Educational Policy and Performance in Singapore, 1942 - 1945 9789814380096

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Preface
EDUCATIONAL POLICY AND PERFORMANCE IN SINGAPORE, 1942-1945
ISEAS PUBLICATIONS

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The Institute of Southeast Asian Studies

Established as an autonomous corporation by an Act of the Parliament of the Republic of Singapore in May, 1968, the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies is a regional research centre for scholars and other specialists concerned with modern Southeast Asia. The Institute's research interest is focussed on the many-faceted problems of modernization and social change in Southeast Asia . The Institute is governed by a 24-member Board of Trustees on which are represented the University of Singapore and Nanyang University, appointees from the Government, as well as representatives from a broad range of professional and civic organizations and groups. A ten-man Executive Committee oversees day-to-day operations; it is ex officio chaired by the Director, the Institute's chief academic and administrative officer .

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EDUCATIONAL POLICY AND PERFORMANCE IN SINGAPORE, 1942-1945

by

Har ld E. Wilson

ca ion 1 Pap r No. 16 · tut

of Southe at Asian Studies

Price:

$3.00

Preface The Japanese occupation of Southeast Asia was a traumatic experience for many inhabitants of the region. Not only was material devastation great, but the Japanese in their singlemi ndedness sought to thoroughly Nipponise Southeast Asia through the medium of a Japanese-style education and the adoption of other similar Japanese institutions, including the Japanese solar system even though this meant making the sun in Southeast Asia rise at the same time as in Tokyo! The paper that follows deals with the nature and effectiveness of Japanese educational policy in occupied Singapore during It forms oart of a wider study on the period 1942-45. "Higher Education in Singapore: Continuity and Change", being completed as a dissertation for a Doctor of Philosophy degree of the University of British Columbia, Canada. Mr. Harold Wilson spent more than a year at the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies during the course of his research for his Ph.D.dissertation. While wishing him all the best it is clearly understood that responsibility for facts and opinions expressed in the paper below rests exclusively with the author, and his interpretations do not necessarily reflect the views or policy of the Institute itself or its supporters. 2 June 19 73

Kernial Singh Sandhu Director

Education in Singapore during the period of the Japanese Occupation (February 1942 - September 1945) cannot usefully be considered in isolation from the broader context of its times, nor without relating it to the system of education which had evolved up to the time of the invasion. The British colonial system is relevant in so far as it had imprinted certain habits of thought upon those who had experienced it, and had created a self-perpetuatin g momentum which, try as they might, the Japanese could not entirely reverse. Nevertheless, for some young people of the island, school become the point of intellectual contact with the ideology of their new rulers, the 'pivotal institution' for a novel process of cultural indoctrination. The purpose of this paper is to consider Japanese educational policy, the factor militating against its full implementation, and the extent to which the system that emerged served as an agent for change. Educational policy in Singapore derived directly from the Japanese Government's overall objectives for a region which included, initially, the Malay peninsulai Sumatra, Java, Sulawesi, Kalimantan and North BOrneo. Education was recognized as a most powerful instrument to be used to achieve the major objective of "incorporating

1

The ItDre advanced stage reached by Indonesian nationalism

ult:i.mately .led to different political and social policies for Sunatra and Java. Singap:>re is here ccnsidered alone since, although p:>licy was fonnulated for the region as a whole, its ~lication varied widely according to local circumstances. Also, fran my enquiries and discussions with tha;e who lived through the experience, the inpress ion has been gained of a widespread sense of isolation arrongst a populatiat which hitherto had been accustated to the visible and invisible results of intematicnal contacts arising from Singapore's geographical locatic:n and entre~t role. This sense of isolaticn was further reinforced by the difficulties of travel even to the Malay Peninsula, which involved obtaining pennits and passing militaey checkp:>ints. Another factor was the ruling which forbade listening to short-wave radio transmissicns (radia; had to be adapted to receive the local station cnly). As a result, the causeway linking Singapore to the rest of the world seened to disappear beneath the rising waters of tuOOUr and prq>aganda.

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the Southern Region Lintg/ the domain of Imperial Japan", by uniting the "cultures of individual nationalities" with that of Japan. 2 Because the level of political sophistication of the Malays was considered to be so low that the people "were incapable of being independent", Tokyo consistently maintained a policy of avoiding any reference to ultimately self-rule for Malaya. 3 This policy coincided with and was perhaps largely determined by the desire to make the "Southern Region' Japan's economic and military base.4 On account of its location and facilities, the Japanese considered Singapore to be not only their defence headquarters and capital of the region but also a key point for the extraction of natural resources to feed Japanese industry.5 Furthermore, largely because of the exigencies of the war, and in view of its ultimate role as a centre of the proposed Greater East-Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere Singapore was to be made industrially self-sufficient;~ and hence educational policy was designed to serve the twin purposes of cultural absorption and technical/industrial development. Shortly after the surrender of the city, General Yamashita, Commander of the Nippon Army, issued a declaration to the people of Singapore in which he stated:

2

Fundamental Policy Concerning Education in the Southern Sphere. Headiuarters of Southern Expedi tianary Forres,

January 12, 1942, Appendix, Yoji Akashi, "Education and Indoctrinaticn Policy in Malaya and Singapore liDder the Japanese Rule, 1942-1945", Malayan Journal of Education, fortha:ming. 3 Yoji Akashi, 4

ibid~~

pp. 1-2.

ibid.

5 lee Ting Hui, "Singapore under the Japanese, 1942-1945", Journal of the South Seas Soaiety, vol. XVII (April 1961) , pp. 32-34. 6

Di'Pective Concerning Educati£YL, October 6, 1942, Tani Shusei So No. 269. Fran GunseikanLSuperintendent of Military

Administraticn/ to Mayor and Governors, Appendix, Yoji Akashi , op. ait. See also The Sy on an Times (hereinafter S. T. ) , Sept:e.nber 20, Koki 2602 L'i94~/. The Syonan Times becarre the S:;onan Sinbun between Deoenber 8, 1942 to Dece.rrber 7, 1943. 'Ihereafter the title Syonan Shimbun was used. For the sake of CalS;istency the nnre cntaton spelling of Syonan Shiwun will be used in this paper.

-

3 -

We ••• hope that we sweep away the arrogant and unrighteous British elements and share pain and rejoicing with all concerned peoples in a spirit of 'give and take', and also hope to promote ... social development by establishing the East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere on which the New Order of justice has to be attained under 'the Great Spirit of Cosmocracy' giving all content to the respective race and individual according to their talents and faculties.? These words foreshadow the dual aspects of educational policy: the negative obliteration of western influence, and the positive promotion of a sense of brotherhood of all Asians living under the benevolent guidance of Tenno Heika, within the context of a new economic grouping. The extirpation of western influence was not, of course, confined to educational policy but applied to all aspects of life in the city and was implemented almost immediately upon the arrival of the Japanese. In the Syonan Times (English language newspaper, successor to the Straits Times) there appeared on February 23rd, a decree which commanded that "all British people and enemy aliens shall gather at the esplanade (opposite the Supreme Court) before ••o noon of February 24 in order to be taken prisoner .... " and naturally British members of the Malayan Education Service marched off together with their compatriots to the isolation of one or other of the concentration camps of the island . Subsequent issues of the Syonan Times, as well as the Malay and Chinese language newspapers, mounted an unremitting barrage of propaganda aimed at discrediting the British through exposure of their alleged cowardice, the injustice of their rule, and the ignoble purposes for which their Empire had been maintained. The positive aspect, the promotion of an Asian identify of interests under the guidance of Japan together with an inculcation of NipponSeishin(the Japanese Spirit), was pursued actively through the media of press, radio and ultimately the school system, and took several forms. Apart from articles, radio talks and announcements in which the themes of Asia for the Asians, the cultural affinity of the Japanese with other ethno-linguistic groups, and the concept of the Greater East-Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere were constantly re-iterated,

7

Declaraticn of the Ccmnander of the Nippon ~~~ , February 2602, The Good Citizens Guide (Syonan: The Syonan Shimb'Wt Printers and Pwlishers, 2603), pp. 3-4. 11

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the most sustained effort went into the dissemination of a knowledge of the Japanese language, starting with a simple vocabulary "lesson" published in the second issue of the Syonan Times.8 Nippon-Go was to be popularized "in order to promote a common understanding in the CoProsperity Sphere",9 and the local press enthusiastically sought to persuade the populace, theSyonan Times argued that Nipponese was the logical lingua franca for Malaya: One of the first considerations in the construction of mutual well-being and prosperity in Asia is that The suggestion of introducing a common language. therefore that the language of Nippon become the lingua franca of Malaya while startling at first becomes an obvious necessity with the inclusion of this country in the New Orde! o! Asia for the Asians There are many reasons . . • LfoEI the suggestion . . . Chief of these is the similarity in grammar and vocal sounds of the languages of most Asian races obviating the excuse that learning a new language is a big obstacle . Then there is the .question of suiting the majority, in the case of Malaya the Chinese, who comprise more than 50 percent of the It is in this connection that simipopulation. larity of language is greatest for the Nippon language characters came from China thousands of The substitution of Nipponese for years ago... English as the lingua franca .•. is but the natural recognition of a nation which . . . is now in the process of saving Asians from continuing to be the victims of the English . ... 10 For those of the population of Singapore who felt they had had enough of British rule, the slogan "same race, same culture" appearing in Chinese newspapers wou l d no doubt have provoked an assent, no matter how qua l ified or unwilliny at least during the early months of the In addition to insisting upon the essent lal occupation. 1

8

S. T., February 21, 2602.

9

Fundamental Policy Concerning Education .. . , General Principle No. 3 .

10 S. T., February 28, 2602. 11

See N.I. IoN and H.M. 01eng, This Singapore (Singapore: ~gai Semg Press, c. 1946), p. 153; Joyre C. I.ebra, Jungle Alliance (Singapore: Dcnald .M::x:>:re, 19 71) , pp. xii and 37.

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brotherhood of all Asians, and the relevance of the CoProsperity Sphere, policy specifically emphasized "respect of labour", the need to promote indigenous industries, to increase prod~~tion, and to develop vocational and techThe attempt to achieve these objectives, nical skills. the difficulties encountered, and the successes and failures of the administration are most clearly exemplified in the history of the schools of Syonan o The Japanese arrived in Singapore with the broad In outlines of an educational policy already prepared. addition to the General Principles previously briefly mentioned, their proposals for primary schools included a "thorough overhaul" to remove western and anti-Japanese influence.l3 Chinese schools were to be abolished, although the Chinese language could continue to be taught as an extracurricular subject. Japanese was to be a required subject in all schools, and agriculture was to .be encouraged. Middle or secondary schools were to be restricted to the "minimum number•, and those permitted to function were to be primary agricultural or technical schools. Universities or Colleges were to be closed except in so far as they were required for "technical training • "14 However, it is clear that beyond these general outlines, no detailed planning had been undertaken, nor had much consideration been given to the difficulties likely to be encountered. The question of skilled personnel to administer the school system had not been discussed, and the result was that education in the city was characterized by a series of improvisations, each hastily concocted to overcome an immediate problem. Thus, shortly after the occupation, with some schools destroyed and the rest either closed or commandeered by the army, large numbers of school-students roamed the streets becoming involved in petty theft, hooliganism, and adding to the reigning lawlessness and confusion o Marnoru Shinozaki, former press attach~ on the staff of the Japanese Consulate in Singapore, after his release from Changi prison (where he had been serving a sentence for espionage), was asked by Shigeo Odate - Mayor of Syonan - to take charge of the Education Department, the immediate object being to geis the school-children off the streets and under control o

12

Fundamental Po li ey

• • • I

General Principles 2 and 4.

13

Fundamental Policy

• • • I

Principles for Impl.elrentatioo.

14 ibid.

l5 Intervial with Mr. Shinozaki, Noven'ber 4, 1972.

7

. .,

, 2602.

7

,.

8

, 2602.

'

72

-

7 -

in the local press indicating that it was proposed to reopen schools "shortly" and that pupils seeking admissi on should register between March 30th and April 4th from 10 . 00 to 2.00 p.m. (Tokyo Time) . The not1ce continued: Pupils seeking admission must register at the school nearest their residence. It is not necessary that pupils must register at their former school unless it is the nearest. Every school will hold classes from Primary upwards .... 20 and there followed a list of 28 schools, with the locations at which classes were to be held. These schools were all former English schools, and on April 7th, a further notice listed sixteen Malay Boys' schools and five Malay Girls' schools which were to be re-opened on April 12th, "all former and new students" being required to register on the lOth and 11th of that month. (A further seven Ma~fY schools were named to be re-opened "in the near future"). On April 13th, another notice was published listing one Arab and nine Tamil schools scheduled to re-open on the 15th of the month. The lack of any mention of Chinese education appears to have occasioned some misgiving, as pressure mounted during this period for Chinese schools to re-open, a fact that placed the municipal authorities in something of a quandary in view of the principle already enunciated that Chinese schools were to be abolished < On April 9th, the Military Administration Department found it necessary to issue a stern warning that "no school should be opened in S~onan-to without the sanction of the Department of Education", 2 but by April 17, the authorities yielded to the force of circumstances and a Government-inspired press report noted that Chinese schools were "scheduled to open shortly•.23 From the foregoing, it 1s clear that in their haste to re-open schools in order to restore order amongst the youth of the city, and without adequate, detailed preparation, the Japanese had permitted the prewar pattern of education to re-emerge in the shape of schools divided along ethno-linguistic lines. The former system which

20

M.A. D. Notioo No. 22, S T. , Marcil 25, Koki 2602. repeated in se~ral sUCCEedi.nq editicns.

21 S.T., April 7, Koki 2602. 22 M.A. D. Notice No. 35, 23 S.T. ,

~11

17, Koki

S. T. , 2~ e

April 9, Koki 2602.

'!his notice was

- 8 -

had placed so much emphasis upon vernacular education for the Malays, which had yielded to the commercial pressure for English-medium instruction for non-Malays, and which had virtually ignored Chinese and Tamil schools, had created a senseless momentum towards communalism, and this now reasserted itself. By the time specific instructions were received it was, in a sense, too late: the schools had taken hold of their pupils, and the system had taken hold of the schools. The opportunity for fundamental change had passed . On April 18th, the Military Administrator of Malaya issued an instruction to the Mayor of Syonan and Governors of the States under his jurisdiction in which it was indicated that former Government and Aided English schools, Malay and Indian language schools should be combined "according to their geographical locations" and should be given new names. Although former private schools generally should not be authorized to operate, those having "larger facilities" might be used as "public schools". Pupils were to be encouraged to enroll at the school nearest to their residence, and the subjects to be taught at all schools were: singing, gymnastics, drama, handicrafts, drawing, the Japanese language, composition and gardening. The languages of instruction were to be Japanese and Malay or Japanese and Tamil ~ 24 The ideal of a single type of school providing a common educational experience for the children of each of the major communities and equipping the pupils with a lingua franca was clearly intended. Professor K. Nakazima of the Tokyo Imperial University, then in Syonan under the auspices of the Military Administration Department, commented upon the cosmopolitan nature of the city and asserted that it was the intention of the authorities not only to raise the level of education but to "weld the various aspects of Malayan life into a harmonious whole". Contrasting the new policy with the "primitive" system of the past, he claimed the proposed changes would "tend to lead to the common welfare of all the inhabitants", and would give them a more "common sense" education . The new system was to be based on the Nippon model which provided compulsory, universal primary schooling for eight years . Thereafter, attendance at middle school was optional o The Nippon administration, continued Nakazima, intended to make .~alaya "self-supporting and not dependent

24

Matter Relating to the Reopening of Primary Schools, ~ shusei So ~o. 12, April 18, 1942, Yoji Akashi, op.cit. ~Xo

-

on imported goods". 25 qeared to this end. 26

9 -

The educational system was to be

Apart from the immediate utilitarian aim of providing a skilled work force to service the Japanese war machine and support the growth of local industries, the "spiritual" value of education received much attention. Once the evils of the "European Christianized and bureaucracy planned and controlled" system had been destroyed, it was argued, the mind of the child would have to be "gradually cleansed of all its old shibboleths, superstitions and loyalties and won over to new beliefs and new loyalties", the most important of which was to be an abiding faith in its future as a member of the ~ew Order, and a "unit" in a new civilization. The objective of the proposed system was the creation of "a new national consciousness" in the rising generation as "co-partners ••• in the New Order".27 Physical training and rigorous discipline were the techniques to be employed to achieve these ends .28 In the words of Wataru Wan tan abe, President of the Gunseibu(Military Administration Department}, individual concerns and interests were to be forgotten in the attempt to understand the meaning of "spiritualism and its principles" and that "Present hardships endured . • • would later instil obedience ••.• ". 29 The underlying philosophy of the system might be summed up with the words Hakko Iahiu (universal brotherhood), to be achieved through the inculcation of iron discipline, total obedience to authority and loyalty to the Emperor.30

25 S. T. , AUJUSt 26, Koki 2602. See also S. To , Se~r 20, Koki 2602; and SyonanShirrdJun ,Octd:ler 9, Koki 2603 L194J/. 26 '1lle suggestim that schools were to be ItOdelled en the Japanese system reveals a small but significant departure fran the policy which had been laid dc:Mn: aooording to the April 18th instructicn, primary classes were to be organized to provide seven years of instructim rather than the eight years given in Japanese schools; and seocndazy educatim was to be limited to tedmical or vocaticnal instructim. 27 "Educatial In Malaya And A New Naticnal Ccnsciousness", August 2 7, Koki 2602.

S. T . ,

28 Directive Conaeming Eduaation, Octci>er 6, 1942 ;rani S:husei So No. 269, llocunBnt 3, Yoji Akashi, op. ait. , Appendix. 2t S.T.

1

May 221

Koki 2602.

JD Chin Kae Cft1 1 Mataya Upside Down, 2nd ed. (Singapore: Jitts • eo. U:d. I 1946); p. 148; Syonan Shimbun,April 24, Koki 2603.

- 10 -

Although it was the hope of the Japanese to achieve their educational objectives through the medium of Futo Ko Gakko (Common Publit Schools), circumstances, as we have seen, forced the ~remature re-opening of schools along familiar lines. The system,once in operation, could not be changed without a further major upheaval. When, however, it was found that some Chinese schools were unable to obtain the necessary financial support, they were taken over by the Municipality and renamed Futo Ko Gakko.31 By August 1942, it was claimed that there were 75 Futo Ko Gakko, in all of which Nippon-Go was being taught, and it was hoped that in the lower classes of former English schools at least, NipponGo would soon be the only medium of instruction.32 Nevertheless, Chinese continued to be the principal medium in Chinese schools, whether or not they were taken over by the Municipality. The change of name did not bring about an automatic change of nature o By the time the April 18th instruction had been received by Syonan officials, Chinese students were already attending either former English schools or Chinese schools, Indiana were enrolled in Tamil or English schools, and Malays continued to segregate in ~alay schools.33 The situation was further compounded, unintentionally, by the activities of the Indian Independence League, which became involved to some extent in the administration of Tamil schools, and whose propaganda tended to encourage the attendance of Indian oupils at those institutions. In November 1942, the Distress Section of the League, with the cooperation of the Education Department, arranged for free mid-day meals for all children attending Indian schools,34 and the funds for this pioneer scheme having been subscribed by the Indian community were carefully disbursed for the benefit of the children of the community. In late 1942, an Indian National School was established in the city, with the active support and encouragement of the Japanese, a fact that was underlined by Subhas Chandra Bose when he attended the first graduation ceremony the following year. He noted that "the valuable

31 Departnent of Educaticn NotiCE, S. T. , Jme 30, Koki 2602. See also Annual Report of the Department of Education Z946, p. 3.

32

S. T. , August 25,

Koki 2602.

33 'Ibis has been ocnfirned to the author in the oourse of aewral interviews with farner students and teachers, and with ~. Shinozaki.

U

S. '1., Ncwaaber 10, Koki 2602.

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work done ~ ·· fhad been/ made possible through the extreme!~ sympathetic attitude of the Syonan Tokubetu-si authorities". 5 By the end of the third week in April 1942, some semblance of a school system had been established and had begun to function, although it is clear that a large section of the school-age community remained outside the school gates. In the absence of official records no precise figures can be given, but a rough idea of the numbers of students involved may be gained by reference to several sources, the realiability of which, however, is in some cases open to doubt. It seems safe to assume that Malay schools and pupils were least affected, in numerical terms, by the advent of the new regime. The Syonan Times reported: There were originally 19 Malay schools in Syonan city and 8 others in the neighbouring islands, but since several were demolished by fire during the siege of Singapore, 4,000 pupils are being taught in alternative morning and after~~on shifts in 21 buildings which have been opened. In 1938, the last pre-occupation year for which complete records are available, there had been 25 Government Malay schools with an average enrolment of 4,228 pupils, and one aided school in Pulau Bukom with 67 pupils.37 A 1946 Department of Education report recalled that the ~alay schools (mainly rural) re-opened soon after the Japanese occupation and continue, though with smaller enrolments, throughout .••. Most of the Malay school teachers continued to teach under the Japanese regime.38 The figure of 4,000 pupils mentioned by the Syonan Times would appear to be a reasonable estimate, although the possibility of overstatement for propaganda purposes cannot be entirely discounted.

35

Syonan Shimbun, Deoanber 29,

Koki 2603.

36

S. T. , April 17, Koki 2602.

37

Annual Departmental Reports of the Straits Settlements for the yea:r l938, voL II (Singapore: Gc:M!mnent Printing OffiCE, 1940), pp. 650 ' 822. Annual Rsport of the Department of Eduoationl946, p. 3.

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With regard to enrolment in Indian schools, the eviIt has been noted dence is, perhaps, more circumstantial. above that nine Tamil schools were scheduled to re-open on April 15th, and on June 3rd, 1942, an announcement was made concerning the commencement of the second term at the beginning of the following month, in which only eight of the previous schools -each now renamed- were listed.39 Since the school that had been dro~~ed from the original list was the Tamil Adults' Night school, it is reasonable to suppose that the reduction did not re~resent any appreciable decline in the numbers of pupils of regular school-going age. The Japanese Education authorities claimed that in April, when schools re-ooened, 634 students attended Indian schools and that by the following October, this figure had increased to 787.40 In the ~ovember press reports concerning free meals to be distributed to Indian pupils, reference was made to "nine hundred Indian school-children ".41 In 1938 there had been 11 registered Tamil schools with 538 pu9.ils, 42 but three years later the numbers had increased to 18 registered schools with an enrolment of "nearly 1,000".43 It would appear, therefore, that under Japanese rule once the i~itial disruption had been overcome, approximately the same number of Indian students were receiving instruction in fewer than half the number of pre-war schools. The number of students attending former English-schools Initially, must, to some extent, be a matter for speculation. secondary schools admitted students to standards VI to IX inclusive, but on ~ay 1st, these schools were converted to primary schools, in which children aged 6-14 only were On that date, admitted into classes numbered from 1 to 7. Brother Joseph Bro~hy noted in the diary of St. Joseph's Institution {now renamed the Bras Basah Road Boy's School) that senior pupils who had hitherto attended school were required to leave "until the Middle Classes start", and he recorded an enrolment of 258, a figure which increased to 30R by ~ay 12th.44 In 1938, ~~e average enrolment at

39

S. T. , June 3,

Koki 2602.

40 S. T. , Qctci:)er 14, Koki

2602.

41 S. T. , Novenber 10 Koki 2602.

42 AnnuaL Departmental Reports p. 823.

...

for the year l9JB, vol. II,

43 Annual. Report • • • Z946, pp. 1-2.

U

BPOtJJ.l' Bztophy 'B DiaPJJ. See also Matter Relating to Reopening of Pre{,~ SohooZB, Instructicn No. 91 Yoji Akashi, op. ait. 1 Appendix.

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St. Joseph's Institution had been 1,214; 45 hence in May 1942, the enrolment was a~proximately 25 percent of the pre-war fiqure. If it may be assumed that attendance at St. Joseph's Institution was representative of attendance at all former Government and Aided English schools, then 25 percent of the 1938 average enrolment at such schools of 14,69846 would give a figure of 3,675. This calculation may seem somewhat farfetched but the result agrees surprisingly closely with a contemporary source which reported that in April, when schools first re-ooened, there were 3,065 pupils in former English schools, a number that increase~ to 4,870 by the following October. There is no clear indication 4 what happened to the 9,SOO pupils who, in 1941, had been attending approximately SO private Enqlish schools.48 These schools in common with moat other schools, were - officially at least - forced to remain closed throughout 1942. There remains the question of Chinese-medium schools to be considered. In 1941 there had been 370 registered Chinese schools in the island with an enrolment of approximately 38,ooo.49 Some of these schools re-opened on April 27, 1942, SO but lacking sufficient financial support from their committees of management, the teachers were forced to depend upon such fees as they were able to collect.51 It is clear that only a very small fraction of the former Chinese-school population found accommodation in these schools: according to the Syonan Times, the number was a mere 1,293.52 Because of the glaringly unsatisfactory state of affairs, the Syonan 'lokwbBtu-si (ll!unicipality) took over the administration of these schools, converting them into Futo Ko Gakko from July 1st 1942, when "over 1,800" \-tere admitted to fifteen

4S

Annual. Departmental Reports ... l938, vol. II, p. 812.

46

ibid.

47

S.T., October 14 1 Koki

48

Annual Report

49

ibid.

1

0.

813.

...

26~.

1..946' pp. 1-2.

50 S. T. , April 27 1 Koki 2602. 51 AMJ.UZZ. Rspol't • • • Z946, p. 3.

12

s. r.

1

Clatci)er

14 1 Xoki 2602.

- 14 -

53 institutions. An October 14, 1942 report noted that this fiqure had increased to "more than 3,000" ,54 still a pitifully small number compared with the pre-occupation figure. If the fiqures given above may be accepted as reasonably accurate, it is possible to summarize the school population in 1942 in the following terms: in mid-May, two or three weeks after the re-opening of schools, there were some 4,000 in Malay schools, 634 in Tamil schools, 3,675 in former English schools, and 1,293 in Chinese schools, giving a total of 9,602. By the following October, six months after the re-opening of schools, the corresponding figures were: ~alay schools, 4,572; Indian schools, 787; English schools, 4,870; and Chinese schools, a~proximately 3,000, giving a total of 13,229, exclusive of technical and trade schools, and schools devoted solely to Japanese language instruction. According to a cost-war British source, the school population "dwindled from 1942 onwards".55 ~r. Shinozaki, on the other hand, maintains that attendance remained at a fairly steady level until the beginning of 1945 when, under the impact of increased Allied air-raids and the evacuation of large numbers of the inhabitants to the settlements at Endau and Bahau, there was a share decline in attendance.56 The carefully maintained daily records of the Bras Basah Road Boys' School do not entirely bear out either of these Patterns, for enrolment there increased steadily until June 21st 1943, when the highest figure of 646 was reached - rather more than half of the 1938 total - after which there was a gradual decline, which accelerated sharply after the end of 1944.57 One further indication of the decline in numbers attending school is to be found in the October 8th, 1942, edition of the Syonan Times which refers to the existence of 407 unem~loyed registered teachers. It is probable that this number was an underestimate, since there were a number of teachers who, for one reason or another, failed to respond

53

S.T., July 5, Koki 2602.

54

S.T., October 14, Koki 2602.

55

Annual Report

56

Interview with Mr. Shinozaki, Novenber 2 4, 19 72.

57

B~ther

•

•

0

Z946, P. 3 •

Brophy's Diary.

- 15 -

58 The to the Published instruction to register themselves. minimum number of pupils per class had already been reduced by the Education Department from 28 to 14 in order to ~rovide em~loyment for as many teachers as possible,59 and from this alone it is evident that the school po~ulation had diminished sharply from the pre-war figure. At the end of 1942, the General Affairs Department of the Syonan Tokubetu-si announced that private schools would be permitted to open from the beginning of the following They were not, however, tQ be per~itted to school year. "resume their status under the former Lcolonia1/ administration that of so-called schools serving solely as financial propositions". They would be required to satisfy the Education Department on the qualifications of teachers and the suitability of school It was recalled that some 400 had existed pre-war, premises. and that

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many of these Lhad bee~/ housed in dinghy Lsif/ and dismal little rooms where, apart from a smattering of the rudiments of either English or one of the vernacular languages, the score or more pupils learnt nothing but bad habits and acquired illhealth. 60 -

These conditions were not to be tolerated in future. One of the greatest obstacles to the full implementation of the policy of 'Japan1zation' was the shortage of suitabl e Due to the wartime situation, it proved to be text books. impossible to obtain ade~uate supplies from Japan, and this resulted in the necessity to make use of existing texts which first had to be screened to ensure that no undesirable matter remained,61 a process that inevitably delayed distribution to To ease the situation, efforts were made to produce schools. texts locally, particularly primers for Japanese language instruction.

58 Ole forner teacher at the Paya Iebar l~thodi.st English School recalls that she was afraid to register herself, and remained in virtual hiding throughout the occupaticn, maintaining herself by giving private tuiticn surreptitiously - Interview with ~s J.