relational God who seeks to abide with us in a deep intimacy, then invites us in turn to model this relationship of listening presence with each other and ourselves. Various practices help us in this endeavor, and through them we discover that in this invitation lies a deeply formational practice, and that as we engage in listening relationships with God and ourselves, we are able to cultivate a hallowed space within, which we can then offer to others as we accept God’s invitation to be present to them in the act of listening. In this space of listening where we join God, and join others with God, discernment and healing can occur, which ultimately allows us to become the people God knows us to be. We encounter the origin for this practice in scripture, as we read about God’s listening presence among first the people of the Jewish scriptures and then incarnated in the person of Jesus in the New Testament. In Jesus we see this articulated as he spends time in silence and prayer, discerning God’s will, and then attending to the people of Judea with his presence, seeking especially those individuals whose voices were not heard due to their status in society. In these relationships, it was often listening that was at the heart of the relationship between Jesus and his

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followers that allowed healing to occur, healing which then allowed them to experience wholeness and return to their larger community to cultivate new relationships. As we seek to follow Jesus’s teaching, listening is integral to who we are asked, as Christians, to become. In this practice, then, is the call to listen to God, others, and ourselves, as God continues to listen to us. Many prayer practices facilitate this call to listen to God. Centering prayer seeks to offer a space below all the thoughts, images, and imaginings that often take up space in our internal selves, and in this apophatic place beyond all words and images, we can encounter God in the very sound of silence. Other practices, such as those found in Ignatian spirituality, invite us to see and hear God in everything around and within us, sensing that God is truly in all aspects of creation, and that as we seek to listen to Him, we are called to attend to the totality of our experiences. In these kataphatic prayers, rather than hearing God only in the silence, we witness God in the all, and follow His lead as we seek to integrate what we see in the world with what we know of God. While some people are called to practice one of these traditions to the exclusion of others, most of us experience ways of listening to God that involve a flow of experiences that incorporate both transcendent and immanent images of God, and over time this practice of listening and attentiveness, of coming to know God, offers us an opportunity to experience His abiding attention to us, and His presence with us through our lives. The tradition of spiritual direction is one way we can find support on this path. Trained in the art of “holy listening,” spiritual directors do not so much direct as offer a space of intentional and deep listening, which aids us in understanding where God is moving within our own lives. Spiritual traditions that emphasize discernment, such as Ignatian spirituality, are also helpful as we seek to listen to where God is calling us in our lives, and Ignatian practices such as the Spiritual Exercises or the Examen of Consciousness offer paths that can strengthen our own holy listening skills, teaching us a language that allows us to hear, in new ways, God’s continual call in our lives. As we continue in this practice of listening to God, God continues to listen to us, and in this nexus deep healing and growth are possible. As we return to this space of communion again and again, the internal space where we greet God becomes wider and wider, and in turn we have more and more internal space to offer others, which is experienced in a listening presence. As we then accept God’s invitation to join Him, to listen to His people with our hearts, our internal self stretches even more as it grows to accommodate the life of another, and all the joy and suffering this implies. The capacity for true listening also grows along with it, as we can sit with another and

offer her or him the ultimate hospitality of a space within ourselves that is grounded in God. It is the practice of listening, then, that allows us to become who God is calling us to be: people who are called to love. Through the process of learning how to listen to God and ourselves and practicing this skill, God teaches us to listen to others. It is in this space of listening that we truly know and are known, and it is in this space that we can answer the call of Christians to be a people who love. References and Resources Barry, William A., and William J. Connolly. 2009. The Practice of Spiritual Direction. New York: HarperOne. Cooper-White, Pamela. 2004. Shared Wisdom: Use of the Self in Pastoral Care and Counseling. Minneapolis, MN: Fortress Press. Guenther, Margaret. 1992. Holy Listening: The Art of Spiritual Direction. Boston: Cowley Publications. Ruffing, Janet K. 2005. “Direction, Spiritual.” In The New Westminster Dictionary of Christian Spirituality, edited by Philip Sheldrake, 243–245. Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press.

—Karri Backer

Literacy, Christian Contributions to Literacy training is a foundational element of the Christian faith. A person can grow in the knowledge of God through oral presentations, but to grow in faith in God requires personal study of the scriptures. It is difficult to grow in faith without the ability to spiritually feed oneself. Christians have developed schools, universities, and other educational environments for individuals to learn to read and study. The Bible was the first book in many languages of the world, the first book to be printed using the printing press, and one of the first books to be printed in multiple languages. Christian organizations and missionaries worked with groups first to form a written alphabet, and then to translate the Bible into the native language, making it possible for all the people to learn to read and study God’s Word for themselves. The community and the whole country benefited from an improved literacy rate, enabling people from multiple economic levels to serve in society, lowering unemployment, and improving living conditions. Missionaries diligently translated and codified multiple languages to give people the Bible in their language. Each group was taught to read and write, thus improving the literacy rate for that group. Ulfilas (311–381) codified the Goths’ language and translated the Bible to the Germanic tribes. Cassiodorus (477–570) and other Christian monks

Literacy, Christian Contributions to

made copies of Christian and pagan manuscripts by hand to train people. The monks and priests of the Middle Ages fought literacy one hand-written manuscript at a time, ensuring people had God’s Word in their language. Over time, Christianity has provided multiple educational systems and opportunities by establishing schools for the purpose of training people for church membership. As early as the second century, church leaders established catechetical schools to prepare people for church membership and to provide literary and theological education. Most public training formats and schools only taught boys from elite or privileged classes. Christians were possibly the first to teach both male and female students at the same time, with no ethnic, gender, or class bias. Schools were founded in Ephesus, Rome, and Alexandria. Cathedral schools were established to teach people how to read and write, along with preparing individuals for church service. Pope Gregory VII established cathedral schools in 1079, which became the seedbeds for later universities. Monasteries were another form of education during the Middle Ages, founded to train clergy in the particular church doctrines and practices. The monasteries had served as a precursor to the university, but were primarily designed to train their own people for the ministry and not open to public enrollment. They had elaborate libraries of both secular and sacred writings from which monks read daily, studied scripture, and endlessly copied manuscripts in the scriptoria (sacred rooms for copying manuscripts). Many books and other manuscript sections were provided by the monks for people to study and read. Public education was introduced in the eighth century to raise the literacy rate over most of Western Europe. King Charles the Great of the Franks and the Holy Roman emperor, known commonly as Charlemagne (742–814), established the first public school to educate his empire to read and write, combating illiteracy in the Middle Ages. Charlemagne commanded that community schools be set up by the priests to educate students for free. Charlemagne’s attempted mass education was not continued after his death. Many parts of Europe in the Middle Ages did not have a written form of language to teach people to read and write. In the ninth century, St. Cyril and St. Methodius developed the Cyrillic alphabet to provide the Bible in the Slavic language for groups from modern-day Eastern Europe to Russia. Public education of nonclergy and non-nobility was made available through the university. Anyone could attend who met the academic standards and could afford the classes. The first university was founded in Bologna, Italy, in 1158, specializing in the study of canon law. The University of Paris followed in 1200, specializing

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in theology. Many other universities across Europe and America were founded based on these two models and the profound desire to educate people in the doctrines of Christianity. The university and the printing press were two major innovations that greatly improved literacy. When Johannes Gutenberg (1398–1468) invented the printing press, the church gained a tool to mass produce the Bible and directly improve literacy across the known world. The Protestant reformers wanted everyone to read the Bible in order to understand the difference between biblical authority and papal authority. This tool was used by the church to quickly provide a copy of the Bible to almost anyone who wanted it. People could read God’s Word for themselves and grow in knowledge of the Holy One. Reformation leaders also wanted education to be available to all people. Tax-supported public school education was first recommended by Martin Luther, Philipp Melanchthon, and Johannes Bugenhagen in Germany. These Protestant reformers wanted all people to read and write in order to maintain society. Luther added that education should be compulsory for all children. A century later the Roman Catholic priest, La Salle, advocated compulsory education in France. Johann Sturm (1507–1589) from Germany created a graded education system to compel students to advance through levels; this is the same system used today. During the Reformation, many leaders emerged who wanted to educate people with the Word of God and how to serve Him through the printed Bible and scholarly documents. Martin Luther, John Calvin, and John Comenius all advocated universal education. Luther believed in cultivating the human mind through education to deepen understanding of scripture and fought for a state school system that would consist of a vernacular primary school for both sexes, a Latin secondary school, and a university. Calvin created his Geneva Plan for elementary education in the vernacular and advocated education with a moral balance because of his strong belief in the total depravity of man. Comenius developed schools to teach about God, man, and nature. In the 1530s, Ignatius Loyola established the Society of Jesus, known as the Jesuits, to educate the priests and non-Jesuits. By the time he died, Loyola had established 35 Jesuit schools throughout Europe with the goal of a free education for everyone. The Jesuits became known as the educators of Europe, offering highly structured classes that combined spiritual traditions with current learning systems. Many Jesuits coming from these systems became influential scientists, astronomers, and mathematicians. In 1609, the Jesuits established the first literate society in Paraguay by providing a Jesuit education for all the people.

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The first American public education policy was the “Old Deluder Satan Act,” promulgated by the Puritans in 1647, which required that towns of 50 households or more hire a teacher to educate all children, starting with how to read the Bible and study scripture. The New England Primer was used as the primary textbook to teach people the alphabet, along with the Bible through catechisms and study materials. William McGuffey (1800–1873) created the McGuffey’s Eclectic Reader in the 1830s to teach students how to read, using the basics of Christian faith as the substance in the book. Educators have used these books as the foundational tool for teaching people the basics of spelling, phonics, reading, and biblical knowledge. Friedrich Frobel (1782–1852) established the first kindergarten school in Germany to teach children at a young age to grow in knowledge of how people and nature were connected by God. When asked for an explanation of why education should start so early, he used the analogy of a garden, with the child being a garden under the care of an expert gardener, the teacher. In 1780, Robert Raikes of Scotland developed a system to teach the poor and disadvantaged how to read and study the Bible through a Sunday school. The children were available only on Sundays due to labor laws. Raikes fed, clothed, and educated countless young people in England in order to introduce them to Jesus Christ. This Sunday school movement quickly spread across Europe and to America. The deaf and the blind were also educated by Christians through newly created communications systems. Louis Braille (1809–1852) developed a system of six embossed dots with a unique combination for each letter of the alphabet. This education system enabled a blind person to read and communicate in order to learn about God and the Christian faith. Abbé Charles Michel de l’Epée, Thomas Gallaudet, and Laurent Clerc developed a process to educate the deaf in order to teach them about Jesus Christ. In 1775, l’Epée created a sign language for use in schools in Paris. In 1817, Gallaudet founded a deaf school in Hartford, Connecticut, and later established Gallaudet University in Washington, DC. In the 19th century, missionary efforts circled the globe with schools and Bible translations, beginning with creating written languages for many peoples. Christians increased literacy rates, helping countries to develop economically, politically, and educationally. Christian contributions helped stabilize entire regions with written communication options. References and Resources American Bible Society. n.d. “Mission: Literacy.” Accessed 18 February 2013. http://record.americanbible.org/content/usa/ mission-literacy.

Baurain, Bradley. 2007. “Christian Witness and Repect for Persons.” Journal of Language, Identity, and Education 6: 201–219. Czachesz, Istvan. 2010. “Rewriting and Textual Fluidity in Antiquity: Exploring the Socio-Cultural and Psychological Context of Earliest Christian Literacy.” In Myths, Martyrs, and Modernity: Studies in the History of Religions in Honour of Jan N. Bremmer, edited by Jan N. Bremmer, Jitse H. F. Dijkstra, J. E. A. Kroesen, and Y. Kuiper. 425–441. Boston: Brill. Dickerson, Lonna, and Dianne Dow. 1997. Handbook for Christian EFL Teachers: Christian Teacher-Preparation Programs, Overseas Teaching Opportunities, Instructional Materials, and Resources. Wheaton, IL: Emis/Billy Graham Center. Gamble, Harry. 1995. Books and Readers in the Early Church: A History of Early Christian Texts. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Hammond, Peter. 2004. “The Roots of Education.” Christian Action for Reformation and Revival Magazine 4. Accessed 19 February 2013. http://www.christianaction.org.za/articles _ca/2004-4-therootsofeducation.htm. Hill, Jonathan. 2005. What Has Christianity Ever Done for Us? How It Shaped the Modern World. Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press. Hurtado, Larry. 2006. The Earliest Christian Artifacts: Manuscripts and Christian Origins. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. Kennedy, James, and Jerry Newcomer. 1994. What If Jesus Had Never Been Born? Nashville, TN: Thomas Nelson. Laubach, Frank. 1943. The Silent Billion Speak. New York: Friendship Press. ———. 1964. How to Teach One and Win One for Christ. Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan. Lingenfelter, Judith, and Sherwood Lingenfelter. 2003. Teaching Cross Culturally: An Incarnational Model for Learning and Teaching. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic. Padak, Nancy, et al. 2000. Distinguished Educators on Reading: Contributions That Have Shaped Effective Literacy Instruction. Newark, DE: International Reading Association. Robert, Dana. 2009. Christian Mission: How Christianity Became a World Religion. Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell. Schmidt, Alvin. 2001. How Christianity Changed the World. Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan. Shepard-Wong, Mary, and Suresh Canagarajah, eds. 2009. Christian and Critical English Language Educators in Dialogue: Pedagogical and Ethical Dilemmas. New York: Routledge. Smith, David, and Barbara Carvill. 2000. The Gift of the Stranger: Faith, Hospitality, and Foreign Language Learning. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. Snow, Donald. 2001. English Teaching as Christian Mission: An Applied Theology. Scottdale, PA: Herald Press. ———. More Than a Native Speaker: An Introduction to Teaching English Abroad. rev. ed. Alexandria, VA: TESOL. Stevick, Earl. 1998. Working with Teaching Methods: What’s at Stake? Boston: Heinle & Heinle.

Literary Criticism

Tennant, Agnieszka. 2002. “The Ultimate Language Lesson.” Christianity Today 46 (13): 32. United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization. n.d. Effective Literacy Practice. Accessed 18 February 2013. http://www.unesco.org/uil/litbase/. Watkins, Morris. 1978. Literacy, Bible Reading, and Church Growth through the Ages. South Pasadena, CA: William Carey Library. Yount, Willam. 1999. Called to Teach: An Introduction to the Ministry of Teaching. Nashville, TN: B & H Academic.

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to the workings of the system itself. Contrary to many misunderstandings, Saussure’s assertion that signs are arbitrary does not imply that the sign is freely chosen. The relationship between the sign and its signified is arbitrary only in the sense that it is nonessential. In another system of language in some other universe, another speech sound might have been used; however, the referential quality of language means that one can always decipher the intended signified by examining the diachronic emergence and synchronic conditions of its use.

—Steve Yates

Literary Criticism For Christian education, the field of literary criticism, which developed in the 20th century, both disrupted traditional practices of analyzing the biblical texts as well as illuminated new possibilities for understanding the role of reader and writer in relation to language, meaning, and each other and their world. In its most concrete sense, literary criticism refers to the analysis of texts’ literary elements such as grammar, syntax, plot, setting, character, figurative language, and so forth. As an intellectual tradition, however, literary criticism refers to a field within literary studies that focuses on theories of language and literature. These theories often exposed the irony of defining expertise in interpretation, as the edifices of a text’s absolute meaning or an author’s intention were crumbling around the critic. This entry discusses three of the major movements in 20th-century literary criticism in relation to their foundational theorists: structuralism and Ferdinand de Saussure (1857–1913), semiology and Roland Barthes (1915–1980), and poststructuralism and Jacques Derrida (1930–2004). Structuralism Though literary criticism emerged as a field in the 1960s and gained popularity in biblical scholarship in the 1970s, literature departments readily trace literary criticism’s genealogy to Ferdinand de Saussure’s early 20th-century structural analysis of the referential quality of language, semiotics, or structural linguistics. Saussure divided language into the sound/word, or sign, and the thing to which the sound referred, or what it signified. The intended referent could always be determined in relation to the history of the system and the immediate, synchronic reality of the system at any given moment. The sign is therefore determined within the system of language in relation to its historical and collective use. The precise relationship between speech sounds and thought emerges diachronically in connection with an entire history of the system of language and synchronically in relation

Semiology Roland Barthes straddled the line between structuralism and poststructuralism by transitioning from the search for what a text means to beginning a journey into how a text means. Barthes analyzed the text as part of a system of meaning in which the reader uses symbolic systems beyond the writer’s control to produce meaning from the text. The text no longer possesses a singular meaning based on the author’s intention that can be excavated by skillful analysis of linguistic relationships. For Barthes, the text becomes part of a larger enterprise of producing multiple meanings, in which the reader plays a crucial role. In light of Barthes’s many contributions to the study of symbols, or semiology, his questioning of authorial intention and the role of the reader had lasting repercussions for Christian education. Poststructuralism/Deconstruction Despite the diversity of literary criticism, perhaps its most enduring legacy remains its status as a marker of postmodern subjectivity’s specter of doubt. Some of literary criticism’s major developments occurred in relation to transformations of theories of the subject. Liberation movements of the 1950s and 1960s had revealed the literal and figural veiling and erasure of entire peoples from history, society, and politics. Movements by marginalized persons to demand acknowledgment from and/or overturn the systems that had silenced them were reflected in literary critical theories that challenged the notion that a universal subject existed: a subject who wrote with intention and read with the powerful to discern and discover an other’s intended truth. An autonomous subject who created, discerned, and discovered with absolute certainty was a subject who lived in ignorance of its own isolation from others. It was amid continental philosophy’s post– World War II ethical turn and liberation movements of the 1960s that literary critics became less interested in mining a text for meaning and more invested in actively reading to challenge prevailing power structures by disrupting normative interpretations of a text. These techniques of reading, which would become known as deconstruction, challenged the notion of a

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singular truth or set of universal truth claims. Perhaps literary criticism’s most notable theorist, Jacques Derrida, a student of French philosopher Paul Ricoeur (see Phenomenology), left an indelible mark on literary theory and Christian thought. Derrida famously suggested that everything is text; everything is part of a continuous relational exchange and repetition and re-creation of meaning. The sign is infinitely repeatable, such that it differs from its historical use and yet defers to its infinite potential iterations at any given moment. In Derrida’s theory, there is no signified to which the sign refers with absolute certainty, only an endless chain of signifiers. Derrida’s deconstruction of the structuralist system of language meant the rejection of an absolute signified meaning of a text. To Christian proponents of Derrida’s disruptive readings, traditional readings of scripture were often the product of a singular narrative of biblical truth. Energized by the possibilities of Derrida’s literary theory, biblical critics began providing alternate interpretations of the biblical text that spoke earnestly to its jarring complexities and consternations. Though literary criticism is most often associated with a secular field of literary analysis, the development of techniques and methods, from structural linguistics to semiology to deconstruction, greatly impacted the ways biblical scholars, theologians, and clergy would come to understand themselves in relation to their sacred texts and to the goal of their vocations. Literary disruptions of prevailing power structures have galvanized readers and writers from marginalized populations to use their particular contexts to authorize new ways of knowing. References and Resources Alter, Robert, and Frank Kermode, eds. 1987. The Literary Guide to the Bible. Cambridge, MA : Belknap Press. Barthes, R., and H. Balzac. 1974. S/Z. Translated by Richard Miller. Preface by Richard Howard. New York: Hill and Wang. Groden, Michael, Martin Kreiswirth, et al., eds. 2005. The Johns Hopkins Guide to Literary Theory & Criticism. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press.

—Wesley Nan Barker

Literary Theory and Theology The contemporary significance of literature for Christianity has its roots in biblical interpretation. Philological methods of 15th- to 16th-century humanists inspired a generation of Christian reformers. Centuries later, developments in literary theory continue to shape the study of scripture; however, apart from its relation to biblical

scholarship, literature and religion as a field remains amorphous, consisting of a variety of competing and often contradictory methods and perspectives. Acknowledging the absence of clear disciplinary boundaries for defining religion and literature, this entry disambiguates literature and religion in relation to Christian education by tracing modern developments in literary theory and their methodological impacts on Christian thought. Literary theory refers to a broad field that examines literature in its most precise technical as well as abstract philosophical significance. Literary criticism applies the various methods of literary theory to specific texts. In the 19th century, it was characterized by its view of literature as a medium for expressing transcendent truths of human experience. The 20th century witnessed a shift in the search for meaning in a text. Rather than examining the content of a work, theorists began to mine texts for meaning by analyzing the structural elements of literature, such as grammar, syntax, and plot. By the 1940s, structuralism had developed in response to critiques that formalism decontextualized literary works. Structuralism considered elements of literature as representative of the larger structures of meaning in the world. After World War II, religion and literature emerged as an academic field for those who could not find a home in religious studies because of their literary interests or in literature departments because of their religious interests. In 1956, the Conference on Christianity and Literature was formed in response to demand among those with interests in Christianity. In addition, graduate programs in religion and literature emerged in the United States and Europe. In the 1960s, literary theory was following the democratic currents of social and political movements that challenged universal claims about justice and authority. Accordingly, literary theory underwent a shift from searching for meaning in a text to examining the production and reproduction of meaning itself. Poststructuralism emerged as an intellectual movement that disrupted truth claims by analyzing a society’s norms as part of interlocking discursive systems that manage and facilitate knowledge and its production. Michel Foucault (1926–1984) became synonymous with poststructuralism’s historical-contextual analysis of the production of knowledge. Foucault’s theoretical framework, by signaling the contingency of truth claims, continues to cultivate innovation among marginalized voices in Christian thought, theology, and ethics. “Particularizing theologies” have drawn on poststructuralist thought to resurrect the authority of narratives previously veiled by the production of prevailing truth claims. Like Michele Foucault, Jacques Derrida (1930–2004) indelibly impacted the landscape of literary studies, and

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through it literature and Christianity. Derrida’s notion of différance suggests that meaning is established through a complex differential system in which one term gains its uniqueness apart from the other terms, but also apart from the other instances in which that term has been used and will be repeated in the future. Derrida’s work inspired a mode of analysis known as deconstruction. In deconstruction, all life could be approached as text, continuously disrupting, producing, and reproducing meaning in relation to its other terms. By the 1980s, Christian theologians across the globe were increasingly engaged with developments in poststructuralism, as well as the innovations in literary theory at the intersections of linguistics, psychoanalysis, postcolonial theory, and feminist theory. A generation of thinkers and theologians, including Derrida’s former student Jean-Luc Marion, emerged to engage philosophical questions about language, the production of meaning, and the challenges postmodernity presented to the dogmatics of religious discourse. In the United States, mutual interest in the effects and applications of these theories for Christian theology contributed to an explosion of conferences, articles, and books on Christianity and postmodernity. In 1987, amid this flurry of intellectual activity, the Journal of Literature and Theology was founded. Despite a backlash against the highly theoretical and often impractical aspects of theory, interest in literature and Christianity as an interdisciplinary area of interest continues to grow and develop. Postmodern trends in literary theory facilitate the disruption of prevailing truth claims; however, if Christian education sees itself as part of an ongoing conversation about living faith in the world, then literature and the possibilities of literary analysis offer fresh perspectives for thinking about the world and what it means to know oneself in relation to that world as a person of faith. Literature and Christian Education Christian education is not only about spiritual development, but also about the moral, social, and intellectual development that extend from spiritual growth. In October 1965, Pope Paul VI proclaimed the gravissimum educationis, suggesting that the developments in science and technology, and the shifts of cultural, social, political, and economic movements globally, necessitated the most serious consideration of the role of Christian education in the late 20th century. Rather than increasingly alienating the church in ways that would segregate it from the world and its needs, Pope Paul VI’s document suggests that Christian education, while it should first and foremost educate the Christian in the “mystery of salvation,” should serve to develop men wholly, “to the mature measure of the fullness of Christ” (cf. Eph. 4:13). Christian

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education was to cultivate humanity in accordance with natural law or “natural powers” that would contribute to the greater good of society. By Pope Paul VI’s definition of Christian education, one can conceive the role of literature in Christian education in terms of the extent to which literature cultivates the social, moral, and intellectual development of the individual and Christian community as a spiritual whole. This entry focuses on the aesthetic dimensions of figurative language in reference to their engagement with the foundations of Christian theology and the extent to which such language cultivates conversations about Christian consciousness by expanding religious imagination. In contrast to expository theological writings that would have been more explicitly instructional, figurative language captures the imagination and lends itself to spiritual themes. Poetry’s facility with figurative language made it a particularly useful genre for exploring the heights of human desires and despairs. From Dante to Milton, poetry offered a highly aesthetic conduit for representing biblical themes. Dante’s early 14th-century Divine Comedy vividly combined the literary elements of classical poetry and Christian representations of hell, purgatory, and heaven to capture his ascent from secular to Christian virtue. Beyond representing Christian themes and theological ideas, poets have often used their aptitude with language to recast entire allegories of the biblical text and provide Christian moral instruction to society. The 16th-century English poet Edmund Spenser penned the The Faerie Queene, writing a love story that is also an allegory for the Reformation and the exploration of Christian virtue.76 In the 17th century, John Milton’s depiction of Adam and Eve in Paradise Lost provided a distinctly Puritan reading of the biblical narrative in a way that spoke to the spiritual concerns the author had regarding the social realities of his time. Rather than capturing the imagination and directing it to a particular purpose or instruction, some figurative language serves to set the imagination free by engendering multiple layers of meaning. Figurative language found favor in late 18th- to 19th-century romanticism, a varied philosophical and literary period that celebrated Christianity’s universal and moral truths as represented most resplendently in aesthetic form. While German high criticism’s historicization of a text prevailed in German theological circles, English poets like Samuel Taylor Coleridge (1772–1834) and William Wordsworth (1770–1850) exemplified romantic celebration of biblical aesthetics as an ideal union of the spiritual with the sublime. Romanticism marked a decidedly literary appre76. Roy Maynard, Fierce Wars and Faithful Loves: Edmund Spenser’s The Faerie Queene, Book I (Moscow, ID: Canon Press, 1999), 9–10.

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ciation of scripture that inspired poets and writers; however, tensions between higher criticism and romanticism ultimately led to a split between theology and the arts in the 19th century. Even as appreciation of the aesthetics of Christianity was at a height in literary circles, theologians and biblical scholars often associated that same literary emphasis with emotion and lack of precision that led humans to error.77 The 19th-century division between literature and Christianity as distinct fields did not alienate them entirely, though the relationship was contentious. The early 19th-century literary movement transcendentalism epitomized the tensions of the division. Writers like Emily Dickinson and Ralph Waldo Emerson wrote about spiritual heights of the individual cultivated apart from Christianity. European and American writers of mid- to late 19th-century realism used literature to play on the familiarity of Christian themes while using the harsh depictions of human existence to exercise incisive critique and eschew religious myths that veiled reality. Modernists in the 20th century focused less on the decay of society and more on the rise of individualism and alienation from society. Modern Christian writers relocated concepts of grace, liberation, and salvation in their world as part of remedying this condition. Irishborn writer C. S. Lewis (1898–1963) stands as one of the most well-known Christian writers of the 20th-century effort to reconnect the individual to the Christian community. Lewis enjoyed commercial success with his Chronicles of Narnia, among other works, but he was also a theologian who believed Christianity could heal many wounds of modernity. Lewis’s friend J. R. R. Tolkein was a philologist and science fiction writer who played upon Christian themes of sacrifice and redemption in his imaginative works The Lord of the Rings and The Hobbit. These writers advocated the value of Christianity within the context of a modern world ravaged by war and disconnected by individualism. Through literature, these writers were able to educate a broad audience on Christian virtues, playing on themes of the Christian tradition embedded in Western history to bring the crisis of modern life into relief. Today’s postmodern writers have challenged the notion of a transcendental Truth of values that can universally save us. Many of these writers of the last 50 years emphasize the uniqueness of the individual experience in an effort to problematize the grand narratives that have silenced narratives of marginalized persons. The works 77. Stephen Prickett, “Biblical and Literary Criticism: A History of Interaction,” in Literature and the Bible: A Reader, ed. David Jasper, Stephen Prickett, and Andrew Haas (Malden, MA: Blackwell, 1999), 36.

of other postmodern writers present Christian educators with an opportunity to rethink the role of Christian education as responsive to the demands of society and the needs of the individual. Literature—whether romantic or realist, modern or postmodern, Christian or secular—represents a finger on the pulse of humanity in its search for meaning. Christian education can either know itself in relation to that world through participation and creative engagement by scholars like C. S. Lewis, or in isolation from it, withdrawing from it, and rhetorically insisting with Tertullian that, after all, “What has Athens to do with Jerusalem?” References and Resources Eliot, T. S. 1975. “Religion and Literature.” In Selected Prose of T. S. Eliot, edited by F. Kermode, 97–108. London: Faber and Faber. Kort, Wesley A. 2009. “What, After All, Is ‘Religion and Literature’?” Religion and Literature 41 (2): 105–111. Maynard, Roy. 1999. Fierce Wars and Faithful Loves: Edmund Spenser’s “The Faerie Queene,” Book I. Moscow, ID: Canon Press. Prickett, Stephen. “Biblical and Literary Criticism: A History of Interaction.” Literature and the Bible: A Reader (1999). eds. David Jasper, Stephen Prickett, and Andrew Haas, 12–43. Malden, MA: Blackwell, 1999.

—Wesley Nan Barker

Lithuania and Christian Education Lithuanians accepted Christianity in 1387, later than most other European nations. The baptism of Lithuania occurred under King Jogaila. Following the king, his family and most of the court were also baptized. Some 77 percent of Lithuanians consider themselves to be Roman Catholics. Russian Orthodox and Old Believers are the second largest religious group. Many also belong to Lutheran and Reformed evangelical churches. There are Lithuanians whose professed faith is Judaism or Islam. Academic theology came to Lithuania together with the Jesuit Order. By their efforts Vilnius University was established in 1579, where today the Center of Religious Studies and Research is located. Catholic, Orthodox, and evangelical education is represented in the Faculty of Catholic Theology in Vytautas Magnus University, Telsiai Bishop Vincentas Borisevicius Priest Seminary, Vilnius St. Joseph’s Priest Seminary, Kaunas Priest Seminary, Vilnius University Center of Religious Studies and Research, LCC International University (former Lithuania Christian Fund College), and Vilnius Theological College. The Lithuanian government protects religious

Little, Sara Pamela

freedom through the constitution and other laws. Religious organizations have freedom to provide religious education if their teaching doesn’t contravene a law. —Ivanas Shkulis

Little, Sara Pamela Introduction Sara Pamela Little (1919–2009) was an American Presbyterian Christian educator whose work was primarily concerned with the relationship between theology and education, as well as Christian education practice. Little held numerous academic appointments throughout her life and wrote many works that remain influential in the field of Christian education. Early Life and Education Born in 1919 in Charlotte, North Carolina, Little earned an AB degree from Queens College in 1939 and taught English and mathematics there until 1942. She then earned an MRE degree from the Presbyterian School of Christian Education (PSCE) in Richmond, Virginia, in1944. For the next six years, she served as an assistant to the regional director for the Presbyterian Synod of North Carolina. In 1951, she received an invitation to teach at PSCE, a post she held until 1976. During that time, Little earned a PhD in religious education from Yale University, in 1958, and did postdoctoral research at Harvard University in 1965. From 1973 to 1989, Little taught at Union Theological Seminary (now Union Presbyterian Seminary) in Richmond. Little was prolific in her engagement with academic life. She held numerous distinguished lectureships in various colleges and seminaries across the globe, was an influential leader in the Religious Education Association throughout her career, and served on the editorial board of Religious Education. Little was also one of the few women in leadership in the Association of Theological Schools (ATS), and she viewed her experiences within that organization as abundantly fruitful in broadening her experience. From 1984 to 1989, Little directed the Lilly Endowment’s Youth Ministry and Theological Schools. In the 1990s, she taught at various institutions, including Columbia Theological Seminary and Presbyterian School of Christian Education, and for a time she held academic leadership at Pacific School of Religion. Little was also a longtime member of Grace Covenant Presbyterian Church in Richmond. She passed away in 2009. Contribution to Christian Education Little contributed in numerous ways to the scholarship and practice of Christian education. Throughout her life,

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she remained a committed teacher and lecturer, speaking in numerous conferences and churches across the world. She held academic appointments at several colleges and universities while advancing the scholarly study of Christian education. According to Laura Lewis, Little’s work in Christian education can be summarized in four major categories: (1) pedagogy that contributes to belief, (2) Christian education in dialogue with theology, (3) advocacy of youth ministry, and (4) leadership in theological education.78 Harold Burgess places Little’s contribution within the 20th-century mainline paradigm, which emphasizes a commitment to learning in community and educating people for citizenship and engagement with the world.79 A primary concern for Little was that theological understanding be the foundation of Christian education practice. She drew on the works of Karl Barth, Emil Brunner, and Paul Tillich, among others, in formulating her dialogical approach to Christian education. For Little, Christian education serves as a means of forming participants in the Christian community, and any practice that contributes to the development of Christian community is worthwhile. In The Role of the Bible in Contemporary Christian Education (1961), Little contends that the core of Christian curriculum was God’s revelation made known to the Christian community, whose responsibility it was then to respond in worship and commitment. For her, Christian education must not be relegated to either the realm of theological method or educational theory exclusively, but should be an integrative discipline. In Learning Together in the Christian Fellowship (1956), Little gives practical advice to practitioners in the church, emphasizing the role community plays in the Christian formation process. In Youth, World, and Church (1968), she seeks to empower the church’s youth for mission and service in the world. One of Little’s best-known works, To Set One’s Heart: Belief and Teaching in the Church (1983), explores various models of teaching in the church and how each impinges on the Christian formation process. Throughout these works, Little continuously wrestles with the relationships between theology and Christian education and how this dialogical relationship manifests itself in the educational ministry of the church. References and Resources Burgess, Harold William. 2001. Models of Religious Education: Theory and Practice in Historical and Contemporary Perspective. Nappanee, IN: Evangel Publishing House. 78. Laura B. Lewis, “Sara Little: Embracing the Call to Teach,” in Faith of Our Foremothers: Women Changing Religious Education (Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox, 1997), 127–131. 79. Harold Burgess, Models of Religious Education: Theory and Practice in Historical and Contemporary Practice (Nappanee, IN: Evangel Publishing House, 2001), 116.

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Lewis, Laura B. 1997. “Sara Little: Embracing the Call to Teach.” In Faith of Our Foremothers: Women Changing Religious Education, edited by Barbara Ann Keely, 121–135. Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press. Little, Sara P. 1956. Learning Together in the Christian Fellowship. Richmond, VA: John Knox Press. ———. 1961. The Role of the Bible in Contemporary Christian Education. Richmond, VA: John Knox Press. ———. 1968. Youth, World, and Church. Richmond: John Knox Press. ———. 1983. To Set One’s Heart: Belief and Teaching in the Church. Atlanta, GA: John Knox Press. Steibel, Sophia. n.d. “Sara P. Little.” Christian Educators of the 20th Century. Accessed 30 March 2013. http://www2.talbot .edu/ce20/educators/view.cfm?n=sara_little.

—Benjamin Espinoza

Liturgical Calendar, Development of The Rationale for a Liturgical Calendar Just as a national calendar marks significant events and persons in a nation’s history, and just as that calendar shapes its citizens with its annual reminders of their historical roots and heritage, so the Christian church’s liturgical calendar provides the means by which God’s people relive the biblical and Christian story each year as they are immersed in a sacred time zone and inhabit the story of God. As the national calendar annually cycles through commemorations of significant figures and events, so the liturgical calendar reminds us of those who have come before us and the events that have been milestones in the history of Christ’s church. Accompanying these significant days on both kinds of calendars are appropriate colors, songs, gestures, ceremonies, and apparel. In the creation story (Gen. 1), God did not set apart a place, but he did set apart a time—the Sabbath, its significance to be later accentuated by the fourth commandment. So from the beginning time is sanctified or claimed by God as his own. In the same way, the church calendar sets apart days on which we are summoned to remember occurrences and people in the past and anticipate events in the future. Early Development of the Liturgical Calendar The church’s calendar grew out of Jewish roots and was shaped as the church developed. By the end of the third century, there was in place a three-day celebration of Jesus’s death and resurrection at Passover time, a recognition of the gift of the Holy Spirit at Pentecost (50 days after Easter), and a celebration of the God’s manifestation to the world in Jesus Christ at Epiphany, to which was soon added the celebration of Jesus’s birth and baptism.

By the end of the fourth century, Christmas, Good Friday, and Ascension day (40 days after Easter) had become separate observances, along with additional days during Holy Week (including Palm Sunday and Maundy Thursday). Epiphany had also been expanded. Further Developments, and the Liturgical Calendar as We Have It Today Today the calendar is divided into two cycles—the “cycle of light” and the “cycle of life.” The former begins with the season of Advent (from the Latin adventus, meaning “coming”). It is a season of solemn preparation for the coming of Christ, reentering Israel’s waiting and staying alert for Christ’s second appearance. The first clear reference to the season in the West comes from the latter half of the sixth century. In the West it comprises the four Sundays before Christmas. (There is a longer period in the Eastern calendar.) The first Sunday of Advent marks the first day of the church year. Christmas was first celebrated on 25 December in Rome in the mid-fourth century. The church was accustomed to celebrating one’s death or baptism rather than one’s natural birth, hence the late date in adding the observance of Christmas. The East was slower to adopt this date, preferring to commemorate the baptism of Jesus on 6 January. The “cycle of life” begins with Ash Wednesday, calling people to remember their mortality and inviting them to enter into a time of repentance, prayer, and self-denial; a time of meditation on Christ’s life and death; and a time of self-giving to others. So begins the season of Lent (from the Anglo-Saxon word lencten, referring to the lengthening of days in the spring). Originally, this was a time to prepare new converts for baptism on Easter Eve, but it eventually became a time of reflection and selfexamination for all Christians. Though preparation for Easter began with only two or three days of fasting, there is evidence of a 40-day fast as early as the fourth century. As we have it today in the Western church calendar, the Lenten period that begins with Ash Wednesday and ends at noon on Holy Saturday (the Saturday before Easter Sunday) was established in the West sometime in the sixth or seventh century. Sundays are excluded because they are always “Little Easters”: feast days celebrating the Lord’s resurrection. Holy Week begins with Palm Sunday and ends with Easter, though it originated as a vigil that lasted from Saturday night until Easter dawn. Eventually the Triduum— the “Three Great Days”—developed, beginning a commemoration of the Last Supper on Maundy Thursday (from the Latin mandatum, referring to Jesus’s new commandment in John 13:34 that we love one another as He has loved us). Good Friday follows (“Good” evolving

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from the Old English good, meaning “of God”), observing Jesus’s death on the cross. The Vigil on Holy Saturday became the “mother of all vigils,” beginning in darkness and ending in light with the announcement of the resurrection; typically, the service included baptisms and the Eucharist. The week ends with Easter (the term stemming from the Anglo-Saxon spring goddess called Eastre, whose pagan festival the Christian festival replaced); in the early church this was associated with Passover, an association it often retains when referred to as Pascha or Pasch (Greek for “Passover”). Just as Christmastide extends through Epiphany, Eastertide extends to the celebration of Pentecost, observing Christ’s ascension (40 days after Easter) along the way. What is called “Ordinary Time” developed as the periods after Epiphany and Pentecost (the term “ordinary” stemming from “ordinal” numbers that count the Sundays). There have evolved many other feast days (such as Trinity Sunday and the Feast of the Annunciation), and the church has added to its calendar days on which certain saints are celebrated, just as people in the United States celebrate the life of Martin Luther King Jr. or presidents Washington and Lincoln. For example, these feast days include Andrew, Joseph, the Holy Innocents (who died in Bethlehem on the order of King Herod), and many others. Accompanying the seasons and special days during the church year are colors; with some variations, purple during Advent and Lent, white on Christmas and Easter, and green for the periods of spiritual growth during Ordinary Time. There are also various symbols and gestures involving the whole person. References and Resources Bradshaw, Paul F., and Maxwell E. Johnson. 2011. The Origins of Feasts, Fasts, and Seasons in Early Christianity. Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press. Chittister. Joan. 2009. The Liturgical Year: The Spiraling Adventure of the Spiritual Life. Nashville, TN: Thomas Nelson. Gross, Bobby. 2009. Living the Christian Year: Time to Inhabit the Story of God. Grand Rapids, MI: InterVarsity Press. Klein, Patricia S. 2007. Worship Without Words: The Signs and Symbols of our Faith, 2nd ed. Brewster, MA: Paraclete Press. Webber, Robert. 2004. Ancient-Future Time: Forming Spirituality through the Christian Year. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker.

—Dennis Okholm

Liturgy The liturgy of the church is the heartbeat of Christ’s people. The Triune God comes to His people through

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word and sacraments, and God’s people respond with prayers, praise, and thanksgivings. The word “liturgy” comes from two Greek words for “people” (laity) and “work” (energy) and is translated as “service” (Luke 1:23) or “worship” (Acts 13:2). Originally, liturgy referred to public activities of local citizens of the Roman Empire. Christians adopted the term to designate the formal corporate public activities of the community as gathered guests around word and sacraments. The ancient liturgical mass-form, although not rigidly set until the late medieval period, is structured around the two foci of word and sacrament. The first part of the service, called by various names over the centuries (Mass of the Catechumens, Ante-Communion, Service of the Word), grew out of the Jewish synagogue service (synaxis), which featured two or three readings. The Christian adaptation includes readings from the New Testament, along with Psalm responses and prayers. The second part of the service (referred to as the Mass of the Faithful, Communion, and Service of the Sacrament) was fairly standard as a service of thanksgiving (eucharist), beginning with a Preface dating back to the second century, which introduces the Sanctus (Isa. 6). Community prayers follow: either a longer Eucharistic prayer or the Canon of the Mass, or the Lord’s Prayer and consecration of the communion elements with the words of institution (1 Cor. 11). Bread and wine are distributed, followed by a postcommunion canticle (a biblical text set to music) and a prayer before the Benediction. Most Roman Catholic, Anglican, and Lutheran traditions follow this ancient mass-form. In Eastern Orthodox congregations, the service is more elaborate, with various songs and hymns and prayers, yet it retains this same basic shape. Participation in the liturgy provides theological training at the feet of the great masters of the faith. Texts, symbols, and actions operate in a hermeneutical circle that engages the participant in meaningful spiritual realities. Scriptural texts are recited along with prayers and hymns, which reflect the theological depth of the Christian community. The biblical understanding of the “priesthood of all believers” (1 Pet. 2) is actively experienced in the liturgy. Participation in liturgy also unites disparate groups—various ages, races, cognitive abilities, and social statuses—into a corporate community, the body of Christ. Table-fellowship is enacted in ways that are often quite distinct from most social contexts by an agreedupon criterion of participation, usually doctrinal. The focus is not on individuals, although each worshipper is important, but upon the God who graciously speaks and gives Himself for the life of the world. Children in worship find many opportunities to learn essential elements of the Christian faith merely by participating in the liturgy. The Apostles’ and Nicene Creeds

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and the Lord’s Prayer are said regularly in a liturgical setting, and small children soon recite them by memory. Other parts of the liturgy, including the prayers and canticles, become second nature to children brought up in a liturgical context. The 16th-century reformer Martin Luther emphasized the educational value of worship for the common folk and the young as he prepared his evangelical orders of service. Nonliturgical worshippers—that is, those groups that follow a camp-meeting style of songs and scriptures and prayers—benefit from considering the ancient forms of liturgy. The liturgy directs attention beyond parochial perspectives as it represents the greater church. Drawing on sources from over 2,000 years of Christian tradition, the liturgy extends the worshipper’s experience of Christianity as a global community. Finally, as a resource of long-standing relevance, the liturgy provides stability in an ever-changing social environment. Vatican II (1962–1965) emphasized participation of all the people in the liturgy, recapturing a biblical emphasis that had been criticized by 16th-century Protestant reformers. A recent four-part liturgy that reflects this ancient mass-form provides a structure for more contemporary or cultural expressions. This service begins with a Gathering, followed by the central feature, a focus on the Word—read and spoken and recited. Worshippers then participate in a sacramental Meal, which concludes with the Sending into the world for service and continued celebration. In recent years, even among nonliturgical groups a postmodern curiosity about the ancient rites has reintroduced intriguing worship expressions—silence, incense, and chant—to younger generations. These liturgical elements, which again focus on the Word, provide a greater depth and breadth for Christian training and nurturing in the faith. References and Resources Alberigo, Giuseppe, and Joseph A. Komonchak, eds. 1997. History of Vatican II. Vol. II, The Formation of the Council’s Identity First Period and Intersession October 1962–September 1963. Maryknoll, NY: Orbis, 1997. Chupango, Anscar J. 2002. Liturgies of the Future. Mahwah, NJ: Paulist Press. Jones, Cheslyn, Edward Yarnold, Geoffrey Wainright, and Paul Bradshaw, eds. 1992. The Study of Liturgy. New York: Oxford University Press. Maschke, Timothy. 2009. Gathered Guests. St. Louis, MO: Concordia. Pivarnik, R. Gabriel. 2013. Toward a Trinitarian Theology of Liturgical Participation. Collegeville, MN: Liturgical Press. Senn, Frank. 1997. Christian Liturgy. Minneapolis, MN: Fortress Press.

Webber, Robert. 2008. Ancient-Future Worship. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker.

—Timothy H. Maschke

Liturgy of the Hours The Liturgy of the Hours, also called the Divine Hours or the Divine Office, is the historical Christian practice of fixed times throughout the day for prayer. Scholars see possible connections between the Divine Hours and the Jewish observation of morning and evening sacrifices and the possible practice of daily prayers such as those found in Daniel 6.80 By the middle of the third century, Christian leaders such as Clement, Origen, Tertullian, and Cyprian made references to the importance of intervals of prayer throughout the day. They based this practice on biblical passages such as Daniel 6, the Markan references to the hours of the events that took place on the day of Christ’s crucifixion, and the Pauline exhortations to pray without ceasing.81 In the Apostolic Tradition (c. 215), attributed to Hippolytus, believers were exhorted to pray as soon as they rose from their beds and, if possible, to participate in this with the local church. This prayer time became known as matins or lauds. Believers were to further pray at the third, sixth, and ninth hours of the day (the “little hours”); in the evening (vespers); when they went to bed; at midnight; and once again as the cock crowed.82 These time frames roughly represent what was to become the long-standing Christian tradition of the liturgical horarium. The theological basis for these practices seemed to stem from an emphasis in the early church wherein all of life is meant to be an act of worship before Christ. By the middle of the fourth century, the morning and evening prayer were often established as formal church services. While practices varied widely from one congregation to the next, they often involved incense, chants, hymns, reading from the Psalms, and prayers of intercession.83 The Liturgy of the Hours also provided the major organizational structure of communal life for the monastic orders from the earliest days of their existence. Texts such as the Rule of the Master and the Rule of St. Benedict outlined rigorous directions for the ordering of daily reading of scripture and prayer, with the goal of aiding the members to live in full obedience and devotion to Christ on 80. Robert Taft, The Liturgy of the Hours in the East and West: The Origins of the Divine Office and Its Meaning for Today (Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press, 1993), 3. 81. Ibid., 13–21. 82. Ibid., 21–27. 83. Ibid., 23–28.

Lloyd-Jones, D. M.

a communal level. The Rule of St. Benedict emerged as one form of Divine Hours and was adopted throughout Latin-speaking Europe at the behest of Pope Gregory in the seventh century. It is considered to have been one of the most influential forces in medieval Christian faith and society until the 12th century.84 Cultural shifts in the 13th century brought about a slow demise of corporate daily celebration of the liturgy. By the 13th century, the longer versions were being reduced to shortened versions called “breviaries,” with the emphasis increasingly on private, individual prayer as opposed to the time-consuming demands of communal daily practice.85 The Protestant Reformation brought radical change to the Divine Office. Reformers reduced the length, eliminated the legends of the saints, and translated it into the vernacular so that it would be accessible to all. Martin Luther transformed matins and vespers into daily services for preaching the Word. Thomas Cranmer, archbishop of the Anglican Church at the time of the English Reformation in the 16th century, modified the traditional liturgy by reducing it to the Book of Common Prayer and keeping the morning and evening prayer. The Anglican communion is the only one to continue to actively celebrate these as daily services, as can be experienced in St. Paul’s or Canterbury Cathedral.86 References and Resources Knowles, David. 1963. The Monastic Order in England. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Taft, Robert. 1993. The Liturgy of the Hours in East and West. Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press.

—Jennifer Jagerson

Lloyd-Jones, D. M. D. M. (David Martyn) Lloyd-Jones was born 20 December 1899, in Donald Street, Cardiff, South Wales, and was reared in the small town of Llangeitho, Ceredigion (now Dyfed). He was the middle child of three sons born to Henry and Magdalene (“Maggie”) Lloyd-Jones. Henry Lloyd-Jones was a nominal Congregationalist, then later a Calvinistic Methodist; his political persuasion was liberal. Magdalene Lloyd-Jones was reared in the Church of England; her political persuasion was Tory. The family home caught fire in January 1910 while Lloyd-Jones and his brothers were sleeping; the family lost nearly everything they owned, and they never regained financial stability. Lloyd-Jones was determined to be successful and 84. David Knowles, The Monastic Order in England (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1963), 3–7. 85. Taft, Liturgy of the Hours in the East and West, 309–310. 86. Ibid., 319–326.

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thus studied medicine at London University. He became a distinguished physician (1921–1927), working alongside Sir Thomas Horder, and even became a member of the Royal College of Physicians. By 1925, he began questioning his life’s calling. With a combined awareness of the futility of a life without God (which, by his own confession, was evident among his wealthy patients) and the grace of God in saving him from his own sin and worthlessness, Lloyd-Jones was overwhelmed by a sense of God’s calling him to preach. He forsook the field of medicine to become a minister, and thus returned to Wales in 1927, having married Bethan Phillips (a physician), with whom he later had two daughters (Elizabeth and Ann). Lloyd-Jones became the minister of a small Presbyterian church in Aberavon (Sandfields), South Wales, and ministered there for a decade (eventually resigning from mental and physical exhaustion). In 1939, Lloyd-Jones returned to London to serve as associate pastor of Westminster Chapel, laboring alongside G. Campbell Morgan; also in that year he became president of the Inter-Varsity Fellowship of Students, which is now known as the Universities and Colleges Christian Fellowship. In 1943, when Morgan retired from Westminster Chapel, Lloyd-Jones became the sole pastor. He ministered at Westminster Chapel until 1968, when ill health forced him to retire. D. M. Lloyd-Jones is regarded as one of the 20th centurt’s most gifted preachers and writers. He was particularly influential among British evangelicals. From 1969 to 1981, he continued to preach and teach in various pulpits in both Great Britain and North America. For instance, in the spring of 1969 he gave a series of lectures at Westminster Seminary in Philadelphia, which were published as Preaching and Preachers (1971). His legacy continues to influence the lives of many worldwide by means of his books and commentaries, such as his eight-volume Exposition of Ephesians (1978), the monumental 14-volume Exposition of Romans (derived from sermons delivered between 1955 and 1968 at Westminster Chapel), and the 2-volume Studies in the Sermon on the Mount (1959, 1960). The definitive biography of him is the two-volume David Martyn Lloyd-Jones (1982, 1990) by Iain H. Murray. LloydJones preached his last sermon on 8 June 1980 at the opening of Barcombe Baptist Chapel, and died in his sleep (after several months of suffering in Charing Cross Hospital) on 1 March 1981 at Ealing. He was buried on 6 March 1981 at Bethel Calvinistic Methodist Chapel in Newscastle Emlyn, Dyfed. A thanksgiving service was held in his honor at Westminster Chapel on 6 April 1981. References and Resources Atherstone, Andrew, and David Ceri Jones, eds. 2011. Engaging with Martyn Lloyd-Jones. Nottingham, UK: Apollos.

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Catherwood, Christopher, ed. 1986. Martyn Lloyd-Jones: Chosen of God. Wheaton, IL: Crossway. Decker, Robert D. 1991. “The Preaching Style of David Martyn Lloyd Jones.” Protestant Reformed Theological Journal 24 (April): 25–33. Murray, Iain H. 1982–1990. David Martyn Lloyd Jones. 2 vols. Edinburgh: Banner of Truth. Peters, John. 1986. Martyn Lloyd-Jones: Preacher. Exeter, UK: Paternoster. Sargent, Tony. 1994. The Sacred Anointing: The Preaching of Dr. Martyn Lloyd-Jones. Wheaton, IL: Crossway. Smith, Argile Asa. 1984. “David Martyn Lloyd-Jones: A Critical Condition of His Preaching.” ThD thesis, New Orleans Baptist Theological Seminary.

—Ron J. Bigalke

Local Church Although the English word “church” is opulent in meaning, and used quite commonly and extensively, its biblical meaning is often misunderstood. The term has been used in reference to a building (whether a cathedral or storefront), corporation with tax-exempt status, denomination, national or state church, people who meet together corporately in obedience to biblical commands, religion generally (e.g., as in separation of church and state), and the universal body of Christ. Theologically, only one church exists as regards the body of Christ universally (1 Cor. 12:12–27; Eph. 4:4–6), because Christians are currently fellow citizens and saints of the household of God. The church is not the consequence of human organization; rather, it is built upon the foundation of the apostles and prophets. Furthermore, the church is God’s workmanship (Eph. 2:10), created in accordance with His eternal purpose in Christ (1:4) so God may demonstrate the exceeding riches of His grace (2:7). The church is invisible only as regards those of the body who are already present with the Lord. The local gathering of believers in the service of Christ is as a part of the universal church. It is essential to understand the universal and localized elements for a complete understanding of the New Testament doctrine of the church. Accordingly, the plural, “churches” is used in the New Testament as a description of multiple assemblies in a city or territory. Those who are Christians by grace through faith in Christ alone are expected to be members of both the universal and local church. The church includes all, and only, those who have been regenerated (born again). The new birth by the Holy Spirit results in faith and repentance in the completed redemptive work of Christ and union with Christ and with fellow believers (Acts 2:47, 20:28). Members are placed into the body of Christ through the baptism of the Holy Spirit (1 Cor. 12:13). Unity of believers in a local church (commu-

nity) is only a part, not all, of the universal church. The local church is a voluntary assembly of Christians and is the sphere in which the Holy Spirit manifests His gifting and edifying, which makes Christ known to a lost world. The local church should be a microcosm of the unity and purity that is the reality of the universal church. The universal church is instructed to evangelize/disciple, serve, teach, and worship, but the expression of this instruction is fulfilled by the local assembly through the empowering of the Holy Spirit. The ordinances of baptism and the Lord’s Supper are not the exclusive privilege of the local church, but are universal expressions of the believer’s identity with and remembrance of Jesus Christ (Acts 2:41, 8:36–38, 18:8; 1 Cor. 11:23–26). The church is the regenerate of this age, both in heaven and on earth, who have been redeemed by grace through faith in the finished work of Christ and are united with Him and each other by the baptizing work of the Holy Spirit, and who assemble voluntarily in any local community for the express purpose of edification, making disciples, worship, and administration of the ordinances. The church has a holy calling, as evident from an understanding of the foundation and origin of the church. References and Resources Clowney, Edmund P. 1995. The Church. Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press. Saucy, Robert L. 1972. The Church in God’s Program. Chicago: Moody.

—Ron J. Bigalke

Loder, James Early Formative Life James Edwin Loder Jr. was born in Lincoln, Nebraska, on 5 December 1931. His father, Edwin Loder, was the principal of Loder’s elementary school, and he strongly steered the young boy down a path of intellectual pursuits. His mother, Frances Loder, was known as a gifted orator with great dramatic and artistic talent. She would frequently recite poetry to her children. Though both parents provided their children with a rich education, neither was deeply committed to the Christian faith tradition until a later time. Educational Background Loder was educated at Carleton College, where he received his BA in 1953. He earned a divinity degree from Princeton Seminary in 1957 and a master of theology degree from Harvard University Divinity School in 1958. During 1958–1962, Loder served as a research assistant under B. D. Hofmann, director of Harvard University’s Project on Religion and Mental Health, and earned a

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ThM from Harvard Divinity School in 1958 and a PhD in the history and philosophy of religion from Harvard University, Graduate School of Arts and Sciences in 1962. Loder then joined the faculty of Princeton Theological Seminary in 1962 as an instructor, and was appointed assistant professor in 1965, associate professor in 1967, and professor in 1979. D. Campbell Wyckoff and Freda Gardner had supported and guided the brilliant emerging scholar into their department as a colleague during this maturation period. In 1982, he was named to the Mary D. Synnott Chair of the Philosophy of Christian Education. Significant Contributions to Christian Education Perhaps one of the most significant contributions that Loder has made to Christian education centers on unlocking the nature of convictional epistemology in seeking to demonstrate how such convicted imagination creates models of disclosure with the tremendously generative power to make life intelligible. Through The Transforming Moment and The Knight’s Move, Loder sought to provide a foundation for practical theology and science based on a relational model of Christ’s transformative Spirit and human spirit. Loder’s description of the epistemological efficacy of the Holy Spirit in human transformation provided Christian educators with a substantive alternative to the normative structures proposed by James Fowler’s faith development paradigm. A pivotal incident had become the catalyst for Loder to radically redefine his understanding and practice of Christian faith as a willing participant in the “logic of the Spirit.” He and his wife were traveling on the New York Thruway toward Albany when he stopped to help two ladies by the side of the road change a flat tire. As Loder crouched, trying to secure a place underneath the car, the driver of a passing truck fell asleep and rammed into the car. The impact of the crash dragged him through the asphalt, cutting his right thumb and almost crushing him to death. While witnessing this horrendous accident, Loder’s diminutive wife Arlene prayed and then lifted the car up in order to break her injured husband free. Alive yet severely injured, Loder lay on the ground and confronted a terrible Void, which ushered him into a profound negation of all he had lived for up to that time. He found himself more fully aware of the amazing Grace of the One who has the full authorship of life and the sustaining guarantee for life.

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of God is to usher the learner into the full power of the Void in order to surrender its futile efforts to provide meaning for its existence. 2. The Knight’s Move: The Relational Logic of the Spirit in Theology and Science, coauthored with W. J. Neidhardt (1992): Integrating the work of numerous scientists and theologians, the authors developed “the strange loop model,” a generic, asymmetrical version of complementarity that can enrich the theology and science dialogue. 3. The Logic of the Spirit: Human Development in Theological Perspective (1998): Presenting a profound and insightful interpretation of the human spirit and its impact on human development, Loder demonstrates how a theological perspective enlarges our understanding of how humans grow and develop from birth throughout the life span. In investigating the intimate relationship between human nature and the divine, Loder acknowledges that psychological stage theories enable us to understand the logic of humans’ evolving relationship with the world and with God. After serving as a professor of Christian education at Princeton Seminary for almost 40 years and earning a reputation as a world-renowned scholar in his field, Loder died suddenly in Trenton, New Jersey, on 9 November 2001, at the age of 69. He is remembered by his students and colleagues as a Christian scholar who wanted to bring the rich resources of the Christian faith into a healing and transforming relationship with the brokenness of human lives, the fragmentation of society, and the deepening depersonalization implicit in modern culture. References and Resources Loder, James E. 1966. Religious Pathology and Christian Faith. Philadelphia: Westminster Press. ———. 1982. The Transforming Moment: Understanding Convictional Experiences. Colorado Springs, CO: Helmers & Howard. ———. 1998. The Logic of the Spirit: Human Development in Theological Perspective. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Loder, James E., and Jim Neidhardt. 1992. The Knight’s Move: The Relational Logic of the Spirit in Theology and Science. Colorado Springs, CO: Helmers & Howard.

—Timothy D. Son Most Notable Publications 1. The Transforming Moment: Understanding Convictional Experiences (1982): As a framework of human experience, Loder provides a four-dimensional reality of human development—the self, the world, the void, and the Holy—arguing that even though the normal ego’s defensive tendency is to ignore the Void and the Holy, the role of the Spirit

Logos System Associates The Logos System evolved over more than two decades of testing and experimentation by many different congregations. Originally called Youth Club, the program’s name was changed to The Logos Systems Associates in

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1986 and changed again in 2012 to GenOn Ministries. It celebrated its 50th year of ministry in 2013. The original Youth Club was successfully introduced at the Beulah Presbyterian Church in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, in the late 1950s and early 1960s; an initial membership of 65 soon grew to over 600 children and young people attending on a weekly basis. In 1962, Dr. Dale K. Milligan, pastor of the Beulah Presbyterian Church, partnered with other interested pastors and laypeople to expand the program to other church congregations and establish Youth Club Program, Inc. This nonprofit corporation developed curriculum materials, local church leadership training, and support resources for churches of all denominations. The organization began by serving a few churches in Western Pennsylvania and Ohio and currently trains and resources several thousand churches in all parts of the United States as well as overseas. The headquarters, near Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, oversees curriculum production and distribution, coordinates training events and the website, and conducts two annual Logos Program Youth Summits for teens: Youth Summit West in Estes Park, Colorado, and Youth Summit East in Scranton, Pennsylvania. The weekly Logos Program is touted as enabling young people to engage in all the benefits of summer camp experience on a weekly basis throughout the school year. It is a disciplined and structured program in four parts, based on the practices of the early church in the book of Acts: teaching (through Bible study), worship (through youth choir and worship training), fellowship (through recreation, crafts, and affinity groups), and the breaking of bread together (through a family-style dinner hour). Through these four equal parts, children and youth grow in Christian fellowship, in faith and biblical knowledge, and in service to the church. The program is designed to run for 30 weeks during the school year. Curriculum is created for a full range of grades from first through twelfth. There are three keys to the success of this program. The first key is parent and family involvement, meaning that parents are required to participate actively in the program. Parental involvement, as well as the interest Logos/GenOn generates throughout the congregation, creates renewal and spiritual growth for all ages and generations in the congregation. The second key is pastoral involvement. The senior pastor and all other church professionals are encouraged to assume an effective teaching role, minister to young people, and develop closer personal relationships with the children and youth. The third key is a self-financing program combined with church renewal. The program is essentially self-supporting and tends to increase overall understanding of stewardship due to the emphasis on every dimension of

the church’s life being positively affected by The Logos/ GenOn Program, specifically the church’s tasks of worship, stewardship, and evangelism.87 The seven core values shaping the Logos/GenOn approach to ministry are to affirm a saving relationship with God through Jesus Christ as more important than anything else in life; to seek to live with God as the center and focus of everything we do, following the Bible as our guide and standard; to develop and deepen Christian relationships that nurture people into lifelong faith and discipleship; to recognize that partnering with the Body of Christ, the church, is essential in Christian nurture; to advocate the study and practice of the early church (Acts 2:42–47)—teaching, fellowship, breaking bread, and worship; to strive to be accountable as stewards of the gifts God has entrusted us with—time, talent and treasure, including gifts for ministry given by God to individuals and congregations; and to equip adults to do ministry by providing training, resource materials, and ongoing relational support. While placing a heavy emphasis on intergenerational nurturing experiences and cross-generational sharing of faith journeys, the Logos/GenOn goal has been to create space for lifelong disciples and reduce the loss of young people from organized church. This cross-generational approach is designed to bring energy and vitality to the whole of the local congregations; churches that embrace this ministry are often referred to as Logos churches rather than as churches with a Logos/GenOn program. —Trevecca Okholm

London School of Theology In 1939, discussions by a group of ministers, missionaries and business people began about starting an interdenominational “Bible training institute” in London. John Laing, a leading builder who supported many evangelical causes, offered a site in London for what became London Bible College (LBC). Laing would give enormous financial support to LBC. The college was established in 1944 and grew after World War II, when there was much talk of postwar reconstruction. The first full-time students, in 1946, were almost all of reasonably mature age. In autumn 1948 there were 100 full-time students at LBC, a figure maintained over the next decade. Ernest Kevan, a Baptist minister in London, was appointed as the first full-time principal in 1946. Kevan gathered an able group of teachers around him. One early student, Donald Guthrie, was a member of the staff for over three decades and became an eminent New 87. http://www.genonministries.org

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Testament scholar of international repute. H. Dermot McDonald, another early and long-term staff member, was also a prolific writer and sought to show that evangelicals could engage intelligently with prevailing theological thinking. Harold Rowdon taught church history to generations of students. H. L. Ellison was a stimulating full-time Old Testament lecturer. The teaching staff started preparing students for the London University BD. In 1958, LBC moved to new premises in Marylebone Road, London. In this period the college took on an international as well as interdenominational character. At least one-third of the leaving students each year went overseas. A slightly smaller proportion of students came from overseas to LBC. In 1963, of former full-time students, 150 were in pastoral ministry, 180 were in mission overseas, 73 were schoolteachers, and 23 were lecturers in theological colleges. Many more had undertaken shorter courses by correspondence or through evening classes. The second principal of LBC was Gilbert Kirby, who encouraged many younger evangelical leaders. Kirby moved from the general secretaryship of the Evangelical Alliance to LBC’s principalship in 1966. LBC grew and changed during the 1970s. Full-time student numbers reached 230, making it by far the largest Bible college in Britain. Gilbert Kirby was enthusiastic about LBC’s global impact. Among leading non-Western figures trained at LBC were Byang Kato, first African general secretary of the Association of Evangelicals of Africa and Madagascar; Kwame Bediako, a Ghanaian Presbyterian; and Ken Gnanakan, a Methodist from India. Bediako and Gnanakan became leading evangelical theologians and founders of theological centers. Under Kirby’s leadership, LBC moved to a larger site, in Northwood, northwest London. Student numbers, including correspondence course and evening class students, continued to grow. In one year, 840 new correspondence students were enrolled. Kirby appointed new staff, including two future principals, Derek Tidball and Peter Cotterell. Tidball became director of studies. Cotterell’s field was mission. Mary Evans, who had a background in education, graduated from LBC and became Old Testament lecturer. LBC was known for producing scholars, but some scholarly work by LBC staff could be controversial. For example, in a commentary on Jonah (1976), Leslie Allen suggested that there might well be “a historical nucleus” behind Jonah, but that its form was parable. This caused considerable consternation in some quarters. Following the retirement of Kirby, Michael Griffiths became LBC’s third principal, in 1980. Griffiths had been general director of the Overseas Missionary Fellowship since 1969. In 1981, he was delighted that LBC was able to appoint R. T. France, an Anglican scholar

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who was at Tyndale House, Cambridge, a center of evangelical biblical research. Dick France was a highly effective writer and lecturer. Max Turner became secretary of the Tyndale Fellowship New Testament Study Group in 1981 and also a full-time lecturer in New Testament at LBC. Another leading staff member, in the area of theology, was Tony Lane. Peter Cotterell followed Griffiths as principal from 1995 to 2007. Cotterell’s gifts contributed to significant growth in the full-time student body, to well over 300, a rate of growth not seen since the 1950s. The number of research students became significant. Derek Tidball was principal from 1995 to 2008. Since then the college has not had a long-term leader. Tidball was a significant Baptist denominational figure and published books in the biblical, theological, and pastoral areas. He was committed to holistic training to produce people equipped for ministry and mission, and he led a team that included staff such as Turner and Lane, highly respected figures in the world of scholarship. The college was renamed London School of Theology in 2004. Over nearly seven decades, LST’s influence as a British and an international center of evangelical theological education has been unique. References and Resources Randall, I. M. 2000. Educating Evangelicalism: The Origins, Development and Impact of London Bible College. Carlisle, UK: Paternoster.

—Ian Randall

Lonergan, Bernard Early Background and Education Bernard Lonergan, priest, philosopher, theologian, and economist, was born 17 December 1904 in Buckingham, Quebec, Canada. His education in Jesuit schools began in 1918 at Loyola College in Montreal, a boarding school. In 1922, he entered The Society of Jesus (Jesuits) and for the next five years studied mathematics, philosophy, and languages at Heythrop College and the University of London, England. He then completed four years of theological studies, required by the Jesuits, followed by two additional years of doctoral studies in theology at the Gregorian University, Rome. He taught at Jesuit seminaries in Canada, at Harvard University, the Gregorian University, Regis College in Toronto, and Boston College. Significant Contributions to Christian Education While Lonergan’s intellectual influences and interests were varied, it was his study of the medieval philosopher and theologian Thomas Aquinas and his dissertation on

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grace in the thought of Aquinas that profoundly shaped the course of his academic life. Influenced by the work of Aquinas and his dissatisfaction with Catholic education in general, Lonergan recognized the need to update Catholic thinking by bridging modern empirical culture with Catholic philosophy and theology. He did this by transforming the notion of “method.” In his groundbreaking book Insight: A Study of Human Understanding (1959), Lonergan explores the concrete and ongoing style of method that he identifies as the basic, invariant, dynamic pattern of conscious and intentional operations in human “subjects” themselves. He invites readers to engage in reflective awareness of the structured methodical processes of their own consciousness (self-appropriation), and with that to gain insight into the universally relevant operation and pattern of every scientific, humanist, and religious method (i.e., generalized empirical method). Lonergan calls the pattern of recurrent and related operations that yield cumulative and progressive results “levels of consciousness.” The authenticity of this “transcendental method” is measured against the transcendental imperatives that correlate with each of the “levels” of consciousness. These are “be attentive, be intelligent, be reasonable and be responsible.” It is our radical drive for self-transcendence, embodied in questions of meaning and value, that moves us through the various levels. For Lonergan, we are method. It structures our entire knowing and creative processes and is identical with our deepest and spontaneous desires to know and to respond to and create value. We do not arrive at truth by merely “taking a good look” or by deduction from premises. The notion of truth (and value) unfolds in the dynamic context of living. Throughout his academic career, Lonergan continued to advance and apply his method in diverse fields. In his later writings, he identifies a double movement through the multileveled structure of consciousness: we can move from lower levels to higher levels of consciousness “from below upward,” and we can move in the other direction in a second movement “from above downward.” In his last major book, Method in Theology, he develops his understanding of generalized empirical method (he also explores a fifth level of beingin-love) and applies his intentionality analysis to religion, culture, and Christian faith to demonstrate how it is possible to maintain fidelity to religious traditions while also respecting modern culture. He lays out the criteria to guide the task of mediating religion to contemporary culture and identifies conversion—intellectual, moral, and religious—as key to using the resources of method to the fullest extent in authentic living. From its beginnings, the Christian community has recognized its educational responsibility to inform and

form people in Christian living and move them toward personal transformation and that of the church and the world. These tasks are essential to the vitality of the Christian community and its relevance in particular historical and cultural contexts. Christian educators today face many challenges as they attempt to make Christian faith meaningful in an increasingly pluralistic and global world that often discredits the value of Christianity. Since Insight, Lonergan’s work has attracted widespread interest among scholars in many fields, including Christian education. While Lonergan does not write explicitly about Christian education, he did offer a foundational philosophy of education in a 1959 workshop, “Institute on the Philosophy of Education.” Here Lonergan employs many of the themes of Insight to suggest the educational foundations of the subject that ground all fields of study and provide the goal of all educational projects. He is clear that academic success and personal development cannot be separated. As Christian educators working in a variety of contexts have faced the exigencies of contemporary living, they have found Lonergan’s work to be a valuable resource. In recent years, both academics and practitioners in Christian education have examined and interrelated aspects of Lonergan’s thought from a Christian education interest and have found that his insights provide a framework or map for relevant educational theory and pedagogical praxis that promotes people as subjects of Christian faith and identity committed to collaboratively exercising a healing and creative praxis in an increasingly pluralistic Christian church, world, and history. The elements most often explored and utilized by Christian educators include Lonergan’s cognitive theory, his view of the human person as subject, and his emphasis on the role of questioning in the process of learning. Developments in Lonergan’s post-Insight work have also been employed, including his description and distinction of Christian faith and belief; articulation of Christian authenticity; theory and praxis of intellectual, moral, and religious conversion that transforms subjects and their world; and insight into the dialectical character of Christian development. Most Notable Publications Lonergan, Bernard. 1959. “Lectures on the Philosophy of Education.” Lectures presented at Xavier College, Cincinnati, OH. ———. 1972. Method in Theology. London: Herder and Herder. ———. 1978. Insight: A Study of Human Understanding. San Francisco: Harper & Row. ———. 2005. Collected Works of Bernard Lonergan. Vol. 10, Topics in Education. Frederick Crowe and Robert Doran, general eds. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.

—Cate Siejk

Lordship Salvation

Lordship Salvation “Lordship salvation” is the prevalent term for a current controversy that seems to have begun in the late 1950s and early 1960s. Everett F. Harrison (a Presbyterian professor at Fuller Theological Seminary) and John R. W. Stott (an Anglican theologian) first debated the issue in the September 1959 issue of Eternity magazine. Three positions have since been defended: pro-Lordship, non-Lordship, and anti-Lordship. The connotations of “Lordship salvation” create much confusion, and the term is a source of discomfort for those who have engaged in the debate. Those who affirm a pro-Lordship view believe faith and obedience are the result of God’s effective (efficacious) grace; this view would be better understood as the “effective-grace” position. Pro-Lordship advocates argue that faith alone justifies, but not the faith which is alone (sola fides iustificat, sed non fides quae est sola). The kind (or quality) of faith that is the means of justification results in obedience, since the existence of spiritual life (regeneration) is assumed. Charles C. Ryrie defended the non-Lordship position (“non-effective-grace”) in a chapter of his book Balancing the Christian Life (1969), which compared the proLordship position to the Galatian legalism (Gal. 1:6–9). Non-Lordship advocates argue that obedience should be a consequence of justification and is essential for perseverance in complete discipleship. A necessary corollary of the non-Lordship position is the belief that a true Christian can remain in a state of carnality (sin). In defense of the pro-Lordship view, John F. MacArthur responded with his work The Gospel According to Jesus (1988), to which Ryrie responded in 1989 with So Great Salvation. In defense of the anti-Lordship view (“Free Grace”), Zane Hodges entered the debate the same year. MacArthur responded a second time in 1993 (and also provided clarifications). Numerous other advocates of the three positions have since responded. The “Free Grace” movement best represents the terminology desired of those affirming anti-Lordship. Anti-Lordship advocates affirm the possibility of being a Christian, yet such an individual by his or her works may deny Jesus Christ (cf. Titus 1:16). According to the non-Lordship and anti-Lordship positions, all humanity can be categorized within one of three descriptions. According to 1 Corinthians 2:14, the first category is the “natural” man. The second category is the “carnal” man (cf. 1 Cor. 3:1). The third category is the “spiritual” man (1 Cor. 2:15). The most literal translation of the Greek word sarkinois (sometimes translated as “carnal”) is “men of flesh” (NASB). Although certain terminology that is very prevalent in common Christian

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vocabulary may be difficult to change, it is nevertheless beneficial with regard to 1 Corinthians 3:1, since sarkinois is slightly different from the two words—sarkikoi— translated “carnal” in 3:3. The difference is subtle, but significant nevertheless. “Men of flesh” could be translated more precisely as “mere human” or “worldling,” which the Corinthians in a sense indeed were as a consequence of their humanity, but in another sense due more to the presence of the Holy Spirit in their lives. “Men of flesh” indicates human limitations without the Holy Spirit. The point of the text is that to be a “mere human” or “worldling” is not exactly the same as being “carnal,” because this latter form of the word implies sin due to the believer’s lack of spiritual growth. Therefore, it may not be justifiable to state that Paul intended to regard all “infants in Christ” as worldly. They were weak like “worldings,” but they were growing spiritually nevertheless. If “infants in Christ” are called “carnal,” the implication is that “carnality” or “worldliness” is a normal category for some Christians, and such language allows the possibility for creating a classification of Christians who are never expected to grow or demonstrate any evidence whatsoever of regenerative faith. Therefore, if one assumes that an individual can be a believer without any visible evidence, then one creates a subclass of Christian who makes a profession of faith without any evidence of faith; it is not correct to state that a believer ought to grow, but if the “believer” has faith in Christ but never grows, that such an individual is truly regenerate. The danger in this teaching is a careless attitude toward Christianity, which may encourage certain individuals to think they need not aspire to the rigors and sufferings of discipleship. When one fails to grow spiritually, it is indeed sin, but worldliness is a temporary condition into which one lapses. Worldliness is spiritual childness, that is, reverting to the natural man’s behavior and thinking. The Holy Spirit will not allow such a condition to continue indefinitely (cf. Heb. 12:4–13). Lewis Sperry Chafer (founder and first president of Dallas Theological Seminary) taught a view of sanctification similar to the “victorious life” teaching (associated with the historic Keswick conventions), which was that spiritual maturity began as a permanent surrender to Christ subsequent to conversion. Ryrie classified the ongoing tension between the sin nature and new nature as “counteraction.” Therefore, the believer is responsible for spiritual maturity by yielding to the Holy Spirit. The Chaferian view of sanctification also taught that the believer is “carnal” prior to this permanent dedication, which would mean that immaturity could continue indefinitely for some. While the emphasis on human responsibility is commendable in this view, the divine work must also be given equal importance.

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To be “fleshly” is a temporary lapse from godly obedience, of which true believers will repent (2 Cor. 7:11). Scripture does not teach that one may be “carnal” indefinitely, or that it is a natural state for the new believer. Indeed, all believers—young and old in spiritual age—are indwelt by the Holy Spirit and demonstrate “spiritual” behavior (1 Cor. 2:11–16), although some may be inconsistent initially, as were the Corinthians.

There are those who seek knowledge to be known by others; that is vanity. There are those who seek knowledge in order to serve; that is love.” While this topic of “love” may seem like an overly familiar concept to many, the application of love may be the most important single factor for effective teaching and learning in Christian education. This emotional element allows biblical knowledge, values, and behaviors to find fertile soil for growth.

References and Resources Alderson, Richard. 1986. No Holiness, No Heaven! Antinomianism Today. Carlisle, UK: Banner of Truth. Belcher, Richard P. 1990. A Layman’s Guide to the Lordship Controversy. Southbridge, UK: Crowne Publications. Bing, Charles C. 1992. Lordship Salvation: A Biblical Evaluation and Response. Burleson, TX: GraceLife Ministries. Boice, James Montgomery. 1986. Christ’s Call to Discipleship. Chicago: Moody Press. Chantry, Walter. 1970. Today’s Gospel: Authentic or Synthetic? Carlisle, UK: Banner of Truth. Cocoris, G. Michael. 1983. Lordship Salvation: Is It Biblical? Dallas, TX: Redención Viva. Gentry, Kenneth L., Jr. 1992. Lord of the Saved: Getting to the Heart of the Lordship Debate. Phillipsburg, NJ: Presbyterian & Reformed. Hodges, Zane. 1989. Absolutely Free! A Biblical Reply to Lordship Salvation. Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan. Horton, Michael, ed. 1992. Christ the Lord: The Reformation and Lordship Salvation. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker. Julian, Ron. 1998. Righteous Sinners: The Believer’s Struggle with Faith, Grace, and Works. Colorado Springs, CO: NavPress. MacArthur, John F. 1993. Faith Works: The Gospel According to the Apostles. Dallas, TX: Word. Ryrie, Charles C. 1989. So Great Salvation: What It Means to Believe in Jesus. Wheaton, IL: Victor.

—Ron J. Bigalke

Love The test of the character and quality of our relationship with God is measured by the character and quality of all our other relationships.88 But, as humorist Garrison Keillor quips: “Some people have a love of their fellow man in their hearts, and others require a light anesthetic.”89 Nevertheless, if we love God, we will love people. Bernard of Clairvaux (1090–1153) said: “There are those who seek knowledge for the sake of knowledge; that is curiosity. 88. John Westerhoff, Spiritual Life: The Foundation for Preaching and Teaching (Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press, 1994), 1. 89. Life among the Lutherans (Minneapolis, MN: Augsburg Books, 2009), 87.

The Mark of the Christian At the close of His ministry, Jesus makes clear what will be the distinguishing mark of the Christian: “A new command I give you: Love one another. As I have loved you, so you must love one another. By this all men will know that you are my disciples, if you love one another” (John 13:33–35). This command includes a condition: If you obey, you will wear the badge Christ gave. But since this is a command, it can be violated. The point is that it is possible to be a Christian without showing the mark, but if we expect non-Christians to know that we are Christians, we must show the mark. Paul makes the double obligation clear in Galatians 6:10: “As we have therefore opportunity, let us do good unto all men, especially unto them who are of the household of faith” (cf. also I Thes. 3:12; I John 3:11). Of course, our first commandment is to love the Lord our God with all our heart, soul, and mind, but the second bears the universal command to love all people. Notice that the second is not just to love Christians; we are to love our neighbor as ourselves. The church is to be a loving church in a dying culture—a countercultural proposal. How, then, is the dying culture going to consider us? Upon His authority He gives the world the right to judge whether the church is Christian on the basis of our observable love toward all Christians. But there is something even more sobering. Jesus prays, “That all of them may be one, Father, just as you are in me and I am in you. May they also be in us so that the world may believe that you have sent me” (John 17:21). In John 13, the point was that, if an individual Christian does not show love toward other true Christians, the world has a right to judge that he or she is not a Christian. In John 17, Jesus is stating that we cannot expect the world to believe the Father sent the Son, that Jesus’s claims are true, and that Christianity is true, unless the world sees some reality of the oneness of true Christians. The Role of Oneness in Christian Education In John 13 and 17, Jesus talks about a real seeable oneness, a practicing oneness, a practical oneness across all lines, among all true Christians.

Lowrie, Roy, Jr.

The Christian really has a double task: to practice both God’s holiness and God’s love. The Christian is to exhibit that God exists as the infinite-personal God, and then he or she is to exhibit simultaneously God’s character of holiness and love. Not His holiness without His love; that is only harshness. Not His love without His holiness; that is only compromise. Anything that an individual Christian or Christian group does that fails to show the simultaneous balance of the holiness of God and the love of God presents to a watching world not a demonstration of the God who exists but a caricature of the God who exists. What, then, does this love mean? How does love promote effective Christian education?90 “Why this insistence on the communal nature of the church? Because it is by this process that faith can be incubated and nurtured. Faith is a concomitant of human association. This is why the church must a gathering of Christians which is permanent enough to allow individuals to know each other in various facets of their life and regular enough in its meetings to be able to develop a sense of solidarity in Christ and in their mission to the world. The human interaction is the most powerful process we know for creating and sustaining values, and for shaping a distinctive style of life.”91 First, it means that Christians who love must practice forgiveness. We are asking the Lord to open to us the experiential realities of fellowship with Him as we forgive others. Our love will not be perfect, but it must be substantial enough for learners to be able to observe. The act of forgiving and being forgiven is a powerful teacher in the Christian ethic. Second, the more Christians disagree with fellow Christians, the more important it is to exhibit the holiness of God. At the same time, the more serious the differences become, the more important it becomes that we look to the Holy Spirit to enable us to show love to the true Christians with whom we must differ. Third, Christians can exhibit love without sharing in other’s mistakes. Our approach would be a desire to solve the problem rather than a desire to win. What we are working for in the midst of our differences is a solution that will give God the glory, will be true to the Bible, and will exhibit the love of God simultaneously with His holiness. Love—and the unity it attests to—is the mark Christ gave Christians to wear before the world. Only with this mark may the world know that Christians are indeed Christians and that Jesus was sent by the Father. And 90. Some of this material is adapted from Francis Schaeffer, The Mark of the Christian (InterVarsity Press, 2006). 91. C. Ellis Nelson, Where Faith Begins (Louisville, KY: John Knox Press, 1967), 101.

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love is that permeating factor that allows the Holy Spirit to seep truth into the lives of believers for their further education in faith. References and Resources Benner, David G. 2003. Surrender to Love: Discovering the Heart of Christian Spirituality. Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press. Brady, Bernard V. 2003. Christian Love. Washington, DC: Georgetown University Press. Everist, Norma Cook. 2002. The Church as Learning Community: A Comprehensive Guide to Christian Education. Nashville, TN: Abingdon Press.

—Mark A. Lamport

Lowrie, Roy, Jr. Early Background, Education, and Professional/Family Life Roy Lowrie (1928–1994) was born in Glenrock, Wyoming, and moved with his family to Springfield, Illinois, when he was two. After graduating from Springfield High School, he began his Bible studies at the Philadelphia College of the Bible, from which he graduated in 1949. He earned a bachelor’s degree from Wheaton College in 1952 and a master’s and doctorate in educational administration from Temple University in 1954 and 1958. Dr. Lowrie began his teaching career in 1952 at Delaware County Christian School in Newtown Square, Pennsylvania. Just two years later he was named the school’s first headmaster. During the next 26 years Lowrie oversaw the school’s growth from a fledging start-up to a school that included two campuses on 25 acres, with facilities for almost 1,000 students. Ken Tanis, the man who followed Dr. Lowrie as head of school, commented about his predecessor: “Dr. Lowrie’s ministry at Delaware County Christian School was characterized by a primary concern that the school be truly Christian.” Lowrie and his wife of 42 years, Peg, had five children, three of whom became significant leaders in the Christian school movement. Significant Contributions to Christian Education In 1971 Dr. Lowrie, along with Dr. William Male, began the Institute for Christian School Administration on the campus of Grace College in Winona Lake, Indiana. During the rapid expansion of Christian schools in the 1970s and 1980s, the institute became a popular site for administrators around the country to come for training. Their time there proved to be valuable for networking and for discussions about biblical integration in all

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aspects of a Christian school. Grace Seminary started a master’s degree program in 1985 to train administrators in response to the growing demand for leaders who possessed a philosophy of Christian education. In 1994, the master’s degree and the institute relocated to Columbia International University. In 1978, Dr. Lowrie was the founding president of the Association of Christian Schools International (ACSI), originally located in La Habra, California, and moved in 1994 to its current location in Colorado Springs, Colorado. ACSI grew to become the largest organization of its kind, with over 23,000 member schools in more than 100 countries. Christian camping was also a passion of Lowrie’s. He was director of boys’ camping at Camp Sankanac in Spring City, Pennsylvania, for more than 20 years. Most Notable Publications Lowrie, Roy W., Jr., and Roy L. Lowrie. 2004. Serving God on the Christian School Board. 3rd ed. Colorado Springs, CO: Purposeful Design.

References and Resources Columbia International University. 2013. “About the Roy W. Lowrie Family.” Lowrie Center for Christian Education. http://www.lowriecenter.com/page/history. Price, B. 1994. “Obituaries.” 4 February. http://articles.philly .com/1994-02-04/news/25856837_1_middle-states-associa tion-christian-schools-international-high-school-program.

—Kenneth S. Coley

Loyola University, Chicago Ignatius of Loyola was a man of passion, erudition, and generosity. Personal-educational maturity marked his life as he became educated in the liberal arts, traveled widely, and served others wherever he went. His life provides the soil from which Loyola University, Chicago has grown. Historic Beginnings Loyola University, Chicago has deep roots in the life of Ignatius Loyola (1491–1556). He founded The Company of Jesus, which later came to be called the Jesuits (today, The Society of Jesus, its members identified by SJ). Imitation of Christ, vows of poverty, and missions marked the order’s Rule. Living in community, the Jesuits committed to disciplined, personal spirituality, worked out through one’s vocation. Jesuit missionary endeavors were grounded in education as well as preaching. Contextualization—bridging one’s message to another community’s culture—was an important sensitivity component

in mission work. The orthodox Christian faith was not compromised, but where possible cultural adjustments were made to adapt to a people’s way of life. By so doing, Christian teaching was acculturated, taking on customs of the majority community. For instance, Jesuits were known for their integration of a community’s documents into Christian instruction. Finding latent Christian truth within a given culture, Jesuits retained the practice of “plundering the Egyptians” (Exod. 3:20–22), which in Christian educational parlance means taking truth, goodness, and beauty from the surrounding culture because the principles are biblical. Loyola University, Chicago has put this principle into practice in its exceptional liberal arts programs, wrapping truths from the surrounding culture with Roman Catholic teaching. Educational Design St. Ignatius College, founded by Father Arnold Damen in 1870, became Loyola University, Chicago in 1909. Though it is known for its School of Liberal Arts, a dozen schools within the university setting boast studies in law, medicine, business, and not surprisingly, education. University Centers of Excellence benefit both professors and students engaging areas such as Catholic heritage, mathscience studies, urban commitment, and women in leadership. Loyola University boasts campuses throughout Chicago and programs around the world in places such as Rome, Beijing, and Ho Chi Minh City. Nearly 200,000 alumni have earned dozens of undergraduate degrees, scores of master’s degrees, and over 30 doctoral degrees, and participated in two dozen postgraduate programs. Loyola has not left its religious roots, as the university is home to Saint Joseph College Seminary as well as the Jesuit First Studies program. The latter training is the first step toward the process of Jesuit priesthood. Lay ministers receive training through the university’s Institute of Pastoral Studies. Loyola’s core curriculum exposes all students to theology and ethics courses. Campus Distinction Loyola continues Ignatius’s care for others through its application of theological ethics. The university has an outstanding reputation for environmental concerns in addition to its exceptional educational standing. All Loyola campuses have the highest standards and are nationally ranked for ecological sustainability. Loyola’s many schools in and around Chicago are consistently regarded as some of the top-ranked programs and best education for the dollar in the country. Its famous alumni dot the landscapes of business, education, law, literature, politics, and theology. CBS news anchor Bill Plante hails from Loyola. George Halas Jr., the former president of the

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Chicago Bears football team, is an alumnus. Comedianactor Bob Newhart is a Loyola grad. Brenda C. Barnes has held multiple positions of leadership in U.S. companies, including Pepsi-Cola and Sara Lee, and has appeared in the top 10 of the World’s Most Powerful Women. Henry Hyde, sponsor of the famous Hyde Amendment, was a well known pro-life advocate; one of the university’s 18 congressional graduates. Norman Geisler is a well-known evangelical apologist and president of Southern Evangelical Seminary. Loyola University, Chicago is one of the many famous Jesuit universities: Fordham, Georgetown, Boston College, Marquette, and Xavier. Upholding the focus on Jesuit education, Loyola continues to maintain its allegiance to the Roman Catholic Church, while its focus is always on Ignatius’s primary concern: providing the world with alumni whose educational background is grounded in the life of Christ through works of service. Pope Francis I continues the example of the studentservant as the Roman Catholic Church’s first Jesuit pope. References and Resources Loyola, Ignatius. 1964. Spiritual Exercises of Saint Ignatius. Translated by Anthony Mottola. New York: Doubleday. Skerrett, Ellen. 2008. Born in Chicago: A History of Chicago’s Jesuit University. Chicago: Loyola Press.

—Mark Eckel

Luther League Founding of the Movement (1895) The Luther League of America was organized on 30–31 October 1895 at First Lutheran Church in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania. Nearly 400 delegates gathered to “sustain the endeavor of a national Luther League to quicken, by churchly methods, especially among the youth, a clearer consciousness of Christian faith, and to promote among them a practical life.”92 The league’s roots go back to Junius Remensnyder, who in 1875 organized a Young People’s Religious Society for 75 youth who joined his Lewiston, Pennsylvania, congregation.93 The idea quickly replicated in neighboring towns in eastern Pennsylvania, New York, and beyond. Local and state-level alliances soon emerged, the antecedent to uniting as a national Lutheran youth association.94 Luther League was among a dozen mainline Protestant youth societies started in the late 1800s, largely a response 92. Gerald Jenny, The Young People’s Movement in the American Lutheran Church (Minneapolis, MN: Augsburg Publishing House, 1928), 46. 93. Ibid., 41. 94. Ibid., 41–46; E. Clifford Nelson, ed., The Lutherans in North America, rev. ed. (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1980), 303–304.

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to the dramatic growth of the nondenominational Society of Christian Endeavor, founded in 1881.95 Many churches associated with Christian Endeavor, but concerns emerged over losing theological distinctions and retaining youth within the denomination. Early Developments (1895–1960) Luther League’s history largely corresponds to trends within American Lutheranism through the 20th century. Differences in cultural and linguistic heritage (e.g., Norwegian, Danish, Swedish) yielded to a desire for a common Lutheran identity, producing a steady series of mergers. The Luther League movement became a unifying force as various synods adopted the name for youth auxiliaries, regardless of affiliation with the organization established in 1895.96 A number of the more significant organizations are described below. Augustana Synod The Augustana Synod Luther League organized in Chicago in 1910 as a result of grassroots efforts to connect leagues at a local, district, conference, then national level.97 From the outset, the group sought to maintain strong ties to Luther League of America and utilize its resources, though it also published manuals with Bible studies and theme suggestions for programs. United Lutheran Church in America The successor to synods forming the Luther League of America was the United Lutheran Church in America, established in 1918. The organization remained active, with continued focus on spiritual nurture of adolescents and a desire to retain young people within the denomination.98 The Luther League Review was published, and biennial national conventions gathered young leaders. With no age limit to participation, many league participants (including officers) were in their twenties or older.99 Evangelical Lutheran Church The Young People’s Luther League formed in 1919, two years after the merger creating the Norwegian Evan95. Mark H. Senter III, When God Shows Up: A History of Protestant Youth Ministry in America (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic, 2010), 170. 96. For a review of early Lutheran youth societies, see Clarence Peters, “Developments of the Youth Programs of the Lutheran Churches in America” (ThD thesis, Concordia Theological Seminary, 1951). The Lutheran Church-Missouri Synod (a national church body) maintained its own youth auxiliary, the Walther League, founded in 1893. For a detailed history, see Jon Pahl, Youth Ministry in Modern America, 1930 to the Present (Peabody, MA: Hendrickson Publishers, 2000), 17–37. 97. Nelson, Lutherans in North America, 15–16. 98. E. Theodore Bachmann, The United Lutheran Church in America, 1918–1962 (Minneapolis, MN: Fortress Press, 1997), 248. 99. Ibid.

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gelical Lutheran Church in America (later shortened to Evangelical Lutheran Church). The league held biennial conventions with a focus on worship, fellowship, and education; early activities included youth education, leadership training, a Pocket Testament League, a Choral Union, youth-to-youth evangelism, stewardship education, and summer Bible camps.100 Chapters became increasingly active on college campuses, and an emphasis emerged in the 1920s to reach post-Confirmation high school youth through junior leagues. By 1927, there were 1,600 organized leagues with 100,000 members.101 American Lutheran Church The Luther League of the American Lutheran Church (formed in 1930) united over 12,000 members among several hundred local leagues, some dating to the 1890s. The league’s central theme, “With Christ, For Christ,” was affirmed at the first convention in 1930, and national conventions were held on a mostly biennial basis through 1960. United Evangelical Lutheran Church The United Evangelical Lutheran Church (UELC), of Danish heritage, established a Luther League of its own in 1935, though the denomination had a history of supporting youth work from its founding in 1896. The UELC’s league was actively involved in summer camp programs; training for congregational leaders; promoting youth fellowship, stewardship, and evangelism; and holding national youth rallies.102 Lutheran Free Church The Luther League Federation of the Lutheran Free Church began in 1937, though affiliated societies had been connected with the Young People’s Federation since 1920. The federation published resources (including the annual Luther League Handbook and a quarterly periodical), established summer Bible camps, and later conducted Luther League Leadership Training Schools.103 Two Denominations, Two Directions (1960–1987) The American Lutheran Church A 1960 convention in Milwaukee launched the Luther League of The American Lutheran Church from the merger of three predecessors (ELC, UELC, and former ALC; the Lutheran Free Church joined in 1963). Through the 1960s and 1970s, the organization became increas100. Richard H. Ellingson, “The Youth Movement in the Norwegian Lutheran Church” (BTh thesis, Luther Theological Seminary, 1943), 11–30. 101. Jenny, Young People’s Movement, 113. 102. Richard Ellingson and David Ellingson, “Luther League: 90 Years Young, 25 Years Strong,” The Lutheran Standard, 15 November 15, 34. 103. Ibid.

ingly involved in social, economic, and political concerns, including racial tensions, world hunger, and the Vietnam War. The emphasis was underscored by the reception of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. as speaker at the 1961 Miami conference and as convention delegates published statements related to global issues, prejudice, Christian unity, and more.104 To reflect the desire to promote a youth voice within the wider church, major policy changes in the late 1960s passed the organization’s leadership to high school and college students, roles previously held by seminary students and young pastors. During the 1980s, the Luther League continued to engage in global and social concerns, including global relationships, cross-cultural evangelism, public health issues, and South African apartheid. Attention was also given to inclusion of youth of color and those with disabilities, including national leadership events to train minority youth. Lutheran Church in America The Lutheran Church in America (LCA), the successor to the ULCA and Augustana Synod in 1962, became Luther League of America’s new home. The young church supported the youth auxiliary and staged a national youth gathering in 1965, but a movement among Protestant denominations led national offices to reduce or eliminate youth ministry departments. The LCA notwithstanding, Luther League of America was disbanded in 1968, with the expectation that local congregations would continue youth programs and work to integrate young people into the whole of congregational life.105 Lutheran Youth Organization (1988–2012) When the Evangelical Lutheran Church in America (ELCA) formed in 1988 as a merger of The American Lutheran Church, Lutheran Church in America, and Association of Evangelical Lutheran Churches, “Luther League” was lost as the Lutheran Youth Organization (LYO) emerged as the ELCA’s youth auxiliary.106 Much of the LYO’s work was devoted to leadership development, advocating for a youth voice within the church, and seeking greater inclusion of multicultural and disabled youth. Reductions in denominational support in the 2010s hastened the end of the LYO, which disbanded in 2012. 104. Charles Lutz, ed., Memories of Miami (Minneapolis, MN: The American Lutheran Church Luther League, 1961), 25–26. 105. W. Kent Gilbert, Commitment to Unity: A History of the Lutheran Church in America (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1988), 158–161. Though Luther League of America was disbanded, the LCA did maintain a Commission on Youth Ministry, involved youth in national church conventions, and produced parish education resources for youth. 106. Some local churches and disparate regional bodies of other denominations retain “Luther League” for their youth programs, though a unifying national organization by that name ceases to exist.

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The ELCA has continued triennial youth gatherings, with attendance between 22,000 and 41,000, since 1988. References and Resources Bachmann, E. Theodore. 1997. The United Lutheran Church in America, 1918–1962. Minneapolis, MN: Fortress Press. Ellingson, Richard H. 1943. “The Youth Movement in the Norwegian Lutheran Church.” BTh thesis, Luther Theological Seminary. Ellingson, Richard, and David Ellingson. 1985. “Luther League: 90 Years Young, 25 Years Strong.” Lutheran Standard, 15 November. Gilbert, W. Kent. 1988. Commitment to Unity: A History of the Lutheran Church in America. Philadelphia: Fortress Press. Jenny, Gerald. 1928. The Young People’s Movement in the American Lutheran Church. Minneapolis, MN: Augsburg Publishing House. Lutz, Charles, ed. 1961. Memories of Miami. Minneapolis, MN: The American Lutheran Church Luther League. Nelson, E. Clifford, ed. 1980. The Lutherans in North America. rev. ed. Philadelphia: Fortress Press. Pahl, Jon. 2000. Youth Ministry in Modern America, 1930 to the Present. Peabody, MA: Hendrickson. Peters, Clarence. 1951. “Developments of the Youth Programs of the Lutheran Churches in America.” ThD thesis, Concordia Theological Seminary. Senter, Mark H., III. 2010. When God Shows Up: A History of Protestant Youth Ministry in America. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic.

—Mark J. Jackson

Luther, Martin Martin Luther was born on 10 November 1483 in the small town of Eisleben in Saxony-Anhalt, Germany. Luther’s father was a copper miner and wanted his son to study law; thus in 1501, Luther began studies at the University of Erfurt. During a thunderstorm four years later, Luther vowed to become an Augustinian monk if St. Anne would help him. Luther was ordained in 1507 and began teaching biblical studies at the University of Wittenberg (a new school in 1502), where he obtained the doctor of theology degree in 1512. In 1510, Luther’s superior, Johann von Staupitz, commissioned him to visit Rome on behalf of several Augustinian monasteries, and Luther was appalled by the corruption of the papacy that he encountered there. Luther was incensed that the Roman Catholic clergy was selling indulgences (either a partial or complete remission of temporal punishment for sin, which could be obtained for either someone living who confesses and receives absolution, or for one deceased and believed to be in pur-

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gatory). On 31 October 1517, Luther tacked his “95 Theses” on the church door of Wittenberg. He rejected the notion of the church as a hierarchical institution under the bishop of Rome, who had the ability to administer salvation through sacraments, and thus protested against the unbiblical teachings and practices that were prevalent in his day and called for the return of an obstinate church to the essential truth of the Gospel that sinners are justified by grace alone (sola gratia), through faith alone (sola fide), on the Word alone (sola scriptura), because of Christ alone (solus Christus), to the glory of God alone (soli Deo Gloria). Luther’s protest against many of the teachings of the Roman Catholic Church resulted in a series of pamphlets (1519–1520), such as “On Christian Liberty,” “On the Freedom of a Christian Man,” “To the Christian Nobility,” and “On the Babylonian Captivity of the Church.” With the advent of the printing press, Luther’s “95 Theses” and other writings were circulated swiftly throughout Europe. Luther’s opposition to many of the teachings of Roman Catholicism culminated in a debate in Leipzig in 1519 with the renowned theologian John Eck. On 3 January 1521, when Luther refused to recant his position, Pope Leo X excommunicated him from the Roman Catholic Church. Four months later (April 1521), Luther was summoned to appear at the Diet of Worms before Emperor Charles V, where he stated, “I stand convicted by the Scriptures to which I have appealed, and my conscience is taken captive by God’s Word, I cannot and will not recant anything. For to act against our conscience is neither safe for us nor open to us. On this I take my stand. I can do no other. God help me. Amen.” Luther was subsequently declared a heretic and outlaw. Elector Frederick the Wise (of Saxony) encouraged Luther to hide in the Wartburg Castle, where he remained from May 1521 until March 1522, during which time Luther translated the New Testament into German, which significantly contributed to the development and proliferation of the German language. Luther returned to Wittenberg in 1522, and in 1525 he married Katharina von Bora, a former nun, with whom he had six children (two died prior to reaching adulthood). In 1529, Luther wrote his most notable publications, the Small Catechism and the Large Catechism, which continue to be read and studied. Three beliefs characterized Luther’s teachings: (1) the supreme authority of God’s Word; (2) salvation is received by grace alone, as a free and unmerited gift of Christ; and, (3) all believers are priests; thus there is one status before God, “the priesthood of all believers.” Luther’s influence proliferated throughout eastern and northern Europe and resulted in Wittenberg becoming an intellectual center. Luther died on 18 February 1546 in Eisleben.

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References and Resources Bainton, Roland H. 1950. Here I Stand: A Life of Martin Luther. New York: Abingdon Press. Lohse, Bernhard. 1986. Martin Luther: An Introduction to His Life and Work. Philadelphia: Fortress. Oberman, Heiko. 1989. Luther: Man between God and the Devil. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Pelikan, Jaroslav, ed. 1955–1986. Luther’s Works. 55 vols. St. Louis, MO: Concordia.

—Ron J. Bigalke

Lutheran Church Christian Education Since its inception, the Lutheran tradition has placed a strong emphasis on education within the church and society. Reformers emphasized the importance of an individual’s ability to read and understand scripture, rather than relying exclusively on the trained clergy and professional theologians. Martin Luther (1483–1546) argued that education should be available to all citizens, male and female, high and low ranking. This perspective was sometimes dismissed by members of the emerging commercial society, who believed that liberal arts education was impractical and that education should primarily equip students to succeed in emerging middle-class occupations. Nonetheless, Luther defended the role of poetry, public libraries, public scholarship, and reading broadly. In a letter to the German nobility, he argued that high-quality education should be funded by Lutheran princes. Meanwhile, after visiting various congregations and discovering a general ignorance about the essential components of the Christian faith, Luther advocated a strong catechetical tradition, which continued for centuries and employed Luther’s own Shorter and Larger Catechisms. Similarly, humanist Philip Melanchthon (1497–1560) emphasized the need for robust higher education at Wittenberg and defended the importance of studying biblical and classical languages. He devised a topical and biblically driven approach to theological study that followed the format and method of his famous text, the Loci Communes. Lutheran theology contains several key themes that affect its philosophy of Christian education. First, Luther’s theology of the cross, articulated in his early Heidelberg Disputation (1518), insists on both spiritual and intellectual humility, placing scripture above reason as the source of theological knowledge and questioning the necessity of Aristotelian categories for understanding revelation. Second, Luther’s infamous description of reason as the Devil’s whore, though not a case for anti-intellectualism, was nonetheless a recognition of the effects of sin upon the knower, especially with respect to a priori

reason or rationalism. Third, the Lutheran emphases on Christology, the Incarnation, and the importance of the doctrine of creation led to hearty investigation of the material world as a legitimate scholarly vocation. Thus, whereas Luther and Melanchthon did not personally embrace Copernicus’s new astronomy, science faculty at Wittenberg could engage and even embrace Copernican ideas. Fourth, Luther’s doctrine of the “two kingdoms,” the teaching that God works out a divine plan in both the Kingdom of Grace (the church) and the Kingdom of Power (the world at large), provided space for the so-called secular disciplines without having to forcefully Christianize every subject. Fifth, Luther’s doctrine of vocation meant that every calling in life had its own dignity and was as much a way to serve God and neighbors as the work of a professional clergyman. As for the vocation of pastor, Luther placed an emphasis on the artful distinction between Law and Gospel, with theological training focusing on proper proclamation rather than theological speculation about God’s hidden mysteries. After its initial phase, guided by Melanchthon’s humanistic spirit, Lutheran theological education entered a period of scholasticism and theological consolidation. This tradition applied technical elaborations to the basic doctrine found in Melanchthon’s Loci Communes, through the detailed work of teachers like Martin Chemnitz (1522–1586) and Johann Gerhard (1582–1637). Pietism offered a typically anti-intellectual reaction to this scholastic trend, as seen in the work of Philipp Jakob Spener (1635–1705). His Pia Desideria (1675) indicates the character of this Pietism as it relates to education. Spener downplayed advanced systematic theology but emphasized personal morality, prayer, and devotional Bible study. He suggested that Christian teachers should publicly discourage students who were studious but lacked piety, and that they should praise students who, even when lacking in academic aptitude, demonstrated spiritual and moral uprightness. The structure of Lutheran education established and sustained in North America by Scandinavian immigrants maintained some of the structures and practices of scholarly Lutheranism, but often carried forward a Pietist ethos. This, coupled with cultural isolation, meant that Lutheran education, while significant in terms of the number of institutions and congregational youth catechized, was rarely as significant in public discourse as Reformed and Wesleyan contributions to the intellectual landscape of North America. Enlightenment and post-Enlightenment continental thinkers like Kant, Nietzsche, Hegel, and Heidegger all reflect their emergence from a Lutheran critical tradition in education, though they do not represent a distinctly Christian form of education or thought. The emphasis on broad, universal, and independent scholarship in

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the Lutheran Reformation may not have anticipated the extremes of the Enlightenment, but its freedom and antiauthoritarianism likely provided fertile soil for the movement. Similarly, some scholars detect commonalities between Luther’s rejection of rationalism and the spirit of postmodern trends in European philosophy. Distinctly Lutheran education was important for European immigrant communities throughout North America. Many Lutheran denominations and associations even included a mandate for congregations to sponsor and maintain elementary, university, and seminary education. There was a reciprocal relationship between Lutheran teaching and education: parochial schools provided the tools for students to understand scripture and their faith; likewise, Lutheran education allowed students to receive theological grounding alongside training in the other disciplines. Curricula included confessional material, scripture, church history, and historic hymns and prayers. Despite occasional antiphilosophical and provincial approaches of some schools in the Lutheran tradition over the last two centuries, the quality and quantity of Lutheran institutions in the United States and Canada arguably constitute its major cultural contribution to non-Lutheran neighbors. Commitment to both general and theological training remains a hallmark of Lutherans in North America today. A pan-Lutheran organization called the Lutheran Educational Conference of North America (LECNA), founded in 1910, currently represents 40 Lutheran colleges and universities in the United States and Canada. The Evangelical Lutheran Church in America has 10 seminaries and partners with 26 colleges and universities. The Lutheran Church—Missouri Synod boasts a system of 10 universities and the largest Protestant parochial school system in the world. There are also at least two independent Lutheran higher education institutions in the United States. While various Lutheran traditions disagree about the essence of Lutheran identity, there is general consensus that Lutherans ought to value and support Christian education. References and Resources Andersen, David. 2012. Martin Luther: The Problem with Faith and Reason; A Reexamination in Light of the Epistemological and Christological Issues. Eugene, OR: Wipf & Stock. Ferry, Patrick. 1993. “The Guiding Lights of the University of Wittenberg and the Emergence of Copernican Atronomy.” Concordia Theological Quarterly 57 (4): 265–291. Heck, Joel, and Angus Menuge, eds. 2011. Learning at the Foot of the Cross: A Lutheran Vision for Education. Austin, TX: Concordia University Press. Hockenbery Dragseth, Jennifer, ed. 2011. The Devil’s Whore: Reason and Philosophy in the Lutheran Tradition. Minneapolis, MN: Fortress Press.

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Simmons, Ernest. 1998. Lutheran Higher Education: An Introduction for Faculty. Minneapolis, MN: Augsburg Fortress.

—Jeff Mallinson

Luther’s Catechisms In medieval Christianity, a book of catechism expressed the basics of the faith, including the Ten Commandments, Apostles’ Creed, and Lord’s Prayer. During the Reformation, the term catechism became associated with a handbook used for religious instruction (catechesis) of the laity. Medieval catechisms typically had a questionand-answer format. In 1529, German reformer Martin Luther (1483–1546) published two documents, now called the Small Catechism and Large Catechism. Both are found in the Book of Concord, Lutheranism’s historic collection of authoritative doctrinal confessions (1580). In his preface to the Small Catechism, Luther explains why he wrote it. The “deplorable, miserable condition” of religious ignorance prompted him to prepare it “in this small, plain, simple form.” The “common people” had “no knowledge whatever of Christian doctrine, and alas! many preachers are altogether incapable and incompetent to teach.” The resulting work was written as a practical tool for parents and the uneducated clergy to teach the Christian faith to their children. Each major section begins by stating: “As the head of the family should teach them in a simple way to his household.” Luther saw parents as “bishops” and “bishopesses” with an “office of ministry” in their homes. The preface was addressed to pastors. The Small Catechism offers explanations of the Ten Commandments, Apostles’ Creed, and Lord’s Prayer, then baptism, confession, and the Lord’s Supper. It also includes a recommended pattern for a family’s daily devotional practices and concludes with a “table of duties” drawn directly from scripture. The language is clear and uncomplicated. Simple wording aided memorization, which allowed the basic texts of the Christian faith to take deep root in a child’s heart. The Small Catechism was first produced in the form of wall charts to be hung in church, home, or school. In booklet form, each commandment, article of the creed, petition, and sacrament was accompanied by a picture of a scene from the Bible illustrating the content being discussed; visual aids assisted all members of the household. One of its most famous features is Luther’s explanation of the First Commandment, “You are to have no other gods.” The catechism asks: “What is this? Answer: We are to fear, love, and trust in God above all things.” Faith, understood as a work of the Holy Spirit in the explanation of the third article of the creed, fulfilled the commandments. Luther’s distinctive order-

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ing of material reflected a progression designed to mirror Reformation theology. His catechisms start with Law, which brings the diagnosis of spiritual and moral illness (made by the Ten Commandments); and move to Gospel, which declares the cure (expressed by the Apostles’ Creed); and then turn to prayer, which procures the needed spiritual medicine (found in the Lord’s Prayer). The Large Catechism is directed toward enabling preachers and pastors to better instruct the laity in the faith. It reflects the content of a series of sermons on the catechism’s topics that Luther preached in 1528. It follows the same basic order as the Small Catechism but offers much longer and more nuanced treatments of the subject matter. His preface to the Large Catechism refers to his work as “a brief compend and summary of all the Holy Scriptures.” Lutheran scholar George Lindbeck stated that “the Catechisms provide the most authoritative normative description of Reformation Christianity as a religion of the population at large.”107 Luther’s catechisms are important historical markers of Protestantism’s profound concern to teach the heart of the Bible to the whole people of God, its vision of sincere faith practiced in daily life, its concern to transmit the substance of the Gospel and main contours of the Christian life to the laity, and its commitment to the importance of the Christian home as a locus of religious instruction. They remain valuable resources for Protestant churches in the contemporary era and are still used in many Lutheran congregations. References and Resources Arand, Charles P. 2000. That I May Be His Own: An Overview of Luther’s Catechisms. St. Louis, MO: Concordia. Wengert, Timothy J. 2009. Martin Luther’s Catechisms: Forming the Faith. Minneapolis, MN: Fortress Press.

included explanation of the creed (either the Apostles’ or Nicene), the Decalogue, the Lord’s Prayer, the sacraments, and miscellaneous topics. While some catechetical manuals were produced in the late first millennium, catechesis was largely neglected in the medieval church, leaving most Christians in ignorance and superstition (Schaff 1977, 246). The reformers sought to reverse this trend and developed short manuals of religion covering the most basic elements of Christian doctrine and practice. Luther was motivated to produce a catechism when he visited the lamentable and ignorant churches in Saxony in 1527–1529. He reported: The ordinary person, especially in the villages, knows absolutely nothing about the Christian faith, and unfortunately many pastors are completely unskilled and incompetent teachers. Yet supposedly they all bear the name Christian, are baptized, and receive the holy sacrament [Eucharist], even though they do not know the Lord’s Prayer, the Creed, or the Ten Commandments! As a result they live like simple cattle or irrational pigs and, despite the fact that the gospel has returned, have mastered the fine art of misusing all their freedom. (preface to The Small Catechism)

Before Luther posted his “95 Theses,” he preached regularly at Wittenberg’s church, and a number of his sermons were focused on various parts of the catechism. Timothy F. Lull explains: First published separately, in 1522 they appeared as a collection in his Personal Prayer book. Although this booklet was not a catechism per se, in the preface to his 1526 version of the liturgy. . . . Luther appealed to his fellow pastors and preachers to write instruction booklets and suggested they use his Personal Prayer Book as the basis for their work. (2005, 317)

—Jeffrey P. Greenman

Luther’s Small Ca techism Catechesis became vital in the early church as Christianity spread throughout the Roman Empire. Whereas Jewish converts in the first century were baptized upon conversion, having already a knowledge of the Old Testament, pagan converts needed formal Christian instruction before receiving baptism. However, once church and state were unified under Constantine and infant baptism became the norm, catechetical instruction was imparted largely to baptized Christians, preparing them for confirmation (Schaff 1977, 246). Historically, catechesis 107. George Lindbeck, “Martin Luther and the Rabbinic Mind,” in The Church in a Postliberal Age, ed. James J. Buckley (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 2003), 24.

Luther began writing his Small Catechism in late 1528 or early 1529. The first three parts—Decalogue, Creed, Lord’s Prayer—were published separately in January 1529. After recovering from a serious illness, he finished the catechism in the spring, with an explanation of the sacraments (Lull 2005, 317). The structure of the Small Catechism—Decalogue, Creed, Lord’s Prayer, Sacraments—reflects Luther’s famous Law-Gospel distinction—knowledge of Law and sin must precede knowledge of the Gospel. Luther’s Small Catechism is in a simple question-and-answer format, posing one simple, recurring question, What is this? and only occasionally poses other questions such as How does this happen? What does this mean? and What does this signify? The catechism also includes prayers for mealtimes, mornings, and evenings. The Small Catechism was originally written in German. It has been translated into many languages, including

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Latin, Greek, Hebrew, and Syriac. It was an instant best seller, printed and reprinted many times in Wittenberg and other cities in Germany. In early 1529, Luther had large posters printed containing the principal parts of the catechism. They were displayed in churches, schools, and homes for children to read and recite together (McCain 2005, 311). It is believed to have had a circulation of over 100,000 copies within 37 years after its original publication. Upon publication, it was immediately adopted in schools, churches, and families. Philip Schaff has said, “It became by common consent a symbolic book, and a sort of ‘Lay Bible’ for the German people” (1977, 250). It is the first of the catechisms produced by the reformers, and its dialogical format was quickly adopted by other Protestant catechisms (except Calvin’s first catechism). To this day, it is used extensively in Lutheran churches. Schaff reflects the high praise it has received from theologians, historians, and churchmen alike: It exhibits [Luther’s] almost apostolic gift of expressing the deepest things in the plainest language for the common people. It is strong food for a man, and yet as simple as a child. It marks an epoch in the history of religious instruction: it purged it from popish superstitions, and brought it back to Scriptural purity and simplicity. . . . To the age of the reformation it was an incalculable blessing. Luther himself wrote no better book, excepting, of course, his translation of the Bible, and it alone would have immortalized him as one the great benefactors of the human race. (1977, 250)

References and Resources Boettcher, H. C. 1946. Instructor’s Manual for Luther’s Small Catechism. St. Louis, MO: Concordia. Lull, Timothy F. 2005. Martin Luther’s Basic Theological Writings. 2nd ed. Minneapolis, MN: Fortress Press. McCain, Paul Timothy, gen. ed. 2005. Concordia: The Lutheran Confessions: A Reader’s Edition of the Book of Concord. 2nd ed. St. Louis, MO: Concordia. Repp, Arthur C. 1982. Luther’s Catechism Comes to America: Theological Effects on the Issues of the Small Catechism Prepared in or for America Prior to 1850. Lanham, MD: Scarecrow Press. Schaff, Philip. 1977. Creeds of Christendom. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House.

—Kevin P. Emmert

Lynn, Robert W. Early Background and Education Robert Wood Lynn was born in 1925 in Wheatland, Wyoming, to a family of homesteaders who were involved in their local Presbyterian church. His early environment

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was influenced by the progressive mainline Protestant liberal theology of the time. Robert graduated with a BA from Princeton University in 1948, earned a bachelor of divinity from Yale Divinity School in 1952, and received a doctor of theology degree from Union Theological Seminary. After earning his BD, both before and during his doctoral studies, Robert served as an assistant minister for adult education at Montview Boulevard Presbyterian Church in Denver, Colorado. During his studies, he was greatly influenced by the growing neoorthodox movement in theological education, studying under Paul Ramsey, H. Richard Niebuhr, Reinhold Niebuhr, Lewis Sherrill, and Paul Tillich. His interests leaned toward the history of American religion, culture, and public life, and he sought to better understand the forces shaping American Christianity. He interacted with Lawrence Cremin at Columbia Teacher’s College and focused much of his studies on the development of education in American history and its impact on the church’s religious education efforts. In 1959, Robert joined the faculty of Union Theological Seminary and then became the dean of Auburn Theological Seminary, an institution that collaborated with Union. Over the next 15 years he served in this role, at times teaching at Columbia Teacher’s College and Fordham University. In 1976, he became the senior program officer in the Religion Division at the Lilly Endowment, guiding the awarding of grants in the area of religion, particularly mainline Protestant church life. He retired from the office of senior vice president at the Lilly Endowment in 1989 and served as scholar in residence at Bangor Theological Seminary, Bangor, Maine, until 1995. Significant Contributions to Christian Education Robert Lynn’s focus on the history of the church and the Christian faith in America was foundational to his impact in the field of Christian education. His application of Lawrence Cremin’s concepts of educational ecologies influenced a generation of students and scholars to consider a broader range of ways that social institutions, including churches, schools, parachurch organizations, and publishers, worked together to support and shape the lives and faith of children, youth, and adults. This influence can be seen in the writings of those who worked and studied with him, including John H. Westerhoff III’s Will Our Children Have Faith (1976) and C. Ellis Nelson’s Where Faith Begins (1967). This perspective helped many Christian education leaders expand their understanding of teaching and learning, gaining a better appreciation for how experiences outside the classroom and intentional instructional efforts contribute to people’s spiritual growth, encouraging greater attention to the formative power of the life of the church, school, and culture.

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Through the Religion Division of the Lilly Endowment, Robert Lynn helped fund studies investigating the decline of the mainline Protestant church, supporting the development of the field of congregational studies and the strengthening of theological education to meet the challenges of contemporary ministry. He sought to strengthen the preparation of leaders for the church, the church’s efforts to rebuild an educational ecology that promoted a strong and vital faith engaged with the needs of the church and society, and theological education to equip church leaders to guide these efforts. Most Notable Publications Lynn, R. W. 1964. “A Strand of Events in the History of Protestant Educational Strategy: The 1850s to the 1960s.” Religious Education 59 (44): 305–312. ———. 1966. “Religious Educators: Their Vision of Polity and Education.” Union Theological Seminary Quarterly Review 21 (2): 145–159.

———. 1992. “The Crisis of Leadership in the Oldline Protestant Churches: The Ninth Peter Ainsley Lecture on Christian Unity.” Midstream 31 (2): 112–122. Lynn, R. W., and E. Wright. 1971. The Big Little School: 200 Years of the Sunday School. New York: Harper & Row.

References and Resources Bass, Dorothy, and Glenn Miller. n.d. “Robert W. Lynn.” Christian Educators of the 20th Century. http://www.talbot.edu/ ce20/educators/protestant/robert_lynn/. Indiana University. n.d. “Honoree: Robert Wood Lynn.” University Honors & Awards. https://honorsandawards.iu.edu/ search-awards/honoree.shtml?honoreeID=443. Nelson, C. Ellis. 1967. Where Faith Begins. Richmond, VA: John Knox Press. Westerhoff, John H., III. 1976. Will Our Children Have Faith? New York: Seabury Press.

—Kevin E. Lawson

M Macedonia and Christian Education The beginnings of Christianity in Macedonia, as in the rest of the Balkans, date back to the first century AD and are associated with the apostolic activity of St. Paul (Jashari 2008, 170). St. Clement and St. Naum of Ohrid, who lived in the ninth and 10th centuries, played a significant role in the Christianization of these lands. Several theological educational institutions were functioning in monasteries by that time (Kagioglidis 2009, 60). At the end of the 14th century, these lands were invaded by the armies of the Ottoman Empire, which led to their Islamization. The collapse of the archbishopric of Ohrid in 1767 was a manifestation of the Islamic domination. In 1918, the structures of the Catholic Church were created; they belonged to the Eastern rite and held the Byzantine rite in the liturgy. After World War II, the People’s Republic of Yugoslavia was established, and within it the Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia. Between 1958 and 1967, the Orthodox Church ceased to be subject to the church in Serbia and declared autocephaly. According to the constitution at that time, religious schools were allowed, although subject to state authorities. The constitution of 1974 stated that religious communities could create schools, but designed solely for the education of the clergy. Legislation in 1977 provided that “religious education can be practiced in public rooms in which religious rituals and religious activities also occur” and “religious instruction of minors cannot take place during school hours or when the children are engaged in other school activities.” The constitution of 1991 states that religious communities are separate from the state and have the right to establish religious schools (Kostovski 2003, 203–204). Nowadays Orthodox Christians constitute approximately 65 percent of the Macedonian population, whereas Muslims account for about 30 percent. Other

religions and denominations make up the remaining approximately 5 percent (Johnston, Mandryk). Current law does not allow private religious primary schools, but this prohibition does not apply to higher schools (secondary level and above) (U.S. Department of State 2012, 2). In 2009, it became possible to attend religious classes of one denomination in school, but the Constitutional Tribunal considered this inconsistent with the principle of the separation of church and state. Currently in the school system there is no place for religious education, which takes place in religious communities. Starting with the school year of 2010/2011, students can choose among the following subjects: introduction to religions, ethics in religion, or classical culture in European civilization (U.S. Department of State 2008, 2–3). References and Resources Committee for Human Rights of the Republic of Macedonia. n.d. “Religious Instruction in Schools: A Tool for Better Dialogue or Instigator of Conflicts?” http://humanrightshouse .org/noop/file.php?id=10806. Jashari, H. 2008. “Contemporary Movements and Religion among Macedonian Albanians.” Academic and Scientific Journal of Linguistics, Literature, Education and Culture 1 (June). Johnstone, Patrick, and Jason Mandryk. 2001. Operation World: 21st Century Edition, Updated and Revised Edition (When We Pray God Works). Waynesboro, GA: Gabriel Resources. Kagioglidis, I. 2009. “Religious Education and the Prevention of Islamic Radicalization: Albania, Britain, France and the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia.” Master’s thesis, Naval Postgraduate School, Monterey, California, September. http://www.dtic.mil/cgi-bin/GetTRDoc?AD=ADA508894. Kostovski, S. 2003. “Church and State in Macedonia.” In Law and Religion in Post-Communist Europe, edited by S. Ferrari and W. Cole Durham Jr., 89–120. Leuven: Peeters.

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U.S. Department of State. 2008. “Macedonia.” http://www.state .gov/documents/organization/171707.pdf. ———. 2012. “Macedonia 2012 International Religious Freedom Report.” http://www.state.gov/documents/organiza tion/208552.pdf.

—Paweł Mąkosa

Madagascar and Christian Education The Beginning of Christianity in Madagascar Christianization began in the early 19th century (1818), when missionaries from the London Missionary Society (LMS) were officially invited by King Radama I (1810–1828) to develop a written form of the Merina language, to establish schools and to teach useful crafts (Ralibera, 1993). The Bible was the first book translated into the Merina dialect and printed (1835). It became the standard textbook to teach literacy.1 The four largest Christian denominations are the Roman Catholic Church (ECAR), the Reformed Protestant Church of Jesus Christ in Madagascar (FJKM), the Reformed Lutheran Church (FLM), and the Anglican Church (EEM), which form the National Council of Churches in Madagascar (FFKM). About 41 percent of the country’s population is Christian, 52 percent of indigenous belief, and 7 percent Muslim.2 Typical Means of Educating Christians Families with the financial resources enroll their children in private Roman Catholic schools, which teach in French and have the best qualified teachers, followed by Protestant private schools. Religious Freedom and Freedom of Worship and Conscience The regime’s new constitution (2010) upholds religious freedom and reaffirms the secular nature of the state.3 Religious schools are required to register with the government and can operate in freedom of worship. References and Resources Ralibera, Daniel. 1993. Madagascar et le Christianisme, Editions Karthala, p. 196.

—Christa Buse Bearivo

1. “Education in Madagascar,” in Wikipedia, https//www. en.wikipedia .org/wiki/ (modified 30 November 2012). 2. “Field Listing—Religions—CIA,” in The World Factbook, https:// www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/docs/notesanddefs .html?fieldkey=2122&alphaletter=R&term=Religions 3. U.S. Department of State, 2011 Report on International Religious Freedom—Madagascar (30 July 2012), http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/ docid/502105a55f.html (accessed 17 March 2013).

Magisterium of the Church The word “magisterium” comes from the Latin term magister, which means teacher, professor, or master. The magisterium of the church refers in most Christian denominations to the authority of the church to preach and teach the Word of God. This authority is clearly rooted in the person and work of Jesus as well as the scriptural mandate to preach the Gospel to the nations and to baptize (Matt. 28:19). As a result, this teaching authority is visible in scripture and in the history of theology as an element of the universal priesthood of all believers. However, it is also understood as a communal mandate and therefore is particularly connected to the ecclesial teaching authority of the Christian community. As a result, the history, use, and meaning of the term differ significantly depending on the ecclesial context of the speaker and her or his audience. While widespread agreement exists that the church has the right and duty to faithfully and authoritatively expound the Gospel, disagreements over the role of tradition, the particular locus of this office in the church, and the exercise of this authority are matters of ecumenical division. Paul asserts that teaching is a gift of the Spirit for the building up of the church (Rom. 12:6–8), but since the Reformation, denominations have had difficulty agreeing on the relationship between this teaching and the teaching of scripture itself. Famously, Luther and Calvin argued for the inspiration and sufficiency of scripture against the use of ecclesial tradition as a source for the proper understanding of divine revelation. The Council of Trent, in its fourth session, placed the unwritten tradition of the church alongside the writings of sacred scripture and warned that no one may interpret the scriptures in a way contrary to the teachings of the church on their own authority. Since the 15th century, however, there has been an increasing awareness among both Catholics and Protestants of the interdependence of scripture and the history of its interpretation throughout the life of the church. This growing awareness of the historically conditioned nature of all human understanding has made it increasingly difficult for those who argue for a simple reading of either scripture or doctrinal statements. Ephesians (4:11–12) connects the teaching office with other ministerial offices. However, the proper locus of magisterial authority is also a persistent issue of ecumenical division. In Catholic ecclesiology, the office of the magisterium is centered in the college of bishops. This office is exercised ordinarily by each bishop in his own diocese and united to the universal church, but also extraordinarily when the Roman Catholic Church seeks to make a formal definition of the faith, either via an expression of episcopal collegiality, such as an ecumenical

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council, or when the Roman pontiff speaks in accordance with the universal church via an ex cathedra statement on some issue concerning faith or morals. Among churches of the Reformation, it is clear that the teaching authority of the church is rooted in the inspiration of scripture. However, within Protestantism there is a great diversity of opinions about the proper locus of the authoritative interpretation of scripture within the church. Presbyterial polities tend to associate the teaching authority of the church with a governing board of elders, who establish the authoritative doctrinal and ethical teaching for the polity. Congregational polities place their emphasis on the autonomy of the local congregation (and the relationship between the local pastor and the community) for the proper expositing of the content of scripture. Regardless of the structure of the polity (episcopal, presbyterial, or congregational), every polity relies on the work of the Holy Spirit for the proper expression and understanding of the content of revelation. Questions about the proper exercise of the magisterium are closely connected to those regarding the proper locus of the magisterium within the church. Although the magisterium might be particularly associated with particular bodies within the church, every member of the church shares in the teaching office by virtue of her or his baptism. Thus, for example, the U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops (2011) argues that parents are the primary religious educators of the family (225). Similarly, pastors, missionaries, and theologians each play a unique role in the handing over of the content of revelation and the interpretation of scripture for the life of the church. Tensions frequently arise between the individual and communal exercise of the teaching authority of the church and are handled in various ways depending on the ecclesial context. This issue is particularly challenging because of the way it pits individual and communal concerns against each other, in addition to the fact that it is immediately connected to one’s understanding of the Gospel. Christian and religious educators thus have a particular function in the daily exercise of the magisterium of the church. In this role, it is their responsibility to concern themselves with not only the methods of transmitting the faith of the Christian community, but also its content. Religious educators thus participate in a special way in the teaching office of the church as they seek to understand and present the Gospel to each generation of Christians in a way that is faithful to its content while ever mindful of their audiences. References and Resources Dulles, A. 2007. Magisterium: Teacher and Guardian of the Faith. Naples, FL: Sapientia Press.

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Eno, R. 1984. Teaching Authority in the Early Church. Collegeville, MN: Michael Glazier Press. Gaillardetz, R. 1997. Teaching with Authority: A Theology of the Magisterium of the Church. Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press. Henderson R. 1962. The Teaching Office in the Reformed Tradition: A History of the Doctoral Ministry. Philadelphia: Westminster Press. Hooft, W. A. V. 2000. Teachers and the Teaching Authorities: The Magistri and the Magisterium. Geneva: World Council of Churches. Lindbeck, G. A. 2009. The Nature of Doctrine: Religion and Theology in a Postliberal Age. 25th anniv. ed. Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press. Metz, J-B., and E. Schillebeeckx. 1985. The Teaching Authority of the Believers. Edinburgh: T&T Clark. Moltmann, J., H. Küng, and M. Lefébure, eds. 1981. Who Has the Say in the Church? Edinburgh: Seabury Press. Osmer, R. 1990. A Teachable Spirit: Recovering the Teaching Office in the Church. Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press. ———. 2005. The Teaching Ministry of Congregations. Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press. Sullivan, F. 2003. Creative Fidelity: Weighing and Interpreting Documents of the Magisterium. Eugene, OR: Wipf & Stock. United States Conference of Catholic Bishops (USCCB). 2011. General Directory for Catechesis. Washington, DC: USCCB. Vanhoozer, K. 2005. The Drama of Doctrine: A Canonical Linguistic Approach to Christian Theology. Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press. World Council of Churches, Commission on Faith and Order. 1979. “How Does the Church Teach Authoritatively Today?” Ecumenical Review 31 (1): 77–93.

—Theodore James Whapham

Malawi and Christian Education The church in Malawi is blessed by a stable and supportive government, although it faces challenges from the low standard of living, low literacy rates, HIV and AIDS, and an increasing Islamic population. Christianity was brought to Malawi in the mid-1850s by missionaries associated with David Livingstone. Roughly a quarter of Malawi’s population is Catholic, and just over a quarter is Protestant (in 62 denominations). Malawi also has more than 330 African independent churches. The schools established by missions laid a foundation for both secular and religious education. Most missionrelated schools are now run by the government. The Overtoun Institution of the Livingstonia Mission and St. Michael’s College of the Universities to Central Africa (Anglican) were two of the earliest colleges.

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Malawi has two national universities (in Mzuzu and Zomba), along with 17 Protestant and four Roman Catholic seminaries and Bible schools. Through cooperation, several of these programs have been accredited by the Department of Education. Most of the Protestant programs are lower- or mid-level institutions that serve specific denominations. Many Bible schools run extension programs and correspondence courses. Organizations like the Evangelical Association of Malawi offer training in pastoral leadership. But traditional models of theological education have not produced leaders affordably or fast enough to meet the needs of the growing church, and most church leadership is untrained. Christian literature is expensive and not easily available, although Malawi’s Kachere is one of the best publishing houses for theological and historical issues related to the African church. —Steve Hardy

Malaysia and Christian Education Malaysia is a Muslim nation, and Christians make up about 10 percent of the population. Portuguese traders introduced Catholicism in 1511; the Dutch brought Protestantism in 1641. Religious freedom is ingrained in the constitution (Article 3), but Muslims are not allowed to embrace Christianity (Article 11). In a multireligious sociocultural environment, Christian education is practiced in a number of ways. First, church-based religious education programs help believers grow in their faith. Many churches also run preschools as a social ministry. Second, Bible institutions offer theological education for Christians preparing for ministry. Degrees granted by these institutions are not recognized by the local government and are accredited by external agencies. Third, mission schools provide academic education founded on Christian values. Anglican missionaries pioneered the first mission school in1816. By 2012, the Federation of Councils of Christian Mission Schools, Malaysia had 448 affiliated schools. Mission schools are challenged to maintain their vision and ethos even as the government actively seeks to take over. Fourth, Christian parents dissatisfied with public education resort to homeschooling. The Education (Amendment) Act of 2002 states that homeschooling is an option, but parents are required to inform the Ministry of Education of their intent. While Christian religious and theological education in Malaysia is for non-Muslims only, Muslims may enroll in mission schools and homeschool centers, provided these institutions do not force Christian teachings on them.

History shows that Christian education is one of the best witnesses of the faith and an agent of mission in Malaysia. References and Resources National Evangelical Christian Fellowship. 1993. Educational Challenges in the Malaysian Society: A Christian Response. Petaling Jaya, Selangor: NECF.

—Rosalind Lim-Tan

Malta and Christian Education Malta is located on two small islands (Malta and Gozo) in the Mediterranean Sea in the south of Europe. The beginnings of its civilization dates back to 5000 BC; temple ruins originate from that time. Christianity arrived in AD 60 during a storm, when the ship bearing the apostle Paul wrecked on Malta. In the 16th century, Malta was given to the Order of St. John (the Knights of Malta); in the 19th and 20th centuries it was a British colony; and since 1974 it has been an autonomous republic. It is the most Catholic country in Europe (Catholics constitute 98 percent of the population, a considerable part of whom are practicing and proudly confess to their faith). For 400,000 inhabitants, there are two Catholic dioceses and 85 parishes in which almost 900 priests and 900 nuns work. Religious education is guaranteed by the Constitution of Malta (Art. 2). Classes, attended by about 98 percent of students, take place in schools, are obligatory and confessional, and are two hours long (ethics lessons are an alternative). Catechesis is supervised by the National Catechetical Office. Confessional religion lessons at school are also available for Orthodox Christians, Protestants, Muslims, and Jews. Religion lessons are evaluated, but religious practices are not. Parish catechesis is organized for children and youth. It is facultative, twice a week, and includes preparation for sacraments. Numerous priests, nuns, and laypeople are engaged in the work of catechesis. This is an unusual fruit of the activity of St. George Preca (1880–1962), a charismatic faith educator and the founder of The Society of Christian Doctrine (M.U.S.E.U.M.—Magister Utinam Sequatur Evangelium Universus Mundus/ Divine Teacher, May the Whole World Follow Your Gospel). Numerous Maltese are committed to the activities of religious movements and church communities. References and Resources Chalupniak, Radoslaw. 2010. “Wychowanie religijne na Malcie.” Katecheta 54 (6): 7–11. Deguara, George. 2006. “Parish catechesis in Malta.” In Katecheza parafialna—reaktywacja. Duszpasterstwo katechetyczne w parafii, edited by Radoslaw Chalupniak, 31–33. Opole:

Marion E. Wade Center, Wheaton College

Redakcja Wydawnictw Wydziału Teologicznego Uniwersytetu Opolskiego. Kielian, Andrzej. 2010. Modele nauczania religii rzymskokatolickiej w krajach europejskich. Kraków: Poprzedni.

—Radoslaw Chalupniak

Marion E. Wade Center, Wheaton College History The Marion E. Wade Center is a special collections library with holdings related to seven British authors: Owen Barfield, G. K. Chesterton, C. S. Lewis, George MacDonald, Dorothy L. Sayers, J. R. R. Tolkien, and Charles Williams. The center began in 1965 when Wheaton College English professor Dr. Clyde S. Kilby founded The C. S. Lewis Collection, gathering together the works of C. S. Lewis and other like-minded authors who significantly influenced Lewis through direct aquaintance, their writings, or both. Former Wade Center director Christopher Mitchell comments on this unique assemblage of writers: There was a farsightedness about the grouping of these seven authors. Together they can be said to form a kind of school of thought. All seven shared a common nationality. Each found more common ground with the thinking of the past than with the thinking of their own time. Each shared Christian interests and wrote on Christian themes.4

The collection began with a few letters exchanged between Kilby and C. S. Lewis and a handful of books and has subsequently grown to become one of the largest research centers on these seven authors in the world. In 1974, friends and family of Marion E. Wade, a Christian businessman who was a great admirer of C. S. Lewis’s writings, established an endowment in his memory to support the collection, which was renamed The Marion E. Wade Collection. In 1980, the Wade published the first volume of its academic journal, SEVEN: An Anglo-American Literary Review. It was begun by Dr. Kilby, Dr. Beatrice Batson, and Dr. Barbara Reynolds, who established SEVEN to provide a venue for critical assessment of the writings of the seven Wade authors. As the collection grew, the Wade Center was moved among various locations on Wheaton College’s campus. It is now located in its own building, which opened in 2001. This facility has made it possible to serve more than 12,000 visitors a year through the museum and reading room as well as discussion groups, speaking engagements, and other public programming. 4. http://www.wheaton.edu/wadecenter/Welcome/~/media/Files/Cen ters-and-Institutes/Wade-Center/30thAnniversaryWadeWeb.pdf.

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Academic Programs The Wade Center provides various services in the interest of promoting the seven authors. First and foremost is providing access to the various research collections to both individuals and groups—including classes from other educational institutions. The Kilby Reading Room at the Wade Center receives visitors from all over the world, who are able to explore thousands of letters, manuscripts, books, and other materials by or about the Wade authors. Patrons may come for extensive research projects, such as writing a book or completing a dissertation, or for personal edification and enjoyment. These collections are also highlighted through the Wade Center’s museum space. A wardrobe that belonged to C. S. Lewis as well as Tolkien’s and Lewis’s desks and Charles Williams’s bookcases are among the objects available for viewing, along with rotating educational displays and interactive exhibits. The Wade Center’s commitment to promoting education and understanding of the authors and their works is also reflected in its program offerings. Regular reading discussion groups at the Wade are available to members of the campus and local communities; these groups give participants an opportunity to mine the riches of various works by discussing them with others and learning from knowledgeable group facilitators. Likewise, Wade staff members provide talks and tours to school groups and others interested in learning more about the seven authors. Public educational and creative programming also includes appearances by noteworthy authors, scholars, and artists. The Wade Center’s offerings allow participants to engage with ongoing application of the authors’ thought to areas such as current scholarship, daily living, and the arts. The Wade’s list of services rounds out with the publication of SEVEN, a highly regarded, peer-reviewed academic journal that promotes awareness of the authors along with critical assessment of their work. SEVEN includes cutting-edge scholarly articles, book reviews, as well as news and events related to the Wade authors. Since 1980, 29 volumes have been published. Christian Philosophy and Mission of Education The primary mission of the Marion E. Wade Center is twofold: to collect and preserve the works by and about these seven authors, as well as to make these materials and their content accessible, understandable, and relevant to today’s culture. The Wade welcomes all those with an interest in the authors to visit, attend its varied programming, and make use of its vast resources. For additional information about the Wade Center, see http:// www.wheaton.edu/wadecenter. —Marjorie Lamp Mead and Laura Schmidt

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Marriage

Marriage Marriage is natural to humans in diverse cultural traditions across time, place, and peoples. A basic pillar of society, as an institution it signals the propagation of the species, family, race, and tribe and is a natural propagator of culture and language. This is because it creates the conditions most propitious for the rearing and flourishing of children. Traditional Christian teaching, however, goes further than these reasons of natural law. It holds that marriage is a covenant before God between a man and a woman, ordered for the procreation and rearing of children. Ordinarily regarded by Christians as a sacred institution, Roman Catholics, Orthodox Christians, and some Anglicans believe the contract to be a sacrament and so a source of special grace. Central to Christian teaching on marriage is sacred scripture. Genesis 1:27 teaches: “And God created man to his own image: to the image of God he created him: male and female he created them.” Genesis 2:24 states: “Wherefore a man shall leave father and mother, and shall cleave to his wife: and they shall be two in one flesh.” In Mark 10:8–9 it is said: “And they twain shall be one flesh: so then they are no more twain, but one flesh. What therefore God hath joined together, let not man put asunder.”5 Ephesians 5:31 states: “For this cause shall a man leave his father and mother, and shall be joined unto his wife, and they two shall be one flesh.” St. Augustine, in “On the Good of Marriage,” affirms the sacramental nature of Christian marriage: “Among all people and all men the good that is secured by marriage consists in the offspring and in the chastity of married fidelity; but, in the case of God’s people [the Christians], it consists moreover in the holiness of the sacrament, by reason of which it is forbidden, even after a separation has taken place, to marry another as long as the first partner lives.”6 In “On Marriage and Concupiscence” (1.10), St. Augustine says: “Undoubtedly it belongs to the essence of this sacrament that, when man and wife are once united by marriage, this bond remains indissoluble throughout their lives.”7 Highlighting both the natural and sacramental aspects of Christian marriage, Aquinas says in the Summa Theo5. See also Matthew 19:5–6. 6. St. Augustine, “On the Good of Marriage,” trans. Peter Holmes and Robert Ernest Wallis, rev. Benjamin B. Warfield, in Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, First Series, ed. Philip Schaff (Buffalo, NY: Christian Literature Publishing Co., 1887), 5:ch. 24. 7. St. Augustine, “On Marriage and Concupiscence,” in Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers.

logica that “matrimony is instituted both as an office of nature and as a sacrament of the Church.”8 Opponents of Christian marriage see the institution as a private compact between persons, to be created, maintained, and dissolved by the contracting parties at will. Feminists argue that marriage is inherently sexist, while advocates of lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender marital rights9 hold marriage to be open to persons of the same sex. Whichever way it is interpreted, the institution creates intergenerational demands on existing adults to create children in ways that allow youngsters to discover themselves, their kin, and their communities; understand their place in the universe; and thus to flourish. The avoidable and deliberate separation of a child from its biological parents and family implies institutionalized intergenerational injustice.10 Whether the current elevation of the desires of this generation over the needs and interests of future generations can be ethically maintained over time remains to be seen. Christian educators should note that as the spiraling cost to future generations11 of dissoluble and same-sex marriage (predicated on expensive in vitro fertilization and child separation from blood kin) becomes ever more apparent, Christian teaching on marriage is likely to become ever more necessary to the well-being of communities. References and Resources Almond, Brenda. 2006. The Fragmenting Family. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Aquinas, Thomas. 1920. The “Summa Theologica” of St. Thomas Aquinas Literally Translated by Fathers of the English Dominican Province. London: Burns, Oates and Washbourne. Archard, David. 1993. Children: Rights & Childhood. London: Routledge. Augustine. 1887. “On the Good of Marriage.” Translated by Peter Holmes and Robert Ernest Wallis. Revised by Benjamin B. Warfield. In Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, 1st series, vol. 5, edited by Philip Schaff. Buffalo, NY: Christian Literature Publishing. Girgis, Sherif, Ryan T. Anderson, and Robert P. George. 2012. What Is Marriage? Man and Woman: A Defense. New York: Encounter Books.

8. T. Aquinas, The Summa Theologica of St. Thomas Aquinas Literally Translated by Fathers of the English Dominican Province (London: Burns Oates and Washbourne, 1920), Q49, art. 2 9. David Archard, Children: Rights & Childhood (London: Routledge, 1993), 98–102. 10. Jacqueline A. Laing, “Law, Liberalism and the Common Good,” in Human Values: New Essays on Ethics and Natural Law, ed. David S. Oderberg and T. D. J. Chappell (London, Palgrave Macmillan, 2004), 184–216. 11. Brenda Almond, The Fragmenting Family (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006).

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Laing, Jacqueline A. 2004. “Law, Liberalism and the Common Good.” In Human Values: New Essays on Ethics and Natural Law, edited by David S. Oderberg and T. D. J. Chappell, 184–216. London: Palgrave Macmillan. Laing, Jacqueline A., and Russell Wilcox. 2013. The Natural Law Reader. Oxford: Wiley Blackwell. Westermarck, Edward Alexander. 1903. The History of Human Marriage. London: Macmillan. Witte, John, Jr., and Joel A. Nichols. 2005. Covenantal Marriage in Comparative Perspective. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans.

—Jacqueline Laing

Maslow, Abraham Early Background and Education Maslow (1908–1970) was an American psychologist, born in New York to Jewish immigrants from Russia. He earned his BA in 1930, his MA in 1931, and his PhD in 1934, all from the University of Wisconsin. Maslow was chair of the psychology department at Brandeis University from 1951 to 1969. While at Brandeis he met Kurt Goldstein, who originated the idea of self-actualization and led Maslow to develop his theory of the hierarchy of needs (Boeree 2006). Maslow rejected what he considered to be the negative view of humanity in Freudian psychoanalytic theory as well as the reductionism of behavioral psychology, becoming a leader in the “third force” of psychology that emerged in the 1950s and 1960s, known as human motivation theory (Maslow 1968, 686). Significant Contributions to Christian Education Maslow’s contributions come mostly from his influential humanist personality theory, which he developed and wrote about in several papers and books. He described psychological well-being as fulfilling innate human needs in priority, culminating in self-actualization, or full human potential. His hierarchy of needs is depicted as a pyramid, with the most basic, physiological needs of food, water, and shelter at the bottom. Next were safety needs, including personal security and safe places to live and work. Next came relationship needs of love and belonging. The next level consists of needs of self-esteem and confidence. Finally, at the top is the need for self-actualization. Maslow described “self-actualizers” as creative problem solvers, accepting of others, free of prejudice, compassionate, spontaneous, achieving what they are capable of, flexible, and altruistic (Fuller 1986, 143). He thought that there were very few self-actualized people, but he studied the lives of some famous people that he considered to have fulfilled this need. Self-actualizers have

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what he termed “peak experiences,” which he described as self-transcending experiences of awe, mystery, joy, and wonder (Maslow 1968, 695). Maslow discussed the relationship of his theory to religion in Religions, Values and Peak-Experiences (1970). He cared little for organized religion, but acknowledged that religious questions and yearnings are deeply rooted in human nature and that religion helps people fulfill the needs of the hierarchy. He said the private, peak experience is the essence of every religion and called these experiences “godlike,” similar to Rudolf Otto’s mysterium tremendum (Friedman 1992, 103, 106–107). He wrote about “Being-Values” (B-values) of self-actualizers as spiritual values of truth, beauty, and goodness, and that God is the embodiment of most of the Being Values (Fuller 1986, 149, 162, 167). Maslow wrote about the implications of his theory for education. He believed that the drive to learn is intrinsic, and that the purpose of education and learning is to bring about self-actualization. In the classroom, one’s needs must be met in order to learn. He claimed that his theory put forth a different concept of the self, one that has to be uncovered. The job of the educator is to help persons find out what is already in them rather than to shape them into a prearranged form. Creating a positive classroom environment to promote self-worth is critical. Maslow discussed extrinsic learning, which is the traditional method of accumulating information, versus intrinsic learning, which comes from discovering who one is from experiences: “Learning to be a person is more central and basic than the impersonal learning of skills or the acquisition of habits” (Maslow 1968, 688, 691–692). Criticism of his theory stems from his methodology. He did biographical analysis of people he identified as being self-actualized, which some considered to be a subjective measure. Also, he assumed that the lower needs of the hierarchy must be met before a person can achieve his or her full potential, seeming to assume that people who live in poverty cannot achieve self-actualization, which implies classism. Many creative, productive, and faithful people live in poverty on a daily basis. Maslow is considered a forerunner of transpersonal psychology, which is concerned with the self-transcendent or spiritual aspects of human experience. Significant Publications Maslow developed his hierarchy of needs in a paper entitled, “A Theory of Human Motivation” in the Psychological Review in 1943. His major books include Motivation and Personality (1954); Toward a Psychology of Being (1962); The Further Reaches of Human Nature (1971); and Religions, Value and Peak-Experience, which was

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reprinted several times. He cofounded the Journal of Humanistic Psychology in 1961, which is still in publication. References and Resources Boeree, G. 2006. “Abraham Maslow.” http://webspace.ship.edu/ cgboer/maslow.html. Friedman, M. 1992. Religion and Psychology: A Dialogical Approach. New York: Paragon House Publishers. Fuller, A. R. 1986. Psychology and Religion: Eight Points of View. Lanham, MD: University Press of America. Maslow, A. 1968. “Some Educational Implications of the Humanistic Psychologies.” Harvard Educational Review 38 (4): 685–696.

—Susan Willhauck

Mass Mass is the complex of ceremonies and prayers that constitute the Eucharistic service. The Mass is divided into the Liturgy of the Word and the Liturgy of the Eucharist. Traditionally, the first part of the Mass was called the Mass of the Catechumens, and the second part was called the Mass of the Faithful. The “catechumens” were not communicants and following the homily were dismissed at the end of the first part of the Mass. In the earliest liturgy, congregational members read passages from the Old and New Testaments, which were followed by an antiphon or “Alleluia.” The priest’s homily was then followed by an affirmation of faith, prayers, and antiphons (and an offering at some time). The “faithful” were baptized, and therefore are full members, who were sent forth at the end of the second part of the Mass. The Liturgy of the Eucharist is the pinnacle of the Mass. The Eucharist is the “Most Blessed Sacrament of the Altar” in the dual aspects of sacrament and sacrifice of the Mass, wherein it is believed the Lord Jesus Christ is truly and completely present (i.e., “Real Presence”: blood, body, divinity, and soul) under the appearance (or “accidents”) of bread and wine, which are as true as He is in heaven. All who partake of and believe in the “Real Presence” of Christ in the Mass are more acutely united in the church, but only as each communion host is offered to the participant with the words, “the body of Christ,” thereby indicating that the sacramental elements have actually become the body and blood of Christ. Although the outward appearance (“accidents”) appears to be the same, the essential nature of the bread and wine is believed to change, which occurs so that the priest can sacrifice Christ again upon the altar. The doctrine of transubstantiation indicates that the physical objects that were once bread and wine have become the body and blood of Christ by the agency of

the priest. Transubstantiation is based on Aristotelian philosophy, which taught that matter was composed of accidents and substance. Consequently, the inner essence of a wafer changes into the body of Christ, while the outward appearance remains the same. Although the wafer may feel, smell, and taste like bread, Catholics believe it has been transubstantiated. The change is necessary, because the priest must change the wafer into the body of Christ to be offered as a real sacrifice for the sins of both the living and the dead. Mass is regarded as the greatest of the Roman Catholic sacraments, because it is not just grace that is received but the true body and blood of Jesus Christ. The Eucharist is believed to nourish the soul that received the grace of God in baptism and that was deepened in confirmation; it is taught that the Eucharist provides as much nourishment for the soul as physical food provides for the body. Roman Catholic and some Anglo-Catholic theologians distinguish between the body (death) of Christ and the blood (life) of Christ. Other titles for the Eucharist include the Holy of Holies (Sanctissimum), the Lord’s Body (Corpus Domini), the Lord’s Supper (Coena Domini), and Table of the Lord (Mensa Domini). There is variance among Catholic theologians regarding the perpetual offering of Christ in the Mass. Aquinas sought to distinguish between the “offering of the sacrifice” and the “consummation of the sacrifice” (i.e., the actual sacrifice and the accomplishments of the sacrifice). The Council of Trent affirmed the belief that Christ is truly present in the sacrifice of the Mass and regarded the heavenly priesthood of Christ as being fulfilled in the perpetual sacrifice of the Mass. Whereas Aquinas and the Council of Trent regarded the Mass as a true sacrifice of Christ, Anglo-Catholic theologians have commonly combined the doctrine of the Eucharist with the theory of a perpetual offering of Christ in the heavenly sanctuary (e.g., the true tabernacle). The Mass and the Eucharist is the means for redemption being implemented in Roman Catholicism. Vatican II’s “The Constitution on the Sacred Liturgy: Excerpts on the Eucharist” affirmed that “it is the liturgy through which, especially in the divine sacrifice of the Eucharist,” redemptive work is accomplished. The Council of Trent reaffirmed that Christ is offered in an unbloody manner in the sacrifice of the Mass, which is the same as that of Calvary. Throughout church history, there have been three primary beliefs concerning the nature of the elements used for the Lord’s Supper. The view of the Roman Catholic Church, for instance, is transubstantiation. Roman Catholicism teaches that the bread and wine actually become the flesh and blood of Christ, just as if one were eating a part of the Lord’s flesh and drinking His blood. The Lutheran view of the Lord’s Supper is consubstantia-

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tion. Lutheranism teaches that the bread and wine are not actually transformed into the body and blood of Christ, but the molecules of the flesh and blood are present with the molecules of the bread and the wine. The Zwinglian view of the Lord’s Supper is as a memorial: there is not an intrinsic change in the bread and wine; the elements are only symbols of Christ’s body and blood. This belief is that Christ used the elements of the Passover as an object lesson, as they were used on the Passover table. John Calvin objected strongly to the memorialist view. He believed there was a genuine spiritual reality that allowed those partaking of the Lord’s Supper to share in the body and blood of Christ. References and Resources Aquinas, Thomas. 1981. Summa Theologica. 5 vols. Translated by the Fathers of the English Dominican Province. Westminster, MD: Christian Classics. Bigalke, Ron J., Jr. 2006. “The Theory of Sacrifice in the Mass.” Conservative Theological Journal 10 (May/June): 49–74. Brantl, George, ed. 1962. Catholicism. New York: George Braziller. Catechism of the Catholic Church. 1994. New York: Doubleday. Davis, Thomas J. 2008. This Is My Body. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker. Flannery, Austin, gen. ed. 1975. Vatican Council II: The Conciliar and Post Conciliar Documents. Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press. ———. 1982. Vatican Council II: More Post Conciliar Documents. Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press. Gibbons, James Cardinal. (1867) 1917. The Faith of Our Fathers. 83rd ed. Reprint, Baltimore, MD: John Murphy Company. Hardon, John. 1975. Catholic Catechism. Garden City, NY: Doubleday. Mathison, Keith A. 2002. Given for You. Phillipsburg, NJ: P&R Publishing. McBrien, Richard P. 1981. Catholicism. New York: Harper & Row. Waterworth, James, ed. and trans. 1848. The Canons and Decrees of the Sacred and Ecumenical Council of Trent. London: Dolman.

—Ron J. Bigalke

Maturity, Paul’s Theology of Christian Within the New Testament writings, the apostle Paul articulates a clear and pervasive emphasis on maturity in the life of the Christian, which can serve as a framework for education. The idea of maturity in the Pauline letters involves several ideas related to the concept of completion or reaching an intended goal, generally utilizing the

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Greek adjective teleios (“perfect,” “complete,” or “mature”). This idea of completion is strongly linked with the complementary theme of progressive conformity to the image of Christ. Foundational concepts include spiritual perfection as new life “in Christ,” developmental perfection/maturity growing in Christ-likeness through the course of life, and final perfection/maturity in glorification in the age to come. A biblical and theological framework for Christian education based on Paul’s theology of Christian maturity can be described through three primary concepts; (1) understanding Christian identity as a new creation in Christ, (2) identifying the purpose of moving toward the intended goal of Christ-likeness, and (3) recognizing the process of growth in maturity. Critical to Paul’s understanding is the simultaneous focus on all three realities: the present state of identity, the future state of perfection, and the progressive state of maturation. In addition, a framework built on a Pauline theology of Christian maturity must incorporate both the indicative (declarative) and imperative (directive) elements in Paul’s letters, as well as the identification and exploration of intrinsic motivation. The three primary concepts of identity, purpose, and process are each considered here in light of the educational categories (taxonomy) of cognitive, affective, and behavioral learning domains. We begin our exploration with an understanding of Christian identity as a new creation in Christ. The believer in Christ finds himself in a new reality of identity, of core being (this would include such areas as attitudes, perspectives, judgments, inclinations, and desires leading to actions). This reflects God’s creative work transforming the old identity and replacing it with a new identity “in Christ” through the identification with Christ in His death and in His resurrection (2 Cor. 5:17, Rom. 6:6–23). This understanding of new identity requires the comprehension and accompanying recognition of a radical change in being and in condition that has occurred. This is stated in the indicative as something that was definitively done in the past (Rom. 6:6–11), while accompanied by an imperative directive calling for an intentional attitude of mind and direction of will in the present (Rom. 6:12–13). When Christ was crucified (put to death), the “old self” was crucified (put to death). The whole of our fallen human nature, both whole and discrete elements, was affected. A vital component of Paul’s understanding of Christian maturity lies in the understanding of the believer’s new identity in Christ and in comprehending the definitive breach with our old relationship to sin and new relationship in Christ. This represents a soteriological juxtapositioning (exchanging a person positionally in relation to right standing with God) regarding the believer’s changed identity. This new identity is characterized by righteous-

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ness and holiness, being made new in the attitude of the mind, having an enlightened understanding, no longer ignorant (Eph. 4:20–24). Both the indicative instruction declaring a definitive break (Col. 3:9–10; Rom. 6:6) and the directive imperative of being renewed (Eph. 4:22–23) are operational in the believer’s new identity. This extension of the indicative (old has gone, new has come) into the imperative (put off the old, put on the new) emphasizes the continual challenge to intentionally align the believer’s thoughts (Rom. 12:2). This “putting off” is not simply behavior modification eliminating bad habits, but rather a more holistic and comprehensive transformation of being. Identity can be described as consisting of the essential distinguishing character traits of an individual. These traits include perceptions, preferences, principles, and practices embodied by that individual. Within the sphere of Christian maturity, this involves a progressive increase in true knowledge and conformity to Christ and is not limited to the individual’s condition or expression, but is more intrinsic and incarnationally authentic in nature. This understanding of Christian identity as a new creation in Christ is developed through cognitive engagement (explanation and comprehension) and critical reflection (evaluation and perspective integration), leading to application (personal exploration and experimentation with changed behavior and action). Having settled our understanding of Christian identity, we next identify the purpose of Christian maturity as moving toward the intended goal of Christ-likeness. The purpose of Christian maturity for Paul is to arrive at a teleological goal, moving along a God-involved trajectory toward His determined end: perfection as conformity to the image of His Son (Rom. 8:29–30). This includes the idea of an intentional developmental process of progressive conformity to Christ in this life, moving toward God’s purpose (Gen. 1:27; Col. 1:28), thus linking the purpose (goal) and progressive conformity (process) ultimately realized in the believer’s glorification, the wondrous destination of conformity to the image of Christ. Paul expresses an absolute confidence and conviction in reaching this goal of completeness according to God’s continual work (Phil. 1:6). The tension in this process exists between the believer’s responsibility of action and the need for reliance on God’s grace in making progress, as well as ensuring the completion. Again, all three components of identity, goal, and process remain in full view. Here we find a theological affirmation expressing confidence in the process as well as the outcome (participation as well as perfection, assurance along with perseverance). The aim or goal of the Christian life is characterized as living in a way that is worthy, pleasing, bearing fruit, and increasing in knowledge (Col. 1:9–14; Eph. 4:1), reflecting God’s reason, action, and design for Christian matu-

rity. As with the comprehension of new identity in Christian maturity, the understanding and acknowledgment of the goal of Christian maturity requires a fundamental and increasing knowledge (cognitive engagement) in the form of a deepening perception, understanding, and comprehension of God’s will that motivates and flows into and informs every facet of the Christian’s life. The goal of ultimately presenting everyone perfect in Christ (Col. 1:28) serves as the primary intrinsic motivation for the believer’s progress. Finally, having settled our understanding of Christian identity and defined the purpose of Christian maturity, we come to the need to recognize and engage in the process of growth in maturity. Christian maturity involves a vigorous pursuit of Christ-likeness (Phil. 3:12–16). Paul portrays this as an active and relentless progression toward a specific goal, an intense and focused concentration on the present pursuit and final goal that disregards distractions and remains fixed. This kind of pursuit requires significant intentionality (1 Tim. 4:7–10). The progressive growth to full maturity is facilitated by the intentional and systematic equipping and training of God’s people (Eph. 4:11–16) and is marked by “the unity of faith, and of the knowledge of the Son of God” (Eph. 4:13, NASB). This process includes all levels of cognitive engagement, requiring being mindful and intentional in aim, direction, and desires. To “mind the things of someone” indicates an alignment of our thinking and desires with and on someone or something. To “be of the same mind” indicates a shared ideology, commonly held pattern or worldview. This also includes a complex disposition involving various affective and behavioral categories making up an organizing pattern of reasoning, intensions, affections, desires, and actions (Rom. 8:5–8; Col. 3:1–2). Again, the imperative tone comes through in the instruction to “set your minds on things above, not on the things that are on earth” (Col. 3:2, NASB). This instruction directs us to an ongoing transformation (metamorphosis) by a sustained redirecting of thoughts, feelings, attitudes, and actions, resulting in a growing alignment with God’s will and desires (Rom. 12:2), while moving us further along in the pursuit of the goal of Christian maturity, of Christ-likeness. References and Resources Klein, W. W. 1993. “Perfect, Mature.” In Dictionary of Paul and His Letters, edited by G. F. Hawthorne, R. P. Martin, and D. G. Reid, 699–701. Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press. Yount, William R. 1999. Called to Teach: An Introduction to the Ministry of Teaching. Nashville, TN: B & H Academic. ———. 2010. Created to Learn: A Christian Teacher’s Introduction to Educational Psychology. 2nd ed. Downers Grove, IL: B & H Academic.

—Gino Pasquariello

Maximus the Confessor

Maximus the Confessor Saint Maximus the Confessor (580–662) has summarized in his works the church’s teaching on the harmonic coexistence of all beings in Christ. In its communion with Christ, each being is in unconfused and indivisible communion with all others. “Unconfused” means that each being is unique and unprecedented. Communion does not threaten this being’s otherness; on the contrary, otherness is elevated through communion. Indivisibly means that each being is in perfect unity with the others; existence is accentuated by coexistence. Therefore, difference in unity and unity in diversity comprise the interpretive equation with which St. Maximus considers each communion. This interpretive equation is a source of guidance and inspiration for Christian education. Hence, Christian education must present the coherence of otherness and unity as the mode of life of the Triune God. The God of the Christian Gospels is a communion of freedom and love among three persons: the Father, the Son and the Holy Spirit. The “I,” the “you,” the “other,” cohabit in the “we,” the one with the other, through the other, for the other. In the Trinitarian communion, every person is unique and unprecedented and, at the same time, exists in full unity with the others. Jesus Christ reveals this communion of Triadic God to human beings, and indicates how they can participate in it. In the person of Christ, human nature is united unconfusedly and indivisibly with the divine nature. Without confusion means that in their communion with God, human persons do not disappear, do not lose their integrity, but remain unique and irreplaceable. Without division means that in their communion with God, human persons transcend the limitations of their created nature and acquire the ability to live eternally. Therefore, in their communion with God, human beings experience, by grace, the two fundamental attributes of an authentic life: personal otherness and immortality. The reciprocity of difference and unity also explains the human hypostasis. A human being is neither a fleshless spirit nor a soulless body, but a unified psychosomatic entity; body and soul are intertwined in a harmonious whole. This means that Christian education, beyond idealism or materialism, cultivates the entire psychosomatic dynamism of human beings: all their senses and all sensory organs. As to the communion between human beings and their fellow humans, Christian education must show that “unconfused” means that each person is exceptional and unprecedented; its complete otherness is marked out in its communion with other persons. Indivisibly means that each person is in full communion with all the others;

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their lives are each person’s own life as well. Each fellow human being is a brother/sister and friend to all others, regardless of their color, tribe, sex, religion, nationality, language and specific features. Similarly, when it comes to the communion between human beings and nature, communion without change means complete respect for the particular nature of each creature, a full affirmation of each creature’s dignity. Communion without partition means a determined scope for everything within creation. Everything must find its place in the cosmic liturgy that is life. Furthermore, this indwelling of difference and unity is a framework for the ways Christian education situates the notion of knowledge itself. Knowledge is not the possession of an object, but partaking in the life of another subject. This means that two subjects, motivated freely and out of love, exit their own selves and enter completely into the life of each other. Here, authentic knowledge becomes identical with love (agape). Only love can lead to true knowledge, since only love allows a person to reveal his or her true self. Believers experience this harmonious communion with God and, by extension, with their own selves, their fellow humans, and nature, primarily through and during the Divine Liturgy. The Divine Liturgy is a foretaste of the eschatological Kingdom of God, in which all beings coexist harmoniously. It shows that, during their movement toward God, the various beings join together. This liturgical ethos of self-transcendence and self-offering is diffused out of the temple into a “liturgy-after-theLiturgy,” in order to transform every aspect of human life: to transform politics into diakonia, economics into philanthropy, work into ministry, and art into creativity. The harmonious coexistence of the whole of creation in Christ; the transformation of a whole person and of a whole life; the freedom that loves and the love that liberates: this is the legacy of St. Maximus the Confessor to Christian education. References and Resources Balthasar, Hans Urs von. 2003. Cosmic Liturgy: The Universe According to Maximus the Confessor. Translated by Brian E. Daley. San Francisco: Ignatius Press. Bathrellos, Demetrios. 2005. The Byzantine Christ: Person, Nature, and Will in the Christology of St. Maximus the Confessor. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Loudovikos, Nicholas. 2010. A Eucharistic Ontology. Maximus the Confessor’s Eschatological Ontology of Being as Dialogical Reciprocity. Translated by Elizabeth Theokritoff. Brookline, MA: Holy Cross Orthodox Press. Louth, Andrew. 1996. Maximus the Confessor. New York: Routledge Press.

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Thunberg, Lars. 1995. Microcosm and Mediator: The Theological Anthropology of Saint Maximus the Confessor. Chicago: Open Court Publishing Company.

—Stavros S. Fotiou

McGuffey Readers William Holmes McGuffey’s Eclectic Readers were a collection of American school texts that were widely used in the 19th and early 20th centuries. Spurred by the American common school movement in the first half of the 19th century, seven million copies were sold by 1850. According to estimates, at least 120 million copies of the McGuffey Readers were sold between 1836 and 1920. By 1890, the McGuffey Readers had assumed a critical role as basic school readers in at least 37 states. Because of their prolonged dominance, it can be surmised that more children learned to read through McGuffey’s Eclectic Readers than any other textbook in American history. A strong Calvinist, William Holmes McGuffey was educated at Washington College, a Scots-Presbyterian institution in Pennsylvania. Studying ancient languages and philosophy, he started his own private school in Paris, Kentucky, to help fund his education. Before even completing his college degree, he was recruited to serve as a professor of ancient languages (and later moral philosophy) at Miami University in Ohio. In 1829, he was also ordained in the Presbyterian Church. He later assumed the presidencies of the short-lived Cincinnati College (1836) and Ohio University (1839), served as a professor at Woodward College, and spent 28 years as a professor of philosophy at the University of Virginia (1845–1873). By 1830, McGuffey was already organizing local children into age groups and experimenting with stories and lessons. In 1835, at the recommendation of Harriet Beecher Stowe, the Cincinnati publishing firm of Truman and Smith approached him about developing a set of readers for younger pupils. It is important to recognize that McGuffey was the author of the first edition of the readers in 1836–1837, but not of the later, revised editions published in 1857 and 1879. In addition, he compiled only the first four readers; his brother Alexander compiled books five and six of the original set in the 1840s. Seven different publishers worked with the readers during their 100 years of continuous publication. Compared to other extant readers at the time, McGuffey’s Eclectic Readers were more theological in content, more concerned with salvation and holiness, and less attentive to social issues related to slavery and racism. They were designed to assist in reading, writing, moral and religious instruction, and the cultivation of

patriotism. Lessons typically consisted of stories that the children would read and tell back in their own words, answering related questions posed by the author or teacher. The lessons therefore emphasized rhetoric and public speaking as well as written prose. Students were given careful instructions on how to stand and how to read aloud, maintaining proper posture and elocution. Each reader increased the length and complexity of the lessons. The second reader included twice as many lessons as the first. The third reader, 67 lessons in length, was written for students in late elementary years. In addition to typical story-based lessons, it also included essays by well-known educators, religious leaders, writers, and politicians. The fourth reader, containing 130 lessons, was typically used with those students who had already completed elementary school and included 51 poems and 79 pieces of prose. By the time students reached the fourth reader, they were also instructed to write the stories from memory to enhance both understanding and memorization skills. For reading content, McGuffey borrowed from eclectic literary, historical, and biblical sources. He made sure that the biblical selections were chosen on a nonsectarian basis, avoiding texts that might spark debate among members of various denominations. Yet he was unapologetic in his contention that biblical passages should be central to a child’s educational process in Christian America. The changing content and worldview of the McGuffey readers reflected the changing perspectives of each era. McGuffey originally composed these works with a heavy emphasis on the character and nature of God, focusing often on His role as creator, sustainer, and ruler of the world. With a central focus on God’s providence and loving care, he urged obedience as a response to this divine benevolence. McGuffey also emphasized the progressive nature of sin, providing examples of the slippery slope in which one evil act would create habits leading to destruction. In opposition to more optimistic views of human nature, McGuffey clearly supported the concept of original sin. He also emphasized contentment with one’s position in life, viewing discrepancies of wealth as part of God’s providential plan. He supported religious conversion and urged children to live lives of piety marked by such virtues as honesty, humility, thrift, temperance, obedience to parents, industriousness, kindness, and patriotism. By 1879, much of the theistic center of the readers had been removed. Emphases on salvation and religious conversion were absent, and virtue was thought to merit earthly rewards rather than heavenly gain. As a result of this secularization process, greater emphasis was placed on self-reliance and personal success, so much so that

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the virtue of contentment was replaced by a continual striving for self-improvement. The changes in later editions demonstrated the growing sense that the Calvinistic theism of McGuffey’s early readers was increasingly incompatible with the public schools’ attempts to foster a unified, nonsectarian pluralism among an increasingly diverse population. In this sense, the first edition of the Eclectic Readers reflected a prior Puritan consensus that was gradually eroded by the pluralistic civic virtue that was to come. While this collection’s dominance faded in the 20th century, reprinted versions of these texts are still accessible and are often used in homeschool and Christian school contexts. References and Resources Sullivan, Dolores P. 1994. William Holmes McGuffey: Schoolmaster to the Nation. Teaneck, NJ: Fairleigh Dickenson University Press. Westerhoff, John F., III. 1978. McGuffey and His Readers: Piety, Morality, and Education in Nineteenth Century America. Nashville, TN: Abingdon Press.

—David Setran

Mears, Henrietta Early Background and Education Henrietta Mears was a visionary and influential leader in Christian education in the United States in the 20th century. Born to godly parents in 1890, she accepted the claims of Christ on her life at age seven. Just five years later, she taught her first Sunday school class, beginning a lifetime of ministry in the local church. Henrietta was afflicted with extreme nearsightedness from a young age. Her doctor expected her to be blind by the time she was 30 and recommended that she not attend college in order to preserve her limited vision. She ignored this advice and earned a degree in secondary education at the University of Minnesota. After graduation, she taught chemistry, drama, and other subjects, as well as continuing to serve in churches wherever she lived. Significant Contributions to Christian Education In 1926, Mears and her sister, Margaret, visited First Presbyterian Church in Hollywood at the invitation of the pastor, Dr. Stewart P. MacLennan. The two women had met Dr. MacLennan when he preached at their home church, and he had been impressed with Henrietta’s ministry and gifts. He wanted her to serve on his staff as director of Christian education. Two years later, Henrietta accepted that job, a position she held for 35 years and which served as a platform for her many other ministries.

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When Henrietta arrived at Hollywood Presbyterian, the Sunday school ministry was already thriving, with an attendance of 400. Three years later, it had grown to 4,000. In time, the enrollment reached 6,500, making this the largest Presbyterian Sunday school in the world.12 One of the challenges Henrietta faced in her new job was the lack of quality Sunday school curriculum. The available lessons were unattractive, lacked continuity, and were not graded for age appropriateness. She was committed to giving God’s work the best, and poor curriculum was simply not acceptable. Finding nothing that met her standards, she began to write her own lessons. Others heard of the impact her high-quality material was having, and requests for copies began to pour in. In response to these requests, she founded Gospel Light Publications, which became a leading publisher of curriculum, and later Gospel Literature International, which provides quality Christian education materials for missionaries. Besides administering the Christian education program at First Presbyterian, Henrietta taught a college class. Young adults were attracted by her dynamic personality, her colorful style (she wore bright colors and outrageous hats), her passion for God, her love for each student, and the excellence of her teaching. Her college ministry impacted thousands of young adults, including many who went on to become leaders in American evangelicalism. Bill Bright, founder of Campus Crusade, wrote of her, “I have had the privilege of knowing many godly pastors and great Christian leaders, but no one has influenced my life more than Dr. Mears.”13 Billy Graham, who was helped through a period of doubt by Henrietta, said, “I doubt if any other woman outside my wife and mother has had such a marked influence [on my life]. She is certainly one of the greatest Christians I have ever known!”14 Other leaders who benefited from her mentoring are Richard Halverson, pastor and chaplain of the U.S. Senate; Louis Evans Jr., a well-known pastor; Vonette Bright, cofounder of Campus Crusade; and Don Moomaw, All American football player and later pastor of Bel Air Presbyterian Church. As Henrietta became nationally known as a curriculum writer and teacher, she responded to requests that she help develop teachers and leaders outside of her own church. She began to teach a Christian education training course in the Los Angeles area and went on to become a popular and effective speaker at thousands of rallies, con12. Richard J. Leyda, “Henrietta Cornelia Mears,” http://www.talbot .edu/ce20/educators/protestant/henrietta_mears/. 13. Bill Bright, “Three Women: What a Difference They Made in My Life,” http://www.judydouglas.com/2012/02/three-women-what-a-differ ence-they-made-in-my-life-3-by-bill-bright/ (modified 24 February 2012). 14. Barbara Hudson Powers, The Henrietta Mears Story (Old Tappan, NJ: Fleming H. Revell, 1957), 7.

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ferences, and Sunday school conventions. Her influence on Sunday schools was enhanced by the work of the National Sunday School Association, which she cofounded and which sparked a renewal movement in the ministry of Christian education, and by her column in Teach magazine and other writings. Her best known work is What the Bible Is All About, which is still in print and has sold over four million copies, making it “one of the most popular study books on the Bible ever printed.”15 In 1938, Henrietta realized another of her dreams when she purchased land and founded the Forest Home Conference Center in the San Bernardino Mountains, a place where young people could both enjoy nature and be discipled. Another influential ministry was the Hollywood Christian Group, which began in her home and impacted many people in the entertainment industry, including Roy Rogers and Dale Evans, who attended the first meeting. Henrietta often said, “There is no magic in small plans . . . . When I consider my ministry, I think of the world. Anything less than that would not be worthy of Christ nor of His will for my life.”16 In Teacher: The Henrietta Mears Story, Marcus Brotherton (2006) wrote about this influential woman: “Historians credit Henrietta Mears with changing the face of a generation . . . . Her contribution to the international cause of the gospel ranks as one of the most important and influential in the twentieth century.”17 References and Resources Bright, Bill. 2012. “Three Women: What a Difference They Made in My Life.” http://www.judydouglass.com/2012/02/ three-women-what-a-difference-they-made-in-my-life -3-by-bill-bright. Brotherton, Marcus. 2006. Teacher: The Henrietta Mears Story. Glendale, CA: Regal. Doan, E. L., ed. 1970. 431 Quotes from the Notes of Henrietta Mears. Glendale, CA: Regal. http://www.semicolonblog .com?p=13260. Leyda, Richard J. n.d. “Henrietta Cornelia Mears.” http:www2 .talbot.edu/ce20/educators/view.cfm?n=henrietta_mears. Mears, Henrietta, and Earl Roe. 1990. Dream Big: The Henrietta Mears Story. Glendale, CA: Regal. Powers, Barbara Hudson. 1957. The Henrietta Mears Story. Old Tappan, NJ: Penguin Putnam. Woodbridge, John, ed. 1992. More Than Conquerors: Portraits of Believers from All Walks of Life. Chicago: Moody

Meditation as Christian Practice Meditation should concern itself with the content of thoughtful reflection as well as the methods of contemplation. Many faiths have meditative practices. Christians focus their deliberation on the text of scripture, focusing on Christ’s person and work. Biblical Theology of Meditation “Reflection” originates in Hebrew words for meditation. One word gives the impression of a “groan” (Ps. 5:1) or a “moan” (Isa. 38:14; 59:11). Psalm 19:14 captures the most famous reflective statement of thoughts expressed in words, “Let the meditation of my heart be acceptable in your sight, O Lord.” Silent rehearsal, turning something over in one’s mind, ends in an enthusiastic, emotionfilled confession. The believer then orchestrates God’s works t