Empresses and Consorts: Selections from Chen Shou's Records of the Three States with Pei Songzhi's Commentary 9780824845797

Table of contents :
Contents
Preface
Translators' Note
Prolegomenon
1 Introduction
2 Palace Women in the Early Empire
3 Women in Early Imperial History and Thought
4 Empresses and Consorts of the Three States
5 Records of the Three States
Translation
Records of the Three States: The Book of Wei. Fascicle 5: Empresses and Consorts
Records of the Three States: The Book of Shu. Fascicle 34: Consorts and Sons of the Two Sovereigns
Records of the Three States: The Book of Wu. Fascicle 50: Consorts and Concubines
Appendixes
Appendix I: Tables
Appendix II: Character Count in the San guo zhi and Its Commentary
Abbreviations
Notes
Bibliography
Index
About the Translators

Citation preview

Empresses and Consorts

Empresses and Consorts Selections from Chen Shou's Records of the Three States with Pei Songzhi's Commentary Translated with Annotations and Introduction by

Robert Joe Cutter and William Gordon Crowell

U N I V E R S I T Y OF H A W A l ' l PRESS HONOLULU

© 1999 University of Hawai'i Press All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America 04 03 02. 0 1 00 99

54321

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Ch'en, Shou, 233-297. [San kuo chih. English. Selections] Empresses and consorts : selections from Chen Shou's Records of the Three States with Pei Songzhi's commentary / translated with annotations and introduction by Robert Joe Cutter and William Gordon Crowell. p.

cm.

Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-8248-1945-4 (alk. paper) 1 . Empresses—China.

2. China—Court and courtiers.

3. Women—China—History. 220-265;

4. China—History—Three Kingdoms,

I. P'ei, Sung-chih, 3 7 2 - 4 5 1 .

III. Crowell, William Gordon. DS748.25.C49

II. Cutter, Robert Joe.

IV. Title.

1999

93i'.04—dc2i University of Hawai'i Press books are printed on acid-free paper and meet the guidelines for permanence and durability of the Council on Library Resources. Designed by Cameron Poulter Printed by Maple-Vail Book Manufacturing Group

98-41899 CIP

For Kay, Krista, Mei-yueh, Alexis, Claudia, Erin, and in the memory of Barbara

Profound is the love between a wife and her husband. A ruler cannot obtain it from his ministers nor can a father obtain it from his sons. —Sima Qian, Shi ji

Contents

Preface

xi

Translators' Note PART O N E :

xiii

PROLEGOMENON

I.

Introduction

z.

Palace Women in the Early Empire

3

3.

Women in Early Imperial History and Thought

4.

Empresses and Consorts of the Three States

5.

Records of the Three States

9 z6

46

61

PART T W O : T R A N S L A T I O N

Records of the Three States: The Book of Wei

89

Fascicle 5: Empresses and Consorts Records of the Three States: The Book of Shu

115

Fascicle 34: Consorts and Sons of the Two Sovereigns Records of the Three States: The Book of Wu

izz

Fascicle 50: Consorts and Concubines APPENDIXES

Appendix I: Tables

137

Appendix II: Character Count in the San guo zhi and Its Commentary 149 Abbreviations Notes

153

Bibliography Index

Z55

Maps follow page 81 IX

151 ZZ9

Preface

This volume is the result of a long-standing mutual interest in the Han and immediately post-Han periods. Although the idea for this book came much later, we first met at the University of Washington, where history and literature students habitually invaded each other's disciplines with relative impunity. During a conversation in Madison, Wisconsin in the summer of 1985, we decided to identify a project that would lend itself to being undertaken jointly by two people with separate interests in literature and social and economic history and a shared love of classical Chinese texts. The fascicles devoted to empresses and consorts in Records of the Three States presented themselves as an obvious choice, for in addition to meeting these criteria, they offered a sampling from each of the three divisions of the text and dealt with a common theme. We also had in mind a complete translation of Records of the Three States, and it seemed to us that this initial publication would provide an opportunity to test ideas and approaches, as well as to seek criticism that could guide us in the larger work. Finally, we thought that translating these fascicles would serve as a tribute to the women in our own lives, to whom this effort is dedicated. Would that the project could have been carried out under such circumstances as we enjoyed in our graduate student days! Instead, we have contrived to work separately in places as scattered as Bamako, Beijing, Boise, Boulder, Falls Church, Hong Kong, Madison, Reykjavik, Sarajevo, Shenyang, Taipei, and Yuma, with only a handful of opportunities to work briefly together in any of these cities. While the three fascicles and prolegomenon offered here deal with issues relating to women during the Three States period, it has not been our intention to write a history of women. Such a history is unquestionably needed, and Records of the Three States contains much valuable information on third-century Chinese society. We can only hope that we have made the way a bit smoother for those better qualified than we for such an undertaking. We have benefited from the help and guidance of many. Among those who have read and commented on all or portions of the manuscript XI

xii

Preface

at various stages in its development are Jeff Howard, Hsing I-tien, David N. Keightley, William H. Nienhausec, Jr., Melvin P. Thatcher and Stephen H. West. We would especially like to thank Rafe de Crespigny, Albert Dien, Anne Kinney, and David Roy. Their wise and generous counsel immeasurably improved the final work. Where we failed to heed that counsel, and the work has consequently fallen short, we are of course to blame. Others who offered guidance or information include Ho Tze-chuan, Ch'en Shun-cheng and Lii Zongli. Their help was critical to enlightening us on specific points. J. Michael Farmer assisted with computer-related questions and ran the character count that appears in Appendix II. Francis Stanton of Eagle Eye Maps crafted the maps. We are also grateful to the Vilas Foundation and the Graduate School Research Committee of the University of Wisconsin-Madison for their financial support, to Patricia Crosby of the University of Hawai'i Press for her advice and encouragement, and to our editors Victoria Scott and Masako Ikeda for their careful reading and helpful suggestions. A special expression of gratitude is due our mentors in classical Chinese language and literature, especially Father Paul L-M Serruys and David R. Knechtges. Father Serruys imbued us with an appreciation of the importance of rigor in reading and understanding classical Chinese, while Professor Knechtges showed us that such rigor should not be incompatible with an elegant rendering into English that conveys a sense of the beauty of the original. We cannot claim to have achieved their standards, but as Father Serruys would say, "Even a cow can catch a rabbit sometimes." We hope these pages contain a bunny or two. In closing, we wish to express our gratitude to three gendemen whose contributions have greatly influenced our efforts and whose example will be sorely missed as our work continues. The writings of Professor Miao Yue on the Three States era are well known and widely appreciated. Perhaps less well known are his generosity with foreign scholars and his interest in their understanding of the literature of the period. As is obvious from the Notes, we are beholden to him not only for his own contributions but also for those of the scholars he trained. Similarly, the Notes reveal our debt to Achilles Fang and his translation of those portions of the Comprehensive Mirror for Aid in Governing (Zizhi tongjian) concerned with the Three States. The passages from Records of the Three States translated in Fang's work have often proved valuable. Finally, it is with gratitude, and sorrow, that we note our indebtedness to Jack L. Dull, whose high standards, ever-questioning mind, and deep sense of integrity have informed this effort. Demanding teacher, valued colleague, and cherished friend, he is greatly missed.

Translators' Note

The translation is based on the Zhonghua shuju ^ ^ H M edition of the San guo zhi H [II ^ . This edition was first published in Beijing in 1959 and went through six reprints up to 1975. Although the publishing history always refers to these subsequent printings as reprints rather than revised editions, it is not uncommon for new impressions of the Zhonghua histories to incorporate minor changes.1 Eventually, changes are incorporated in a revised edition, and such a revised edition of the San guo zhi was published in 19 8 z.2 We have also used Lu Bi's (1876-1967) indispensable San guo zhi jijie H¡lifeUfó? and other works. This book consists of two main parts. Part One is introductory and provides historical and historiographical information on women in early imperial China. Part Two consists of three chapters of translation and includes both Chen Shou's W-M (233-297) history and Pei Songzhi's (372-451) commentary. The juan # (fascicle, or chapter) and page numbers of the 1982 Zhonghua shuju edition are provided in the margins of the translation to facilitate finding the original text; thus "5.160" in the margin marks the beginning of juan 5 on page 160 of that edition. The translation of the San guo zhi itself is in regular type, while Pei's commentary, which is keyed to the text by superscript letters (beginning with A), is set off from it in a smaller type size. The placement of the commentary mirrors the Zhonghua shuju text, which in turn follows the traditional placement of the commentary. There are two appendices. Appendix I contains tables that present or supplement some of the information in the Prolegomenon and the Translation in concise form. Appendix II contains a character count for the San guo zhi that shows the lengths both of the history proper and of Pei's commentary. This is useful because of the widespread but unfounded assumption, sometimes purportedly supported by numbers, that the commentary is much longer than Chen's own work. Sources are cited in the Notes in two principal ways—either by an abbreviation of the title (as listed in the Abbreviations) or by an Xlll

xiv

Translators' Note

author-title reference. In both cases, of course, page numbers are provided. Full bibliographic information on each work cited is provided in the Bibliography. Citations to a small number of Classics are given according to Sinological convention, and reference is made to specific editions only where necessary. Since it is our desire to make our work and related material accessible to the specialist and nonspecialist alike, where possible we provide references to English translations of texts we cite. If an English translation is not available, we try to refer the reader to translations in other Western languages. Unless otherwise noted, however, all translations included herein are our own.3 Chinese characters are given at thefirstoccurrence of a name or term. If no characters are given, the reader can assume that the name or term appeared earlier in the text and can consult the Index to find the earlier occurrence. Names in the text are frequendy anachronistic. For example, in the Wei f l section, Cao Cao (155-220) is consistently referred to by his posthumous title Grand Progenitor (tai zu and empresses may be called empress (hou jp) even in accounts of events that occurred before their assumption of that title or after their assumption of some other title.4 These special usages figure not only in the descriptive and narrative parts of the material, but in ostensible reports of direct speech as well. Thus, in a statement supposedly made by Empress Bian ~K to Cao Cao's supporters, she is made to refer to Cao Cao as Grand Progenitor, even though his later success and his role as father of a dynastic founder could scarcely have been guessed at the time. In the translation, the name Cao Cao or an appropriate pronoun may sometimes be substituted for the Grand Progenitor of the Chinese text. Such posthumous names and titles (shi t i l ) figure prominently in the juan translated here.5 A posthumous name represents a judgment about an individual's life. Ideally, probity led to a good posthumous name, lack of probity to a bad one.6 Since the bestowal of such a name took place soon after death, it constituted a contemporary evaluation of the person. But inasmuch as it was intended to be permanent, the name selected was meant to shape the image of the deceased in the minds of both present and future generations. Thus the power to determine posthumous names was not trivial. It generally rested with the sovereign and his ritual advisers. Although this power might theoretically be exercised in a more or less impartial way to commemorate genuine virtue and condemn undesirable behavior, inevitably political judgments and personal considerations colored the process.7 Because posthumous names were meant to carry meaning, we have attempted to translate many of them.8 Among the most notable posthumous titles in the translation are those applied to the royal women. These follow

xv

Translators' Note

a pattern established earlier.9 Cao Cao's Empress Bian, for instance, is given the title Wu Xuan Bian huanghou ¡ S W ^ ^ / f j . The title can be explained as follows: huanghou means empress; Wu (the Martial [Emperor]) is her husband Cao Cao's posthumous designation;10 Bian is her own surname; and Xuan is her posthumous name. This can be dealt with in translation by writing "Empress Bian, Consort of the Martial Emperor and Canonized 'Celebrious,'" which we shorten to "Empress Bian the Celebrious of the Martial Emperor."11 To render the word zi referring to the name given to or adopted by an individual after reaching maturity, we have used the English word "appellative." We considered "courtesy name" and "maturity name," which describe zi of certain types, but ultimately rejected them as too narrow to encompass the full range of zi. The Roman terms agnomen and cognomen were eliminated after consultation with Hsing I-tien of Academia Sinica. Dr. Hsing, a specialist in the comparative history of the Han and Roman empires, pointed out that, even though there are some superficial similarities, the Chinese and Latin terms denote quite different names, and to adopt Roman usage would risk leading the nonSinological specialist astray. We also decided against the old standby of "style" for zi as misleading. In China, people have traditionally been reckoned one year (sui IS) old at birth and turn two at the first lunar New Year. Thus a person who is forty sui might be thirty-nine or even thirty-eight years of age according to Western reckoning. Because of the difficulty of knowing a person's age according to the Western system of counting, the reader should understand that when a person's age is given, it is in sui. A good deal of direct speech is recorded in these chapters. Clearly, these words cannot all be the actual utterances of the parties involved. Not only would verbatim transcripts have been lacking in most cases, but the literary language in which the texts are written was even then at some remove from the spoken vernacular. The direct speech probably comes from three sources: oral traditions concerning what was said at a given moment; written materials available at the time; and conjectures about what might have been said, based on the author's understanding of the circumstances and personalities involved and his own agenda. Since the Three States continued in large measure to use Han official titles, we have generally opted for the translations in Hans Bielenstein's The Bureaucracy of Han Times. We have chosen Bielenstein's renderings12 over Charles Hucker's functional translations because they convey a better sense of the system of naming offices. We have employed Bielenstein's translations and conventions even with regard to titles from the Jin and other periods, because although the nature of offices might change over time, the titles themselves frequently remained the

xvi

Translators' Note

same. Occasionally we have had recourse to Hucker's A Dictionary of Official Titles in Imperial China and other sources, particularly "Official Titles of the Han Dynasty: A Tentative List," which was compiled under the direction of Jack L. Dull for the Han Dynasty History Project at the University of Washington. Where necessary, we have coined our own. Pinyin is the principal romanization system for this book. When quoted material includes transliterated Chinese words in other romanizations, we have converted them to Pinyin. We acknowledge that this is an imperfect way of dealing with the problem of different romanizations but hope that it may make the work somewhat more accessible to a variety of readers. We ask the forbearance of those who find this convention objectionable. We have not, of course, altered transliterations appearing in the titles of books, articles, and other works. After the manuscript of this book had gone to the publisher we learned of two new works on palace women in early imperial China: Liu Yongcong HlJ^KlS, De, cai, se, quan: lun Zhongguo gudai niixing : f ^ S i f t ^ t t [Virtue, Talent, Beauty, and Power: Women in Ancient China] (Taipei: Maitian chubanshe, 1998) and Lisa Raphals, Sharing the Light: Representations of Women and Virtue in Early China (Albany: SUNY Press, 1998). While we were unable to make use of these two fine studies in our research, we were gratified to find that their interpretations parallel many of our own and agree with Professor Raphals regarding Liu Xiang's authorship of the Lie nti zhuan.

Prolegomenon

1

Introduction

It has long been held that throughout Chinese history women occupied a position subordinate to men, inhabiting a sphere of activity that was limited by ideology and social custom to serving the needs of a patriarchal, patrilineal, and patrilocal world. Occasionally a woman might be able to surmount these constraints, but such instances were considered aberrations. To early Western observers, the position of women, like other aspects of China's history and culture, seemed to change little from ancient times to the beginning of the twentieth century. And what change there appeared to have been was for the worse, such as the emergence of the practice of footbinding and the adoption of Neo-Confucianism as orthodoxy from the Song dynasty (960-1279) onward. During the past quarter century, as approaches to the history of women generally have advanced and become more sensitive and as the handling of the Chinese sources has been refined, our understanding of the position of women in Chinese history has grown more sophisticated. Recent research has made it strikingly clear that the picture is far more complicated and nuanced than would have been expected just a few decades ago. Even so, little has been uncovered to suggest that Chinese women were significantly better off than heretofore thought, and while broad generalizations can no longer be made without care and qualification, it does still seem appropriate to conclude that Chinese women have seen their position—as manifested in social status, legal protection, economic rights, and ideological valorization— in continuing decline from earliest times to at least the end of the nineteenth century. This decline has not been entirely constant, however, and as one might expect, changes in the position of women have paralleled changes in other aspects of China's historical development and have experienced a number of "turning points." The Song has long been considered one of the most significant of these turning points, though "point" is perhaps a misnomer for a span of three hundred years. 1 Chinese and Western writers alike have pointed to Neo-Confucian orthodoxy, the 3

4

Prolegomenon

importance assigned to widow chastity, and footbinding as developments during the Song that rationalized and enforced the inferiority of women. 2 Recent research has shown, however, that the matter is rather more involved. The idea that widows should remain chaste and not remarry hardly began with the Song, and the new emphasis given it was actually a post-Song development.3 Moreover, developments were not uniformly to the disadvantage of women. For example, during the Song women enjoyed much greater property rights than in earlier periods.4 In recent years, scholars have posited a second major turning point in Chinese women's history: the Ming-Qing transition.5 One writer has pointed to the rise of a group of male critics who questioned such repressive practices as widow chastity and suicide, footbinding and concubinage. Some of these critics grew out of the new school of Han Learning that challenged the assumptions of Song Neo-Confucianism, while others were the product of a culture that sprang from increased urbanization and commercialization and the spread of literacy among elite women. 6 Other scholars have pointed to a growing women's literary movement or to intellectual developments that, though they might embody a reaffirmation of classical ideals and result in a solidification of the existing gender system, generally represented beneficial developments for Chinese women. 7 While these studies underscore the need for a rethinking of received notions of the situation of women during the Ming-Qing period, there has also been a recent reminder that we must be careful in viewing discrete phenomena as representative of broader and deeper developments. Kathryn Bernhardt has noted that, when placed in a broader context, many of the beneficial developments noted by others seem less striking and of diminished import for the later rise of feminism and growing pressure for the equality of women. Moreover, Bernhardt shows that, when one considers the matter from the point of view of law, the important transition in fact occurred earlier, between the Tang-Song and MingQing periods,8 and that, rather than being beneficial, the change actually brought decline in the legal status of women. 9 The Song and the Ming-Qing transition are, of course, by no means the only turning points in the history of Chinese women. During the Qin-Han period as well, developments occurred that fundamentally altered the direction of the history of Chinese women. As the examples of later periods have demonstrated, however these developments are best understood in the broader context of the social, economic, and political changes that were occurring at the time. One would naturally expect that the creation of the centralized Chinese imperial structure by the Qin lH (221-206 B.C.) and Han 91 (206 B.C.-A.D. 220) emperors

5

Introduction

would have enormous implications for social institutions, and this was certainly the case where women and the family were concerned. One of the most significant of these implications stemmed from the desire of the imperial government to deal directly with the heads of families rather than through a hierarchy of feudal-like subordinates. As Patricia Ebrey has pointed out, Chinese patriarchy was to a very large extent the product not of the classical period but of the early imperial state, and patriarchal institutions and practices were reinforced by the policies and laws adopted by the Qin and Han.10 The appearance of patriarchy was strongly supported by intellectual developments. A gradual transformation of yin-yang PEPH thought took place during the Han that saw the nature of the feminine principle of yin change from being complementary and equivalent to the male principle of yang to being subordinate and inferior to yang.11 The Han also saw the compilation of the first texts explicitly intended to provide examples of correct behavior for women. The first among the extant examples of these, compiled during the Former Han, was Liu Xiang's (77-6 B.C.) Lie nii zhuan ^J^cfll [Biographies of Women]. Liu presented examples of feminine virtues that were hardly intended to promote expansion of the scope of women's activities outside traditional roles. A section with a similar title and purpose became a regular feature of the dynastic histories.12 The second was the Nii jie i c M [Precepts for Women], written during the Later Han by Ban Zhao $EB0 (ca. 49-ca. 120). 13 Both works became extraordinarily influential in later periods and were models for similar works right up to the modern era.14 With the creation of the centralized imperial structure, the role and function of royal wives necessarily changed as well. Marriages among royal families of the pre-Qin states were largely between persons of the same or nearly the same social standing, and they were contracted to form political alliances between states or between states and the royal Zhou house.15 Once China was governed by a single imperial structure with an emperor at its head, such marriages were no longer needed or possible. An imperial wife was chosen from among the emperor's subjects, and although her family might gain enormous influence through the marriage, they could never be the equals of the imperial family. At the same time, the exalted position of the emperor made him more remote from his ministers and officers, presenting opportunities for imperial wives and their families to exert extraordinary influence over the government and the country through manipulation of the mechanisms of imperial rule or even of the emperor himself. The potential for mischief contained in this new situation and the threat it posed to the empire became clear very early in the Former Han, when

6

Prolegomenon

Empress Lii S was able for a time to seize control of the government. Coping with this problem would require a redefinition of the role and function of imperial wives, to give them a place within the imperial structure where they were clearly subordinate to the emperor and from which they could not undermine the imperial family. But a new definition of the role of the imperial wives had implications beyond the imperial government, because it established a model for the place of women generally, whether in the household or at court. Despite the importance of the early imperial period for the history of Chinese women, there has been relatively little study of women during this era and even less that places them in the context of wider social, economic, and political changes. Earlier studies tended to deal with outstanding individuals, such as the historian and poet Ban Zhao,16 or with particular empresses.17 Others have examined somewhat broader issues, such as the influence of the imperial wives and their relatives on court politics.18 In most cases these studies have followed the primarily political concerns of the sources on which they have been based. More recently, however, historians of the Qin-Han have undertaken new approaches, not simply looking at women as such but examining the institutions that shape women's lives, such as marriage and the family. T'ung-tsu Ch'ü's study of Han social structure, for example, included chapters on marriage and the position of women.19 Although Ch'ü's work advanced our understanding of Han society significantly and made available in translation a considerable amount of primary source material, it suffered from treating the QinHan period—a span of more than four hundred years—almost as though it were a homogeneous block of time. One thus misses a sense of the developments that occurred over the course of this period. Subsequent writers have continued to focus on particular aspects of women in early imperial China, gradually building up a body of analytical literature and increasing our understanding of the subject.20 The fruits of their work not surprisingly reinforce the conclusions reached by their colleagues studying the history of women in later periods: Whereas the broad, impressionistic view may show women to have been subject to social, ideological, and economic constraints, closer examination reveals that the strength and relative importance of these forces varied in response to social, economic, and political change. This should caution us against being too quick to assume that we understand what life might have been like for any woman—from empress to peasant—in early imperial China. The purpose of the present work is not to attempt a history of women in early imperial China. Although we sketch the history of women from earliest times through the Later Han—apparently in flagrant violation

7

Introduction

of our own caveats against superficial studies—our aim is more modest. Our hope is to contribute to the growing body of literature and source material that will one day make possible the writing of that history. Specifically, we have translated the three fascicles of Chen Shou's Records of the Three States that are devoted to empresses and consorts, together with the extensive material found in Pei Songzhi's commentary to those chapters. Records of the Three States is the history of the three independent states of Wei f t (220-265), Wu ^ (222-280), and Shu (or Shu Han iu9t, 2 2 1 - 2 6 3 ) , which were established as a result of the dissolution of the Han M empire (206 B.C.-A.D. 220). The parts translated here are the "Hou fei zhuan" fstEfl£ [Biographies of Empresses and Consorts] from the Wei section, the "Er zhu fei zi zhuan" — f t [Biographies of the Consorts and Sons of the Two Sovereigns] from the Shu section, and the "Fei pin zhuan" #E#j|ft [Biographies of Consorts and Concubines] from the section devoted to Wu. 21 Because these deal with the various wives and concubines of the successive heads of state in the three regions, they form a topically coherent group. 22 The biographies in this group are intrinsically interesting for what they tell us about the lives of these women and their relatives, for the attitudes toward women expressed in them, and for the light they shed on historians' approaches to writing about women. A comparative study of these sections can also deepen our understanding of the structure and composition of the text of Records of the Three States as a whole. The material in this prolegomenon is meant to give our texts and their content a historical context. We discuss the treatment of women by Han writers, how their views, were influenced by political developments, and how attitudes toward imperial spouses in particular and women in general might have changed over time. Although we believe the reader will find in our translation and discussion much that is useful for understanding the history of women of this period, we feel obliged to caution against assuming that these chapters present a complete picture of the subject. There is much yet to be gleaned from a careful study not only of Records of the Three States but of other writings of the period. Still, taken as a whole, the three fascicles presented here seem to provide a fuller picture of women in general than do the chapters on empresses and consorts in the other histories of the Han period. This has much to do with the differing natures of the courts of the Three States. The chapter on the Wei comes closest to the norm for a chapter on empresses and consorts, because the Wei court was in many ways a continuation of the Han court, with all its attendant titles and ritual. The Wu court, in contrast, to a very large degree grew out of a series of marriages among regional elites, perhaps

8

Prolegomenon

more akin to those of the pre-Qin era than to those of the Han. And the Shu Han court and the marriage patterns of Liu Bei (161223) and Liu Shan (207-271) were even further from the imperial model of the Han. Thus these three chapters show us a variety of types of women and possible spheres of activity for them. Moreover the rich variety of material found in Pei Songzhi's commentary presents us with additional perspectives on the women, while allowing us to evaluate Chen's historiography in the context of his time. Finally, aside from whatever scholarly merit our modest effort might have, it is our fervent hope that it will provide the nonspecialist (in Chinese studies and beyond) an opportunity to appreciate better the richness of this transitional period and the extraordinary people and writing it produced.

2

Palace Women in the Early Empire

A fair amount has been written on changes in the status of women in China over the last fifteen hundred years, but those that occurred in the preceding millennium and a half up through the end of early imperial China were no less sweeping or significant.1 Meager literary and archeological sources strongly suggest the outlines of a profound transformation beginning at least with the Shang (ca. 1700ca. 1028 B.C.) and ending with the early empire. It began with a time when women—royal wives in particular—occupied a position of complementarity, if not equality, in governing. Their position was legitimate and their acts of governance were recognized. By the end of the early empire (A.D. mid-third century), however, the situation was quite different, and though imperial wives and other palace women might be active in affairs of state, their actions were regularly thought to be inappropriate and ultimately inimical to the well-being of the empire. A person alive in the Shang probably would not have predicted that result. In the first half of the twentieth century, influenced by Marxist ideas coming from the West, Chinese historians posited the existence of a very early period of Chinese history characterized by matrilineal society.2 After 1949, this view became orthodoxy, and variations of it are found in China in general histories and on signs for museum exhibits about prehistoric times. Ideological content aside, historians in China have been able to present considerable circumstantial evidence to support their claims. Early writers such as Chen Dongyuan BftjflJ^ pointed to the supposedly immaculate births of such mythological figures as Fu Xi ifcii, Shen Nong tt fli, and Zhuan XutifflM,whose mothers were touched by supernatural forces and became pregnant: a footprint into which Fu Xi's mother stepped; a divine dragon (shen long # H) that quickened Shen Nong's mother; and a rainbow that affected Zhuan Xu's.3 A similar myth exists for the birth of Hou Ji fs H , or Lord Millet, the founding ancestor the Zhou J ? ) dynasty (ca. 1040-256 B.C.), whose mother Jiang Yuan became pregnant after she trod in a divine footprint.4 Other evidence adduced for this 9

io

Prolegomenon

interpretation is that the graph for the word for lineage, xing tt, comprises the elements for female and birth. Additionally, several writers have pointed out that many ancient surnames contain the element for female.5 Also frequently cited in support of the evidence of matrilineality are passages from later texts—mostly fourth and third century B.C.—that in ancient time "people knew their mothers but not their fathers."6 Finally, some have found practices and terminology in the Shang period that they believe to be artifacts of a pre-Shang matrilineal society.7 Having established to their own satisfaction the existence of matrilineal society, some scholars have made the dubious inference that matriarchy (rule by women) existed in most ancient China, a conclusion that is not sustained by the evidence.8 PRE-IMPERIAL

CHINA

Tantalizing pieces of evidence notwithstanding, the existence of a preShang matriarchal or matrilineal society remains unproven. Moreover, even if one grants the existence of matrilineal elements, by Shang times Chinese society was unquestionably patrilineal and patriarchal.9 Even so, royal wives and other women could exercise considerable authority and have high status. Shang kings performed sacrifices to their female as well as their male ancestors, and the well-being and health of a royal consort was often the subject of the king's divinations.10 Shang kings seem to have practiced monogamy in the beginning but later adopted polygyny, probably for political reasons and to address growing concern about the need for heirs who could continue the royal sacrifices.11 According to one Chinese scholar, King Wu Ding ¡e£T (ca. 1200-ca. 1 1 8 1 B.C.) 1 2 had at least sixty-four concubines, not all of whom lived in the palace. Those he did not favor (maintain as sexual partners) were given a piece of territory, and some of these were ordered to perform sacrifices or to conduct military expeditions. They traveled back and forth between the capital and the outlying regions on the king's business, and they were for all practical purposes trusted officers of the king.13 They also supervised ancestral sacrifices and seem to have performed other duties at court.14 The performance of such important functions appears not to have been limited to Wu Ding's wives or just to the wives of the Shang king. It has been suggested that the wives of subject rulers may have presented tribute at the Shang court on behalf of their husbands, or the women presenting the tribute may in fart have been subject rulers themselves.15 The overall impression is that royal wives, and perhaps upper-class women generally, were respected and held positions of authority, though Shang women typically occupied a position inferior to men.16 Royal wives continued to perform an active role in governing during

11

Palace Women in the Early Empire

the Western Zhou (ca. 1040-771 B.C.). Bronze inscriptions refer to the activities of queens, who had their own officers and were persons of status.17 H. G. Creel noted that one queen, whom he identified as the consort of King Cheng JjSc (r. ca. 1035-ca. 1006 B.C.), appears in several bronze inscriptions performing functions that normally would have been those of a king.18 For a later period, a poem in the Shi jtng nxf M [Classic of Poetry] presents a list of seven of the highest officials of the government and states that "the beautiful wife splendidly side by side (with the king) has her place."19 The "Minor Preface" ("Xiao xu" ) to this poem says it is a criticism of King You ® (r. 7 8 1 - 7 7 1 B.C.). 2 0 The beautiful wife has been understood to be the enchanting Baosi M, with whom King You was so infatuated that he bungled his rule of the kingdom and allowed it to be overrun by the armies of a non-Chinese people from the North.21 As we shall see in Chapter 3, this interpretation may be more a reflection of later thinking than a description of what actually transpired. Creel could be correct in saying that Baosi's appearance here (if indeed it is she) might simply acknowledge the important role this wife played in decision-making and perhaps even in the conduct of government.22 In any case, the impression conveyed by the available sources is that at times during the Western Zhou, if not throughout the period, royal wives could and did actively participate in government functions, in some cases acting as a king might and in others perhaps performing duties analogous to those of a minister. Our understanding of the situation, however, is decidedly hampered by limited evidence. With the Eastern Zhou (720-256 B.C.), 2 3 source materials become more plentiful, offering us a more complete and more elaborate picture. The major texts from the period reveal a set of intricate institutions and practices involving not only the Zhou kings but the rulers of subordinate states (zbuhou tjlffl) and the aristocracy {qing daifu IBP jc^fe).24 Their very complexity suggests that the beginnings of these institutions would surely be found well back in the Western Zhou, if only our sources were richer. Particularly interesting are the institutions of marriage as practiced during the Spring and Autumn period. These constituted arrangements based on sororal polygyny, whereby the Zhou king married twelve women at one time, the rulers of subordinate states, nine women, and aristocrats lesser numbers according to their rank.25 Although this practice was in part driven by the desire to ensure an heiii it was also largely impelled by political motives, especially the need to establish and sustain alliances among states, as is suggested by the fact that all primary wives of rulers came from other states. In a process known as ying one state would send the primary bride, accompanied by a younger sister and a niece, while two related states would

iz

Prolegomenon

each send a secondary bride, also accompanied by a younger sister and niece, making a total of nine. The primary bride became the primary wife, and the eight other women (or girls) who accompanied her all became secondary wives. This ensured that even if the primary wife failed to produce an heir or was for some reason divorced, there would be an heir from the lineage of the principal bride or from a related lineage, thereby preserving the affinal relationships established by the marriage. These wives were also to be agents of their natal states and were to protect the short-term interests of their lineages while producing heirs who would ensure long-term amity between their natal states and those of their husbands.26 A practice so involved must have been difficult to sustain, and it eventually ceased, though vestiges existed during the Han.27 The harem of a ruler also included concubines and maids. Wives and concubines were ranked within the harem, and we know that there were at least nine ranks. A woman's ranking determined the status of her children in the succession, and it could change.28 There were several sources for concubines, including rulers sending girls from their lineage or fathers sending their daughters into concubinage. An abbreviated marriage rite might be performed for some concubines, particularly those from other ruling lineages, but they were usually treated as private property. A ruler could elevate a concubine and make her his wife; this usually happened only if the concubine had become a special favorite of the ruler or he wanted to make her son his successor. Such actions were frowned upon and were apparently made a punishable offense through an interstate convention; there was a recognition that concubines were a potential source of disruption.29 The size of the harems is unclear, but they could sometimes run into the hundreds.30 Although women could still be important in the cementing of alliances among lineages and states, they do not appear to have exercised the same sort of authority in the Eastern Zhou as they did in the Shang and the Western Zhou. The Zhou li Jflit [Rites of Zhou] lists a number of posts that were to be held by women. The Rites is a relatively late text,31 and although many of the positions it describes are attested to in other, earlier works, this does not seem to be so much the case with the positions held by women.32 The Rites does describe the royal wives as being counterparts of the highest-ranking ministers in the government, but there is no evidence that they or the wives of the rulers of the subordinate states exercised any authority outside the confines of the palace. The separation of the court into inner and outer domains appears to have been well established by Spring and Autumn times, and the appropriate realm of the activities of the royal wives was considered to be limited to the inner court.33 Because the

13

Palace Women in the Early Empire

main political function of the royal wives was to serve as agents for their natal lineages, conditions were ripe for them to begin engaging in the sorts of manipulative, inner-court politics on behalf of their families that was to characterize the early empire. The situation was exacerbated by the growing popularity of large numbers of concubines during the Warring States period,34 which led to the development of sizable harems that became hotbeds of competition for the ruler's favor and fertile ground for the sort of plotting that marked the courts of the early empire. THE TRANSITION TO EMPIRE

Multiple consorts and large harems may have been a source of prestige and gratification for late Eastern Zhou rulers, but in the end they became simply a part of the spoils of conquest amassed by Qin as it rolled up the empire. Just as he integrated other aspects of China to build his empire, so the First Emperor consolidated the harems of the conquered rulers to form a seraglio worthy of the lord of the subcelestial realm. He built palaces and pavilions in his capital, where he assembled the women belonging to the rulers of the states he had eliminated.35 One text says, "He demarcated within and without one hundred forty-five halls and lodges, and the diverse women occupying the rear apartments numbered more than ten thousand. An emanation rose and surged to Heaven."36 Given the systematizing policies instituted by the First Emperor in the other spheres of the new empire, it is not surprising to find that he established an elaborate scale of ranks and titles for the women of the harem that mirrored those of the civil bureaucracy. The system differed, at least in titles, from that found in the Eastern Zhou. It comprised eight ranks, and like many other Qin institutions was adopted by the Han: The principal wife was called empress (huangbou) and secondary wives were called lady (furen ^ c A ) . There were also beautiful lady (meiren H A ) , sweet lady (liangren S . A ) , eighth-rank lady (bazi A ), seventh-rank lady (qizi ), senior maid (zhangshi JUsfe), 37 and junior maid (shaoshi ¿^ffi).

In addition, the emperor's mother was called empress dowager (huang taihou M^C/5) and his paternal grandmother, grand empress dowager (taihuang taihou ^ C i i ^ J g ).38 The titles favorite beauty (jieyu Mtif), graceful lady (xing'e MM), elegant lady (ronghua W^P), and compliant lady (chongyi were added by Emperor Wu Sfe'Sr of Han (r. 140-87 B.C.), and brilliant companion (zbaoyi BH'H) was added

14

Prolegomenon

by Emperor Y u a n j c M (r. 49-33 B.C.).39 A s Hans Bielenstein has pointed out, three additional ranks were created beyond these. N o earlier than the reign of Emperor Yuan, the sequence of the fourteen ranks was rearranged, and the individual ranks were correlated with those of the bureaucracy. N o w the harem not only possessed official rank but also enjoyed the income that came with it.40 The reign of Emperor W u is often associated with grandeur and excess, and women were part of the display. According to the Sanfu huangtu H f t H r B l [Yellow Chart of the Capital District]: In his quest for immortality, Emperor Wu built the Palace of Bright Radiance. He sent two thousand beauties from Yan and Zhao to fill it. They selected girls under twenty but over fifteen. Those who reached the age of thirty were sent away to be married Whenever one of the girls died, another girl was found to take her place.41 Emperor Wu's successors sought to outdo him, and the increasing extravagance of emperors in building their harems drew criticism. The Hou Han shu iMMW [Later Han History] reports, "After Emperors W u and Yuan, each generation was increasingly profligate and wasteful, until the palace w o m e n numbered three thousand and their official ranks grew to fourteen." 4 2 Following the restoration of the Han, Emperor Guangwu jfel^'iff (r. 2.5-57) reduced the size of the harem and the number of ranks. Besides the empress, there were only honorable lady (guiren i t A ) , beautiful lady (meiren), and chosen lady (cainii The honorable ladies had a small fixed income, but the beautiful ladies and the chosen ladies did not. 44 Subsequent Later Han rulers did not feel obliged to emulate Emperor Guangwu's restraint, and Emperor Huan's fe'Sr (r. 1 4 6 - 1 6 8 ) harem reached some five to six thousand women, the vast majority being chosen ladies. 45 W h a t were the origins of the wives and concubines of the H a n emperors? Unlike the pre-Qin period when the families of the rulers of the different states married among themselves, thus practicing a sort of class endogamy where marriages occurred among equals or near equals (the Z h o u king being a special case), once an imperial structure was established, the ruler had no equals. Moreover^ with the founding of the Han, the matter became a bit more complicated, for the Han founder Liu Bang (d. 195 B.C.) and his followers were of plebeian origins. Consequently, imperial marriage in the Former H a n was relatively free of the strictures that characterized not only Z h o u times but the Later Han as well. A striking example is the case of Lady Wang i ^ A , wife to Emperor Jing JS'Sf (r. 1 5 7 - 1 4 1 B.C.) and mother of Emperor Wu. She had been previously married to a man of rather modest background. But her mother ended the marriage when a

15

Palace Women in the Early Empire

fortune-teller predicted fame and fortune for her two daughters, and she arranged to have Lady Wang taken into the harem, where she bore three daughters and a son to the heir apparent, the future Emperor Jing. That son ultimately became Emperor Wu.46 Over time, however, Han marriage rules grew increasingly rigid, due both to the systematizing tendencies that characterize the period and to the growth of powerful lineages.47 Although in the early years of the dynasty the consorts and empresses came mainly from humble origins, most of the women in the "Annals of Empresses" ("Huanghou ji" Mj^iS) of the Later Han History were from great families.48 Already early in the dynasty there was sometimes a tension between the Han sovereigns and their more class-conscious officials over the choice of an empress. To the dismay of officials and historians alike, some Former Han empresses apparently attained that exalted station simply because the emperor was fond of them. Such putatively bad judgment on the part of an emperor might well draw stertorous objections from officials and was likely to bring out the strong didactic element that always has been part of Chinese historiography.49 The "Wu xing zhi" Efriife [Treatise on the Five Phases] of the Han History harshly condemns women of low estate who would be empress.50 Among those criticized in the "Treatise" and elsewhere are Emperor Wu's Empress Wei Hr (appellative Z i f u d . 91 B.C.), who had been a singer in the retinue of a princess; the same ruler's Lady Li ^ ^ A and Favorite Beauty Yin , who had been entertainers; Emperor Cheng's Empress Zhao i t , better known as Flying Swallow Zhao (Zhao Feiyan i l H ^ ) for her skills as a dancer and musician; and Emperor Cheng's Favorite Beauty Wei Urii , who had simply been a palace maid.51 The base origins of such women bothered officials, especially Confucianists, whose ideology centered on propriety and etiquette. As the Han ruling house got farther from its own humble antecedents, similar origins became less acceptable for imperial wives. Shi ji jfetB [The Grand Scribe's Records] states that only the daughters of princes and marquises possessing territory were worthy to wed a ruler.52 By the time Wang Mang (45 B.C.-A.D. 23) began maneuvering in A.D. 2, to have his adolescent daughter made empress of the equally young Emperor Ping, the principle that imperial wives were to come from "good families" (liang jia fkM) was well established. In a memorial to the throne, Wang said that the difficulties of the state derived from the lack of an heir and the improper selection of imperial spouses. He proposed an examination into the Five Classics to fix the ritual for marriage and correct the duties of the twelve imperial wives as a means of expanding the succession. He said that a selection should be made from descendants of the Zhou kings Wen ^ C i and Wu, the Duke of

16 Zhou m

Prolegomenon and Confucius, and the hereditary full marquises (lie hou

The Confucianists' desire to have consorts from good families was used by Wang Mang as a pretext for his own daughter's marriage to the emperor. During the Later Han, however, "good family" (liang jia) came to mean something different. Under the Former Han, the term connoted a family that was pure and blameless—that is, one not engaged in unacceptable occupations such as trade, medicine, or manufacturing.54 Such families did not need to have high social status.55 During the Later Han, however although the term retained some of its earlier sense, it also now clearly referred to large families of some standing and reputation—in short, to powerful lineages.56 These families developed into a powerful force at court and in the government during the Later Han, and their aggrandizement became a major factor in weakening the dynasty.57 Toward the end of the Later Han, however; such families were themselves greatly weakened in the political struggles that attended the fall of the Han. Still, their own role in undermining the dynasty would become a warning to subsequent rulers, and in the turmoil of the final years of the Han and during the Three States period, Confucianist concerns with "good families" would cease to be quite so important in the selection of imperial wives.58

PALACE WOMEN AND PALACE POLITICS

The creation of the imperial structure brought major changes in the political roles of palace women. Wives could no longer be drawn from the ruling families of other Chinese states, nor were imperial wives the means for establishing political alliances among states, as rulers' wives had been in the pre-imperial period.59 This meant that imperial wives did not have the outside source of support and authority that had been available to pre-Qin rulers' wives, whose natal families were themselves ruling lineages. Moreover, the formal political participation that had been available to royal wives in the Western Zhou and before had long ceased to exist. All activities of the imperial consorts were to be limited to the inner court, which meant that the only outlet for the political ambitions of imperial women was through their ability to manipulate the emperor. Further, because the ruler had now been elevated to an exalted position over all the empire, he became remote from his ministers, and the sort of collaborative relationship that had existed between such men as Guan Zhong If f t and Duke Huan of Qi ^FUl & ceased to exist. Under such conditions, empresses, empresses dowager, and concubines became an important means through which ambitious officials sought to influence and control the emperor.

17

Palace Women in the Early Empire

Although such influence was not always bad, in most cases it worked to the detriment of the imperial institution, and it was generally railed against both by honest officials and by those who did not have access to such influence themselves.60 Involvement in state affairs by palace women during the Han established general patterns for the entire subsequent history of imperial China and was generally of three kinds. First was the empress who used her position to seize power in her own right. This was the case with the first Han empress, Empress Lii. As the wife of Liu Bang, the founding emperor of the Han, she shared his humble background, and according to Sima Qian (145-ca. 86 B.C.), she had "aided him in pacifying the empire" and was hard and ruthless.61 Moreover, the position of the emperor still very much relied on personal abilities and alliances and was not yet buttressed by the ideology of an imperial sovereignty that could be violated only with strong justification.62 Upon Liu Bang's death in 195 B.C., Empress Lii's son inherited the throne. Known to history as Emperor Hui nS'Sf (r. 195-188), 63 this hapless lad seems to have been unwilling or unable to cope with his domineering and malevolent mother, who actually ruled during his reign. Upon his death she placed a succession of two infants on the throne but was so effectively in control that Sima Qian entitled his chapter covering the period "Basic Annals of Empress Dowager Lii" ("Lii taihou ben ji" S AJfJ^llE). She appointed members of her family to positions of high authority. Four were named kings, thereby violating an oath taken by Liu Bang and his followers that only members of the Liu family could be kings. Others of her kinsmen were made marquises and generals. Approaching death in 180 B.C., she composed a valedictory proclamation naming two of her relatives to the most senior positions in the government, chancellor (xiangguo and general of the army (shang jiangjun ). The Lii family saw an opportunity to supplant the Liu and seize the empire for themselves. They were thwarted, however, by kings from the Liu family and officials who remained loyal to them.64 Although Empress Lii failed in her bid to establish her own family, she did leave a legacy of usurpation of authority by empresses and affinal relatives that was to bedevil China into the present century. Her case also served as an object lesson to those later rulers who were willing to heed it. One who did was Emperor Wu. From his deathbed he ordered the death of Lady Zhao i l ^ A , mother to the infant heir apparent Fuling . When asked why he had the mother killed when he had established the son, he replied, Right. This is not the sort of thing you puerile ignoramuses could understand. In times past, what brought chaos to the state was the

18

Prolegomenon ruler's being an infant when the mother was in the prime of life. When a woman rules alone, she is arrogant, promiscuous, and debauched. None can restrain her. Haven't you heard about Empress Lii?65

The second pattern of interference in the affairs of state by imperial wives was that in which powerful male relatives used them to exercise influence or control over the emperor. The Former Han witnessed the rise of powerful regional families, which was fostered by the development of the private ownership of land. As these families became prominent in the bureaucracy and politically active on a national scale, they maneuvered to have their daughters become the consorts of emperors in order to improve the position of the family itself or to strengthen the hand of whatever political faction family members might represent. As we have seen, representatives of these families sought to solidify their position and that of their class generally by redefining the criteria for "good families" so that the term came to encompass only the powerful. A consort from one of these families was no longer simply an agent of her family but a pawn whose function was to ensure the position of her natal family by producing an heir, providing access to the emperor, and becoming the means for enunciating policy or even dethroning the emperor once she had become empress dowager.66 One of the most important early examples of the manipulation of an empress to achieve political goals was orchestrated by the powerful Former Han minister Huo Guang (d. 68 B.C.). Huo was the younger half brother of the famous general Huo Qubing ® who brought him to court.67 He gained the trust and confidence of Emperor Wu, who promoted him to positions of increasing responsibility. On the eve of his death, Emperor Wu named Huo one of the three regents for his successor the eight-year-old future Emperor Zhao Bp^r (r. 8 7 74 B.C.). Huo Guang's granddaughter became consort and then empress to Emperor Zhao. Following the death of Emperor Zhao in 74 B.C. at the age of fifteen, Liu He i ^ H , king of Changyi H i l l , was chosen to succeed to the throne. His comportment while he was in mourning for Emperor Zhao proved so outrageous that Huo Guang decided he must go. Huo convened a group of ranking officials to discuss the situation and propose dethronement.68 After strong initial reluctance, thirty-six of them were persuaded to sign a memorial containing a bill of particulars that was then read out to Liu He in the presence of the fifteen-year-old empress dowager. The empress dowager was of course Huo's granddaughter, and she was certainly primed on what was expected of her. She expressed extreme outrage and approved the measures outlined in the memorial deposing Liu He. Huo was then free to propose another successor to Emperor Zhao. This time it was

Palace Women in the Early Empire

19

eighteen-year-old Liu Bingyi f ' J i ^ E , who succeeded as Emperor Xuan m'Sf (r. 74-49 B.C.), assuring Huo Guang's dominance. Huo's action was to reverberate down through the centuries, for he had created a legitimizing precedent for empresses and empresses dowager to assume the power of decree. He had thus provided to these women—and those who controlled them—the means with which to usurp the emperor's authority and, while perhaps acting ostensibly in his name, to achieve their own political aims.69 More specifically, Huo had provided the model for dethroning an emperor using the authority of the empress dowager, historical precedent, and the imperial cult. The case was cited specifically in later dethronements, and it would provide the model for the dethronement of Cao Fang (r. 2 3 9 - 2 5 4 ) in 70

254. Huo also provided a model for the usurper Wang Mang, who went beyond him and replaced the Han with his own Xin dynasty (923) following the death of the juvenile Emperor Ping.71 Wang was the nephew of Wang Zhengjun empress to Emperor Yuan. When her son acceded to the throne as Emperor Cheng at the age of eighteen, she named her eldest brother, Wang Feng I J H , regent. Emperor Cheng was little interested in governing and content to leave affairs of state to his uncle. Wang Feng died in 22 B.C. and was succeeded by a series of cousins and brothers until 8 B.C., when Wang Mang, then in his mid-thirties, became regent. The following year, however, Emperor Cheng died and was succeeded by his nephew, who became Emperor Ai itlff (r. 7 - 1 B.C.). This emperor was somewhat more interested in his vocation, and the Wang clan found themselves challenged by the Ding T clan of Emperor Ai's mother and the Fu M clan of his grandmother: Wang Mang was forced to withdraw from government, though Wang Zhengjun remained, since by tradition she was considered the emperor's adoptive grandmother. When Emperor Ai died in 1 B.C., Wang Mang, who had widespread support in the capital, was able to return to power. Emperor Ai's mother and grandmother had died, and the emperor himself had succumbed without issue. This left the Grand Empress Dowager Wang as head of the imperial clan, making it possible for Wang Mang to engineer the selection of an infant descendant of Emperor Yuan as successor. This was Emperor Ping, during whose reign Wang controlled the government. He quickly exacted revenge on the Fus and the Dings, ordering that the corpses of the Grand Empress Dowager Fu and Empress Dowager Ding be exhumed, stripped of their seals, and reburied in wooden coffins as befitted the concubines they had once been. Empress Dowager Zhao, who had been wife to Emperor Cheng, was degraded and driven from the imperial palace, as was Ai's Empress Fu.

2o

Prolegomenon

Ironically, Wang's actions seem to have been motivated not simply by a desire to exact revenge but also by a clear understanding of the threat that affinal relatives posed. He would not allow Emperor Ping's mother Dame Wei i S M or her relatives to come near the capital. This art met with disapproval from several quarters, including from Wang's own son Wang Y u l ? , who tried to arrange for the Weis to come to court. For this effort, Wang Mang ordered the execution of his son, along with members of the Wei clan and others. Wang was left securely in control, a position he further solidified by orchestrating—over the opposition of his aunt—the marriage of his daughter to the young emperon, thereby making himself a relative of the emperor. His carefully laid plans were dealt a blow, however, when the emperor died in A.D. 6 without having sired a son. Had Ping had a son, Wang would have been extremely well positioned as father-in-law to Emperor Ping and grandfather to his successor. Since that was not to be, he apparently saw assuming the imperial throne himself as the only way to ensure his continued power. He knew well the difficulties an affinal family faced in carrying its dominance across generations, for had his aunt not lived as long as she did and been willing to bring him back, he might well have remained in the wilderness to which the Dings and Fus had consigned him.72 The third pattern of interference with affairs of state occurred when an emperor became so taken with one of his harem, especially a lowborn woman, that he not only took no interest in governing but was led to excesses that undermined the stability and moral authority of the imperial institution. Such was the case with Emperor Cheng, who was smitten by Zhao Feiyan, a slave-entertainer in the service of the imperial princess of Yang'e He took Zhao Feiyan (along with her sister; known to history as Brilliant Companion Zhao M&S i t ) into his harem, where she became his favorite. When Empress X u ift, losing favor and anxious to produce an heir, was accused by Zhao Feiyan of performing occult rites, the emperor dismissed X u and banished the members of her clan from the capital. Although Emperor Cheng made Zhao Feiyan empress—over the protests of his mother, who was offended by her humble background—he gradually lost interest in her, and she was replaced as his favorite by her sister the Brilliant Companion. But neither sister was able to conceive a child by Cheng. Others were, however; and a slave girl and a certain Beautiful Lady Xu i f r J t A each bore him a son. Realizing the threat that direct male descendants posed to the Zhaos, the Brilliant Companion induced the compliant emperor to kill both infants. As a consequence, when Emperor Cheng died in 7 B.C., he left no heir, creating a succession crisis that was resolved by the selection of a half nephew of the

zi

Palace Women in the Early Empire

empero^ a descendant of Emperor Yuan's consort of the Fu clan. There was some suspicion that Emperor Cheng had not died a natural death, and the Brilliant Companion committed suicide. Her sister Empress Zhao, was protected by Emperor Ai's grandmother, the Empress Dowager Fu, and remained safe until Wang Mang returned to power several years later.73 The patterns of activity and involvement in court politics by palace women that developed in the Former Han were repeated and refined during the Later Han (25-220) and, indeed, on into the present century. During the Later Han, however, their impact was magnified by institutional changes adopted by Emperor Guangwu. The power of the outer court was reduced, and within the inner court the influence and access of powerful maternal relatives and officials were curtailed. They were replaced by a palace bureaucracy controlled by eunuchs, who thus became imperial advisers and were able to control the flow of information to and from the emperor. Consequently, the emperor was now raised primarily by palace women and eunuchs. These changes were to contribute significantly to factional struggles among eunuchs, affinal relatives, and officials and would result in the dynasty's ruin.74 Wliat is particularly striking about Later Han imperial marriages is the continuing role played by a rather limited group of families until the final years of the dynasty. The origins of this phenomenon are to be found in the marriage policy adopted by Liu Xiu during the struggles that ended with his becoming the founding emperor Emperor Guangwu, of the Later Han. The workings of this policy are redolent of the system of interstate marriages in the Spring and Autumn period and presaged the marriage policy of the Suns at the beginning of the Three States. In order to construct his power base and build support in the struggle for dominance in the wake of the fall of Wang Mang, Liu Xiu concluded alliances with powerful clans from his home commandery of Nanyang l^JpJj, the Northern Plain, and the Northwest.75 These clans were to be the dominant source of imperial wives until the reign of Emperor Ling Miff (r. 146-168). For example, Guangwu's first wife, Guo Shengtong came from a powerful family on the Northern Plain, and Guangwu married her in order to gain needed support against a rival in the region.76 Once he ascended the throne in A.D. 25, she became his empress. The support of the Northern families was no longer needed, however, and the Nanyang faction increasingly dominated his government and began to press for the empress to be replaced with a consort from Nanyang, ostensibly on the grounds that Guangwu's eldest son, born of Yin Lihua ^ M should replace Empress Guo's son as heir apparent. Bowing to pressure, Guangwu divorced Empress Guo in A.D. 37 and replaced her

22

Prolegomenon

as empress with Yin Lihua, who was from Nanyang and whom Guangwu had married in A.D. 23, a year earlier than Guo Shengtong.77 The Guo family had been linked with the Ma faction led by the illustrious general Ma Yuan $§0C (d. A.D. 49). The Yin family were allied with the Northwestern faction, led by Dou Rong M £ , and their ascendancy meant that of the Dou as well. From that point on through the reign of Emperor Ling, most imperial wives came from the Dou and allied Northwestern families (most notably the Liang M) or from Nanyang families, such as the Yin and the Deng fP. The exceptions were Emperor Ming's B J ^ (r. 5 7 - 7 5 ) Empress. Ma I f and Emperor An's (r. 1 0 6 - 1 2 5 ) Empress Yan ^H, whose family was from He'nan Mi%.78 The selection of wives—as well as their dismissal—is usually described by the dynastic histories as based on very personal considerations, but in fact the process was clearly driven by factional concerns, as Hans Bielenstein has cogently demonstrated.79 The persistence of this small group of families is quite striking. At least two of the families, the Mas and the Dous, had been active at the imperial level during the Former Han, and the Liang family was already quite wealthy during the reign of Emperor Wu. In part this persistence was the result of the extreme social stratification that had occurred by the end of the Former Han and that had resulted in imperial spouses being taken from a limited group of families. Whereas the Former Han women could provide entrée to court and a way for the family to rise (the family of Wang Mang is an example), during the Later Han marrying a daughter to an emperor became the way to maintain a family's established position of prominence.80 This meant, however, that a family's position might hang by a slim thread, and when that connection was broken, the family would fall. The most salient example is the Liang family, who first came to prominence when Liang Tong M M assisted Guangwu in conquering the Northwest. In recognition of his support, Liang Tong was granted a marquisate, and his son Liang Song ^ f e married an imperial princess, one of Guangwu's daughters.81 Although the family's fortunes were dealt a temporary blow when Liang Song was dismissed in A.D. 59 on charges of corruption, then jailed and ultimately executed, the family had arrived at the highest reaches of government. The Liang recovered when Liang Song's niece entered Emperor Zhang's íjí'Sf (r. 75-88) harem and two years later bore a son who would become Emperor He ífl'Sr (r. 88106). The family subsequently provided empresses for Emperor Shun llll^tf (r. 125-144) and Emperor Huan. A scion of the Liang family, Liang Ji WM, dominated the government under Emperor Huan, but after the empress died in 159, Liang Ji lost a crucial means of control over the emperor and was unable to replace her. His high-handed

23

Palace Women in the Early Empire

manner had won him the enmity of many, including Emperor Huan, who turned to the eunuchs for support and drove Liang from power.82 Other families fared better. When Emperor Guangwu set aside Empress Guo in favor of Yin Lihua, for example, Guo's sons were made kings, and Guangwu continued to honor other members of the family.83 In this case, the claims of the author of the Later Han History notwithstanding, the emperor appears to have understood that he was setting aside his empress simply for reasons of political expedience and not as the result of some bitter factional struggle or because she no longer pleased him.84 The Mas demonstrated how timely and effective use of imperial marriages might save a family from destruction. In the wake of the death of Ma Yuan, who at the time of his passing had been under attack from the Dou faction, his faction fell from power. Ma Yuan was posthumously demoted from marquis to commoner and the family had to plead with the emperor to be allowed to bury Ma properly in his ancestral plot. Ma Yuan's nephew Ma Yan IS He was distressed by the situation; to fend off disaster, he petitioned to have Ma Yuan's daughters enter the harem of the heir apparent. His plan worked. The youngest was accepted, and eventually she became empress to Emperor He, reviving the fortunes of the family.85 Emperor Guangwu was very much aware of the threat that affinal families could pose to the position of the Lius on the throne. After all, the object lesson of Wang Mang's usurpation was still vivid. Hence Guangwu was careful to limit the positions held by the Guos and Yins so that they did not begin to approach those held by the Wang and Xu families in the later part of the Former Han.86 His successor, Emperor Ming, made an effort to uphold the policies and institutions of his father. He would not allow relatives of his palace women to be enfeoffed as marquises or to participate in government.87 But what neither he nor his father could foresee was that most of the Later Han emperors would come to the throne at an early age, providing an opening for empresses dowager and their families.88 Because empresses dowager served as regents for minor emperors—even those who were not their own sons—and could issue decrees in their names, they were well positioned to exercise extraordinary authority in the interests of their own families. Indeed, they could even control the succession, as was done, for example, by Emperor Shun's Empress Liang. When Emperor Shun died in 144, he was succeeded by a son by one of his concubines. The son (Emperor Chong) died a mere five months after ascending the throne. Empress Dowager Liang then consulted with her brother and chose another child, though adult candidates were available. This lad (Emperor Zhi) in turn died under suspicious circumstances a little more than a year later, and the empress dowager

24

Prolegomenon

named an adolescent to succeed him and arranged a marriage with her younger sister. Because they had supplied the empress dowager, the dominance of the Liang could in this way be ensured.89 The Later Han also saw a large growth in the imperial harem. Although the First Emperor had created an extensive harem and Former Han emperors had permitted themselves to be distracted by beautiful courtesans, the size of Former Han harems seems to have been relatively controlled. As we have seen, when Emperor Guangwu ascended the throne, he simplified the harem structure by reducing the number of ranks from fourteen to three (honorable lady, beautiful lady, and chosen lady). Growth of the harem under Guangwu's successors, however was marked, and by 165 Xun Shuang, who was to become a leading intellectual and political commentator, was criticizing the enormous expense and size of the harem, which he had heard contained five to six thousand chosen ladies.90 Girls and women between thirteen and twenty years of age (which could mean between eleven and eighteen in Western reckoning) were examined each autumn in conjunction with population registration, and those adjudged suitable were recruited for the imperial harem. They had to be virgins of good families, and they were inspected as to beauty, complexion, hair, carriage, elegance, manners, and respectability, and then graded.91 If this process were conducted on an annual basis, it is certainly possible that large numbers of girls were brought into the palace. Moreover although a large harem might be considered the result of imperial extravagance, one should not rule out the likelihood that people put pressure on the recruiters to take their daughters in the hope that they might gain imperial favor or at least be in a position to intervene on the family's behalf. Whatever the size of his harem, Emperor Huan clearly enjoyed his palace women, if not his empresses. After he sent his second empress to the Drying Room and death, he devoted his attention to a group of nine women, including Chosen Lady Tian Sheng B3II, and although he established a new empress, he had little to do with her.92 Regardless of the actual numbers of women, dedicated officials were right to be concerned, because the growth of the harem signified a decline in the emperor's engagement in affairs of state. CONCLUSION

Had one of Wu Ding's wives been transported through time to the court of Emperor Huan, she would surely have been astounded at the condition of her Later Han counterparts and wondered at the changes that had brought them there. The transformation in the situation of palace women, particularly the consorts of rulers, in the intervening period must be considered radical, even allowing for concurrent social,

25

Palace Women in the Early Empire

economic, and political changes. These latter, of course, had much to do with the former. The most far-reaching change was the relocation of the sphere of political activity for palace wives from the outer court (or even beyond the court) to the inner court. As we have seen, this transfer was already underway by Spring and Autumn times and thus must have begun much earlier perhaps by the middle Western Zhou. Assuming that the condition of palace wives in some way reflected the situation in the wider society, the implications of this change are very significant. Certainly this would have been so for the elite classes, who would have sought to emulate the court. This shift was evident at the courts of the subordinate states during the Eastern Zhou, and it set the boundaries of activity for women at the Han court. Combined with the patriarchal nature of the imperial structure, this development at the center must have contributed to the general subordination of women. The development of the inner court and the creation of the imperial structure completely altered the nature of political activity. Now such activity was centered on a single male in an unprecedented way. Political competition focused on this individual, whether it was competition among the palace women for favor or among court and government factions for ascendancy. Even in the latter case, the struggle could be waged through the women, who were the agents—or pawns—of particular factions. The possibilities for mischief became legion, and the ramifications of such mischief were potentially fatal to the imperial house. With comprehension of this reality came a change in the view of palace women and, ultimately, of women in general.

3

Women in Early Imperial History and Thought

Changes in economic, political, and social structures are inevitably accompanied by changes in thought and ideology. Thus, in studying the development of the institutions pertaining to palace women of the early empire, the question is not whether or not these changes were reflected in Han writings but how were they manifested and what impact they had. When we examine the writings of Han thinkers, historians, literati, and social commentators, the one trend that is immediately apparent is an increasingly unfavorable view of women in relation to government. Not only does the position of woman relative to man decline,1 but women come to be viewed as requiring constraints on their behavior and activities to prevent them from causing disruption and from leading men astray. The evolution of these views was not simply concurrent with but was, rather, directly influenced by the activities of the palace women. WOMEN IN PRE-QIN T H O U G H T

In keeping with what we have seen of the position of women in Shang and Western Zhou times, the Chinese cultural canon often conveys the impression that women were honored in early China. The "Xu gua" Jiih [Sequence of the Hexagrams] appendix to the Yijing JIM [Classic of Changes] contains the following theorem: Once there are Heaven and Earth, there are the myriad things. Once there are the myriad things, there are man and woman. Once there are man and woman, there are husband and wife. Once there are husband and wife, there are father and son. Once there are father and son, there are ruler and subject. Once there are ruler and subject, there are superior and inferior. Once there are superior and inferior, ritual and dutifulness have something to deal with. The way of husband and wife must be long-lasting.2

Although this passage does depict women as a link in the chain from primordial chaos to government and civilization, it says nothing specific 2,6

27

Women in Early Imperial History and Thought

about their actual position in society. Of course upper-class women, our main concern here, enjoyed upper-class prerogatives, and we have seen that individual women might even attain great power or influence. But the point being made in the text cited here—a point repeated in other works as well—is that the family is the fundamental unit of Chinese society, and key in the "Xu gua'* passage just quoted are the social and metaphorical connections between marriage (and procreation) and the existence and form of the traditional Chinese polity.3 Amplifications of this connection are numerous, one of the most famous being the litany of hierarchical relationships found in the "Zhong yong" ^Jlf [Doctrine of the Mean]: "There are five universal relationships in the subcelestial realm They are called ruler and subject, father and son, husband and wife, elder brother and younger brother, and the association between cohorts and friends."4 A famous passage from another canonical text, the "Da xue" ^C^ [Great Learning], reads: "The ancients who wished to illuminate their enlightened virtue in the subcelestial realm first governed well their states. Wishing to govern well their states, they first regulated their families."5 Such philosophical pronouncements were serious attempts to articulate the values of early Chinese society. As we shall see, to a large extent they continued to inform views of women throughout the Han and the treatment of women by historians such as Chen Shou, who subscribed to this vision of society and to the belief in the relationship between a well-run family and a well-run state.6 But as will become apparent, there was a difference. In the texts just cited, the relationship between man and wife is central, and in the "Xu gua" passage it comes before the relationships of superior and inferior (father/son, ruler/ subject, etc.), suggesting, if not equality, at least complementarity. This view was to change. HAN PHILOSOPHERS AND SOCIAL COMMENTATORS

The change in perceptions of women that occurred during the early imperial period is perhaps most evident in the evolution of the position of woman in yin-yang thought. In early expressions of the concept, the various pairs that embodied the yin-yang duality—sun/moon, man/woman, Son of Heaven/queen—were complementary, and the distinction of superior/inferior was muted.7 A cosmogony in the Huainanzi f i ^ i seems to give equal weight to yin and yang: Spacetime produced the primordial qi. A shoreline (divided) the primordial qi.

28

Prolegomenon That which was pure and bright spread out to form Heaven; The heavy and turbid congealed to form Earth. It is easy for that which is pure and subtle to converge, But difficult for the heavy and turbid to congeal. Therefore Heaven was completed first, and Earth fixed afterwards. The conjoined essences of Heaven and Earth produced yin and yang. The supercessive essences of yin and yang caused the four seasons. The scattered essences of the four seasons created all things. The hot qi of accumulated yang produced fire; The cold qi of accumulated yin produced water.8

In the Book of Rites, for example, yin and yang are linked to the function of the Son of Heaven and to the queen, without implying that one occupies a place of honor and the other is debased. Indeed, the text makes it clear that each requires the other in order to fulfill its proper functions. The Rites describes separate, complementary realms of responsibility for the Son of Heaven and his consort and likens their roles to father and mother of the people: In ancient times the queen of the Son of Heaven established the Six Palaces, along with the three ladies (san furen H ^ c À ) , the nine concubines ( jiu pin jhWi), twenty-seven hereditary consorts (shi fu fflff), and eighty-one royal wives (yu qi ÎÏPH), in order to oversee the internal administration of the subcelestial realm and to clarify and set forth feminine instructions. As a result, throughout the subcelestial realm there was internal harmony and families were regulated. The Son of Heaven established the six ministries, along with the three dukes (san gong ^¿i), the nine ministers ( jiu qing ^LlBP), twentyseven grandees (daifu and eighty-one primary officers (yuan shi 7U± ), in order to oversee the external administration of the subcelestial realm and to clarify and set forth the masculine teachings. As a result, there was external harmony and the state was well governed. Thus it is said, "The Son of Heaven oversaw the masculine teachings and the queen oversaw the feminine instructions. The Son of Heaven regulated the principle of yang; the queen administered the virtue of yin. The Son of Heaven oversaw external administration; the queen oversaw internal duties. The teachings and instructions perfected popular custom, within and without were harmonious and compliant, and state and family were regulated and well governed. This was referred to as thriving virtue.9

29

Women in Early Imperial History and Thought

By the middle part of the Former Han, however a significant shift from the complementary view of women was already occurring. The complementarity evident in such explications of yin-yang theory was now being replaced by a clear sense that things feminine were inferior to those masculine and that yang no longer need be balanced by yin. The salient expressions of this interpretation are found in the Chunqiu fanlu [Luxuriant Gems of the Spring and Autumn] of Dong Zhongshu S l ^ ^ f (i79?-i04? B.C.). 1 0 Dong used yin-yang and Five Phases (wu xing S^T) concepts to explain hierarchical and complementary relationships, such as those between ruler and subject, man and woman. In his conception, however, yang is superior to yin-, the one is noble, the other base, and by extension man is superior to woman. Moreover, with Dong it is no longer important if yin and yang are not in balance. Yang, being good, should prevail, though it should not destroy yin.n Toward the end of the Former Han, the revised concept is unequivocally expressed in the writings of such people as the influential scholar Liu Xiang #!][d] (79-8 B.C.), as in the following statement from Liu's Shuo yuan ift^a [Garden of Persuasions]: Flood and drought are the work of yin and yang in the subcelestial realm. When there is a great drought, one makes offerings and asks for rain; when there is a great flood, one sounds the drum and compels the deity of the soil. Why? Yang is yin's superior. Among birds, the cock is yang and the hen is yin. Among beasts, the stag is yang and the doe is yin. Among humans, the husband is yang and the wife is yin. Within the family, the father is yang and the son is yin. In the state, the ruler is yang and the subject is yin. Thus yang is noble and yin is base, yang is honored and yin is lowly. That is Heaven's principle.12

As we shall see, similar views were to inform Liu's other writings and the counsel he gave his emperor. In the hands of men like Liu, such notions could be powerfully effective when interpreting the effects that the actions of palace women might have on the well-being of the empire and the health of the imperial government. When Liu Xiang and Gu Yong sought to have the unfortunate Empress Xu—who had failed to bear an heir— set aside in 17 B.C., they couched their arguments in terms of the need to redress an excess of yin. This excess, according to them, was manifest in a series of events dating from the beginning of the reign, when a comet had appeared in the lunar mansion House Builder (yingshi H in the first month of spring and the ancestral temple of Emperor Xuan's father had caught fire.13 Since then, they asserted, there had been

30

Prolegomenon

a series of solar eclipses and natural disasters—floods in particular— evidence of a serious imbalance between yin and yang. The "Basic Annals of Emperor Cheng" ("Cheng di ben does indeed record a string of such events,14 and as they were occurring, the emperor and some of his officials recognized that there was a serious problem. In the fourth month of Heping tRPP i (28 B.C.), following an eclipse that had closely followed a major flood the previous month, the emperor issued a decree criticizing himself for having failed to uphold the work of his predecessors and quoting the Gongyang zhuan fll [Gongyang Commentary], "When the male teachings are not cultivated, affairs pertaining to yang will not succeed, and the sun will be eclipsed because of it."15 Five years later, in Yangshuo 2 (23 B.C.), another decree was issued underscoring the fundamental importance of working in accordance with the operations of yin and yang and criticizing officials who did not believe this and consequently failed to conduct the affairs of Government in accordance with them.16 Three years after that, Emperor Cheng issued another mea culpa, declaring that yin and yang had fallen into disarray because he had failed in his duties.17 Thus when Liu and Gu—ostensibly motivated by concern over the lack of an heir—lay the blame for the excess of yin at the feet of Empress Xu, the emperor was receptive, and he set her aside.18 Throughout the Later Han, yin-yang cosmology continued to provide a theoretical basis for attacking the influence of women, often as a means of criticizing the emperor and his appetites. For example, in his critique of government submitted to the throne in 167, Xun Shuang railed against the extravagant numbers of women in the rear apartments of Emperor Huan's court. In part he was distressed by the enormous expenditure these women entailed, but he also asserted that their influence produced an inversion of yin and yang that resulted in natural disasters.19 Yin-yang was not the only cosmological principle used to assess the ramifications of the activities of palace women. Equally important was the theory of the Five Phases. Of the five phases of Water, Fire, Wood, Metal, and Earth, the second was that associated with things male, and disruptions in fire were held to result from the improper behavior of women.20 This concept lay behind the references to the fires at the ancestral temples of Emperor Jing and Emperor Xuan's father mentioned earlier. Whereas yin-yang cosmology was used most often in reproaching current practice; references to anomalies arising from disruptions in the Five Phases were often applied retroactively to explain events in the past that might serve as cautionary precedents for the present or the future. The most important examples of this are found in the treatises on the Five Phases by Ban Gu SEES (A.D. 32-92) and,

31

Women in Early Imperial History and Thought

to a lesser extent, in those by Sima Biao, found in the standard histories of the Former and Later Han.21 In explicating the Five Phases, Ban followed the tradition of the Former Han scholar Fu Sheng who was active at the beginning of the Former Han; he also frequently quoted the interpretations of Dong Zhongshu, Liu Xiang, and Liu Xin (46 B.C.-A.D. 23). In discussing Fire, Ban quotes Fu on the actions that lead to disruptions in this phase: "Disregarding the laws/Dismissing meritorious ministers/ Murdering heirs apparent/Making concubines into principal wives/ These cause Fire not to blaze and ascend."22 Then Ban cites a number of instances from the distant past and from the beginning of the Han that demonstrate the disruptive effects the actions of women might have on Fire. Referring to an incident in the Chunqiu [Spring and Autumn Annals] for the fourteenth year of Duke Huan (698 B.C.), in which an ancestral temple granary was struck by lightning, Ban cites Liu Xiang, who attributes the occurrence to the duchess's lewd behavior, which resulted in the duke's assassination four years later.23 And concerning a terrible "disaster" that occurred in Qi $ in the twentieth year of Duke Zhuang (674 B.C.), Ban quotes Liu again, who says that it happened because of Duke Huan of Qi's excessive fondness for women and because he repeatedly made a concubine his principal wife. Ban also cites Dong Zhongshu, who blames the disaster on the duchess's licentious behavior and on the fact that seven of the duke's sisters remained unmarried.24 Regarding the Han, Ban cites two cases of lightning striking government buildings during the reigns of Emperor Hui and Empress Lii, both of which were attributed to Empress Lii's cruelty.25 Ban Gu lists a total of twenty-two instances of portents involving lightning, and in the explanations of each one—by Ban or an authority quoted by him—women or eunuchs play a role.26 Sima Biao's treatises on the Five Phases likewise link portents such as fires, floods, earthquakes, and spontaneous sex change in a rooster to imperial consorts' exceeding their proper station or to the ascendancy and improper behavior of affinal families.27 Although these examples did not appear in memorials specifically directed at criticizing the emperor or his wives, they formed part of the general intellectual context in which the court operated. Moreover, Ban's inclusion of a treatise on the Five Phases and his highlighting of episodes involving the disruption of Fire are surely related to events of his own time. The interpretation of past events in the light of cosmological theory as a means of addressing current problems was complemented by interpretation of the classical canon. During the Han, one of the most important and effective ways to express views on women—empresses and consorts in particular—was through commentary on classical texts.

32

Prolegomenon

Although the views expressed by a commentator might be his own, they gained weight by appearing to be explications of the concealed meanings of canonical texts and by referring back to a classical age— usually the beginning of the Western Zhou—when China was thought to have been well governed. A striking example of this genre are the commentaries to the Classic of Poetry. Poems in the "Guo feng" IS jiL [Airs of the States] and "Xiao ya" [Lesser Elegantiae] sections seem to come out of both upper-class and village culture. These sections include festal poems, epithalamiums, soldier's complaints, poems complaining of bad government, hunting poems, and love poems. Since many of these poems did not seem serious enough for a classic purportedly edited by Confucius himself, an "apologetic exegesis" developed.28 During the Han, moralistic and historicist interpretations began to be assigned to the poems. Among the most important of these were the Mao commentary and Mao prefaces.29 That these interpretations reflect contemporary concerns is clear from the very first ode, "Guanju" Hi fit. Apparently composed to celebrate the marriage of a man and woman—not necessarily a ruler and his consort—it is interpreted by Mao's interlineal commentary so as to describe the appropriate behavior of a consort: Guan guan! cries the osprey On the island in the stream. This is xing. "Guan guan" is a harmonious sound. The osprey is a kingly bird. It is a bird of prey, and keeps apart [from its mate]. An "island" is a place in the water where one can stand. The Consort was delighted by her lord's virtue; there was nothing in which they were inharmonious. Moreover she did not debauch him with her beauty. She resolutely kept herself hidden away [in the women's quarters], just as the osprey keeps apart [from its mate]. This being the case, it was possible to transform the empire. [For] when husbands and wives keep a proper distance, then fathers and sons will be close, then lord and minister will be punctilious. When lord and minister are punctilious, the court will be rectified. When the court is rectified, then kingly transformations will be accomplished. Lithe and lovely that beautiful girl A good match for the prince. "Lithe and lovely" means "retiring and quiet." "Beautiful" means "good." "Match" means "mate." This means that the Consort had the virtue of the osprey; she was a retiring and quiet, chaste and virtuous good girl; it is right that she be thought a good match for the prince.30

33

Women in Early Imperial History and Thought

Largely because of the interpretation expressed here, "Guanju" became a metonym for the model consort. This interpretation was complemented by negative examples such as Baosi, and this sort of exegesis was an important contribution to the growing body of literature describing the proper place and behavior of a consort.31 The dangers posed by the growing influence of women at court became a recurrent refrain in the writings of Later Han political and social commentators. It was, for example, an important theme in the Xin lun lifrtra [New Treatise] of Huan Tan i l f i (43 b.c.-a.d. 28), who

had lived through the demise of the Former Han, the Wang Mang interregnum, and the founding of the Later Han by Emperor Guangwu. Huan wrote his work as a manual on governing, perhaps intended for Guangwu.32 His concern over Emperor Ai's infatuation with Dong Xian's H l f younger sister and the threat that it posed to Empress Fu {4, the young daughter of his friend Fu Yan {If J ! (d. after 1 B.C.), may have influenced his views. Huan counseled the father on how to conduct himself and guide his daughter in order to avoid her being replaced by a new favorite. In doing so, he referred to the cautionary example of Emperor Wu's Empress Chen S , whom the emperor had replaced with a new favorite, Wei Zifu.33 The case of Wei Zifu bothered Huan, and he included it—along with examples of Emperor Wen's favoring Lady Shen 'K and Gaozu's i S f i (r. 202-195) excessive reliance on Empress Lii—in the Xin lun as examples of how otherwise intelligent rulers had allowed their judgment to be clouded by their consorts.34 Unfortunately for Huan, he managed to offend the object of his lessons, and he died en route to exile after having narrowly escaped execution. As one might expect, criticism of the influence of palace women— and of the "feminine" influence of eunuchs—was voiced most strongly during the reign of Emperor Huan and appeared in the discourse on affairs of the day submitted to the emperor by candidates for office who had been recommended to the throne.35 In their remarks candidates referred to ancient practice as models of the sort of restraint that an emperor should be exercising. In 165/166, for example, when Liu Yu HlJiu was recommended to the throne by Grand Commandant (taiwei ^JH) Yang Bing WiM as capable and good, sincere and upright, he submitted comments to the throne on current affairs that offered strong criticism of the influence of eunuchs and then took aim at the palace women: In ancient times, the Son of Heaven took nine wives in a single marriage. There was an order of precedence for the nieces [who came as secondary wives]. The succession was given according to the He tu M H [River Chart], and the wives were properly ensconced in the,

34

Prolegomenon nine halls.36 Now wives and concubines offer an alluring countenance, and they fill the imperial boudoin All increase their trinkets, wastefully dine and empty the palaces, weary and dissipate the spirit, and engender the six maladies. This is a waste of state resources and injurious to life. If the nature of Heaven obtains, and yin and yattg are properly regulated, separating and dividing their paths, then flood and drought will balance.37

The following year, when Xun Shuang was recommended as extremely filial by Grand Master of Ceremonies (tai chang yfc'ffi') Zhao Dian M A , he similarly criticized the influence of the eunuchs and then addressed the need to impose propriety (li) on the management of palace women: In times past, the sages established the core of Heaven and Earth and called it propriety. Propriety is the means by which one invigorates the root of happiness and good fortune and blocks the source of misfortune and chaos. If man is able to curb his desires and pursue propriety, then fortune will come to him; if he follows his desires and abandons propriety, then misfortune will befall him. If one extrapolates from what misfortune and fortune are in response to, then one can understand the origins of rise and decline. Of all the rites, the rite of marriage (hurt li MiH) comes first. Therefore, when the Son of Heaven took twelve wives, this was Heaven's number. And when the [numbers of wives] of the subordinate lords on down each differed according to rank, these were decrements from that state of affairs.38 In the tense factional atmosphere of Emperor Huan's reign, such critiques were little heeded and were likely to result in retribution.39 Xun Shuang left office and returned home, and he subsequently suffered in the partisan (danggu IKIS) persecutions.40 PALACE WOMEN AND HAN HISTORIOGRAPHY

Of the writings that deal with Han palace women, the most important are the histories, in particular Sima Qian's The Grand Scribe's Records, Ban Gu's Han History, and Fan Ye's Later Han History. Their importance lies in the variety of material they contain and in the efforts of their compilers to provide a balanced, if not wholly objective, account of their subject.41 All three are of the ji zhuan (annals and biographies) form that originated with Sima Qian and evolved during the Han.42 This format was adopted for all the standard histories but Records of the Three States.43 The material contained in them is

35

Women in Early Imperial History and Thought

essentially of three types: the annals are rather straightforward chronicles of the affairs of state; the biographies (or monographs— some of the zhuan discussed foreign states or minority peoples) present biographical sketches of persons who had achieved prominence (or notoriety) in any number of ways, including through politics, military affairs, scholarship, as worthy officials, and so on; and the specialized sections present treatises on such matters as political economy, sacrifices and ceremonial, astronomy, administrative geography, and the bureaucracy. Any of the three types might touch on the activities of the palace women, and thus are all important to assembling a multidimensional view of them. The Grand Scribe's Records differsfromsubsequent official histories, which for the most part take it as a model, in that it contains annals not only for the Han but for previous dynasties as well. Women appear infrequently in the pre-Qin annals, usually in references to marriages and births. But there are also a few cautionary cases, warning against the bad influence that a woman can have on a ruler.44 In the annals for pre-imperial Qin, women appear primarily in connection with marriages between states,45 and the annals for the First Qin Emperor rarely mentions women at all.46 With the beginning of the Han, however; we begin to find more frequent, albeit still not very informative, references to palace women, empresses in particular. At the beginning of the annals for Gaozu, the founder of the Han, the future Empress Lii figures prominently in predictions of his coming eminence.47 Indeed, in one case his future greatness is obliquely suggested by predictions of her own nobility.48 Similar predictions of greatness are characteristic of the annals of founding emperors in later dynasties as well. References to palace women in the annals of subsequent histories are more perfunctory and are limited to births of emperors, marriages, deaths of palace women, the punishment of palace women involved in plotting, and so forth—essentially straightforward records of affairs of state that involved palace women. A notable exception is the annals in The Grand Scribe's Records and in the Han History for Empress Lii, the only empress in the Han period to have her own annals.49 These describe her actions in some detail and at times read more like biographies (liezhuan), narrating her most egregious acts of usurpation and maliciousness. Although Empress Lii was condemned during the Han and later for her personal actions, both Sima Qian and Ban Gu do credit her reign with being a period of peace and prosperity.50 In the "Basic Annals" of the Han History, mention of palace women becomes more frequent from the reign of Emperor Cheng to the end of the dynasty. This is not particularly surprising, since women were

36

Prolegomenon

becoming more involved in court politics. Another factor may have been that the aunt of Ban Biao, who initiated the Han History, was a favorite beauty (jieyu) in Emperor Cheng's harem, which perhaps permitted the Bans to know more about what occurred in the rear palace and to appreciate better the role of palace women in court politics.51 Still, the entries are unembellished, even when they record what we know to have been bitter factional struggles. Particularly striking examples are references to events related to the machinations of the Fu, Ding, Zhao, and Wang families during the reigns of Emperors Cheng, Ai, and Ping discussed in Chapter z. For the most part, these references state simply when a particular empress was established or deposed.52 The same can generally be said of the Later Han History, though because of changed circumstances—in particular; a greater number of emperors who ascended the throne in their minority—there is naturally more frequent mention of political activity on the part of palace women.53 The number of references to an empress's assuming authority on behalf of a minor emperor increase markedly, for example.54 But again, events are related in a generally straightforward manner leaving any judgments to the reader. Even the unhappy developments surrounding the accession of Emperor Shun—the death of his mother at the hands of Empress Yan, the murder of his nursemaid and others— are narrated without comment, though they were unquestionably despicable acts.55 When, in this case, Fan Ye does give his comments at the close of the chapter, they are brief, offering only muted criticism of Emperor Shun's failure to make better use of the worthy men at his disposal and of his allowing the Liang family to establish themselves as the dominant presence at court.56 One might expect the biographical chapters to present more information and a greater understanding of the lives of palace women, and to a certain degree they do. But even though these chapters are ostensibly devoted to them, palace women are not usually the central focus. For instance, the "Hereditary Houses" section from The Grand Scribe's Records, covering affinal families, deals with palace women in rather straightforward fashion, chronicling their rise and fall largely without comment or insight. Occasionally one comes across a statement that suggests en passant the pressures and expectations that faced these women and how they responded to them. An example is Empress Chen's (wife of Emperor Wu) spending 90 million cash on physicians in a futile attempt to become pregnant.57 A significant exception to this characterization is the brief item by Chu Shaosun Hi ^ I L (ca. 105-ca. 30 B.C.) tacked on the end of the chapter. Chu lived during the period of Emperors Yuan and Cheng, and it is unclear when

37

Women in Early Imperial History and Thought

and how his contributions came to be added to Sima Qian's text. In this instance, at any rate, his style is gossipier and more judgmental than Sima Qian's work. He praises Emperor Wu, for example, for having killed the mother of his son in order to prevent another Empress Lii.58 The section on affinal families in the Han History incorporates much of the material found in The Grand Scribe's Records for the reigns they both cover, though the opening paragraph of the former provides more institutional history on the palace women of the Han than does The Grand Scribe's Records. And like The Grand Scribe's Records, the Han History focuses more on the male relatives of the palace women than on the women themselves. For the later period, however the History does occasionally open a wider window on the lives and feelings of the women of the harem. A poignant example is Empress Xu's defense against the criticisms by Liu Xiang and Gu Yong of her management of the rear palace. Described as intelligent and educated, the empress offered a spirited and cogent vindication of her actions.59 Another example is Favorite Beauty Ban, who is portrayed as a woman of literary accomplishment and political acumen.60 When Emperor Cheng asked her to join him in his chariot, she reportedly replied, "If you look at the ancient paintings, worthy and sage rulers all have famous ministers at their sides; the last rulers of the Three Dynasties had favorite women. Now if you want me to join you in the imperial chariot, wouldn't that be in imitation of them?" The text also extensively quotes the moving rhapsody she evidently composed upon losing the emperor's favor to Li Ping and the infamous Zhao sisters.61 This affair forms a backdrop for demonstrating the inadvisability of raising low-born palace women to preeminent positions. The historian's encomium that closes the two fascicles on the affinal families takes as its theme the uncertainty of wealth and honor gained through having a daughter achieve imperial favor. It notes that over the course of the Former Han more than twenty women had benefited their families through being favored, but of these only four had been able to preserve the position of the entire family. The historian pointedly says that those families who had appreciated the long-standing favor they had received and who had eschewed excess were able to remain intact. For the others, the great families were annihilated and the lesser ones, banished.62 Unique among the extant histories of the Han, the Han History includes a separate biography for a single empress, Wang Zhengjun, or Empress Yuan, consort to Emperor Yuan. However, readers hoping to find at last the life of a consort described in enough detail to give deeper insight into the lives of palace women are to be disappointed, for the purpose of this biography is not to describe the life of an

38

Prolegomenon

extraordinary woman whose influence extended through the reign of four emperors, but to hold up an example of how an empress and affinal relatives ought to behave when blessed with imperial favor and the position and wealth that flow from it. The historian highlights Empress Yuan's loyalty to the Han, which led her to oppose even her nephew Wang Mang's usurpation of the throne. The point is underscored by describing how her brother (Emperor Cheng's uncle) developed good relations with the Liu family following his banishment to Nanyang and how his sons served the future Emperor Guangwu in his struggle to restore the Han. In the encomium at the end of the section, Ban Biao praises the empress for having exercised her influence over four generations of emperors and over the course of sixty years. He notes that although her male relatives had been appointed marquises and generals, she was unwilling to hand over the imperial seal to Wang Mang, and he contrasts her unstinting loyalty to the Han with the conduct of earlier empresses such as Empress Lii and Huo Guang's granddaughter^ who put their own and their families' interests first.63 Thus, in the final analysis, what we have is less the biography of an empress than a cautionary piece aimed at present and future emperors and empresses, one whose placement immediately before the two fascicles describing Wang Mang's rise and fall underscores its message. Although Fascicles IOA and IOB of the Later Han History are termed "Annals of Empresses," they are in reality biographical chapters of the sort found in The Grand Scribe's Records and the Han History. They differ from the earlier works, however, in that their purpose and the criteria for inclusion are unambiguously stated.64 These fascicles were explicitly written to caution the emperor on the proper roles of palace women and affinal families. Those who appear in this section had been empress or the mother of an empero^ and they are presented so as to throw into relief the threat to imperial rule that a palace woman and her relatives might pose. The introductory section draws heavily from the Rites of Zhou and Liu Xiang's Biographies of Women, emphasizing the correlative positions of the empress and ranking palace women in relation to the emperor and his highest ministers. It stresses as well the role of the empress in supporting the emperor and dwells on the wicked influence concubines can have on a ruler, citing the cases of Duke Huan of Qi and Duke Xian of Jin . It also reprises Huan Tan's criticisms of Gaozu and Emperor Wen for having failed to observe proper form in their relations with Empress Lii and Lady Shen. Fan Ye further laments the growing licentiousness at court from the reigns of Emperors Wu and Yuan onward.65 Although Fan notes that Emperors Guangwu and Ming exercised restraint and put into place regulations to limit the influence of women and affinal families, it is clear that he believes the

39

Women in Early Imperial History and Thought

situation went downhill from there. He is particularly concerned about the influence of empresses dowager noting that in ancient times it was worthy and loyal ministers who governed during the minority of a ruler. It was not until the Qin that an empress dowager governed on behalf of a minor emperor. During the Later Han, there were four emperors who came from outside the direct line of succession and six empresses who ruled on behalf of minor emperors. These empresses, Fan asserts, all relied on their male relatives and sought to enthrone children in order to prolong their families' influence.66 Fan's examples—positive and negative—are drawn from both emperors and empresses. He describes the steps taken by the first two emperors of the Later Han to limit the influence of palace women. Guangwu, for example, reduced the number of ranks of palace women and greatly diminished the incomes given them, and Emperor Ming adopted regulations that curtailed the scope of action of palace women and affinal families.67 Fan holds up Empress Ma, daughter of the illustrious general Ma Yuan, as an example of how an empress ought to behave. Empress Ma rejected and was critical of proposals to bestow rank and benefices on male members of her family.68 Liang Na who took charge of affairs of state during the reigns of the child emperors Chong and Zhi, is also praised by Fan for working hard and trying to rule well. She was undercut, however, by the machinations of her brother Liang Ji, who was responsible for the death of Emperor Zhi and several dedicated officials, causing her to be distrusted and lose place to the eunuchs.69 One of the more salient counterexamples offered by Fan is Empress Deng Sui who controlled the government during the reigns of the unfortunate infant Emperor Shang H'Sf (r. 106) and Emperor An. Although her biography records her love of learning and literary merits and gives examples of the high esteem accorded her for the competent and compassionate way she governed and comported herself, Fan is critical of her in his discussion at the end of Fascicle IOA. He faults her for having clung to power, which resulted in a deterioration in imperial rule once authority had been turned over to Emperor An. Fan saw her rule as a significant but pernicious turning point, following which women remained involved in government and worthy officials were excluded.70 The specialized sections (shu, zhi, biao) of the histories are devoted to particular topics such as administrative geography, the bureaucracy, political economy, ritual, religious observances, astronomy, the Five Phases, and so forth. Scattered throughout these sections are important comments, anecdotes, and descriptions that contribute significantly to our understanding of early imperial palace women. The views of palace women and their influence on rulers as interpreted in the treatises on

40

Prolegomenon

the JFive Phases have already been discussed. The sections on the bureaucracy found in the histories of the Former and Later Han list offices responsible for empresses and other palace women.71 The "Yu fu zhi" JiHILito [Treatise on Carriages and Robes] of the Later Han History sets forth the requirements for the chariots used by empresses and empresses dowager, princesses, and certain members of the harem, as well as the types of clothing and ornaments to be worn by empresses and other palace women on specific ceremonial occasions.72 Treatises on ceremonial and sacrifices provide tantalizing glimpses of aspects of Han ritual as it pertained to palace women, such as the sacrifices marking the posthumous elevation to empress of Emperor He's and Emperor Shun's mothers and of Emperor An's mother and grandmother that are found in the "Jisi zhi" [Treatise on Sacrifices] of the Later Han History.73 The "Liyi zhi" HSHi^ [Treatise on Ceremonial] of the Later Han History outlines the duties of an empress upon the death of her husband, describing what is expected of her with respect to both the funeral and the succession, important events in the lives and functions of Han empresses.74 Curiously, though, the "Treatise on Ceremonial" offers no description of the ceremony of investiture for an empress, despite the growing political importance of empresses and empresses dowager during the Later Han.75 Although Han historians did recognize the achievements of imperial consorts, as in the cases of Empresses Lii and Deng, they clearly felt uncomfortable with the idea of women occupying positions of authority normally held by men. Perhaps of even greater concern to them, however, was the possibility that a woman could be the means by which males from outside the imperial clan might usurp the powers of the emperor. In their eyes, it was acceptable for an imperial consort to act as regent for a young emperor as long as she worked in the interests of the imperial clan. Emperor Yuan's consort Empress Wang (Wang Zhengjun) is the most obvious case in point. What these writers feared was that an empress or harem favorite would use her position in the interests of the males of her own lineage and in the process weaken the ability of the emperor to act on behalf of the Lius, a problem that would become more acute with time. Writing history as guides for their own times, the historians presented the lesson with increasing directness. TEXTS D E V O T E D TO W O M E N

The criticisms of historians, officials, and social commentators aside, concern with the influence exercised by palace women also resulted in works intended to define and present examples of the conduct appropriate to women in general and to imperial consorts in particular.

4i

Women in Early Imperial History and Thought

Unlike the memorialized injunctions of men like Liu Yu and Xun Shuang, these works were to have enormous and enduring influence. Of the two such works that are extant,76 the first is the Biographies of Women compiled by Liu Xiang toward the end of the Former Han. The point of view adopted by this work is entirely in line with the ideas we have already encountered from Liu. Indeed, the text was written as a part of Liu's efforts to address what he saw as the deleterious influence of palace women. Throughout his official career, Liu struggled against the undue influence at court of palace women and affinal families. We have already seen the steps he took to have Empress Xu removed, ostensibly because the empress had not born a son, but more immediately because of the activities of the Xu family.77 Although Liu was ultimately able to thwart the Xus by having the empress dethroned, the problem returned in even more serious form following the accession of Emperor Cheng. Liu Xiang now became disturbed by the growing influence and excesses of the emperor's favorites—Zhao Feiyan and her sister and Favorite Beauty Wei—and their families.78 His response was to compile the Biographies of Women. The structure followed that of Liu's other works compiled for the edification of the emperor—Shuo yuan and the Xin xu [Newly Arranged Anecdotes], collections of anecdotes drawn from various sources and arranged to provide guidance to officials and rulers.79 Biographies of Women contains one hundred twenty-five biographies organized thematically into seven chapters. The chapter titles convey some idea of the values that Liu wished to promote: "Mu yi zhuan" M^kW [Motherly Demeanor], "Xian ming zhuan" J P J # [Worthy and Brilliant], "Ren zhi zhuan" t l f f i ! [Compassionate and Wise], "Zhen shun zhuan" JUlIM^ [Virtuous and Compliant], "Jie yi zhuan" tiSjS'fi [Chaste and Righteous], "Bian tong zhuan" ^ii/fH [Persuasive and Penetrating], and "Nie bi zhuan" HMII'fflF [Favored Concubines]. The first six of these relate brief stories of women who exemplify desirable virtues. The last tells of women whose depraved influence over rulers led their states to ruin, the first three stories being those of Moxi ffiM, Daji M B , and Baosi, who are held directly responsible for the demise of the Xia, Shang, and Western Zhou.80 The lessons to be drawn from these stories could not have been clearer. A case in point is the story of Daji. Liu Xiang's treatment of it offers a good case study of how these stories evolved in response to the perceived threat of the palace women. Daji was the consort of Zhou, putative evil last ruler of the Shang. Zhou was said to have been a ruler of extraordinary strength, cruelty, and debauchery. He was smitten with Daji and did her bidding, squandering enormous sums to build her a pleasure terrace and engaging in orgies. The result, according to The Grand Scribe's Records,

42.

Prolegomenon

was that the populace became disgruntled and the nobility rebellious. Zhou responded by making punishments more severe, and he introduced the punishment of the heated beam. According to The Grand Scribe's Records, a greased bronze beam was placed across a pit of coals, and the offending person was forced to walk the beam, with the usual result being that the unfortunate soul fell into the coals.81 This version does not directly link Daji with the heated pole. Rather, the historian includes it as an example of Zhou's cruelty. When this is compared with the account in Liu Xiang's Biographies of Women, however we find in the latter version that Daji laughed when someone fell into the coals. Moreover in the infamous episode in which Zhou has the heart of the loyal minister Bi Ganfcfc^pcut out, Liu says it is because Daji claimed she had heard that the heart of a sage has seven cavities; in the earlier version recounted in The Grand Scribe's Records, it is Zhou himself who wants to count the cavities in Bi Gan's heart. Liu Xiang's purpose is to demonstrate how infatuation with a beautiful and debauched woman can lead to the downfall of the ruling house, and he has shifted the balance of responsibility slightly but significantly toward Daji.82 Following the death of Empress Zhen M of Wei, we find the balance tipped even farther in a memorial presented to Emperor Wen as he prepared to name a new empress. In Huangchu He 3 [222/223], Gentleman-of-the-Household (zhonglang ^SP) Zhan Qian IHHf, in an effort to prevent the selection of Lady Guo as empress, memorialized on the importance of choosing a worthy and enlightened spouse and warned of the dangers of appointing one who was not: "When Jie fled to Nanchao I^M, the disaster stemmed from Moxi. Zhou used the punishment of roasting alive to give joy and delight to Daji."83 Here, it is not simply that Daji is amused by the sufferings of those who slip from the pole: Her amusement has become the motive for creating the punishment in the first place. From early on, the influence of Biographies of Women was such that it inspired some authors to write song ® (eulogies) on the biographies. Furthermore, illustrated editions were prepared, and "texts and illustrations . . . were frequently painted on Chinese ornamental screens and on the walls of rooms."84 Some tomb reliefs even bore such decorations.85 Cai Yong, perhaps the greatest scholar of his day, is supposed to have prepared a set of illustrations, and among the surviving works of the famous poet Cao Zhi are found fragments of eulogies for the Biographies of Women}6 Favorite Beauty Ban may have been referring to illustrations of stories from Biographies of Women in her admonition of Emperor Cheng. In fact, she mentions using such paintings as her "mirror" in the rhapsody lamenting her fall from favor.87 The second extant Han work devoted to women is Ban Zhao's

43

Women in Early Imperial History and Thought

Precepts for Women, which differs from Liu's work in that, rather than offering examples, it discusses and offers prescriptions for the way a woman ought to comport herself. Ban was the younger sister of the historian Ban Gu, and after his death she was summoned to court by Emperor He to complete the Han History.** Her erudition led the emperor to order the empress and all the honorable ladies (guiren) to treat her as their teacher. She became a confidant of Empress Deng Sui, who was herself well read and who apparently consulted Ban on important matters. In the opening section of the Precepts, Ban states that she is writing the book for her daughters, who are approaching the age of marriage and whom she has not been able to instruct properly in their duties as women. The work comprises seven chapters: "Bei ruo" [Lowly and Weak], "Fu fu" [Husband and Wife], "Jing shen" tfc'R [Respect and Discretion], "Fu xing" [Womanly Conduct], "Zhuan xin" ^Ph [Single-minded Devotion], "Qu cong" fflj % [Yield and Obey], and "He shu mei" f f l i ^ t t [Harmonize with Younger Brothers and Sisters-in-law]. The underlying theme of the work is the importance of a woman's holding to her proper place in the relationship with her husband and his family. Of particular significance for later periods was her admonition that a woman should always remain faithful to her husband and that a widow must not remarry.89 Although some of Ban Zhao's injunctions may not have seemed immediately pertinent to the situation of the imperial inner apartments, others clearly were, such as this passage from "Respect and Discretion": If husband and wife prefer to be inseparable, and they circulate only within the confines of their apartments, then indecent behavior will occur. When indecent behavior occurs, their language will be improper. When their language is improper, licentiousness will certainly follow. And if licentiousness follows, then an attitude of disrespect for the husband will arise. This arises from not knowing to stop at what is appropriate.90 The applicability of this passage to an emperor's relationship with his consorts would have been obvious, and although the work was ostensibly written for her daughters, Ban surely shared it with the empress and other palace women.91 It was certainly circulated, for the esteemed scholar Ma Rong U l i (79-166) praised it highly and required his wife and daughters to study it.92 Liu Xiang's and Ban Zhao's works both inspired imitation. Beginning with Fan Ye's Later Han History, the standard histories contained a section entitled "Biographies of Women," as did many local histories

44

Prolegomenon

and similar works.' 3 The famous second-century literatus Cai Yong seems to have been inspired by Ban's Precepts to write a similar work. 94 Both the Biographies and the Precepts were to become basic texts for the education of women of all classes and have remained influential into modern times.95 CONCLUSION

Even a cursory examination of the literature of the early imperial period is sufficient to demonstrate that palace women in general, and the emperor's consorts in particular, had become a subject of major concern to Han officials and scholars. This development is directly related to the growth of the centralized imperial state. The role of the ruler's wives had changed. N o longer was a wife the agent of another state and the means of cementing an alliance, for political activity was no longer focused on the relations among heads of state. N o w there was but one head of state, and political activity centered on him. This had the effect of heightening the role of palace women as a route to political power, and it increased the possibility of their becoming the locus of conspiracies that could threaten the stability of the empire. The concern of Han officials (at least those not related to someone in the harem) and political thinkers was how to limit the influence of palace women and their relatives. To this end they began to diminish the position of woman. This was managed to a very large and important extent through revisions in cosmology that justified a rather different view of woman than had existed in the pre-imperial period. Granted, woman had never held a place of dominance over man in ancient China. Yet, as we have seen, a royal consort was considered to occupy a position that complemented or even mirrored that of the ruler. But within a century of the founding of the Han, changes were being made in cosmological thinking that rendered woman subservient to man and constrained her scope of activity. The first development is evident in the writings of Dong Zhongshu, for whom yin was no longer the same complement to yang that it had once been. The application of cosmology to history justified limiting the activities of palace women by offering concrete examples of Heaven's displeasure at their having stepped beyond their appropriate bounds. Finally, the proper role and behavior for women were defined through example, as in the models presented in Liu Xiang's Biographies of Women, and by prescription, as in Ban Zhao's Precepts for Women. Although Ban's work may not seem to be aimed particularly at palace women, the values expressed in it were intended for the education of all women. At the level of the empress dowager—and, presumably, the widowed matriarchs of large and extended families—a contradiction presented

45

Women in Early Imperial History and Thought

itself, for though the empress dowager was a woman and thus a potential threat to the stability and well-being of the polity, she was also recognized as having a legitimate role of authority both as senior member of the family in kinship terms and as regent to a minor emperor. The problem was to ensure that she carried out these responsibilities in a way that ensured the prosperity and authority of the imperial family and that she did not exceed her role in a way that would undermine them. Empresses who recognized these limits and remained within them—Empress Yuan, for example—enjoyed the approbation of historians; those who transgressed were criticized. The ramifications of the Han scholars' contribution should not be underestimated. The ideas they developed did not disappear with the Han but established the framework for attitudes and policies toward women for the rest of the history of imperial China, as the enduring influence of the concept of model women developed by Liu Xiang and Ban Zhao amply demonstrates. The Han scholars defined a subservient role for woman and presented her as a potential source of instability that had to be kept within bounds. Although the actualities of women's lives might depart from these ideals—as was the case with widow chastity, for example—the ideals remained a standard to be applied whenever this was deemed appropriate.

Empresses and Consorts of the Three States

The Three States were established on the ruins of the Later Han empire, and they inherited many of its imperial institutions and much of its imperial ideology. To a greater or lesser extent, each of the three states of Wei, Shu, and Wu sought to recreate the Han imperium. But although they possessed the Han blueprint, the materials and context they had to work with were not the same. The empire was no longer united, and even within the individual states, central government control at the local level was nominal at best. In the mid-third century, the political landscape of China in many ways resembled the multistate system of the Warring States period, when the various heads of state were on more or less equal footing and the ability of one to prevail over the others depended much less on any sort of moral authority than on simple might and on strategic and tactical acumen. Indeed, in East Asia the Three States connotes a period of struggle for supremacy among a group of men known for their cunning, courage, and commitment to comrades—a period not dissimilar to the Warring States. MARRIAGE PATTERNS

Although many of the concerns about palace women that had occupied the Han continued to be important during the Three States, the changed political context brought differences in their relative importance and revived some pre-imperial concerns. Most important among these latter was the use of marriage to cement alliances. There were no interstate marriages such as those that had characterized the pre-imperial period, yet in the struggles preceding the creation of the Three States, short-lived marriage alliances were concluded among the men whose families would ultimately rule the three states. These marriages do not seem to have done much to change the balance among the three states, but one of them did contribute to the lore of the period, and it also provides insight into the possible roles for women at a time when norms had been relaxed. In 209, while Liu Bei was still in Jing provincefflJil'Hand more than a decade before he entered Yi province 46

47

Empresses and Consorts of the Three States

i&W and established Shu Han, he married Sun Quan's MW. (182-252) younger sister. This marriage probably took place at the initiative of Sun Quan, and it followed the general pattern of Sun marriage alliances discussed below. If Sun hoped for much from this misalliance, he was surely disappointed. The unconventional Lady Sun i f ^ A was much younger than Liu Bei and was considered to be as courageous and capable as her brothers. She went about accompanied by armed female retainers, and as relations between Liu Bei and Sun Quan soured, she was seen by none other than Zhuge Liang tH3!iE ( 1 8 1 - 2 3 4 ) t o be the potential source of a coup.1 She left Liu Bei in 2 1 1 and returned to her brother; attempting unsuccessfully in the process to spirit away the young heir apparent Liu Shan.2 Significantly, Chen Shou did not give Lady Sun a biography, though we cannot be certain whether this was because of her actions or because of some other selection criterion he applied.3 Cao Cao resorted to marriage as a means of neutralizing the growing power of Sun Ce M M (175-200) at a point when Sun had acquired Yuan Shu's ^Hf (d. 199) troops and gained some victories in the South and Cao was being pressed by Yuan Shao MMJ (d. 202). Cao's niece was married to Sun Kuang MM, Sun Ce's younger brother and Cao's son Cao Zhang (d. 223) was married to the daughter of Sun Ce's cousin Sun Ben MM.4 The marriages were undertaken to address immediate circumstances, however; and had no long-term effect. The importance of marriage pacts during this period lay not in concluding alliances between states to ensure a state's security, but in cementing ties with other families during struggles for supremacy within a region or state. This was the case with Cao Cao, who recognized the value of marriage as a tool for forming alliances with formidable families and often married off his children accordingly.5 But he and his immediate successors also recognized the dangers of a woman who had a power base and loyalties outside the court, and they were not inclined to turn to powerful families in selecting their own empresses:6 Cao Cao's Empress Bian had been an entertainer, perhaps even a courtesan;7 though Empress Zhen was from a family of officials, she was married to the defeated Yuan Xi ^HR at the time Cao Cao appropriated her for Cao Pi W3S (187-226); Cao Pi's future Empress Guo was an orphan of little status when, as heir apparent, he acquired her; Cao Rui's W Wi (206-239) Empress Guo had been sent to the harem because her home commandery rebelled, and his Empress Mao i ; was clearly of plebian origins.8 The grossly weakened Cao princes toward the end of the dynasty did marry relatives of the previous empresses: Empress Zhen ML of Cao Fang, the King of Qi , was grandniece of Cao Pi's Empress Zhen, while Empress Bian "K of the King of Chenliu W

48

Prolegomenon

i§3i (Cao Huan W ^ ; r. 260-265) a n d Empress Bian of the Duke of Gaogui District flu^.Mfe (Cao Mao W i f ; 241-260) were, respectively, grandniece and great-grandniece of Cao Cao's Empress Bian.9 Under the Han, this pattern would have led to a dominant position at court for one or another of the affinal families. At the end of the Wei, however, real power lay with the Sima ^JM family. Of Chen Shou's three fascicles on royal women, that for Shu Han is probably the least satisfying. The picture it affords of the marriages of Liu Bei and his son Liu Shan is very sketchy. In contrast to the Caos and the Suns, the Lius had no apparent marriage policy. Liu Bei was the ruler of Shu for only two years, and unlike the Caos and Suns, he had no extended family to draw on or to be concerned about in planning marriages. Rather, with the exceptions noted below, Liu marriages followed a pattern that might have been expected for a military leader in Liu Bei's circumstances. He married women from the families of his supporters, as did Liu Shan, who successively wed two daughters of Zhang Fei iJHil (d. 221), one of his father's closest comrades. In contrast to the Suns, the Lius do not seem to have used marriage to form the sorts of alliances with local elites that would be important to assuring the position of a ruling group from outside the region. But not all the wives of the two Lius have biographies, so it is difficult to know whether or not there was a marriage policy directed at local elites. Arguments ex silentio are always risky, but the fact that no such unions are mentioned suggests that the Lius did not follow a policy of alliance by marriage. Interestingly, each of Liu Bei's wives who does have an entry in Fascicle 34 is a secondary wife. Liu had one, perhaps two, principal wives before he entered Jing province in 201. 10 During the period when Liu was actively fighting in eastern China prior to 200, he was three times forced to abandon his family and suffered the humiliation of having his wife and children captured. The first time was in 196, when he was defeated by Lii Bu S^fii (d. 198), an ally of Yuan Shu. Subsequently, Liu and Lii became allies, and Liu's family was returned to him.11 In 198, the two men became enemies again, and Lii once more captured Liu's wife and children. Lii was captured and killed by Cao Cao, and Liu was reunited with his family.12 Finally, Liu was forced to abandon his family yet again when he was implicated in a plot against Cao, in whose service he then was. 13 To console Liu Bei following his defeat at the hands of Lii Bu in 196, his supporter Mi Zhu head of a locally prominent and powerful family, gave his younger sister in marriage to Liu.14 Presumably once Liu's first wife returned, he kept Lady Mi, though nothing more is heard of hen Neither do we know anything further of the wife (or wives) who

49

Empresses and Consorts of the Three States

had been captured and returned by Lii Bu.15 We do know that one of Liu Bei's secondary wives from this period, Lady Gan, accompanied him to Jing province when he sought the protection of Liu Biao H'J^I (142-208), and there she gave birth to Liu Shan. Following Liu's assumption of the title of emperor in Yi province, Lady Gan, as mother of the heir apparent, was made empress. Liu Bei's Empress Wu ^ was a widow and the sister of an important officer who first fought against and then on the side of Liu Bei.16 Noteworthy here is Liu Bei's concern that he might have been related to her deceased husband Liu Mao fljli. Liu Mao was the son of Liu Yan I?!® (d. 194), the powerful shepherd of Yi province at the end of the Han. Both Liu Bei and Liu Yan traced their separate ancestries to Emperor Jing of the Former Han. Liu Bei claimed descent from Emperor Jing's son Liu Sheng ®J!# (d. 112 B.C.), king of Zhongshan ^ L l i i , and Liu Yan from Liu Yu (d. 128 B.C.), king of Lu # 3£. With the judicious use of historical example, however, Fa Zheng 7&IE, a close adviser from Yi province, was able to convince Liu that under the circumstances the marriage was permissable and advisable. Still, the Eastern Jin (317-420) historian Xi Zuochi l i H ® (d. 384) thought Liu erred in marrying Liu Mao's widow and criticized him for it.17 Liu Bei had at least two other wives who were apparently with him in Yi province but who do not have biographies in Records of the Three States. Their existence is evident from the entries on two of his sons— Liu Li i?!® (d. 244) and Liu Yong HIJtK—who are described as being Liu Shan's half brothers, each with a different mother.18 Why Chen omitted these women is not clear. Chen also seems not to have written about all of Liu Shan's wives, for Pei Songzhi cites Xi Zuochi's Han Jin chunqiu [Han-Jin Spring and Autumn Annals] about a certain Brilliant Companion Li who committed suicide rather than submit to the indignity of being handed over to a Wei general in need of a wife.19 Moreover, when Liu Shan tried to build up a harem, he was told that in ancient times the Son of Heaven had only twelve wives and that he himself already had enough, suggesting that he had at least a dozen.20 Three of Liu Shan's wives are mentioned by Chen. These include the two daughters of Zhang Fei mentioned earlier. Little is said about them other than that they were both made empress, the younger upon the death of the elder.21 Also mentioned is Honorable Lady Wang IE, who was the mother of Liu Shan's heir apparent. All we are told about her is that she had been an attendant to the elder Zhang sister. The latter half of the chapter is largely devoted to Liu Shan's heir apparent, his half brothers, and their descendants.

50

Prolegomenon

Of the three ruling houses of the Three States, marriage alliances were most important to the Suns. Indeed, they were crucial to the Suns' establishment of their hegemony over Wu. As a consequence, of the three fascicles translated here, Fascicle 50 contains more detailed information about marriages than is found in the other two, and its description of events in general is more vivid and engrossing. Whereas the Caos already had a power base and were concerned with maintaining their control over the imperial and governmental structure of an existing—albeit weakened—state, the Suns needed first to consolidate a power base, create an administrative structure, and establish their right to dominance. To solidify their position, it was necessary for the Suns to overcome three problems: the resistance of the Mountain Yue i l l ® , instability within the ruling group, and lack of experience in governing a state.22 The marriage policy they pursued was important in addressing the second and third of these problems. The preeminent position of the Suns had been gained through military accomplishment, primarily north of the Yangtze, where Sun Jian i^M (155-192) proved himself a talented commander, first against the Yellow Turbans and then in the power struggles attending the end of the Han.23 Although the Suns were from the South, they were not prominent there. The family claimed descent from Sun Wu the putative author of the famous fifth-century B.C. text Sunzi bingfa J^lfe [Sunzi's Art of War]—not a particularly impressive pedigree in the context of the times. Before he made his mark in the wars, Sun Jian held only minor office in his home area, and even there he distinguished himself largely through arms.24 Upon his death, his son Sun Ce inherited command of a portion of his troops and likewise embarked on a military career. Given their background and lack of a solid base in the South, the Suns needed the acceptance and support of prominent southern families—something not easily gained. In the South, the closed society of elite families that would become characteristic of Chinese society in succeeding centuries was beginning to take shape. Several powerful lineages had come to dominate the region. The most prominent—the Zhu Gu Lu H, and Zhang M families—were known as "the four lineages" (sixing Htt), testimony to their importance.25 But there were other such families as well.26 Their social position came through holding office in the civil government for successive generations, and they were inclined to look down on military men and their deeds.27 This attitude was very likely at the root of Sun Jian's rejection by the relatives of Lady Wu ^ described at the beginning of Fascicle 50, for although her family, the Qiantang Wu were not among the most prominent lineages, they nonetheless appear to have been a family

51

Empresses and Consorts of the Three States

of some standing. The southern elite families were well established and already dominant in the region, so there was no need for them to seek power through marriage with the Suns. (Significantly, Lady W u overcame her relatives' objections not by arguing the benefits of concluding such a match but by alluding to the potentially dire consequences of not doing so.)28 Moreover^ their position vis-à-vis any interloper bent on establishing control over the region was greatly strengthened by the close ties among the families through intermarriage.29 To have attempted to crush the most powerful of these families would have been difficult and costly. 30 For most of the families—especially the four great clans—the Suns employed a series of measures to win their support, or at least their acquiescence. First, they assured the political and economic advantages of the elite families by appointing their members to office in the central and local governments and by permitting them to control significant bodies of military manpower. Second, they showed these families respect and trust through special courtesies and appointments. Finally, they concluded marriage alliances with the leading families, thereby effectively linking the fortunes of the two sides.31 The W u section of Records of the Three States on empresses and consorts offers dramatic examples of intermarriage between the Suns and W u elite families. Tables 6 and 7 of Appendix I are illustrative, showing the Suns' links through marriage with the Lu and Z h u families. 32 And because of the extensive intermarriage among the W u elite, a marital bond with one family brought ties with several others.33 Even marriage ties to lesser elite families could bring indirect ties to greater elites. Sun He ï l f f l married Zhang Cheng's (178-244) daughter, whose sister wed L u Kang l^lirC ( 2 2 6 - 2 7 4 ) . Sun Jian's younger sister married X u Zhen fàM, and their granddaughter wed Lu Shang l^ini, and then, following Lu's death, Sun Quan. The Suns did not take their wives exclusively from the W u regional elite families. They also married women from local magnate families. Sun Jian's marriage to W u Jing's ^ïiS: (d. 2 0 3 ) sister is an example. W u Jing contributed substantially to the consolidation of the power of the Sun family, and Lady W u made notable contributions as well. The Quans è , also prominent in Qiantang, are another such family (see Appendix I, Table 8). Marriage connections with the Quans, however, proved to be a mixed blessing. Quan Rou i ^ S was one of the first local elites to throw in with Sun Ce. His son Quan Cong ik BF (d. 249) was among Sun Quan's ablest commanders and married Sun Quan's daughters, and his nephew Quan Shang ^rf^i held high office in the W u government and had a daughter who married Sun Liang ( 2 4 3 - 2 6 0 ) . But Quan Cong's sons went over to the Caos

52

Prolegomenon

in 257 and subsequently became Wei commandery administrators and marquises.34 Sun Quan also concluded marriage alliances with Zhou Yu, a shrewd adviser and ally of Sun Ce and Sun Quan. Zhou was from a family of prominent officials in Lujiang J i H and had two sons, as well as a daughter who married the heir apparent Sun Deng ^ ^ (d. 241). Zhou's eldest son Zhou Xun JUilt married Sun Quan's daughter Sun Luban MHi-M. His younger son Zhou Yin jijill also married a member of the royal family. Unfortunately, Yin proved to be something of a wastrel and was a disappointment to Sun Quan, who banished him.35 Besides the Wu local and regional elites, the Suns sought wives from families that were prominent for reasons other than economic and military might. Sun Quan's Lady Xie Hi came from a southern family with a reputation for producing scholars and worthy officials. Her father had been a gentleman of the masters of writing and a prefect under the Han, and her younger brother Cheng became a commandery administrator and was well known for writing a history of the Later Han.36 Associating themselves with the Xies had obvious legitimating benefits for the Suns, whose reputation was based on military exploits and who were considered rather unrefined. Lady Xie's dismay at having Lady Xu % promoted above her may have been in part because she considered a military family like the Xus to be her inferiors.37 Still another consideration was probably at work when Yuan Shu's daughter was taken into Sun Quan's harem in 199. This union was likely motivated less by a desire to form a connection to a nationally powerful family than by a sense of obligation and loyalty to a powerful patron and ally. It served to recognize the role Yuan played in the Sun family's rise to national prominence. Besides, although the Yuan family for several generations had held some of the highest offices in the Han empire, by this point it was fragmented and weakened by the struggles that were hastening the end of the dynasty. Yuan Shu himself, having failed in an attempt to establish a new dynasty, was dead. There may, however have been residual Yuan assets in the form of military forces and other support to be gained by forming a marriage alliance with the Yuans. Sun men also married for beauty, though such unions could result in problems. Sun Quan was smitten with Lady Pan and took her for his seraglio. She gave birth to Sun Liang, but she was considered a troublemaker and was killed by several courtiers as Sun Quan lay on his deathbed.38 While touring military encampments, Sun Quan was similarly taken with the beauty of the daughter of one of his cavalrymen, He Sui {RIIII, and she was summoned to the palace,

53

Empresses and Consorts of the Three States

became Sun He's concubine, and bore a son. While she seems to have been a devoted wife, her family took advantage of the chaos toward the end of Sun Hao's (r. 264-280) reign to arrogate power to themselves, undoubtedly contributing to the fall of the Suns.39 Sun Hao himself was enthralled by Zhang Bu's Uft'fii (d. 264) daughter, whom he killed in a fit of rage. He reportedly was so heartbroken that he took Zhang's other daughter from her husband and so occupied himself with her that he ignored affairs of state.40 This account is in accord with what we know about Sun Hao's character but it also fits the "bad last emperor" topos emphasized by Liu Xiang in his Biographies of Women.41 Not all of the wives whom the Suns chose for their beauty were so problematic. Lady Bu a relative of the chancellor Bu Zhi ¿PM (d. 247), was said to have been widely held in fond regard, and Sun Quan had hoped to designate her as his principal wife.42 We are told that his officials opposed such a move, however and favored Lady Xu for the position. Since Lady Xu seems not to have been particularly congenial, support for her may have been based on factional considerations. After Lady Bu's death, Sun similarly hoped to make Lady Yuan M, daughter of Yuan Shu, principal wife. She was very modest and, because she had no children, adamantly refused Sun's efforts to promote her.43 Finally, there were Sun Quan's two wives surnamed Wang 2E, one the mother of Sun He and the other the mother of Sun Xiu J i ^ (23 5 264). Nothing is known about either other than their families' homes of record and the fact that their brothers were appointed marquises after the ladies' deaths. That Sun Xiu's mother's home of record was Langye may mean she was related to the Langye Wangs, who were to become so prominent under the Southern Dynasties, but there is no firm evidence for this. SOCIAL ORIGINS OF CONSORTS A N D POLITICAL POWER

It should be clear from the discussion of Sun marriage policies that the social origins of prospective consorts remained a concern under the Three States, though the underlying reasons may have been different from those during the Han. For the Suns the question was not so much one of finding spouses who were worthy of them as it was one of establishing their standing in the region and linking up with the powerful and wealthy. The Caos, in contrast, at times deliberately selected women of humble origin, much to the exasperation of some of the men who served them. Cao Pi and Cao Rui in particular were criticized for their choices of empresses. Zhan Qian inveighed against Cao Pi's desire to make Honored Concubine Guo empress, and when Cao Rui failed to name Madam Yu IK R as his empress, she did not

54

Prolegomenon

hesitate to point out the Caos' proclivity for picking inferior women.44 Although powerful and prestigious families did sometimes place their daughters in the Wei rulers' seraglios, social background was no guarantee against a woman's ultimately being rejected. Madam Yu and Madam Ren j i K are cases in point.45 The extent to which the Lius might have been concerned about the social origins of their spouses is unclear. For the most part, Liu Bei's wives seem to have had respectable backgrounds, though perhaps not always elite ones. Liu Shan married the daughters of his father's comrade-in-arms Zhang Fei, whose own origins were not particularly impressive, though his wife was supposedly descended from one of Han Gaozu's most important supporters.46 Related to the issue of the social origins of spouses was the problem of their interference in affairs of state. The lesson of the dangers of such involvement was part of the legacy that the Later Han bequeathed to the rulers of the Three States. And it is clear that some, at least, understood the importance of the lesson. We find, for example, Zhongchang Tong, writing in his Changyan H W [Frankly Speaking] for the edification of Cao Cao, "You should not conclude marriages with those to whom you entrust governing; those with whom you conclude marriages you should not entrust with governing."47 With the lesson of the Later Han before him and with ample metaphysical and cultural support at hand, it is not surprising that Cao Pi, the founder of the Wei, quickly took steps to remove the potentially baleful influence of the imperial women and their families. On 25 October 222, just before he named Honored Concubine Guo JtiH empress, he issued the following edict: Women's participation in government is the beginning of disorder. From now on, no official may report state affairs to the Empress Dowager, nor shall any member of the clans of the imperial consorts be appointed regents [during the minority of young emperors], nor shall they be given enfeoffment without due merit. This edict shall be transmitted to later generations. Any transgression of this the empire shall punish with death.48

Cao Pi's decree is reminiscent of the attempts of Emperors Guangwu and Ming to achieve the same result; his effort was no more successful than theirs had been. The involvement of empresses dowager in the affairs of state was another theme that continued into the Three States from the Han. The Wei witnessed a reprise of the dismissal of Liu He as successor to Emperor Zhao when Cao Fang was deposed as emperor by Sima Shi

55

Empresses and Consorts of the Three States

HlJf Sffi in Z54. Again the young emperor was accused of being dissolute, though this time not only with his boon companions but with female relatives of more than one generation as well. A bill of particulars was drawn up against him and presented by Sima Shi and more than forty other officials to Empress Dowager Guo. The empress dowager was then requested, in accordance with the precedent of Huo Guang's deposal of Liu He, to take back the seal of the emperor and return him to be king of Qi.49 On 17 October 254, the empress dowager issued a decree saying that although the emperor was now of age (he was twenty-three), he did not attend to the affairs of state but preferred to indulge in indecent behavior. Claiming that he was unfit to carry on the imperial line or serve the imperial ancestral temple, she ordered the matter reported at the ancestral temple and that he abdicate.50 It is certain that Empress Dowager Guo did not support this action, but troops were posted outside her palace to ensure her compliance.51 This, of course, marked the difference between Cao Fang's case and the deposal of Liu He: In the latter instance, the empress dowager presumably supported the act (which her grandfather after all, desired), whereas Empress Dowager Guo was opposed. It is noteworthy that, powerful as he was, Sima Shi still felt that he must work through the empress dowager for the act to have legitimacy. Shu Han does not appear to have had problems with interference in the affairs of state by palace women, though the eunuch Huang Hao JlffiS did dominate the later years of Liu Shan's court. Indeed, a beneficial aspect of Huang's ascendency may have been to prevent affinal families from gaining influence. The modus operandi of the Shu court resembled that of the Spring and Autumn and Warring States periods in that the closest confidants of the ruler were his ministers. This was, of course, an outgrowth of Liu Bei's relations with his comrades during the wars for supremacy that attended the breakup of the Han. Because Zhuge Liang was able to maintain his influence as Liu Shan's closest adviser for a decade following the death of Liu Bei, and because the younger Liu was married to Zhang Fei's daughters, the problems with affinal families experienced by the Han did not arise. The situation in Wu was quite differentfromboth Wei and Shu Han. Sun Jian's wife Lady Wu and her brother were perhaps the model of how a ruler's wife and her family should conduct themselves. Her brother was a close adviser to Sun Jian, and following Jian's death he supported the young Sun Ce rather than becoming a rival.52 His aid was crucial to Sun's ability to establish himself as his father's successor. Lady Wu likewise made important contributions to her sons' success, reportedly giving Sun Ce useful counsel that prevented him from inadvisedly killing someone and creating resentment, and assisting the

56

Prolegomenon

young Sun Quan in administering the army and the state. From her deathbed, she took steps to ensure that Sun Quan would continue to receive good advice.53 Fascicle 50 contains examples of other women whose behavior could be considered exemplary. One was Sun Quan's consort Lady Yuan, who, as we have seen, declined the opportunity to become empress.54 Lady Bu, another of Sun Quan's consorts, was widely liked for her generous nature.55 Another example of model behavior was Sun Jian's younger sister, whose son Xu Kun fought in Sun Ce's army. (Xu Kun's daughter would become one of Sun Quan's consorts.) In a crucial batde, she gave tactical advice to her son, which he passed on to Sun Ce. The advice was adopted by Sun, and he was victorious.56 The involvement of Sun Jian's sister and Sun Quan's mother in military activities suggests that the scope of activity for women of the Sun family extended beyond the normal bounds. This conclusion gains further credence from what is known of Lady Sun, Sun Quan's younger sister who married Liu Bei. She is described a having an obdurate personality and going about accompanied by female armed retainers.57 Clearly these were remarkable women, and their activities and personalities perhaps say something about the nature of the Sun family, suggesting why this family of relatively humble origins was able to gain the cooperation, if not the respect, of the more venerable lineages of the Jiangnan region. Unfortunately for the Suns, these women seem to have been exceptions. A good portion of Fascicle 50 is taken up with machinations and backstabbing among palace women. A case in point is Lady Pan, whom Sun Quan married rather late in life for her beauty. She was insanely jealous and inclined to speak ill of others behind their backs. When she was exhausted and unwell from attending to the dying Sun Quan, a group of courtiers strangled her in her sleep.58 Throughout the brief history of Wu, palace women engaged in intrigue, and their families were not above betraying the Suns to save their own skins. Members of the family of Lady Quan, wife of Sun Liang, were made marquises and held numerous offices. In what was surely one of the more bizarre episodes of the period, several of them, fleeing familial conflicts and suits, crossed the Yangtze and surrendered to Wei just as another member^ Quan Yi JMi^, was supposed to be accepting the surrender of a Wei general who had rebelled and who wanted to cast his lot with Wu. The group that had surrendered deceived Quan Yi into believing that Wu was angry with him and planning to execute his family. Rather than accepting the surrender of a Wei general on behalf of Wu, Quan Yi himself went over to Wei. Ultimately, the family went into decline when a member was discovered hatching a plot, the purpose of which is not known.59

57

Empresses and Consorts of the Three States

The antics of such people make the Wu section the most interesting of the sections on empresses and consorts. It differs from the others— and from those in the three histories of the Han discussed in Chapter 3—in that it deals with more than just the emperors' wives and their families. Imperial princesses are included as well. The comparatively titillating flavor of the section is due in part to the personalities of the people described. But perhaps this characterisitic is also a function of the position of Wu in Chinese history. Only if the Suns could conquer the rest of the country and lay claim to Heaven's blessing would there be grounds for considering Wu the legitimate heir to the empire. But there were grounds for considering either Wei or Shu Han legitimate: The last emperor of the Han had abdicated to the one, and a member of the Han imperial clan headed the other. The marginal status of Wu may have led Chen Shou to feel less need to be discreet in writing about it, and he may have included the sort of material that he felt constrained to suppress in his accounts of Wei and Shu. Another motivation may have been Chen's association with the faction in the Jin government pushing for an invasion of Wu (see Chapter 5). Demonstrating the moral bankruptcy of the ruling house of Wu would have been further proof of the correctness of the pro-invasion party's position. HAREMS

Aside from empresses and consorts, as we have seen, the Han harems had contained large numbers of assorted concubines, handmaidens, and the like. By the second half of the Later Han dynasty, the harem was said to have numbered in excess of five thousand women, and there had been frequent calls for reductions. Besides the enormous expenditures such a harem entailed, one of the greatest concerns was, of course, that the ruler would be distracted from his responsibilities. The problem remained pertinent during the Three States, and the behavior of both Cao Fang and Sun Hao demonstrated the dangers to the state if a ruler were permitted to indulge himself. Both Wei and Wu saw the creation of large harems. Cao Fang's lasciviousness may have been encouraged by the example of his adoptive father Emperor Ming, who built up a large harem that occupied his attention at the expense of the affairs of state.60 Although it is only obliquely mentioned in one place in the translation below, Emperor Ming was criticized for recruiting large numbers of young women for his harem.61 One passage from the Wei Epitome reports that he established eight wards in which to house his ladies of talent (cairen according to rank, with those holding titles of honorable lady (guiren) and lady (furen) or above occupying the south side.62 The Wei Epitome goes on to say, "The

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Prolegomenon

emperor often amused himself and feasted there. He chose six women who were literate and could send correspondence and made them female masters of writing (nu shangshu )." Finally, the Wei Epitome observes that "those from the honorable ladies (guiren) down to shangbao (nj^63 and those who swept the lateral courts [i.e., the harem] or were versed in entertainment and song, each numbered in the thousands." Chen Shou described the consequences of Emperor Ming's excesses: "The emperor built palaces on a large scale and thus made the people toil; he made extensive levies of girls to fill his harem. The imperial sons born in the harem died prematurely one after another, no heir growing up."64 Emperor Ming's failure to produce an heir was thus linked—at least in the historian's mind—to his profligacy, and by extension, so was the fall of the Wei. Profligacy, then, was viewed as a political problem as well as a moral one, for the growth of a harem usually was taken to signal a decline in the emperor's engagement in affairs of state. No doubt similar considerations were operating when the young Liu Shan wanted to select women to fill out his harem, and, as we have seen, Dong Yun responded that in ancient times the number of wives of the Son of Heaven had not exceeded twelve. Dong simply refused to carry out Liu's instruction, and although Liu acquiesced he was not pleased.65 The Suns were apparently unconcerned about classical precedent. A large harem developed there, too, and though one cannot be certain when it began, by the reign of the final ruler, Sun Hao, it was said to have numbered several thousand.66 The libidinous activities of the Suns were specifically cited by Chen Shou as one of the reasons for their demise, and Sun Quan was likened to Duke Huan of Qi.67 But the lessons of Wei and Wu were lost on the Simas. The Jin continued in their footsteps, taking over some five thousand women from among Sun Hao's concubines and entertainers. And just prior to that, in the seventh month of Taishi 9 (August 273), Emperor Wu widely selected women of good families to fill the rear palaces. He accomplished this by first declaring a prohibition on marriage and then dispatching eunuchs to search throughout the provinces for girls to be sent to Empress Yang Hr for final selection. The Jin History relates that, being of a jealous nature, she chose no real beauties—only those who were "pure and mature." The families themselves do not seem to have been keen to have their daughters join the harem, for many young women are said to have made themselves unattractive to avoid being selected, apparently as a sweet lady or an even lower rank.68 CONCLUSION

The story of the empresses and consorts of the Three States period is the taste that proves the pudding of George Santayana's time-worn

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Empresses and Consorts of the Three States

dictum about what happens to those who forget the past. The examples of four hundred years of the Han dynasty were manifest and accessible to all who would benefit from them. And if the import of the lesson was not immediately apparent, Han political and social critics had provided clear interpretations. But the rulers of the Three States were little inclined to master this lesson. Many of the problems associated with Han consorts, their families, and the harems reappeared in the Three States. There was nothing inevitable about their recurrence. As with the Han, the nature of the problems surrounding palace women grew out of the moral and political culture of the leadership of the individual states and reflected the rulers' personalities, proclivities, and weaknesses. Like the men, the women at a dynasty's beginning seem generally to have been stronger and abler at carrying out their sanctioned roles. As the quality of rulers declined, along with their ability to perform properly the duties of their station and to keep their appetites in check, so did that of the palace women. In the years prior to the founding of Wei, Cao Cao adopted a policy of selecting men of ability and attached little importance to birth. This policy found its analogue in the selection of palace women. Cao Cao's own pedigree was anything but elite, and he did not feel obligated to turn to the prominent families for his wives. Although this eliminated the danger of affinal families coming to dominate the government, it did not prevent a consort from being able to manipulate an emperor for her own ends, as the case of Empress Zhen demonstrates.69 But whether the palace women might distract a ruler from the affairs of state was more a function of the inclinations and will of the ruler than of the women themselves. Emperor Ming and his adoptive son Cao Fang increasingly directed their interests toward the harem and away from their responsibilities as heads of state—with predictable results. Shu Han provided the counterexample. The position of palace women there was relatively weak, and their families did not exercise untoward influence on the Lius. One important reason was that the principal consorts—aside from Liu Bei's wife Lady Wu—did not have roots in the region, and there were no broad networks of affinal relatives to try to manipulate the ruler or his consort. Another factor was the continuing influence of Liu Bei's trusted advisers after his death and their ability to deter Liu Shan's incipient desire to replicate the examples of his counterparts in the other two states. Had this not been the case, Shu Han might well have followed the same path. In several ways, Wu represented a special case. Marriage alliances were crucial to the foundation and survival of the Wu state. The Suns married women who came from families of higher social standing, and these women may have felt little need to defer to their husbands. The culture of the Wu court seems to have been comparatively open and

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freewheeling, permitting women to play a stronger role than elsewhere. During the family's struggle for ascendency and in the early years of the Wu state, Sun women were matches for the early, strong Sun male leadership. Sun Jian's sister and Sun Quan's mother both seem to have been capable of offering informed advice on political and military affairs. Lady Sun had a strong martial bent and was considered as capable and courageous as her brothers. Whether such women were common in the Jiangnan region or unique to the Sun family is unknown but is a question worthy of further study because of its implications for our understanding of the different roles of women in early imperial China. Yet as the quality of the leadership declined, so did that of the palace women, until, like Wei, Wu found its rulers sunk in debauchery and unable to preserve the state. Thus while writers in early imperial China might complain about the malignant influence of women, in truth responsibility lay with the men who set the conditions under which they lived and acted.

5

Records of the Three States

There is a common tendency to think about China in terms of comparatively long and relatively stable dynastic periods such as the Han, the Tang, and the Qing.1 The Three States period does not follow this pattern, however, and Records of the Three States differs significantly from the other standard histories of the early imperial period. The period it describes was quite unlike those of The Grand Scribe's Records and the Han History: The subject is three separate and competing regimes, and the period covered is less than a century. Yet despite its political fragmentation and brief duration, few historical periods are as woven into the cultural fabric of a people's existence as the Three States period is for the Chinese.2 "If one wishes to understand China," writes Lyman Van Slyke, "one must have some familiarity with the history of the Three Kingdoms and with the lore that surrounds it."3 There can be no doubt about the importance of Records of the Three States to this process of understanding. It is a fascinating work dealing with an extraordinary period and has long been considered one of the most important dynastic histories. In its pages are chronicled the ideas and events of an exciting period in Chinese history—the late second and third centuries. This was a time of tremendous social, economic, and political change and an age of great achievements in literature. As a repository of information and documents concerning political and military events, people, religion, science, foreign customs, and literature, Records of the Three States is crucial for an understanding of the period.4 Furthermore, the book has indirectly left a lasting impression on Chinese of all ages through its "pervasive influence in fiction, drama, and popular religion,"5 not to mention history and historiography. In Taiwan alone, there are scores of temples decorated with scenes from Records of the Three States, as sifted through popular lore and fiction. The canonization of Guan Yu and the widespread devotions to him today are just one example of this influence.6 Similarly, the fact that the book has long been mentioned in the same breath with Sima Qian's The Grand Scribe's Records, Ban Gu's Han History, and Fan Ye's Later 61

6z

Prolegomenon

Han History as one of the Four Histories (Si shi H ^ t ) indicates the high regard in which it has been held. 7 Although there is no complete Western-language translation of Records of the Three States, books, articles, and dissertations sometimes do contain translations of passages or sections. But they almost never include the relevant parts of Pei Songzhi's commentary, and the total amount in translation is miniscule. A translator who sampled broadly from the text was the redoubtable Achilles Fang. 8 Fang, of course, was translating from Zi zhi tong jiatt Stínffiíli [Comprehensive Mirror for Aid in Governing], not Records of the Three States, and only when the two texts are the same, and in occasional notes, can he be said to be dealing with Records of the Three States proper. 9 CHEN SHOU A N D RECORDS

OF THE THREE

STATES

Chen Shou, author of Records of the Three States, was from Anhan 3c31 prefecture in Baxi E M commandery of Shu.10 In his youth he studied with an older historian from the same commandery, Qiao Zhou M ( 2 0 1 - 2 7 0 ) , 1 1 and learned the Shang shu iniilr [Hallowed Documents] and the three commentaries to the Spring and Autumn Annals. But he especially concentrated on The Grand Scribe's Records and the Han History.12 Later, Chen was an official in Shu, where he served as master of records (zhupu ) for the general of the guards (wei jiangjun H i 7 $ ? ) , gentleman librarian in the Eastern Library (Dongguan mishulang jfttiíftilrSP), and cavalier gentlemanin-attendance of the Yellow Gates (sanji Huangmen shilang ffclitÍHtF §P).13 According to the Jin shu [Jin History], Chen was removed from office more than once because he chose to remain aloof from the eunuch Huang Hao, who controlled Shu at the time. 14 In 263 Shu was conquered by Wei, and two years later Sima Yan i^LHifé (236-290) abolished Wei and became the first ruler of the Western Jin (266-3 r 7)- Chen, however, did not immediately take office in the Jin government. Sometime before the change of regimes, he was in mourning for his father, and during the mourning period, he fell ill and had a maidservant concoct some pills for him to take. This was apparently a violation of ritual and engendered censure, with the result that Chen spent some years out of office. 15 After a time, Chen Shou was recommended as filially pious and incorrupt 16 by a powerful admirer, the influential official and literatus Zhang Hua, and so came to serve the Jin. He became an assistant gentleman editor (zuo zhuzuo lang feÜf^®), then gentleman editor (zhuzuo lang), and next chancellor of Pingyang marquisate (Pingyang hou xiang ^ B H ^ f f i ) . 1 7 While Chen was serving as gentleman editor,

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Records of the Three States

Inspector of the Palace Writers (zhongshu jian Xun Xu Hjttl (d. 289) and Prefect of the Palace Writers (zhongshu ling ) He Jiao f n ^ l (d. 292) enlisted him to edit the works of the famous Shu statesman and strategist Zhuge Liang. The Zhuge Liang ji I t H i S i t [Collected Works of Zhuge Liang], Chen's edition of Zhuge's works in twenty-four juan, was submitted to the throne in 274. 18 With Jin's conquest of Wu in 280, Chen began work on his history of the three now defunct states.19 Just when he completed the manuscript is not known. Chen may have completed portions of the work as early as sometime prior to the fall of Shu. The Wei section was certainly well along or complete before the fall of Wu, but the Wu section itself was probably not begun until after 280, and the complete work may not have been presented for some years after that.20 Since the writing of the work had not been officially sponsored, official copies were not made until after Chen's death.21 It was generally well received. Xiahou Zhan M.&M (243-291), who was compiling his own Wei shu iStU [Wei History], was reportedly so impressed with Chen's work that he quit and destroyed what he had written.22 Even so, the praise of Chen's work was not universal, and assessments of it could be affected by nonhistoriographical considerations. The Huayang guozhi ^ P U ® ^ [Record of the States South of Mt. Hua] says: Following the pacification of Wu, Shou assembled histories of the Three States, wrote a history of Wei, Wu, and Shu in sixty-five juan,

and tided it Records of the Three States. He further wrote Records of Ancient States infiftychapters. It was elegant and refined. Inspector of the Palace Writers Xun Xu and Prefect of the Palace Writers Zhang Hua deeply liked it and believed that Ban Gu and Sima Qian could not match him.23

A few lines later, however, one finds: Hua memorialized that [Chen] be made concurrently a gentleman of the palace writers (zhongshu lang tfllrBP), but Shou's Record of Wei had displeased [Xun] Xu. Xu did not want him within [the court] and memorialized that he be grand administrator (taishou ^ T F ) of Changguang -SHI commandery.24

Chen's Jin History biography mentions this incident as well but does not refer to Xun's unhappiness with Chen's history. Rather, it says, "Xun Xu was jealous of [Zhang] Hua and hated Shou, so he spoke disparagingly to the Division of Personnel (Li bu nP), and Shou was

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transferred to be administrator of Changguang commandery. He declined because of his mother's age and did not go." 25 The reason for Xun's displeasure over Chen's Record of Wei is not readily apparent, though given the prominence of the Xun family in the work and Xun's own role in the events described there, the possibilities are probably countless. But the problem may have been a difference over policy between Xun and Zhang, who was Chen's champion. The two disagreed over plans to conquer Wu, with Xun opposed and Zhang in favor.26 Xun may not have wanted Zhang to have another partisan within the palace, and he may have seen something in the Record that he felt argued against his position. In any case, although Chen did not take up the Changguang posting, later Du Yu t±5f (222-284), who was then general-in-chief who subdues the South (zhennan da jiangjun t S ^ ^ T ^ ? ) , recommended Chen to be a cavalier gentleman-in-attendance (sanji shilang BP). The court actually appointed him attending secretary-preparer of documents (zhishu shi yushi t n i f ^ l i P ) , a high office in the Censorate. By and by, he left office to go into mourning for his mother.27 Before she died, Chen's mother had asked to be buried in Luoyang f&PM. Chen followed her wishes, but once more he met with criticism on the death of a parent. Some felt that Chen should have returned her to their home in Shu for burial.28 At any rate, several years later Chen was appointed palace cadet of the heir apparent (taizi zhong shuzi ^ i ^ i K i P ) but died before he could assume his duties.29 Of the sixty-five juan that make up the Records of the Three States, thirty are devoted to Wei, fifteen to Shu, and twenty to Wu. There are relatively few textual problems with the work, and there is no doubt that these are essentially the original work. Although the relative size of each section may have been partly determined by political considerations, it is also likely to reflect the amount of material on each state that Chen had at his disposal. A variety of sources was potentially available to him.30 Among them was Wang Chen's Wei History. This was an official history of Wei that was worked on at various times by Wei Ji , Miao Xi 8 f t (186-245), Wei Dan , Ying Qu Jfi St (190-252), Xun Yi i i j g l , Ruan Ji h M (210-263), Sun Gai M M , and Fu Xuan. The final {orty-juan work, however, was completed by Wang Chen alone on imperial command. 31 Wang's imperially sanctioned work must be used with care because it avoids or glosses over matters sensitive to the throne.32 Another work Chen must have seen was the Wu shu ^.il? [Wu History]. Again, this project was to some extent collaborative. Zhou Zhao JS]BH, Xue Ying g f H (d. 282), Liang Guang MM, and Hua He all were involved with the Wu History, but thefinalfifty-fiwe-juan

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Records of the Three States

work is from the hand of Wei Zhao (204-273 ).33 Besides these official histories of Wei and Wu, Chen Shou would have been able to draw on at least one privately compiled history—Yu Huan's Wei Epitome.34 Unlike Wei and Wu, Shu seems to have had neither officials charged with compiling a history nor solid records of court activities. Chen wrote: The state [of Shu] did not establish a history [bureau], and no one was in charge of note-taking and record-keeping. Because of this [the records of] many activities and events are missing, and disasters and anomalies lack documentation.35

Although he seems to have had much less available to him than in the cases of Wei and Wu, Chen still managed to complete a section on Shu.36 No doubt being from there, having served in its government, having already authored the Accounts of the Elders ofYi Region, and having edited Zhuge Liang's works all helped Chen overcome this difficulty.37 Records of the Three States is somewhat different from its famous predecessors. Lacking treatises and tables, it does not adhere to the format established by The Grand Scribe's Records and Han History. Instead, Chen's history consists entirely of annals and biographies.38 Also distinctive is the title of the work, for it is alone among the standard histories in being designated zhi Lien-sheng Yang notes, however, that the three sections of the history have also been called shu H in the tables of contents and chapter headings of various editions since at least Song times. This use of shu ("history," "documents") as opposed to shi jfe ("history") in the titles of the three major divisions of the work, Yang suggests, puts it in the line of the Han History, as opposed to The Grand Scribe's Records; that is to say, it marks it as a work concerned with a single period, rather than one that overarches several periods in the manner of Sima Qian and certain later historians.39 Although there is no doubt about the coverage of Records of the Three States, Yang's point about shu is moot. In his "Shang San guo zhi zhu biao" [Memorial Presenting the Commentary to Records of the Three States], Pei Songzhi refers to Chen's work as guo zhi or "records of the states." Whether this was meant to be a title is unclear although the Zhonghua shuju editors treat it as such.40 It may be that "records of the states" is simply a term that reflects the fact that the three sections were sometimes treated separately. Evidence for this can be seen in the bibliographical treatise of the Jiu Tang shu MfUlSt [Old Tang History],

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Prolegomenon

which places a Wei guo zhi f t ® ^ by Chen Shou (with Pei's commentary) among the standard histories, while the Wu guo zhi ^iHlife (also with Pei's commentary) and Shu guo zhi JUIIIüfe (Pei's commentary not mentioned) are listed, peculiarly enough, in the biannian M^-/zawei (chronologically arranged histories/miscellaneous unauthorized histories) group.41 But note that the earlier bibliographical treatise of the Sui shu Pffilr [Sui History] already contains an entry for Chen's Records of the Three States with Pei's commentary in the same number of fascicles (sixty-five) as today.42 The introduction by the Zhonghua shuju editors in the first edition was ambiguous on this point, indicating on one page that the three sections were first combined in a Northern Song edition, while mentioning on the very next page the Sui History bibliographical entry. In response to research by Miao Yue proving that the work has had its present title since Western Jin times, the Zhonghua editors dropped this statement from the revised edition.43 The earliest extant block-printed edition of Records of the Three States is one published by the Directorate of Education (Guozijian HI ) in the sixth year of the Xianping Jj&^P reign period (1003) in Northern Song times.44 There is also a re-engraving dating from the Shaoxi reign period (1190-1194), as well as one from the Shaoxing (1131-1163) period.45 The former which lacks three juan of the Wei zhi, was supplemented by the latter and photomechanically reprinted to produce the Bona l í f t edition, one of the four editions on which the Zhonghua shuju redaction is based.46 The second of these four editions, one that has been the basis for various subsequent typographic and lithographic editions, is the so-called Palace edition (Wuying dian block-printed edition S ^ H t ^ ' J ^ ) from the Qing dynasty.47 This was a redaction of a Ming edition published by the Directorate of Education at Beijing.48 The third text used by the Zhonghua shuju editors is the Jinling movable-type edition (Jinling huozi ben á í l ^ í S ^ ^ ) , which in turn is a revision of the Feng Mengzhen i l l ^ f l t (1546-1605) edition published by the Directorate of Education at Nanjing.49 Finally, the Zhonghua editors also consulted the Jiangnan shuju t L ^ l í j l j redaction, which is a revision of Mao Jin's (1599-1655) Jigu ge StírKl edition.50 Although there are differences among these and other editions, they are minor, and Chen's text appears to have been transmitted basically intact. PEI S O N G Z H I A N D H I S

COMMENTARY

Pei Songzhi was born into an important and influential family whose home of record was Wenxi MU- prefecture in Hedong M3fí.51 Like many northerners, the Peis had moved south early in the fourth century

6j

Records of the Three States

as a result of repeated Xiongnu incursions in the North. Although we cannot be sure where Pei was born, it would not have been at Wenxi.52 By the time he was eight, he is said to have been thoroughly versed in the Confucian Lun yu train [Conversations] and the Mao version of the Classic of Poetry, as well as widely read in other works. At twenty he was made a general of the palace (dian zhong jiangjun WL^^L'W), and beginning early in the Yixi Ü M reign period (405-418), Pei served first as prefect (ling of Guzhang ÍÍCiP in Wuxing ^ H commandery,53 then as gentleman of the masters of writing for the Ministry of Sacrifices (shangshu cibu lang jnj^^sloPSP). Later he served as master of records of Si province ^ f f l under Liu Yu M¥it, the future founder of the Liu Song dynasty (420-479), and was then made viceattendant-clerk (zhizhong congshi shi ?n ^íféí-ife ).54 When Liu conquered Luoyang, Pei Songzhi was put in charge of the province. No doubt due to Liu's high regard for him, Pei was transferred back to Jiankang 3ÉÍÜ, where he held a series of offices, including those of forerunner of the heir apparent (shizi xianma ttfc~P#fcl§), administrator (neishi I^Jjfe) of Lingling and erudit of the National University (guo zi boshi ü - f f t d : ) . In 426, Pei was one of sixteen grand commissioners ordered to tour various parts of the realm. In this capacity he went to Xiang province After returning to court, he served as a gentleman-in-attendance of the Palace Writers (zhongshu shilang cf'^f^iP) and senior impartial and just of both Si and Ji M provinces, and was made marquis of Xi district & M .S6 As we have observed, Records of the Three States constitutes a major achievement, especially considering Chen Shou's political and intellectual environment and the materials with which he had to work. But there were criticisms of his history, and among these was the complaint that there were too many omissions. As Leban writes, Despite Chen Shou's position and the availability of contemporary source material, great gaps still existed in certain parts of the record, most particularly with regard to Shu, but also evident in the sometimes overly terse reports on the activities of individual personalities and the vagueness with which events are dated both in the annalistic chapters and the biographies. The very excitement generated by the original SKC [San guo zhi] accounts further engender a thirst for greater detail, frustration with which must have been felt even by early readers.57

This charge of excessive brevity has some merit and is still made today; one would simply like to know more about many matters. Examples of great concern to the economic historian are Chen's lack

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of detail in describing Cao Cao's creation of the famous system of agricultural colonies (tun tian Iti EH) and the new method of levying land taxes according to acreage rather than yield. Both were extremely important administrative changes and the antecedents of major fiscal institutions in later dynasties, most notably the Tang. But Chen mentions the first only in passing, and the second not at all.58 Were it not for Pei Songzhi's commentary and the Later Han History, we might completely misunderstand the origins of these two important institutions. Fortunately, thanks perhaps to the combination of excitement and frustration mentioned by Leban, Pei's work exists. Emperor Wen JC (r. 4x4-453) of the Liu Song dynasty was motivated by the terseness of Chen's text to order Pei Songzhi to write a commentary to Records of the Three States. Pei performed his assigned task masterfully. His contribution lies not only in providing information that helps to clarify issues in the original history but also in preserving many works that might otherwise have been lost.59 Quoting from more than one hundred fifty works from Wei-Jin times alone, his commentary constitutes a resource no less important than Chen's. Until recently it was widely believed that the commentary was, in fact, nearly three times the length of Chen's original work.60 The completed commentary was finished and submitted to the throne on 8 September 4x9. The emperor with considerable foresight, deemed it an "imperishable" contribution.61 In 437, Pei Songzhi retired from office but was then appointed grand palace grandee (tai zhong dafu ^C+^C^) and concurrent erudit of the National University. He was also charged with continuing and completing He Chengtian's M Guo shi B i t [National History] but died of illness before it was done. The memorial that Pei submitted on the completion of his commentary reveals a good deal about his approach to writing the commentary: Formerly, I was summoned and ordered to collect parallel and divergent accounts regarding the Three States in order to write a commentary to Chen Shou's Records of the States. The assessments and arrangement of Chen's book are impressive; it is mostly careful and aboveboard regarding events. Truly, this is a park for the sightseer a welcome history of recent times. However its defects lie in its brevity, and sometimes it omits things. I received your decree to seek out details and have striven for thoroughness. On the one hand, I have searched out old accounts, and on the other, have collected what is missing. Note that while the Three States did not

69

Records of the Three States last many years, their affairs are bound up with the Han at the beginning and the Jin at the end, all told about a hundred years. The records are confused and garbled and always quite contradictory. In order to fill in the gaps in Chen Shou's account, I have recovered all those events not set down by Chen of which it is proper to keep a record. Some of the sources relate the same event, but their language is contradictory and confused in places; in some, the occurrence of an event basically differs. When I have been uncertain and unable to make a decision, I have copied everything down together in order to provide different versions. Where there are obvious errors or illogical statements, I have made corrections following each mistake as a precaution against their inaccuracy. With regard to Chen's minor slips and whether or not the chronology and facts are accurate, in quite a few places I have drawn on my own modest ideas to discuss and debate these matters/ 2

Although he does not explicitly mention it here, Pei also provides glosses and explanations at various points in his commentary.63 The obvious importance of Pei's work notwithstanding, some critics have denigrated it for such real or perceived faults as superfluity (or, alternatively, inadequacy) and for altering words in quoted material. CRITICISMS AND CONTEXTS

Despite the praise accorded Records of the Three States, from rather early on the text has had its critics. One of the oldest criticisms voiced by Chen's detractors is already mentioned in the Jin History and concerns the two brothers Ding Yi T i l l and Ding Yi TJH. The Dings were important figures affiliated with Cao Zhi at the end of the Han. This placed them near the very center of power, for although Cao Zhi is today remembered chiefly as a poet and writer of the first rank, he very nearly succeeded his father Cao Cao, the single most powerful man in China, as king of Wei. Ultimately, Cao Zhi's elder brother Cao Pi was named heir and used his position as a springboard to ending the Han and becoming the first emperor of the Wei dynasty. Cao Pi's success in the face of opposition from the Dings cost them their lives.64 Clearly they were major players in the political events at the very end of the Han, yet they have no independent biographies in Records of the Three States. The account in the Jin History says the reason is that members of the Ding family refused to pay a bribe to Chen Shou for including such biographies.65 Although Liu Zhiji and others accepted this story, it is assumably spurious. There are more plausible explanations for the Dings not being accorded their own biographies. For one thing, other rather well-known figures do not have separate biographies. Several of

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the famous writers known as the Seven Masters of the Jian'an Period (Jian'an qi zi ) have what little is said about them appended to the biography of Wang Can ( 1 7 7 - 2 1 7 ) in juatt 21 of the history.66 Furthermore, as Rafe de Crespigny writes: In the struggle for favour Sima Yi was one of the leaders of Cao Pi's party. When Cao Pi came to the throne, he had Ding Y i and his brother executed together with all the male members of their families. The two brothers came from Pei ffi, and they were fellow-countrymen of the Cao family. Nearly thirty years later, when Sima Yi who had been eliminated Cao Shuang, he also executed Ding Mi a supporter of Cao Shuang and who came from Qiao M commandery, which had been set up from part of Pei in the last years of Han. So the Ding clan from that region had opposed Sima Yi's interests on two great occasions, with fatal results to themselves, and under the first emperors of the Jin dynasty, there was no member of the family in high office. It is not very surprising if Chen Shou was careful in his treatment of a family which had opposed the Sima and which was still out of favour. Nevertheless, though no members of the Ding family have a biography in San guo zhi, their careers are mentioned in other places in the history and the story of their fates is described in an essentially straightforward fashion.67

Another story from the Jin History states that Chen Shou's father had been an adjutant to Ma Su M M (190-228) and that when Zhuge Liang killed Ma Su, Chen Shou's father was treated as a criminal. The history further reports that Chen Shou himself was slighted by Zhuge Liang's son Zhuge Zhan fiUSMi (227-263). Thus, Chen Shou is supposed to have belittled the two Zhuges' talents in revenge when he wrote his biography of Zhuge Liang.68 Miao Yue has marshaled the arguments of a number of eminent Qing dynasty scholars to refute this accusation. He concludes by quoting Wang Mingsheng Z E R l ® (17221798), who notes, "The Jin History is fond of quoting diverse accounts and so is rather rank."69 The feature of Records of the Three States that seems to have been the most controversial is Chen Shou's conferral of legitimacy on the Wei. By referring to the Wei rulers as emperors and calling his accounts of them "annals," Chen ordains Wei the legitimate successor to the Han dynasty and places Shu and Wu, whose rulers are merely accorded "biographies," in a lesser light. This stance is also reflected in the amount of space allotted to each of the kingdoms, for Wei gets by far the preponderance of pages. Wei's legitimacy is conveyed by other means as well. Chen is silent in the "Wei shu" M l t section about Liu

7i

Records of the Three States

Bei and Sun Quan's being proclaimed emperors, and in the "Shu shu" lijilr [Shu History] and "Wu shu" ^ i H [Wu History] sections he gives their accession dates according to Wei reign years.70 It is hard to see how Chen could have done otherwise. He was, after all, a Jin official, and Jin claimed succession from Wei. Modern historians have usually sympathized with his predicament.71 In doing so, they are in part echoing the bibliographical précis for Records of the Three States in the monumental Qing dynasty General Bibliography of the Complete Writings of the Four Treasuries: In his history, Chen takes Wei to be the legitimate regime. Not until

Xi Zuochi wrote the Han-Jin Spring and Autumn was a dissenting opinion established. Since the time of Zhu Xi ifcil [i 1 3 0 - 1 2 0 0 ] , most have thought Zuochi right as opposed to Shou. However, while in principle there may be absolutely no excuse for Shou's error, circumstances made it easy for Zuochi to treat [Shu] Han as the imperial line, but impossible for Shou to do likewise. In Zuochi's time, the Jin had already crossed to the South. Its situation was similar to that of Shu But Shou was a subject of Emperor Wu of Jin, who succeeded to Wei's line. To impugn Wei was to impugn Jin. How could this have been possible then?72

It can also be argued that, for all of the attention it pays to Wei, Records of the Three States does not manifest undiluted allegiance to that state as the legitimate successor to Han. It has even been maintained that Chen Shou exhibits a certain favoritism toward his native land of Shu.73 The structure of Chen's work clearly concedes the realities of an immediate post-Han period in which three states existed.74 Furthermore, it is Pei Songzhi's commentary, not the history itself, that preserves the seemingly cynical propaganda and alleged phenomenological manifestations of approval accompanying Cao Pi's acceptance of the Han emperor's abdication. This may not exactly demonstrate partiality toward Shu, but it does suggest an attempt at objectivity or neutrality on Chen's part.75 A final criticism leveled at Records of the Three States is that the work engages in distortion, especially of events involving the eventual Western Jin rulers. Perhaps the most influential voices here have been Liu Zhiji and Zhao Yi M S (17Z7-1814). Zhao, in particular, cites several cases where Chen's treatment of an event seems at odds with the facts. He notes, for instance, an inconsistency in how two particular monarchs' names are handled. In the annals section of the "Wei History," the last Han ruler is called by his posthumous title Emperor Xian, even though he became the Duke of Shanyang (Shanyang gong

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ill after he abdicated. Cao Huan, however, who sat for five years on the Wei throne before abdicating to Sima Yan, is never called by his posthumous title Emperor Yuan TC.76 Zhao apparently sees this as an example of Chen's catering to his Sima superiors.77 Among the other examples he gives is the fact that Records of the Three States and the Wei Epitome are at odds over the role of Empress Dowager Guo in the dethronement of Cao Fang. The Records has her placing the blame for his overthrow on the young ruler himself, whereas the Epitome depicts her as shocked and angry at his being deposed.78 In another case, Xi Zuochi's Han-]in Spring and Autumn Annals recounts Cao Mao's unsuccessful attempt to resist Sima Zhao and how he died with a blade through him for his efforts. Records of the Three States, however, simply says that he died, then goes on to record Empress Dowager Guo's denunuciation of him.79 Miao Yue is on the right track when he writes: Feudal histories naturally had to serve feudal rule. Since Chen Shou was a Jin official, it would not have been expedient, nor would he have dared, to expose or criticize the Simas in compiling his history. He even had to cover up for them. In addition, when relating the political events at the juncture of the Wei and Jin, he often follows Wang Chen's Wei History. Wang was a partisan of the Simas, and his history "mainly consists of concealed events and has little to do with the true record," yet Chen found it difficult to make many changes. Still there are places where Chen divulges his opinions through a subtle and oblique style, even though those opinions are not in keeping with the Simas' aims.80 THE DEATH OF EMPRESS Z H E N : A CASE STUDY

The previous section described how the political context in which Chen Shou wrote may have impinged upon his history. One of the biographies translated herein provides an excellent example of how various influences operated on him, while also giving some insight into the interplay between Chen's work and that of other historians of the period. These forces and the historiographical tendencies of Chen and others, which can be appreciated thanks to Pei Songzhi's commentary, are particularly evident in the biography of Empress Zhen the Illustrious of the Civilizing Emperor (Wen Zhao Zhen huanghou JC BSMMJs). 81 The essential outlines of the story are as follows: Empress Zhen was initially the wife of Yuan Xi. When her husband went off to govern You province ® iW, she stayed behind in Ji province M'M to care for her mother-in-law. When the Cao armies captured Ye IS, the seat of Ji province, she was discovered by and subsequently married to Cao

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Records of the Three States

Pi, the future Emperor Wen of Wei. She bore Cao Rui, who would become Emperor Ming. After Cao Pi acceded to the imperial throne, Zhen gradually fell out of favor and was replaced by Lady Guo, who was later named empress in her stead. Empress Zhen was unhappy with this turn of events and apparently became increasingly difficult. Emperor Wen grew angry with her and ordered her to commit suicide. Subsequently, Cao Rui came to the throne. He had her reinterred in a more lavish tomb and bestowed extensive honors on her family, in some cases posthumously. The body of Records of the Three States contains a fairly complete though terse version of the story, while Pei's commentary cites sometimes fuller sometimes alternative versions. The works Pei cites include two that antedate Chen's work, as well as some written not long after his death. The first of these is Wang Chen's Wei History, which deals with the later part of the Zhen story, the events surrounding her death: The officials concerned memorialized the throne about naming a Palace of Prolonged Autumn [i.e., an empress]. The emperor sent a letter bearing his seal inviting the empress to come to him. The empress sent up a memorial stating: I have heard that, from the beginning of the earliest dynasties, the perpetuation of sacrifices to the state and the handing down of blessings to descendants all were due to empresses and consorts. Therefore, you must carefully select such women in order to make moral education thrive in the palace. Now, when you have just assumed the imperial throne, you really should raise and promote a worthy and good woman to take overall charge of the Six Palaces. I consider myself ignorant and lowly; not up to the offerings of grain-filled vessels. Besides, I am sick in bed and dare not maintain the slightest aspirations. The sealed letter came three times and the empress thrice declined, her words being very sincere. At the time it was the height of summer, so the emperor wanted to wait until the coolness of autumn before again inviting the empress. But it happened that her illness became grave, and that summer, on the dingmao day of the sixth month [4 August 2.2.1], she died in Ye. The emperor sighed in sorrow and pain and issued a patent bestowing on her the seal and ribbon of empress.82 Wang's account of the events surrounding Empress Zhen's death seems almost perfunctory. From it one gains the impression that,

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contrary to being unhappy with Empress Zhen, the emperor wanted to honor her, and it was only her reluctance that prevented him from doing so. Even so, he did not entirely give up and and planned to pursue the matter again later, being thwarted only by the empress's death. According to Wang, Cao Pi was anguished by the passing of a devoted spouse and posthumously bestowed the honors of an empress on her. As we shall see, this version is quite at odds with other accounts of the empress's death. The second text that contributes a passage to the story of Empress Zhen is the Wei Epitome. It describes the initial encounter between Cao Pi and the future Empress Zhen: Xi went out to run You province, and the empress remained behind to wait on her mother-in-law. When Ye's city-wall was breached, Shao's wife and the empress sat together in the main hall. Emperor Wen entered Shao's residence and saw Shao's wife and the empress. As the empress, terrified, put her head on her mother-in-law's lap, Shao's wife instinctively clutched her with her hands. Emperor Wen said, "Lady Liu fill, what makes her thus? Have your daughter-inlaw lift her head." The mother-in-law then supported her and made her look up. Emperor Wen approached and looked at her. Seeing that she was extraordinary, he sang her praises. When Cao Cao learned how he felt, he brought her back as Emperor Wen's wife.83 There is another fragment from Yu Huan's Wei Epitome quoted by Pei Songzhi concerning events following the death of Empress Zhen: After Emperor Ming ascended the throne, he was pained by the memory of Empress Zhen's death; therefore, Empress Dowager [Guo] died unexpectedly from worry. When Empress Zhen was near death, she had placed the emperor under the care of Lady Li A . Once the empress dowager had died, Lady Li explained the harm done by Empress Zhen's being slandered, that she was not properly coffined, and that her disheveled hair covered her face. The emperor shed tears in his sorrow and regret and commanded that in the funeral and burial of the empress dowager all be done as in the case of Empress Zhen.84 Yu Huan's account here is fairly straightforward, and though clearly embellished, it is no more so than normal among historical texts of the period, including the official histories. Chen Shou's account, written sometime after z6$, is the only one extant that covers Empress Zhen's entire life. It comprises three parts:

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Records of the Three States

The first discusses the empress's family antecedents, tells us that she lost her father at an early age, and offers a formulaic anecdote that demonstrates her precocity. The second part, which is of about equal length to the first, is a terse recounting of her marriage to Yuan Xi and then to Cao Pi, her giving birth to Cao Rui and the Princess of Dongxiang (Dongxiang gongzhu J f t ^ P ^ i ) , and then her loss of favor and death. These latter are described in the following terms: In the tenth month of Huangchu i [October / November 22.0], the emperor ascended the throne as emperor. Afterward, the Duke of Shanyang presented two daughters in marriage to the Wei ruling house. Empress Guo and the Honorable Ladies Li ^ and Yin ^ were all loved and favored. Empress Zhen was increasingly discouraged and had fractious words. The emperor became irate, and in the sixth month of the second year, he sent an envoy to order her to commit suicide. She was buried in Ye. 85

The third part of her biography, which is three times the combined length of the first two sections, describes the events after her death, primarily her reinterment and the honors granted her relatives. In contrast to the preceding sections, this one is rather detailed. Considerable space is devoted to the erection of a temple in her memory, and the memorial proposing it is quoted in full. This is followed by still further description of the honors bestowed on the empress's relatives, a number of whom were made marquises. Interestingly, Emperor Ming made Empress Guo's younger cousin Guo De the posthumous son of Empress Zhen's deceased grandnephew Zhen Huang MHz and had him take the surname Zhen. At first glance, Chen's account of all this seems straightforward enough. But on reexamination, one is struck by the juxtaposition of, on the one hand, the favor shown Lady Guo and the Ladies Li and Yin and, on the other hand, Empress Zhen's behavior, which led to the emperor's dissatisfaction with her and his ordering her to commit suicide. Add to this the lengthy description of Emperor Ming's rehabilitation of his mother and her relatives, which clearly gives the impression of the rectification of an injustice, and it seems clear that Chen is conveying a discreet message. This becomes even more certain when he writes in the biography of Empress Guo that "the death of Empress Zhen resulted from the favor shown Empress Guo." 86 His assertion is echoed by Xi Zuochi's Han-Jin Spring and Autumn Annals: Earlier, the killing of Empress Zhen stemmed from the favoritism shown Empress Guo, and when she was buried, they let her

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Prolegomenon disheveled hair cover her face and stuffed her mouth with chaff. Subsequently Empress Guo was made empress and charged with raising Emperor Ming. The emperor was aware of this, and in his heart always harbored resentment. He often tearfully inquired about the circumstances of Empress Zhen's demise. Empress Guo replied, "The late emperor killed her. Why blame me? Besides, may a child carry a grudge against his deceased father and wrongly kill his stepmother because of his natural mother?" Emperor Ming was angry and subsequently hounded her to death. In ordering her funeral, he had them do as previously in the case of Empress Zhen.87

Xi wrote during the Eastern Jin, and there is always the possibility that distance from the actual event encouraged a certain amount of distortion and elaboration. But we need only recall the passage from the Wei Epitome cited earlier to realize that the shift in Emperor Wen's favor to Empress Guo entailed more than a new attraction piqued by the infusion of fresh blood into the seraglio: Empress Guo had actively undermined Empress Zhen's position. There can be no question that Xi's account is close to the truth. But what does that suggest about Chen's version? The two quotations from the Wei Epitome provided by Pei Songzhi are just snippets from what was a complete text, and on reading them, one is certain that Yu Huan might very well have included an account of Empress Guo's actions against Empress Zhen. After all, the Epitome does refer to Empress Zhen's having been slandered, to her having been improperly coffined, and to her disheveled hair covering her face. As indicated earlier, the Epitome was one of the sources available at the time Chen Shou was writing Records of the Three States, and he is assumed to have consulted it.88 There can be no doubt, then, that he intentionally muted his account of Empress Guo's treatment of Empress Zhen. Unlike Wang Chen, however, he did not suppress it entirely. He left the alert reader clues to what had actually occurred; if necessary, his account might be fleshed out by recourse to unofficial works such as the Wei Epitome. Even so, the question remains: Why did Chen Shou decide not to use all that was available to him and write the complete story of the events surrounding Empress Zhen's death? The Qing scholar He Zhuo speculates that Chen was reluctant because the Guos were still influential when Chen was writing.89 This would probably have made any reasonable person cautious. But Chen's situation was further complicated by policy differences in the government. Let us recall that Chen was a protégé of Zhang Hua. Although Zhang was widely respected

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for his abilities, his own origins were relatively humble, and his power to protect Chen would have been limited. When it came to one of the most important issues of the day—whether or not to attempt the conquest of Wu—Zhang was in opposition to both Xun Xu, as noted earlier, and Jia Chong. In 265, Shu had been defeated and absorbed by Wei, but Wu was still independent more than ten years later. Emperor Wu of Jin (Sima Yan) wanted to attack the southern state. A number of high-ranking officials—including Jia and Xun—were opposed, while Zhang and others strongly endorsed the plan. In a memorial to the emperor, Jia and Xun insisted that such an effort was doomed to failure. The emperor apparently did not agree, for he ordered Jia to lead the attack. When the campaign experienced logistical difficulties, Jia and Xun unsuccessfully called for Zhang's execution because he was responsible for planning grain transport. The Jin armies were ultimately victorious, howeveç much to the chagrin of Jia Chong, who feared that he would now fall into disfavor.90 Even though the emperor seems to have been willing to overlook Jia's behavior; this surely did little to improve Jia or Xun's feelings toward Zhang and Chen. In addition to policy differences, there were deeper and more intensely personal differences that could have affected Chen's work. Zhang and Chen found themselves embroiled in bitter factional struggles at court revolving around Jia Chong and his daughter; Jia Nanfeng S l ^ M (d. 300), the consort of the future Emperor Hui M (Sima Zhong KJIUl). 9 1 Xun Xu and his father Xun Yi, were closely allied with Jia. Both father and son had proposed that Jia's daughter be married to the mentally deficient heir apparent Sima Zhong, an idea for which Xun Yi was widely ridiculed.92 Zhang Hua, in contrast, later supported Empress Dowager Yang when Empress Jia sought to have her executed.93 As Zhang's protégé, Chen would have found himself willy-nilly in opposition to the Jia family and its supporters.94 Given the context in which Chen wrote his history, then, he could have expected his work to be carefully scrutinized by people who were not entirely sympathetic to him.95 Although according to one account Xun Xu praised Chen's Record of Ancient States, the same source says that something in Chen's history of the Wei displeased Xun and led him to prevent Zhang's gaining Chen an appointment at court.96 As noted earlier; considering the prominence of the Xun family in the work, there were probably numerous opportunities for Xun Xu to take offense. Even so, what irritated Xun may well have been Chen's treatment of Empresses Zhen and Guo. Although the details differ, this episode is in many ways analogous to Empress Jia's treatment of Empress Yang, and Chen's account could be taken as an implied crit-

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icism of Empress Jia. Moreover, his lengthy description of the honors bestowed on the Zhen family by Emperor Ming might be seen as a hint that members of the Yang family deserved similar consideration.97 Chen's handling of the Empress Guo affair could also have been interpreted as being critical of Xun's father, Xun Yi, who had collaborated with Wang Chen on the Wei History.58 As we have seen, the Wei History omitted any mention of Empress Guo's treatment of Empress Zhen." Chen's circumspection notwithstanding, under such circumstances his account could not have avoided offending Xun. Of course, we can never know for certain Chen's reasons for writing as he did. But the contexts and constraints with which he had to deal are clear. In hindsight, it would be easy to fault him for not living up to ideal historiographical standards. But it should be remembered that, in addition to the political context in which he wrote, history as a field was still developing and had not come completely into its own.100 In any case, Chen did not do all that badly. Despite the pressures and limitations to which he was subject, he managed to give sufficient information and leave adequate clues to enable his readers to discern the truth. This at least seems to have been Pei Sorigzhi's conclusion when he compared Chen's version of the Empress Zhen story with that of Wang Chen: Your servant Songzhi understands the principles of the Spring and Autumn Annals to be that great evils within the palace are concealed, while lesser evils are recorded. We have clear knowledge of the fact that Emperor Wen did not make Madam Zhen empress and went so far as to kill her. If the Wei historians considered this to be a great evil, they should have concealed it and not spoken of it. If they considered it a lesser evil, then they should not have written falsely about it. Such revering of embellished and untrue texts is alien to what we learn from the old historians. If we were to judge from this, then whenever the historians praised the goodness of the words and deeds of the empresses Bian and Zhen, they would be difficult to find credible. Chen Shou's abridgements and omissions truly have some basis.101

Fang Xuanling (578-648) and the other compilers of the Jin History agreed. They noted that the Wei History by Wang Chen (and Xun Yi) had covered up a great deal and that it "was not like the true record of Chen Shou."102 Fang and his collaborators may indeed have been thinking in part of Chen's treatment of Empress Zhen when they wrote in their appreciation of Chen and other Jin historians:

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Records of the Three States The ancient kings all established historians; they illuminated the models and set up patterns, but none approached these. In tracing origins and seeking denouements, chronicling emotions and taking the measure of human nature, their words are subtle yet apparent, their intentions pure and enlightened, and so they were able to establish persons of distinction103 as standards for distant generations. After [Zuo] Qiuming had passed away, Ban Gu and Sima Qian rose, one after the other, wielding their magnificent writing brushes in the Western Capital, giving free rein to candid words in the Eastern Lodge. From that time on down, did not Chen Shou attain the status of one who clarified things, was frank, and could carry on and illuminate the former canons!104

In summary, although Records of the Three States has some shortcomings—shortcomings that led Pei Songzhi to compile his commentary—as early as the late Six Dynasties and Tang, Chen Shou was recognized as an outstanding historian who had succeeded, under difficult circumstances, in preserving his integrity by producing an artful history that withheld little from the accomplished reader. W H O IS I N C L U D E D ?

A word needs to be said about the criteria Chen Shou used in selecting women to include in his history, for not all palace women or even all rulers' wives have entries in the Records of the Three States fascicles on empresses and consorts. Moreover the treatment of them differs somewhat state by state. In picking those to be included in the section on Wei, Chen followed criteria similar to those applied later by Fan Ye in his Later Han History.105 All had been empresses and are listed by their titles, as befit the consorts of the rulers of the legitimate successor state to the Han. This legitimacy is underscored by the omission of the term "empress" (hou) from the titles of the chapters on Shu and Wu. Curiously, however, the section on Shu also lists empresses by their titles, though Liu Bei and Liu Shan are naturally not referred to as "emperor." The Shu chapter differs from the other two in that it combines the biographies of the consorts with those of the younger male offspring, rather than separating them, as is done for Wei and Wu. This is, of course, a function of the relatively small number of persons involved. Fascicle 50 differs from the other two in not listing any of the women under the title of "empress." With one exception, all are listed under the title of "lady" (furen), though most had been declared empress. The exception is Sun He's consort née He, who was mother of Sun Hao, the last ruler of Wu. Although Sun Hao bestowed

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on her the title of empress and then empress dowager, she was listed as Dame He ÍRÍffi to indicate that she was not the wife of a ruler.106 Another difference is that Fascicle 50 includes wives of Sun Quan— Lady Xie and Lady Xu—who had not been declared empresses, either in their own lifetimes or posthumously. Their inclusion is further indication that Chen Shou believed there were no grounds for considering Wu to be a legitimate successor to the Han. Aside from the empresses who appear in Fascicle 5, the Caos had other wives who were mothers of younger sons who did not become emperor. These are mentioned in Fascicle 20 with the entries for their sons (see Appendix I, Tables 9 and 10). The information is sketchy, and for most Chen gives little more than a name.107 Fascicle 59, on the five sons of Sun Quan who did not rule (Sun Liang and Sun Xiu, having been rulers, share a separate fascicle with Sun Hao, the final ruler of Wu), differs somewhat because the mothers of these five are covered in Fascicle 50. Still, Fascicle 59 contains some additional information that complements parts of the biographical sketches found in the section on consorts. CONCLUSION

There can be no question that Chen Shou was an accomplished historian for his time, the weaknesses of Records of the Three States notwithstanding. Those weaknesses were to a large extent the product of the very difficult circumstances and highly charged and politicized atmosphere in which he wrote. Chen omitted or only alluded to important particulars, which led Pei Songzhi to supplement Chen's work with numerous quotations from contemporary or nearcontemporary sources. But while Pei's additions point up the lacunae in Chen's work, they also reveal how adroit Chen was in handling sensitive events and signaling the reader of the need to look more deeply into a matter. His handling of the death of Empress Zhen is an excellent example of the context in which he wrote and the constraints under which he labored. Thanks to Pei Songzhi's selection of material for his commentary, we are able to appreciate the nature of Chen's achievement. Small wonder that Chen's work survived rather than Wang Chen's. The women whom Chen selected for his history are not, of course, representative of women at large, nor do they include the totality of the wives or concubines of any one of the rulers. As we have seen, Chen applied fairly narrow criteria in making his choices, criteria that resembled those of historians before him, and ones that were later followed by Fan Ye. Given what we know about the sources for Fan's

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Later Han History, it seems likely that the same criteria were applied by other historians among Chen's contemporaries, such as Hua Qiao. We have noted that these fascicles are as much about the male relatives of the women included as they are about the women themselves. Wu Jing's biography appears at his sister's entry, and likewise the entry for Xu Kun, father of Sun Quan's Lady Xu, is included with hers. Liu Shan's two brothers and his son are given three quarters the space of the four imperial wives in the Shu section. Thus these two fascicles each do double duty: The Wu section incorporates material that in other histories is found in the sections on the imperially affined families, whereas the Shu section includes the entries normally found in a section devoted to younger sons of the imperial line. Only with Fascicle 5, the Wei chapter, do we have something like the typical standard history section on empresses and consorts. One wishes that Chen could have broken with the tradition established by his predecessors and given us a fuller picture of the women about whom he did write. We are not usually told their given names, and the descriptions of them are almost entirely from the standpoint of the impact of their actions on the ruling house. Aside from a particular woman's being either jealous and scheming or warmhearted and wise, in most cases the historian tells us little of their personalities, their lives, and their aspirations. Still, as the reader will find in the following translation, a careful and sympathetic reading of the fascicles on palace women—supplemented by Pei's commentary and by material from other parts of the Records and elsewhere—yields the outlines of these women and their lives, and though one can never hope to know them intimately, it is possible at least to have a sense of them and their world. Clearly there were some extraordinary individuals among the royal women of the Three States. If the age is rightly known for having produced men of heroic stature and exceptional ability, the limited sample of the following chapters is evidence that it also yielded women who were their match.

Translation

Records of the Three States: The Book of Wei Fascicle 5: Empresses and Consorts

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The Classic of Changes states, " A man properly takes his place outside the home; a woman properly takes her place within the home. For a man and a woman to be proper is the greatest principle of Heaven and Earth." 1 Without exception, the wise kings of bygone days understood the regulations regarding empresses and consorts and complied with the morals of Heaven and Earth. Therefore, two consorts were given in marriage at Gui fe, and the way of Yu U was able to thrive; Ren i f and Si M married into the Ji ifi, and the Zhou house thus prospered.2 Whether a state rises or falls, lives or dies is ever due to this. The

[Apocryphon to the] Spring and Autumn Annals: Explaining [the

Themes and Words] says that the Son of Heaven has twelve women and the nobles have nine.3 If one looks into it, this is a sound rule in terms of both emotion and reason. But later ages were extravagant and undisciplined and indulged their wasteful desires to the point that it left men and women pining and single and affected and shook the spirit of harmony.4 They only exalted sex and did not take pure goodness as basic. Therefore, customs and moral teaching deteriorated, and the major relationships were destroyed. Is it not a pity? Alas, may whosoever possesses a kingdom or a family always be able to learn from this! In the Han system, the grandmother of the emperor was called grand empress dowager^ the mother of the emperor was called empress dowager, the wife of the emperor was called empress, and for the remainder of the palace women there were fourteen ranks. Wei followed the Han model; all the terms for mothers and empresses were the same as under the old system. But from the rank of lady down, there were additions and deletions. When the Grand Progenitor [Cao Cao] established the kingdom, he initially named a queen (wanghou Jlk/fj), with five ranks below her: lady, brilliant companion, favorite beauty, elegant lady, and beautiful lady. Emperor Wen [i.e., Cao Pi] added honored concubine (guipin), lady of chaste beauty (shuyuan MM), lady of cultivated 89

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countenance (xiurong HfW), lady of complete complaisance [shuncheng JIÜJE&), and sweet lady. Emperor Ming [Cao Rui] added pure consort (shufei lady of bright loveliness (zhaohua and lady of cultivated deportment (xiuyi I f A l ) and abolished the office of lady of complete complaisance. Only in the Taihe yfcfP reign period [227-233] did Emperor Ming restore lady to its position above pure consort.5 From lady down, there were altogether twelve grades of aristocratic rank:6 The positions of honored concubine or lady were second only to empress, and there were no equivalent aristocratic ranks; the position of pure consort was equivalent to chancellor of state and the aristocratic rank was comparable to king (zhuhou wang t H ^ i ) ; 7 the position of lady of chaste beauty was equivalent to grandee secretary (yushi dafu ÍÍP jfe^C^), and the aristocratic rank was comparable to prefectural duke (xian gong Ü ^ ) ; brilliant companion was comparable to prefectural marquis (xian hou i^H); lady of bright loveliness was comparable to district marquis (xiang hou lady of cultivated countenance was comparable to commune marquis (ting hou - f ^ ) ; lady of cultivated deportment was comparable to marquis within the passes; favorite beauty was equivalent to an official ranking fully two thousand bushels; elegant lady was equivalent to an official ranking exactly two thousand bushels; beautiful lady was equivalent to an official ranking equivalent to two thousand bushels; and sweet lady was equivalent to one thousand bushels. Empress Bian the Celebrious of the Martial Emperor (Wu Xuan Bian huanghou iS¡ 1ü~f:rül./!j), whose home of record was Kaiyang in Langye, was the mother of Emperor Wen.8 Originally, she was in a brothel,A but when she was twenty, the Grand Progenitor took her as a concubine at Qiao. 9 Later, she followed him to Luoyang. When Dong Zhuo (d. 192) rebelled, the Grand Progenitor went eastward in disguise to avoid trouble.10 Yuan Shu spread news of his death, and at the time those of the Grand Progenitor's associates who had come to Luoyang all wanted to go home.11 The empress stopped them, saying, "Lord Cao's fate as yet cannot be known. If you go home today and tomorrow he is alive, could you look him in the eye again? And if calamity should happen to befall us, what misery is there in dying together?"12 They did as she said. The Grand Progenitor learned of it and praised her. At the beginning of the Jian'an period, Lady Ding T was set aside, and he made the empress his next wife. 13 He had the empress raise all his sons whose mothers had died.® When

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Emperor Wen was named heir apparent, the left and right chief attendants (zuo you zhangyu ÍIÍJUÍÍP) congratulated her, saying, "Since the general has been made heir apparent, everyone in the empire is overjoyed. You should open your coffers and bestow rewards."14 She replied, "The king named Pi successor because he is the eldest. I should just count myself lucky that I did not make the mistake of failing to teach and guide him. Why should I also bestow gifts?" The chief attendant returned and told the Grand Progenitor of this exchange. The Grand Progenitor was pleased and said, "Not showing your anger and maintaining your dignity when you are glad are surely the most difficult of accomplishments."

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A

The Wei History says: The empress was born at Baiting É3 in Qi í f commandery on the day yisi E B in the twelfth month of Yanxi I I J Í 3.15 There was a yellow pneuma that filled the room for a long time. Her father, the Attentive Marquis (Jing hou wondered at it and asked the diviner Wang Dan I S about it.16 Dan said, "This is an auspicious sign.'" 7

B

The Wei Epitome says: In the beginning, the Grand Progenitor had Lady Ding, and then Lady Liu, who gave birth to Zixiu [Cao Ang] and the Senior Princess of Qinghe (Qinghe zhang gongzhu '/H Mil^ Í ) . Liu died young, and Ding raised Zixiu. Zixiu fell at Rang H , and Ding would always say, "Having taken my son and killed him, you don't think of him anymore!" Then she would weep uncontrollably. The Grand Progenitor found this exasperating and sent her back to her family, hoping she would have a change of heart. Later, he went to see her. She was weaving just then, and when someone from outside conveyed the words "His lordship has arrived," she remained kneeling at the loom. The Grand Progenitor arrived, and stroking her back, said, "Turn around and look at me and let us ride back together!" She did not turn to face him or respond. He withdrew and, standing outside the door, spoke again: "Might it still be possible?" But there was no reply. He said, "Then this is really goodbye" and broke off with her. He wanted her family to marry her off to someone else, but they did not dare. Earlier, when Lady Ding had already become the principal wife and had additionally taken on Zixiu, she had insufficient regard for the empress and her sons. When Empress Bian became the next wife, she did not think about this old grudge. When the Grand Progenitor was away, she sent someone to take presents to Lady Ding with every season of the year. She also received her privately, inviting her to take the seat of honor and taking the place below her. She received her

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when she came and saw her off when she left, just as in former days. Ding apologized, "How can you always be so kind to a castoff such as me?" Afterward, when Ding died, the empress asked the Grand Progenitor to be allowed to hold the funeral. He permitted it, and she was buried south of Xucheng f í M . 1 8 Later, when the Grand Progenitor was troubled by illness and thought he would not recover, he sighed, saying, "In all of my thoughts and deeds, there has never been anything that I was ashamed of in my heart. But if there is a soul after death and should Zixiu ask, 'Where is my mother?'—how shall I reply?" The Wei History says: The empress was by nature thrifty and frugal and did not value ornament and beauty. She had no patterned embroidery or pearls or jade, and her utensils were all of black lacquer. The Grand Progenitor once obtained several sets of famous ear ornaments and bade the empress to choose a set. She selected a middling set, and when the Grand Progenitor asked her why, she replied, "It would be greedy to pick the best and hypocritical to pick the worst, so I picked the middling ones." In Jian'an 2 4 [ 2 1 9 / 2 2 0 ] , she w a s made queen, and the patent said, " L a d y Bian has had the virtue of a model mother in rearing all of m y sons. N o w let her be promoted to queen. Let the heir apparent and the imperial marquises take their places by her side and all the ministers wish her long life. Let the death sentences within the kingdom be commuted by one degree." In Jian'an 2 5 [ 2 2 0 / 2 2 1 ] , the G r a n d Progenitor died and Emperor W e n assumed the royal throne. 1 9 H e honored the queen as queen dowager. W h e n he succeeded to the imperial throne, he honored her, calling her empress dowager and designating her Palace of Eternal Longevity 2 0 (Yongshou gong When Emperor M i n g assumed the throne, he honored the empress dowager as the grand empress dowager. c

The Wei History says: Because the state's finances were insufficient, the empress reduced her livery and comestibles and got rid of all her objects of gold and silver. [Cao] Zhi, the king of Dong'e , was her youngest son, and she loved him best. Later, when Zhi committed an offense and was reported by the officials concerned, Emperor Wen had Chief Commandant of Imperial Equipages ( f e n g j u duwet Jit) [Bian] Lan SI, who was the son of the empress's younger brother, take the deliberations of the highest officials and report them to her. The empress said, "I did not expect this son to do such a thing. Go back and tell the emperor that he cannot violate the laws of the country

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The Book of Wei on my account." And when she personally saw the emperor, she said nothing about it. Your servant Songzhi notes: Emperor Wen dreamed that he was rubbing a coin. He wanted the markings to disappear, but they became even clearer. He asked Zhou Xuan MM. about this.21 Xuan replied, "This derives from a problem in Your Majesty's own household. Although you are wishing for something, the imperial mother does not concur." Thus, the empress's intentions could not have been as stated in this history [i.e., the Wei History].21 The Wei History also says: Whenever the empress dowager went on campaigns with the army and saw elderly, white-haired people, she would always halt the carriage and call them over to ask how they were. She would present them with taffeta and face them weeping, saying, "I regret that my parents died before I came into my own." Whenever the empress dowager saw her own relatives, she did not put on a charming face. She always said, "In the management of your daily affairs you should strive for economy and frugality. You should not expect rewards or gifts, but be mindful of your own excesses. The imperial in-laws must find it queer that I treat them so stingily, but it is because I have my own norms and standards. I have served Emperor Wu [Cao Cao] for forty or fifty years and have practiced frugality for a long time. I cannot change myself to be extravagant. If any among you violates a law, I can even increase the offense one degree. Do not expect money, grain, kindness, or leniency." The emperor [Cao Cao] built a mansion for the empress's younger brother [Bian] Bing i i . When it was finished, the empress paid a visit to it and invited her entire family and her in-laws. She offered an inferior cuisine and had no special foods. The empress and her entourage fed on vegetables and millet and had no fish or meat. Such was her frugality.23

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During the Huangchu period, Emperor Wen wanted to ennoble posthumously the empress dowager's parents. Master of Writing (shang shu $3llf) Chen Qun memorialized, saying,24 Your Majesty, with Your sage virtue, responded to destiny and received the mandate. You established the dynasty and reformed the regulations and should forever stand as a model for later ages. According to the texts of the canonical books, there are no regulations for distributing land to and bestowing titles upon one's wife's people. In the ritual canons, the wife's noble rank depends on the husband.25 Qin went against the old laws, and Han did the same. Theirs were not the excellent canons of the early rulers.

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The emperor said, "This argument is correct. It shall not be done. We shall take the document you have initiated and order it sent down and kept in the imperial secretariat (taige Si (Ml) to serve forever as a model for later ages."26 In the spring of Taihe 4 [230], Emperor Ming did confer the posthumous title Respectful Marquis of Kaiyang (Kaiyang Gong hoti H Wii&^k) on the empress dowager's grandfather Guang J f ,27 Her father Yuan ts. was called Attentive Marquis, her grandmother Zhou MI was made countess of Yangdu (Yangdu jun l^tP Wi) and lady of the Respectful Marquis (Gong hou furen ^'fH^c A ) . All received seals and ribbons of office. In the fifth month of that year [May/June], the empress died.28 In the seventh month [July/August], she was buried with Cao Cao at Gao Tumulus (Gaoling i*lt). 2 9 Earlier the empress dowager's younger brother Bing had been made a marquis of the capital district (du xiang hou for 30 his merit. In the year Huangchu 7 [226/227], he was promoted and appointed both marquis of Kaiyang (Kaiyang hou Hf FiHil), with a benefice of twelve hundred households, and general of brilliant achievements (zhaolie jiangjun When Bing died, his son Lan succeeded him. As a youth Lan possessed talent and learning,E and he became chief commandant of imperial equipages, scouting and attacking general (youji jiangjun W^M j f ) and honorary cavalier attendant in regular attendance (sanji changshi t ^ ^ ^ f ^ ) . When Lan died, his son Hui W succeeded him.F Moreover, Bing's benefice was divided, and Lan's younger brother Lin Jfr became a full marquis and rose in office to be colonel of foot soldiers (bubing xiaowei ¿^^t&Jrt). The daughter of Lan's son Long became empress of the Duke of Gaogui District.31 Because Long was the empress's father, he became imperial household grandee (guanglu dafu ^hW^Z^i) and advanced in position with unusual rapidity. He was appointed marquis of Suiyang district (Suiyang xiang hou and his wife Wang I became countess of Xianyang district (Xianyang xiangjun M^MM). Long's late wife Liu §?!] was posthumously appointed countess of Shunyang district (Shunyang xiangjun Jl[f(PJ§ because she was the empress's mother. Lin's daughter also became empress of the King of Chenliu.32 At the time, Lin had already died, but his wife Liu $f!l was appointed countess of Guangyang district (Guangyang xiangjun MWaW^n).33 D

The Wei Epitome says: Earlier, in Jian'an times, Empress Bian's younger brother Bing attained a position as major of a separate regiment (biebu

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The Book of Wei sima nftii] J i J . ^ T h e empress once complained to Cao Cao, who replied, "But isn't it enough that he gets to be my little brother-inlaw?" She also wanted Cao Cao to give him money and silk. Cao Cao again said, "But isn't it sufficient that you misappropriate things and give them to him?" Therefore, to the end of Cao Cao's days, Bing's office was not changed, neither was his wealth increased.

E

The Wei Epitome says: Lan presented a rhapsody praising and recounting the beauty of the heir apparent's [ Cao Pi's] virtue. T h e heir apparent replied, saying, "A rhapsody speaks of the attributes of objective categories, and a eulogy praises the form and appearance of great virtue. Therefore, their authors do not falsify the words, and their recipients must live up to them. How can I live up to this rhapsody of yours? Formerly, when Wuqiu Shouwang ^ J x l ^ I once discoursed on a precious tripod cauldron and He Wu MiS; and others sang eulogies, they even received rewards of gold and silk.35 Although your action has not been sincere, the intent is commendable. We now award you one ox." Thenceforth, Lan was treated as an intimate and respected.

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F

The Wei Epitome says: In Emperor Ming's time, Lan saw that while there were two external difficulties, the emperor devoted his attention to his household.36 Lan always took advantage of attending upon and accompanying the emperor to remonstrate earnestly with him several times. Although the emperor was unable to follow his advice, he still acknowledged his sincerity. Later, Lan suffered from diabetes caused by drinking. At the time, Emperor Ming believed in a shamaness's cure using water. He sent someone to deliver the water to Lan, but Lan was unwilling to drink it. The emperor summoned him and asked why. Lan said that in curing illness one should use prescribed medicines. How could one trust in this? The emperor was irked, but Lan never did take the cure. Later, the diabetes gradually worsened and Lan died. Thus people of today view Lan as someone who was fond of speaking bluntly, but when they say that he committed suicide because the emperor humiliated him face-to-face, such was not actually the case.

Empress Zhen the Illustrious of the Civilizing Emperor (Wen Zhao Zhen huanghou BSI&iiL M), whose home of record was Wuji IfSli in Zhongshan ^ iJU, was the mother of Emperor Ming and a descendant of Grand Guardian (taibao Zhen Han fStP of Han times.37 The family had been officials for generations at two thousand bushels.38 Her father Yi was prefect of Shangcai _h H . 39 She lost her father when she was three.0 Later, when the

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armies o f the empire rebelled a n d there w a s also f a m i n e , p e o p l e all sold their p r e c i o u s objects o f g o l d , silver pearls, a n d jade. 4 0 A t that time, the empress's f a m i l y h a d a n a b u n d a n c e o f stored grain, a n d t h e y b o u g h t m a n y s u c h o b j e c t s w i t h it. T h e empress w a s ten o r s o a n d said t o her mother, " A l t h o u g h the w o r l d is n o w in t u r m o i l , w e are b u y i n g m o r e p r e c i o u s o b j e c t s . ' T h o u g h a m a n m a y be innocent, just possessing a jade m a y constitute a crime.' 4 1 M o r e o v e r all a b o u t us e v e r y o n e is starving a n d in w a n t . It w o u l d be better t o give o u r g r a i n as relief t o k i n s m e n a n d n e i g h b o r i n g villages a n d t o practice b e n e v o l e n c e a n d charity o n a b r o a d s c a l e . " T h e w h o l e f a m i l y a g r e e d it w a s a g o o d idea a n d f o l l o w e d her advice." G

The Wet History says: Yi married a woman named Zhang

from

Changshan "^"lil, and she gave birth to three boys and five girls.42 The eldest son Yu M died young. Next was Yan 18?, who was recommended as filially pious and incorrupt, was clerk (yuan W) to the general-inchief (dajiangjun and was chief of Quliang e8]S ,43 Next was Yao ffe, recommended as filially pious and incorrupt. The eldest daughter was Jiang , followed in order by Tuo I&, Dao , Rong IH, and the empress. The empress was born during the Han on a dingyou X ® day in the twelfth month of Guanghe ^tfd 5 [2.6 January 183]. Every time she went to sleep, her family seemed to see something like a person bringing a jade garment to cover her, and they often marveled at it together. When Yi died, she added [her little voice] to the keening and wailing,44 and those within and without the family increasingly regarded her as special. Later, when the physiognomist Liu Liang §?!] examined the empress and other children, he pointed to her and said, "The exalted status of this girl shall be inexpressible." From the time she was little until she was grown, the empress never liked frivolity. When she was eight, someone performed outside by riding standing up on a horse. The people in the household and all her older sisters went up to the gallery to watch it. Only the empress did not go along. All her older sisters thought this was odd and asked her why. She replied, "A woman should not watch such things." When she was nine, she enjoyed writing, and whenever she saw a character, she always recognized it. She often used her elder brothers' brushes and inkstones, and they said to her, "You ought to learn women's work. Do you think all this writing and study will make you a woman erudite?" The empress replied, "I have heard that, of the worthy women of antiquity, there was never one who did not study the successes and failures of former times in order to admonish herself. If one does not understand writing, how can one examine these?"

97 H

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The Book of Wei The Wei Epitome says: When the empress was fourteen, she lost her middle elder brother Yan, and her sorrow continued beyond the stipulated mourning period. In serving her widowed sister-in-law, she was humble and respectful. Managing and dealing with the work and solicitously caring for Yan's child, her affection and love were very great. The empress's mother was by nature stern and had norms for treating all her daughters-in-law. The empress often remonstrated with her mother, saying, "My elder brother unfortunately died early. Sisterin-law is young to be a celibate widow and has been left with but a single child.45 Speaking in terms of moral obligations, you ought to treat her like a daughter-in-law, and you should love her like a daughter." Her mother was moved by the empress's words and shed tears. She then ordered the empress and her sister-in-law to live together. Whether sleeping or resting, sitting or rising, they were always together, and their mutual affection grew increasingly deep.

In the Jian'an period, Yuan Shao obtained her for his middle son Xi. When Xi went out to govern You province, the empress remained behind to care for her mother-in-law.46 When Ji province was pacified, Emperor Wen married the empress in Ye. 47 She was favored and gave birth to Emperor Ming and the Princess of Dongxiang. 1 In the first month of Yankang HJH 1 [February/ March 220], Emperor Wen assumed the throne as king. In the sixth month, he went on a military expedition south and the empress remained in Ye. In the tenth month of Huangchu 1 [October/November 220], the emperor ascended the throne as emperor.48 Afterward, the Duke of Shanyang presented two daughters in marriage to the Wei ruling house.49 Empress Guo and the Honorable Ladies Li and Yin were all loved and favored. 50 The empress was increasingly discouraged and had fractious words. The emperor became irate, and in the sixth month of the second year, he sent an envoy to order her to commit suicide.51 She was buried in Y e ; 1

The Wei Epitome says: Xi went out to run You province, and the empress remained behind to wait on her mother-in-law. When Ye's city wall was breached, Shao's wife and the empress sat together in the main hall. Emperor Wen entered Shao's residence and saw Shao's wife and the empress.52 As the empress, terrified, put her head on her mother-in-law's lap, Shao's wife instinctively clutched her with her hands. Emperor Wen said, "Lady Liu, what makes her thus? Have your daughter-in-law lift her head." The mother-in-law then supported her and made her look up. Emperor Wen approached and looked at her.

Records of the Three States Seeing that she was extraordinary, he sang her praises. When Cao Cao learned how he felt, he brought her back as Emperor Wen's wife.53 The Conversations of the Eras says: When Cao Cao subjugated Ye, Emperor Wen was first to enter Yuan Shang's compound. There was a woman with disheveled hair and a dirty face standing behind Shao's wife Liu shedding tears. Emperor Wen asked about her, and Liu replied, "This is Xi's wife." Turning around, she gathered the woman's hair and rubbed her face with a kerchief. Her good looks were matchless. Once it was over, Liu said to the empress, "You don't need to worry about dying now!" She was taken in marriage and was favored.54 The Wei History says: The more the empress's favor grew, the more she denigrated herself. She advised and encouraged those in the rear palace who had favor, and consoled and instructed those who did not.55 She always took advantage of leisure times to exhort the emperor, saying, "In former times the descendants of the Yellow Emperor were born in great numbers. It was probably because his royal ladies were multitudinous that he obtained this blessing. What I wish is for you to search everywhere for ladies of chaste beauty to make your progeny abundant." The emperor in his heart appreciated this. Later, the emperor was about to banish Madam Ren, and the empress implored him, "Ren is from a well-known clan of your hometown, and her virtue and beauty are more than someone like me can match. Why banish her?" The emperor said, "Ren is by nature rash and impetuous and is not pleasant and agreeable. She has all in all angered me more than once. This is why I am banishing her." The empress, shedding tears, insistently implored, "Everyone knows that I have received the favor of your esteemed attention. They will say Ren's leaving is all my doing. Just as you fear criticism for being prejudicial, I may have a hard time for being specially favored. I hope you will reconsider!" The emperor did not heed her and sent Ren away. In Jian'an 1 6 [ 2 1 1 / 2 1 2 ] , Cao Cao led a military expedition to Guanzhong 1 0 ' t ' , and Empress Bian the Celebrious of the Martial Emperor went along [part of the way], stopping off at Mengjin .56 The emperor [Cao Pi] stayed behind in charge of Ye. At that time, Empress Bian was in poor health and indisposed. The empress could not periodically check on her and was so anxious and frightened that she wept day and night. Her attendants repeatedly sent messengers to ask about and report [on her improvement], but the empress still did not believe it. She said, "When the consort was at home, every time her old ailment flared up, it lasted for a time. How could she improve so quickly now? You just want to put my mind at ease!" Later she

99

The Book of Wei received a return letter from Empress Bian which said that she had already recovered from her ailment and had returned to normal. The empress rejoiced. In the first month of [Jian'an] 1 7 [February/March 1 1 2 ] , the great army returned to Ye, and the empress had an audience with Empress Bian. When she gazed on her seated in her tent, she was both sad and happy, which moved those in attendance. When Empress Bian saw the empress like this, she, too, cried and said to her, "Were you upset over my recent illness, as you were on former occasions? It only lasted for a little while, and I was better in ten days or so. But don't look at my face!" She sighed and said, "This is a truly filial daughter-in-law." In [Jian'an] 2 1 [ 2 1 6 / 2 1 7 ] , Cao Cao led a military expedition east. Empress Bian, Emperor Wen, Emperor Ming, and Princess of Dongxiang all accompanied him. At the time, the empress remained in Ye due to illness.57 In the ninth month of [Jian'an] 22 [October/ November 217], the great army returned. The attendants and courtiers of Empress Bian noticed that the empress's face was plump and full. They were surprised and asked, "Since the empress has been separated from her two children for so long, and feelings for offspring cannot be put out of one's consciousness, how is it that the empress's face is more magnificent?" The empress smiled and answered them, "Since Rui and the others were with the consort, what have I had to be anxious about?" Such was the way the empress ably and intelligently used propriety to maintain her composure.

J

The Wei History says: The officials concerned memorialized the throne about naming a Palace of Prolonged Autumn.58 The emperor sent a letter bearing his seal inviting the empress to come to him. The empress sent up a memorial stating, I have heard that, from the beginning of the earliest dynasties, the perpetuation of sacrifices to the state and the handing down of blessings to descendants all were due to empresses and consorts. Therefore, you must carefully select such women in order to make moral education thrive in the palace. Now, when you have just assumed the imperial throne, you really should raise and promote a worthy and good woman to take overall charge of the Six Palaces.591 consider myself ignorant and lowly, not up to the offerings of grainfilled vessels. Besides, I am sick in bed and dare not maintain the slightest aspirations. The sealed letter came three times and the empress thrice declined, her words being very sincere. At the time it was the height of summer, so

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Records of the Three States the emperor wanted to wait until tKe coolness of autumn before again inviting the empress. But it happened that her illness became grave, and that summer, on the dtngmao T S P day of the sixth month [4 August 2 2 1 ] , she died in Ye. The emperor sighed in sorrow and pain and issued a patent bestowing on her the seal and ribbon of empress. Your servant Songzhi understands the principles of the Spring and Autumn Annals to be that great evils within the palace are concealed, while lesser evils are recorded.60 We have clear knowledge of the fact that Emperor Wen did not make Madame Zhen empress and went so far as to kill her. If the Wei historians61 considered this to be a great evil, they should have concealed it and not spoken of it. If they considered it a lesser evil, then they should not have written falsely about it. Such revering of embellished and untrue texts is alien to what we learn from the old historians. If we were to judge from this, then whenever the historians praised the goodness of the words and deeds of the empresses Bian and Zhen, they would be difficult to find credible. Chen Shou's abridgements and omissions truly have some basis.

5.162

When Emperor Ming assumed the throne, the officials concerned memorialized, requesting to bestow a title on her posthumously, so the emperor sent Minister of Works (sikong Wang Lang I Si, commissioned with a verge and offering a patent, to make the announcement to the shrine at her tumulus by means of a Great Sacrifice.62 He also separately established a temple.K In the third month of Taihe 1 [April/May 227], he posthumously awarded [Zhen] Yi a thousand households of Ancheng district, Weichang fifeil prefecture in Zhongshan, and gave him the posthumous title Attentive Marquis.63 His legitimate grandson Xiang W inherited the rank. In the fourth month [May/June], they first began to lay out the [Wei] ancestral temple. They excavated the earth and found a jade seal 1.9 am square.64 Its inscription read, "The Son of Heaven Longingly Misses His Mother." Emperor Ming blanched over this and reported it to the imperial temple by means of a Great Sacrifice. He also once saw the empress in a dream. Thereupon, he ranked the members of his maternal uncles' family on the basis of how close they were and their status, and employed them accordingly. His gifts to them reached gigantic proportions. He made Xiang general of the gendemen-of-the-household rapid as tigers. That month the empress's mother died, and the emperor put on sackcloth and attended the funeral, with the members of officialdom accompanying him.

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The Book of Wei

In the eleventh month of Taihe 4 [December zjo/January 231], because the empress's old tumulus was too low, he sent Xiang, concurrently serving as grand commandant (taiwei yfcfi) and commissioned with a verge, to go to Ye and make a public announcement to the God of Earth. In the twelfth month [January/February 231], they reinterred her at Zhaoyang Tumulus 65 When Xiang returned, he was (Zhaoyang ling transferred to be cavalier attendant in regular attendance. In the spring of Qinglong W H 2 [234], the emperor bestowed the posthumous title Serene Marquis (Mu hou U ^ ) of Ancheng district on the empress's elder brother Yan. In the summery the Wu bandits pillaged Yang province M'M. Xiang was made billowsubduing general (fubo jiangjun ^ ^ u f ^ i ) and, commissioned with a verge, supervised all the generals on a military expedition east. Upon returning, he was also made colonel of archers who shoot by sound (shesheng xiaowei l i S ^ J I t ) . In [Qinglong] 3 [235/236], he died. He was posthumously presented with the title general of the guards, had his benefice changed to Weichang prefecture, and was given the posthumous title Pure Marquis (Zhen hou M.&). His son Chang fil succeeded him. Chang's younger brothers Wen im, Wei I f , and Yan were all appointed full marquises. In [Qinglong] 4 [236/237], the original benefices of [Empress Zhen's father] Yi and [her brother] Yan were changed and both were called Marquis of Weichang, but their posthumous names remained as before. Yan's wife Liu Hi] was made countess of Dong district (Dongxiang jun Mffl^i), and Yi's wife Zhang was posthumously made countess of Anxi (Anxi jun ^ c l l f f ).66 K

The Wei History contains a memorial of the Three Dukes, which says:67 In general, the way of filial piety and respect is to be devoted to one's family. It is that by means of which the lands within the four seas are civilized, that by means of which Heaven and Earth are understood and observed.68 What this refers to is seeing to their support when they are alive, glorifying their spirits when they are dead, telling of them to fully convey their excellence, and exalting them to make their names renowned. Now Your Majesty, because of Your sage and fine virtue, continues the magnificent enterprise. Your perfect filial piety rises thickly and communes with the gods. Enmeshed in deep grief, You always strive to be modestly deferential. When the former emperor was moved to his divine tumulus, a great ceremony was prepared, but as for the former empress, she

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Records of the Three States does not yet have an illustrious posthumous title. We humbly consider that the former empress's respectful deference was obvious in her obscurity, and her perfect behavior was manifest in her silence. Her civilizing influence circulated in the country, and her virtue equaled that of the "Two Nan."69 Therefore, she was able to receive auspicious signs from divine spirits and become the first royal wife of the Great Wei. Although she will have passed away long before, myriad years from now people will everlastingly spread her shining brilliance. None of the achievements of empresses and consorts will be able to surpass hers. According to the standards for posthumous titles, "When one's sage reputation extends everywhere, one is called zhao BS ['illustrious'] and when one's virtue is bright and one has achievements, one is called zhao"1" Zhao is the quintessence of brightness, something that is not diminished even after a great length of time. It would be fitting for the Emperor to honor her with the posthumous title the Illustrious Empress of the Gvilizing Emperor. That month the Three Dukes again memorialized: From ancient times, the people of Zhou first made Lord Millet their ancestor and set up a temple to worship Jiang Yuan.71 Now, as for the effect of the Illustrious Empress of the Gvilizing Emperor on myriad later generations, how can her sage virtue and perfect influence be measured? She had the honor due the first royal wife of the imperial family, yet was disarmingly deferential and sincerely respectful.72 She firmly rejected grandiose status until her divine soul was transformed [by death], but for her not to have a temple to receive and enjoy sacrifices is not the way to reward her eminent virtue or to make your filial respect apparent. Looking it up in the old regulations, it is fitting, according to the Rites of Zhou, to establish a temple for a deceased mother.73 He approved both memorials.

In the summer of the first year of the Jingchu reign period [ 2 3 7 ] , the officials concerned suggested establishing seven temples.74 In the winter they also memorialized, saying: In general, when an emperor or king arises, there is both a ruler who has received the mandate and a sage consort who is

ic>3

5.163

The Book of Wei agreeable to the divine spirits. Only then can the ruler make his age prosper and complete the royal enterprise. Of old, Gaoxin shi fii^R divined that the sons of his four wives would all possess the world, and hence Di Zhi i f f ® , Tao Tang PSiS , Shang, and Zhou arose in turn.75 The people of Zhou reached back to Lord Millet and thereby worshiped him together with august Heaven. Tracing and recounting his kingly beginnings, they found his origins in Jiang Yuan and specially established a temple where, generation after generation, they offered sacrifices to her. This is what the Rites of Zhou refers to by "Play the yize j^IO, sing the zhonglii + S , dance the grand huo M in order to make an offering to the ancestral mother."76 The poets eulogized her, saying, "She who in the beginning gave birth to our people [of Zhou], / This was Jiang Yuan." 77 This means she was the root of the king's civilizing influence, the source which gave birth to his people. Further, they say, "Silent was the Closed Hall, / Solid and closely timbered. / Majestic was Jiang Yuan, / Flawless her virtue."78 The magnificence of the Ji ancestors praised by the [Classic of] Poetry and the Rites [of Zhou] was as beautiful as this. The Great Wei has come round at its appointed time and inherited from Youyu ^ M . 7 9 In exalting and spreading the imperial way, however; the Three Generations have been even more eminent.80 The number of temples is actually the same as in Zhou times. Now Empress Bian the Celebrious of the Martial Emperor and Empress Guo the Virtuous of the Civilizing Emperor (Wen De Guo huanghou ^CW^SkfS) each share in inexhaustible blessings. As for Empress Zhen the Illustrious of the Civilizing Emperor, she received Heaven's numinous sign and gave birth to and raised the enlightened sage. Her achievement saved the people, and her virtue filled the universe. She began all the later generations and so is the starting point for moral civilization. Special sacrifices at a temple would be taken as another Closed Hall of Jiang Yuan. But since we have not yet made known an irrevocable rule, we fear that myriad later generations will be deficient concerning the principles of evaluating merit and rewarding virtue. This is not the way to make Your filial respect known and to demonstrate it to later generations. At Empress Zhen's temple it would be appropriate to offer sacrifices and play music for generation after generation, just as at the ancestral temple. Make forever known an irrevocable statute in order to spread Your zephyr of holy goodness.

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Records of the Three States

Thereupon, it was engraved with the petition for the seven temples on golden slips and placed in a golden chest. The emperor thought incessantly about his maternal uncles' families. [Zhen] Chang was still a child, but at the end of the Jingchu period, he was made colonel of archers who shoot by sound and additionally made cavalier attendant in regular attendance. The emperor also specially erected a great mansion for him and personally visited it. Furthermore, in its rear garden he erected a lodge and temple for Xiang's mother. He named the ward Weiyang if PM ward to commemorate his mother's family.81 In the first month of Jiaping ¡Hr^f2- 3 [February/March 251], Chang died. He was posthumously awarded the title of general of chariots and cavalry (juji jiangjun ^ f t ^ F ? ) and given the posthumous name Respectful Marquis. His son Shao IS succeeded him. In Taihe 6 [232/233], Emperor Ming's beloved daughter Shu M died.82 He gave her the posthumous appointment and name Exemplary Princess of Pingyuan (Pingyuan Yi gongzhu ^f-JKS!^ i ) and established a temple for her.83 He selected the empress's deceased grandnephew [Zhen] Huang to be buried with her and posthumously appointed him a full marquis. He made Lady Guo's younger cousin [Guo] De their offspring, and having him take the surname Zhen, appointed him marquis of Pingyuan and let him inherit the princess's noble rank.L In the Qinglong period, he also appointed Yi ist, who was son of the empress's older cousin, and Xiang's three younger brothers, making all of them full marquises. Yi often sent up memorials expounding contemporary government affairs, and he rose in office to be colonel of picked cavalry (yueji xiaowei Hf). During the Jiaping period, he also appointed Chang's two sons full marquises. The granddaughter of the empress's elder brother Yan became empress of the king of Qi.84 The empress's father had already died, but her mother was appointed countess of Guangle district (Guangle xiangjun mm). 5.164

L

Sun Sheng

[fl. ca. 3 5 0 ] says: If there are no statutes for the

appointment and ennoblement of wives in the rites, this is even more so for their children, so how can they be established in great benefices? De was from a different clan, yet he was brought in to carry on another family. He was neither meritorious nor closely related, but he inherited his [posthumously adoptive] mother's noble rank. Defying feelings and disregarding statutes were at their worst here. Although Chen Qun spoke in opposition and Yang F u

cited events to serve

as analogies, neither was able to expound to their full extent the rites of

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The Book of Wei the former kings and make clear the principles of appointment and inheritance.85 Words whose sincerity is perfect may still have shortcomings! The Classic of Poetry says, "Awe-inspiring are you, O [Grand-] master Yin,/And the people all look to you!"86 The top executive officials might as well be done away with! Encomia on the Dukes of Jin (Jin zhugong zan U f N ? ^ 8 ) 8 7 says: De's appellative was Yansun When King Jing of the Sima family was ruling as regent, he married his daughter to De. She died early, and King Wen gave hirti a daughter for his next wife; this was Senior Princess of the Capital (Jingzhao zhang gongzhu M ^ - R ^ i ) . Kings Jing and Wen wanted to tie themselves to Empress Guo and because of this frequently made such marriages. Although De lacked talent and learning, he was respectfully reverent and humbly compliant. Zhen Wen SSffi, appellative Zhongshu ft Iff, together with Guo Jian De, and others, all were of the empress's clan and were favored as a matter of policy. At the beginning of the Xianxi J^iK period [2.64], Guo Jian was appointed duke of Linwei prefecture (Linwei xian gong Klift§£'£) and De as duke of Guang'an prefecture (Guang'an xian gong j f l i r f ^ "¿•J, each with a benefice of eighteen hundred households. Wen was originally a marquis with a state. He was promoted to general-in-chief who supports the state (fuguo da jiangjun BI^C^F?), 8 8 serving also as palace attendant and concurrent colonel of archers who shoot by sound, and De was made general-in-chief of the subduing army (zhenjun da jiangjun J p ^ J ^ F ? ) . 8 9 In Taishi 1 [265 / 2.66], Jin accepted the abdication [of Cao Huan] and promoted Jian, Wen, and De with great rapidity.90 As a man, De was upright and pure and, in addition, was the husband of the Succedent Progenitor's elder sister." Because of this, he was esteemed at that time. In De's later years, his post was again changed to director of the imperial clan (zong zheng tk IE), and he was transferred to palace attendant. In the Taikang period [280-289], Commander-in-Chief (da sima ^C K i l l ) You i l K i n g of Qi, was about to go to his benefice. De and Left General of the Guards (zuo mei jiangjun ii&sWW-) Wang Ji joindy remonstrated and petitioned [that he remain], and their contemporaries admired them. The Succedent Progenitor blamed De for this. Consequently, he sent him out to be grand herald (da honglu and made him concurrent palace attendant and imperial household grandee.92 Soon De became ill and died. The emperor gave him the titles general-in-chief of the Middle Army (zhongjun da jiangjun and palatine palace attendant (kaifu shizhong 19 i^'f^F't'), as before. He was posthumously named the Respectful Duke, and his son Xi ]S- succeeded him. Xi was refined and pure and had

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Records of the Three States the virtue of magnanimity. He served as gentleman of the Palace Writers, right general of the guards, and palace attendant, and he rose to be general-in-chief who supports the state, to which was added cavalier attendant in regular attendance. Xi was close to the throne by marriage. That he got through the incidents involving Lun, King of Zhao ffiUft, and Jiong, King of Qi , and was able to remain uninvolved at this juncture was really because he was considered short on talent.94 But he also avoided them by withdrawal and quietude.

Empress Guo the Virtuous of the Civilizing Emperor had her home of record in Guangzong HIth in Anping ^^p-. 95 Her forebears were senior subalterns (zhang li Hiii). M When the empress was young, her father Yong 7jc thought she was extraordinary and said, "This is the queen of my daughters," so he gave her the appellative Queenie. She lost both parents at an early age and drifted about in the death and disorder of the times, coming to rest in the household of the marquis of Tongdi H H ,96 When the Grand Progenitor was Duke of Wei, she was able to enter the Eastern Palace.97 The empress was a shrewd strategist and from time to time offered advice [to Cao Pi]. When he was designated the successor, she had a hand in planning it. Once he had assumed the royal throne, the empress was made lady, and when he assumed the imperial throne, she was made honored concubine. The death of Empress Zhen resulted from the favor shown Empress Guo. In Huangchu 3 [222/223], Emperor Wen was about to name an empress, and he wanted to designate her. Gentlemanof-the-Household Zhan Qian presented a memorial: 5.165

When the emperors and kings of yore governed the empire, they not only had assistance without, they also had help within. From this proceeds order or disorder, and rise or fall come from it. Thus Xiling Hit. was spouse to the Yellow Emperor and Ying and E M married Gui, who was below their station.'8 All of them were thereby worthy and enlightened and spread their fragrances through the ancient ages. When Jie fled to Nanchao, the disaster stemmed from Moxi.99 Zhou used the punishment of roasting alive to give joy and delight to Daji.100 Hence, sage wisdom exercises circumspection in setting up a principal consort. One must select from the household of an eminent clan of former ages, and pick an outstanding maiden to control the Six Palaces, make reverent offerings at the imperial temples, and cultivate the feminine civilizing influence. The Changes says, "When the way of the family is correct, the empire is settled.101

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The Book of Wei From within to without was the excellent precept of the former kings. The Spring and Autumn Annals writes that Ancestral Intendant (zong ren TKA) Xin Xia JS3C said there is no rite for making a concubine a lady.102 [Duke] Huan ffi of Qi swore an oath at Kuiqiu H J x , also saying, " D o not make a concubine your wife. 103 At present, the favorite from the rear palace is often second only to the emperor. If for love's sake you promote her to empress, causing someone of humble station to become suddenly noble, I fear that, should in later ages inferiors be usurpative and superiors be set aside, then the turmoil will have originated with Your Highness.104

The emperor did not heed his advice and subsequently made her empress.N M

The Wei History says: Her father Yong rose in office to hold the post of grand administrator of Nan commandery S S P and was posthumously named Attentive Marquis. Her mother, surnamed Dong M , was countess ofTangyang [Tangyang jun iSBI and gave birth to three boys and two girls. The eldest boy was Fu Y?, who was prefect of Gaotang fii^S. Next was the girl Yu S and next was the empress. The empress's younger brothers were Du ® and Cheng fa. The empress was born during the Han on myimao day in the third month of Zhongping i [8 April 184]. From birth there was something extraordinary about her.

N

The Wei History says: The empress sent up a memorial saying: I lack the integrity of Huang and Ying's marrying below their station, and I am not one to hope to emulate Jiang and Ren.1051 am really inadequate to be relied on to fill the grand position of woman ruler and to manage the important duties of your household. From the time the empress was in the Eastern Palace until she assumed the venerable throne, even though she was extraordinarily favored, her heart was increasingly respectful. She cared for the Palace of Eternal Longevity [Empress Dowager Bian] and was famous for her filial piety. At that time, Honorable Lady Chai [Chai guiren ^ c i t A ] also was favored, and the empress taught and trained, encouraged and guided her. When there was some lapse on the part of the worthy ladies of the rear palace, she always covered it up. When one of them was reprimanded, she always explained the ins and outs of the affair to the emperor. If perhaps he were greatly angered by someone, she

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Records of the Three States would even kowtow and appeal for leniency for the lady's sake. Because of this, the Six Palaces had no enmity toward her. By nature she was frugal and economical. She did not like music and always admired the way Empress Ma the Virtuous of the Enlightened Emperor of Han times comported herself.106

The empress lost her brothers early, and Yong's line was carried on by her elder cousin Biao ^ , who was made chief commandant of imperial equipages. The empress's maternal relative Liu Fei married into another kingdom. When the empress heard of it, she cautioned, "In marrying, all my relatives naturally should make matches with families in their own hometowns and should not utilize their position to force marriage with people of other places." The empress's elder sister's son, Meng Wu returned to his hometown and sought a concubine, but the empress stopped him. Subsequently, she cautioned all of her family: "In the present age, there are too few women, so they should pair up with the officers and men. One cannot use some pretext to take them as concubines. It is appropriate for each of you to be circumspect and not be the first to get punished."0 5.166

o

The Wei History says: The empress often cautioned and warned Biao, Wu, and others, saying, "The reasons the families of the pepper rooms of the Han house were seldom able to keep themselves intact were always pride and excess.107 You must be circumspect!"

In [Huangchu] 5 [224/225], the emperor went east on a military expedition, and the empress remained behind at the Terrace of Perpetual Beginning in Xuchang.108 At this time it poured rain for over a hundred days, and the city walls and towers were much damaged. The officials concerned asked her to move elsewhere. The empress replied: Of old, King Zhao of Chu 2tB§3i went out traveling and Jiang the Chaste (Zhen Jiang i t 31) remained behind at Jian Terrace (Jian tai i f f S ) . When the waters of the Yangtze came, an envoy arrived, but since he had no verge, she would not leave, and drowned. 109 N o w the emperor is far away. If I were simply to up and move elsewhere, even though I have been fortunate enough not to experience such adversity, what then?

None of the officials dared say anything more. In [Huangchu] 6 [225/226], the emperor went east on a military expedition against

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The Book of Wei

Wu. He got as far as Guangling Iff while the empress remained behind at Qiao Palace.110 At this time, Biao remained behind in the imperial bodyguards. He wanted to stem the river's flow to get fish.111 The empress said: The river is meant to freely transport supplies. Besides, there is too little timber, and servants are not available. You would also need to take state-owned bamboo and wood for your personal use to make the dam. But now, Commandant of Equipages, whatever it is that you find you lack, how can it be fish? When Emperor Ming ascended the throne, he honored the empress as empress dowager and designated her Palace of Eternal Peace (Yongan gong TK^I^). In Taihe 4 [230/231], by edict he appointed Biao marquis of Anyang commune (Anyang ting hou :?ci§'¥"l5l), then advanced his rank to district marquis. The added households, when combined with what he had before, totaled five hundred. He was transferred to be general of the capital rampart (zhong lei jiangjun ^ S T ^ F ? ) . Biao's son Xiang was made chief commandant of cavalry (ji duwei fit f t ) . That year, the emperor posthumously named the empress dowager's father Yong the Attentive Marquis of Anyang district (Anyang xiang Jing hou iicHI and her mother Dong countess of the capital district (du xiang jun fft^Pfq). Biao was transferred to be general of brilliant virtue (zhaode jiangjun awarded an honorary gold [seal] and purple [cord], and designated Specially Advanced (te jin txFJll). Biao's second son Xun gJl| was made chief commandant of cavalry. When Meng Wu's mother died, he wanted to give her an elaborate burial and erect a shrine, but the empress dowager stopped him, saying, "Since the death and disorder began, there is no tomb that has not been dug up, all because of elaborate burials. Let Shouyang Tumulus (Shouyang ling "italic) be your model." In the spring of Qinglong 3 [235/236], the empress died in Xuchang. 112 They built her tumulus in accordance with her last will, and on the gengyin MM day in the third month [16 April 235], she was buried west of Shouyang Tumulus.p The emperor advanced Biao's noble rank to marquis of Guanjin (Guanjin hou iS^'isI) and increased his benefice by five hundred households, bringing the total to one thousand. Xiang was transferred to be chief commandant of attendant cavalry (fuma duwei ffiJ§fftJ*i). In the fourth year [236/237], Yong had his appointment posthumously changed to Attentive Marquis of Guanjin (Guanjin Jing

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Records of the Three States

hou H E ^ ^ H ) , and his hereditary consort D o n g was made countess of Tangyang. The empress's elder brothers were posthumously ennobled, Fu as Venerated Marquis of Liangli commune (Liangli ting Dai hou H c f f i ^ l l ! ^ ) , D u as Filial Marquis of Wucheng commune (Wucheng ting X i a o hou and Cheng as Reassuring Marquis of Xinle commune (Xinle ting Ding hou ^ ^ l ^ / E ^ ) . In every case an envoy was sent to present a patent and offer a Great Sacrifice. When Biao died, his son Xiang succeeded him, Biao's benefice was divided, and Xiang's younger brother Shu Ml was appointed a full marquis. W h e n Xiang died, his son Z h a o succeeded him. p

5.167

The Wei Epitome says: After Emperor Ming ascended the throne, he was pained by the memory of Empress Zhen's death; therefore, Empress Dowager [Guo] died unexpectedly from worry. When Empress Zhen was near death, she had placed the emperor under the care of Lady Li. Once the empress dowager had died, Lady Li explained the harm done by Empress Zhen's being slandered, that she was not properly coffined, and that her disheveled hair covered her face.113 The emperor shed tears in his sorrow and regret and commanded that in the funeral and burial of the empress dowager all be done as in the case of Empress Zhen.114 The Han-Jin Spring and Autumn says: Earlier, the killing of Empress Zhen stemmed from the favoritism shown Empress Guo, and when she was buried, they let her disheveled hair cover her face and stuffed her mouth with chaff. Subsequendy Empress Guo was made empress and charged with raising Emperor Ming.115 The emperor was aware of this, and in his heart always harbored resentment. He often tearfully inquired about the circumstances of Empress Zhen's demise. Empress Guo replied, "The late emperor killed her. Why blame me? Besides, may a child carry a grudge against his deceased father and wrongly kill his stepmother because of his natural mother?" Emperor Ming was angry and subsequently hounded her to death. In ordering her funeral, he had them do as previously in the case of Empress Zhen.116 The Wei History contains the tablet of lament which says: In the third month of Qinglong 3,117 on the renshen day,118 with the empress dowager in a catalpa coffin, the funeral procession to bury her at Western Tumulus (Xiling ffift) at Shouyang will begin. Her bereaved son Rui, the emperor, personally presented the tablet and performed the sacrifice to initiate the funeral. Next, he personally made the offerings to send off the departed. Striking his heart, he beat his breast and stamped his feet; loudly crying, he looked up and appealed:

HI

The Book of Wei I am pained at the soul's journeying abroad, Sad at the hearse's facing the road. She has turned her back on the Three Luminaries to conceal herself;'19 Drawing nigh the Yellow Earth, she shall be placed in the crypt.120 Alas! Alack! Of old, The two daughters were consorts to Yu,121 And his imperial way was thereby distinguished; The three mothers married Zhou rulers,122 And sage goodness attained full brightness. Since these rulers received so much good fortune, They enjoyed the prolongation of their kingdoms. Alack! Alack! My late loving Mother Brought transformation to the women's apartments, Flew dragonlike to the Purple Bourne,123 From the start cooperated with the sage sovereign, And did not expect in middle age Suddenly to encounter catastrophy. Pity me, the little child, All alone, crushed and wounded. Her soul is forever gone. How can I hope to pay her morning and evening courtesies? Alas! Alack!

Empress Mao the Lamented of the Enlightened Emperor (Ming Dao Mao huanghou BfJt^^iLjp ) had Henei as her home of record.124 During the Huangchu period, she entered the Eastern Palace by selection. At the time, Emperor Ming was king of Pingyuan ^p-J^i. On going in and giving herself to the emperor, she won his favor, and she shared a carriage with him going and coming. When he assumed the imperial throne, he took her to be his honored concubine. In Taihe i [227], he established her as empress.125 Her father Jia M was made chief commandant of cavalry, and her younger brother Zeng ^ gentleman-of-the-palace (lang zhotig BP43). Earlier, when Emperor Ming was a prince, he first took Madam Yu of Henei as his consort. When he became emperor and Madame Yu was not made empress, Grand Empress Dowager Bian consoled and encouraged her. Madame Yu said: The Caos have always been fond of establishing the inferior. They have never been able to promote someone on the basis of

ii2

Records of the Three States what was right. Yet an empress manages affairs within, and the ruler attends to governing without. Their ways complement each other, so if they are unable to get off to a good start, they will never be able to end well. I fear that because of this they will surely ruin the state and let the sacrifices die out!

5.168

Madam Yu subsequently was demoted and returned to the Ye Palace. Jia was advanced to be chief commandant of imperial equipages and Zeng to chief commandant of cavalry, and their gifts as favorites were bountiful and substantial. Before long, Jia was appointed marquis of Boping district (Boping xiang hou M^f and transferred to imperial household grandee, and Zeng became chief commandant of attendant cavalry. Jia originally was a carriage maker (che gong $ 1 ) under the chief commandant of waters and parks.127 When he suddenly became rich and noble, Emperor Ming ordered the court officers to assemble at Jia's home for symposia.128 Jia's demeanor and his behavior were very stupid and foolish, and when he spoke, he always referred to himself as "the Lordly Person." 129 People of the time thought he was a joke.Q Later, Jia was awarded the designation Specially Advanced. Zeng was transferred to cavalier gentleman-in-attendance. In Qinglong 3, Jia died. He was posthumously accorded the office of imperial household grandee, and had his appointment changed to marquis of An state (An guo hou :2c ¡¡9 #1), with an increase of five hundred households, which, added to what he had before, brought the total to one thousand. He was posthumously named the Decent Marquis (Jie hou t ? ^ ) . In [Qinglong] 4 [236/237], the empress's mother Xia i t was appointed countess of Yewang (Yewang jun fiFI©). Q

Sun Sheng says: The kings of antiquity made sure to seek excellent maidens in order to match and glorify their own perfect virtue. They extended royal transformation through "Guan ju" and brought about simple customs through "Lin zhi."130 The last rulers of the Xia, Shang, and Zhou periods disturbed this thread;righteousnesswas drowned by passion, status was muddled by favoritism, noble and inferior lacked order, and the low ascended and the high declined. Rise or fall, success or failure all are in this thing. During the Wei, beginning with King Wu and extending down to the Illustrious Ancestor,131 the empresses of all three rulers arose from obscure and inferior positions. Since their origins were humble, how could they be used to perpetuate the line? The [Classic of~\ Poetry lines "Fine linen and coarse, / Cool they are because of the wind" probably refer to such a case!132

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The Book of Wei

From the time the emperor began to favor Empress Guo, the love and favor shown Empress Mao diminished daily. In Jingchu i [237/238], the emperor was touring the rear garden and summoned those of the rank of lady of talents and above to a private feast to enjoy themselves fully. Empress Guo said, "It would be fitting to invite the empress." But the emperor would not allow it. He then prohibited those about him from mentioning it so that it would not be made known. But the empress learned of it, and the next day when the emperor saw hei; she asked, "Were the outing and feast yesterday in the northern garden fun?" The emperor assumed that those about him had leaked it, and more than ten people were killed. The empress was allowed to commit suicide, but she was still given a posthumous name and buried at Min Tumulus (Minling ).133 Zeng was transferred to become cavalier attendant in regular attendance,134 and was later shifted to general of the gentlemen-of-the-household rapid as tigers and of the feathered forest (yulin hubert zhonglang jiang Wiffif&M ^SP^F), and [colonel] director of agriculture for Yuanwu (Yuanwu diannong ® ¡3^11). 135 Empress Guo the Paramount of the Enlightened Emperor (Ming Yuan Guo huanghou had her home of record in Xiping ffi^.136 For generations, hers was a great clan in Heyou "Mij.137 In the Huangchu period, her home commandery rebelled, so she was impressed into the palace. When Emperor Ming assumed the throne, she was greatly loved and favored and was appointed lady. Her father's younger brother Li became chief commandant of cavalry, and her paternal uncle Zhi became general of the gentlemen-of-the-household rapid as tigers. When the emperor was stricken with illness, she was established as empress.138 When the King of Qi [Cao Fang] assumed the throne, he honored the empress as empress dowager and designated her Palace of Eternal Peace. He posthumously appointed and named the empress dowager's father Man the Reassuring Marquis of the Western Capital (Xi du Ding hou ffi^/E^) and had Li's son Jian carry on the noble rank. He appointed the empress dowager's mother Du tt countess of Geyang (Geyang jun p^HH). Zhi was transferred to cavalier attendant in regular attendance and colonel of the Chang River encampment (Chang shui xiaowei UTR^!^),1* and Li to general of manifest virtue (xuan de jiangjurt M.W^'W-). Both were appointed full marquises. Jian's older brother De was raised by the Zhen family. De and Jian were both generals for garrison defense (zbenhu jiangjurt K M ^ F ? ) and each was

ii4

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Records of the Three States

appointed a full marquis. Together they were in charge of the imperial bodyguards. It happened that three rulers in a row were minors, and the top executive officials controlled the government and settled great affairs with them. They always checked with or informed the empress dowager before taking any action.139 When Guanqiu Jian fflJEtflfe, Zhong Hui MU", and others rebelled, they all did so in her name.140 She died in the twelfth month of Jingyuan M7Ü4 [January/February 264]. In the second month of [Jingyuan] 5 [March/April 264], she was buried on the west of Gaoping Tumulus (Gaoping ling R ^ F ^ ) . 5 R

T h e Wei Epitome says: O f all the Guos, Z h i was the most vigorous and upright. A t an earlier time he himself had been appointed a marquis for some other deed of merit.

s

Encomia on the Dukes of Jin says: Jian's appellative was Shushi i í f é . H e had ability and was strongly inquisitive. H e died of illness in the Taishi period [ 2 6 5 - 2 7 5 ] . His son Jia Six succeeded him and became a palace steward.

The evaluation says: Although the families of the Wei empresses and consorts may be said to have been rich and noble, there were not any who took advantage of what was not their rightful position to carve up the court's administration. Admirable it is to take the past as a mirror for changing one's course. In retrospect, Chen Qun's argument and Zhan Qian's theory are perfectly sufficient to be canons for all kings and to provide a model for later generations.

Records of the Three States: The Book of Shu Fascicle 3 4 : Consorts and Sons of the T w o Sovereigns

34.905

The Former Sovereign's Empress Gan was a native of Pei. When the Former Sovereign controlled Yu province Slj'H and was living in Xiao Pei /J v /$, he accepted her as his concubine.1 The Former Sovereign was bereaved of a primary wife on several occasions, and Empress Gan regularly took charge of affairs in the inner apartments.2 She accompanied the Former Sovereign to Jing province and gave birth to the Latter Sovereign (Hou zhu ^ i ) . When Duke Cao's [Cao Cao's] troops caught up with the Former Sovereign at Changban H I S in Dangyang eiPJI, being pressed at that point, he abandoned his empress and the Latter Sovereign.3 Thanks to the protection of Zhao Yun, they escaped harm.4 The empress died and was buried at Nanjun In Zhangwu 2 [ 2 2 1 / 2 2 2 ] , he posthumously named her the Lady of Imperial Regret (Huang Si furen ILIS^CA) 6 and was going to reinter her in Shu. Before her body could arrive, however, the Former Sovereign died. Chancellor Zhuge Liang memorialized: The Lady of Imperial Regret conducted herself by cultivating benevolence, and she was pure and circumspect in her person. When the late emperor formerly was in supreme command, she became his consort and bore the Sacred Person [Liu Shan, the Latter Sovereign]. Her life was not long. When the late emperor was still alive, he was righteous and beneficent, and he was concerned that the divine pall of the Lady of Imperial Regret was adrift far away. He specially sent a commissioner to bring it back. But it has transpired that the late emperor has died. Now the divine pall of the Lady of Imperial Regret has arrived, and the emperor's own coffin is en route. The park and tumulus are complete, and the time for laying him to rest has been determined. I have discussed the matter with Grand Master of Ceremonies (taichang Lai Gong H ^ and others. The Record of Rites says, "Establishing affection by beginning from one's parents is the way to teach the people filial piety. "5

ii 6

Records of the Three States Establishing respect by beginning from one's elders is the way to teach the people obedience."7 It is from this that not forgetting one's parents is born. The intent of the Spring and Autumn Annals is, "A mother is respected in accordance with her son's rank." 8 In the past, Gaozu posthumously venerated his father's Lady of Illustrious Spirit (Zhaoling furen ¡ f p H ^ A ) with the title of Empress of Illustrious Spirit (Zhaoling huanghou SSHJE fg ),' and Emperor He the Filial reburied his mother Honorable Lady Liang M , and gave her the honorific Empress of Respectful Recollection (Gonghuai huanghou Emperor Min the Filial also buried his mother Lady Wang I and gave her the honorific Empress of Spiritual Recollection (Linghuai huanghou M^SkJfi).11 Now, the Lady of Imperial Regret should also have a title of respect to assuage "the thoughts of the cold springs." 12 Thus, along with Gong and the others, we have followed the method of bestowing posthumous tides, and she ought to be called the Empress of Illustrious Achievements (Zhaolie huanghou BB^JlJlLjiJ).13 The Classic of Poetry says, 14 "While alive, they dwelled in separate chambers; / In death they share a grave. " A Therefore, the Empress of Illustrious Achievements should be buried with the late emperor. I request that the grand commandant inform the imperial ancestors and announce it abroad. The preparations for the rituals and ceremonies will be memorialized separately.

34.906

The emperor granted permission. A

The Record of Rites says that in high antiquity there was no burial together; from middle antiquity on, it existed at times.15

T h e Serene Empress [Wu] of the Former Sovereign (Xian zhu M u huanghou had her home of record in Chenliu I ^ H , 1 6 H e r elder brother w a s Wu Y i ^ i l E . 1 7 They became orphans when they were young. Yi's father had k n o w n Liu Yan f o r a long time, so he gathered up his family and followed Y a n into Shu. Y a n w a s extremely ambitious. H e heard that a skillful physiognomist had predicted that the empress w o u l d be greatly honored. A t the time, Y a n had taken his son M a o with him, so he took the empress in to be M a o ' s wife. M a o died, and the empress lived alone. When the Former Sovereign had pacified Y i province and L a d y Sun returned to Wu, B his followers advised the Former Sovereign to make M a o ' s wife his empress. The Former Sovereign suspected

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The Book

of Shu

that he might be of the same lineage as Mao. Fa Zheng 18 came forward to say, "If one speaks of the distance of the relationship, is it not like the relationship of [Duke] Wen of Jin to Ziyu HI?"19 Thereupon, the Former Sovereign took her to be his wife with the rank of lady.0 In Jian'an 24 [219/220], he made her queen of Hanzhong, and in summer the fifth month of Zhangwu 1 [June 221], he ordered: We have received the heavenly mandate, been raised to the position of great respect, and reign over a myriad of states. N o w we take the queen to be empress and dispatch Chancellor Zhuge Liang, commissioned with a verge, to bestow the seal and ribbon. She will serve the ancestral temple and be mother over the empire. Let the empress respect this!

In the fifth month of Jianxing 1 [May/June 223], the Latter Sovereign acceded to the throne, and he respected her by making her empress dowager and referring to her as the Palace of Enduring Joy.20 Wu Yi rose in office to be general of chariots and cavalry, and he was appointed prefectural marquis.21 In Yanxi 8 [245/246], the empress died and was buried with the Former Sovereign at Hui Tumulus22 (Huiling B

The Han-Jin Spring and Autumn says: When the Former Sovereign entered Yi province, Wu sent someone to meet Lady Sun.23 The consort wanted to take the heir apparent back to Wu, but Zhuge Liang sent Zhao Yun to marshal troops to cut off the Yangtze and detain the heir apparent. He succeeded in stopping them.

c

Xi Zuochi says: Marriage is the starting point of human relations and the basis for kingly transformation. If it is the case that an ordinary man should not lack propriety, is it not even more so with a ruler of men? Duke Wen of Jin abandoned propriety and acted expediently in order to save the situation. Thus Zifan said, "If you want something from someone, then you must first assent to his requests. If one is planning to seize a person's state, then why should one be concerned about that person's wife?"24 This teaches us that one does not act with impropriety without reason. Now, in this case the Former Sovereign was not in a position in which he had no choice, but [Fa Zheng] cites an earlier error by way of comparison. This is not instructing his ruler in the Way of Yao and Shun. The Former Sovereign was wrong in following his advice.

n8 D

34.907

Records of the Three States Sun Sheng's Genealogy of Shu (Shu shipu S j t f t f t f ) says: [Wu] Yi's grandson Qiao fir fell into Li Xiong's hands for thirty years; he did not submit to Li Xiong. 25

The Latter Sovereign's Attentive and Lamented Empress (Hou zhu Jing Ai huanghou ^iSfSdsEJls/p) was the eldest daughter of General of Chariots and Cavalry Zhang Fei. In Zhangwu 1 [221/ 222], she was brought in to be consort to the heir apparent.26 In Jianxing illft 1 [223/224], she was established as empress. She died in Jianxing 1 5 [237/238] and was buried at Nan Tumulus TO (Nanling).27 Empress Zhang •JMJE/S' of the Latter Sovereign was the younger sister of the Attentive and Lamented Empress. In Jianxing 15 [237/ 238], she was brought into the palace as an honorable lady. In the first month of spring in Yanxi M M 1 [238/239], [the Latter Sovereign] ordered: We have inherited the great enterprise and undertake to reign over the empire and make offerings at the suburban altars, the ancestral temples, and the altars to Soil and Millet. 28 N o w we wish to make the honorable lady our empress and commission X i a n g Lang acting chancellor and general of the left, to carry a verge and bestow seal and ribbon on her. 2 ' Strive to cultivate domestic duties and perform the sacrifices with solemnity. Let the empress respect this! 30

In Xianxi 1 [264], when the Latter Sovereign was moved to Luoyang31 she accompanied him.E E

The Han-Jin Spring and Autumn says: When Wei gave the palace women of Shu to the Wei generals who had no wives, Brilliant Companion Li declared, "I cannot suffer indignities two and three times," and killed herself.32

Liu Yong, appellative Gongshou was son of the Former Sovereign and half brother of the Latter Sovereign. In the sixth month of Zhangwu 1 [July 221], [the Former Sovereign, Liu Bei] sent Minister over the Masses [Xu] Jing fftSji 33 to install Yong as king of Lu, and the patent said: Our younger son Yong has received the green regions. 3 4 We have had bestowed on us the heavenly office and have inherited the

ii9

The Book of Shu great enterprise. Revere and follow the ancient precedents and establish your state. You are appointed to a benefice in the eastern regions, which is grandly endowed with Mounts Gui H and Meng W-3S and through the ages has supported us on the marches. Ah! Respect our decree! In the state of Lu, all changes to fit with the Way; the civilizing influence exists there. The fondness of the people for virtue—for generations this worthiness has continued. May the king retain his conscience and follow propriety. Pacify your officers and people and [Heaven] will accept your sacrifices and consider them good.36 Let the king respect this!

In Jianxing 8 [230/231], his appointment was changed, and he was made king of Ganling t f l ^ . 3 7 From the first, Yong had detested the eunuch Huang Hao. 38 After Hao gained a position of trust, he slandered Yong to the Latter Sovereign. The Latter Sovereign gradually distanced himself from Yong to the extent that Yong could not gain an audience at court for more than ten years. In Xianxi 1 [264/265], Yong was moved to Luoyang, where he was made chief commandant of chariots and was appointed district marquis. 34.908

Liu Li, appellative Fengxiao was also the Latter Sovereign's half brother, though of a different mother from Yong. In the sixth month of Zhangwu 1 [July 2 2 1 ] , the Former Sovereign sent Minister over the Masses X u Jing to install Li as king of Liang

To our small son Li: We have acceded to the Han order. We reverently follow the heavenly mandate, and we observe and cultivate the proper standards. We establish you in the East and make you a bulwark for the Han. Now, the land of Liang is in the territory of the imperial capital. The people are used to being civilized and are easily led with propriety. Go with all your mind, cherish and protect the people, and thereby make your state long-lived. Let the king respect this! In Jianxing 8 [ 2 3 0 / 2 3 1 ] , the Latter Sovereign reappointed Li as king of Anping.40 In Yanxi 7 [244/245], Li died. Posthumously he was called the Mourned King 1 ^ 3 1 . He was succeeded by his son Yin I I , the Lamented King i t i , who passed away in Yanxi 19 [ 2 5 6 / 2 5 7 ] . His son Cheng M , the King of Youthful Demise i t l i , died in Yanxi 20 [257/258].

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Records of the Three States

In Jingyao M W 4 [ 2 6 1 / 2 6 2 ] , the Latter Sovereign issued an edict: The king of Anping was commissioned by the first emperor. Three generations running have died young, and the kingdom's succession has come to an end. I am grieved! Let Ji I t , marquis of Wuyi , succeed to the position of king. Ji was Li's son. In Xianxi 1 [264/265], he was moved eastward to Luoyang, where he was appointed commandant-in-chief of chariots and appointed marquis of a district. The Latter Sovereign's heir apparent Xuan had the appellative Wenheng . His mother was Honorable Lady Wang j £ , who originally was an attendant to the Attentive and Lamented Empress Zhang. In the first month of Yanxi 1 [January 238], the Latter Sovereign issued a patent of appointment that said: Among the kings and emperors of the past, establishing a successor to the throne as heir apparent to assist in the administration of the state has been a regular practice throughout history. Now we make Xuan our heir apparent to illuminate the majesty of our ancestors. We commission Xiang Lang, acting chancellor and general of the left, to carry a verge and bestow the seal and ribbon. Let Xuan diligently cultivate an elegant nature, be faithful to correct principles, inquire into ritual, be respectful to his mentors, consider the goodness of the masses, and nurture his virtue. How can he not devote himself to selfcultivation in order to improve himself! At the time, Xuan was fifteen years old. In the winter of Jingyao 6 [263], Shu fell. In the first month of Xianxi 1 [February/ March 264], Zhong Hui 41 rebelled at Chengdu fiSc^P and Xuan was killed by the rebelling troops/ F

Sun Sheng's Genealogy of Shu says: Xuan had six younger brothers: Yao, Cong Sp, Zan 3S, Chen IB, Xun t ® , and Qu 8 1 . When Shu fell, Chen committed suicide, and the others were all relocated to the capital environs [Luoyang]. During the Yongjia TKIS upheavals, their descendants were wiped out. Only Yong's grandson Xuan fled to Shu, and Li Xiong spuriously appointed him Duke of Peaceful Joy (Anle gong to perform sacrifices to Liu Shan's descendants. In Yonghe zkifl 3 [347/348], when the Jin attacked Li Shi I, Sheng, participated in the expedition and saw Xuan at Chengdu.42

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The Book of Shu

The evaluation says: The Changes says, "Once there are husband and wife, there are father and son."43 As the beginning of human relations and the epitome of the way of benevolence, there is nothing that surpasses this. Therefore, this record has been made as a means of ascertaining this principle's embodiment in one state.

Records of the Three States: The Book ofWu Fascicle 50: Consorts and Concubines

50.1195

Sun the Caitiff Smasher's MtifcM1 Lady Wu was the mother of the sovereign of Wu, Sun Quan. Originally a native of Wu, she moved to Qiantang.2 She lost her parents very early and lived with her younger brother [Wu] Jing. Sun Jian heard of her talent and beauty and wanted to marry her. Her relatives in the Wu family, detesting Jian's frivolity and craftiness, were going to resist him. Jian was mortified by this. Lady Wu spoke to her relatives, "Why court trouble for the sake of one daughter? If I am to be unlucky, that is my fate." 3 Thereupon they consented to the marriage, and she bore him four sons and one4 daughter/ A

The Record of Searching for Spirits (Sou shenji S t t f H ) says: At first when the lady was pregnant, she dreamed that the moon entered her bosom. Afterward, she gave birth to Ce. When she became pregnant with Quan, she dreamed that the sun entered her bosom. She reported to Jian, "Earlier, when I was pregnant with Ce, I dreamed that the moon entered my bosom. Now I have dreamed this time that the sun entered my bosom. What does it mean?" Jian replied, "The sun and moon are the essences of yin and yang. It is an extremely noble sign. My descendants will flourish!"5

Jing always followed Jian and was meritorious in battle. He was appointed chief commandant of cavalry.6 Yuan Shu recommended Jing to be grand administrator of Danyang He attacked the former grand administrator, Zhou Xin ffltyj, and occupied his commandery. Sun Ce, Sun He i a n d Lii Fan entrusted themselves to Jing.8 They combined their masses and together attacked the bandit of Jing M prefecture, Zu Lang ifi® .9 Lang was defeated and fled. It happened that Jing was being pressed by Liu Yao §f!|£|, so he returned northward to rely on Yuan Shu.10 Shu made him general of the gentlemen-of-the-household for investigation of the army (dujun zhonglang jiang H 122

123

50.1196

The Book of Wu

Together with Sun Ben, they attacked Fan Neng litis and Yu Mi at Hengjiang $ t t L , n then struck at Ze Rong and Xue Li at Moling At the time, Sun Ce was wounded at Niuzhu ^ i t . 1 3 When the bandits who had surrendered rebelled, Jing attacked and captured them all. Then he attacked Liu Yao, who fled to Yuzhang M M .14 Sun Ce dispatched Jing and Ben to Shouchun to report to Yuan Shu.15 Shu forthwith fought with Liu Bei over Xu province.16 He appointed Jing grand administrator of Guangling. Yuan Shu later usurped the throne, and Sun Ce wrote exhorting him [to desist].17 Shu refused. [Ce] then cut the ford across the Yangtze, ending intercourse [with Yuan Shu], and sent someone to notify Jing. Jing abandoned his commandery and returned eastward. Ce restored Jing as the grand administrator of Danyang. The Han sent Gentleman Consultant (yilang tSSP) Wang Pu I n f under orders to tour the South, and he memorialized, appointing Jing general displaying martial virtue (yangwu jiangjun i H i S ^ ? ) . 1 8 Jing remained in charge of the commandery. When Sun Quan took charge of the affairs of state while still a youth, Lady Wu assisted in administering the army and state, and she was a great help.® In Jian'an 7 [202/203], as she approached death, she called to her Zhang Zhao 'jfl&S and some others and entrusted them with matters after her death.19 She was buried with [her husband] at Gao Tumulus20 (Gaoling).0 B

Standard, Record of Guiji {Guiji dianlu l l ' f S j f t i S ) says: Sun Ce's [head of the] Bureau of Merit (Gong cao IfrW), Wei Teng fSt®l, scolded Ce because he disagreed with him.21 Ce was going to kill him. All the officials were worried and frightened but could come up with no plan. Lady Wu, who was leaning against a large well, said to Ce, "You are newly established in Jiangnan and matters have not yet been pulled together. You ought to be treating worthies well and being courteous to gentlemen, ignoring errors and recording merit. Wei of the Bureau of Merit enforces the rules completely in office. If you kill him today, then tomorrow everyone will rebel against you. I could not bear to see such an extreme error. I should throw myself into this well first." Ce was greatly frightened and immediately released Teng. Such was Lady Wu's shrewd advice.22

c

The Forest of Resolve (Zhilin i ^ W ) says: The recommendation records for Guiji are blank for Jian'an 1 2 - 1 3 [207-209]. When there were no recommendees, it meant the commandery administrator was in mourning. In this case, it was because the queen of Wu died in the

i24

Records of the Three States twelfth year.23 In the eighth and ninth years there were recommendations. This makes it very clear.

In Jian'an 8 [203/204], Jing died in office. His son Fen Hf was given his troops, made a general, and appointed marquis of Xin commune (Xin ting hou He died0 and his son An :2c succeeded him. An was sentenced to death for belonging to the faction of the King of Lu # 1 , [Sun] Ba it. 25 Fen's younger brother Qi succeeded himE and was appointed capital commune 26 marquis. He died. His son Zuan succeeded him. Zuan's wife was Teng Yin's 0JIL daughter.27 When Yin was executed, they suffered the same fate. D

The Wu History says: Quan chastised Jing province and appointed Fen commander-in-chief (dudu SflU) of Wu commandery to garrison the East.

E

The Wu History says: Qi was good friends with Zhang Wen and Gu Tan (¡St?. Quan ordered them to evaluate and settle litigation.

Lady Xie of the Sovereign of Wu [Sun] Quan had her home of record in Shanyin ill Pt? in Guiji. Her father Jiong IS was a gentleman of the masters of writing and prefect of Xu under the Han.F Sun Quan's mother arranged on Quan's behalf for her to be his wife, and she was loved and greatly favored. Later; Quan took in his aunt's granddaughter, Miss Xu, and wished to put Xie beneath her. Xie was unwilling, and as a result she became depressed and died early. Ten years later, her younger brother Cheng was appointed gentleman-of-the-household for all purposes (nmguan langzhong S'g'SP 1 ^). Shortly thereafter he was transferred to become chief commandant of the Eastern Region of Changsha and grand administrator of Wuling 5£§£L28 He wrote a Hou Han shu ^iHllr [Later Han History]29 in one hundred fascicles.0 F

Jiong's son, Cheng, wrote a Later Han History. Jiong was praised as a youngster for making benevolence and filial piety his modes of conduct. He was perspicacious and had excellent talent. Jiong's brother Zhen jft stricdy observed the standards of behavior. He was diligent in study and esteemed righteousness and was recommended as filially pious and incorrupt. He became prefect of Jianchang i t H and died in office.30

G

The Standard Record of Guiji says: Cheng's appellative was Weiping He studied widely and was knowledgeable. Once he had learned

125

The Book of Wu something, he would remember it the rest of his life. His son Chong IK was a general displaying majesty (yangwet jiangjun

t^&ffiW).

Chong's younger brother X u 1 1 was administrator of Wu commandery. Both were well known.

50.1197

Lady Xu of the Sovereign of Wu [Sun] Quan had her home of record in Fuchun i f # in Wu commandery.31 Her grandfather, Zhen, and Quan's father; Jian, were very close. Jian married his younger sister to Zhen, and she gave birth to Kun. When Kun was young, he served in commandery and provincial administrations. During the chaos at the end of the Han, he left office. He followed Jian into battle, was meritorious, and was appointed lieutenant general (pian jtangjun ^MW). When Jian died, Kun followed Sun Ce in attacking Fan Neng, Yu Mi, and others at Hengjiang. He struck at Zhang Ying "JM^ at Danglikou EET^'J P , but there were few boats, so he was going to bivouac his troops and seek more.32 At the time, Kun's mother was with the army, and she said to him, "I fear that the senior provincial officials will launch waterborne troops to oppose you.33 That would be disastrous! How can you encamp? You should cut reeds to make rafts." These could supplement the boats to ferry your troops." Kun reported the plan to Sun Ce, who immediately carried it out. The entire body forded the rivers and devastated Ying. They drove off Ze Rong and Liu Yao, and the task was settled. Ce memorialized to have Kun made commandery administrator of Danyang.1 It happened that Wu Jing abandoned Guangling to come east and was restored as administrator of Danyang. Kun took command of the troops as leader of the gentlemen-of-thehousehold for investigating the army. He joined in destroying Grand Administrator Li Shu ^fflif of Lujiang and was appointed marquis of Guangde JUiiHPi and transferred to be general for the pacification of brigands (pinglu jiangjun ^JH^F^). 3 4 Later, he participated in attacking Huang Zu J f f f i and was struck by an arrow and killed.35 H

Fu IF>T is pronounced fit ®

[phjuo].36 Guo Pu's commentary to the

Dialects [Fangyati ^ T W ] says, "A ift is a raft (pai 1

) in the water."

Biographies from beyond the Yangtze says: At first Yuan Shu sent his cousin [Yuan] Yin j|L to take charge of Danyang. Sun Ce ordered Kun to attack and replace him. It happened that Jing returned. When he had formerly served in Danyang, Jing had been generous and

iz6

Records of the Three States benevolent and had won over the people, so the functionaries and people longed for him. Moreover, Kun had many soldiers under his command, and Ce was envious of his great importance. Ce was about to launch an attack and could use Kun's troops, so he again appointed Jing and ordered Kun to return to Wu.

50.1198

Kun begat Lady Xu, and initially she was married to Lu Shang H io| of the same commandery. Shang died, and Quan was serving as brigand-punishing general (taolu jiangjun in Wu. He took her to be his concubine and had her raise his son Deng. Later, when Quan was transferred, because she was jealous, he abandoned her in Wu. After ten years or so, when Quan was king of Wu and assumed the title of respect, Deng was made heir apparent.37 All the ministers requested that the lady be established as empress. Quan, however, having settled on Lady Bu, did not assent.38 Later, she died of illness. Her elder brother Jiao M succeeded his father Kun as marquis and attacked and pacified the Mountain Yue. He was appointed lieutenant general. He preceded his sister in death and left no children. His younger brother Zuo ^ succeeded to his appointment, and he, too, because of glory in battle, advanced to be supervisor of Wuhu ^i® and general who pacifies Wei (ping Wei jiangjun ^•^M'W-). Lady Bu of the Sovereign of Wu [Sun] Quan, whose home of record was Huaiyin in Linhuai ¡Sft'ift commandery,39 belonged to the same lineage as chancellor [Bu] Zhi.40 At the end of the Han, her mother was about to take her to Lujiang. But Lujiang was destroyed by Sun Ce, so they crossed the Yangtze to the south. Because of her beauty, she obtained Quan's favor, and he made her the favorite of the rear apartments. She bore two daughters. The eldest was called Luban, appellative "Big Tiger" (Dahu Initially, she was betrothed to Zhou Yu's son Xun; later she was betrothed to Quan Cong.41 The younger daughter was Luyu H W , appellative "Little Tiger" (Xiaohu /hf^E). At first she was betrothed to Zhu Ju ;42 later she was betrothed to J Liu Zuan . J

The Progress of Wu says: Zuan first wed Sun Quan's middle daughter, but she died early. Therefore, he took Little Tiger as his second wife.

Consort Bu was not by nature jealous, and because many were promoted by her, she was long the object of fond treatment. When Quan was king and emperor, he desired to make her his principal

127

The Book of Wu

wife. His ministers, however, argued for Lady Xu. Quan put it off for more than ten years, though within the palace everyone called her "empress," and relatives who sent up communications to her addressed her as "Within the Palace." When she died, subordinates, in accordance with Quan's intent, requested that her title be posthumously rectified and that she be given a seal and ribbon, and they ordered: On wuzi J i n the intercalary month of Chiwu i [24 November 23 8],43 the emperor said, "Alas, my empress! It was she who assisted with the mandate, and together we shouldered Heaven and Earth. Devout and respectful morning and night, she shared my labors. In the wifely teachings she was well educated, and in righteousness and propriety she did not stray. Expansive and kind, she had tender virtue. The people and ministers looked up to her, and she was in the hearts of those far and near. Because the difficulties of the time were as yet unsettled and unification of the country was still incomplete, I followed her fine intentions and cherished her modesty and humility. For this reason, at the time I never bestowed the title. Furthermore, I was sure that her Heaven-granted years would be long and that with me she would respond to and spread Heaven's blessings. Suddenly, before I realized it, her life recently came to an end. I regret that my original intention was not made manifest earlier and am grief-stricken that she has died and not fulfilled her Heaven-sent blessings. In the extremity of my grief, the pain stabs my heart. Now I charge Chancellor Commissioned with a Verge [Gu] Yong M M , marquis of Liling H H . , to carry respectfully the patent, bestow the title, and offer a sacrifice to the former empress.44 If her soul is still able to apprehend, may she rejoice in this favor and glory. Alas, my grief!" She was buried at Jiang Tumulus (Jiangling M ^ ) . 4 5 50.1199

Lady Wang of the Sovereign of W u [Sun] Quan 46 had her home of record in Langye. K The lady was selected to enter the palace, and during the Huangwu jlcst period [ 2 2 2 - 2 2 9 ] she was favored and gave birth to Sun He. 47 She was the favorite after Madam Bu. Following the death of Madam Bu, Sun He was made heir apparent. Sun Quan was going to make her his empress, but Princess Quan [Sun Luban] had always hated the consort and slandered her little by little. When Sun Quan became bedridden, she said that the lady looked happy. Consequently, he became

128

Records of the Three States

profoundly angry, causing Lady Wang to die of worry.48 When Sun He's son Hao was established as sovereign, he gave Lady Wang the posthumous title Empress of Great Exemplarity (Da yi huanghou JzMMLfS) and appointed her three younger brothers full marquises.49 K

The Wu History says: Lady Wang's father was named Lujiu JS^L. 50

Lady Wang of the Sovereign of Wu [Sun] Quan had her home of record in Nanyang. She was chosen to enter the palace, and during the Jiahe period [ 2 3 2 - Z 3 8 ] 5 1 she gained favor and gave birth to Sun Xiu. 52 When Sun He became heir apparent, his mother was honored and esteemed, and all the concubines who had been favored were exiled from the palace. Lady Wang was sent to Gongan ,53 where she died and was buried. When Xiu ascended the throne, he dispatched a commissioner to bestow the posthumous title of Empress of Attentive Recollection (Jinghuai huanghou f H S H i o ) , and she was reinterred at Jing Tumulus 54 (Jingling The Wangs had no descendants, so Xiu appointed her uterine younger half brother a commune marquis. Lady Pan of the Sovereign of Wu [Sun] Quan had her home of record in Juzhang ^ ^ in Guiji.55 Her father was a clerk and had been convicted and sentenced to death. The lady and her elder sister were both brought to the Weaving Chamber (Zhi shi HS^),56 where Quan saw her and, being struck by her, summoned her to occupy the rear palace. She was favored and became pregnant. She dreamed that she was presented with a dragon's head and that she received it with an apron.57 Subsequently, she gave birth to Sun Liang. In Chiwu 13 [250/251], Liang was made heir apparent,58 and he asked to release Lady Pan's elder sister [from the Weaving Chamber] and marry her off, which Quan permitted. The following year he established Lady Pan as empress. Lady Pan was by nature wickedly jealous of other charmers. From beginning to end, she slandered a great many, including Lady Yuan and others.1- When Sun Quan was not well, Lady Pan sent someone to enquire of Prefect of the Palace Writers Sun Hong the precedent of Empress Lii's assumption of power.59 She was exhausted from attending to Quan's illness and as a result became emaciated. A number of courtiers, taking advantage of her being in a deep sleep, strangled her and attributed her death to a sudden illness.60 Later, the matter leaked out and six or seven persons were

129

The Book

of Wu

sentenced to death. Quan died shortly thereafter, and they were buried together at Jiang Tumulus. Sun Liang ascended the throne and made Lady Pan's elder sister's son-in-law Tan Shao H I S chief commandant of cavalry and gave him troops. When Liang was deposed, Shao and his family returned to their home commandery of Luling J t l t . 6 1 50.1200

L

The Record of Wu says: Lady Yuan was the daughter of Yuan Shu. She was unpretentious and had no children. On numerous occasions Quan took the children of his concubines and gave them to her to raise, but she alone did not bear any children. When Lady Bu died, Quan wished to establish her. Because she had no children herself, Lady Yuan adamantly declined and did not accept.62

Sun Liang's Lady Quan was Quan Shang's daughter. Her father's paternal aunt Princess [Quan; i.e., Sun Luban] was fond of her, and whenever she went in for an audience, Lady Quan would be in her company.63 When Lady Pan and her son were favored [by Sun Quan], Princess Quan, as the result of a falling out with Sun He's mother, advised Sun Quan to make [Lady Quan] wife to Lady Pan's son Liang. Liang subsequently became successor to the throne, and the lady was made empress. Quan Shang was made colonel of the capital gates and appointed marquis of a capital commune. He replaced Teng Yin as grand master of ceremonies and general of the guards. He advanced to be appointed marquis of Yongping /TC^p and to become intendant of the masters of writing.64 At the time, five members of the Quan family were marquises who also controlled infantry and cavalry. Others were gentlemen in attendance, chief commandants of the cavalry, and imperial bodyguards and attendants. Not since the rise of Wu had the honor and prosperity of any of the affinal families equaled theirs. When General-in-Chief Zhuge Dan I t ^ S l i of Wei came to surrender Shouchun, Quan Yi Quan Duan Quan Yi and Quan Yi all took the opportunity to surrender to Wei.65 When Quan Xi's plot leaked out and he was killed, the entire Quan family went into decline.66 And when Sun Lin deposed Sun Liang and made him king of Guiji, and later, when he was further demoted to marquis of Houguan f^'lT, Lady Quan accompanied him to his fief and dwelled at Houguan.67 Quan Shang moved his family to Lingling ^l^, 6 8 was pursued there, and killed.M

130 M

Records of the Three States The Record of Wu says: Liang's wife was very sensitive and beautiful. She dwelled at Houguan. When Wu was pacified [280], she returned. She died during the Yongning 7]C5f? reign period [301-302].

Sun Xiu's Lady Z h u was the daughter of Z h u Ju and was born to Xiu's elder sister, the Princess Zhu ^ [Sun Luyu]. N At the end of the Chiwu period [238-251], Sun Quan brought her in to be Xiu's consort. When Xiu became king of Langye, she accompanied him to live at Danyang. During the Jianxing period [252-254], Sun Jun MMk controlled the government, and the royal family were all apprehensive about him. Quan Shang's wife was Jun's elder sister, so only Princess Quan [Sun Luban] sided with him.69 N

50.1201

I, Songzhi, presume that Xiu married his niece; this case is similar to that of Emperor Hui of the Han. Since Xun Yue's la] ft criticism was entirely appropriate, I shall not expand on the matter further.70

Formerly, when Sun He was heir apparent, Princess Quan [Sun Luban] slandered Lady Wang [Sun He's mother] and wanted to set aside the heir apparent and establish the king of Lu, Sun Ba. 71 Princess Z h u did not agree, and from that time they had a falling out. During the Wufeng 3LJE reign period [254-256], Sun Yi M M plotted the murder of Sun Jun, but the affair was discovered and he was executed. 72 Princess Quan took advantage of this to say that Princess Z h u had been one of Yi's co-conspirators. Jun unjustly killed Princess Zhu. Sun Xiu was frightened and sent Lady Zhu back to Jianye. Clutching hands, they parted tearfully. When she arrived, Jun sent her back to Xiu. During the Taiping reign period [256-258], Sun Liang learned that Princess Zhu had been brought to harm by Princess Quan, and he inquired into the reasons behind Princess Zhu's death. Frightened, Princess Quan replied, "I really don't know. Zhu Ju's two sons Xiong HI and Sun i S know all about it." 73 Liang killed Xiong and Sun. Sun's wife was Jun's younger sister. Sun Lin increasingly hated Liang, and subsequently he deposed Liang and installed Xiu. 74 In Yongan TK^ 5 (262/263), he established Lady Zhu as empress. When Xiu died, all the ministers honored her as empress dowager. Sun Hao had been on the throne a little more than a month when he demoted her to be Empress Jing jp:, referring to her as the Palace of Peace and Stability i?C/E Hi. In the seventh month of Ganlu 1 (July/August 265), she was driven 75 to suicide and was buried with [Sun Xiu] at Ding Tumulus (Dingling

131 o

The Book

of

Wu

The Record of Searching for Spirits says: Sun Jun murdered Princess Zhu [Sun Luyu], and she was buried at Shizi gang

PH. When [the

Marquis] Guiming Miw [Sun Hao] acceded to the throne, he wanted to rebury her.76 T h e grave sites were adjoining and could not be distinguished. But the palace rather well knew what the princess had been wearing when she died. So they dispatched two shamans, one to each grave site, to remain in a particular spot to watch for her spirit. Inspectors were also sent to watch them so they could not come close to each other. Sometime later, the shamans reported they had seen a " woman who could have been thirty or more. Her head was bound with blue brocade, and she wore a purple- and white-lined garment and vermilion slippers of silk and pongee. She came from the upper half of the hill at Shizi gang. Placing her hands on her knees, she gave a long and heavy sigh. Tarrying for a bit, she entered a small rest house atop the grave, and after lingering there for some time, she suddenly disappeared. The descriptions of the two shamans—without collusion—were the same. Thereupon the grave was opened and the clothing was as they had said.

50.1202

Sun He's Dame He M had her home of record in Jurong ^ ^ in Danyang.77 Her father Sui was originally a cavalryman. Sun Quan once toured the various encampments, and she was watching him en route. Quan saw her and was smitten by her. He ordered the eunuchs to summon her into [the palace] and bestowed her on his son He. When she gave birth to a son, Quan was overjoyed and called him "Peng Zu" ,78 This was Sun Hao. The heir apparent Sun He was set aside and later made king of Nanyang, residing at Changsha. Sun Liang acceded to the throne, and Sun Jun assisted in the government. Jun formerly had toadied to Princess Quan, and when Princess Quan and Sun He's mother had a falling out, she encouraged Jun to relocate He to Xindu fP and to send a messenger to bestow death. Sun He's principal consort Zhang "jfc also committed suicide.79 Dame He said, "If all are to follow in death, who will care for the orphans?" Subsequently, she lovingly raised Hao and his three younger brothers. When Hao acceded to the throne, he venerated Sun He as the Illustrious and Worthy Emperor (Zhao xian huangdi BBlRj!. '$f)p and Dame He as the Illustrious and Worthy Empress, placing her in the Palace of Ascendant Peace Jf^Pij. 8 0 In a little over a month he advanced her to be empress dowager. He appointed her younger brothers Hong Jiang M, and Zhi IS as marquises of Yongping, Liyang and Xuancheng respectively.81 When Hong died, his son Miao M. succeeded him and was made

132.

Records of the Three States

inspector of the army at Willing ^ ¡ ^ ,82 Miao was killed by the Jin. Zhi held offices and attained the post of grand minister over the masses. In the chaos at the end of the Wu period, the He family became arrogant and usurpations, and the younger members of the family were unconstrained and caused the people great distress. Thus there arose a popular falsehood—"Hao is long dead. The one on the throne is a scion of the He."Q p

The Record of Wu says: Hao at first venerated He as the Illustrious and Worthy Emperor but shortly thereafter changed the title to Civil Emperor (Wen huangdi jiSkrfi).

Q

Biographies from beyond the Yangtze says: Hao considered Zhang Bu's daughter to be a beauty and he favored her. Hao asked her, "Where is your father?" She replied, "A bandit killed him."83 Hao was infuriated and clubbed her to death. Later, he thought of her countenance and ordered a craftsman to carve a likeness of her beauty, which he always kept at his side. He asked his attendants, "Didn't Bu have another daughter?" They replied, "Bu's eldest daughter is married to Chun M, son of former Commandant of the Guards Feng Chao ili^." 8 4 Forthwith, he seized Chun's wife and brought her into the palace, where he greatly favored her and honored her with the position of senior (zuo tsi ) lady. Day and night he amused himself with her in the apartments and ignored the affairs of state. He had the masters of techniques make several thousand ornamental specula, "step-shaker" hair ornaments,8S and false braids. He ordered the courtiers to wresde fully dressed. Things that were completed in the morning were broken by evening, and he would forthwith send out to have them made again. The artisans took advantage of this to steal, and the storehouses and treasuries became empty. When the lady died, Hao grieved and pined for her. He buried her in a park and constructed a great tomb. He had the artisans carve men from cypress and place them in the tomb as sentries, and he used immeasurable numbers of objects made of precious metals and stones. After she had been interred, Hao observed mourning in the inner apartments and did not go out for half a year. The people considered the burial extremely extravagant, and everyone said that Hao had died and that he was the one who had been buried.86 Hao's maternal uncle He Du M ® was very similar to Hao in appearance, and it was said that Du had replaced him. The commandery administrator of Linhai Xi Xi , believed the falsehoods and raised troops to return and execute Du. Du's paternal uncle Zhi at the time was inspector for

133

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of Wu

naval defense (bei hai du

and he attacked and killed Xi and

executed his family to three degrees.87 The falsehoods ceased, but people remained doubtful.

Sun Hao's Lady Teng was a third cousin of former Grand Master of Ceremonies Teng Yin. When Yin's family was exterminated, Lady Teng's father Mu was exiled to a frontier commandery because he was a distant relative.88 When Sun Xiu acceded to the throne, there was a general amnesty and he was allowed to return. Sun made Mu gentleman-of-the-household for all purposes. When Hao was appointed marquis of Wucheng, he arranged to take Mu's daughter in marriage as his consort. Once Hao had acceded to the throne, he established her as empress, and he appointed Mu marquis of Gaomi89 and designated him general of the guards and intendant of the masters of writing. Later, because Mu was a venerated relative [i.e., had gained his position by virtue of his daughter's position], the officers of the court frequently remonstrated through him. Lady Teng gradually fell out of favor, and Hao grew increasingly displeased, but Hao's mother Dame He constantly supported her. Moreover, the grand astrologer said that according to astrological operations the empress could not be changed. Since Sun Hao believed in shamanesses and shamans, she was able to avoid being dismissed and was permanently supported in the Palace of Ascendant Peace. Mu was sent to live in Cangwu ¡Itin commandery, and though his noble rank was not taken away, in fact he had been disgraced.90 Subsequently, he died of melancholy en route. The officials of the Palace of Prolonged Autumn were simply reserve officials. They received New Year's congratulatory messages to the court, as in the past. But with regard to the various concubines that Hao favored, many wore the seals and ribbons of an empress at their waists. In Tianji 4 (280/281), they were moved to Luoyang along with Hao. R R

Biographies from beyond, the Yangtze says: Hao further sent keepers of the Yellow Gates" to travel throughout the provinces and commanderies and to rank and select girls from the households of military and civil officials. Those who were the offspring of ministers and officials with ranks of two thousand bushels of grain should yearly state their names. Those aged fifteen or sixteen were uniformly examined, and those who did not pass the examination were permitted to marry. The women in

134

Records of the Three States the inner apartments numbered over a thousand, but still the selection did not cease.92

The evaluation states: The Classic of Changes declares, "When the family is put in order, the world will be in order."93 The Classic of Poetry says, "And his example acted on his wife, extended to his brethren, and was felt by all the clans and states."94 How true, these words! When we look at Duke Huan of Qi in the distant past95 and examine Sun Quan more recently, they possessed the brilliance of knowledgeable scholars and the determination of heroes. But they did not distinguish between their primary and secondary wives. The women's apartments were in confusion, making them laughingstocks of history and bringing misfortune to their descendants. If we evaluate the matter from this point of view, only he who makes morality and righteousness his frame of mind, and impartiality and consistency his primary principle, can avoid these entanglements.

Appendixes

Appendix I: Tables

TABLE I : TITLES OF WOMEN IN THE WEI HAREM

CAO CAO

CAO PI

queen 3 1 / 5 1 lady A brilliant companion Bp-fl1 favorite beauty M t f elegant lady beautiful lady I t A

empress dowager Î j c ë empress jîl/n lady brilliant companion favorite beauty elegant lady beautiful lady honored concubine M M lady of chaste beauty M M lady of cultivated countenance

CAO RUI

grand empress dowager A M A / S empress dowager empress lady brilliant companion favorite beauty elegant lady beautiful lady honored concubine lady of chaste beauty lady of cultivated countenance

\ m lady of complete complaisance HE?

sweet lady ¡HA

sweet lady pure consort i J i f i lady of bright loveliness BgH lady of cultivated deportment "i^iS lady of talent K honorable lady ft A female master of writing lit in] l i p shangbao loj-ff; (?)3

NOTES:

1. C a o C a o was made an emperor posthumously. A t the time of his death, Queen Bian first became Queen Dowager Bian and then, when Cao Pi became emperor, Empress Dowager Bian. 2. It is not clear that this was an actual title. 3. See Chapter 4, note 63.

137

TABLE 2: BUREAUCRATIC GRADES AND ARISTOCRATIC RANKS OF WOMEN IN THE WEI HAREM

EQUIVALENT BUREAUCRATIC

COMPARABLE

TITLE

GRADE

ARISTOCRATIC RANK

grand empress dowager A i l A / 5 empress dowager A/0 empress S i f s 1 honored concubine M M lady pure consort M H lady of chaste beauty MM brilliant companion BSHI lady of bright loveliness Bglp lady of cultivated countenance "PffiF lady of cultivated deportment M M

second only to empresses second only to empresses chancellor of state grandee secretary prefectural marquis

no equivalent no equivalent king prefectural duke

favorite beauty iSS" elegant lady beautiful lady I t A sweet lady S . A lady of talent A lady of complete complaisance JlRfifc honorable lady M A female master of writing shangbao ¡Si IS

fully two thousand bushels exactly two thousand bushels equivalent to two thousand bushels one thousand bushels less than one thousand bushels2 unknown = honored concubine (?) unknown unknown

district marquis commune marquis marquis within the passes

NOTE: The Wei followed Han practice, with certain modifications, in the classification of palace women. See Chapter 4 above and Tao, Zhongguo zhengzhi zhidu shi, 3:60. Bureaucratic grades and their pay were expressed in terms of shi 5 , or bushels of grains, but any connection with salary in kind had almost entirely disappeared. Palace women were assigned grades according to the same system. At the same time, there were a parallel system of aristocratic ranks of orders of honor, jue 9 . These conferred social status and certain privileges (Bielenstein, The Bureaucracy of Han Times, 4 - 5 , 1 1 5 - 1 3 1 ; Hucker, A Dictionary of Official Titles in Imperial China, 16; Loewe, "The Orders of Aristocratic Rank of Han China;" Swann, Food and Money in Ancient China, 45-49). For tables similar to this one for Han imperial concubines, see Loewe, "The Orders of Aristocratic Rank of Han China," 162, and Bielenstein, The bureaucracy of Han Times, 73-74. 1. For the income of Han empresses, see Bielenstein, The Bureaucracy of Han Times, 69. 2. This is the grade given by San guo zhi suoyin, 420. The source of the information is not indicated; it is not to be found at the occurrence of the term indexed. 138

TABLE 3: THE B1AN FAMILY

Bian Guang "KIÜ I Bian Yuan " K i t

Empress Bian "l-'/n (consort of Cao Cao)

I

Bian B i n g ^ S

Bian Lan "KB?

Bian Hui "KSip

Bian Long

Bian Lin "f-Jft

Empress Bian "K/s (consort of the king of Chenliu)

Empress Bian "K/B (consort of the duke of Gaogui)

NOTE: Cf. Fang, The Chronicle of the Three Kingdoms, 2:430, and Liu, Han dai hunyin zhidu, 229.

139

TABLE 4 : THE RULING HOUSE OF SHU

Liu Hong 8 I &

Liu Bei 8 H t The Former Sovereign ( W 8 W ; f i i ± , r. 221-223)

Liu Shan ffl The Latter Sovereign (S&; r. 223-264)

Liu Xuan $ 224-264)

140

Liu Yong ( # 1 , 1M5-)

Liu Li M (SI,

Liu Yin HI S I , d. 256)

,

Liu Cheng

Liu Ji H

TT VC 7

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be -C « iJ

«m « # OQ —

I? S. M - «C

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3 «

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n

S

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3

oí ë

C

, « J3 .3 T3 « 4 U «J -a CA T3 V u * á Q O Ji

TABLE 6 : SUN / LU / ZHANG / ZHUGE INTERMARRIAGE

Sun Jian I Zhuge Jin j ^ H 31

Sun Ce !

Lu Xun H H == daughter

Zhang Cheng

Lu Kang tfi === daughter

Lu Jing M •

142

=== daughter

Sun Quan '

Zhuge Ke i

daughter === Sun He fH

: daughter

Sun Hao I

TABLE 7 : SUN / ZHU INTERMARRIAGE

Sun Jing

Sun Jian §

I Sun Song M

I Sun Quan

Zhu Ju

Sun Gong

=== Princess Zhu (Sun Luyu # W ) 1

Sun Jun's younger sister

=== Zhu Juan S

;

Zhu Xiong I I

Sun Xiu ft

1 Lady Zhu i f c ^ A

Zhu Xuan HE == unspecified princess M ' & i .

I

43

TABLE 8 : SUN / QUAN INTERMARRIAGE

Sun Jing iSS?

Sun Jian 15

I

Lady Pan

== Sun Quan

Sun Song M male

Quan Cong :

Sun Gong M Sun Jun's younger sister

== Quan Shang |nj

daughter

144

: Princess Quan i i i ^ ì (Sun Luban # & )

Sun Liang Jc

(S m

>

ßa 0

3

X

'3 -

< 4K

1 O .35; 44» 46-48, 50-53, 59, 105, i 6 i n . 59, i63n. 81, i92n. 3, 2 i 3 n . 4. See also polygyny Marxism, 9, i57n. 9 Ma Su, 70 matriarchy and matrilineage, 9 - 1 0 , 156ml. 2, 4, 5, i57n. 9 Ma Xu, 1 7 m . 4 1 Ma Yan, 23 Ma Yuan, 22, 23, 39 meirett. See beautiful lady "Memorial Presenting the Commentary to Records of the Three States," 65, i88n. 56 Meng Da, i78n. 18 Mengjin, 98, i99n. 56 Meng Wu, 1 0 8 - 1 0 9 Mengyin county, 2i2n. 35 Miao Xi, 64 Miao Yue, 66, 70, 72, i84n. 10, i85n. 1 3 , i86n. 35 Middle Army, 105, 203n. 93 Mi Heng, 2i8n. 35 Ming dynasty, 4, 66, i54n. 5, i88n. 48 Mingling. See Ming Tumulus Ming Tumulus, 226n. 75 Minling. See Min Tumulus "Minor Preface," 1 1 , i58n. 20, 2 0 m . 69 Min Tumulus, 1 1 3 Miss Xu. See Lady Xu Mi Zhu, 48

Models for Women, i75n. 76 The Modest Maid, i75n. 76 Moling, 1 2 3 , 2i5n. 1 2 Morgan, Lewis, i56n. 2 " M o shang sang." See "Mulberry by the Path" Mountain Yue, 50, 1 2 6 Mourned King. See Liu Li Moxi, 4 1 - 4 2 , 106, 204n. 99 Mt. Gui, 1 1 9 , 212n. 35 Mt. Meng, 1 1 9 , 2i2n. 35 Mt. Qi, i67n. 2 1 Mt. Tianzhu, 2o8n. 3 "Mulberry by the Path," i65n. 1 Muye, i58n. 1 7 , i72n. 44 myth and archetype, 9, i56n. 4 Naito Konan, i87n. 44 Naito Torajiro. See Naito Konan Nanchang, 215n. 14, 2i7n. 30 Nanchao, 42, 106, 204n. 99 Nanchong, i84n. 1 0 Nan commandery, 107 Nan jian. See Directorate of Education at Nanjing Nanjing, i88n. 55, 2i4n. 7, 215ml. 1 1 , 1 2 , 227n. 77 Nanjun, 1 1 5 , 204n. 98, 209n. 5 Nanling. See Nan Tumulus Nan shi. See History of the South Nan Tumulus, 1 1 8 Nanyang, 2 1 - 2 2 , 38, 128, i63n. 75 Neo-Confucianism, 3-4 Neolithic age, i57n. 9 Newly Arranged Anecdotes, 4 1 , i75n. 79 New Tang History, i87n. 41 New Treatise, 33 Nine Provinces, 1 7 m . 40 Ningbo, 22on. 55 Niuzhu, 1 2 3 , 2i5n. 1 3 Northern Qi History, lyzn. 43 Notices on Books from the Prefect's Studio, i89n. 60 Nti jie. See Precepts for Women nu shangshu. See female masters of writing Nu shi. See Models for Women Nu shi zhen. See Admonitions of the Instructress to the Court Ladies Nu xian. See Patterns for Women

27°

Index

Nii xun. See Lessons for Women Niiying, 107, h i , 10411. 98, 20511. 105 Old Han Ceremonies, 19511. 14 Old Tang History, 65-66 "On Zhuge Liang," i89n. 68 Palace edition, 66, i88n. 47 palace maids, i6on. 43 Palace of Ascendant Peace, 1 3 1 , 1 3 3 , 2.2.6n. 75, 227n. 80 Palace of Enduring Joy, 1 1 7 , 2ion. 20 Palace of Eternal Longevity, 92, 107, 2O0n. 58 Palace of Eternal Peace: Empress Guo (empress of Cao Pi), 109; Empress Guo (empress of Cao Rui), 1 1 3 Palace of Peace and Stability. See Lady Zhu Palace of Prolonged Autumn, 73, 99, 1 3 3 , 200n. 58 Pan Jun, 213n. 4 Pan Mi, 213n. 4 Pan Yue, i86n. 22 patriarchy and patrilineage, 3, 5, 10, 25, i56n. 5, i57n. 9 Patterns for Women, i75n. 76 Pei, 70, 1 1 5 , 2 0 m . 66, 207n. 1 Pei Songzhi, xiii, 8, 49, 62, 65-69, 71-74» 76, 7 8 - 8 1 , 93, 100, 130, i64n. 82, i78n. 6, i82nn. 49, 5 1 , i86n. 33, i87n. 4 1 , i88nn. 5 1 , 56, 189ml. 59, 60, 63, i9on. 83, i96n. 2 1 , i98n. 39, 215ml. 9, 18, 217m 34, 223n. 62, 224n. 68, 225n. 7 1 Pengcheng, 215n. 1 2 Peng Zu, 1 3 1 , 227m 78 Pingyuan commandery, 202n. 83 Pingyuan Yi gongzhu. See Shu (daughter of Cao Rui) polygyny, 1 0 - 1 2 portents and prognostications, 9 1 , 96, 1 1 6 , 1 0 2 - 1 0 3 , 1 2 2 , 128, i72n. 48, 207n. 1 , 2 i 3 n . 5, 2i6n. 23, 2 2 m . 56, 222n. 61. See also divination posthumous names, xiv-xv, 102, 1 1 3 , 1 1 6 , 1 1 9 , 1 2 7 - 1 2 8 , i53n. 5, i54n. 8, i73n. 50, 2 0 m . 70, 2o6n. 1 2 4

Precepts for Women, 5, 43, 44, i75n. 79, i76n. 9 1 , 92, i77n. 94 "Preface to Selections of Refined Literature," i98n. 35 "Preface to the Mao Version of the Shi," i58n. 20, i68n. 29 prefectural duke, 90 prefectural marquis, 90 pre-Qin period, 5, 8, 9 - 1 3 , 14, 1 6 , 2 1 , 24-25, 26, 32, 35, i7on. 39, 1 7 m . 40 Princess of Dongxiang, 75, 97, 99 Princess of Yang'e, 20 Princess Quan, 1 2 7 , 1 2 9 - 1 3 1 , 2i6n. 25, 219ml. 42, 48, 224n. 63, 225n. 73. See also Lady Sun; Sun Luban Princess Zhu, 1 3 0 - 1 3 1 , 225n. 74. See also Sun Luyu Progress of Wu, 126, 215n. 19 pure consort, 90, i93n. 5 Pure Marquis. See Zhen Xiang Pu shi. See Drying House Puyang Xing, 226n. 75 Qi (ancestor of Yin), 202n. 75 Qi (Zhou state), 3 1 Qian Daxin, i85n. 1 7 , i86n. 33, i97n. 30 Qiang, 1 9 m . 92 Qianlong period, i88n. 47 Qiantang, 50, 5 1 , 1 2 2 , 2i2n. 2, 2i6n. 23 Qiao, 70, 90, i78n. 7, i93n. 9, 205n. 1 1 0 Qiao Palace, 109 Qiao Zhou, 62, i84n. 1 1 Qi commandery, 9 1 , i95n. 1 5 Qijia Hou Han shu, 21711. 29 Qin county, 204n. 96 Qin dynasty, 4 - 5 , 6, 1 3 , 35, 39, 93, i55n. 10, i6on. 37, i72n. 45, 22on. 56 Qinian Palace, i72n. 46 Qingdao, i86n. 24 Qing dynasty, 4, 6 1 , 66, i54n. 5, i87n. 38 Qinghe zhang gongzhu. See Senior Princess of Qinghe Qinglong period, 1 0 1 , 104, 1 0 9 - 1 1 0 , 1 1 2 , 2o6nn. 1 1 7 , 1 1 8 Qinling mountains, i8on. 2 1

271

Index

Qin Xiu, 15311. 7 "Qiu xian ling." See "Edicts on Seeking the Worthy" qizi. See seventh-rank lady Quan Cong, 5 1 , 126, 2i8n. 4 1 , 224m 63 Quan Duan, 129, 224m 65 Quan family, 5 1 - 5 2 , 56, 129, 144, 224n. 68 Quan Hui, 224n. 65 Quan Ji, 224n. 68 Quan Rou, 51 Quan Shang, 5 1 , 1 2 9 - 1 3 0 , 224ml. 63, 68 Quan Xi, 129 Quan Yi, 129 Quan Yi , 129, 224n. 65 Quan Yi , 56, 129, 224m 65 Qu'e, 2i3n. 4, 2i4n. 8 queen, 89 Queen of Hanzhong. See Empress Wu Queen Shen, 16711. 2 1 Quliang, 96, 199m 43 Qunshu zhiyao. See Essentials of Governing from Divers Books Rang, 91 Reassuring Marquis of the Western Capital. See Guo Man Reassuring Marquis of Xinle commune. See Guo Cheng Records of Ancient States, 63, 77, i85n. 19 Record of Collected Remnants, 2Q7n. 1 , 2 i 3 n . 5, 22on. 56 Record of Rites, 28, 1 1 5 - 1 1 6 , i53n. 5, i97n. 25, 2 0 m . 74 Record of Searching for Spirits, 1 2 2 , 131 Record of the States South of Mt. Hua, 63 Records of the Three States, xiii, 7-8, 49, 5 1 , 6 1 - 8 1 , 89-134, 149, I 5 3 n n - 1 , 2., *74 n - 53, i77n- 3, 183ml. 4, 5, 184ml. 7, 9, i85n. 19, i86n. 33, 187ml. 38, 4 1 , 42, 44, i88n. 50, 1 9 m . 97, 192m 3, 2i2n. 3, 2i3n. 4, 2 2 m . 56, 223n. 6 1 , 227n. 77 Records of the Three States with Collected Explanations, xiii

Records of Three Kingdoms, i83n. 4 remarriage, i59n. 27; of widows, 49, ij5n. 10 Ren, 89, 107, i92n. 2, 2o6n. 1 2 2 Ren Kai, 1 9 m . 92 Reproductions of Han through Jin Manuscripts, i87n. 44 Respectful Duke. See Guo De Respectful Marquis. See Zhen Chang Respectful Marquis of Kaiyang. See Bian Guang rhapsody, 42, 95, 174ml. 6 1 , 64, i98n. 35 "Rhapsody of Self-Commiseration," i74n.- 61 "Rhapsody on a Parrot," 2i8n. 35 "Rhapsody on Being Moved by Parting," i99n. 56 "Rhapsody on the Hall of Great Blessings," 205n. 108 "Rhapsody on Thoughts of Parting," i99n. 56 Ringed Pomegranate Terrace, 22 m . 56 Rites of Zhou, 1 2 , 38, 1 0 2 - 1 0 3 , i59n. 3 1 , 200n. 59 rituals and sacrifices, xiv, 10, 1 2 , 1 5 , 2-3, 34-35, 4 ° , 62, 73, 9 9 - 1 0 3 , 106, 1 1 0 , 1 1 5 - 1 1 6 , 1 1 8 , 120, 1 2 7 , i57n. 10, i58n. 1 7 , i64n. 82, i 7 3 n - 5 ° , I 7 5 n - 75, !94 n 200nn. 59, 62, 2 i i n . 28, 2i6n. 25, 2i9n. 48. See also women, burials and funerals of River Chart, 33, i68n. 36 Romance of the Three States, 17711. 3 ronghua. See elegant lady Ruan Ji, 64 Ru Chun, i 6 i n . 54, i95n. 14, 227n. 77 Ru'nan, i98n. 39, 2 i i n . 33, 2i4n. 8, 2I n 7 - 34 Samguk sagi. See Records of Three Kingdoms San Ba ji, i84n. 11 San chuan. See Three Rivers Sanfu huangtu. See Yellow Chart of the Capital District San guo zhi. See Records of the Three States

272,

Index

San guo zhi jijie. See Records of the Three States with Collected Explanations San guo zhi pinghua. See Historical Narrative of the Three States San guo zhi yanyi. See Romance of the Three States Santai cun, 19911. 47 senior maid, 13 Senior Princess of Qinghe, 91 Senior Princess of the Capital, 105 "Sequence of the Hexagrams," 26-27 Serene Empress (Wu) of the Former Sovereign. See Empress Wu Serene Marquis of Ancheng district. See Zhen Yan (brother of Cao Pi's Empress Zhen) Seven Masters of the Jian'an Period, 70 seventh-rank lady, 13 Shalu, 2i4n. 5 shangbao, 58, i82n. 63 Shangcai, 95, i98n. 39 Shang dynasty, 9 - 1 0 , 12, 24, 41-42, 103, 1 1 2 , i58n. 1 7 , i7on. 39, i72n. 44, 202nn. 75, 76, 204n. 99 Shang jun. See Upper Army Shangqiu, zizn. 39 "Shang San guo zhi zhu biao." See "Memorial Presenting the Commentary to Records of the Three States" Shang shu. See Hallowed Documents Shanshan xian, i87n. 44 Shanyang, i67n. 15 Shanyang gong. See Duke of Shanyang Shangyong commandery, i78n. 18 Shanyin, 124 Shaodi. See Young Emperor "Shao nan," 20m. 69 shaoshi. See junior maid Shaoxing period, 66 Shaoxi period, 66 Shen Dan, i78n. 18 Shenfeng period, 222m 61 Shen Nong, 9 Shen Yi, i79n. 18 Shen You, i 8 i n . 30 Shen Yue, i88n. 5 6 shi. See posthumous names "Shi fa" (and Shi fa). See

"Conventions for Posthumous Names" Shi ji. See The Grand Scribe's Records shi jia. See hereditary households Shi jing. See Classic of Poetry "Shi lin." See "Forest of Elites" Shi shuo xin yu. See A New Account of Tales of the World Shi yi ji. See Record of Collected Remnants Shizi gang, 1 3 1 Shizu. See Succedent Progenitor Shouchun, 123, 129, 2i4n. 8, 2i5n. 1 5 , 224n. 65 Shouxian, 215n. 15 Shouyang, 1 1 0 Shouyang ling. See Shouyang Tumulus Shouyang Tumulus, 109 shu. See treatises Shu (daughter of Cao Rui), 104 Shu (or Shu Han, Three States period state), 7, 8, 46-48, 55, 57, 59, 6265, 67, 7 0 - 7 1 , 77, 79, 81, 1 1 5 1 2 1 , I79n. 2 1 , i86n. 35, 1 9 m . 97, i98n. 36, 207n. 140, 2 2 m . 56 Shu ben ji, i84n. 11 shufei. See pure consort Shun, 1 1 7 , i57n. 9, i92n. 2, 202n. 79, 204n. 98, 205n. 105. See also Youyu; Yu (Shun) shuncheng. See lady of complete complaisance Shunyang xiangjun. See Liu (wife of Bian Long) Shuo yuan. See Garden of Persuasions Shu prefecture, 2i6n. 23 Shu shipu. See Genealogy of Shu shuyuan. See lady of chaste beauty Si, 89, i92n. 2, 2o6n. 1 2 2 Sichuan, i65n. 1 , i8on. 21 Si fu. See Four Sustainers Siku quanshu zongmu. See General Catalogue of the Complete Writings of the Four Treasuries Sima Biao, 3 1 , i64n. 82, ii>7n. 2 1 , i84n. 1 1 Sima family, 48, 58, 70, 72, 207n. 140 Sima Guang, 222n. 60, zz6n. 75 Sima Jing wang. See King Jing of the Sima family

273

Index

Sima Jiong, i o é , Z0411. 94 Sima Lun, 106, 1 9 m . 94, 20411. 94 Sima Qian, 1 7 , 34, 37, 6 1 , 63, 65, 79. 1 7 m . 42, 17311. 49, 18411. 1 1 , 18711. 38 Sima Shi, 54-55, 19711. 3 1 . See also King Jing of the Sima family Sima Yan, 62, 72, 77, 105, 19711. 32, 203ml. 9 1 , 92, 94. See also Emperor Wu (Jin) Sima Yi, 70, i97n. 3 1 , 2ion. 1 7 , 22611. 75 Sima You, 105, 203n. 92 Sima Yu, 203n. 94 Sima Yun, 204n. 94 Sima Zhao, 72, i86n. 33, i97n. 3 1 , 207n. 140, 224n. 65. See also King Wen of the Sima family Sima Zhen, i92n. 103 Sima Zhong, 77, 203 n. 94 sincere and upright, i68n. 35 Si province, 67, i88n. 54 Si shi. See Four Histories Sishui county, 2i2n. 35 Six Dynasties, 79 si xing. See four lineages six maladies, 34, i68n. 37 Six Palaces, 73, 99, 106, 108, 2oon. 59 Sizhou. See Si province Solitary Judgments, i54n. 8, 1 7 m . 40 Song dynasty, 3-4, 66, i54n. 1 , i89n. 59 Song History, i88n. 56 Song shu. See Song History soothing maid, i82n. 63 Sou shen ji. See Record of Searching for Spirits spoke frankly and admonished unflinchingly, i68n. 35 Spring and Autumn Annals, 62, 78, 100, 1 0 7 , 1 1 6 , 200n. 60, 2o8n. 1 Spring and Autumn Annals of Emperor Xian, zi^n. 8 Spring and Autumn Annals of the House of Wei, zz6n. 75 Spring and Autumn Annals of the Nine Provinces, 22311. 62 Spring and Autumn period, 1 1 - 1 2 , 2 1 , 25, 55, i59n. 23, 1 7 m . 40, 2i4n. 5

standard histories, 34, 6 1 , i72nn. 42, 43, i84n. 7, i88n. 49 Standard Record of Guiji, 1 2 3 - 1 2 4 , 2i6n. 2 1 Succedent Progenitor. See Sima Yan sui, xv suicide, 4 Sui History, 66, i89n. 59 Sui shu. See Sui History Suiyang xiang hou. See Bian Lang Sun Ba, 124, 1 3 0 , 2i6n. 25, 225n. 71 Sun Ben, 47, 1 2 3 , 2i7n. 32, 223n. 62 Sun Ce, 47, 5 1 , 52, 55, 56, 1 2 2 - 1 2 3 , 1 2 5 - 1 2 6 , i 8 i n . 37, 2i2n. 3, 214ml. 8, 9, 215ml. 1 8 , 19, 2i6n. 23, 217ml. 32, 34, 2i8n. 4 1 , 2i9n. 45, 22011. 48, 22311. 62 Sun Deng, 52, 126, 2i8n. 38, 2i9n. 45 Sun family, 2 1 , 48, 50-53, 56, 57, 58, 59-60, 129, 1 4 1 - 1 4 4 , i8on. 23, i8inn. 30, 33, 2i7n. 35 Sun Fen, 223n. 62 Sun Gai, 64 Sun Hao, 53, 57-58, 79-80, 128, 1 3 0 - 1 3 3 , i 8 i n . 4 1 , 22on. 49, 225n. 75, 226n. 76, 228nn. 83, 86, 92 Sun He (original surname Wu), 1 2 2 , 2i4n. 8 Sun He (son of Sun Quan), 5 1 , 53, 79, 1 2 7 - 1 3 2 , 2i6n. 25, 219ml. 42, 47, 48, 222nn. 58, 59, 224n. 63, 225ml. 7 1 , 73, 226n. 75, 227n. 79 Sun Hong, 128, 2i9n. 42, 222n. 59, 225n. 73 Sun Jian, 50, 5 1 , 55, 56, 60, 1 2 2 , 1 2 5 , i8on. 23, i 8 i n . 37, 2i2n. 1 , 213ml. 4, 5, 2i6n. 23, 2 i 7 n . 35, 22311. 62, 22411. 69 Sun Jing, 224n. 69 Sun Jun, 1 3 0 - 1 3 1 , 224n. 69, 225n. 74, 227n. 79, 228n. 88 Sun Kuang, 47 Sun Liang, 5 1 , 52, 56, 80, 1 2 8 - 1 3 1 , 2 i 3 n . 5, 2i6n. 25, 22on. 52, 222nn. 58, 59, 223n. 63, 224n. 68, 225n. 73, 228n. 84. See also Young Emperor

274

Index

Sun Lin, 1 2 9 - 1 3 0 , z i j n . 27, 224m 68, 2 2 j n . 74, 228n. 88 Sun Lu, 2i,3n. 4 Sun Luban, 52, 1 2 6 - 1 2 7 , 1 2 9 - 1 3 0 , 2i9n. 45, 224n. 69. See also Lady Sun; Princess Quan Sun Luyu, 126, 1 3 0 - 1 3 1 , 2i9n. 45, 224n. 69. See also Princess Zhu Sun Quan, 47, 5 1 - 5 3 , 56, 58, 60, 70, 80-81, 1 2 2 - 1 3 1 , 134, 17711. 3, i99n. 57, 209n. 5, 2ion. 23, 2i2n. 34» 1 . 2 - I 3 n - 4. 2-i5 nn - I2 -. 2i6nn. 2 1 , 23, 25, 217ml. 27, 34, 35, 2i8nn. 37, 38, 40, 2i9nn. 42, 44, 45, 48, 2 2 m . 56, 22zn. 59, 223nn. 62, 63, 224n. 69, 225nn. 7 i , 73 Sun Sheng, 104, 1 1 2 , 1 1 8 , 120, 2i2n. 42, 226n. 75 Sun the Caitiff Smasher. See Sun Jian Sun Wan, 226n. 75 Sun Wu, 50 Sun Xiu (advisor to Sima Lun), 204n. 94 Sun Xiu (son of Sun Quan), 53, 80, 128, 1 3 0 , 1 3 3 , 22on. 52, 2.25ml. 74. 75, " 8 n . «3 Su Xun, 154m 8, 2 0 m . 70 Sun Yi, 130, 225m 72 Sunzi bingfa. See Sunzi's Art of War Sunzi's Art of War, 50 Su Shi, i89n. 68 Suzhou, 212n. 2 sweet lady, 1 3 , 58, 90 Symbols of Virtue, i75n. 76 tables, 39, 65, i72n. 42, i87n. 38 taige. See imperial secretariat Taihe period, 90, 94, 1 0 0 - 1 0 1 , 104, 109, i n , i93n. 5 taihuang taihou. See grand empress dowager Tai Jiang. See Jiang Yuan Taikang period, 105, i85n. 20 tailao. See Great Sacrifice Taiping period, 1 3 0 Taiping yulan. See Imperially Reviewed Compendium of the Taiping Era Tai Ren. See Ren Taishi period, 58, 105, 1 1 4 , 203n. 90

Tai Si. See Si Taiwan, 61 Taiyuan period, 222m 61 Taizu (Grand Progenitor). See Cao Cao Tang. See Cheng Tang Tang dynasty, 4, 6 1 , 68, 79, i54n. 8, i86n. 35, i87n. 42 Tangyang jun. See Dong (wife of Guo Yong) Tan Shao, 129 Tao Qian, 214m 8 Tao Tang, 103, 202n. 75 taxes, 68 Temple of King Huan of Changsha, 22on. 48 Teng Mu, 1 3 3 , 226n. 75 Teng Yin, 124, 129, 1 3 3 , 217m 27, 226n. 75, 228n. 88 Terrace of Brilliant Proclamation, 2 2 m . 56 Terrace of Perpetual Beginning, 108, 2.05n. 108 Three Rivers, i67n. 2 1 Three States period, 7-8, 16, 4 6 - 8 1 , i63n. 82, i65n. 90, i 8 i n . 25 Tian Fen, i 6 i n . 60 Tianji period, 1 3 3 , 226n. 75 Tian Kai, 2o8n. 4 Tian Sheng, 24 Tian shi dao. See Celestial Masters "Tian wen zhi." See "Treatise on Astronomy" ting bou. See commune marquis Tongdi, 204n. 96 Tong que tai. See Bronze Bird Terrace Tong yu. See Comprehensive Discourses "Treatise on Astronomy," 1 7 m . 41 "Treatise on Carriages and Robes," 40 "Treatise on Ceremonial," 40 "Treatise on Sacrifices," 40 "Treatise(s) on the Five Phases," 1 5 , 3 0 - 3 1 , 39-40 treatises, 35, 39-40, 65, 172ml. 42, 43, i87n. 38 True Record of Jiankang, 2i6n. 23, 2i9n. 45, 222n. 6 1 , 225m 75 "Tuan zhuan." See "Commentary on the Decision"

275

Index

Tulufan. See Turfan tun tian. See agricultural colonies Turfan, i87n. 44 Tuyugou, i8yn. 44 "Two Nan," 102., zoin. 69 Upper Army, 20311. 93 "Use a Single Victim at the Suburban Sacrifice," i53n. 5 Van Slyke, Lyman, 61 Venerated Marquis of Liangli commune. See Guo Fu "Waiqi liezhuan," i73n. 49 "Waiqi shijia," i73n. 49 Wan, H 7 n . 34 wang. See king Wang (wife of Bian Long), 94 Wang Bao, i98n. 35 Wang Can, 70 Wang Chen, 64, 72-74, 76, 78, 80, i78n. 6, 1 9 m . 99 Wang Dan, 9 1 , 19 sn. 1 7 Wang du ji, 17011. 40 Wang family (Han), 23, 36, i67n. 18 Wang family (Southern Dynasties), 53 Wang Feng, 19, i67n. 18 wanghou. See queen Wang Ji (Han), 16311. 81 Wang Ji (Jin), 105, 203n. 92 Wang Jia, 22011. 56 Wangjun, i85n. 20 Wang Lang, 100, 200n. 62 Wang Lujiu, 128 Wang Mang, 1 5 - 1 6 , 19-20, 2 1 , 22, 2-3, 33, 3 8 , l 6 i n - 7 1 » 1 7 m - 4 ° . i98n. 37 Wang Mingsheng, 70 Wang Pu, 1 2 3 , 2 i 5 n . 18 Wang Ren, i6on. 49 Wang Shu'nan, i87n. 44 Wang Wengru, 2i4n. 5 Wang Wentai, 2i7n. 29 Wang Xiang, i98n. 35 Wang Yu, 20 Wang Yue. See Wang Dan Wang Yun, i95n. xo Wang Zang'er, 2i3n. 5 Wang Zhaojun, i 6 i n . 59

Wang Zhengjun, 19, 37-38, 40, 45, 2i3n. 5 Wan Yu, 225n. 75 Warring States period, 1 3 , 46, 55, i59n. 23 Weaving Chamber, 128, 22on. 56, 222n. 61 Wei (Three States period state), xiv, 7, 46, 48, 52, 54-60, 62, 64-65, 687 2 , 77-79» 8 1 , 8 9 - 1 1 4 , 1 1 8 , 129, 1 3 7 - 1 3 8 , i63n. 82, i79n. 18, 1 9 m . 97, i96n. 19, i97nn. 26, 3 1 , 203n. 94, 2o8n. 1 , 209n. 1 1 , 2 1 in. 3 1 , 2i2nn. 34, 37, 39, 40, 2 i 3 n . 4, 22411. 65, 228n. 93 Wei Bao, 22on. 56 Weichang prefecture, 1 0 0 - 1 0 1 , 2 0 m . 63 Wei Chronicle, 1 9 m . 99 Wei commandery, 2i4n. 5 Wei county, 204n. 95 Wei Dan, 64 Wei Epitome, 57-58, 65, 72, 74, 76, 9 1 - 9 2 , 94-95, 97, n o , 1x4, i79n. 2 1 , i82n. 5 1 , i86n. 34, i98n. 39, 205ml. 1 1 4 , 1 1 5 , 22611. 75 Wei family, 20 Wei History: by Wang Chen, 64, 7 2 73, 78, 9 1 - 9 3 , 96, 98-99, 1 0 1 , 1 0 7 - 1 0 8 , 1 1 0 , i78n. 6, i82n. 49, i95n. 1 7 , i96n. 23, 200n. 6 1 , 2o6n. 1 1 7 ; by Xiahou Zhan, 63 Wei Hong, i95n. 14 Wei Huan, i69n. 39 Wei ji. See Dame Wei Wei Ji, 64 Wei jieyu. See Favorite Beauty Wei Wei-Jin shi yu. See Conversations of the Eras of Wei and Jin Wei lu. See Wei Chronicle Wei liie. See Wei Epitome Wei shi chunqiu. See Spring and Autumn Annals of the House of Wei Wei shu. See Wei History Wei Teng, 1 2 3 , 2i6n. 2 1 Weiyang ward, 104 Wei Yao. See Wei Zhao Wei Zhao, 65, x86n. 33, 2oon. 58 Wei Zheng, i9on. 83 Wei Zifu. See Empress Wei

276

Index

wen, 15611. 4 "Weniad," 15611. 4 Wenxi, 66-67, 18811. 5 1 "Wen xuan xu." See "Preface to Selections of Refined Literature" Wenzhao ling. See Wenzhao Tumulus Wenzhao Tumulus, 20911. 1 1 Western Capital, 79. See also Chang'an Western Palace, lyon. 39 Western Tumulus, 1 1 0 widow chastity, 4, 43, 45, 97, 1 5 5 ^ 10 widow suicide, 4 women: and virtue, 5, 32., 4 1 , 98, 1 0 2 - 1 0 3 , 1 1 2 , 1 2 7 , i68n. 3 1 , i75n. 69, 2 0 m . 69, 2o6n. 130; baleful influence of, 1 1 , 1 7 - 1 8 , 26, 3 3 - 3 4 . 35. 37, 3 8 - 4 1 , 44, 47, 54, 56, 57-58, 60, i58n. 1 7 , i58n. 2 1 , i66n. 14, i67n. 2 1 , i67n. 26, i69n. 39, i72n. 44, i98n. 36; burials and funerals of, 19, 74-76, 94, 97, 1 0 0 - 1 0 1 , 1 0 9 110, 1 1 3 , 1 1 5 - 1 1 7 , 123, 128-129, W - i l i y I57n. 10, i97n. 29, 2 0 m . 65, 205ml. 1 1 3 , 1 1 4 , 2o6n. 1 1 8 , 207n. 1 3 3 , 209nn. 1 1 , 1 5 , 2i6n. 23, 225n. 75; class backgrounds of, 1 4 - 1 6 , 37, 47-48, 50-54, 59, 75, 9 ° , 95, 1 0 6 - 1 0 7 , 1 1 2 , i98n. 38, 207n. 1; grades and ranks of, 1 2 , 1 3 - 1 4 , 24, 38, 39, 89-90, 93, 1 3 3 , 1 3 7 - 1 3 8 , i6on. 37, i73n. 5 ° , " 7 n . 77! Han dynasty and, 4-6, 1 2 , 1 3 - 2 7 , 2 9 3 1 , 33-46, i6onn. 33, 37, i 6 i n . 59, 164ml. 83, 89, 165ml. 92, 1 , i66n. 7, i73n. 50; imperial structure and, 4-6, 14, 16, 2 1 , 25, 44; in court politics and affairs of state, 5-6, 9, 1 0 - 1 3 , 1 6 - 2 1 , 23, 24, 25, 2 9 - 3 1 , 35-36, 38-39, 404 1 , 44, 45, 54-57, 60, 1 1 4 , 1 2 3 , i57n. 1 3 , i58n. 1 7 , i66n. 1 2 , i72n. 46, 2i6nn. 23, 25; inner and outer spheres and, 1 2 , 16, 2 1 , 25, 28, 89, 107, H I , 1 1 5 , i59n. 33, i92n. 1; Ming-Qing transition and, 3-4; pre-Qin period and, 5, 8, 9 1 3 , 14, 16, 35; Qin dynasty and,

4-5, 1 3 , 35, i^on. 37, 172m 46; rights, 3 - 5 , 154m 9, 1 5 5 ^ 10; Shang dynasty and, 9 - 1 0 , 1 2 , 24, 26, 4 1 - 4 2 , 157m 1 3 ; Song dynasty and, 3-4; Tang dynasty and, 4; Three States period and, 7-8, 16, 46-60, 7 2 - 8 1 , 89-134, 165ml. 90, 1 ; Xia dynasty and, 4 1 ; yin-yang thought and, 5; Zhou dynasty and, 5, 1 0 - 1 3 , *4, l 6 , 41. 158ml. 1 7 , 2 1 , i67n. 2 1 "Wormwood Village," 195m 1 0 wu (martial power), i56n. 4 Wu (posthumous title), i54n. 1 0 Wu (Three States period state), 7, 46, 50-53, 55-6O, 63-65, 70, 77, 7 9 81, 1 0 1 , 109, 1 1 6 - 1 1 7 , I 2 2 - I 3 4 , i77n. 3, i8onn. 23, 25, i 8 i n . 33, i85n. 20, 1 9 m . 97, i98n. 36, 205n. 108, 2o8n. 1 Wu An, 1 2 4 Wucheng, i88n. 53, 2i5n. 18, 22jn. 75 Wucheng ting Xiao hou. See Guo Du Wu commandery, 1 2 2 , 1 2 4 - 1 2 5 , 2i2n. 2, 2 i 5 n . 9, 2i6n. 23 Wu Ding, 1 0 , 24, i58n. 1 3 Wu family, 5 0 - 5 1 , 1 2 2 Wu Fan, 2i6n. 2 1 Wu Fen, 1 2 4 Wufeng period, 1 3 0 Wu History, 64-65, 124, 128, 2i3n. 4, 217m 34 Wuhu, 1 2 6 Wuji, 95, i98n. 37, 2 0 m . 63 Wu Jing, 5 1 , 55, 8 1 , 1 2 2 - 1 2 6 , 214m 8, 2 i 5 n . 10, 2i6n. 23, 217m 32 Wu Jinhua, i89n. 63 Wu li. See Progress of Wu Wulin, 227m 82 Wuling, 1 3 2 , 227m 82 Wuling commandery, 124, 217m 28 Wu lu. See Chronicle of Wu Wulu, 214m 5 Wu Qi, 1 2 4 Wu Qiao, 1 1 8 Wuqiu Shouwang, 95, i98n. 35 Wu shu. See Wu History wu xing. See Five Phases Wuxing commandery, 67, i88n. 53, 2i5n. 18

277

Index

"Wu xing zhi." See "Treatise(s) on the Five Phases" Wu Yi, 1 1 6 - 1 1 8 , 20911. 1 7 , 21011. 2 1 Wu Zuan, 124 Xia (wife of Mao Jia), 1 1 2 Xia dynasty, 4 1 , 1 1 2 , 1 7 m . 40, 204n. 99 Xiahou Ba, i79n. 2 1 Xiahou Ru, i8on. 2 1 Xiahoushi, 1 7 m . 40. See also Xia dynasty Xiahou Xuan, i8on. 2 1 Xiahou Ying, i82n. 46 Xiahou Yuan, i79n. 2 1 , i82n. 46 Xiahou Zhan, 63, i86n. 22 Xiandi chunqiu. See Spring and Autumn Annals of Emperor Xian xiangguo. See chancellor of state xiang hou. See district marquis Xiangjun, 204n. 98 Xiang Kai, i69n. 39 Xiang Lang, 1 1 8 , 120, 2 1 m . 29 xian gong. See prefectural duke Xiang province, 67 Xiangshan shrine, 204n. 98 Xiangyang, i79n. 18 Xiang Yu, 2o8n. 2 xian hou. See prefectural marquis xianliang. See capable and good Xianming tinghou. See Xiang Lang Xianping period, 66 Xianxi period, 105, 1 1 8 - 1 2 0 , 203n. 90 Xianyang xiangjun. See Wang (wife of Bian Long) Xian zhu Mu huanghou. See Serene Empress (Wu) of the Former Sovereign xiao. See filial piety Xiaoe. See Dame Zuo Xiao jing. See Classic of Filial Piety xiaolian. See filially pious and incorrupt Xiao Pei, 1 1 5 , 207n. 1 Xiao Tong, i98n. 35 "Xiao xu." See "Minor Preface" "Xiao ya." See "Lesser Elegantiae" Xiapei, 2 i 5 n . 1 2 , 2i8n. 39 Xi district, 67, i88n. 56

Xi du Ding hou. See Guo Man Xie Cheng, 52, 124, 2i7n. 29 Xie Chong, 1 2 5 Xie family, 52 Xie Jiong, 124 "Xie lu xing." See "Dew on the Shallot" Xie Xu, 125 Xie Zhen, 1 2 4 Xiling. See Western Tumulus Xiling (wife of the Yellow Emperor), 106, 204n. 98 Xindu, 1 3 1 , 227n. 79 Xin dynasty, 19 xing. See lineage or family name xing'e. See graceful lady Xingshi, i79n. 2 1 Xining, 207n. 1 3 6 Xinjiang, i87n. 44 Xinle ting Ding hou. See Guo Cheng Xin lun. See New Treatise Xin Tang shu. See New Tang History Xin ting hou. See Wu Fen Xin Xia, 107 Xin xu. See Newly Arranged Anecdotes Xiongnu, 67, i 6 i n . 59 Xi Peng. 228n. 95 Xiping, 1 1 3 , 207n. 1 3 6 xiucai. See flourishing talent xiurong. See lady of cultivated countenance xiuyi. See lady of cultivated deportment Xi Xi, 1 3 2 - 1 3 3 Xiyuan ba xiaowei. See eight commandants of the West Garden Xi Zuochi, 49, 70, 72, 75-76, 1 1 7 Xu. See Xucheng Xuancheng, 1 3 1 , 227n. 81 Xuchang, 225n. 75. See also Xucheng Xucheng, 92, 108-109, i95n. 18, 205ml. 108, 1 1 0 Xue Li, 1 2 3 , 2 i 5 n . 1 2 Xue Ying, 64 Xue Zong, i92n. 103 Xu family (Han dynasty), 20, 23, 4 1 , i67n. 18, i75n. 77 Xu family (of Wu), 52, i 8 i n . 37 " X u gua." See "Sequence of the Hexagrams"

Z78

Index

Xu Han shu. See History of the Posterior Han X u Jiao, 12.6 X u Jing, 1 1 8 - 1 1 9 , 1 1 i n . 33 X u Kun, 56, 81, 12,5-12.6, i 8 i n . 37, z i 8 n . 35 X u meirett. See Beautiful Lady X u X u n family, 77 X u n Shuang, 24, 30, 34, 4 1 , 16311. 81, 17011. 40 X u n X u , 63-64, 7 7 - 7 8 , 18511. 20, 1911111. 92, 93, 97 X u n Yi, 64, 7 7 - 7 8 X u n Yu, i 9 5 n . 18 X u n Yue, 130, 224n. 70 X u prefecture, 124 X u province, 123, 2 i 4 n . 8, 2 i 5 n . 16, 21911. 4 1 , zzSn. 84 X u Zhen, 5 1 , 125, i 8 i n . 37 Xu Zuo, 126 Yang Bing, 33 Yangcheng, i94n. 10 Yangdu jun. See Z h o u (grandmother of C a o Cao's Empress Bian) Yang family, 78 Yang Fu, 104, 202n. 85 Yang Jun, 1 9 m . 93 Yang, Lien-sheng, 65 Yang province, 1 0 1 , 215n. 10, 223n. 62, 228n. 87 Yangshao culture, i 5 7 n . 9 Yangshuo, 30, i 6 6 n . 15 Yang xian, i 8 o n . 21 Yang Yixiang, i89n. 60 Yangzhou, 205n. 1 1 0 Yankang period, 97 Yan Shigu, i 5 9 n . 27, i 6 7 n . 15, 227n. 77 Yanxi period ( 1 5 8 - 1 6 7 ) , 9 1 , i 9 5 n . 15 Yanxi period (238-258), 1 1 7 - 1 2 0 , 2 i i n n . 29, 30 Yao, 1 1 7 , i 5 7 n . 9, i 9 2 n . 2, 2 0 m . 72, 202n. 75, 204n. 98, 205n. 105 Yaotiao. See The Modest Maid Ye, 7 2 - 7 4 , 9 7 - 1 0 1 . i 9 o n - 83, 197"29, i 9 9 n . 47 Yellow Chart of the Capital District, 14 Yellow Emperor, 98, 106, 2 0 m . 7 1 , 204n. 98

Yellow River, i 6 6 n . 15 Yellow Turbans, 50 Ye Palace, 1 1 2 Yewang jun. See Xia (wife of M a o Jia) Yezhen, i99n. 47 Yibu qijiu zhuan. See Accounts of the Elders of Yi Region Yidu commandery, i 7 8 n . 18 Yi jing. See Classic of Change Yin, 105, 202n. 86 Yin dynasty, 1 7 m . 40, 202n. 75. See also Shang dynasty Yin family, 22, 23 ying, 1 1 - 1 2 , i 5 9 n . 27, i 7 o n . 40. See also polygyny Ying (daughter of Yao), 106. See also Niiying Ying (wife of Ziyu), z i o n . 24 Ying Q u , 64 Ying Shao, i 6 6 n . 15, i89n. 63 Ying shi. See House Builder "Yingwu fu." See "Rhapsody on a Parrot" Yin Ji, 2 i 7 n . 25 Yin jieyu. See Favorite Beauty Yin Yin Lihua, 2 1 - 2 2 , 23, i 7 4 n . 64 Yinping, i8on. 21 yin-yang thought, 5, 27-30, 34, 44, 122, i 6 3 n . 81, i 6 6 n . 15, 167ml. 21, 26, i68n. 37, i 6 9 n . 39, 200nn. 58, 59, 2 i 4 n . 5, 2 i 6 n . 23 Yi province, 4 6 - 4 7 , 49, 1 1 6 - 1 1 7 , i 7 8 n . 18, i 9 8 n . 35, 209n. 1 7 , 2 i o n . 18 Yixing, 224n. 64 Yixi period, 67 Yizhou zhi, i84n. 11 Yi Zhou shu. See Lost Zhou Documents Yongan gong. See Palace of Eternal Peace Yongan period, 130, 225n. 75 Yonghe period, 120 Yongjia period, 120 Yongnian, i99n. 43 Yongning period, 130 Yongping, 129, 224n. 64 Yong province, i 8 o n . 21 Yongshi tai. See Terrace of Perpetual Beginning

279

Index

Yongshou gong. See Palace of Eternal Longevity You, King of Qi. See Sima You Young Emperor: Cao Huan, i97n. 3 1 ; Liu Bian, 19311. 10; Sun Liang, zzzn. 61. You province, 72, 74, 97, i99n. 46 Youyu, 103, 2,02.n. 79. See a/so Shun; Yu (Shun) Yu, i57n. 9 Yu (Shun), 89, i n , 19211. 2. See also Shun; Youyu Yuan Bo, 203 n. 92 Yuancheng, 2i4n. 5 Yuan dynasty, i83,n. 5 Yuan family, 52, 223n. 62 Yuan Shang, 98, i99n. 47 Yuan Shao, 47, 74, 97-98, i9on. 83, i93n. 10, i 9 j n . 1 1 , i99n. 47, 203n. 93, 2o8n. 4, 2i4n. 8, 2i5n. 17 Yuanshi, i98n. 42 Yuan Shu, 47, 48, 52, 53, 90, 1 2 2 1 2 3 , 1 2 5 , 129, i95n. 1 1 , 214ml. 8, 9, 215ml. 10, 1 2 , 1 6 , 1 7 , 2i7n. 32, 223m 62 Yuanwu, 1 1 3 , 207m 1 3 5 Yuan Xi, 47, 72, 74-75, 97-98 Yuanxing period, 226m 75, 228m 89 Yuanyang, 207n. 1 3 5 Yuan Yao, 223n. 62 Yuan Yin, 1 2 5 "Yu fu zhi." See "Treatise on Carriages and Robes" Yu Huan, 65, 74, 76, i79n. 2 1 , i86n. 34, i9on. 83 Yu Mi, 1 2 3 , 1 2 5 , 2 1 5 m 1 1 , 217m 32 Yun biezhuan. See Alternative Biography of Zhao Yun Yu province, 1 1 5 , 223n. 62, 225n. 75 Yuqiu Shouwang. See Wuqiu Shouwang yushi dafu. See grandee secretary Yuzhang, 1 2 3 , 2i5n. 14, 2i7n. 30 Ze Rong, 1 2 3 , 1 2 5 , 2i5n. 1 2 Zhang (consort of Sun Quan's son Sun He), 1 3 1 , 227n. 79 Zhang (wife of Zhen Yi), 96-97, 1 0 1 Zhang Bu, 53, 1 3 2 , 228n. 83 Zhang Cheng, 5 1 , 227m 79

Zhang family, 50, i8on. 25 Zhang Fei, 48, 49, 55, 1 1 8 , 179m 2 1 , i82n. 46, 2 1 on. 23 Zhang Hua, 62, 63-64, 76-77, i76n. 84, i9inn. 93, 94 Zhang Lu, i65n. 1 , 2ion. 18 Zhang Pengyi, i86n. 34 zhangshi. See senior maid Zhan guo ce. See Intrigues of the Warring States Zhang Wen, 124 Zhangwu period, 1 5 , 1 1 7 - 1 1 9 Zhang Xiu, 2i6n. 25, 2i9n. 48 Zhang Yi, 225n. 72 Zhang Ying, 1 2 5 , 2i7n. 32 Zhang Zhao, 1 2 3 , 2 i 5 n . 19 Zhan Qian, 42, 53, 106, 1 1 4 Zhao Dian, 34 Zhao family, 36 Zhao Feiyan. See Flying Swallow Zhao Zhao furen. See Lady Zhao zhaohua. See lady of bright loveliness Zhaolie huanghou. See Empress of Gan Zhaoling furen. See Lady of Illustrious Spirit Zhaoling huanghou. See Empress of Illustrious Spirit Zhao xian huangdi. See Sun He (son of Sun Quan) Zhaoyang ling. See Zhaoyang Tumulus Zhaoyang Tumulus, 1 0 1 zhaoyi. See brilliant companion Zhao Yi, 7 1 - 7 2 Zhao Yun, 1 1 5 , 1 1 7 , i77n. 3, 2o8n. 4, 2ion. 23 Zhao zhaoyi. See Brilliant Companion Zhao Zhen Chang, 1 0 1 , 104 Zhen Dao, 96 Zhen De, 203n. 92. See also Guo De Zhen family, 75, 78, 104, 1 1 3 Zhengshi period, i8on. 2 1 Zheng Sinong. See Zheng Zhong Zheng Xuan, i59n. 2 1 , zoon. 59 Zheng Zhong, 200n. 59 Zhen Han, 95, i98n. 37 Zhen hou. See Zhen Xiang Zhen Huang, 75, 104

28o

Index

Zhen Hui, 19811. 39. See also Zhen Yi Zhenjiang, 21411. 7 Zhen Jiang. See Jiang the Chaste Zhen Jiang (daughter of Zhen Yi), 96 Zhen Rong, 96 Zhen Shao, 104 Zhen Tuo, 96 Zhen Wei, 1 0 1 Zhen Wen, 1 0 1 , 105 Zhen Xi, 1 0 5 - 1 0 6 Zhen Xiang, 1 0 0 - 1 0 1 , 104 Zhen Yan (brother of Cao Pi's Empress Zhen), 96-97, 1 0 1 , 104 Zhen Yan (son of Zhen Xiang), 1 0 1 Zhen Yao, 96 Zhen Yi (father of Cao Pi's Empress Zhen), 95-96, 1 0 0 - 1 0 1 Zhen Yi (second cousin of Cao Pi's Empress Zhen), 104 Zhen Yu, 96 zhi. See treatises Zhilin. See Forest of Resolve Zhi shi. See Weaving Chamber zhiyan jijian. See spoke frankly and admonished unflinchingly Zhongchang Tong, 54 Zhong dynasty, 12311. 62. Zhonghua shuju, xiii, 65-66, i53n. 1, i87n. 44, i93n. 5 Zhong Hui, 1 1 4 , 120, 207n. 140 Zhong jun. See Middle Army Zhongping period, 107 Zhongshan, 95, 100, i98n. 37, zoin. 63 "Zhong yong." See "Doctrine of the Mean" zbongzheng. See impartial and just Zhou (grandmother of Cao Cao's Empress Bian), 94 Zhou (Shang king). See King Zhou Zhou dynasty, 5, 1 0 - 1 6 , 2 1 , 2.5-26, 32, 4 1 , 89, 1 0 2 - 1 0 3 , 1 1 2 , i58n. 1 7 , i58n. 2 1 , i59n. 23, i67n. 2 1 , 1 7 m . 40, i72n. 44, i92n. 2, i98n. 35, 20m. 7 1 , 227m 77

Zhou li. See Rites of Zhou "Zhou nan," 20in. 69 Zhou shu [Zhou Documents]. See Lost Zhou Documents Zhou Xin, 1 2 2 , 2i4n. 8 Zhou Xuan, 93, i96n. 21 Zhou Xun, 52, 126, 2i8n. 41 Zhou Yin, 52 Zhou Yu, 52, 126, i77n. 3 Zhou Zhao, 64 Zhuan Xu, 9 Zhu family, 50, 143, i8on. 25 Zhuge Dan, 129, 224n. 65 Zhuge Ke, 2i7n. 27, 222n. 59, 224n. 69, 227n. 79 Zhuge Liang, 47, 55, 63, 65, 70, 1 1 5 , 1 1 7 , i79nn. 18, 20, i86n. 35, i89n. 68, 209nn. 10, 1 1 , 2ion. 23, 21 in. 29 Zhuge Liang ji. See Collected Works of Zhuge Liang "Zhuge Liang lun." See "On Zhuge Liang" Zhuge Zhan, 70 zhuhou u/ang, 90. See also king Zhu Ju, 126, 130, 2i9n. 42, 225n. 73 Zhu Sun, 130, 225n. 73 Zhu Xi, 70 Zhu Xiong, 130, 225n. 73 zi, xv Zichan, i59n. 33, i68n. 37 "Zidao fu." See "Rhapsody of SelfCommiseration" Zifan, 1 1 7 Zihan, 2o8n. 1 Zitai Shu, i59n. 33 Ziwu campaign, i79n. 2 1 Zixiu. See Cao Ang Ziyu, 1 1 7 , 2ion. 24 Zizhi tongjian. See Comprehensive Mirror for Aid in Governing Zu Lang, 1 2 2 , 21411. 9 Zuo Qiuming, 79 Zuo zhuan, i68n. 37

About the Translators

Robert Joe Cutter is a professor in the Department of East Asian Languages and Literature at the University of Wisconsin-Madison. William Gordon Crowell is a foreign service officer and independent scholar specializing in the social and economic history of early imperial and early medieval China. He earned a doctorate in Chinese history from the University of Washington and has published several articles and reviews.