Education Without Borders: Diversity in a Cosmopolitan Society 9781617610585, 1617610585

Table of contents :
Contents
Preface
1 Beyond the Nation: Globalisation, Identity and Refugees • Dawn Bolger and Anne Bolger
2 “Rural” Schools and Universities: Challenging a Negative Concept of Otherness towards Rural Communities • Jane Pennefather
3 Community Engagement as Pedagogy for Transnational Learning • Loshini Naidoo
4 World English Speaking Students’ Cosmopolitan Experiences: Learning to Be an Australian Teacher • Jinghe Han
5 International Students and International Education: Recognising WES Students’ Agency for Educating Citizens of a Cosmopolitan Society • Neera Handa
6 Cosmopolitanism and Distance Education in Australian Higher Education • Xiafang Chen and Pengcheng Hong
7 Researching in a Cosmopolitan University: How Much Can E-learning Contribute? • Guihua Cui
8 On Being an Insider and/or an Outsider: A Diasporic Researcher’s Catch-22 • Fataneh Farahani
9 Questioning Identity: Gender and Nation • Kathy Gooch and David Lenton
10 Diverse Lessons: Cosmopolitanism and Fantasy Fiction inside and outside the Classroom • Helen Young
11 (Re)-Establishing Children‘s Identities through Critical Place-based Pedagogy and Cosmopolitan Learning • Annette Sartor
Index

Citation preview

EDUCATION IN A COMPETITIVE AND GLOBALIZING WORLD

EDUCATION WITHOUT BORDERS: DIVERSITY IN A COSMOPOLITAN SOCIETY

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EDUCATION IN A COMPETITIVE AND GLOBALIZING WORLD

EDUCATION WITHOUT BORDERS: DIVERSITY IN A COSMOPOLITAN SOCIETY

LOSHINI NAIDOO EDITOR

Nova Science Publishers, Inc. New York

Copyright © 2010 by Nova Science Publishers, Inc. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means: electronic, electrostatic, magnetic, tape, mechanical photocopying, recording or otherwise without the written permission of the Publisher. For permission to use material from this book please contact us: Telephone 631-231-7269; Fax 631-231-8175 Web Site: http://www.novapublishers.com NOTICE TO THE READER The Publisher has taken reasonable care in the preparation of this book, but makes no expressed or implied warranty of any kind and assumes no responsibility for any errors or omissions. No liability is assumed for incidental or consequential damages in connection with or arising out of information contained in this book. The Publisher shall not be liable for any special, consequential, or exemplary damages resulting, in whole or in part, from the readers‘ use of, or reliance upon, this material. Any parts of this book based on government reports are so indicated and copyright is claimed for those parts to the extent applicable to compilations of such works. Independent verification should be sought for any data, advice or recommendations contained in this book. In addition, no responsibility is assumed by the publisher for any injury and/or damage to persons or property arising from any methods, products, instructions, ideas or otherwise contained in this publication. This publication is designed to provide accurate and authoritative information with regard to the subject matter covered herein. It is sold with the clear understanding that the Publisher is not engaged in rendering legal or any other professional services. If legal or any other expert assistance is required, the services of a competent person should be sought. FROM A DECLARATION OF PARTICIPANTS JOINTLY ADOPTED BY A COMMITTEE OF THE AMERICAN BAR ASSOCIATION AND A COMMITTEE OF PUBLISHERS. Additional color graphics may be available in the e-book version of this book. LIBRARY OF CONGRESS CATALOGING-IN-PUBLICATION DATA Education without borders : diversity in a cosmopolitan society / editor, Loshini Naidoo. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-1-61761-058-5 (eBook) 1. Education and globalization. 2. Cosmopolitanism. 3. Critical pedagogy. 4. Education--Sociological aspects. I. Naidoo, Loshini. LC191.E4265 2010 370.11'5--dc22

Published by Nova Science Publishers, Inc. † New York

CONTENTS Preface

i

Chapter 1

Beyond the Nation: Globalisation, Identity and Refugees Dawn Bolger and Anne Bolger

Chapter 2

―Rural‖ Schools and Universities:Challenging a Negative Concept of Otherness towards Rural Communities Jane Pennefather

1

15

Chapter 3

Community Engagement as Pedagogy for Transnational Learning Loshini Naidoo

Chapter 4

World English Speaking Students‘ Cosmopolitan Experiences: Learning to Be an Australian Teacher Jinghe Han

45

International Students and International Education: Recognising WES Students' Agency for Educating Citizens of a Cosmopolitan Society Neera Handa

61

Cosmopolitanism and Distance Education in Australian Higher Education Xiafang Chen and Pengcheng Hong

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Researching in a Cosmopolitan University: How Much Can E-learning Contribute? Guihua Cui

97

Chapter 5

Chapter 6

Chapter 7

Chapter 8

Chapter 9

On Being an Insider and/or an Outsider: A Diasporic Researcher‘s Catch-22 Fataneh Farahani Questioning Identity: Gender and Nation Kathy Gooch and David Lenton

27

113 131

vi Chapter 10

Chapter 11

Index

Contents Diverse Lessons: Cosmopolitanism and Fantasy Fiction inside and outside the Classroom Helen Young

145

(Re)-Establishing Children‘s Identities through Critical Place-based Pedagogy and Cosmopolitan Learning Annette Sartor

159 175

PREFACE Cosmopolitanism, which involves openness to diversity and difference in the world, is more widely embedded in educational discourses about the contemporary state in today's society. In a sense it is a reorganization of everyday social life as a result of the greater transnational mobility of people, which in turn has created a greater diversity in our society. It essentially revolves around care for other cultures, concern for the integrity of cultures in a diverse society and particularly in education it calls for self-reflection with respect to both our own cultural context and other cultural values. This book illustrates how education works without borders in a cosmopolitan society. Chapter 1 - An increasingly globalised world has meant that despite interconnectedness in many aspects of contemporary human experience, a united and egalitarian global community has remained elusive. Cosmopolitanism envisages a lesser role of the state and a greater role of the individual. This chapter examines cosmopolitanism through globalisation, identity and nationalism. It suggests that education is necessary if humanity is to progress to a more peaceable and equitable global society. Chapter 2 - The chapter explores a range of partnership approaches, in particular rural school placements, used in an initial teacher education programme, in order to challenge a deficiency framework many teachers have regarding rural contexts in South Africa and to develop a more positive orientation to the possibility of working in these contexts. This constitutes a response to the national imperative to encourage teachers to work in rural schools, given the shortage of teachers, and to challenge the dominant discourses based in a deficiency framework which many pre-service teachers exhibit in their interactions with each other and in their responses towards contexts viewed as rural and by implication inferior and undesirable. Cosmopolitanism in this chapter is about using the opportunities which partnerships can offer in order to increase the levels of cultural interactions within a diverse South African society and in particular between urban and rural contexts. The partnership approach used in the programme creates the spaces for the re-conceptualisation of otherness to happen. Student teachers are immersed in rural contexts and the culturally specific forms of participation and construction of meaning with which they arrive, become challenged in a process of identity negotiation, and opportunities for the construction of a new future begin to emerge. The diversity in South African society with its complex history demands that a reconceptualisation of otherness should constantly be engaged with, and in particular in the education of teachers. Education for a cosmopolitan society requires the challenging of deficit

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discourses associated with otherness. Possibilities for how this can be done are explored through the experiences of a partnership approach described in the chapter. Chapter 3 - The complexity and fluidity of the modern world implies that changes in knowledge and in social, economic and political structures have become characteristic of our lives. This chapter discusses the role of community engagement programs in teacher education at universities. Such engagement is crucial in assisting universities meet the needs of their diverse student groups as well as assisting schools meet the needs of marginalised students. Given the difficulties experienced by disadvantaged students in making the transition to mainstream classes and the lack of adequate teaching and learning resources for teachers in schools, this chapter takes as its primary focus the needs of diverse students in a cosmopolitan society, the role of community engagement as pedagogy in meeting these needs and the implications for teacher preparation programs in tertiary institutions and the benefits of interventionist mechanisms for diverse students. Chapter 4 - With the skills mismatch of teachers in Australia, one tendency is to recruit more teachers from racial and ethnic minority backgrounds to teach science, mathematics and technology classes and to work in hard-to-staff schools. This chapter arises from a study which investigated issues concerning the retention of World English Speaking (WES) student-teachers of immigrant backgrounds. The aim of the research project was to engageWES student-teachers (n = 20), teacher educators (n = 12) and WES school teachers (n = 15) in the identification of the factors that assist and/or hinder the retention of WES student-teachers in university-based initial teacher education programs. This paper focuses on identifying and elaborating what contradictory experiences and challenges these WES student-teachers confronted in becoming ―Australian teachers.‖ Methodologically this paper provides an initial foray into efforts to redo critical ethnography in the light of the Hartsuyker (2007) inquiry‘s call for sound research in teacher education. Conceptually the research project, from which this chapter is drawn, has capitalised on resources from Nussbaum and Cohen‘s (1996) education cosmopolitanism. It is limited to presenting the WES studentteachers‘ perspectives, offering their voices as a way of providing a more holistic ethnographic picture of the identity formation process with which teacher education is struggling. Chapter 5 - This chapter posits that the aim of true internationalisation of higher education should be to develop a cosmopolitan attitude in local and international students by affording them a positive experience of globalisation. To achieve this objective, opportunities for engaging non-Western and World Englishes Speaking (WES) international students to share their intellectual capital and knowledge-producing abilities should be incorporated in the teaching and learning practices of higher education. A critique of literature detailing how WES students are perceived in Western higher education is presented. Insufficient focus has been placed on their agency as their capabilities as cosmopolitan citizens of the modern-day world have been ignored. Presenting findings from research undertaken at a metropolitan university in Australia which shows international students and academics demonstrating their cosmopolitanism as a commitment to the ethos of internationalisation of higher education, this chapter argues that educators and curriculum designers need to bring a cosmopolitan outlook to their respective work. Finally, a need for further research into the nature and application of the intellectual resources that international students bring with them for affecting a two-way intellectual dialogue is raised.

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Chapter 6 - We, as citizens of the globe, are experiencing a new age of communication technologies and are becoming cosmopolitanized. Learning itself needs to become cosmopolitan. Distance education is not restricted by space and time and could enhance and promote cosmopolitanism. It is one way of embodying cosmopolitanism. This chapter aims to use the concept of cosmopolitanism to explore the distance education and to argue why distance education is one way of encouraging cosmopolitanism. Cosmopolitanism strategy is an effective way for educators and teachers to engage those people who cannot get access to education. Two cases studies are used to illustrate that distance education is an effective way of engaging people in a cosmopolitan society. Data were collected from the public sphere. This chapter focuses on the importance of distance education to cosmopolitanism and global citizenship. Chapter 7 - Cosmopolitanism is a ‗hot‘ word in academia. But what does it mean? What role does it play in social scientific thinking and people‘s everyday life? Does it offer an analytical framework for interpreting the internationalisation of research education? This chapter explores these issues using life history research method. Specific focus is placed on elearning for linking global engagement via international education, global research networks and student mobility. The goal of this study is to interweave theoretical account of cosmopolitanism with an exploration of forms of cosmopolitanism that are practised in everyday contexts by an individual. The data collected and analysed for this study comes from life history records of an international student from China doing research in Australia. A life history method is used to generate and analyse evidence for this study because it foregrounds the symbiotic relationships between individuals and society. This chapter situates this study in terms of the debates about cosmopolitanism, which now is being retested in different domains to see whether it can offer better insights and deeper implications. In the context of cosmopolitanism, this chapter also examines the diverse roles e-learning play in a Chinese research candidate‘s research abroad. Approaching e-learning via a diverse e-learner makes it possible to see the role of bilingualism in knowledge production and the enhancement of research capabilities in a cosmopolitan setting, and the achievements of learning goals.It is concluded that cosmopolitanism can not be a perfect social system realised in a short time. It is only a possibility shaped and reshaped by individuals‘ everyday attitudes and beliefs about the ideas and problems related to globalisation. Chapter 8 - This text deals with positionality, reflexivity and difference. By examining the contingent intersections of the discourses that shape the research process and product, I explore how the academic product is shaped by intellectual reading and understanding as well as the personal history of the researcher and the research participant as well as the (presumed) audience/readers/ listeners of the specific study. By focusing on shifting and situated identitfications I will, in this chapter, examine some of the intersecting power relations and (im)possible interpretation that construct outcome of the research. This chapter will also demonstrate how a contextual and intersectional understanding of discursive power relations is not only crucial for abandoning any objective claims but also for showing what kinds of knowledge products are rendered (im)possible through each and every interaction and situation. ―[t]he moment the insider steps out from the inside she‘s no longer a mere insider. She necessarily looks in from the outside while also looking out from the inside.Not quite the same, not quite the other, she stands in that undetermined threshold place where she constantly drifts in and out‖ (Trinh, 1998, p. 418).

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Issues of the position of researcher in relation to the subject of her/his study have been extensively addressed across the social sciences. For instance, over the last two or three decades many anthropologists have comprehensively discussed the problematic dichotomies of outsider/ insider, self/ other, observer/ observed and (non-native) anthropologist/ native anthropologist that the discipline itself has contributed greatly to the construct due to colonial legacies. By exploring the link between the notion of ‗native‘ and the anthropologist's desire and search for access to authenticity, Arjun Appadurai (1988) shows how the notion of ‗native‘, with its colonial connotation, is associated with particular places as well as particular ideas about specific people and places. As a result, as Appadurai points out, ―one goes to India to study hierarchy, the circum Mediterranean region for honour and shame, China for ancestor worship, and so on…‘ (1988, p.46). These rigid associations between particular ideas and particular people follow them even when they settle in contemporary Western multicultural societies. Nowadays many journalists and researchers visit immigrant suburbs in the Western multicultural contexts to ‗study‘ what many studied before in India, Africa and the Middle East. This binary thinking and dichotomous framework creates a self/other division which is also extended to those researchers who are assumed to have a specific insider position within the community in which they carry out their research (cf. Narayan, 2003).Non-Westerners, minority or multiracial individuals who are labelled ‗native researchers‘ or ‗native anthropologists‘ (with their irrefutable colonial resonance) not only carry, as Kirin Narayan argues,the stamp of authenticity, but are also perceived as insiders regardless of their complicated backgrounds in relation to the communities in which they undertake their research (2003, p. 92-93). In so doing, what is frequently overlooked is that while the presence of some people (‗insiders‘ or ‗outsiders‘) might open some doors, it will close others. Therefore, the narrow focus on some researchers‘ assumed common ethnic and cultural backgrounds ignores the heterogeneity of each and every culture. Further, neglect of the existing power relations in each and every context leaves one with counterproductive and misleading assumptions, results and conclusions. It is also noteworthy to mention that the majority of people who are positioned as a (Western) researcher, and who study subjects which deal with the West and with Westerners‘ contexts, cannot be assumed to hold an insider position. By avoiding dealing with these researchers‘ specific positions, and their position vis-à-vis distance to the objects of their research, not only are the outcomes of these studies presented as objective and completely accurate, but differences across class, gender, age, and sexuality between researchers and research participations, which have a significant impact on the knowledge produced, are entirely ignored. Chapter 9 - This chapter explores the relationship between gender, education and young people through the lens of cosmopolitanism. The authors begin by exploring the particular mode of cosmopolitan thought expounded by Kwame Anthony Appiah in his book Cosmopolitanism (2006) as it is particularly relevant to the study of gender, calling for understanding and acceptance in the face of diversity. The authors then go on to consider the complexity of gender, drawing on the work of Judith Butler to elucidate gender as performance. This is shown to be a way of ‗doing‘ maleness or femaleness in accordance with particular cultural practices and expectations; and it is only according to these expectations that each individual can be understood by others. Following on from this discussion the authors turn to a consideration of the relationship between gender and ‗nation.‘ It is suggested that the idea of the nation is influential on our identities from a particularly early age. The

Preface

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authors find that in the case of Australia, the nation has maintained a historically ‗male‘ character, which has impacted on men and women differently in the way each can identify as Australian citizens. This insight leads us to explore the ways gender is developed in young people, where we locate a need to consider influences from global and local perspectives. Returning to our particular understanding of cosmopolitanism, in which we can increasingly think of ourselves and others as global citizens, we explore the influence of global cultures on young people‘s identity formation, taking the example ofglobal media cultures. The authors find both positive and negative effects of the global culture on the development of gender and identity in young people, leading us to the conclusion that local cultures, of which school cultures are a prime example, have an increasingly significant role to play in young people‘s identity formation. Through their engagement in school cultures, young people may mediate the more negative, often stereotypical aspects of global cultures: and while it is often recognised that education systems must adapt to the increasing cultural diversity found in schools, through the concept of cosmopolitanism the authors argue for greater understanding and acceptance of gender diversity in the lives of young people, and, more specifically, in the educational context. This chapter explores the relationship between gender, education and young people through the lens of cosmopolitanism. The authors begin by exploring the particular mode of cosmopolitan thought expounded by Kwame Anthony Appiah in his book Cosmopolitanism (2006) as it is particularly relevant to the study of gender, calling for understanding and acceptance in the face of diversity. The authors then go on to consider the complexity of gender, drawing on the work of Judith Butler to elucidate gender as performance. This is shown to be a way of ‗doing‘ maleness or femaleness in accordance with particular cultural practices and expectations; and it is only according to these expectations that each individual can be understood by others. Following on from this discussion the authors turn to a consideration of the relationship between gender and ‗nation.‘ It is suggested that the idea of the nation is influential on our identities from a particularly early age. The authors find that in the case of Australia, the nation has maintained a historically ‗male‘ character, which has impacted on men and women differently in the way each can identify as Australian citizens. This insight leads us to explore the ways gender is developed in young people, where we locate a need to consider influences from global and local perspectives. Returning to our particular understanding of cosmopolitanism, in which we can increasingly think of ourselves and others as global citizens, the authors explore the influence of global cultures on young people‘s identity formation, taking the example of global media cultures. The authors find both positive and negative effects of the global culture on the development of gender and identity in young people, leading us to the conclusion that local cultures, of which school cultures are a prime example, have an increasingly significant role to play in young people‘s identity formation. Through their engagement in school cultures, young people may mediate the more negative, often stereotypical aspects of global cultures: and while it is often recognised that education systems must adapt to the increasing cultural diversity found in schools, through the concept of cosmopolitanism we argue for greater understanding and acceptance of gender diversity in the lives of young people, and, more specifically, in the educational context. Chapter 10 - Education is not restricted to the formal, institutionalised processes associated with schools and universities, myths and ideologies – among other things – are also conveyed through culture; popular culture simultaneously transmits and shapes societal

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and cultural norms. Informal education is important, especially for children and young people as they absorb the culture around them. Unlike more conventionally ‗literary‘ types of fiction, fantasy is popular, and thus can speak to and for the concerns and notions of large groups within society. Starting from these facts this chapter explores representations of diversity, racial and cultural difference in the popular fantasy world of Katharine Kerr‘s epic ‗Deverry‘ series. In both difference Alterity is mapped onto encounters between different species with different cultures, allowing exploration of diversity and difference in ‗safe‘ imaginative space. The author creates and imaginative world where cosmopolitan society is represented positively. This chapter argues that not only do these novels, and others like them, provide positive models and thus contribute to education in and for a cosmopolitan society, but may also be of use in the classroom for the same reasons. Chapter 11 - ‗Identity in place‘ by children has been explored by examining how underpinnings of place shape meaning making and identity construction, and how educational practices can allow for the re-construction of identities. Using a critical place-based pedagogy and cosmopolitan learning, children are given the skills and agency to question and ultimately reshape their position in relation to place and the global context. Developmentally appropriate critical thinking skills range from: encouraging the establishment of reflective practice, to the development of ethical understandings such as ‗epistemic virtues‘, and an awareness and recognition of one‘s situatedness (and the situatedness of others) in the world. Perspective taking and skills of empowerment may be instilled by teachers who are able to deconstruct their own identities and assumptions within their places of work. Teacher training can be adapted to include critical inquiry and understandings of spatialized critical theory so that pedagogical practices may be situated in place. For teachers and students to be reflexive, place-based and cosmopolitan learners, they need to engage in experiences and discourse that enables them to develop new ways of seeing.

In: Education without Borders Editor: Loshini Naidoo

ISBN 978-1-62728-613-1 © 2010 Nova Science Publishers, Inc.

Chapter 1

BEYOND THE NATION: GLOBALISATION, IDENTITY AND REFUGEES Dawn Bolger1 and Anne Bolger2 1

University of Western Sydney, NSW, Australia 2 LLB, Western Australia

ABSTRACT An increasingly globalised world has meant that despite interconnectedness in many aspects of contemporary human experience, a united and egalitarian global community has remained elusive. Cosmopolitanism envisages a lesser role of the state and a greater role of the individual. This chapter examines cosmopolitanism through globalisation, identity and nationalism. It suggests that education is necessary if humanity is to progress to a more peaceable and equitable global society.

INTRODUCTION Processes of globalisation have ensured that humankind is more connected in all aspects of contemporary life. The local and the global are no longer two separate fronts, rather, thecontemporary world is characterised by a complexity that often defies certainty and stability. Despite interconnectedness in many aspects of contemporary human experience, a united and egalitarian global community remains elusive. Consequently, new discourses on cosmopolitanism have sought to address this need by assisting insight into such issues. Cosmopolitanism is based on a staunch faith in humanity and the ability of a global community to create a worldwide system where mutual interest is vested in maintaining a just and peaceful society.It envisages a lesser role of the state and a greater role of the individual as a participant in the global community. Cosmopolitans believe that human nature is essentially altruistic and individuals are capable of mutual aid and collaboration. Adherents of

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the cosmopolitan worldview are optimistic about cooperation and believe that fundamental human concern for the welfare of others makes progress possible. Cosmopolitan ideology attempts to discover a more egalitarian means of engaging with global society. Rather than focusing on the needs of states, cosmopolitanism understands that an increasingly globalised world corresponds with the erosion of distinct state boundaries, along with a resurgence of nationalistic ideals.As such it advocates a move away from elements of social disharmony and envisages a move towards a more accepting and cooperative global community. It advocates an ideal of global citizenship and humanitarian cooperation. This idea of global citizenship provides the foundation for contemporary cosmopolitan ideology. This chapter begins by tracing the evolution of contemporary cosmopolitism, followed by a review of globalisation, identity and nationalism. Finally it suggests that an education system based on cosmopolitan ideology is necessary, if humanity is to progress to a more peaceable and equitable global society.

COSMOPOLITANISM Cosmopolitan ideology originates from the concept of a ‗world citizen‘.1In a broad sense, it is the idea that all people belong to a single, global community (Fine, 2005, p.243). Cosmopolitanism is a theory grounded in the belief that individuals must be global citizens first and citizens of local or national communities second. This suggests that despite varying political, cultural, religious or economic differences between individuals or states, people must have the same fundamental rights and responsibilities. As such cosmopolitanism can be described as an ethical philosophy towards which the global community should aspire. Cosmopolitanism recognises that there are certain issues that affect society as a whole and need to be dealt with by the global community (Nussbaum, 2002). This is exemplified when one considers that no individual or state owns the air without which humanity could not exist. However, processes that destroy its quality, such as pollution, affect society as a whole. As such global environmental measures are required to stem such problems. In this instance, the need for global cooperation is evident however in other cases it is not so easily discernable. Take for example, the issue of welfare. It is widely acknowledged that one of the negative consequences of globalisation is that it has facilitated a widening of the rich-poor gap (see Herman, 1999). However, very few individuals or states truly concern themselves in trying to bridge this gap. Cosmopolitanism argues that humanity is inextricably linked. Though certain concerns may appear local or national, in actuality all concerns are inherently global. Universal cooperation is thus imperative for the progression of global society. It can be assumed that humankind would be alarmed if levels of pollution were to jump significantly in the next five years. This is understandable as polluted air has negative consequences for the health of individuals and consequently the existence of humankind. What is not questioned is how or why levels of pollution increase. If one were to ask such questions, one would realise that the cosmopolitan ideology has much merit. 1

See Kendall, G. Skrbis, Z., Woodward, I. (2009) The Sociology of Cosmopolitanism Palgrave Macmillan: Great Britain

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The greatest polluters in contemporary society are developing nations (Peritore, 1999). Developing nations have largely been marginalised through economic globalisation and as a consequence must encourage rapid economic growth to stay globally viable. Such growth is largely linked to the fields of manufacturing and production, as they require little capital to establish and provide a means by which states can accumulate capital. Processes involved in such fields inevitably produce pollution. When one considers this, it becomes apparent that issues such as welfare, do influence and impact on global society. If global society were more economically egalitarian, developing nations would not be forced to compete for viability. Moreover, were developing states economically equal to developed states they would have access to the same environmentally conscious options. In this sense, cosmopolitanism encourages one to examine society through the lens of a global community. Cosmopolitanism therefore provides a potent tool for educators as it works towards solving local problems by viewing society in a global context.Education can play a major role in developing new approaches to problem solving and a vision of a more sustainable and equitable future. Cosmopolitanism is generally understood as a new way of undertaking and operating, that encompasses both a new type of identity and politics as well as a new kind of human consideration (Skrbis, Kendall, & Woodward, 2004). Seyla Benhabib defines cosmopolitanism as ―the concern for the world as if it were one‘s polis … sustained across communities of language, ethnicity, religion and nationality‘ (Benhabib, 2004, p.174-5). Contemporary cosmopolitanism is not a concept or a new way of approaching society, rather it is an evolving, necessary and inevitable consequence of globalisation. An education system based on cosmopolitan ideals is therefore highly desirable as cosmopolitanism affects so many different facets of the human experience. The revival of interest in cosmopolitan ideals is largely attributed to Martha Nussbaum (2002) who postulated that contemporary societies adherence to ideals of national unity and patriotism are seditious to universal goals of global justice and equality. She describes the concept as a series of increasing spheres where the largest sphere should represent the area of most significance. The local she suggests is the smallest, followed by the national and lastly the global. In this way she suggests (Nussbaum, 2002, p.9) that students in the United States of America, for example ―May continue to regard themselves as defined partly defined by their particular loves- their family, their religious, ethnic, or racial communities, or even their country. But they must also, and centrally, learn to recognize humanity wherever they encounter it … They must learn enough about the different to recognize common aims, aspirations, and values, and enough about these common ends to see how variously they are instantiated in the many cultures and their histories‖.

As such, she argues for a return to the cosmopolitan ideal and a move away from state allegiance. Contemporary discourse surrounding cosmopolitanism encourages individuals to go beyond their lived experiences and advocates humankind to see the value of the other. Cosmopolitan ideology perceives difference as an opportunity to connect with the other and aims to respect difference through education and understanding. Cosmopolitan ideals are based on a strong sense of universal morality (Delanty, 2006, p.28). As such it is more easily understood through a comparison with religious ideology.

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Religion promotes a non-exclusivist universal ideology in its attempts to link individuals on a global scale. Moreover, it does not focus on a specific group of individuals rather it attempts to connect humanity from all walks of life under a common ideal or belief. Similarly, cosmopolitanism aims to unite humanity under the banner of global citizenship. It is an ideology that aims to work towards notions of universal peace, understanding and cooperation. Cosmopolitanism in many ways should be understood as a moral or ethical code for the global community. Therefore an education system linked to such an ideology is necessary, as it would provide citizens with an alternative to contemporary state-centric modes of thinking, encouraging them to explore a more universal worldview. Cosmopolitan ideology can be split into two main schools of thought; traditional moral cosmopolitanism, based on utopian ideals, and political cosmopolitanism, envisaging certain institutions as instruments of change. Although two distinctions are made, there is much overlap between the two. Traditional cosmopolitan theory is often criticised for its lack of sociological dimension, in that it assumes a too idealistic view of universal humanity (Breckenridge, Pollock, Bhabha & Chakrabarty, 2002). As such there is a need for educators to examine cosmopolitan theory through a more ‗rooted‘ and less universalistic lens. Rather than following one specific cosmopolitan agenda, this chapter will work with the idea that cosmopolitanism is an ideology based on shared ethical responsibilities motivated by common goals which share a core concern that the scope of ethical concern should not be limited by parochial boundaries. Cosmopolitanism is based on idealism. Adherents to cosmopolitan theory believe that human beings are rational actors, capable of progress. Furthermore, that the attainment and protection of human rights and freedoms in political and economic spheres is of supreme importance. Cosmopolitans assert that such conditions would allow a peaceful, secure and just global society to prosper. The ideal is often found at the core of many global movements. As such, this chapter argues that it is a necessary and important tool for understanding a comprehensive worldview.

FEAR AND CREATION OF THE OTHER Cosmopolitanism has been explained as a way of viewing the world through the lens of the other. As such it is important for educators to understand the ways in which otherness is created and maintained. Throughout history, the other has been used to stigmatise and marginalise minority groups. Otherness suggests difference from the norm and is commonly described as the way in which dominant groups exclude those who do not conform to their ideals (Ashcroft, 1998, p.169). This is achieved through the strengthening of an individual‘s own dominant identity and in a larger sense, a nation‘s ideology. This creation of the other is not only damaging to the individual but has very real implications for society and the future of cosmopolitan ideology. Otherness can change over time. Individuals considered as the other during one period, may be embraced into the dominant ideology during another. Such processes lead to the promotion and consolidation of a fallacious societal commonsense, which inevitably serves both to justify and help maintain inequalities in society. As such, an educational system based

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on cosmopolitan principles is needed to address questions on difference and to expose the otherness myth. An education system based on cosmopolitanism requires educators to understand how otherness is created and maintained in society. Depictions of the other in contemporary societies are often linked to fear. Otherness is created when dominant communities perpetuate irrational (and often false) ideas that someone or something is likely to be a threat. These ideas are easily identifiable when one examines recent issues of global currency, such as the terrorist attacks on September 11 2001, which killed approximately 3000 people. Although seemingly an unusually large and particularly tragic figure, it was an isolated incident in global history. Despite this, the incident was used to create fear, isolate communities and fracture global solidarity. Between the years 1968 and 2007, 3765 people were killed in total through acts of terror – September 11 included (Gardner, 2008, p.287). When one compares this to the 2005 statistic of motorcycle deaths, one realises that the total combined terrorist deaths rates only slightly higher than the number of American citizens killed in motorcycle accidents from one single year (Gardner, 2008, p.287).This demonstrates that fear surrounding the events of 9/11 or terrorism in general is largely irrational. Moreover, a close examination of global events since 9/11 demonstrates that little in the world has actually changed (Dobson, 2006). However despite such statistics, the global community remains fearful. The Muslim other in particular has been constructed through discourses on terror, and consequently provides a means from which the certain groups can be stigmatised and marginalised. Although such discourses are based on social constructions of difference, the irrational fear it creates permeates contemporary society. Examinations of recently constructed fear discourses demonstrate how an individual‘s choice to wear the traditional Muslim hijab and burqua is now considered as an act against the state. In Sweden, schools are able to expel girls who wear the burqua to class. Similarly, in Belgium debates centre around whether bans on Muslim dress should be implemented, while in France one is no longer allowed to wear the hijab to school (Roth & Gur-Ze‘ev, 2007, p.67). Cosmopolitan based education therefore provides a means by which educators can promote understandings of difference and discredit harmful myths in the hopes of creating a more tolerant and understanding society. This construction of otherness is not limited to isolated incidents such as terrorism. Many states have consistently and covertly supported separatist ideology. Traditionally coloured races were portrayed as the other (Ben-Tovim, Gabriel, Law & Stredder, 1986, p.61). Indeed, by suggesting coloured races were biologically inferior, childlike and savage, dominant groups were able to marginalise the minority and create fear (Ben-Tovim, Gabriel, Law & Stredder, 1986, p.61). The Australian state provides an apt example. From as early as Federation, fears of a ‗yellow peril‘, ‗red menace‘ or ‗hordes‘ were used to stigmatise the outsider (Jupp, 2007, p.9). Much of this is evidenced in historical literature. Australian novels produced in the late 1880s told stories of how ‗hordes from the north‘ were taking over a vulnerable, homogenous Australia (Ross, 2006, p.87). This demonstrates that irrational fears of the other played a large role in shaping societal values. More importantly, such fears impact on a nations ability to cooperate effectively on a global scale. An education system based on cosmopolitanism is necessary, as rather than abandoned in history, racially based invasionist stories are still prevalent in contemporary Australian society (Ross, 2006, p.93). Although overt discrimination is no longer acceptable as a part of

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official mainstream dialogue, the reality is that the same ideas still exist and resonate strongly with dominant global communities. In this sense there is a great need for individuals need to understand society from a global perspective.

IDENTITY Identity can be described in a myriad of ways. It is a sociological concept commonly used to describe the way an individual is perceived by others and society as a whole. It is also a way in which others are able to perceive and describe themselves. Thus the concept of identity is inextricably linked to the notion of the other and is both a unifying and divisive force. Identity exists in all human spheres, from the personal to the cultural, political, social, economic, religious and global. The globalised world has increased the individual‘s ability to go beyond state borders. Consequently the vast majority of developed countries now identify as ‗multicultural‘ and disassociate (at least overtly) with ideas of racial or cultural homogeneity. Despite these movements, when people first meet one another, they are still often asked the question: ―Where do you come from?‖ The answers received generally reflect the respondents‘ birthplace or the places where they associate the largest portion of their lived experience, such as: ―America…Germany … Indonesia‖. Cosmopolitanism seeks to ask why humanity is subject to such limited parameters when participating in the global community. In reply to the same question, the Greek philosopher Diogenes of Sinope allegedly replied: ―I am a citizen of the world‖ (Diogenes cited in Hughes, 2003, p.107). His answer, refusing to conform to narrow nationalistic constraints provides a simple summation of the cosmopolitan ideal. Questions such as the one mentioned above are used to determine one‘s allegiance or membership to a specific state or nationality. Although such questions appear to have little impact on one‘s lived experience, the answer one provides can often influence the way one is perceived in society. Such questions are implicitly concerned with identity; both in the way that one sees himself or herself and in the way that society views their identity as separate and distinct from another. Therefore in providing an answer to the question, an individual is forced to define oneself according to limited static parameters. In the contemporary context, these parameters are largely based on the notion of an individual country or nation. In this way a respondent faced with a similar question might reply ―I am from Australia‖ indicating that he or she identifies with a particular country, in this case Australia, and in doing so separates himself or herself from those who do not exist within those borders. Such an assertion can have considerable impact not only on the way the individual sees himself or herself in relation to the global community, but in the way they are perceived by the local or state community as a whole. Boundaries are not always based on national lines, rather parameters can be geographical or cultural. In this case when an individual is asked the same question he or she might reply: ―I am from Asia, I am from Europe or I am from the South‖. The problem with such boundaries is that minority cultures or communities often become sites of exploitation or marginalisation. Furthermore, inaccurate assumptions of an individuals lived experience can often eventuate, causing friction and disharmony in the global community. Moreover, what happens when one identifies with multiple states or identities? What if an individual has a

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Chinese mother, an Irish father and is born in Australia? Should they identify as Australian, Chinese or Irish?Should they perhaps identify with all three? Or does one generally identify with the country in which they hold citizenship? In cases such as these the social implications of identity become apparent. There are definite advantages of belonging to certain identities as opposed to others. An example is obvious when one considers racial history. Traditionally, coloured races were portrayed as inferior to the White race (Ben-Tovim, Gabriel, Law, & Stredder, 1986, p.61). Moreover until recently, countries such as Australia and South Africa upheld deliberately discriminatory racial policies that aimed to promote White hegemony. In this sense, individuals identifying, as ‗Chinese‘ or ‗African‘ in countries such as Australia often inadvertently appear different, through differences in skin colour, language and culture. What is damaging is that this difference is often viewed as negative and thus impacts on the individual‘s ability to participate in their community. Such stereotypes allow a false sense of identity to perpetuate and moreover help to create and consolidate a sense of the other. Thus the answer one provides has the ability to force an individual to identify as an outsider or other. Although such notions are social constructions, they have very real implications for everyday society. Education is therefore extremely important as it has the ability to challenge such ways of thinking. An education system based on cosmopolitan ideals would allow individuals to examine their own identity through examinations of the other. As individuals are confronted with such notions of sameness, one can expect a more inclusive and cooperative global worldview. In the same way, sometimes multiple identities are used to emphasise and strengthen specific cultural roots. In response to the same question, an individual may identify as ―African-American or Australian-Chinese‖, in an effort to make others aware of both identities or to emphasize certain cultural differences. Although it can be seen in a sense as empowering, generally, there is still a need to preface a non-dominant identity with one that is dominant. As such, in most cases the construction of and emphasis on individual identity is destructive as through its covert assumption of difference it allows the creation of an ‗us‘ versus ‗them‘ dichotomy. These questions indicate that the contemporary means of constructing identity are often parochial. Moreover, the practise of identifying with a particular country or culture can impact on an individual‘s societal experience. Consequently, there is a real need to discover a more cohesive and equitable way of connecting and understanding humanity.

NATIONALISM Nationalism is a phenomenon associated with the progression of capitalism and the rising importance of the nation state. As such it is largely explained as the way in which members of a nation view and subscribe to a single unified identity. Such an identity is commonly defined through narrow sociological constructions; such as the origins of one‘s ethnicity or culture. Smith provides a concise definition, suggesting that nationalism is best explained as ―an ideological movement for attaining and maintaining autonomy, unity and identity for a population which some of its members deem to constitute an actual or potential ‗nation‘‖ (Smith, 1993, p.9). Taking this view, nationalism is based fundamentally on the idea that the

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state or nation to which one pledges his or her allegiance is of primary importance (Anderson, 2000; Gellner, 2001). The link between state allegiance and identity ensures that nationalism remains an extraordinarily pervasive and powerful ideology. Nationalism has maintained contemporary currency as it is strengthened through reference to both internal and external threats. It is therefore unsurprising that an understanding of identity is crucial to the concept of nationalism. Nationalism, through the construction and maintenance of the racialised other emphasises collective identity and in many ways can be seen as assimilationist (Hutchinson & Smith, 1994, p.4-5). By creating an ‗us‘ versus ‗them‘ dichotomy those who do not identify with the ideals set by the state are seen as a threat and subsequently stigmatised. Such ideas are evident when one examines the nationalism concept through contemporary global experiences. The events of Nazi Germany provide an example of hyper-nationalism. Although such extreme expressions of nationalistic thought are uncommon, it is important to understand that the processes of nationalistic ideology can provide the means from which such extremism may occur. When ideas of nationalism are pushed to the extreme, dominant and powerful groups within society are able to propose and in some cases enact severe conditions for the state. The events of Nazi Germany exemplify this, as acts of violence were justified on all those who did not subscribe, or did not appear to subscribe to expressions of German national identity. In such a way, nationalism can provide a means by which states are able to justify violence or war against those who do not subscribe to their particular worldview. A similar although less explicit form of nationalism is discernable through an examination of Australian history. Both colonial and contemporary Australian immigration debates provide a clear expression of the nationalistic ideal. In the colonial context, the Australian State harboured a great fear of the foreign outsider. Aware of its proximity to Asia and the Pacific Islands, colonial British occupiers possessed an immense fear of the other. Consequently, fears of a ‗yellow peril‘, ‗red menace‘ and ‗hordes‘ from the North dominated early Australian thought (MacCallum, 2002, p.14). Inevitably this created and supported the construction and development of an ‗imagined community‘ (Anderson, 2000). In the Australian context, this ‗imagined community‘ was white, British and homogenous, forcing all those who did not fit with such limiting parameters to be relegated to the external. Such notions of otherness ensured that debates on Australian nationalism centred on a need for homogeneity and subsequently, early colonial laws reflected such sentiment. The Immigration Restriction Act of 1901, or ‗White Australia Policy‘ as it became known, was enacted soon after Federation.The Act was an unequivocal expression of existing racialised fears and aimed to prevent non-white ‗undesirables‘ from entering Australia.It provided a legally sanctioned avenue from which non-white immigration could be monitored and restricted. Such sentiments originated from notions of White-Anglo superiority over other races and were fuelled by fears that cheap foreign labour would threaten jobs and the wage rates of white Australians.Thus, for the vast majority of white Australians, foreign workers were seen as ‗unwelcome competitors‘ (Johanson cited in Rivett, 1962, p.2).As a consequence, many Australians viewed foreigners as being incompatible with the Australian ‗way of life‘. Australian nationalism was therefore constructed from colonial discourses of difference and innate incompatibility. Contemporary Australia is commonly thought of as an egalitarian, multicultural and multiracial country. Since the abolishment of the White Australia Policy in 1973, the

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Australian government has endeavoured to foster both a national and an international image based on multiculturalism and social cohesion.Although overtly appearing fairly cosmopolitan, nationalistic sentiments hidden under the disguise of ‗patriotism‘ are still evident. Indeed the issue of immigration provides just one example. While there are substantial differences between current state responses and those employed under the White Australia Policy, there are also significant ideological and practical continuities. Strong similarities may be drawn between current measures to externalise border control and the organised exclusion that formed the basis of the White Australia Policy. While claiming to be ‗multicultural‘, immigration policies in contemporary Australia still emphasise difference (Parkin & Hardcastle, 1990, p.330-335).Governmental and community debates on immigration have largely focused on negative perspectives; that migrant‘s are unable to assimilate, settle in enclaves and jeopardise social cohesiveness (Parkin & Hardcastle, 1990, p.330-335). Notably current restrictions on immigration essentially put forward the notion that certain groups (ie non-Whites) were inherently unable to assimilate and would therefore forever remain ‗un-Australian‘. While there is some public criticism of these ideologies, they are largely supported by the Australian public (Parkin & Hardcastle, 1990, p.333-335). This demonstrates that although the White Australia policy had been abolished, much of the racial sentiment that helped form its foundation still exists. Contemporary debates have centered on the incompatibility of Muslim immigration and the Australian nation. Muslims and the Arab other have been targeted, with their religious beliefs attributed to a capacity to produce extremism or terrorists. Indeed, Pauline Hanson reemerged in the 2007 federal election using Muslim immigration to argue again for the end of mass immigration and multiculturalism (AAP, 2007). The use of race to exclude certain forms of immigration is easily discernable in this context as Islam is portrayed as fundamentally non-Western and disruptive to social cohesion. In a parallel to policies legislated during White Australia, the emphasis is placed on the Muslim community to comply with cultural ‗White‘ norms. In this way, one must acknowledge that Australia (and most other nations) still look towards and rely on incorrect expressions of nationalistic ideology. This demonstrates that education is extremely important in shaping both an individual and a universal worldview. An education system based on purely nationalistic ideals systems is ultimately flawed as it fails to recognise the inherent and important differences in society. A cosmopolitan view would therefore allow for greater discussion along discourses of differences. Detractors of cosmopolitanism suggest that an education system along such lines is deeply flawed, as it is unsustainable to have a group of citizens with no allegiance to anything except mankind. However, what needs to be understood is that the embracement of cosmopolitan ideals does not mean the end of the state. As an ideology, cosmopolitanism attempts to define and shape the natural evolution of society. It does not advocate the eradication of state based modes of education rather it argues for an inclusive and more ethically focused discussion.Subscribers to the cosmopolitan point of view believe that both individual citizens and states, through the inevitable processes of evolution will naturally transition from state based modes of learning towards a more comprehensive and ethical cosmopolitan worldview.

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GLOBALISATION Globalisation is a relatively new term in contemporary discourse. It is generally understood as a process whereby the global society is becoming closer and that state boundaries are becoming increasingly permeable. Held describes globalisation as the ―crossborder flows of goods, services, money, people, information and culture (1999, p16). This definition suggests that globalisation theory is both complex and far-reaching encompassing far more than just the free flow of economic capital. Held‘s definition is exemplar as it also portrays globalisation as a process. Therefore, when one examines the increasing interconnectedness of national economies, it should be understood as a result of a number of long-term processes and trends. A similar viewpoint is propounded by sociologist Roland Robertson (1992, p.8) who argues that globalisation ―refers both to the compression of the world and the intensification of consciousness of the world as a whole‖. Both these definitions suggest that globalisation is characterised by both positive and negative elements. Globalisation refers to the integration of local and international economies into a global, unified economic and cultural order meaning that national borders would become permeable and society global. Ideally, the aim of globalisation is to create a worldwide community where the free movement of trade, labour and capital can occur between nations in a peaceful manner. In these ideals it shares many similar ideals to cosmopolitan thought. Furthermore, proponents of globalisation theory believe that it ultimately seeks to create a more equitable global society through the eradication of state borders, arguing that as wealth and resources become increasingly international, the global society rather than the state will prevail. Although the aims of globalisation may be noble in thought, globalisation theory is not without flaws. Globalisation, though involved in the eradication of state borders is also involved in the marginalisation of minorities and subsequently is often the source of societal inequality. Indeed, it has been well documented that the rise of globalisation has coincided with the increase of the rich and poor gap. This is largely caused by the increased mobility of capital. Although beneficial to developed countries, for developing nations globalisation lends itself to economic instability, as foreign investors are able to withdraw capital when conditions change unfavourably (Weissman, 2003). This not only creates uncertainty but also increases the reliance of developing nations on developed, wealthy nations. More disturbingly, globalisation has lead to an expansion of wage gaps between developed and developing nations (Weissman, 2003). These wage gaps occur as globalisation increases international competition. It is therefore important to understand that globalisation does not take place in a power vacuum. The economic powers of the wealthy nations of the first-world dominate while the poorer nations typically suffer the consequences.This aggravates the current first and third world inequities, as the centres of power continue to gain access to the technologies, information and knowledge not available elsewhere. It is not unreasonable to assume that as conditions in developing nations worsen due to the effects of globalisation, one could expect international migration to increase. Indeed, one could argue that globalisation forces mass migration by worsening the living conditions in developing nations. However a disparity exists when one begins to examine the issue of immigration and refugees. In the case of global migration, one begins to notice that instead of eroding state boundaries, states are increasingly closing rather than opening borders and retreating to a sense of nationalism and sovereignty. The glaring contradiction of

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globalisation becomes apparent here as money, goods and information flow relatively freely across borders, but people do not.To understand this disparity one must ask why nations regard the free flow of citizens as different to the free flow of capital or goods. Although there is a significant amount of overlap between cosmopolitan theory and globalisation, there are distinct differences. Globalisation is similar in that it largely advocates for the eradication of state borders. The difference however, is that ultimately globalisation is economically based and as such, its idea of a ‗borderless world‘ is both produced by and designed for corporate elites. Moreover, the goal of globalisation was never equality, rather, that the globalisation process was geared towards profit maximisation (Herman, 1999). Nederveen Pieterse (2004) asserts that in terms of human rights, globalisation has created a whole new set of problems.Furthermore, he contends that the shrinking of state power has resulted in a surge towards nationalism (2004, p.10).As such, although globalisation ideals are in many ways similar to that of cosmopolitanism, it‘s processes are linked to nationalistic ideals.

IMPORTANCE OF COSMOPOLITAN EDUCATION Education according to cosmopolitan ideals should be marked by a focus on world citizenship rather than national citizenship. Such ideas are important as the current focus on nationalism can often lead to a ‗false air of moral weight and glory‘ (Nussbaum, 2002). It is only through an understanding of the other that individuals and society in general can truly recognise what is important and shared rather than limiting and redundant. Indeed, this chapter suggests that there should be a much greater focus on cosmopolitanism in contemporary discourses on education as education should and must contribute to the betterment of society. Many concerns of contemporary society affect the global community. Certain shared concerns, such as concerns over the environment, cannot be adequately addressed from a state perspective. Contemporary education needs to reflect this. Moreover, most educational systems in contemporary society are designed to impose culture or imply difference. Cosmopolitanism could provide an effective and more ethical alternative. Cosmopolitanism attempts to eradicate notions of human difference and emphasizes a universal worldview. Thus providing educators a means to promote societal cohesion through the promotion of universally shared values and norms is beneficial not only to the individual, but to the wider society as a whole. A historical account of a form of cosmopolitanism education in action can be discerned in the policies and ideals articulated by Woodrow Wilson. The Wilsonian ideal advocated ideals of universal world peace, and in this broad sense can be seen as cosmopolitanism. Key features of the Wilsonian vision for peace were the elimination of power politics, the promotion of self-determination of peoples, and a system of collective cooperation that would replace the balance of power system with a ―community of power‖ (Mingst & Karns 2006, p.36). And so, Wilson advanced the idea of the League of Nations, an institutional structure that would regulate the international community. In this way, Wilson provided a contemporary, institution-based version of the cosmopolitan ideology. The aim of the League was to provide global citizens with an assurance of worldwide security. Its intention was

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based on the theory that each country, in their aims for peace, would guarantee the security of other countries thus negating the need for nations to resort military alliances of balances of power. The underlying cosmopolitan idea of Wilsonian idealism is evident in the projection of universal humanity as exceeding state concerns. Moreover, the cosmopolitan tradition regards humans as moral actors that are guided in their actions by universal norms and values. Ultimately although cosmopolitans do accept that norms and values differ among states and cultures, they ―hold that societies with competing values and norms can find some common normative ground. From an idealist point of view this is especially the case for the value of living together in peace.‖ (Rittberger, Zangl & Staisch, 2006, p.21). Such values transcend difference, and represent a ‗harmony of interests‘. Accordingly, disharmony is not inevitable, nor a natural inclination of peoples, as is supposed by detractors of cosmopolitan theory. Instead, cosmopolitans believe that that disharmony is the product of learned human behaviour. It is for these reasons that education based on cosmopolitan ideas are necessary as they place greater importance on the individual and moreover regard humanity as the universal guarantor of every individual‘s right to freedom. Educators must remain aware that the ideals of cosmopolitanism are not universally embraced. Critics of cosmopolitan ideology argue that cosmopolitanism is dangerous in that it is inherently imperialistic (Zolo, 1997). They attack moves towards a cosmopolitan ideology contending that it reflects western military and economic power and consequently cultural imperialism. Zolo views the United Nations as an organization dominated by the West and in particular the US. He suggests that cosmopolitanism ―remains firmly linked to the … classic Christian doctrine of natural law‘. Moreover many nationalists have been hostile to its ideals as they perceive cosmopolitanism to be ―an ally of political centralism‖ (Gellner, 1994, p.112). They argue that in its aims towards a universal global citizenship, cosmopolitanism inevitably promotes a sense of global homogeneity through the inevitable erosion of traditional ethnic communities and subcultures. The difficulty for educators therefore is in finding the balance between cosmopolitan ideals and working cosmopolitanism. Educators must understand that cosmopolitanism is both an ideal and a process. It does not seek to exclude or dilute individuals from connecting with their local or national communities. Rather cosmopolitanism should be viewed as an attempt to explain and encourage consideration of the global community as an additional and important community to which all citizens belong. Cosmopolitanism is therefore an ideology that encompasses a broad range of ideas and potential applications and should be understood as a historically rooted way of viewing and participating in global society. Its historical roots can be traced back through to the cynics of Ancient Greece, to Kantian notions of peace and the philosophy of Plato right through to present day debates of global democracy (Delanty, 2006, p28). As such, cosmopolitanism is an important educational concept in that it encourages participation and cooperation of individuals in a much wider, global context.

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CONCLUSION Contemporary society is marked by the decreasing significance of state borders. As the local and the global are no longer two separate fronts, the contemporary world is characterised by a complexity that often defies certainty and stability. In such conditions individuals exist within a global context and consequently are required to become more aware of each other. Cosmopolitanism provides a practical framework from which individuals and states can not only aspire to but also work towards. In its aims for global cooperation, understanding and ultimately peace, it provides a means for individuals to seek ethical and moral solutions for everyday, practical problems. Cosmopolitanism is not the only method from which one should be educated, however, it provides a unique and vast means of combating global problems. Nationalism has in many instances served its purpose. It has encouraged individuals to unite as a collective through the promotion of a certain ideals, and encouraged individual societies to unite through common goals. It has both established and influenced individual societies and created social boundaries that provided citizens with meaning and identity. In this sense, society needs to embrace a greater worldview. Cosmopolitanism thus, provides new way of undertaking and operating that encompasses both a new type of identity and politics as well as a new kind of human consideration.

REFERENCES AAP [Australian Associated Press] (2007). ‗Hanson calls for halt to Muslim Immigration‘, Sydney Morning Herald,16 August. Ashcroft, B. (1998). ―Other,‖In B.Ashcroft, G.Griffiths and H.Tiffin (Eds) Key concepts in post-colonial studies. London: Routledge. Anderson, B. (2000). Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism. Revised Edition. London: Verso. Benhabib, S. (2004). The rights of others: aliens, residents and citizens. United Kingdom: Cambridge University Press. Ben-Tovim, G., Gabriel, J., Law, I., and Stredder, K. (1986) The Local Politics of Race. London: Macmillan Education Ltd. Breckenridge, C., Pollock, S., Bhabha, H. K., Chakrabarty, D. (Eds.) (2002). Cosmopolitanism (A Public Culture Book). Duke University Press. Delanty, G. (2006). ‗The cosmopolitan imagination: critical cosmopolitanism and social theory‘. The British Journal of Sociology. 57/1, 25-47. Dobson, W.J. (2006). ‗The Day Nothing Much Changed‘, Foreign Policy Archive, Sept/Oct. URL: http://www.foreignpolicy.com.users.login.php?stirt_id3546 Accessed on 28 Nov, 2009. Fine. R. (2005). ‗Cosmopolitanism: A Social Science Research Agenda‘ In G.Delanty (Ed.) Handbook of ContemporaryEuropean Social Theory. London: Sage. Gardner, D. (2008). Risk: The Science and Politics of Fear. Melbourne: Scribe Publications.

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Gellner, E. (1994). Conditions of Liberty: Civil Society and Its Rivals. New York: Allen Lane/Penguin Press Gellner, E. (2001). Nations and Nationalism. Oxford: Blackwell Publishers. Guibernau, M. (2007).The identity of nations. United Kingdom: Polity Press Held, D., Goldblatt, D., & Perraton, J., (1999). Global transformations: Politics, economics and culture. Stanford University Press: Stanford. Herman, E. S., (1999). ―The Threat of Globalisation‖. New Politics. 7/2, 1-7. Hughes, G. (2003). Transcendence an history: the search for ultimacy from ancient societies to postmodernity. Missouri: University of Missouri Press. Hutchinson, J and Smith, A. D. (Eds.) (1994). Nationalism. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Jupp, J. (2007). ‗The Quest for Harmony‘. In J. Nieuwenhuysen, J. Jupp and E. Dawson (Eds). Social Cohesion in Australia. New York: Cambridge University Press. Kendall, G. Skrbis, Z., Woodward, I. (2009). The Sociology of Cosmopolitanism. Great Britain: Palgrave Macmillan MacCallum, M. (2002). ‗Girt by Sea: Australia, the Refugees and the Politics of Fear‘, Quarterly Essay. 106/5, 173. Mingst, K. A., and Karns, M. P. (2006). United Nations in the Twenty-First Century. Third Edition. USA: Westview Press Nederveen Pieterse, J. (2004). Globalisation and Culture: Global Melange. Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers Inc. Nussbaum M. (2002) ‗Patriotism and Cosmopolitanism‘. In J. Cohen for Boston Review (Ed). For Love of Country? Boston: Beacon Press. Parkin, A. & Hardcastle, L. (1990). ―Immigration policy‖ in C.Jennett, & Stewart, R. G. Stewart (Eds), Hawke and Australian Public Policy:Consensus and Restructuring. Melbourne: Macmillan. Peritore, N. P. (1999).Third World environmentalism: case studies from the Global South, United States of America: University Press of Florida Rittberger, V., Zangl, B., and Staisch, M. (2006). International Organization: Polity, Politics and Policies. Trans. Antoinette Groom. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Rivett, K. (1962). (Ed). Immigration: Control or Colour Bar? The Background to „White Australia‟ and a Proposal for Change. Melbourne: Melbourne University Press. Robertson, R. (1992). Globalisation: social theory and global culture. Sage: London. Ross, C. (2006). ‗Prolonged Symptoms of Cultural Anxiety: the Persistence of Narratives of Asian Invasion within Multicultural Australia‘. Journal of the Association for the Study of Australian Literature, 86-99. Roth, K.,& Gur -Ze‘ev I. (Eds) (2007). Education in the era of globalization.The Netherlands: Springer Skrbis, Z., Kendall, G., and Woodward, I. (2004). ‗Locating Cosmopolitanism: Between humanist ideal and grounded social category‘. Theory, Culture & Society. 21/6, 115-136. Smith, A.D., (1993). National Identity Reno: University of Nevada Press. Smith, A. D. (2002). Nationalism: Theory Ideology, History. United Kingdom: Polity Press. Weissman, R. (2003). ‗Grotesque Inequality Corporate Globalization and the Global Gap Between Rich and Poor‘. Multinational Monitor Magazine. 24 (7/8)July/August. Online at http://www.thirdworldtraveler.com/Third_World/Grotesque_Ineqaulity.html. Zolo, D. (1997). Cosmopolis: prospects for world government. (trans.) D. McKie. Cambridge: Polity Press.

In: Education without Borders Editor: Loshini Naidoo

ISBN 978-1-62728-613-1 © 2010 Nova Science Publishers, Inc.

Chapter 2

“RURAL” SCHOOLS AND UNIVERSITIES: CHALLENGING A NEGATIVE CONCEPT OF OTHERNESS TOWARDS RURAL COMMUNITIES Jane Pennefather Faculty of Education, Pietermaritzburg, University of KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa

ABSTRACT The chapter explores a range of partnership approaches, in particular rural school placements, used in an initial teacher education programme, in order to challenge a deficiency framework many teachers have regarding rural contexts in South Africa and to develop a more positive orientation to the possibility of working in these contexts. This constitutes a response to the national imperative to encourage teachers to work in rural schools, given the shortage of teachers, and to challenge the dominant discourses based in a deficiency framework which many pre-service teachers exhibit in their interactions with each other and in their responses towards contexts viewed as rural and by implication inferior and undesirable. Cosmopolitanism in this chapter is about using the opportunities which partnerships can offer in order to increase the levels of cultural interactions within a diverse South African society and in particular between urban and rural contexts. The partnership approach used in the programme creates the spaces for the reconceptualisation of otherness to happen. Student teachers are immersed in rural contexts and the culturally specific forms of participation and construction of meaning with which they arrive, become challenged in a process of identity negotiation, and opportunities for the construction of a new future begin to emerge. The diversity in South African society with its complex history demands that a re-conceptualisation of otherness should constantly be engaged with, and in particular in the education of teachers. Education for a cosmopolitan society requires the challenging of deficit discourses associated with otherness. Possibilities for how this can be done are explored through the experiences of a partnership approach described in the chapter.

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INTRODUCTION The chapter explores partnership approaches, in particular rural school placements, used in a Post-Graduate Certificate in Education (PGCE) programme, in order to challenge a deficiency framework many teachers have regarding rural contexts in South Africa and to develop a more positive orientation to the possibility of working in these contexts. Cosmopolitanism in this context is about using the opportunities which partnerships can offer in order to increase the levels of cultural interactions within a diverse South African society and in particular between urban and rural contexts. The particular challenge we face when placing student teachers in culturally diverse contexts suggests that a cosmopolitan perspective with its emphasis on inclusion, tolerance and respect for the other, is an appropriate response to the challenges faced. This also constitutes a response to the national imperative to educate teachers for rural contexts (more than 75% of newly trained teachers move to urban areas) and to challenge the dominant discourses based in a deficiency framework which many pre-service teachers exhibit in their interactions with each other and in their responses towards contexts viewed as rural and by implication inferior and undesirable. The diversity in South African society demands that a re-conceptualisation of otherness is constantly to be engaged with if we are to become a truly transformed society and part of an African and global network. The ―miracle ― of South Africa‘s transition from an apartheid based society to one which is underpinned by a fine Constitution based on principles of social justice, may remain locked in the realms of policy if we do not create the spaces for the re-conceptualisation of otherness to happen. The challenge of producing teachers to teach in rural areas is not simply one of teacher supply – it is also about teacher deployment and attitude change. The partnership approach used in the PGCE programme, brings together multiple voices in the construction of new knowledge which serves to challenge this deficiency framework. Using Wenger‘s (1998) Community of Practice approach, spaces need to be provided for systematic reflection and changing the culturally specific forms of participation and reification by which individuals construct meaning (Jorgensen & Keller, 2008). Drawing from a socio-cultural perspective on learning which suggests that learning is situated and that the situation itself contributes to the development of knowledge through activity, student teachers are immersed as a diverse group in rural contexts with whom partnerships have been established, living, teaching and learning. Using Wenger‘s work on communities of practice, the learning of these teachers is seen as a process of negotiating identity while immersed in a space different from the familiar. Through an increasing understanding of the space students begin a deepened process of understanding each other, themselves and the world. Cosmopolitanism supports this idea of cultural exchange/negotiations of meaning which has the effect of transforming who we are and how we think (negotiation of identity) and in the process negative notions of otherness and deficit frameworks are challenged. Although these partnerships have been developed to provide learning spaces which can challenge dominant deficit discourses regarding rurality in a South African context, they offer possibilities for a future where people can conceptualize otherness in a positive, enriching way and in the process ask deep questions of their own practice. Jorgensen and Keller (2008) comment that in a world of flexibility, change and innovation we need to explore practice by means of reflection and reflexivity – what has been referred to as intelligent participation. This would

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involve a critical examination of our practices and ways of relating to others. They clarify this as the need for a systematic exploration of how participants connect past, present and future to question interpretations of who we are, where we are, and where we are going. The learning spaces created through the use of partnerships with rural schools offer an opportunity for students to develop both reflective and reflexive practice and in the process begin to imagine (or construct) a new future. These partnerships include the case of PGCE students making an annual field-trip to a deeply rural, under-resourced school; the contribution a rural teacher and her learners have made within the lecturing programme of the students; and the placement of students in these partner rural schools for extended periods of time. The approaches have been initiated within a broad understanding of what is meant by rurality, acknowledging that there is no agreement of what constitutes urban and rural contexts, as in South Africa many of the urban schools exhibit similar qualities of under-resourcement. Apartheid legacy has left a sprawling perurban area of poverty and under-development. The partnership work upon which the chapter is based, views rurality as a sense of place with its strengths and weaknesses. Rather than focussing on deficit development with its outlook that assumes people lack resources and skills and that these inadequacies need to be overcome, our partnership approach recognizes economic poverty, but acknowledges and celebrates the stories of hope and change: the cohesion of many communities, the indigenous knowledge processes which are often widely intact and the rich social fabric which has enabled people in poor communities to support each other in a context of HIV and Aids. The Nguni tradition where people my age are my brothers and sisters, the elderly are my parents and young people are regarded as my children, is an example of this supportive social fabric. As is the African concept of Ubuntu: Umuntu, ngomuntu ngabantu (people are people/human through their interactions with people). This African cosmopolitanism often tangibly manifest in rural communities needs to be engaged with in order to shape a Teacher Education that is responsive to the development needs of South Africa.

THE SOUTH AFRICAN CONTEXT Despite the enormous positive changes in South Africa post 1994, it is a country still characterized by great inequalities and high levels of poverty, rooted in the legacy of the past. There has been a proliferation of change at a policy level; however, despite these policy changes, there are still considerable differences in terms of learners‘ socio-economic backgrounds, school infrastructure and resources; learner-teacher ratios; qualifications of teachers; availability of teachers and shortages in key subjects; school ―culture‖ etc. These inequalities cannot be separated from our past and from the unequal power relations between urban and rural and within these contexts as well. Despite the visions of democracy embodied in the Constitution, people‘s attitudes and assumptions are slower to change and a new elitism is beginning to emerge based not so much on race but on class and economic mobility, once again carrying its own assumptions and stereotypes. These assumptions and stereotypes were evident in the responses of many teachers involved in the National Research Foundation (NRF) supported project (Grant 2054168) aimed at mapping barriers to basic education in a context of HIV and Aids ( Muthukrishna; Ramsuran; Pennefather; Naidoo & Jugmohan,

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2007). Using Foucault and discourse analysis, it was suggested that the dominant discourses reflecting the social and cultural capital of the more powerful becomes difficult to challenge and that many teachers tend to use a deficiency framework as a basis for understanding exclusionary factors in the lives of their learners, families and communities (Muthukrishna; Ramsuran; Pennefather; Naidoo & Jugmohan, 2007). Drawing from this discourse theory and the research findings, parallels become evident in the University of KwaZulu-Natal PGCE student group, a diverse group in terms of race/gender/age and background. From a teacher education perspective, this diversity in terms of student groups and school contexts forms a great challenge. This is particularly evident in the formation of social groupings in the lecture/workshop situations, student voices and student responses to school placements. By extension this means that students from rural contexts often feel disempowered and therefore do not actively engage in workshop interaction and furthermore there is generally a resistance from pre-service teachers to be placed in rural contexts and to envisage a future for themselves as teachers in rural contexts. A number of the key tenets of the deficiency discourses evident in the data gathered from inservice teachers‘ accounts of barriers to basic education in an HIV and Aids context (othering; difference as deficit, homogenising of the subject, and silences) are evident in the PGCE group. Some of their responses to a question on whether they had considered teaching in a rural school revealed many aspects of a deficiency framework, for example: ―Hopeless cases, riddled with problems. I didn‘t feel I could make much of a difference, nor learn much from them.‖ ―I felt they were dangerous, inconvenient, uncomfortable to teach in.‖

Educating for a cosmopolitan society should be actively encouraging the silent student voices to be heard; it should be viewing the diversity of students as assets and the contextual diversity of schools as challenges with immense potential as learning spaces. We need to ask ourselves what role teacher education has as a change agent in engaging with deficiency discourses, while also acknowledging the real challenges in many contexts and providing realistic, sustainable support mechanisms to meet some of the challenges. Transformation in terms of mindsets cannot be achieved by policy alone; Professor Jansen, Vice Chancellor of the University of the Free State, speaking at a college lecture, (2009) based on his book Knowledge in the Blood: Confronting Race and the Apartheid Past, challenged the greater university community not to equate transformation with ―counting heads in employment equity.‖ ―Until you look at a black person or a white person and see yourself in them, until you have that moment, do not talk to me about transformation.‖ ―If nobody interrupts the knowledge of these kids, you are going to be in trouble. They stay in their circles where they learn that the past was on their side, the present is filled with incompetent people and the future is dark…‖

Immersion in rural contexts in a supported way can provide opportunities for the interruption of the knowledge of many of the students and facilitate the creation of new knowledge and altered mindsets through social participation in rural communities and with each other in communal living and teaching. Reciprocal humanity becomes a possibility. By

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immersing students in a supported rural environment, the theories of action with which they come, their notions of professional practice, and what constitutes strengths, weaknesses and good practice, can be challenged by the place leading to a deepening understanding of the context and what constitutes purposes of schooling, language, achievement, leading to a better understanding of themselves, others and possibilities of agency. Given the shortage of teachers particularly in rural contexts and the deficiency discourses prevalent amongst trainee teachers, teacher education institutions need to consider carefully enabling strategies in their programmes which will challenge these deficiency discourses held by many potential teachers and develop what Morrow (2007) describes as the flexible competences that will enable them to teach no matter how unpromising the contexts and conditions may seem. The key question he poses is, ―How can I organize systematic learning in this context and these conditions?‖ (Morrow, 2007).

STRATEGIES USED IN THE UNIVERSITY OF KWAZULU NATAL PGCE PROGRAMME AS POTENTIAL CHANGE AGENCY Fullan (1993) suggests that teacher education programmes need to develop students‘ change capacities. These change capacities include personal vision building, enquiry and collaboration. Since 2003, as part of their core programme, student teachers from the PGCE programme have experienced the development of a partnership with a number of deeply rural schools. This has involved collecting resources for both teachers and learners, spending time at the schools interacting with teachers, learners and members of the School Governing Body (SGB) and more recently being placed at these schools for Teaching Practice. These periods of placement vary from 4 weeks to 6 weeks and in most cases students live in the community surrounding the schools. As a lack of resources in the schools posed a problem for the student teachers, a further development in the support of the students this year has been the engagement with alternative resources for teaching, including experiential work with the concept of the Outdoor Classroom. Morrow‘s (2007) question: ―How can I organize systematic learning in this context and these conditions?‖ (p.105) could find responses when students are able to see the environment in which they are teaching as a potential source of many resources. Given the rich repository of indigenous knowledge processes in rural contexts, student teachers need to be guided into a wider engagement of what constitutes knowledge. They need to engage in the reflexive act of questioning their basic thinking regarding identity and practice and it is in this critical process that the possibilities for the development of insightful, enriched ways of social interaction begin to emerge. Teacher education institutions have a major responsibility for creating the spaces for students to question their basic thinking and to explore alternatives. If our future is to be cosmopolitan, then we need to develop opportunities for reflectiveness and reflexivity leading to the possibility of a new future where people of the world are able to live together more harmoniously.

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RURAL SCHOOL PLACEMENTS Our teacher education programmes have always relied on local schools to host the students for the school based component of their programmes. This model has relied heavily on the good will of the schools with very little emphasis on the partnership aspect of the relationship. Mentor training is held regularly, but it has been recognized that the concept of partnership has needed strengthening. The role of the liaison mentor in leading the process at schools and helping to facilitate the links between schools and between the university and schools has been strengthened through a focus on the professional development of the mentors. In South Africa with its range of schools and the support which student teachers will require in challenging contexts, the role of the mentors becomes particularly significant. The emphasis has shifted from well functioning collaborations with separate schools towards a more systematic approach with a focus on quality assurance through the development of effective mentoring and sustainable collaborations between the university and schools. The development of sustainable collaborations implies that partnerships between schools and the university need to be seen to have mutual benefits in both formal and informal ways. One of the features of effective school-university partnerships is equality or parity. Generally, however, studies indicate that both partners see universities as the stronger partner with schools benefiting from the partnership and van Marion (2007) emphasises the importance of mutual benefit. For the teacher training institution, he says that this primarily implies the improvement of the quality of the students‘ teaching practice and the teacher education programme as a whole, particularly through creating a closer link between theory and practice. University/ rural school partnerships could be particularly vulnerable to unequal power distribution, with schools not recognizing the potentially powerful roles they have to play. Since the inception of the partnership in 2003 with one of the schools, there has been a shifting of ownership and leadership from the university to the school.

CHALLENGES OF A PLACEMENT IN A RURAL SCHOOL The wide variety between schools forms a great challenge in terms of quality during the school practice – lack of resources can be challenging to experienced teachers, so for trainee teachers it can be particularly daunting. Class sizes can be overwhelming – 60 +, challenging the implementation of newly learnt pedagogies. Huge emphasis on the pastoral role of teachers given the contexts of poverty with its huge problem of HIV and Aids – are student teachers ready to deal with these emotional demands? Use of traditional transmission teaching methods and outdated methods of discipline – often in direct conflict with policy, for example, the use of corporal punishment – student teachers with new ideas can come into conflict with these inflexible approaches. Under-qualified teachers with poor subject knowledge base – how does this impact on the quality of mentoring? How does it impact upon the mentor-mentee relationships? High rate of violence in South Africa and an increasing incidence of school-based violence – are there greater risks to student teachers under poor socio-economic conditions?

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Low morale of many teachers particularly in the face of policy overload and the difficulty of implementing new policies in under-resourced areas. The particular challenge of the new curriculum has lead many teachers to mimic policy (Mattson & Harley, 2003). What are the consequences for new teachers who themselves need help in particular with the new curriculum? Impact of HIV and Aids on learners and on teachers – high degree of absenteeism, illness at school – consequences for student teachers who often have to fill the gaps, rather than on having the time to prepare, teach, observe and reflect.

EXPERIENCE OF THE STUDENT TEACHERS IN THE RURAL SCHOOLS Getting there/Living there The experience of students spending extended time with each other, living near the schools, helped to challenge racial and cultural stereotypes; encouraged mutual problemsolving of issues faced in the day, raised challenges regarding language etc. The deficiency frameworks which many student teachers used in their understanding of rural contexts were painfully challenged at times. Using the theory of communities of practice (Wenger,1998), for analysing what was happening in terms of student teacher learning, it became clear that by being active participants in the practices of social communities, their identities were being constructed and shaped in relation to these communities. In the process students were able to discover what they were able to do and not do and who they were in relation to others. ―Bringing together experiences of participation and social reifications we construct who we are in a negotiation of meaning‖ (Wenger,1998, p.151). This challenged the superficial deficit discourses which they brought to the context. The fact that the schools were at a distance from the university also meant that the university tutors (part of the mentor support group of the students) also had to spend extended periods of time at the schools. The community of practice extended to include the university tutors/mentors/students and other members of the school community (in this case the governing body was very involved in the welcome given to students). Instead of university tutors coming in briefly to watch a lesson and leaving, reinforcing a sense of schools serving universities, they also became part of this community of practice, with their identities being constructed and shaped in relation to this community.

Student Development The deficiency frameworks held by many of the student teachers are captured in their responses in the reflective journals which they kept during the school placement. One student in particular was horrified by the idea of teaching in a rural school: ―I would be lying if I said that I wasn‘t apprehensive about coming here. I had many expectations and conceptions of what to expect. Some have turned out to be true and some an illusion. When told I was going to a rural school all eyes in my group turned to me. Me? Never! I can‘t go to a school where teachers get stabbed to death, where I‘ll teach under a tree and not be able to understand anything anyone says. But here I am and was I ever so wrong!

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Jane Pennefather The teachers and learners are absolutely welcoming and accepting. These children are thirsty for knowledge and so long as you are willing to offer them what they need – the critical foundational skills of the subject then they are appreciative and grateful.‖

In focus group meetings, when students discussed their expectations regarding teaching in a rural school, most of them indicated that they were not surprised by the lack of resources, poor infrastructure etc but that their assumptions regarding the learners, teachers and community were challenged. Many of them were surprised by the effort teachers put into their work, despite the lack of resources. A number of them had assumed that learners were lazy and lacked motivation – this assumption was challenged by an increasing understanding of the context and the barriers to learning which learners and teachers face. This was reflexive thinking involving a critical questioning of previously held assumptions and an engagement with reality as a social construction. Concepts like scaffolding and mediation of learning moved from the realm of theory to practical engagement. Policy issues were engaged with – particularly those relating to school governance and the role of parents in poor communities with their high levels of illiteracy. Questions about purposes of schooling and the impact of the apartheid era education policies were raised as students grappled with a range of challenges. This is the knowledge interruption which challenges the deficit notion of rural contexts and social identity. It is about becoming part of a common humanity – a cosmopolitan reality. Instead of oversimplifying the context and seeing teachers as lazy or incompetent, students began to understand the challenges many teachers face. One of the students commented on the stigma attached to teachers who teach in rural areas, associated with a perception that ‗you only teach in a rural context if you have no qualifications and can‘t teach.‘ Regular disruptions to the timetable meant that student teachers very quickly had to learn to adapt, strategise and become adept at flexible problem-solving. Language was a challenge to some of the students, but they became adept at using each other‘s strengths and even began to risk code switching themselves, with the support of their colleagues. Generally, the experience of living together, travelling together and working in a context so different from what they were used to, challenged the dominant discourses of deficiency and reductionism. This is powerfully captured in the response of one of the students: ―Although one spent a great deal of time on oneself, there was nevertheless a common goal, to become qualified teachers in a challenging context. Being in the house with the other student teachers developed and enhanced my teamworking skills. As student teachers we all worked together towards a single objective to explore, develop and improve our teaching skills. As student teachers who had never really mixed before with different cultural backgrounds, we learnt to interact well together and therefore constantly encounter each other‘s difficulties. We learnt to depend on and help each other. There were times when different cultural and social backgrounds became apparent, but we tried not to let it get in the way through deeper understandings of ourselves and what it takes to work together. During the evenings and when we had just finished supper, we always sat together and reflected on what had happened and what we had done at school and what strategies we could use and what was not working.‖

The increased interdependence and cultural interactions of this diverse group of students was encouraging a more critical examination of identity and practice. In authentic situations

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of problem-solving, students‘ reflective practice (knowing a practice) shifted to deepened reflexive practice (knowing in practice). Students commented: ―I think that the teachers I observed need to first establish what prior knowledge the learners have and where the gaps are, because from prior knowledge teachers can plan to build on a solid foundation‖ ―My experience here about teaching and learning is that it is not enough to present information as many teachers do, but to develop strategies which will support and respond to students‘ learning. The learner‘s role is not just to absorb information but to actively make sense and construct meaning. The opposite happens for many teachers in this school. Teachers encourage rote learning rather than understanding mainly because they are frequently inadequately trained. Teachers should learn to see the children as building blocks, to build on what they already know.‖ (This came from a student who had attended a rural school himself).

What became clear in the observation and comments of these students was that despite it being a demanding/challenging experience they personally, and as a group, wrestled with the challenges and in the process closed the theory /practice gap. They drew on their theories; challenged them and made them work for this context. As a consequence of the rural school placement a number of partnership/development initiatives have arisen, initiated by students. These include the establishment of food gardens, a school library project, weekly voluntary teaching by students after the completion of their school placement.; an increasing number of students who apply for teaching posts in the partner rural schools; sharing of resources between well-resourced and under-resourced schools and most importantly a heightened form of self-reflexivity leading to an awareness of the interdependence of mankind and the need for social responsibility and inclusivity.

MUTUAL BENEFITS OF THE PARTNERSHIP How the University Benefits By being responsive to the national imperative to train teachers for rural contexts, we are potentially making a difference to education and development in the country. Teacher education becomes more realistic and it prepares student teachers for all schools. By immersing students in a range of contexts we contribute to challenging the dominant discourses rooted in the past and in this way contribute to building a society based on principles of social justice. South Africa is committed to principles of human rights and social justice and education is central to the achievement of equality. Students can begin to imagine a new reality and identity for themselves which means that they begin to relate differently to each other and to rural contexts. Teacher education becomes more school based and there is a stronger link between theory and practice in the teacher training programme. Through being immersed in authentic learning experiences, students actively engage with the challenges of the implementation of policy and they themselves in the future may contribute realistically as policy makers or as teachers having to implement policy.

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Improved mentoring quality impacts upon the student teachers‘ school practice as a whole. How Partner Schools Develop By being a key partner in teacher education, the school is offered new challenges that allow it to develop and reach a higher professional status. Teachers become aware that their knowledge and experience represents a valuable input in the training of student teachers. Teachers and students have the potential to engage in mutual learning, thereby highlighting the concept of lifelong learning. Teachers in remote schools through the students have access to different teaching materials/ methodologies/latest curriculum debates etc. Students can play a key role in training teachers with technology – in our case students trained many of the teachers in the use of the laptops which partner schools had received. Learners in remote schools through the students begin to have a sense of a world out these and the possibilities that could exist for them. The principal of one of the rural schools describes it as a ―Vision for the Future‖. A comment was made by one of the students: ― Learners can be encouraged to set goals and work hard for the future, for example when they see a past student such as Vuka Kheswa who is from the community – having gone so far and achieved so much. Their own lives and dreams for the future may be inspired by our voices.‖

Partner schools have access to university resources, school development projects, new qualifications, information etc. (A significant number of teachers from the partner schools have now enrolled with UKZN for a number of courses). Schools within a cluster can begin to work closely with each other, particularly where one of the schools is well resourced. This has already begun to happen with the rural schools and a number of the well resourced state schools in the cluster. Networks are about increasing communication, engaging with diversity and drawing on mutual strengths. A new pool of teachers with a positive orientation to the challenges and potential of teaching in rural contexts, is developed. This was commented on by the schools as well as by the student teachers. We have followed these developments and noted a number of cases where our student teachers have applied for posts in these rural schools. The perception by the schools of their role in teacher education supports the cooperative model of partnership where teacher education is viewed as a collaborative enterprise of mutual benefit between the parties, where both professional and theoretical skills are evaluated (Ramberg & Haugalokken & Ramberg, 2005). It also offers exciting possibilities for the realistic development of teacher professional identities through the partnerships as teachers/schools recognize that value is placed on their roles in the development of an effective teacher education programme.

CONCLUSION We need to move from what Morrow (2007) describes as performance models of teaching to a transformational pedagogy based on active learning approaches. Place based

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pedagogies where students become immersed in communities different from their own can impact powerfully on identity formation so that it becomes a negotiated experience and is connected to students‘ learning trajectory (Wenger, 1998). Those students, through the partnerships established with the rural schools and those placed there, can emerge challenged, perhaps changed but with a greater understanding of teaching and learning in context, asking the question, ―How can I organize systematic learning in this context and in these conditions?‖ (Morrow 2007, p.105). Learning is about negotiating new identities and authentic spaces need to be created for this possibility where people can recognize their common humanity, while respecting cultural differences. Paul Gilroy (2005) in his article A New Cosmopolitanism, addresses South Africa: ―Your specific blend of diversity and solidarity yield a special lesson for a world where we are increasingly told that diversity and solidarity cannot mix. Culture becomes open, fluid and amenable to change. Then the clash within civilizations is more important than the supposed battle between them‖ (p. 288)

By exploring the use of partnership models in teacher education, we will be expanding the diversity of the learning spaces for ourselves, our students, our schools and communities. Educating for a cosmopolitan society means that we need to create the spaces for multimemberships of different communities. These may result in points of disturbance which are important for the learning of all of the participants – university, students, rural schools and rural communities. In developing and supporting partnerships with a diverse range of schools, teacher education programmes can only become more authentic and potentially more responsive to the education and social needs of the country and beyond.

ACKNOWLEDGMENT Much of this chapter has been published under the title, ―Rural‖ Schools and Universities: The Use of Partnerships as a Teaching Strategy in enhancing a positive response to rurality, Pennefather J 2008; in the Special Edition of the South African Journal, Perspectives in Education, 2008.

REFERENCES Fullan M.G., (1993). In Erickson J & Anderson J (1997). Learning With the Community: Concepts and Models for Service-Learning in Teacher Education. Washington.AACTE: American Association of Colleges for Teacher Education. Gilroy P., (2005). A New Cosmopolitanism, Interventions, 7/3, 287-292. Haugalokken O.K., & Ramberg P., (2005). School Adoption as a Form of Teaching Practice in Initial Teacher Education. Report. Trondheim: The NorwegianUniversity of Science and Technology, Programme for Teacher Education. Jansen J., (2009). Knowledge in the Blood. Confronting Race and the Apartheid Past.Cape Town, UCT Press; Stanford, StanfordUniversity Press.

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Jorgensen K.M., & Keller H.D., (2008). Advances in Developing Human Resources : The Contribution of Communities of Practice to Human Resource Development: Learning as negotiated identity. Sage Publications Korthagen FAJ in cooperation with Kessels J, Koster B, Lagerwerf B & Wubbels, T (2001) Linking Theory and Practice. The pedagogy of realistic teacher education. New Jersey/London: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Mattson E & Harley K (2003). Teacher Identities and Strategic Mimicry in the Policy/Practice Gap. In L.Lewin, M.Samuel & Y.Sayed. Changing Patterns of Teacher Education in South Africa. Sandown. Heinemann. Morrow W (2007) Learning to Teach in South Africa. Cape Town: HSRC Press. Muthukrishna N, Ramsuran A, Pennefather J, Naidoo J& Jugmohan P (2007). Sense-making frameworks: Dominant, discursive constructions of learners and communities by teachers in the context of intersecting barriers to basic education. Perspectives in Education, 25/1, 31-44. Ramberg P & Haugalokken OK (2005). The Use of Partnership Models in Teacher Education. Towards a more realistic approach? Report. Trondheim: The NorwegianUniversity of Science and Technology, Programme for Teacher Education. van Marion P., & van Marion A.S., (2007). Quality Development at the Crossroads between Theory and Practice. A Model for School-University Partnerships in South African Teacher Education. Article presented at The International Uniqual Conference, Xiamen, China. Wenger E., (1998). Communities of Practice. Learning, Meaning and Identity.Cambridge: CambridgeUniversity Press.

In: Education without Borders Editor: Loshini Naidoo

ISBN 978-1-62728-613-1 © 2010 Nova Science Publishers, Inc.

Chapter 3

COMMUNITY ENGAGEMENT AS PEDAGOGY FOR TRANSNATIONAL LEARNING Loshini Naidoo University of Western Sydney NSW, Australia

ABSTRACT The complexity and fluidity of the modern world implies that changes in knowledge and in social, economic and political structures have become characteristic of our lives. This chapter discusses the role of community engagement programs in teacher education at universities. Such engagement is crucial in assisting universities meet the needs of their diverse student groups as well as assisting schools meet the needs of marginalised students. Given the difficulties experienced by disadvantaged students in making the transition to mainstream classes and the lack of adequate teaching and learning resources for teachers in schools, this chapter takes as its primary focus the needs of diverse students in a cosmopolitan society, the role of community engagement as pedagogy in meeting these needs and the implications for teacher preparation programs in tertiary institutions and the benefits of interventionist mechanisms for diverse students.

INTRODUCTION Education for a cosmopolitanism society emphasizes a much broader notion of belonging, particularly in the current social and political climate where globalisation and transnationalism have become indelible features of our society. Refugees, asylum seekers and immigrants have significantly transformed our definition and understanding of the concept of citizenship and the role the nation has in responding to these claims for citizenship (Benhabib, 2004). According to Osler and Starkley (2005, p. 23) cosmopolitanism offers a way to be: ―a citizen at any level, local, national, regional or global. It is based on feelings of solidarity with fellow human beings wherever they are situated…. Cosmopolitan citizens process their

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Loshini Naidoo multiple identities. In so doing, cosmopolitan citizens recognize others as essentially similar to themselves and arrive at a sense of citizenship based on consciousness of humanity rather than on allegiance to a state‖

Hannerz (1990, p. 252), describes the core meaning of his notion of cosmopolitanism as follows: ―A more genuine cosmopolitanism entails a certain metacultural position. There is, first of all, a willingness to engage with the Other, an intellectual and ethic stance of openness toward divergent cultural experiences. [It is] a search for contrasts rather than uniformity. To become acquainted with more cultures is to turn into an aficionado, to view them as art works‖ (Hannerz, 1990, p. 239)

This implies that cosmopolitanism should be viewed as a response to the increasing levels of cultural diversity in our communities. This diversity is produced in part by the transnational movement of people. Cosmopolitanism therefore can provide a cultural depth of engagement with other cultures, particularly local diverse cultures. As such individuals in a cosmopolitan society would want to have an ―open mind‖ and one which allows them to learn about other cultures that are different to their own. Nussbaum (1994) traces cosmopolitanism and the notion of citizenship education back to Ancient Greece and also refers to the Stoics‘ suggestion of a model of concentric circles. The first is drawn around oneself, the next, depending on individual and cultural context, takes in the immediate family, then extended family, neighbours or local group, fellow countrymen, ethnic, linguistic gender identities. Luke (2004, p.1429–1431) argues for a vision of teaching for ―cosmopolitanism‖ and asks: ―What if we envisioned as part of our rethinking of democratic education a reconstruction of teachers and students as world citizens, thinkers, intellectuals, and critics and within this context, as national and community-based subjects?‖ He describes world teachers as new cosmopolitan citizens who are able to communicate productively across and with difference (Luke & Goldstein, 2006). From this perspective, students would think critically, take an active role and contribute to the communities in which they participate, develop a critical attitude in social justice education, take into account different perspectives when analysing and explaining situations and events so that they understand the world as an interconnected global community. Teachers should be able to deal with issues of social injustice particularly in regards to issues of power, identity, and class between and within the cultures and communities they work. Such discourse would require teachers to build up intercultural capital, knowledge, and dispositions that enable them to teach in what cultural theorist Ang (2001, p.5) has called a space of ―togetherness-in-difference‖. Cosmopolitanism therefore, can help students retain their individual identities and experiences and rather than emphasize their differences, for example differences based on gender, culture, race, or age, teachers can see them and their experiences as complex and unique (Bridgehouse, 2006; Benhabib, 2007; Kiwan, 2008). Being a global citizen and a cosmopolitan teacher requires participation in, and valuing of, the intercultural differences that exist in a society. Engaging in the profession can lead to an appreciation for how all our choices are part of a complex global network. Community engagement is an indispensable method for citizenship education. Cairn & Kielsmeier (1991) believe that as a philosophy of education, community engagement reflects

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the belief that education should help students develop personally while also enhancing their social responsibility through preparation for active citizenship in a democratic society. As pedagogy, community engagement involves a blending of community activities with the academic curriculum in order to address real community needs while students learn through active engagement and reflection. It becomes therefore not only pedagogy for critical thinking but also pedagogy for world citizenship education. Community engagement therefore is an opportunity to link classroom with a valued service to the community. Others have observed how community engagement can support classroom learning particularly in literacy and numeracy as a way to engage youth in active learning (Boyer, 1983; Nathan Kielsmeier, 1991; Anderson, Kinsley, Negroni & Price, 1991). By emphasizing cooperation, democratic citizenship and moral responsibility through service learning, higher education connects to the wider community and prepares students to meet society‘s urgent needs. Having a sense of community also implies involvement and empowerment of those in a community and this in turn produces responsible citizenship. As evidenced by research, extending service and learning beyond the classroom to the community provides numerous benefits to participants. As students focus on contemporary issues in the community (Astin & Sax, 1998; Grusky, 2000), they strengthen their sense of civic responsibility (Smith-Paríolá & Gòkè-Paríolá, 2006; Sax & Astin, 1997). Benefits of service-learning also include the development of skills for penetrating social barriers (SmithParíolá & Gòkè-Paríolá, 2006); better academic performance by students (Astin & Sax, 1998); and, in cases where language learners interact with members who speak the target language, increased motivation to apply linguistic and cultural knowledge (Hale, 1997). ―Service-learning is a form of experiential education in which students engage in activities that address human and community need together with structured opportunities intentionally designed to promote student learning and development‖ (Jacoby, 1996, p. 5). Bringle &Hatcher (1995), view service learning as a credit-bearing educational experience in which students participate in an organized service activity that meets identified community needs and reflect on the service activity in such a way as to gain further understanding of course content, a broader appreciation of the discipline, and an enhanced sense of civic responsibility. The relationship is influenced by what Freire (1993, p.19) termed the agency of the oppressed or ―conscientizacao‖. Freire believed that the oppressed become masters of their own transformation and he introduced transformative practices to reach liberation. Praxis for Freire (1993, p. 3) is ―reflection and action upon the world to transform it‖. Universities and faculties of education that promote community engagement activities through school partnerships are educationally purposeful and create a powerful learning environment and a greater sense of belonging for young students. As early as Dewey‘s (1938) experiential education, elements of the idea of learning through active service were evident. He believed that true learning comes through experience. Dewey (1938) feels the professional teacher is one who learns from teaching rather than one who has finished learning how to teach. Then in the late 70‘s and early 80‘s, experiencebased career education with elements of service associated with it appeared as a teaching strategy (McClure 1979; Bucknam & Brand 1983; Kolb 1984). However it was only in the mid 1980‘s when the term ―service learning‖ established its‘ roots (Stanton, Giles & Cruz, 1999). Along with this development of service learning, came a variety of definitions and interpretations of what service learning should look like (Stanton et al., 1999; Shumer & Belbas 1996).

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Much research has also been compiled on service learning and the benefits thereof (Giles & Eyler, 1994). Most believe that service-learning works best when involved within a well structured, volunteer based service environment, where students or participants learn and develop through active participation in the community. As Kolb (1984), established in his theory of experiential learning what students learn in the classroom as theory is better grasped when it is practiced in real-life situations. Community engagement strengthens classroom education, enhances community life and business productivity (Swick, 2001). By engaging in service learning activities, students apply classroom knowledge in real-world situations and use real-world experiences to inform classroom knowledge. Such an exchange encourages students to become lifelong, active participants in the community (Berson, 1994). Community engagement provides a powerful tool to accomplish course objectives (Alexandrowlcz, 2001) by involving students in a wide range of activities that are of benefit to others. Additionally, service learning has been used as a dropout intervention for at-risk students (Martin, Tobin, & Sugai, 2002). Linking social justice education with community engagement is part of the curriculum in the Masters of Teaching secondary degree in the School of Education at the University of Western Sydney. The University of Western Sydney and in particular the School of Education at the Penrith Campus have adopted a conceptual framework for pre-service teachers that includes a commitment to teaching for social and cultural diversity to prepare teachers to work with students from diverse racial, ethnic, social class and language backgrounds. Developing a learning climate that encourages awareness and appreciation for those with various cultural backgrounds is an important role of the teacher education program at UWS and to meet this need, the School of Education introduced an alternative or community engagement practicum. The service based practicum program comprising sixty hours of community engagement, gives pre-service Master of Teaching students the opportunity to develop their understanding of the individual needs of students they meet and the chance to work alongside and learn from the expertise of mentors. This program also emphasizes reflective practice - reflection facilitates the connection between practice and theory and fosters critical self-reflection so that pre-service teachers gain a range of different perspectives on students and educational issues. Three community programs namely Refugee Action Support (RAS), Community Action Support (Tennant Creek, N.T) and Crossing Borders were convened by an academic to enhance pre-service teachers‘ cultural understandings of marginalised communities. To progress these initiatives, the academic facilitated and nurtured collaborative partnerships between community and university through on-going dialogue with disenfranchised communities, such as the Aboriginal Community of Tennant Creek to support the literacy of Indigenous youth through cross-generational mentoring and the African refugee community in the western and south western regions of Sydney. All three initiatives provide targeted literacy and numeracy support to students while building the pedagogical and cultural understandings of the pre-service teachers undertaking the Master of Teaching at the University of Western Sydney, who provide support through individual and/or small group tuition. Reflective journals and web-based discussion sites are used to encourage pre-service teachers to integrate formal academic knowledge with their community experiences and to establish connections between campus-based learning and site-based learning.

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THE REFUGEE ACTION SUPPORT PROGRAM The RAS program began in 2007 and provides targeted literacy and numeracy support to humanitarian refugee students who have transitioned, within the previous two years, from Intensive English Centres (IECs) to mainstream secondary schools in Western and SouthWestern Sydney. Last year (2008) witnessed a significant growth in the number of secondary schools involved - from four to nine, pre-service teachers from fifteen to eighty and refugee students from ninety to two hundred involved with the initiative. All tutors (pre-service teachers) undertake approximately eighteen hours of targeted literacy and numeracy training supported by the ALNF. The training focuses on small group instruction, language and scaffolding literacy teaching strategies, deconstruction and resource creation. Training this year (2009) included English Second Language scales which it is envisaged will provide tutors with greater knowledge to analyse refugee students‘ abilities. The involvement of preservice teachers, as tutors in refugee students‘ learning, provides a way to support the young student‘s transition into and engagement with mainstream education, whilst also providing a valuable social justice learning experience for the teachers-in-training. Already six preservice teachers are in full-time teaching positions in the service learning high schools. The Refugee Action Support program as a partnership literacy program between the NSW Department of Education and Training, the Australian Literacy and Numeracy Foundation and the University of Western Sydney presents a ―plurality of views‖ approach that allows the learning environment of the targeted refugee tutorial centres in schools in Western and South-Western Sydney to operate as participatory classrooms. This approach is inclusive, engaging and very much a refugee centred approach to learning using the combined knowledge of all three organizations to create social change. Evaluations of the Refugee Action Support program conducted by UWS have found that both coordinating teachers and pre-service tutors rate the program as very worthwhile. According to the report, the small group tutoring, provides the basis for interaction between the UWS tutors and refugee students thereby supporting the literacy development of those refugee students, informal contexts for discussing the social requirements of the school settings and also transformative experiences for UWS tutors to gain and construct more sophisticated understandings of appropriate pedagogies for teaching refugee students. UWS tutors believed that while the RAS program set out as a literacy project that seeks a goal in language development, concomitant outcomes included the empowering of refugee students to be active participants within mainstream curriculum; providing a space where the young refugee students feel comfortable communicating ideas, asking questions and seeking reassurance; and the overwhelming opinion of the tutors was that the program enabled refugee students to take greater control of their own learning, to realize success in doing and submitting assessments, and feeling more a part of the learning environment. For many UWS tutors, the program also provided a means to ease the transition from small scale tutoring to formal school professional practice. Despite the dominance of structural forces in the schools of Greater Western Sydney, over which the refugee students have little control, they were able to demonstrate discursive consciousness through their tutors and teachers responses. Coordinating teachers thought that for many of the students, their new successes were enhancing their self esteem and encouraging them in their studies. The students recognised that learning was a real possibility

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for them, something in which they could achieve. For example (Ferfolja, McCarthy, Naidoo, Vickers, & Hawker, 2009, p. 15) ―One of the students even approached me about two months ago and said that she would like to improve her verbal English skills because … she feels that she‘s not getting a chance to practice her English. So she‘s actually developed a good relationship with one of the tutors and they spend a lot of time talking about current issues, they‘ll bring an issue or they‘ll look at the newspaper and they may well discuss it and she really enjoys that because it just gives her an opportunity to just practice her English and they also go onto the Internet and they just find things like grammar games and word games so that she can expand her vocabulary that way‖.

What this illustrates is the agency of the refugee student who sought additional assistance from tutors to improve not only her English but also to help her regain ontological security, a sense of being in the society (Giddens, 1984). Further examples of refugee students trying to gain ontological security and adapt to the new environment are illustrated by some of the comments from tutors. Sometimes refugee students had to ―learn English‖ because it was the language of instruction and hence a response to structural forces as is demonstrated by the comment below. Language as such can be both agency and structure and the means of communication between individuals and society. (Ferfolja, 2007, p. 6): ―There was one girl [who] said when she came she actually didn‘t want to do school work; she actually wanted to come and practice English‖.

Through discursive consciousness it was also possible to analyse the emotions expressed by refugee students through their practical consciousness experiences. Practical consciousness refers to tacit knowledge that is employed in the course of conduct but which the actor is unable to formulate discursively (Giddens, 1982). Their refugee subjectivity is only one aspect of their identity (Hewson, 2006), and there is a myriad of other ways that individuals may be both read and positioned. For example, a tutor noted that: ―I think socially the students are very sensitive towards, their being considered as a group, addressed as refugees. My experience is with this school is that they‘d like to be considered as a member of the class, as an individual rather than just being addressed as refugees‖ (Ferfolja, 2007, p. 7).

This shows that the practical consciousness had an impact on individual thinking without them necessarily being conscious of it. The term ―refugee‖ positions individuals as being ―othered‖, as requiring special treatment. Furthermore there is a public perception that African refugees have little to contribute to the Australian way of life, much of this arising from the images of impoverished children, famine and dictatorships. According to LatrobeUniversity's African Research Institute, more Africans migrate to Australia with upper tertiary qualifications than migrants from countries with English as a first language, confounding common misconceptions (Saeed, 2007). Their discomfort with the terminology and classification also indicates a lack of control on the part of the refugee students but to a much greater degree, a sense of agency. Furthermore many refugee students used their own cultural experiences in the level of practical consciousness to obtain ontological security.

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The Refugee Action Support Program acts as an external agency from the perspective of both practical and discursive consciousness. As is illustrated in the comments from tutors, the refugee students were motivated by the practical consciousness to participate in the program yet discursively expressed their agency and ways of regaining ontological security through their interaction in the program.

CROSSING BORDERS In responding to contemporary geopolitical shifts, universities around the world are increasingly entangled in intersecting local, national, and global relations.Transnational students are using the ―internationalisation of higher education‖ to extend and deepen their capacity for thinking and acting globally, nationally and locally in order to enhance their education life chances. As universities in Australia are being integrated into the new global system of transnationalism in higher education, particularly with students from South East Asia, there is a need for re-strategizing in universities in the areas of curriculum and pedagogy to enable transnational learning communities and generate and sustain empowering knowledge networks. The ―Crossing Borders‖ mentoring support program at the University of Western Sydney aims to foster educative relationships and community engagement amongst and between Master of Teaching students. The program assists with the acculturation process by training mentors from mainly Anglo-Australian backgrounds to provide social and cultural support to international students mainly from the South East Asia. Many of the international students find adjustment to university life in Australia daunting and the ―Crossing Borders‖ program provides a safety net and support for these students. As a result of such an initiative, the School of Education at the University of Western Sydney is able to provide a welcoming and culturally diverse learning and social experience for Indian international students so that the problematic connections between university imaginings of the ―internationalisation of higher education‖ and transnational students‘ uses of international education to enhance their life opportunities as global/national/local citizens, workers/employers and learners, are blurred. The mentoring program stimulates nations like India and Australia to interact and enrich each other with fresh cultural insights and exchanges that encourage both students and academics to engage in classroom practice that enhances their own understanding and perspective of the world. The program consists of structured social activities; English conversation; helping newcomers find their way around Sydney; learning about aspects of Australian history and culture; clarifying expectations in the Australian higher education system and giving academic literacy guidance where appropriate. The program is intended to support the development of critical thinking skills; raise self awareness and understanding of others; provide opportunities for refining a wide range of interpersonal skills; help define the elements of effective group interactions; encourage transnational students to reflect on aspects of their own culture and those of others. Canagarajah (1999, p. 190) goes on to say that while academic success may heighten a student's confidence, social and cultural adjustment can be important factors which lead to this academic success and provides them with the ―confidence to tap their own linguistic and discursive resources and further develop them.‖

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Social capital, including programs like peer-mentoring, play a particularly important role in helping transnational students navigate the complexities of university life. One peer tutor commented that: Overall, this opportunity has helped me to appreciate and understand what mentoring should be about- building respectful relationships and friendships….. the rapport that my mentee and Ihave is one that I consider to be at an equal level of status, we are ultimately two intellectuals who are sharing similarities and differences in regards to our knowledge acquisition, cultural experiences and concepts in the context of the course and beyond.

Developing greater levels of social capital may also help transnational students to counteract the influence of a hostile campus climate and provide access to academic information and opportunities within institutions of higher education. Another peer tutor said that she shared with her mentee personal experiences of starting high-school in mid Year 7 in Australia and although: I could speak and write English well, I experienced disorientation adjusting to the 'Australian colloquialism' used by teachers and 'slang' used by students. I had to train myself to distinguish the language of the text from the language of instruction. This interaction was very enriching as we discovered that we had a lot of things in common and that we could also learn a lot from each other.

The strength and utility of these relationships may depend upon students‘ own orientations, as students with higher levels of academic performance and more life experiences generally derive greater rewards from their social networks. In the context of our study, the connections that transnational students might cultivate with institutional agents may increase the chances that they would learn about unique opportunities and similar experiences. I have developed a friendship with my mentee and I believe that this has been a two-way mutually beneficial experience. I have been able to prepare her for the practical and expanded her concept of the practical by sharing with her my own experiences, challenges and breakthroughs. She has found this insight to be helpful to her in the prac. I have found my mentee to be a very intellectual and self-resourceful person therefore; I was able to acquire a different perspective as we discussed several topics. It was nice to provide feedback, advice, suggestions and also be listened to and realise that someone else is going through similar challenges and hardships.

Similarly, mentees may draw upon their peers for access to information and opportunities especially if they are unable to rely on family for support. Furthermore, the strength of the relationship can affect the scope of the resources gained through the relationship. This continues to highlight the need for students to be both academically and socially integrated in the university environment. Mentors believed that while the ―Crossing Borders‖ program set out as an academic literacy project that seeks a goal in academic writing development, concomitant outcomes included the empowering of international students to be active participants within mainstream curriculum; providing a space where the international students feel comfortable communicating ideas, asking questions and seeking reassurance; and the

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overwhelming opinion of the mentors was that the program enabled international students to take greater control of their own learning, to realize success in doing and submitting assessments, and feeling more a part of the learning environment. The approach is critical in that all involved are engaged in open and symmetrical forms of communication. Villegas and Lucas (2002) believed that to: ―successfully move beyond the fragmented and cursory treatment of diversity that currently prevails, teacher educators must first articulate a vision of teaching and learning within the diverse society we have become…… this…process requires that teacher educators critically examine the curriculum and revise it as needed to make issues of diversity central rather than peripheral‖. (p. 21)

To date, almost two hundred pre-service teachers made up of mentors and mentees have completed the ―Crossing Borders‖ program. Mentees have an opportunity to practice their literacy skills in a collaborative environment with guidance and feedback from peer mentors. Given that the group participants are all enrolled in the education course, the groups can be tailored somewhat to draw on the specific substantive doctrines taught in that course. The central component of the academic support is a weekly seminar group session organised in conjunction with the UWS Learning Skills Unit. The online reflective journals some of which is expressed above show nuances of the complex personal and cultural identities of mentees who felt marginalized between two cultures, who struggled with an oppositional bicultural identity, or simultaneously negotiating two cultures with different peer groups. So ―Crossing Borders‖ was considered essential for the acculturation and adjustment of transnational students. The peer mentoring empowers the transnational pre-service teacher and leads to a greater likelihood of academic success at the university while at the same time encouraging social integration.

COMMUNITY ACTION SUPPORT PROGRAM Aboriginal people have been described as the most educationally disadvantaged group of people within Australia (Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Commission, 1995). Thus, educational programs that focus on literacy for Australian Aboriginal students has been identified as a priority for Australia (Elson-Green, 1999). It is important therefore for the community, higher education institutions and schools to build partnerships and form networks with Aboriginal people that not only acknowledge the diversity of Aboriginal cultures but also avoid stereotyping and homogenising Aboriginal culture. Language is central to how children gain access to cultural knowledge and learn to participate and grow within their cultures (Blank, Rose, & Berlin, 1978; Heath, 1983). Early language learning contributes in primary ways to learning in all other domains, and makes learning at later ages more efficient and therefore easier, self reinforcing, and more likely to continue (Shonkoff & Phillips, 2000). For example, studies show how children use language to improve memory (Myers & Permutter, 1978), guide perception (Stiles-Davis, Tada, & Whipple, 1990), build number concepts (Saxe, 1979), solve problems (Kohlberg, Yaeger, & Hjertholm, 1968) and discover social categories (Rice & Kemper, 1984). Language proficiency in childhood has been shown to be the best predictor of future cognitive performance in children (Capute, 1987). Weak

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language skills in thepreschool years are a strong predictor of lower academic achievement, particularly forchildren in families of low socioeconomic status (Schuele, 2001). Research has shownthat lower scores on early literacy tasks at kindergarten entry consistently predict lower academic performance throughout the first three years of formal schooling (Morrison, Griffith, Williamson, & Hardway 1995; Stevenson, Parker, Wilkinson, Hegion, & Fish, 1976). Early interventions to increase language proficiency can significantly increase later success in school (Campbell & Ramey, 1994). A major Northern Territory survey reported that ―students in remote Aboriginal schools are, at best, three (3) years behind their urban counterparts and, at worst, seven (7) years behind‖ (Northern Territory Public Accounts Committee 1996, p.13). Writing samples were collected for each student in primary and secondary classes, and analysed against the criteria and example texts for the National Profile Levels (Australian Council for Educational Research 1997). Problems included the lowest high school completion and further education rates for any group in Australia, the highest unemployment levels, the lowest per capita income, the worst health statistics, and tragic levels of imprisonment and substance abuse amongst both adults and young people (Rose Gray, & Cowey, 1999, p. 4) Rothstein (2004) asserts that addressing the achievement gap requires comprehensive support programs starting in the early years of school. As part of a new community education program, the University of Western Sydney will be helping to facilitate the traditional method of learning in Indigenous young people from Tennant Creek in the Northern Territory. Community Action Support (CAS) is an innovative partnership program between the (ALNF) and the University of Western Sydney as a means to improve the literacy and educational opportunities of Indigenous young people in remote areas. Six Masters of Teaching (Secondary) students will mentor selected TennantCreekHigh School students who in turn will be providing literacy tutoring to young students at TennantCreekPrimary School. The UWS students (tutors) will support the young people via video conferencing, online collaboration tools and also face-to-face mentoring during a one-week placement in June and a four-week placement in October. The traditional school practicum (twenty five days for NSW) and the community engagement practicum (sixty hours) will both be spent at Tennant Creek. The structure of CAS therefore is very similar in structure to the Refugee Action Support Program. The aim of the mentorship program is to assist the 16-18 year-old students in their transition to tertiary study, or the workplace, and to provide them with the necessary knowledge and skills to act as mentors themselves for younger students. The next phase of the CAS project will be for the older students to teach the younger members of their community about literacy, as well as tutor them in the literacy of their own Indigenous languages. Often Aboriginal students are skilled observers, helpers of those younger than themselves, assertive in conflict, emotionally stoic, independent, self-sufficient, self-reliant, possessing many practical competencies and with an ability to laugh at themselves (Malin, 1990). UWS students participate in mentorship training sessions with the ALNF and receive cultural advice and language support sessions with Indigenous staff from Papulu Apparr Kari, Tennant Creek Language and Cultural Centre. CAS is truly a collaborative effort, with ALNF and UWS working in close partnership with schools and community groups in Tennant Creek to make the initiative possible. This initiative has given many organisations the opportunity to collaborate and combine with the shared goal of improving opportunities for young people. Aboriginal

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studentsrespond best when there are positive personal relationships with teachers. Building partnerships and developing trust between the Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal community‖ is key and program developers need to take the time to develop relationships with the community, potential and current mentors and mentees. Schwab and Sutherland (2001, cited in Malin & Maidment, 2003, pp. 88-89) view positively the emergence of programs which are ―vehicles for the local development of social capital and tools for the construction of local capacity [where] Indigenous learning communities would aim to unite families, schools and communities to identify and address local needs through drawing upon local resources‖. A formal mentoring relationship consists of both individuals seeking the assistance of the outside party to assist in developing the relationship. The role of agencies such as UWS and ALNF is to assist in identifying the needs of the mentor and mentee and to bring them together on a more formal level (Lowe, 2005; McCluskey, Noller, Lamoureux, & McCluskey, 2004). From the perspective of a mainstream worldview, a mentor is described as a ―role model, counselor, advisor, teacher,‖ someone who is able to enhance a person‘s leadership qualities and act as an advocate, they are someone who is able to provide the mentee or protégé a structured and positive experience (Lowe, 2005; Patchell, 2005; McCluskey et al,, 2004). For the mentor, the relationship can provide ―increased competence, increased feelings of confidence in their own abilities, and self-esteem among peers due to participating in mentoring relationships‖ (Allen, Russell, & Maetzke, 1997, p. 488). For non-Aboriginal mentors involved in Aboriginal mentoring, the literature is clear that understanding the cultural background and history of the Aboriginal mentee is very significant (Portman & Garrett, 2005; Lowe, 2005; Patchell, 2005). Any initiative for cultural change that can be embraced and sustained by a community has to respect and draw on the existing relationships and social capital within the community (Cairney & Ruge, 1998; Dodd & Konzal, 2002). Although literacy and numeracy will not erase the complex socioeconomic situations faced by the Aboriginal students, they are critical tools for social integration. Giving Aboriginal students a voice enables Aboriginal students to participate actively in their community and ultimately empowers them to bring about transformational learning experiences for themselves. Pre-service teachers gained a sense of empowerment that they can have an impact through their involvement in the community. As one CAS student reflected when asked why she volunteered for the CAS program (Faith Bull, personal communication): ―I think that we should give and contribute whatever we can back to the community and in the process, we can reflect, learn and appreciate things that we might have neglected in life"

She continues to reflect with other tutors on what participation in the program may mean for her as a pre-service teacher: The most common community engagement outcome identified by tutors in the interviews was gaining a sense of personal effectiveness. Often this feeling of empowerment is coupled with a heightened sense of civic responsibility. ―It will help me to understand Aboriginal students better – their culture, learning needs and styles. It also will help us to abolish the many society-built myths and stereotyped views of Aboriginal‘s students and this knowledge can be passed on to fellow teachers and friends.‖ ― hope I will be a more understanding, less ignorant teacher. I want to be able to adjust and cater for all diverse students and all needs, which is a daunting task I think.‖

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The partnership with the Tennant Creek community, the ALNF and UWS promotes and supports a culture of learning among all of the stakeholders, so that the voice of the community will be heard, respected, and responded to. The schooling experiences of Aboriginal students greatly affects their views on learning so it is important that the culture and values of school based learning are ones that can be understood and valued by the whole of the community so that a positive contribution can be made to the community‘s culture.

CONCLUSION It is evident from the discussion in this chapter that community engagement represents a potentially powerful form of pedagogy because it provides a means of linking the academic with the practical. The pre-service teachers benefit from the opportunity to connect the community experience to the course content of the university teaching degree. By emphasizing social justice teaching, citizenship education and diversity in a cosmopolitan society, higher education connects to the wider community and prepares students to meet society‘s cosmopolitan needs. Through the community engagement programs discussed above, pre-service teachers believed that the community engagement programs heighten their awareness both of the world around them and of their own personal values and beliefs by helping them to confront and challenge their preconceived ideas and opinions about the students they would encounter in their classrooms. Pre-service teachers re-examined their views of communities and the world, by re-evaluating some previously held beliefs. The programs placed value on exposing pre-service teachers to new and different experiences and this as an opportunity that the community engagement experience provides. Many mentors/ tutors entered their community engagement programs with stereotypical notions about the students they would encounter, and the community engagement experiences and the individuals they encountered, combined with the academic course material, challenged many of these stereotypes. The importance of the reciprocal influence of ―academics work‖ and ―community engagement ,‖ where the quality of service is enhanced by directly applying the academic course material to the service experience, and where learning is enhanced by drawing on the service experience to understand the course content is undeniable. As pedagogy, community engagement challenged students both affectivity and cognitively in their ―Diversity, social justice and schooling‖ course because they are given an opportunity to apply what they are reading to a real life experience which, in turn, stimulates them to examine and reflect not only on the reading itself but also on their own personal values and beliefs. Community engagement as pedagogy reinforces Kuh‘s (1996, p. 136) idea of a ―seamless learning environment‖: The word seamless suggests that what was once believed to be separate, distinct parts (e.g., inclass and out-of-class, academic and non-academic; curricular and cocurricular, or on-campus and off-campus experiences) are now of one piece, bound together so as to appear whole or continuous. In seamless learning environments, students are encouraged to take advantage of

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learning resources that exist both inside and outside of the classroom...students are asked to use their life experiences to make meaning of material introduced in classes.

In terms of cosmopolitanism, as university students and school learners engage in community at their respective locales, they learn to navigate and imagine what the creation of a better world for diverse peoples may look like. In their interactions with the community, they learn to develop specific and useful ways to work with disadvantaged groups in society so that fair and respectful social relations can replace unfair ones. Community engagement pedagogy becomes a form of student activism where learners both in higher education and secondary education in this case, learn to use their basic knowledge of civic and human rights to extend the notion of cosmopolitanism in education. Due to the interrelationships of global institutions, it is possible for those in a cosmopolitan society to see aspects of constraint in our culture that impact and affect human relationships in our society. There is then a valuable link between academic knowledge in this chapter, community engagement knowledge and education for cosmopolitanism as all three emphasize the importance of social change knowledge. Community engagement pedagogy provides a method for educational institutions to meet human social and academic needs as well as value the unique contributions of the different cultures and groups in society to our world community. It is a network of global educators who provide broader social change initiatives by unlocking the transforming power of education for a cosmopolitan society.

REFERENCES Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Commission (1995) Inquiry into Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander culture and heritage: the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Commission's response to the House of Representatives Standing Committee on Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Affairs. Australia: Canberra. Australian Council for Educational Research (ACER). (1997). Mapping literacy achievement: Results of the 1996 NationalSchool English Literacy Survey.Camberwell, Victoria: ACER Alexandrowlcz, V. (2001) Community Service Learning in Culturally Diverse Settings as A Springboard for Student Constructed Case Studies,‖ Education, 121/4, 761- 768. Allen, T., Russell, J., & Maetzke, S. (1997). Formal peer mentoring: Factors related to protégés' satisfaction and willingness to mentor others. Group and Organization Management, 22/4, 488-507. Anderson, V., Kinsley, C., Negroni, P., & Price, C. (1991).Community service learning and school improvement in Springfield, Massachusetts. Phi Delta Kappan, 76, 1-64. Ang, I. (2001). On not speaking Chinese: Living between Asia and the West. New York: Routledge. Astin, A., & Sax, L. (1998). How undergraduates are affected by service participation.Journal of College Student Development, 39, 251-263. Benhabib, S. (2004) The Rights of Others: Aliens, Residents and Citizens, Cambridge: CambridgeUniversity Press.

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Stiles-Davis, J., Tada, W., & Whipple, T. (1990). Facilitative effects of labeling on preschool children‘s copying. Perceptual and Motor Skills, 70,663-672. Swick, K. J. (2001) Service-Learning in Teacher Education: Building Learning Communities, ―Clearing House‖ 74/5, 261-264. Villegas, A. M., & Lucas, T. (2002). Preparing culturally responsive teachers: Rethinking the curriculum. Journal of Teacher Education, 53/1, 20-32.

In: Education without Borders Editor: Loshini Naidoo

ISBN 978-1-62728-613-1 © 2010 Nova Science Publishers, Inc.

Chapter 4

WORLD ENGLISH SPEAKING STUDENTS’ COSMOPOLITAN EXPERIENCES: LEARNING TO BE AN AUSTRALIAN TEACHER Jinghe Han University of Western Sydney, NSW, Australia

ABSTRACT With the skills mismatch of teachers in Australia, one tendency is to recruit more teachers from racial and ethnic minority backgrounds to teach science, mathematics and technology classes and to work in hard-to-staff schools. This chapter arises from a study which investigated issues concerning the retention of World English Speaking (WES) student-teachers of immigrant backgrounds. The aim of the research project was to engageWES student-teachers (n = 20), teacher educators (n = 12) and WES school teachers (n = 15) in the identification of the factors that assist and/or hinder the retention of WES student-teachers in university-based initial teacher education programs. This paper focuses on identifying and elaborating what contradictory experiences and challenges these WES student-teachers confronted in becoming ―Australian teachers.‖ Methodologically this paper provides an initial foray into efforts to redo critical ethnography in the light of the Hartsuyker (2007) inquiry‘s call for sound research in teacher education. Conceptually the research project, from which this chapter is drawn, has capitalised on resources from Nussbaum and Cohen‘s (1996) education cosmopolitanism. It is limited to presenting the WES student-teachers‘ perspectives, offering their voices as a way of providing a more holistic ethnographic picture of the identity formation process with which teacher education is struggling.

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INTRODUCTION The transitions in the historical, ideological and localising practices of cultural globalisation are evident in the trans-national mobility of diverse groups of people. The local presence of such people, whether as students, student-teachers and teachers worries teacher education stakeholders (Hickling-Hudson, 2005; Santoro, Kamler &Reid, 2001). The report of the inquiry into teacher education by the Australian House of Representatives Standing Committee on Educational and Vocational Training (Hartsuyker, 2007, pp. 48-49) identified as a nationally significant problem the need for sound research into how ―World English Speaking‖ (WES) student-teachers of immigrant backgrounds might be retained in initial teacher education programs. Growing teacher shortages and a skills mismatch among those available to teach in Australian schools are resulting in trans-national labour mobility among teachers (Committee for the Review of Teaching and Teacher Education, here after CRTTE, 2003; Hartsuyker, 2007). This paper investigates the challenging opportunities that arise for the retention of WES student-teachers in initial teacher education programs so that they might enter the teaching profession in Australia. It is situated in relation to the Hartsuyker (2007) report, which recommended increased funding to enable diversityinto the teaching profession and to enable the conduct of sound research in the field. This paper starts by presenting an overview of the research literature and then moves on to a consideration of efforts to redo critical ethnography in light of the call for sound educational research inTop of the Class (Hartsuyker, 2007). Evidence is then presented of the contradictions in demands for these student-teachers to become ―Australian teachers.‖ Excerpts from the interviews indicate tensions in the language and cultural dimensions of pedagogy, the centring of teaching and learning, and the exercising of power as a teacher in different educational cultures. Here, the term ―WES‖ student-teachers includes speakers of Australian English as well as immigrants from Asian, African and the Pacific Island nations who speak English plus another language. The concept of World English Speakers is further elaborated below, after a review of the research literature.

TEACHER SUPPLY AND TEACHER EDUCATION This section reviews the research literature on teacher shortages and skills mismatch, and what this means for initial teacher education. The research reports that there is a shortage of teachers across a range of nations. Australia, like other English speaking countries such as the U.S.A, the U.K. and Canada, is facing challenges in teacher recruitment and retention. The teaching force in Australia is ageing at a time that new university graduates are not entering the teaching profession as a career priority (CRTTE, 2003). Across the country, between 25% and 30% of beginning teachers leave the profession within the first five years of commencement (Department of Education Science and Training, 2003) (DEST hereafter). According to the Department of Education and Training, Western Australia (2006), it loses up to 35% of beginning teachers in the first two years of employment and up to 50% within five years. Berlach and McNaught (2007) found that the number of individuals entering teacher

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education courses has shown a marked decline across all Western Australian public universities. Rural and suburban Australia and particular disciplines have been experiencing teacher shortages (CRTTE, 2003). For example, the Northern Territory continues to have a high turnover rate for teachers. In part, the reason of isolation of small, remote communities contributes to its low teacher recruitment and retention rates. The further away a community is from a major centre, the more difficult it is to recruit to that location (Department of Employment, Education and Training 2004, p. 305) (DEET hereafter). Teachers who specialise in mathematics and science education have been in short supply for many years in the Northern Territory. There are relatively high numbers of graduates from local education courses, however, most are primary-trained (DEET, 2004, p. 305). Harris and Farrell (2007) analysed the shortage of suitably qualified science teachers in Australian schools. They found that although there is no shortage of teachers with strong grounding in the life sciences, for example, biology, schools are struggling to recruit Physics and Chemistry teachers in senior science classes. This is because large numbers of senior science teachers are at the age of retirement, and early career teachers are dissatisfied with their working conditions. Teacher shortages in Australia have led to the search for immigrant teachers from countries outside the traditional Anglo-American sources. Reid (2005) studied the recent experiences of Australia, New Zealand and Canada in recruiting these teachers. Her research found that immigrant teachers have to negotiate the ―authoritative discourses‖ in their professional lives that contribute to the reworking of their identity and work as teachers. However, there is also a shortage of WES teachers from immigrant backgrounds. In New South Wales, for instance, 23.7% of students are from ethnic minority backgrounds, while only 13% of teachers are (Cruickshank, 2004, p. 125). The general teacher shortage and that of WES immigrant teachers in particular, doubles the significance of efforts to recruit, prepare and retain WES student-teachers from migrant communities in Australia, as it does in other multi-ethnic countries (Clark & Flores, 2001). University-based teacher education programs are important for teacher recruitment (Beck & Kosnik, 2002), however, the arrangements and structures of university-based teacher education programs are sometimes in conflict with school systems, as are government policies directed at affecting innovations and reforms in these institutions. That the teachers produced by university-based teacher education programs do not have adequate knowledge of school culture, endorses Hartsuyker‘s (2007) ―beginning teacher education‖ as an important but underdeveloped field. Further, that few new teachers entering schools can affect school renewal let alone generate equitable education has more to do with their limited authority than their capabilities. New models to teacher education are emerging in response to changes in globalisation. Often this is because of the neo-liberal political imperatives driven by reductions in government funding (Hartsuyker, 2007). Changes evident in schools and teacher-education born of the global flows of students, student-teachers and teachers are ignored. Hickling-Hudson (2005) reported that Anglocentric curriculum and pedagogy have left teacher education with a problematic foundation with regard to educating WES immigrant student-teachers. Teacher education programs designed for mono-cultural and mono-educational background student-teachers no longer seem appropriate. There is a need to investigate ways of reconceptualising such programs given the large number of enrolments of multi-cultural World English Speaking (WES) students from multiple educational cultures.

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Conceptually the research project from which this paper is drawn, capitalised on resources from Nussbaum and Cohen‘s (1996) education cosmopolitanism. In their book For Love of Country, Nussbaum and Cohen (1996, p. 11) first argue that ―through cosmopolitan education, we learn more about ourselves.‖ ―By looking at ourselves in the lens of the other, we come to see what in our practices is local and nonessential, what more broadly or deeply shared‖ (p. 11). However, one of the main challenges cosmopolitan education confronts is neutralising one‘s own current preferences and ways-an education that advances national boundaries as morally salient time and again reinforces this kind of irrationality (Nussbaum & Cohen, 1996, p. 11). Nussbaum and Cohen (1996, p. 12) further point out ―we make headway solving problems that require international cooperation.‖ To conduct global education dialogue, we need knowledge of other nations, knowledge that would already require much revision in our curricula; we need knowledge ―about the people with whom we shall be talking, so that in talking with them we may be capable of respecting their traditions and commitments‖ (Nussbaum & Cohen, 1996, p. 12). The third point Nussbaum and Cohen (1996, p, 12) make is that ―we recognize moral obligations to the rest of the world that are real and that otherwise would go unrecognized.‖ Nussbaum and Cohen (1996, p. 12) suggest that our thinking should go beyond our own ―empire‖ and work to acquire knowledge that enables student-teachers to consider the rights of other human beings in political and economic matters. Lastly, Nussbaum and Cohen (1996, p. 14) argue that cosmopolitan education is to ―educate children to cross [national] boundaries in their minds and imaginations;‖ and to ―convert people toward whom our education is both incurious and indifferent into people to whom we have duties of mutual respect.‖ Respect should be accorded to humanity, instead of one‘s own nation as such worthy of special respect (Nussbaum & Cohen, 1996, p. 15). In this research ―cosmopolitan education‖ is used to discuss the evidenceof the contradictions experienced by these WES student-teachers in becoming Australian teachers.Change rather than reproducing existing practices has become a key focus in teacher pre-service preparation; but as will be seen in the evidentiary section, failure to engage with the latter undermines possibilities for the former. The following section addresses doing sound educational research through the use of critical ethnography.

DOING SOUND EDUCATIONAL RESEARCH When change in education is studied using ethnography, as exemplified in the classic study by Wolcott (1967), the evidence generated gives meaning and insight into the relationships between schools and communities, education and culture. Critical ethnography adds to this descriptive and explanatory approach, knowledge of social and historical processes, knowledge which is then used to make normative claims about emancipatory interests (Madison, 2005). In part, critical ethnography arose from concerns about education research in which accounts of real people did not appear, only statistics (Tricoglus, 2001). It was also informed by dissatisfaction with hermeneutic research in which the diversity issues raised in the Hartsuyker (2007) report— Indigenous, masculinity, location, ethno-linguistic background, low socio-economic status (class)—were not analysed. The features of critical

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ethnography elaborated upon in Table 1 briefly summarise the key characteristics of sound education research (Anderson, 1989; Dey, 2002). It is these issues that informed the research study reported in this paper. Given the difficulties of distinguishing between theory and data, critical ethnographers tend to see the relationship between the two as dialectic (Angus, 1986; Barton, 2001). Thus, the concept of educational cosmopolitanism is seen as being expressed in the differences of pedagogy preference between WES student-teachers and Australian Anglophone university lecturers and school teachers, as much as the testing of the usefulness of their value in enhancing our interpretation of the evidence. This dialectical impulse is used by critical ethnographers to reflect on their capacity to guard against making their conceptual tools mere pigeonholes into which evidence is technically slotted (Anderson, 1989). Critical ethnography locates evidence generated through interviews in relation to evidence of broader social, cultural, economic and political conditions (Simon & Dippo, 1986). These forces operate ―even at the most intimate levels of cultural process‖ (Marcus and Fischer cited in Anderson, 1989, p. 252). However, while the WES student-teachers and their teacher educators were constituents of the broader socio-economic ordering of the world, they also had a degree of autonomy. The teacher educators in particular could use their will and agency to engage with ―tensions or ‗contradictions‘ between parts and the whole‖ (Angus, 1986, p. 66). Mixed methods for using quantitative data and qualitative evidence have long been important to critical ethnography in education. For example, quantitative data provide ways of ―indexing practices and characterising the distribution and extent of particular material circumstances‖ (Simon & Dippo, 1986, p. 198). However, in this research qualitative data were used to provide access to ―the words, the actions, and the personally appropriated signs that mark one‘s place in social space‖ (Simon & Dippo, 1986, p. 198). Knowing how individuals make sense of and give meaning to their experiences through providing these accounts can give people a way of moving to possibilities for action (Anderson, 1989). Table 1. Key features of sound educational research Issues Theory/data Agency/structure

Quantitative/ qualitative

Critical reflection

Use of language

Data analysis The interpretive repertoire draws Nussbaum and Cohen‘s (1996) concept of cosmopolitan education to make meaning of the data. The accounts given by WES student-teachers are situated in relation to the skills mismatch among teachers and trans-national knowledge worker mobility (Han, 2004) While this study relies mostly on qualitative evidence, this does not deny the value of quantitative data. Given that this data can not be taken as self-evident, it is subjected to analysis, and care has been given to the danger of falsely extrapolating from the researcher‘s data set. The problem of Eurocentrism in ethnography is met by the insertion of other‘s knowledge to aid analysis, rather than simply promoting the researcher‘s own moral, political or personal stance The term ‗NESB‘ is questioned with preference given to using ‗WES‘

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In reflecting upon the attributes of this critical ethnographic project and the knowledge it generated, consideration was given to the limitations of the cultural studies framework in which it was located, and what this meant for the knowledge claims made. As hooks (1990, p. 124) notes, cultural studies has been criticised for being a domain of the privileged. It marginalises people of different races, other cultures and other World Englishes by claiming vulnerability or marginality for the privileged White male/female researcher (Kubota, 2001). However, critical ethnography, a key methodology for cultural studies in education, is being redefined by being used to analyse the powerful boundaries of cultures, races and languages (hooks, 1990; Barton, 2001). A key methodological issue for critical ethnographers is the categories used to label participants in their studies because the language we use to name others may render them speechless as often as it might give voice to their knowledge and interests (Apple, 1989; Anderson, 1989). For instance, as noted above the taken-for-granted category ―non-English speaking background‖ (Hartsuyker, 2007, p. 48) is a problem because it could suggest that the student-teachers in this study did not or cannot speak English. The challenge was to come up with a satisfactory new label that offered a fresh perspective, and was reasonable and clear (Simon & Dippo, 1986). In this paper the term ―World English speaking‖ (WES) represents a provisional attempt to create an unsullied label within which student-teachers of immigrant backgrounds can voice an affirmative sense of identity. The term ―World English Speakers‖ was chosen as the over-arching concept in which all student-teachers could be located without pre-emptively assigning them either to a negative or positive category (Kubota, 2001).With these issues concerning the characteristics of sound educational research in mind, the next section addresses the evidence showing the contradictions the WES student-teachers experienced in becoming ―Australian teachers‖.

CONTRADICTION IN DEMANDS Analysis of the evidence collected from the WES immigrant student-teachersreflects some specific prejudices both the WES students and their lecturers have against each other‘s educational system. The WES student-teachers interviewed for this research were from AsiaPacific countries; most had gained their primary and secondary schooling in their former homeland and some had undertaken tertiary education there. They struggled to overcome the complexities and contradictions between their prior learning experiences and them becoming ―Australian teachers‖. The challengesthey were facing were evident in their understandings of, and the understandings they were expected to develop about pedagogy, students‘ learning and behaviour, and teachers‘ exercising of power. However, these students‘ understanding of being a teacher is regarded as local and nonessential therefore ignored by their lecturers. To these lecturers, there seemed to be no knowledge from other nations that can be addressed and used in Australian teacher education. They were in their own ―empire‖ comfortably modelling students their way. An educational boundary is reinforced by this incongruency. This can be seen from the WES students and their lecturers‘ reaction to some specific teaching methods and the understanding of a teacher‘s ―power‖ in this program.

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Teamwork Needs to Be more Cooperative Cosmopolitan education needs cooperative work between students of different nations and ethnicities (Nussbaum & Cohen, 1996). In this teacher education program the lecturers employed varying teaching methods in their lectures and tutorials to secure their expected teaching/learning outcomes. Teamwork was one of the key techniques the lecturers used in class. The lecturers intended to model teamwork so the student-teachers could apply this pedagogy of collaborative learning in their future teaching in Australian schools and the WES student-teachers could learn from their local peers. However, the teamwork proved to be not ideally effective. For example, Suni loved teamwork because it provided a pedagogical structure that enabled her to communicate with her Anglo-Australian peers: ―Most of the time we were asked to be active in class and most of time we were asked to join group activities and teamwork. Communication is not a problem for me. I like to work with other students and it is always an opportunity to learn from others, especially from the local student. I feel it is easy to join [Anglo-]Australian students and communicate with them. However, one thing I didn‘t enjoy about the teamwork. I am the sort of person that would like to organise and do my assignment promptly. While some of my team members, they like to wait till the last minute. The result is that they didn‘t do the work because I did it all already‖ (Suni).

On the one hand Suni enjoyed teamwork. Having migrated from Fiji, she had no language barriers. More importantly, she found teamwork was a good opportunity to learn from and with other students. Like a few other WES students interviewed for this project, Suni had lived in Australia for more than five years. She had no communication problems and took every opportunity to learn from her peers via teamwork. Appropriatelystructured teamwork can be mutually beneficial rather than one way (Singh, 2006). WES immigrant student-teachers can learn from their local peers and vice versa. However, Suni doubted about the pedagogical value of the way teamwork was organised in this course. She worried about the fairness of assessing students by teamwork. According to her, while some team members did not contribute to the assessment item, they all shared the same results. Grouping students from different language and cultural backgrounds cannot guarantee a successful ―international cooperation.‖ Mei, a student of Chinese-Malay background, joined her local peers in doing teamwork, but felt isolated and awkward. This feeling was reinforced because she could notcontribute as much to the team‘s working conversations as the local students did: ―I am like a single person in my class because they are all Aussies and I am the only Chinese in this class. I am not good at socialising. We have some teamwork but I feel very bad because I am doing teamwork with them regarding programming related to curriculum which was not familiar to me. I told the lecturers, I said I don‘t mind doing this by myself otherwise it is not fair to my team because I cannot contribute as much as they do‖ (Mei).

Mei did not value the teamwork as much as she was expected to, and preferred to do the assignment individually. She felt it was unfair for those who contribute more to the assignment that she should share their credit when she acknowledged that she did not, and could not contribute much. She did not feel ―at home‖ in the neweducational world and she

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had no interest in engaging with this new educational culture(Gunesch, 2004, p. 256). As Martinez, McNally, York, Rigano and Jose (2001, p. 318) found, this feeling of ―foreign‖ experience adds to such student-teachers‘sense of inner conflict. This is especially so where they are not expressive in English or they do not have appropriate knowledge about Australian education, or both. Mei was not the only one who did not much value teamwork. Due to a communication barrier, Xindi, a Chinese background student-teacher gave up working in the team after a short while: ―I originally joined the local [Anglo-Australian] group because I am from a different [ethnolinguistic] background and need to learn from them. I tried but stopped doing so because I have a language barrier in communicating with them. I think all the [WES immigrant] student-teachers feel the same. Some of the local students speak very fast and often use slang, and if you are in their group, you cannot understand them. They gradually lose their enthusiasm and feel annoyed too about having to explain things to me. They think it is not efficient to work with me‖ (Xindi).

Cosmopolitan education is to prepare a student to make his/her way into other cultures and education system ―through listening, looking, intuiting, and reflecting,‖is to build up the student‘s skill in ―manoeuvring more or less expertly with a particular system of meanings‖ (Hannerz cited in Gunesch, 2004, p. 257). However, in this program, Xindi was left alone to worry about her efficiency in the teamwork. She felt her attendance made the cooperative work of the team less efficient. She was self-critical about the limitations of her contributions to teamwork. She was not provided with a way of understanding (theorising) herself as anything but an ―outsider.‖Xindi felt powerless in a space where every student-teacher was confronted with the demands of cosmopolitanismincommunication, but not everyone took responsibility for making it work (Singh, 2005). Like her Anglo-phone peers, she too did not question her presumption that in this era of World English(es) they do not have a responsibility for making communication work (Kubota, 2001); nor was it evident that the teamwork was designed to make an advantage of all student-teachers‘ funds of knowledge. Instead, she mistakenly assumed that any language or communication barrier that limited her capacity to contribute to group-work with her local peers was solely due to her inadequacies. Speaking Indian English, Suma‘s situation was different from that of Xindi, having no or little communication problems with Anglo-phone student-teachers. Even so, she reported that she could not do teamwork efficiently: ―When the lecturer gave you a task, and once it was completed in a group, you have got nothing at all to contribute because students from Australia, they know everything. In doing group-work, we are happy to learn from them. We join in the local students, but we have got nothing to contribute, because we are so scared to say anything actually, and also we know nothing about Australian schools and they know everything‖ (Suma).

Cosmopolitan education requires the educators to teach their students to cross national boundaries in their minds and imaginations (Nussbaum & Cohen, 1996, p. 15).Suma‘s problem was not her English language proficiency. Given that Australian knowledge of schooling was privileged by her lecturers she was deemed not to have the relevant or necessary knowledge while her local peers seemed to know ―everything‖ for doing the requisite teamwork. Suma‘s powerlessness, her feeling of being ―scared‖ came from a

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pedagogical move that fore-grounded her lack of Australian knowledge, and did nothing to elicit any knowledge she might have of teaching and education. Pedagogically, she was positioned as having no appropriate knowledge to share with the locals, who in turn were privileged by the teaching/learning situation the lecturers had designed. On the one hand, this reflects the nation-centredness that still, perhaps necessarily drives school education (and much university education). On the other hand, it represents a failure to speak to multilingual knowledge economies and initiatives such as the Bologna Process (DEST, 2006). The evidence presented here points to the contradiction between these WES immigrant student-teachers‘ prior experiential learningabout teaching and the popular, nation-centred pedagogies foundin Australian teacher education programs. This was so, even for lecturers committed to trialling and modelling inclusive strategies into their lectures and tutorials. However, for the WES student-teachers, their learning outcomes indicated a preference for individualised rather than collaborative learning and hadconcerns about fairness in the teamwork process and the awarding of results. Even though these issues raised important new opportunities for inclusive, multicultural and international education, they were unrecognised or left untapped. This was compounded by the advocacy of progressive student-centred teaching whichthe WES student-teachersfound to be less than effective during their practicum.

Centring Teachers and Students in the Learning Process According to Nussbaum and Cohen (1996), one does not have to give up his/her local practice in order to be a teacher in the cosmopolitan world. Indeed, his/her local teaching traditionscould be a source of great richness in cosmopolitan education world. However, how to engage this source in teacher education programs rather than simply ignore it is not addressed by the teacher educators.Many of the WES student-teachers confronted a blurrydistinction between teacher-centred or student-centred mode of pedagogy in becoming ―Australian teachers‖.Given their own educational experiences, framed by known material constraints, socio-political boundaries and cultural borders, it was not surprising that some of these WES student-teachers practised ―sage on the stage‖ teaching during their practicum in Australian schools. Arun characterised his friend as a typical teacher-centred practitioner: ―I have a friend who is from Syria. Before he came he taught kids in Syria. In Syria, when you speak, they shut up. That is the culture there. But here it is not the same. You need to find they have more equality, and the culture is more different here, more interactive in class. He couldn‘t get connectivity with the kids. He expected that every time he had to yell at them to be quiet. He couldn‘t get them to work because he couldn‘t get connection with them. He wasn‘t prepared to change and he thinks his teaching method is good but it doesn‘t work here‖ (Arun).

Arun‘s anecdoteillustrates the multilayered conflictwhich the student-teachers are addressing. There are tensions between the images, imaginings and realities of teachercentred and student-centred learning, and between those of so-called ―passive‖ and ―active learning.‖If one begins school life as a student who was educated in a way that the teacher dominated the classroom, he/she is likely to want to reconstruct his/her teaching along the

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same line. Arun‘s friend was accustomed to the teaching method used in Syria and employed the same practices in Australia. Similarly, Guli was from a country where a similar teaching method prevailed. Tian ya shi which sees teachers stuffing studentswith as much knowledge as possible, is a popular approach to education in China: ―I taught in high school for two years in Southern China before I came into this program. Students were always quiet when the teacher talks. For most of the time in class, the teacher talks. The more the students remember what the teacher taught, the better result they will get in examinations‖ (Guli).

The way Guli taught his students during the practicum was the way he was educated in his home country. In traditional tian ya shi teaching, students are treated like hatchlings waiting for their parents to feed them. The more they are fed, the stronger they will grow. Guli brought tian ya shi teaching to his practicum either not knowing how or why to make the changes suggested in his studies; he had not been engaged in any deconstruction or critical analysis of the pedagogy he embodied. It is a great challenge to suddenly change the habit and attitude of many years of experiential learning about teaching (Martinez, McNally, York, Rigano & Jose, 2001). Since Guli believed that the students could learn more by using traditional teaching methods, for him there was no explanation provided through his teacher education program as to why or how he might readjust himself from allegedly ―passive‖ to ―active teaching/learning‖ in Australia. Abhay was another teacher-centred practitioner. Change meant challenging his identity: ―In Malaysia, teachers are highly respected. In my class, the students were encouraged to listen to the teachers. Teachers are the centre in class. Here the students are the centre; they are much too active in class and put the teacher nowhere‖ (Abhay).

Abhay encouraged his students to listen in class in Malaysia. He seemed to appreciate and enjoy this teacher-centred method, regarding Australian students as ―much too active‖ in class, a coded expression for student misbehaviour. In this xuan bin duo zhu type of class the students were the main actors and the teacher seemed to have succumbed to the corporatist desire for―managing‖everything, includingthe chaotic and unpredictable challenges of learning. He preferred to be the ―sage on the stage‖ rather than ―the guide on the side‖. Abhay was not happy with this approach because the students put the teacher nowhere by taking over the main role. His identity as a teacher was challenged by Australian school classes. He worried that he might not be respected as an intellectual in this xuan bin duo zhu type of teaching. As Cruickshank (2004) found, WES student-teachers of immigrant backgrounds experience multilayered tensions between their previous teaching/learning experiences (which usually pass unrecognised in so-called student-centred teacher education programs) and those of their new Australian school system. Most of them are long accustomed to the teachercentred pedagogies they report in Australian schools as opposed to the progressive studentcentred approaches imagined to exist there. In addition to these pedagogical dilemmas, the nature of teacher‘s power further confused these WES student-teachers during their practicum but was not addressed by their lecturers.

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Teachers’ Power Nussbaum and Cohen (1996, p. 11) argue that ―one of the greatest barriers to rational deliberation in politics [and education] is the unexamined feeling that one‘s own preferences and ways are neutral and natural.‖ A critical source of confusion all these WES studentteachers confronted in becoming ―Australian teachers‖ through their teacher education programs was how much power they should assume or exercise as a teacher. During their practicum in Australian schools, these particular WES student-teachers claimed that the studentswere given too much right, while their teachers apparently did not have any substantive power. Their understanding was that a teacher should have much more power over their students, which was not the case in their practicum schools.It is essential that cosmopolitan teacher educators see this issue through the lens of their WES students to reinforce the rationality of teacher education programs. One student described: ―In my country, the teacher is like a god. The kids respect their teacher very much. While the teacher is teaching they keep quiet and never talk. The students respect their teacher a lot, but here the relationship between teacher and students equal‖ (Surra).

Surra was very excited when she explained the teacher/student relationship in her former homeland. She appreciated being respected as a teacher, and was proud that her country provided a space where students respected their teachers. She seemed happy with the explicitness of the hierarchical power relations between teachers and their students in Afghanistan. When it came to speaking about Australia, she commented that these power relations had the appearance of being equal. In trying to cover her preference she made do with ―equal‖, an ambiguous if not neutral word. In contrast, Guli was more direct in his assessment of the differences between Australia and his home country on this issue: ―If the kids are naughty in class, the teacher here cannot punish. You have to be very patient to be a teacher here. In China, the teacher can pat the kid on the head to show encouragement, but here we are not allowed to touch the students. I will be in trouble if I do. I found that the students have too many rights here‖ (Guli).

His choice of words such as ―cannot punish‖ and ―have to be patient‖ suggests his disappointment with the seemingly powerless situation of Australian teachers. He used ―encouragement‖ to show his support of teachers employing ―patting‖ as a means of disciplining students. In terms of the power differentials in teacher/students relationships, Suma commented that in Australia these seemed to favour students rather than teachers: ―We were so scared of our teachers back home in India, but here it is just the opposite, sometimes the teachers are scared of the students. In India, the kids were taught to respect teachers. It is a totally different world here, but I like the relationship between the students and the teachers here because if you are not scared of anything, and you can raise any question, you will have more opportunity to learn more‖ (Suma).

Suma was ―scared‖ of this ―totally different world‖. She expressed shock at her practicum experience in Australia, however, displayed some diplomacy in saying that she liked the relationship between the students and teachers. However, she did not indicate how

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much she enjoyed being a teacher. Instead, she said she liked being a student in Australia because they were not ―scared‖ of teachers and could learn more. Her liking of the teacher/student relationship in Australia might suggest her preference for the role of student in the teaching training program rather than as an actual teacher. Some of the WES studentteachers appreciated being a student in Australia because of the informalities in teacher/student power relations. This did not mean it was easy for them to adjust and behave as Anglo-Australian students did: ―When I first started my study here, I was surprised to see the students were given prestige, for example, they would talk back. Their language use was really a big difference to me. Oh, my God! In Fiji, we even won‘t look at teachers eye to eye. As the year goes by, I didn‘t exactly get used to it. We are still quiet and shy. The lecturers may think I do not understand because I do not look at them eye to eye‖ (Harsha).

As a student Harsha was surprised that in Australia she was given a status that was seemingly comparable to her teachers. After nearly a year of study, she was still not used to this behaviour, perhaps suspecting that teachers expressed their power in other ways. Having previously learned that she had to accept a position of quietness, she could not look her lecturers in the eye as it would have meant a failure to show respect. These habits of being a student had been deeply embodied in her, making them very hard to change. Sureash said that in his home country teachers focused largely on punishment: ―The education in India is different from here. The students are disciplined and teachers are strict with the students. The teachers there don‘t give as much encouragement as the teachers here do. For instance, to even a very tiny progress the student made here, the teacher would always say, ‗Good, excellent‘ to encourage them. While in our education, if the student makes a small progress, the teacher just takes it for granted. There is not much praise. If the student makes a mistake, the teacher will point it out directly and even blame him/her‖ (Sureash).

Sureash was impressed by the reward mechanisms used in Australian schools. He realised that the teachers mainly used a ―half full‖ strategy by positively reinforcing the student‘s social and academic performance. In India the teachers usually used the ―half empty‖ strategy. This negative mechanism was used to push the students to work harder. Both of these approaches raise questions about ―power‖. Is it really the case that Australian school teachers have no power? Does power mean the right to punish disobedient students?If Australian teachers can have their students learn by some ways other than the explicit use of force, could they be even more powerful? However, this issue was not recognised or left unavailable for discussion in their teacher education programs.Either way this left these WES student-teachers in the dark about power relations and the appropriateness of teacher/student interactions in Australian schools.

EDUCATION FOR A COSMOPOLITAN SOCIETY The students‘ diversity of higher education in Australia is produced by the increasingly global mobility of people and education export policy. This tendency is likely to continue due

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to the further development of the world information and communication technologies. The WES immigrant student-teachers enacted teacher identities in ways that indicated they were derived in part from spaces other than their Australian teacher programs. They interpreted their experiences in these Australian schools using this frame of reference. However, they also made an effort to have changed their identity that directed their experiences as students and teachers overseas; they made an effort to adapt themselves in these new school settings. In this sense cosmopolitanism has achieved an effective command over their lives and imaginings as teachers. It was expressed as an integral, vital function of their everyday embrace of what it means to be an Australian teacher. Nussbaum and Cohen (1996) argue that universitieshave a major responsibility for creating spaces for cosmopolitan education. One solution to this would be the need of academic staff challenging their own national preferences in pedagogy. Change rather than reproducing existing practices has become central focus in teacher education. However, the lecturers in this projectreactivated their identity as Australian lecturers. They kept to their models of teaching pedagogy rather than seeking innovation to engage these WES studentteachers. They didn‘t look at themselves in the lens of their WES students, therefore they couldn‘t see the necessity of change in their practices; and they did not prepare to share the difference with their WES students. Cosmopolitan education is to ―educate children to cross [national] boundaries in their minds and imaginations‖ (Nussbaum & Cohen, 1996, p. 15). However, when teacher education programs are not prepared to respond to cosmopolitanism in training programs, it is a natural trend as happened in those schools where the WES student-teachers did their practicum that both their Anglophone supervising teachers and their students reactivated their identity as ―Australian teachers‖ and ―Australian students‖. This includes the students being the centre of the class, being used to teamwork and equal in discussions with their teacher. Their identity was thoroughly imbued in their sense of what it means to be a teacher and a student, directing and shaping their school life. This left these WES student-teachers no choice but to respect and follow the ―local way‖ both in school settings and on campus study. Nussbaum and Cohen (1996, p.12) argue that real cosmopolitan education requires international cooperation. This could be explained as education sharing knowledge of other nations in research, curriculum and teaching pedagogy. In so far as identity regulates the intellectual life of a researcher from the interior, this studyopens up the possibilities for teacher education to follow, interpret, absorb and rearticulateintellectual resources WES immigrant student-teachers bring from Asian-Pacific educational cultures.

CONCLUSION In the process of internationalisation of higher education, Australia has been experiencing pedagogical changes. Over the decades there have been discussions on strategies of coping with the differences of WES students‘ language, culture, knowledge and their backgroundeducation. However, there has been no systemic policy and action in these areas in Australian ―supposed-to-be‖ cosmopolitan higher education.The WES student-teachers in this project made a great effort to make sense of their new identity in the new settings, and to adapt themselves to the new experiences of being a student-teacher and a teacher candidate in

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the new country. But the evidence presented in this paper suggests that there was no understanding of how WES students‘ different knowledge about education could be brought to bear in their teacher education programs or how other factors such as language, racism and cultural knowledge might make it necessary to revise the current teacher education practices. Adding a two-way cosmopolitan education to existing pre-service teacher programs could help the dominating Anglo-phone students and educators relate to WES students of immigrant backgrounds, their knowledge and knowledge networks better. But how to do this requires further research.

REFERENCES Anderson, G. (1989), Critical ethnography in education: Origin, current status and new directions. Review of Educational Research, 59/3, 249-270. Angus, L. (1986), Developments in ethnographic research in education: From interpretive to critical ethnography. Journal of Research and Development in Education, 20/1, 59-67. Apple, M. (1989). Regulating the text: The socio-historical roots of state control. Education Policy, 3/2, 107-123. Barton, A. (2001), Science education in urban settings: Seeking new ways of praxis through critical ethnography. Journal of Research in Science Teaching, 38/8, 899-917. Beck, C. & Kosnik, C. (2002). The importance of the university campus program in preservice teacher education. Journal of Teacher Education, 53/5, 420-432. Berlach, R & McNaught, K (2007). Outcomes based education? Rethinking the provision of compulsory education in Western Australia. Issues in Educational Research, 17. http://www.iier.org.au/iier17/berlach.htmlAccessed on: October 14, 2007. Clark, B.& Flores, E. (2001). Who am I? The social construction of ethnic identity and selfperceptions of bilingual preservice teachers. The Urban Review, 33/2, 69-86. The Committee for the Review of Teaching and Teacher Education (CRTTE) (2003). Australia‟s Teachers: Australia‟s Future, Advancing Innovation, Science, Technology and Mathematics, Agenda for Action (Volume 1). Canberra: Australian Government Department of Education, Science and Training. Cruickshank, K. (2004). Towards diversity in teacher education: Teacher preparation of immigrant teachers. European Journal of Teacher Education, 27/2, 125-138. Department of Education Science and Training (DEST) (2003). Australia‟s teachers: Australia‟s future: Advancing innovation, science, technology and mathematics. Canberra: AGPS. Department of Education and Training, Western Australia (2006). Workforce profile 2006: Teachers and school administrators, Perth. Department of Employment, Education and Training (DEET) (2004). Workforce NT Report. Department of Employment, Education and Training. http://www.deet.nt.gov. au/employment/workforce_nt/docs/workforce_nt_2004/workforce_report_chap8.pdf Department of Education Science and Training (DEST) (2006). The Bologna Process and Australia: Next Steps [Canberra]. Department of Education, Science and Training. Dey, C. (2002), Methodological issues: The use of critical ethnography as an active research methodology. Accounting, Auditing & Accountability Journal, 15/1, 106-121.

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Gunesch, K. (2004). Education for cosmopolitanism: Cosmopolitanism as a personal cultural identity model for and within international education. Journal of Research in International Education, 3/3, 251-275. Han, J. (2004). Teacher shortages, bilingual teachers and the mobility of transnational knowledge workers. Melbourne Studies in Education, 45/2, 99-114. Harris, K. & Farrell, K. (2007). The science shortfall: An analysis of the shortage of suitably qualified science teachers in Australian schools and policy implications for university. Journal of Higher Education Policy and Management, 29/2, 159-171. Hartsuyker, L. (Chair) (2007), Top of the Class (House of Representatives Standing Committee on Education and Vocational Training) Canberra: The Parliament of the Commonwealth of Australia. Hickling-Hudson, A. (2005). ‗White‘, ‗Ethnic‘ and ‗Indigenous‘: Pre-service teachers reflect in discourses of ethnicity in Australian culture. Policy Futures in Education, 3/4, 340358. Hooks, b. (aka Watkins. G.) (1990), Yearning: Race, Gender, and Cultural Politics. Boston: South End Press. Kubota, R. (2001). Teaching World Englishes to native speakers of English in the USA.World Englishes, 20/1, 47–64. Madison, D. (2005), Critical Ethnography: Method, Ethics, and Performance. Thousand Oaks: Sage. Martinez, K., McNally, P., York, F., Rigano, D.& Jose, G. (2001). Conceptualising intercultural contact in the supervision of indigenous student teachers. Journal of Intercultural Studies, 22/3, 307-321. Nussbaum, M.& Cohen, J. (1996). Patriotism and cosmopolitanism. In M. Nussbaum & J. Cohen (Eds.) For Love of Country.Boston: Beacon press.3-17. Reid, C. (2005). Global teachers with globite cases. Educational pedagogies, policies and politics, 49/3, 251-263. Santoro, N., Kamler, B. & Reid, J. (2001). Teachers talking difference: Teacher education and the poetics of anti-racism, Teaching Education, 12/2, 191-212. Simon, R. and Dippo, D. (1986). On critical ethnographic work. Anthropology and Education Quarterly, 17/4, 195-202. Singh, M. (2005). Enabling transnational learning communities: Policies, pedagogies and politics of educational power, in P. Ninnes & M. Hellstén (eds.), Internationalizing Higher Education: Critical explorations of pedagogy and policy. Dortreacht: Springer. Singh, M. (2006). Globalising robust hope in/through vocational education and training: Queensland‟s Senior Education and Training Reforms. A keynote presentation for the Australian Vocational Education Training Research Association, 9th Annual AVETRA Conference, ―Global VET: Challenges at the Global, National and Local levels," University of Wollongong, Wollongong Australia. 19-21st April. Tricoglus, G. (2001), Living the theoretical principles of critical ethnography' in educational research. Educational Action Research, 9/1, 135-148. Wolcott, H. (1967), A Kwakiutl Village and School. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston.

In: Education without Borders Editor: Loshini Naidoo

ISBN 978-1-62728-613-1 © 2010 Nova Science Publishers, Inc.

Chapter 5

INTERNATIONAL STUDENTS AND INTERNATIONAL EDUCATION: RECOGNISING WES STUDENTS’ AGENCY FOR EDUCATING CITIZENS OF A COSMOPOLITAN SOCIETY Neera Handa University of Western Sydney, NSW, Australia

ABSTRACT This chapter posits that the aim of true internationalisation of higher education should be to develop a cosmopolitan attitude in local and international students by affording them a positive experience of globalisation. To achieve this objective, opportunities for engaging non-Western and World Englishes Speaking (WES)1 international students to share their intellectual capital and knowledge-producing abilities should be incorporated in the teaching and learning practices of higher education. A critique of literature detailing how WES students are perceived in Western higher education is presented. Insufficient focus has been placed on their agency as their capabilities as cosmopolitan citizens of the modern-day world have been ignored. Presenting findings from research undertaken at a metropolitan university in Australia which shows international students and academics demonstrating their cosmopolitanism as a commitment to the ethos of internationalisation of higher education, this chapter argues that educators and curriculum designers need to bring a cosmopolitan outlook to their respective work. Finally, a need for further research into the nature and application of the intellectual resources that international students bring with them for affecting a two-way intellectual dialogue is raised.

1

Term used for students who come from countries that fall in the ―Outer‖ or the ―Expanding‖ Circles of speakers of English as a second or a foreign language (Kachru, 1990, p. 3).

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INTRODUCTION In an era of ―globalisation, mass migration and mediation‖ (Appadurai, 1996, p. 16), internationalisation of higher education has certainly advanced the process of globalising the world. Universities have become ―the most effective ways to promote social mobility, to ensure social cohesion and to create both the jobs for the future and a work force with the skills that the knowledge economy requires‖ (Smith cited in Spencer, 2009, n.p.). Their role in the advancement of global perspectives2 required for the citizenship of a cosmopolitan3 society cannot be ignored. These perspectives provide the ―ethical underpinning for the development of cross-cultural capability‖ (Killick, 2007, p. 203) that university graduates need, not only to cope with, but to enrich themselves from global connectivity. Extending Rizvi‘s (2009, p. 253) argument that for learning ―to become cosmopolitan‖ in this cosmopolitan age, ―new resources of learning‖ are required, I posit that especially in Western universities these resources can be accessed by engaging non-Western international students as an intellectual resource. These students, enriched by the experience of living in two different cultures develop global perspectives, attitudes and skills appropriate to live in today‘s cosmopolitan, culturally complex societies. In a bid to enhance their global employability they utilise their agency to gain further skills and new knowledge. According to Sen (1999, p. 19), agency is the inherent trait in a person‘s character inspiring her to ―act and bring about change and whose achievements can be judged in terms of her own values and objectives‖. My research at a metropolitan university in Australia presents WES students exerting their agency while giving a glimpse of their cosmopolitanism. It also illustrates some academics showing their commitment to the ethos of internationalisation of higher education as an appropriate tool to educate citizens of a global cosmopolitan society. In this chapter, I endorse Western universities‘ need to engage students in ―a mode of learning about, and ethically engaging with, new social formations‖ (Rizvi, 2009, p. 254) and propose that for students to function well in a cosmopolitan society, developing their international perspectives should be an objective of university study.

RESEARCH CONTEXT Background My research interests in WES international students in an Australian context were inspired by my own experiences as an overseas born WES student (Handa, 2004a) as well as

2 Through global perspectives ―we seek to demonstrate the relationships between local actions and global consequences, highlighting inequalities, helping us reflect upon major issues such as global warming, world trade, poverty, sustainable development and human migration, and promoting a response based on justice and equality not charity‖ (Killick, 2007. 203). 3 ―The definition and construction of collectivity in cosmopolitan societies are about the definition and construction of a globally shared collective future crisis. It is the future, not the past, which ‗integrates‘ the cosmopolitan age‖ (Beck, 2002, p. 27).

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by my work as a Learning Skills lecturer4 at a metropolitan university in Australia. I believed that ―internationalisation of higher education should also result in some confluence of the east and the west forming an academic culture, which recognises strengths of both‖ (Handa, 2004a, p. 126). However, to advocate for better induction and academic support for international students (Handa & Power, 2005), I represented them from a deficit perspective. Later delving deeper into this field as a researcher, I questioned the deficit approach taken by most academics and Learning Skills lecturers (myself included) as it completely overlooked their intellectual resources and achievements in their first language (L1). My secondary research in this field, as I came in touch with other similar minded researchers, also shifted my research focus. I started to reason that if their knowledge and knowledge building capabilities were brought to bear in their education in Western universities, these students could be the driving force ―in stimulating the transformative re-imaginings and re-workings of policies, pedagogies and politics for internationalizing‖ (Singh, 2005, p. 11).

A Cosmopolitan Society ―Cosmopolitanism‖ meaning citizenship of a world state refers to―a shared normative– philosophical commitment to the primacy of world citizenship over all national, religious, cultural, ethnic and other parochial affiliations‖ (Beck & Sznaider, 2006. p.6). Since time immemorial, philosophers around the world have used similar meaning terms to promote an ideal outlook. For example, in the Indian Vedantic philosophy, the term ―Vasudaiv Kutumbakam‖ meaning the world is ―an extended family, which includes ...all living beings‖ (Rangarajan, 2008, p. 5) endorsed loving all humanity and ‗Tianxia‘ referring to Chinese cosmopolitanism and ―human heartedness‖ was ―a norm for people ‗all under the heaven‘‖ (Chun, 2009, p. 25). Similarly, in ancient Greece, the term ―kosmou politês‖ preached virtues of committing to ―the moral community made up by the humanity of all human beings‖ (Nussbaum, 1994, 2-3). Cosmopolitanism derived from this term is ―a rather vague label‖ (Grande, 2006, p. 87) as it takes a ―moral view of the individual as having allegiances to the wider world‖ (Delanty, 2006, p. 26). However, cosmopolitanism in today‘s world does not seem obscure anymore, as due to the ―cosmopolitan condition‖ (Fine, 2007, p. 134) of today‘s society, ―national identities, interests and prejudices‖ (Axford, 2002, p.553) are losing their true meaning. People all over the world are facing similar economical, cultural and environmental issues (Beck, 2002, p. 27) that need ―global solutions‖ (Rizvi, 2009, p. 254). Moreover, at closest quarters too people live with or are in contact with those who are culturally and nationally different from them. As their ―cosmopolitan tolerance‖ (Giddens, 2003, p. 4) increases,their cultural and racial differences start to diminish making room for a―cosmopolitan outlook‖ (Fine, 2007, pp. 134-135) to develop. This outlook is a combination of their tolerance, their global perspectives and skills appropriate to live in a culturally complex society.Hence, cosmopolitanismhasbecome ―a set of principles … to interpret and respond to the contemporary conditions of globalization‖ (Rizvi, 2009, p. 253).

4

Learning Skills lecturers or advisors provide literacy support through academic induction, literacy workshops and individual consultations to university students.

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Internationalisation of Higher Education and Cosmopolitanism Internationalisation ―includes specific policies and programmes‖ adopted by governments and institutions ―to cope with or exploit globalisation‖ (Altbach, 2004, p. 6). Internationalisation of higher education is one such response to today‘s competitive global labour market, where ―university education [especially Western education] has become a global commodity‖ (Steir, 2004, p. 91). Western universities, especially in OECD (Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development) countries like Australia have responded with great fervour to this global demand. In a bid to improve their own economic situations and to exploit their governments‘ relaxed immigration policies to increase skilled migration, these universities recruit unprecedented numbers of full fee-paying international students from Asian countries. These students as ―sophisticated customers‖ (Bass, 2009), choose universities for the courses and facilities they offer. This creates competition among countries and universities who run glossy campaigns to attract students. Internationalisation of higher education in this manner seems to be mainly driven by economic gains. However, since internationalisation as a positive response to globalisation (Giddens, 2003) is also supposed to result in cultural enrichment and exchange of ideas among participating nations and people, other benefits of internationalisation of education need to be acknowledged. By including non-Western intellectual resources in teaching and learning practices, internationalisation of higher education can play a crucial role in it. For example, the diversity and complexity of culture brought by international students can create venues to promote and develop cosmopolitanism amongst all students.

LITERATURE REVIEW Western research in higher education, however, portrays a deficit model of World Englishes Speaking (WES), international students. Instead of acknowledging their potential to internationalise learning and teaching, it leads to proposing ―only the means of well-being‖ (Robyens, 2003, p. 62) and ―support during their courses‖ (Bradley, Noonan, Nugen, &Scales, 2008, p. 103). These concerns are believed to stem from a ―disjunction between two different cultural and educational traditions‖ (Ballard & Clanchy, 1997, p. 5) and ―culturally bound conventions about learning‖ (Volet, 1999, p. 637). For example, due to their incompetence in English and unfamiliarity with the Western academic culture, students from Asia write poorly, commit unintentional plagiarism (Leask, 2006; Carroll, 2002) and lack skills to engage ―in classroom talk or ‗critical thinking‘‖ (Doherty & Singh, 2005, p. 56). Putting the onus on education institutions (Handa & Fallon, 2006; Campbell & Li, 2008) to induct students into the conventions of Western academic culture, academics have been advised to improve their own practice (Biggs & Tang, 2007; Carroll & Ryan, 2005). WES students‘ presence creates many pedagogical challenges. Academics complain about their ―deficient language skills" and learning related problems (Biggs, 2003, p.120), but sometimes their reaction stems from ―the way they [students] look‖ (Ryan & Hellmundt,

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2005, p. 15) or how they speak (Beoku-Betts cited in Lee & Rice, 2007, p. 387)5. The reasonfor this outlook to some extent can be located in the history of Western colonisation of the non-Western world. Western supremacy in science, technology, business and industry in the past many decades has translated English (Pennycook, 1998) and Western knowledge into a ―gateway to upward social and economic mobility in an increasingly unequal global system‖, ―pedagogical identities and practices‖ are constructed and practised to reflect that6 (Doherty & Singh, 2005, p. 57). However, various ―myths about international students‖ and their academic abilities (Marginson, 2008, p. 3-4) have been refuted. Volet and Renshaw (1996) had found Asian international students to be more motivated and strategic in their studies with many receiving better results than their local counterparts. Later studies confirmed that students from Confucian Heritage Culture (CHC) are not passive learners (Ramburth & McCormick, 2001) as they utilise high-level critical thinking skills (Biggs, 2003; Jones, 2005; Singh & Fu, 2008). Handa and Power (2005) argued that even though many Indian students came with little knowledge of Western conventions of referencing, they did not lack academic integrity. Maxwell, Curtis and Vardanega, (2008, p. 32) confirmed that ―local and Asian international students differ little in their (mis)understanding of plagiarism‖ with both needing induction into the conventions of academic culture. WES Higher Degree Researchers (HDR) in Australia and overseas have also brought a different perspective into the discourse. Singh and Guo (2008) investigated the bilingual capabilities of HDR international students in Australia and the role that their knowledge networks play in their academic achievements. Handa (2004b) and Kettle (2005) found positive images of international students achieving their goals in spite of various difficulties they went through. Similarly, in the US, Chuo (2004) explored the successful integration of WES international HDR students in Western academic culture. A recent report on Higher Education in Australia has confirmed that many WES international students ―even outperform domestic students‖ in a number of areas (Bradley et al, 2008, p. 102). Declaring them as a resource and not a hindrance, this report argues that by having international students in their classes, local students can develop essential graduate attributes. Hence, academics can exploit classroom settings as ―intercultural encounters‖ (Leask, 2007, p. 94) by engaging international students for developing intercultural and global perspectives amongst all students.But to conceptualise diversity as ―a positive pedagogical resource in the classroom‖ (Marginson, 2008, p. 7) academics need to value, ―sustain and extend the histories and abilities‖ (Zamel, 1998, p. 228), as well as the ‗cultural capital‘ of minority students to build their confidence (Canagarajah, 1999, p. 190). They need to learn more about their international students‘ writing style and ―valued practices‖ to encourage their creativity (Ha, 2006, p. 78). International students value their ―interaction and dialogue with their lecturers‖ to understand ―the academic expectations‖ (Tran, 2008, p. 246). Hence, a dialogue between academics and students can help them ―together craft pedagogical styles‖ (Madge, Raghuram & Noxolo, 2009, p. 37).Singh (2009) has shown how supervisory

5

For many academics International students are simultaneously a source of contempt (for their inadequate English language skills), resentment (that we have to accept them at all) and paradoxically, anxiety (Will they like us [and tell their friends to come and study here so that I still have a job]?) (Devos, 2003, p. 165). 6 WES students come from counties riddled with ―poverty, starvation, and social decay‖ requiring a ―Western, white saviour‖ (Burke, 2006, p. 338).

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pedagogy can be made interculturally relevant by engaging HDR students‘ intellectual resources in their study. Academics have also expressed the view that ―we [professors] need to take care of the ‗whole‘ international student, as a persona” who may need ―counseling and mentoring‖ (Gonzalez, 2004 p. 148), but who possesses various qualities. To tap into these qualities, internationalisation of higher education curriculum is crucial. ―Pedagogies … which recognise all students as global citizens, workers and learners‖ (Singh, 2002, p. 225) can ensure that Western higher education does not remain ―‗pure‘ of any knowledge that the globalisation of education might confer‖ (Singh, 2002, p. 223). To achieve that, researchers (Palfryman, 2007, p. 7) endorse an intercultural understanding between students and academics and between international and local students. However, structures ―through which the knowledge and knowledge networks of international students is (sic) made a pedagogical presence‖ (Keohne, cited in Singh & Shreshtha, 2009, p. 77) and opportunities for academics and local students to engage with their international students‘ intellectual resources are missing from the curriculum. Negating non-Western approaches to teaching and learning and concentrating mainly on the economic benefits of internationalisation, not many inroads have been made into the curriculum offered in Western universities7 (Bradley et al, 2008, p. 104; Marginson, 2008, p. 7). Though, it has been suggested that local students can gain valuable experiences by carrying ―out parts of their study programmes overseas‖ (McBurnie cited in Nelson, 2002, p.7), and through ―study of Asia‖ in their courses (Asian Studies Association of Australia cited in Nelson, 2002, p. 7), the value of their interaction and engagement with onshore international students is ignored8. To overcome this passé, as aforementioned, a cosmopolitan outlook as one of the graduate attributes can guide policy makers, educators and curriculum designers to work towards a common goal. A move in this direction will benefit all students. Through an ―engagement with international students‘ knowledge, their knowledge producing capacities and knowledge networks‖ ―pedagogical structures‖ (Singh & Shreshtha, 2009, p. 65) and curriculum can be internationalised.

MY RESEARCH As mentioned earlier, I carried out a few research projects to investigate academic experiences of WES international students at my university (Handa, 2004b, 2006). To establish a ―holistic picture‖ (Creswell, 2003, p. 4) of the situation, I interviewed academics to find out how they coped with the diverse student population in their classrooms.

Methodology

7 Recounting the history of internationalisation of curriculum in Australia, Leask (2001, p. 106) invokes what Mestenhauser had claimed in 1998, ―If we are to internationalise the curriculum we will need to challenge both the nature of the curriculum and the paradigms on which it is based‖. Ten years down the track, Australian higher education is still grappling with the task of internationalising the curriculum (Leask, 2008). 8 We (still) have a long way to go on some of the cultural dimensions of education internationalisation. And these cultural dimensions can be seen to underpin our national economic competitiveness and social openness as well as enabling opportunities for personal growth (Gallagher, 2002, p. 4).

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A mixed methods approach (Creswell, 2003) of questionnaires, interviews and focus group was utilised. Course evaluations and follow up focus groups were also conducted. In the follow up discussions, students were encouraged to discuss their adjustment issues and their expectations of university. Over the three-year period, more than 250 students filled in questionnaires and/or participated in focus group and interviews. Five academics were interviewed. Information gathered in interviews and focus groups was quite elaborate. To answer a question about their academic adjustment, most students ticked a ‗yes‘ or ‗no‘ in the questionnaires whereas, a detailed and different response was given in face-to-face meetings. They shared their frustration and anxiety about studying in Australia but also spoke about their plans and personal gains in Australia. Most talked about gaining skills and knowledge, crucial for successful citizenship of this cosmopolitan world, as the most positive outcome of studying in Australia. It was a similar experience with academics. In spite of the constraints placed by the curriculum, they were keen to work out possibilities brought by internationalisation.

Findings For the purpose of this chapter, data from two students and two academics interviewed between 2004 and 2007 are used. Pseudonyms are used to protect their identity. Lin and Sab were postgraduate international students, while Helen and Terry were the two Anglo-Western academics teaching postgraduate courses.

Lin and Sab Lin Lin was from China and was doing a Masters in teaching in Australia. She had a degree in Science from China. She participated in an interview and a focus group. Explaining about her prior learning in her country, she said, ‗We did experiments and only read our text books and I always understood everything‘. She had enough knowledge of her subject that helped her in her course here. Lin liked her academics but said that their teaching and her learning styles were not compatible as when she wanted to clarify her problems with her teachers they wanted her to discuss those issues with other students in class. She found it hard asking her classmates, moreover she could not follow what they said especially if they spoke fast. She talked about her difficulties in group workin her classesand her inability to participate in her tutorials. Lin was worried about her practice teaching sessions in Australian schools. ‗If my classmates do not want to listen what I have to say how the school children will be so patient with my English?‘ She could not visualise herself working in Australia but was determined to finish her course. Lin wanted to make friends with other English speaking students but had not been successful. All her friends in Australia were either Chinese or other international students. Lin did many ‗Australian‘ things to experience life in Australia, for example, she worked part-time in a super market where she had to speak in English. She also enjoyed watching English movies and discussing them afterwards. She confirmed the benefit of living overseas,

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meeting students from different cultures, improving her language skills and learning about Australian teaching practices, which would all be useful for her future.

Sab Sab was enrolled in a Management course and had an engineering degree from India. In our interview Sab confided that he was concerned about academic reading and writing. There were pencilled words and their meanings in Hindi and English in his heavily marked and highlighted reader. Sab had passed his IELTS before being accepted at university. His spoken English was good, but his reading and writing were not ‗good enough for university‘. He said that ‗When they took me in this course I did not know that I did not have good English, they always told me at the language school that I was good‟. Sab‘s family had taken a loan in his country and he was trying to pay it off. He worked in a restaurant several nights a week. Life was tough but he was quite determined to stay on in Australia. He wanted to utilise this opportunity to have a better life for himself as well as for his family. He said, ‗Even if I do not get a job in my profession (related to his course) I do not think I want to go back‟.

Helen and Terry The two academics I interviewed were both aware of their students‘ needs and quite cautious of their own teaching practices. Both were reflective professionals and had proactive ways of encouraging their students to gain their potential by overcoming their language difficulties and their attitude towards an English speaking academic environment. Nevertheless, both were very clear about what they expected from their students.

Helen Helen had learnt Japanese and had worked in Japan a few years ago. Hence she was quite empathetic towards her WES students as she knew about the difficulties of communicating in another language. Helen said that because she had a very diverse class she was not sure how many students were actually international students as many local students were from ethnic backgrounds making it hard to differentiate. However, she said that after realising that many students were having problems in speaking up in class, she came up with a device. For example, she said that after a particular topic, a concept or an article was introduced in her class, sometimes she stood in front of the class and rambled about her own reflections to give her students a model to follow. She said, ―I usually start by talking about my own reflections and use simple everyday language to show how they can relate theory to practice”. After that modelling, she let all students spend five minutes jotting down their own reflections on the topic and its link with their subject/job/practice. She said that many students took this opportunity to stand up and speak in her classes, but some students did not come up with a single point to share. Terry Terry talked about encouraging his students to work in mixed groups for learning from each other. He also said that sometimes his international students wrote better than his local students. He said that most of his students were quite communicative in his classes, though

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each semester there were students who had difficulties. Each week, he invited a Learning Skills lecturer to give an academic literacy related session or sometimes he worked with his students himself. In a bid to bring an intercultural dimension in his classrooms he sometimes read headlines from newspapers and talked about particular political or financial news item from/about other parts of the world and encouraged his students to comment on those. Sometimes he also invited students (if possible) from that country to give their input on the issue. He had travelled to a couple of Asian countries and in his class he said he shared many anecdotes about some of his interesting experiences in those countries. These stories were meant to bring some enlightenment for local students and to also act as motivation for international students to share and answer questions. By making these gestures to bring mutual respect and understanding, he said that he tried to make his students feel comfortable. ‗But many students who do not want to play‟, made it difficult to achieve what he aimed for, he said.

DISCUSSION International Students as Cosmopolitans WES students‘ experience of living in two languages and cultures, means that they do not have knowledge, shared by others in the Western world, but it also means that they have access to or at least capabilities required for accessing other sources of knowledge. Lin and Sab used their prior knowledge and bi-lingual capabilities in their study in Australia. They acquired better English language and intercultural skills since they were interacting with people from different cultures and backgrounds. Most international students come with a goal of getting an international degree to better their job prospects in their own country or acquiring migration to Australia9. In their choice to study in Australia, they have an agenda similar to the ―social and economic contexts and agendas‖ (Leask, 2005, p. ii) of their host country. Sab showed that he was capable of achieving what he wanted to achieve. He made a choice to improve his employability and gain migration, whereas Lin planned to go back with her improved employability and other acquired skills. Just like Lin and Sab, many other Asian international students I come across in my work and research, show attributes that make them cosmopolitans and agents in their own right. In today‘s ―interconnected, diasporic, hybrid and globalized world‖ (Lingard, 2009, p. 237), they are the perfect citizens who take risks to learn and experience new things about cultures different to theirs. They possess what Beck (2002, p. 26) declares is the strength of nonWestern students, ―personal knowledge, both of East-Asia and of California, of Latin America and of Anglo-America, of South-Asia and England, of the Arab world, Africa and France, …to mention only a few of the largest combinations‖. In tune with the environment of their host country and able to live and work anywhere in the world, these students are a resource in today‘s cosmopolitan world.

9

A large proportion of international students especially those who come from India (Birrell cited in Bass, 2009, p. 3) end up getting a permanent residency in Australia.

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Local students in contrast still have to catch up. Especially, local Anglo students are ―much less well prepared for the complexities of a culturally diverse world‖ (Jones & Killick, 2007, p. 110), since they do not engage with those who will be partners with them in building cosmopolitan societies. Interestingly many international students make good connection with local and international students from their own culture (Sawir, Marginson, Deumert, Nyland & Ramia, 2008, p. 24) and other ethnic/cultural groups. Lin (in my research) had made friends with other Asian girls in her flat enhancing her intercultural skills and knowledge. It has been stated that in implementing an internationalised curriculum, local students are ―the problem learners‖ as their ―expectations are limited by local tradition and who may resist the intrusion of outside ways of doing things‖ (Haigh, 2009, p. 271). International students on the other hand, already juggling with new culture, new society and new academic world may face fewer difficulties in adjusting to an internationalised curriculum. Rather, they may even do better as they are more ―capable of adopting self-help strategies and various problemsolving skills‖ (Tran, 2008, p. 246) being continuously involved in ―cultural compromise and the negotiation of the complex terrains of knowledge and power‖ (Rizvi, 2006. p.177) while studying in Western culture.

Academics in International Classrooms Helen and Terry, the two academics in this study have collaborated with their students in creating international classrooms. Being ―self-reflective‖ they show their willingness ―to critically examine the interactions and communications‖ with their diverse students (Leask, 2007, p. 87). They are the enlightened educators who utilise their students‘ intellectual resources as a pedagogical device by inviting them to share what they have. Helen tried to give her students a supportive atmosphere through a cleverly built activity. This encouraged her international students to relate and talk about their knowledge and experiences. Similarly, in his own creative manner, Terry was also optimising conditions to enhance quality learning (Biggs, 2003). Both academics had endeavoured to ―adapt their teaching to an international, culturally diverse teaching and learning environment rather than expecting learners to adapt to a ‗monocultural‘, inflexible environment (Leask, 2007, p. 87). Their efforts to ―embed and integrate intercultural learning‖ moved them ―into uncomfortable intercultural spaces; to learn from and with each other within those spaces; to challenge their stereotypes and prejudices and to move on from them‖ (Leask, 2005, p. ii). Since both had travelled to Asia and learnt about other cultures, they were interested in bringing intercultural knowledge into their classroom practices. This is not the case with most Western academics. For example, even though many academics from Australia travel abroad to Europe and the US to widen their horizons, not many take advantage of travelling to countries in Asia from where most international students come. Same goes with their bilingual abilities. Not many academics speak or understand languages their WES students speak or are willing to explore non-Western ideologies. However, in this case both Helen and Terry were frustrated not because of their own lack of international perspectives but because of constraints imposed on their teaching by the curriculum and students‘ disinterest in intercultural activities that hindered their efforts to translate their own cosmopolitan attitude into their teaching.

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Internationalisation of Higher Education Most universities suffer from an imbalance between what is done to internationalise and what should be done (Stier, 2004), for example, there are not many opportunities for local and international students to interact. And even if they do interact it is usually more common between students from the same or similar cultures. What Smart, Volet and Ang‘s (2000) research had found seems to be true in my research too as local Anglo and Asian students still did not mix with each other and international students lacked ―opportunities for more interaction with Australians‖ (Bradley et al, 2008, p. 92). It is difficult to inspire local students to have an active desire to know and learn about their international counterparts since many cannot see the relevance of such activities. On the other hand, a lack of engagement or the ―risk of embarrassment and ... failure‖ (Leask, 2007, p. 87) stops WES students from joining in. To rectify this problem to some extent, Leask (2007, p. 90) advises academics to design ―tasks that can be more efficiently and effectively completed in mixed-culture groups‖. Most international students value teachers who can ―manage multicultural group work‖ (Leask, 2007, p. 90). Finally, as Leask (2007, p. 93) suggests, ―University classrooms are, in many ways, a reaction (sic) of the world in which we all live – increasingly diverse and complex‖. A collaboration between diverse students can instigate their ―dialogic imagination‖ which according to Beck (2002, p. 18) is the central defining characteristic of ―a cosmopolitan perspective‖.

Education for a Cosmopolitan Society In today‘s global cosmopolitan society people work and live with those who come from diverse parts of the world bringing their different cultures, beliefs and values with them. Similarly, especially in Western universities, the student population is equally diverse. This demands ―significant reforms to the institutional character of universities, including changes to what is taught and how it is taught‖ (Rizvi, 2005, p. 10). As universities prepare students to function successfully in a global environment, it is not only ―profession-specific needs and requirements‖ but crucial skills like ―social and intercultural competencies, conflict management‖ (Steir, 2004, p. 88) that are needed to function in today‘s workplace environment.Killick (2007, p. 203) finds it hard to believe that any university ―can ignore such dimensions to its curricula‖. With curriculum demanding that all students achieve certain knowledge and sensitivity about other countries and cultures, international content10 could be included in a curriculum through activities similar to the ones devised by the academics in my research. Moreover, students will also see the relevance of such activities. Hence, a desire to learn will make different cultures ―mutually more accessible and comprehensible‖ (Palfryman, 2007, p. 5). A change in students‘ outlook to embrace alternative ways and knowledge as "an essential life skill for future graduates‖ is needed (Bradley et al, 2008, p. 104). Nussbaum (1994, p. 2) considers ―education for world citizenship‖ as the most appropriate way to 10

―Case studies drawing on international examples, through assignments involving research from the Web, and other international resources, through interviewing of international students or others from different ethnic backgrounds or through the development of course material in collaboration with international partners‖ (Blight, Davis and Olsen, 2000, p. 27).

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prepare students for the global world. However, their global perspectives and cosmopolitan tolerance to live in ―deterritorialised cosmopolitanism and diversity‖ (Jones cited in Banya, 2005, p. 148), ―may not arise magically out of our good intentions: we need to think about how our educational institutions contribute to that goal‖ (Nussbaum, 2002, pp. 291- 292). To be able to achieve this disposition ―new pedagogies that engage with the new and future world where assumed old academic traditions may no longer prove effective‖ (Hellstén & Reid, 2008, p. 2) are needed. A true internationalisation of higher education must engage both students and academics in a mutual development of a critical and multiple perspective of the world. Since internationalisation brings enrichment and cultural insights in its wake, ―alternative resources that may be used in developing an inclusive curriculum‖ in Western universities ―need to come from countries other than the USA and Britain … Canada and Australia‖ (Johnson, 2006, p. 24). Hence, innovations and changes in curriculum are needed to ensure that ―all graduates [are] being better prepared to live and work in a globalised society‖ (Leask, 2008, p. 12).

CONCLUSION Western universities hosting WES international students present a great location for developing cosmopolitanism. By ignoring their intellectual presence, Western academia is disregarding a source of valuable knowledge required to create true internationalisation of higher education. Having only ―an international dimension‖ (Knight, 2004, p. 9) to teaching and learning at universities is not enough for internationalisation of higher education. The new maxim for internationalisation now seems to be ―the internationalization of the academic self … as a fundamental building block in an institution‘s response to global forces affecting higher education‖ (Sanderson, 2008, p. 276). A reconceptualisation of the curricula and pedagogy in Western higher education is required to cater to the needs of a cosmopolitan society. Therefore, sharing what WES students bring and recognising their potential to internationalise Higher Education, may be a positive step towards imagining a joint future in a global society. To create a pedagogical framework for WES students and their academics to tap into resources available to them, research and more discussions are needed about how the cultural and intellectual heritage that these students possess or can access can be utilised for teaching and learning in an internationalised context.

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Rangarajan, S. (2008). Madhu-Vidya: The Holocoenotic Vision of the Brihadaranyaka Upanishad. The Trumpeter 24/2, 3-10. Ryan J. & Hellmundt, S. (2005). Maximising Teaching International Students‘ cultural capital in J. Carroll & J. Ryan (Eds.) Teaching International Students: Improving Learning for All. London: Routledge. Rizvi, F. (2005). International Education and production of cosmopolitan identities. RIHE International Publication Series 9. Rizvi, F. (2006). Rethinking ―Brain Drain‖ in the Era of Globalisation. Globalisation, Societies and Education 4/1. 175-192. Rizvi, F. (2009). Towards cosmopolitan learning Discourse: Studies in the Cultural Politics of Education. 30/3, 253-268. Robyens, I. (2003). Sen's capability approach and Gender inequality: selecting relevant capabilities, Feminist. Economics 9/2 61- 92. Sanderson, G. (2008). A Foundation for the Internationalization of the Academic Self Journal of Studies in International Education, 12/3, 276-307. Sawir, E., Marginson, S., Deumert, A., Nyland, C. & Ramia, G. (2008). Loneliness and International Students: An Australian Study. Journal of Studies in International Education. 12/2, 148-180. Sen, A. (1999). Development as Freedom, Oxford: University Press. Singh, M. (2002). Rewriting the ways of globalising education? Race Ethnicity and Education, 5/2, 217-230. Singh, M. (2005). Enabling Transnational Learning Communities: Policies, Pedagogies and Politics of Educational Power. P. Ninnes & M. Hellstén (Eds.), Internationalizing Higher Education. Netherlands: Springer. Singh, M. (2009). Using Chinese knowledge in internationalising research education: Jacques Rancière, an ignorant supervisor and doctoral students from China. Globalisation, Societies and Education, 7/2. Singh, M. & Fu, D. (2008). ―Flowery inductive rhetoric meets Creative deductive arguments Becoming transnational Researcher-writers. IJAPS, 4/1, 121-137. Singh, M. & Guo, W. (2008) Centring students‘ bilingual capabilities in quality university teaching: Bringing ―knowledge detours‖ and ―zigzag learning‖ in from the margins, in McConachie, J., Singh, M., Danaher, P. A., Nouwens, F. & Danaher, G. (Eds.), Changing University Learning and Teaching, Brisbane: PostEd Press. Singh, M. & Shreshtha, M. (2009). Internationalising pedagogical structures: Admittance into the community of scholars via double knowing, in M. Hellstén and A. Reid (Eds.) Researching International Pedagogies. Netherlands: Springer. Smart, D., Volet, S. & Ang, G. (2000). Fostering social cohesion at university: Bridging the Cultural divide. Canberra: Australian Education International. Spencer, D. (2009). UK: Stout defence of universities. Universities world news. 13 September Issue: 0092. Retrieved Sept 2009 from http://www.universityworldnews.com/article. Steir, J. (2004). Taking a critical stance toward internationalization ideologies in higher education: idealism, instrumentalism and educationalism, Globalisation, Societies and Education, 2/1, 83-97. Tran, Ly Thi. (2008). Unpacking academic requirements: international students in Management and Education disciplines', Higher Education Research & Development, 27/3, 245 -256.

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Volet, S. (1999). Learning across cultures: appropriateness of knowledge transfer. International Journal of Educational Research 31, 625- 643. Volet, S. & Renshaw, P. (1996). Chinese students at an Australian university: Adaptability and continuity. In D.A. Watkins and J.B. Biggs (Eds.), The Chinese learner: Cultural, psychological and contextual influences. Hong Kong: Comparative Education Research Centre, Faculty of Education, University of Hong Kong. Zamel, V. (1998). Questioning academic discourse. In V. Zamel & R. Spack (Eds.), Negotiating academic literacies (pp. 187-197). Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence.

In: Education without Borders Editor: Loshini Naidoo

ISBN 978-1-62728-613-1 © 2010 Nova Science Publishers, Inc.

Chapter 6

COSMOPOLITANISM AND DISTANCE EDUCATION IN AUSTRALIAN HIGHER EDUCATION Xiafang Chen1and Pengcheng Hong2 1

University of Western Sydney, NSW, Australia 2 Shanghai Ocean University, China

ABSTRACT We, as citizens of the globe, are experiencing a new age of communication technologies and are becoming cosmopolitanized. Learning itself needs to become cosmopolitan. Distance education is not restricted by space and time and could enhance and promote cosmopolitanism. It is one way of embodying cosmopolitanism. This chapter aims to use the concept of cosmopolitanism to explore the distance education and to argue why distance education is one way of encouraging cosmopolitanism. Cosmopolitanism strategy is an effective way for educators and teachers to engage those people who cannot get access to education. Two cases studies are used to illustrate that distance education is an effective way of engaging people in a cosmopolitan society. Data were collected from the public sphere. This chapter focuses on the importance of distance education to cosmopolitanism and global citizenship.

INTRODUCTION One slogan on the webpage of Charles Sturt University (CSU) for distance education is ―Study wherever, whenever and whatever you want. It‘s your choice‖ (CSU, 2009a). This slogan tells us that the time and place to get formal university education lies freely in the hands of learners and happens only in today‘s world. Distance education is an effective way of engaging people towards cosmopolitanism. We are now living in a cosmopolitan world which is fast-developing and changing in the fields ofeconomic systems, international diplomacy, global warming, international conflicts at local level, international travel and

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communication. ―A new realization is emerging that we live in a world community as well as in our own countries. We are not citizens just of specific nation-states, but are also citizens of the world‖ because of these changes(Hooft, 2009, p. 4).

COSMOPOLITANISM IN THE INTERNET AGE The word ―cosmopolitan‖ originates in ancient Greece, kosmou politês, meaning a citizen of the world (Appiah, 2006, p. xiv; Hooft, 2009, p. 15; Matthews & Sidhu, 2005, p. 53). It refers to ―human beings living in a world of human beings and only incidentally members of polities‖ (Held, 2003, p.469). This term has been used in politics, economics and social sciences for which it has resulted in a variety of views. Cosmopolitanism was treated by Immanuel Kant in the 18th century as a guiding principle to protect people from war and the principle of universal hospitality. This is universalistic cosmopolitanism(Rizvi, 2009, p. 256). Cosmopolitanism is also interpreted as cultural cosmopolitanism, emphasizing global cultural pluralism; economic cosmopolitanism, aiming for a global free market; romantic cosmopolitanism viewing faith and love as the ideal of humanity (Rizvi, 2009, p. 255); and even elite cosmopolitanism, which is connected with luxury consumption and a life divided between multiple residences in a number of cities and resorts (Holton, 2009, p. 9). Among the various interpretations of cosmopolitanism, globalisation is usually the main content of this philosophical concept (Held, 2003; Matthews & Sidhu, 2005). The notions of global connectivity and interdependence has always been situated in particular contexts and in our age global connectivity is experienced and interpreted in new ways due to advanced technology and global mobility(Rizvi, 2009, p. 256).Cosmopolitanism penetrates all spheres of life. The cosmopolitan condition is closely linkedwith the multiple processes of globalization, conceived as a set of cross-border relationships that create increased interconnection and inter-dependency(Holton, 2009, p. 50). From Rivzi (2009) and Holton (2009), we know that globalization, cross-border activity, inter-connection, inter-dependency and consciousness of the world as a single space are among the characteristics of cosmopolitanism. Held (2003) defines cosmopolitanism as, ―Cosmopolitanism is concerned to disclose the cultural, ethical and legal basis of political order in a world where political communities and states matter, but not only and exclusively‖ (Held, 2003, p. 469).

Held further describes the concept more in the political field and less in the education field referring to the quote by Guibernau (2001) in an interview. It is not about requiring a cultural world with the same set of political and economic institutions. It is ―about mediating and adjudicating difference. The great cosmopolitan philosophers enjoin and celebrate difference, but they recognise that difference alone is not a basis for solving common problems‖ (Guibernau, 2001).

There are some criticisms of cosmopolitanism, namely, for less commitment to globally oriented citizenship and for ―its reliance on masculinity, individualist and elitist dispositions

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and for its ‗co-articulation‘ with a colonial and imperial governmentality‖ (Matthews & Sidhu, 2005, p. 53). In discussing the origin of cosmopolitanism, Popkewitz (2008) commented that―cosmopolitanism is to free the individual from provincialism, the boundaries of nationalism, theological dogma, and the irrationalities of mystical faith‖ (p. xiii). With this in mind, the concept of cosmopolitanism for higher education is important. Higher education embedded with cosmopolitanism makes educators endeavour to include individuals who are separated by the boundaries of geographical locations, nationality and physical and social limitations.So that for individuals who have limitations staying in one locality, cosmopolitanism can help. Popkewitz (2008) comments that cosmopolitanism is ‗to free the individual from local and national attachments through transcendental values of a unified humanity, yet that universalism was historically linked to projects in making the citizen of the republic in the name of cosmopolitan values …. Cosmopolitanism is, then, a strategy to explore historically the intertwining of the problem of social exclusion with the very impulses to include and to ―enlighten‖‘ (Popkewitz, 2008, p. xiv).

For Popkewitz (2008), the strategy of cosmopolitanism focuses on social inclusion, being connected with the society. Under this strategy, people who are limited in space and time are encouraged to be engaged with the fast-developing societies. The higher the education people have, the greater their degree of cosmopolitanism, and the stronger the global connectivity. The world is already a globalized society with great mobility becoming one of the defining features of our time (Rizvi, 2009, p. 257). Global connectivity is important for the survival, development and prosperity of human beings in the current world. It is difficult for people such as wives, travellers, soldiers, the disabled, old and young, to receive higher education on campus because of the space and time limitations they have. They are likely to have weaker global connectivity and thus need to be actively engaged in order to be an active citizen in this globalized society. We are in an Internet age now, which provides great wide possibilities and convenience for distance education, andit is also a fastchanging age, which requires knowledge to be updated quickly. Cosmopolitanism is a strategy of engagement in this fast-developing information world. To be a cosmopolitan citizen, people need to keep updating new knowledge and skills to keep up with the time, and to be an active citizen in their life. Distance education provides the convenience of pursuing lifelong learning, which becomes ―a way of thinking about and structuring our society‘s approach to education‖ (Field, 2006, p. 2).

DISTANCE EDUCATION There are many terms related to distance education. These terms include online learning, e-learning and flexible learningand areoften used interchangeably. Bates (2005) defines distance education as ―less a philosophy and more a method of education‖ (p. 5). ―Students can study in their own time, at the place of their choice (home, work, or learning centre), and without face-to-face contact with a teacher. Technology is a critical element of distance education‖ (Bates, 2005, p. 5).

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Distance education is a mode of learning. It‘s off-campus learning, opposite to oncampus face-to-face classroom learning. Recently the term of flexible learning is often used in schooling. Flexible learning provides learning in a flexible manner. Such learning happens around the geographical, social and time constraints of individual learners, rather than those of an educational institution(Bates, 2005, p. 5). The difference between flexible learning and distance education is that ―Flexible learning may include distance education, but it also may include delivering face-toface training in the workplace or opening the campus longer hours or organizing weekend or summer schools. Like distance education, it is more of a method than a philosophy, although like distance education, it is often associated with increased access and hence more openness‖ (Bates, 2005, p. 5).

The development of the Internet and advanced information technologies expands distance education. Due to the appearance of the World Wide Web, learning in the mode of distance education becomes mostly e-learning or online learning. Thesetwo terms are often used interchangeably. E-learning can cover any form of telecommunications and computer-based learning while online learning means using specifically the Internet and the Web(Bates, 2005). E-learning or online learning is not just for distance education. E-learning is adopted both in on-campus learning and distance learning. It is often combined with on-campus teaching and learning by e-mails, online courses, online discussion forums by many institutions. It is blended with traditional face-to-face classroom teaching. So it is often referred to as blended learning. One of the most frequently used platforms of e-learning or online learning in universities is ―Blackboard‖. The concept of distance education in this chapter includes the concept of open education, online learning and e-learning, and also flexible learning in most cases. On the website of Electronic University Consortium of South Dakota (EUCSD) (2009), distance education is defined as ―all credit and non-credit education and training activities that are delivered via any electronic means‖. We adopt this concept of distance education in this chapter. It  

excludes correspondence courses delivered by US mail; does not include courses that are delivered face-to-face at on-campus or off-campus locations, nor does it include electronic delivery of courses between or among campuses (EUCSD, 2009).

Garrison and Anderson (2003) in their analysis of the generations of distance education from a technological view found that in the first generation distance education is characterised by features of an industrial model. Its material is carefully designed and produced by specialized, skilled professionals. Its pedagogy is based on behaviourist notions of accountability and observability. For the second-generation, the technology supported more interaction between students and delivery organizations. However, teachers often did not create the course content. They were more of a course tutor. The third-generation distance-education system embraces constructivist learning theories to create opportunities for students to create and re-create knowledge. This knowledge construction takes place

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within the negotiation of content, assignments, and projects and is elaborated on in the discussion, collaborative projects, and resource- or problem-based curriculum designs. The fourth generation merges the features of the former three: information retrieval of vast amounts of content; the interactive capacity of computer mediated communications (CMC), and the processing power of locally distributed processing via computer-assisted programming(Garrison & Anderson, 2003, p. 35, p. 37-38).Taylor (2001) summarizes the previous four generations as follows:    

First, the Correspondence Model based on print technology; Second, the Multimedia Model based on print, audio and video technologies; Third, the Telelearning Model, based on applications of telecommunications technologies to provide opportunities for synchronous communication; Fourth, the Flexible Learning Model based on online delivery via the Internet.

He also conceptualizes the characteristics of the fifth generation distance education. ―Although many universities are just beginning to implement fourth generation distance education initiatives, the fifth generation is already emerging … [It] aims to capitalize on the features of the Internet and the Web … [ and is] Intelligent Flexible Learning Model‖ (Taylor, 2001, p. 2).

The fifth generation distance education comprises a campus portal access to institutional processes and resources. The fourth generation distance education does not have this portal. The fifth generation of distance education uses automated courseware production, automated pedagogical advice systems, and automated business systems(Taylor, 2001). So it has ―the potential to deliver a quantum leap in economies of scale and associated costeffectiveness. Further, effective implementation of fifth generation distance education technology is likely not only to transform distance education, but also to transform the experience of on-campus students‖ (Taylor, 2001, p. 2).

However, Garrison and Anderson (2003) find that the development and technology of the Web has a growing function and it is maybe the only technology associated with fourth- and fifth-generation distance-education systems (Garrison & Anderson, 2003, p. 39).They conclude that all five generations exist simultaneously on the Web today (Garrison & Anderson, 2003, p. 47). Distance education is different from what went on before. It is now a new ‗learning ecology‘. ―This is not just another add-on, but a technology that is transforming our educational institutions and how we conceptualize and experience teaching and learning. The challenge for twenty-first-century educators is to create a purposeful community of inquiry that integrates social, cognitive, and teaching presence in a way that will take all advantage of the unique properties of e-learning; those interactive properties that take learning well beyond the lecture hall and information assimilation. These properties of e-learning are capable of creating a community of inquiry that is independent of time and space and with the combination of interactive and reflective characteristics that can stimulate and facilitate a level of higher-order learning unimaginable to date‖ (Garrison & Anderson, 2003, p. 123).

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Such a community of inquiry, independent of time and space but with interactive and reflective feature, is what a cosmopolitan community is. Distance education is one form of higher education embedded in cosmopolitanism. Distance education can take learning beyond the boundaries of campus and nation-state. It frees people from limitations of time and space for learning. In the past, the interaction between teacher and students in correspondence learning or CD-ROM-based learning is not timely and effective, for example, in the last century, ―distance education involved the technologies of pen and pencil, paper, the typewriter, and the postal service, which provided the sole link between the individual instructor and the individual student‖ (Hanna, 2007, p. 508). With the high rocketing development of electronic technologies and the Internet, the vehicles of distance education changed greatly. It was then conceptualized as involving a teacher (T) interacting asynchronously (A) with a single student (S) in a structured two-way exchange mediated by print and electronic technologies. This model is expressed in the form of T:A:S:1>1 (Hanna, 2007, p. 505). Then, atthe end of last century, distance education developed quickly and led many countries to create many open universities and the enrolments are in large number. Distance education was described as industrial form of education with the features of mass distribution, standardization, division of labour, and assembly-line procedures. The universities offering only distance education were referred to as single-mode distance teaching universities (Hanna, 2007, p. 506). In Australia, in the past decade, many universities also offered degrees in both on-campus mode and distance mode. Such universities are dual-mode universities. Distance education in this dual-mode model in recent years includes ―the extension of traditional classrooms to new locations where a teacher (T) is connected synchronously (S) with students (S2) in classrooms. This model is expressed in the form of T:S:S2:1>S2, with the feature of using audio conferencing, video conferencing, or computer conferencing at scheduled times (Hanna, 2007, p. 506). With the rapid development of the Internet and advanced technologies, a new model appears. Students are dynamically linked with each other, with course coordinators and with other institutional academic support structures. Students have more complex choices in pedagogy, technology, culture and strategy. ―The teacher (T) is connected asynchronously (A) with students (S2) who are able to interact with both the teacher and with other students around collaborative discussions, assignments and team projects‖ (Hanna, 2007, p. 507). This model is expressed in the form of T:A:S2:1> S2 by Hanna (2007). The main feature of distance education discussed in this chapter is its electronic perspective. Electronic distance education offers people education without boundaries. Learning becomes independent of time and space. Distance education students havegood opportunities of becoming cosmopolitanized to be globally connected. There are many people who cannot get access to traditional on-campus learning due to different reasons including disabilities, work obligation, family obligation and locality issue.French and Valdes (2001, cited in Kinash & Crichton, 2007) indicated that one in five people has a disability including those having educational barriers because of physical, sensory or cognitive impairments and learning disabilities. ―The accessibility of computermediated information and the convenience of distance delivery have the potential to ―level the playing field‖ for disabled students(Kinash & Crichton, 2007, p. 193).It is important to engage all the people who wish to learn and whom the traditional education is inaccessible to.

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One of the slogans of Open Universities Australia (OUA) on its website is ―You don‘t have to go to uni, to go to uni‖. For those who cannot go to universities campus to have tertiary education, distance education is a good option to go to university. Open Universities Australia is a universities ally to deliver distance education. ―Studying through Open Universities Australia means not having to worry about time, distance or entry requirements - you can study what you want, when you want. OUA is committed to helping you overcome the traditional barriers to university education‖ (OUA, 2009b).

This statement clearly shows the advantages of distance education for certain groups of people who want to receive university education. The advantages include the flexibility in time, space and entry requirements. These advantages are enhanced by network interaction technologies which provide distance learning environments of online and hybrid courses for students who are geographically or temporally dispersed(Sharma, Oliver, & Hannafin, 2007).Due to its flexibility and new technologies, distance education can provide joint education together with the integration of the traditional on-campus education. Students in this era are diverse. Many students do not got to university directly after secondary learning. They may not study full time on campus. The learning mode is changing. Review of Australian Higher Education comments that ―There is a large and increasing cohort of mature-age students, with a significant proportion who study by distance education and may only visit a campus to receive their final award … In this diverse and complex environment, providing all students with a stimulating and rewarding higher education experience is a significant challenge. However, the future success of the Australian higher education system is inextricably linked with its ability to meet this challenge‖(Commonwealth of Australia, 2008, p. 69).

The number of students by distance education is increasing because of the changing environment. People are far more mobile and travel more than before. One feature of cosmopolitan citizens is their mobility in modern society as well as their attitudes towards the use of time and space, and towards work and life change. Distance education provides them opportunities and flexibility in time and space to do other commitments while pursuing higher education and further education. It is very important to have interaction between learners and teachers in education. Interaction has been a defining feature of formal education. When people receive distance education, the sustainability issue of distance education is its capability of interaction among learners and teachers. Web-based distance education has rich interactions between teacherstudents, student-student, student-content, teacher-content, teacher-teacher and contentcontent (Garrison & Anderson, 2003, p. 41-46). Many universities in Australia provide interactive platform for distance education. For example, CSU is using CSU Interact system. This will be further discussed in the later part of this chapter. Three aspects of distance education are important for engaging people towards cosmopolitanism and global citizenship: social presence, cognitive presence and teaching presence. Social presence in distance education is the learning environment of distance education that supports collaborative learning experience in a non-verbal community instead

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of face-to-face real time communication. It includes affective, open communication, and cohesive communicative responses to form a community of inquiry (Garrison & Anderson, 2003, p. 50). The cognitive presence is the intellectual environment thatsupport sustained critical discourse and higher-order knowledge acquisition and appreciation andfacilitate the analysis, construction, and confirmation of meaning and understanding within a community of learners‖ (Garrison & Anderson, 2003, p. 55). In creating a critical community of inquiry in an educational experience, both the learner and teacher are part of the larger process of learning. Teaching presence is charged with ―shaping the right transactional balance and, along with the learners, managing and monitoring the achievement of worthwhile learning outcomes in a timely manner‖ (Garrison & Anderson, 2003, p. 65).Social presence does not ensure an effective community of inquiry. Cognitive and teaching presence together with social presence can result in effective learning communities. Distance education is an important supplement to on-campus education due to above mentioned situations. Australian States and Territories provide distance education alternatives to people who are unable to get access to the on-campus education. For example, Distance Education Tasmania provides off-campus educational programs for students from kindergarten through to Year 10 learning. It clearly articulates what types of kids who are eligible to enrol with Distance Education Tasmania due to: isolation, medical, pregnancy, travel, inability to work within a classroom(Department of Education Tasmania, 2009). Also under the principal of cosmopolitanism, the majorities of Australian universities are offering flexible distance education to people with different demands and needs. Without this, a large portion of Australians will lose opportunities of higher education or further education. In the next section, we will discuss how cosmopolitanism is reflected in distance education in higher education in Australia.

DISTANCE HIGHER EDUCATION IN AUSTRALIA Distance education is one aspect of cosmopolitanism in education. Australian higher educationhas developed this sector to be one of the world leaders in providing distance education offering flexible education to people with different demands and provides different modes of higher education. The multi-mode higher education is discussed and the scale of distance education in Australian tertiary education is analysed. The data are from Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2008, and from web pages of those institutions discussed in this chapter as of 23 September, 2009. In Australia, there are 39 universities(Australia-Universities.com, 2009). The number of distance education providers in Australian higher education has increased steadily. Distance education is now widely developed among almost all of the 39 universities on different scales. Each university was analysed to determine if they offer off-campus1 distance education leading to credit and qualifications. The criteria that a university is considered by us as offering distance education study mode at undergraduate and/or postgraduate level 1

Note: For courses of ―off-campus‖ mode, some universities use word ―external‖ mode, ―distance education‖ mode or ―online‖ mode. So in this chapter, ―off-campus‖ includes the concept of ―external‖ mode,―distance education‖ mode and ―online‖ mode.

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depend on whether it provides students a course and/or a unit solely through off-campus mode, or external mode. Some universities may offer off-campus learning for part of a subject. If this is the case, it is not considered as distance education here. We find that most universities could offer undergraduate and postgraduate education by off-campus mode to a certain degree. All universities except for two could deliver courses and/or unit by off-campus mode. Some universities offer more courses and/or units than others by off-campus mode. Three universities deliver courses or units by off-campus mode only at postgraduate level. They do not provide distance education at undergraduate level.Two universities do not provide distance education at either undergraduate level or postgraduate level. The increase in the number of universities offering distance education is accompanied with the increase of the number of students enrolled in off-campus mode, or combination of internal and external mode. Based on the data publicized by Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS) (2008), there is an increase in the number of Australian higher education students from 2003 to 2006. The information in Table 1 is adapted from ABS (2008). It includes the number of students enrolled in full time and part time studies in internal mode, external/off-campus mode and multi-modal study. InTable 1, the number for full-time and part-time enrolments in 2007 and 2008 for different mode of enrolment could not be found in DEEWR and Australian Bureau of Statistics; only the total number of enrolments for the three modes of enrolments is recorded. Based on Table 1, we find that there is an increase of student enrolments in tertiary sector up to 2006. The student enrolments have a 1.6% increase from 2003 to 2004; 1.3% up in 2005; 2.8% up in 2006. The enrolments show a decrease of 8.5% in 2007 and then a 2.8% increase in first half of 2008 compared with 2007.Among the total enrolments, the number of students choosing external mode decreased by 1.8% in 2004, 2.7% in 2005, 1% in 2006, 1.9% in 2007 compared with each previous year. In 2008 the external number increased by 1.2% compared with its previous year respectively. The number of students choosing multi-modal method, combining face-to-face study and external study, rose by 23.9% in 2004, 16.8% in 2005 and 5.7% in 2006 compared with the previous year. Although it decreases by 37.4%, it increases again by 6.2% in 2008. From Table 1 we also find thatin the first half year of 2008 in Australian higher education sector, 12% students chose external mode education, and 5% students chose multimode of higher education. That is, 17% students in higher education are involved in distance education. In Australia the delivery of distance education in tertiary sectors has two practices. Most of the universities deliver distance education on its own resources. These types of universities offer the following course delivery. 1. They deliver one course both to on-campus and off-campus students with the same course content and progress. The same course teacher delivers the course to both oncampus students and off-campus students. One typical example is Charles Sturt University. 2. They deliver some courses solely for off-campus students; 3. They set upDistance Education Centres to deliver courses offered in off-campus mode.

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Xiafang Chen and Pengcheng Hong Table 1. Australian higher education students by mode and type of enrolment

Mode of Type of enrolment* enrolment

2003

2004

2005

2006

2007

Internal

Full time Part time Total Full time Part time Total Full time

548,183 199,238 747,421 25,261 114,767 140,028 31,786

556,939 197,889 754,828 24,939 112,526 137,465 37,818

566,135 195,834 761,969 24,903 108,794 133,697 45,834

585,700 201,100 786,800 24,700 107,700 132,400 48,100

— — 752,293 — — 107,444 —

2008 (first half year) — — 773,511 — — 108,785 —

Part time Total Full time Part time Total

10,717 42,503 605,230 324,722 929,952

14,866 52,684 619,696 325,281 944,977

15,676 61,510 636,872 320,304 957,176

16,900 65,000 658,500 325,700 984,100

— 40,705 — — 900,442

— 43,215 — — 925,511

External

Multimodal

Total

*

'Internal' is where the delivery of education is done entirely within the institution, 'external' refers to delivery of course material to students off-campus, and 'multi-modal' is where at least one, but not all units, are provided at the institution. For 2003-2004, The scope of the data in this table is students enrolled at anytime within the 12-month period 1 September to 31 August. Source: adapted from ABS (2008) and DEEWR (2009).

The other practice of delivering distance education is through a university ally. The university ally in Australia in delivering distance education is Open Universities Australia (OUA). In the next section we will give two cases in delivering distance education in higher education to demonstrate the contribution of distance education to cosmopolitan society.

A CASE OF UNIVERSITY DELIVERING DISTANCE EDUCATION SOLELY ON ITS OWN RESOURCES Charles Sturt University is a multi-campus university. It has 5 campuses in regional areas in New South Wales, a specialist Theology campus in Metropolitan area, and an onsite overseas campus in Canada. The University has Study Centres in the central business districts of Melbourne and Sydney. It delivers nearly 500 courses in relatively broad areas in the fields such as agriculture, business, education, humanities, sciences, information technologies, health, medicine, nursing, psychology and theology. Based on the information provided on the University website on 27 October, 2008, it offers 509 courses for undergraduates, postgraduates and honours, among which 422 courses are available by distance education study mode. The percentage of course availability for distance education mode is 82.9%. It has about 35,000 on-campus and distance education students. Cosmopolitan idea is deeply embedded in its course delivery flexibility.

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―Charles Sturt University is Australia‘s leading provider of distance education. Every year, over 21,000 students around the world study undergraduate and postgraduate courses or single subjects through our world-class distance education program‖ (CSU, 2009a).

Its courses include three levels: undergraduate, postgraduate and honours. For each level there are three modes of study: on campus, distance educationand combination of on-campus and distance education mode. We will explore the mode of distance education at each level.

COURSES OFFERED AT CSU Undergraduate The data in this section about CSU courses for the three levels of courses are retrieved on 26 October, 2008 (CSU, 2008). There are full varieties of undergraduate courses offered for distance education. From its website, for undergraduate courses, there are altogether 164 courses either in the mode of on-campus or in the mode of distance education, or in both modes. There are 126 courses in the mode of on-campus and 97 courses in the mode of distance education. Among the 97 courses available for distance education, 32 courses are offered only in distance education and are not offered in on-campus mode. Among the 126 courses available in on-campus mode, 63 courses are provided only oncampus.

Postgraduate For postgraduate courses, there are 310 courses either in on-campus mode or in the mode of distance education. Out of the 310 postgraduate courses, 52 courses are offered in oncampus mode. Almost all of the postgraduate courses are offered in the mode of distance education. There are 307 postgraduate courses offered in the mode of distance education.

Honours For honours degree, there are 35 honours courses either in on-campus mode or in the mode of distance education. Thirty-two (32) honours courses are offered inon-campus mode. There are 18 honours courses offered in distance education.

International Students For international students, there are 113 undergraduate courses either in the mode of oncampus or in the mode of distance education. There are 98 undergraduate courses offered in on-campus mode and 65 undergraduate courses offered in distance education for international students. There are 190 postgraduate courses delivered for international students, among which 29 postgraduate courses are in the mode of on-campus mode and all of the 190

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postgraduate courses are available in distance education mode. There are 29 honours courses in both modes for international students, among which there are 26 courses in on-campus mode and 16 courses in distance education mode. CSU‘s courses delivery mode for local and international students at the above three levels of education could be demonstrated in Table 2. From Table 2, we can find that over half of the courses are available in distance education mode in any level of academic degreeat the University. One distinguishing feature is that 99% postgraduate courses for local students are available in distance education mode and that 100% courses for international students are available in distance education mode. This is a striking feature of the University‘scourse delivery.As a regional university, it offers considerable flexibility for students to participate in higher education, further education and lifelong learning. The concept of cosmopolitanism is embodied in the course delivery modeas according to their own situations, demands and needs, students can choose to study either in on-campus or distance education mode or combine the two modes, using the multi-mode way either in full-time or part-time type of enrolment, selecting one or several units in on-campus mode and others in distance education mode. This providesgreat opportunities for students to beengaged in higher education. This flexiblearrangement will not be possible without a strong ICT support, therefore communication technologies are a vital part of cosmopolitan society.

Preconditions and Full Support for the Availability of Broad Courses Strong technical support is the precondition for the availability of broad courses online. Comprehensive, rich and interactive website information is the foundation for the distance education. It is difficult to carry on distance education without strong technical support. At CSU, the learning and teaching and communication for students, teachers and staff are through CST Interact system. Table 2. Number of CSU courses and delivery mode at three education levels Level of education

Undergraduate Postgraduate Honours

Local students

All

Oncampus

distance

164

126

310 35

International students

All

On campus

Distance

97

Percentage of distance courses 59%

113

98

65

Percentage of distance courses 58%

52

307

99%

190

29

190

100%

32

18

51%

29

26

16

55%

―CSU Interact is an integrated Online Learning Environment (OLE). This allows teachers, staff and students to access a number of CSU-developed applications such as OASIS, as well as a collection of new teaching and learning tools‖ (CSU, 2009b).

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The University provides a rich and informative Learning and Teaching Website. This website includes detailed instruction for using CSU Interact both for staff and for students. There is full range of information supporting staff in using the University website in teaching. The supporting information includes the following aspects:    

A beginner's guide to CSU Interact; L & T:CSU Interact tools and how they can be used; L & T: Activities that can be supported by CSU Interact tools; Learning and teaching examples from CSU academics

These areas of instruction offer a teacher the ability to start using CSU Interact, and teach and communicate through CSU Interact. The last aspect, learning and teaching examples from CSU academics, contains rich and useful information to use the CSU Interact. They include: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

Interactions between students Interactions between students and content Interactions between students and teacher/s Interactions between teachers Introduction to Interact

These instructions are clear and easy to understand and apply. The communication technologies and the Internet facilitate the cosmopolitan distance education at the University. CSU is a case of single university offering distance education on its own resources. In Australia, distance education is also delivered by universities through OUA. This will be discussed in the next section.

DISTANCE EDUCATION OFFERED BY UNIVERSITIES ALLY Open Universities Australia(OUA) is owned by seven leading universities and is the country‘s fastest growing online higher education service provider. OUA offers undergraduate degrees, graduate certificates, graduate diplomas and masters degrees. Over 120, 000 people have already studied at OUA since it began in 1993 (OUA, 2009a).There are over 100 subject areas (700 units) with 60 qualifications from 16 academic providers. The units and qualifications range from arts and humanities, business, education, health, information technology to law. There are no entry requirements for most undergraduate degrees to start studying with Open Universities Australia. The seven universities that own OUA are OUA‘s academic partners. They are:     

Curtin University of Technology Griffith University Macquarie University Monash University RMIT University

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Swinburne University of Technology University of South Australia

These seven universities provide undergraduateand postgraduate courses to students in Australia and across the world. Several other educational institutions also provide awards or units to students of OUA. Based on the OUA‘s Annual Report 2008, 26,549 students enrolled at OUA come from all the States and Territories. The rest of students come from abroad. The top ten residential locations in order of students outside Australia in 2008 are United Kingdom, United States, China, China Hong Kong, Japan, Singapore, New Zealand, India, United Arab Emirates, Thailand(OUA, 2009a, p. 8).Distance education at OUA engages people actively across Australia and the world. As stated in its annual report, distance education at OUA provides higher education opportunities for people who have other different commitments in their life. ―Most of our students are busy adults juggling the demands of complex work, family and study commitments.‖ (OUA, 2009a, p. 2). Through the Internet technologies, distance education at OUA has ―enabled students to interact with us at a time and place convenient to them. Together with online support resources, these initiatives have enabled many people, unserved by traditional on-campus models, to engage in university education‖ (OUA, 2009a, p. 2).

Distance education is growing steadily at OUA. Table 3 shows the growth of OUA enrolments between 2004 and 2008. In 2008, at undergraduate level there was an increase of 13.6% (69,928 units) of enrolments, while at postgraduate level there was an increase of 33.8% (3,804 units). It enrolled over 28,336 students in 2008, an increase of 17% on the previous year (OUA, 2009a, p. 2). Overall unit enrolments of OUA grew for undergraduate and postgraduate courses. Table 3. OUA enrolment growth 2004 -2008 (units)

Undergraduate Vocational Postgraduate Total

2004

2005

2006

2007

2008

% change 07 - 08

23,958 781 325 25,064

37,108 447 631 38,186

47,672 284 1,312 49,268

61,556 536 2,841 64,933

69,928 357 3,804 74,089

13.6% -33.4% 33.9% 14.1%

Source: OUA (2009a).

With the growth of enrolments, there is also growth across age groups. Students at different age groups enrol at OUA. Table 4 shows the growth of enrolments across age groups in 2006 and 2007. The largest three age groups enrolled at OUA are age groups of 20-24, 25-29 and 30-34. People of these age groups have great mobilityand diversity. The distance education is advantageous to them. The fastest increase of age groups in enrolment is the age groups above 50. They are less mobile and have more commitments than the younger age groups. Distance education could provide them opportunities for renewing knowledge, upgrading skills and lifelong learning when they keep their jobs and family commitments.

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Table 4. OUA growth across age groups (units) Age Group < 15 15-19 20-24 25-29 30-34 35-39 40-44 45-49 50-54 55-59 60+ Total

2006 50 2,703 15,659 11,771 8,062 5,187 3,582 1,975 1,051 547 404 50,991

2007 66 3,446 18,562 16,465 10,998 7,165 4,682 2,846 1,571 866 632 67,299

% change 32% 27% 19% 40% 36% 38% 31% 44% 49% 58% 56% 32%

Source: OUA (2008, p. 11)

OUA students mostly work when they study. 70% of OUA students study for career or work purposes. 63% of OUA students work full-time(OUA, 2009a, p. 9). They are studying to build their careers and to be able to actively participate in the cosmopolitan society. OUA (2009a) analyses the top 5 online and distance education providers (Australia). Among the top five, CSU and OUA are the two leading distance education providers. OUA has the biggest distance education market share followed closely by CSU in 2007(OUA, 2009a, p. 11).OUA is in reality a service agency for higher education providers. Through this platform, students study with 16 universities and TAFE colleges, and receive qualifications from one of the seven universities, which are the academic partners of OUA. We have introduced the general situation of Australian distance education and discussed two examples of distance education providers to engage people in cosmopolitan society. The distance education mode is increasingly becoming popular with people at work, women at home, soldiers in the army, travellers of the world, and disabled people because it offers them flexibility to be engaged in higher education to become an active world citizen in the cosmopolitan society. The tertiary education in Australia has more diversity due to new generation of distance education in the Internet age. Off-campus learning is increasing; and learning without campus is emergingbecause of the flexibility and borderless feature of distance education. People with different situations have more choices to receive higher education. The composition of students is more complex. People can combine work and study together whenever, wherever and whatever they want. They are globally connected through distance education.

CONCLUSION Global connectivity is one feature of cosmopolitanism. Cosmopolitanism is one way of engaging people to participate in this cosmopolitan society actively. Today‘s cosmopolitan society brings challenges to citizens of the earth. Cosmopolitanism engagement strategy

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provides people with a chance to become citizens of the world, the cosmos (Appiah, 2006, p. xiv). Distance education can engage people as one efficient way of being a cosmopolitan citizen. The reappearance of cosmopolitanism today is in the form of political and institutional arrangements that ―reflects a global pursuit of lasting peace, human rights and global community‖ (Hooft, 2009, p. 17). Distance education provides institutional arrangements to reflect the global search for the elements of cosmopolitanism which includes individualism, universality and generality (Hooft, 2009, p. 5). The rising of a new age of distance education, which relies on communication technologies and the Internet, gives Australian universities big opportunities to deliver education to more people to participate in the global community than before. The nature of Australia distance education is dual-mode. ―It is the dual-mode nature of provision which so strongly ties developments in open and distance education to those occurring in higher education generally and over the last decade these have been substantial‖ (King, 1999, p. 265). Distance education in Australia commits to having identical content and standards in both on- and off-campus courses. After Dawkins‘ reform to Australia higher education in 1988, Australia hasa robust national policy environment and has one of the fastest growth rates of student enrolments among OECD countries(King, 1999, p. 266). Although there are multi-modes of enrolments for tertiary education in Australia, the admission requirements for any mode of enrolment is the same. Offering different modes of study is to offer flexibility of learning for students with different needs of learning.

REFERENCES Appiah, A. (2006). Cosmopolitanism: ethics in a world of strangers. New York: W.W. Norton & Co. Australia-Universities.com (2009).Retrieved 14 September, 2009, from http://www. australian-universities.com/list/ Australian Bureau of Statistics (2008). 1301.0 - Year Book Australia, 2008 Retrieved 29 October, 2008, from http://www.abs.gov.au/ Bates, T. (2005). Technology, e-learning, and distance education. New York: RoutledgeFalmer. Charles Sturt University (2008). Distance Education-Undergraduate -All Retrieved 8 December, 2009, from http://www.csu.edu.au/ Charles Sturt University (2009a). Distance Education study at CSU Retrieved 8 November, 2009, from http://www.csu.edu.au/study/distance-education/ Charles Sturt University (2009b). What is CSU Interact? Retrieved 18 December, 2009, from http://www.csu.edu.au/division/landt/interact/interact.htm Commonwealth of Australia (2008). Review of Australian Higher Education Retrieved 12 July, 2009, from www.deewr.gov.au/he_review_finalreport DEEWR (2009). 2008 First Half Year Student Summary Tables All Higher Education Providers Retrieved 14 November, 2009, from http://www.dest.gov.au/sectors/higher_ education/publications_resources/profiles/students_2008_first_half_year.htm

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Department of Education Tasmania (2009). Distance Education Tasmania Retrieved 14 September, 2009, from http://www.distance.tased.edu.au/enrolling Electronic University Consortium of South Dakota (2009). Definition of Distance Education Retrieved 13 November, 2009, from http://www.sdbor.edu/euc/definition.htm Field, J. (2006). Lifelong learning and the new educational order. Stoke-on-Trent;Sterling, VA: Trentham Books. Garrison, D. R., & Anderson, T. (2003). E-learning in the 21st century: a framework for research and practice. London and New York: RoutledgeFalmer. Guibernau, M. (2001). Globalization, Cosmopolitanism and Democracy: Interview with David Held 2009(13 August). Retrieved from http://www.polity.co.uk/global/ globalization-cosmopolitanism-and-democracy.asp Hanna, D. E. (2007). Organizational Change in Higher Distance Education. In M. G. Moore (Ed.), Handbook of Distance Education (pp. 501-514). Mahwah (New Jersey): Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Inc. Held, D. (2003). Cosmopolitanism: globalisation tamed? Review of International Studies, 29/04, 465-480. Holton, R. J. (2009). Cosmopolitanisms: new thinking and new directions. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. Hooft, S. V. (2009). Cosmopolitanism: A philosophy for global ethics. Montreal & Kingston; Ithaca: McGill-Queen's University press. Kinash, S., & Crichton, S. (2007). Supporting the Disabled Student. In M. G. Moore (Ed.), Handbook of Distance Education (pp. 193-204). Mahwah, New Jersey: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Inc., Publishers. King, B. (1999). Distance education in Australia. In K. Harry (Ed.), Higher Education Through Open and Distance Learning (pp. 264-276). London: Routledge. Matthews, J., & Sidhu, R. (2005). Desperately seeking the global subject: international education, citizenship and cosmopolitanism. Globalisation, Societies and Education, 3/1, 49-66. Open Universities Australia (2008). Open Universities Australia Annual Report 2007. Open Universities Australia (2009a). Open Universities Australia Annual Report 2008. Open Universities Australia (2009b). What is OUA all about? Retrieved 7 January, 2010, from https://www.open.edu.au/ Popkewitz, T. S. (2008). Cosmopolitanism and the Age of School Reform: Science, Education, and Making Society by Making the Child. New York: Routledge Rizvi, F. (2009). Towards cosmopolitan learning. Discourse: Studies in the Cultural Politics of Education, 30/3, 253-268. Sharma, P., Oliver, k. M., & Hannafin, M. J. (2007). Teaching and Learning in Directed Environments. In M. G. Moore (Ed.), Handbook of Distance Education (pp. 259-270). Mahwah, New Jersey: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Inc., Publishers. Taylor, J. C. (2001). Fifth GenerationDistance Education. Canberra: Department of Education, Training and Youth Affairs, Higher Education Series, Report No. 40.

In: Education without Borders Editor: Loshini Naidoo

ISBN 978-1-62728-613-1 © 2010 Nova Science Publishers, Inc.

Chapter 7

RESEARCHING IN A COSMOPOLITANUNIVERSITY: HOW MUCH CAN E-LEARNING CONTRIBUTE? Guihua Cui Associate professor, English Department, College of Foreign Languages, Jilin University, Changchun, Jilin Province, China

ABSTRACT Cosmopolitanism is a ‗hot‘ word in academia. But what does it mean? What role does it play in social scientific thinking and people‘s everyday life? Does it offer an analytical framework for interpreting the internationalisation of research education? This chapter explores these issues using life history research method. Specific focus is placed on e-learning for linking global engagement via international education, global research networks and student mobility. The goal of this study is to interweave theoretical account of cosmopolitanism with an exploration of forms of cosmopolitanism that are practised in everyday contexts by an individual. The data collected and analysed for this study comes from life history records of an international student from China doing research in Australia. A life history method is used to generate and analyse evidence for this study because it foregrounds the symbiotic relationships between individuals and society. This chapter situates this study in terms of the debates about cosmopolitanism, which now is being retested in different domains to see whether it can offer better insights and deeper implications. In the context of cosmopolitanism, this chapter also examines the diverse roles e-learning play in a Chinese research candidate‘s research abroad. Approaching elearning via a diverse e-learner makes it possible to see the role of bilingualism in knowledge production and the enhancement of research capabilities in a cosmopolitan setting, and the achievements of learning goals.It is concluded that cosmopolitanism can not be a perfect social system realised in a short time. It is only a possibility shaped and reshaped by individuals‘ everyday attitudes and beliefs about the ideas and problems related to globalisation.

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INTRODUCTION The idea of cosmopolitanism is pervasive both in the social sciences and in the language of daily life. But what does it mean? What role does it play in social scientific thinking and people‘s everyday life? Does it offer an analytical framework for interpreting the internationalisation of research education, in particular by using globally networked elearning? This chapter will explore these issues using life history research method. Specific focus of this chapter is placed on e-learning for linking global engagement via international education, global research networks and student mobility. It addresses the question of whether e-learning in which an international student engages can be usefully understood in terms of cosmopolitan e-learning. The data collected and analysed for this study comes from life history records – diary entries of an international student from China doing research in Australia. A life history method (Goodson & Sikes, 2001) is used to generate and analyse evidence for this study because it foregrounds the symbiotic relationships between individuals and society. This chapter situates this study in terms of the debate about cosmopolitanism, which is derived from an ancient Greek term meaning a ―citizen of the world‖ (Kendall, Woodward & Skrbis, 2009), but now is being retested in different domains to see whether it can offer better insights and deeper implications. Following the debates on cosmopolitanism, this chapter deals with cosmopolitan learning and e-learning. After the analysis of the evidence comes the discussion on the issues presented in the literature.

CONCEPTUALISING COSMOPOLITANISM Cosmopolitanism is currently a ‗hot‘ word in academia, and the idea of cosmopolitanism has variously been explored in academic studies. In the past, cosmopolitanism was interpreted as ―a universal moral principle‖, representing a particular transnational life-style (Rizvi, 2009, p. 254). It was used as a way of learning about our own social identities and cultural trajectories, emphasising connectivity with the rest of the world. It was ―a cultural repertoire performed by individuals‖ to deal with objects, experiences and people (Kendall, Woodward & Skrbis, 2009, p. 108). By the late 18th century cultural cosmopolitanism referred to ―various elite modes of living‖ made by the global mobility of people and ideas which resulted in multicultural encounters, emphasising the value of global cultural pluralism (Rizvi, 2009, p. 253). It is used to ―articulate a set of principles‖ with which to understand and react to the modern conditions of globalisation (Rizvi, 2009, p. 253). Brennan (1997, p. 13) described cosmopolitanism as ―an ethos of macro-interdependencies … the consequences of being foreign by race or upbringing, and yet well positioned, influential, respected in certain circles precisely for one‘s foreignness‖. The concept ‗cosmopolitanism‘ is now taking on new meanings by debates about the globalising of contemporary experiences and viewpoints. It is also related to the ideas about ―the possible death of the nation-state, transculturation, cultural hybridity‖ (Brennan, 1997, p. 2). Fine (2007, p. xi) defines cosmopolitism as ―the emergence of new forms of right in the sphere of inter-societal relations‖. In this sense, cosmopolitanism is a set of ―structurally grounded and locatable, discursive resources‖ which are used to address issues about cultural diversity, globalness and otherness (Kendall, Woodward & Skrbis, 2009, p. 108).

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Theoretically, cosmopolitanism is identified as ―ideas, frames for interpretation, behavioural patterns, and knowledge that allow an individual to perform a cosmopolitan subjectivity‖ (Kendall, Woodward & Skrbis, 2009, p. 108). It is regarded as ―a perspective, a state of mind involving particular competencies, modes of managing meanings, and varieties of mobilities‖ (Kendall, Woodward & Skrbis, 2009, p. 114). Beck (2007) defines cosmopolitanism as ―the erosion of distinct boundaries and the emergence of internal globalisation or dissolution of the national state‖ in which social identities are constructed relatively equally. Cosmopolitanism engages with the ideals of diversity and equivalence in shared space. The unity of cosmopolitanism is embodied in two aspects: the cosmopolitan outlook and the cosmopolitan condition (Fine, 2007). The new interest in cosmopolitanism is based upon a recognition that our world is increasingly ―interconnected and interdependent globally‖, and that most of our problems are ―global in nature requiring global solutions‖ (Rizvi, 2009, p. 253). The new cosmopolitanism has smashed the Western confidence in the view that ―writing from Latin America or Africa always simply follows European leads‖ (Brennan, 1997, p. 38). The relations of power have ―reversed the multilingual and multiracial cross-dressing of work from non-European countries‖ (Brennan, 1997, p. 38). Highly critical of imperialism, cosmopolitanism itself has lost faith in independence. Cosmopolitanism‘s original desire has begun to die. However, the new cosmopolitanism meets with criticism from many sides. It is criticised for the mistaken idea that ―the democratic structures and political life of the nation-state are becoming obsolete‖ and for its failure to see that ―this social transformation only intensifies the abstract character of domination‖ (Fine, 2007, p. 20). To understand and appreciate the values of all humans and the rights of small nations, cosmopolitanism would have to ―give space to the very nationalism that the term is invoked to counter‖ (Brennan, 1997, p. 25). Cosmopolitanism has ―both ideal and pragmatic dimensions, attitudinal and behavioural aspects‖, which involves the knowledge, performance and command for the purpose of ―highlighting and valuing cultural difference‖ (Kendall, Woodward & Skrbis, 2009, p. 105). People are now ‗on the move‘ more than ever before for the purposes of migration, work, tourism, education and the like. The peoples of the world are incorporated into ―a single society, global society‖ (Albrow cited in Rizvi, 2009, p. 257), in which cultures and societies are being ―squeezed together and driven towards mutual interaction‖ (Robertson cited in Rizvi, 2009, p. 257). Cosmopolitanism has become a natural outcome of market economy in which ―national borders inevitably become less significant‖, and in which individual freedom has the potential ―not only to produce greater mobility and innovation but also result in greater cultural tolerance‖ (Rizvi, 2009, p. 259), which might be one of the prerequisites of cosmopolitanism. Ideal cosmopolitanism grounds itself in highly systematised approaches, based on the claim that cosmopolitanism has discovered ―a new ‗Truth‘ on which the future of the globe depends and the innocence of thinking that the past no longer bears down on the present‖ (Fine, 2007, p. 21). Ideal cosmopolitanism is well attracted by the idea of engagement and contact as a form of temporary and fleeting connection as opposed to a particular way of learning about other cultures, transforming or enhancing self (Kendall, Woodward & Skrbis, 2009, p. 115). In recent years many Europeans have ―really moved forward in their acceptance of one another as political confreres‖ (Donald, Kofman & Kevin, 2009, p. 4). Cosmopolitanism is critiqued as ―a celebration of privilege and as a defense not against the nation-state, but in defense of a world order which privileges certain national states and

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regions over others‖ (Donald, Kofman & Kevin, 2009, p. 9). Accidental and strategic cosmopolitanism come into play. They are related to whether we conceptualise cosmopolitanism as something ―individuals come to possess passively, perhaps accidentally, by absorption; or a symbolic field of practices increasingly available to social actors … for use in multiple fields (Kendall, Woodward & Skrbis, 2009, p. 104). If cosmopolitanism is a body of cultural practices then it must also rest on ―a particular set of cultural competencies‖, which in turn rely on ―structured culturally meaningful fields for the uptake and expression of cultural capital‖ (Kendall, Woodward & Skrbis, 2009, p. 104). Terminological cross-dressing characterises the debate on cosmopolitanism where the interchangeability of terms has ―concealed important differences‖ (Brennan, 1997, p. 121), so there is a need to distinguish among terms like ‗globalisation‘, ‗cosmopolitanism‘ and ‗multiculturalism‘ which have their own intended ends and self-identities. An important distinction has been made between multiculturalism and cosmopolitanism, ―hypothesising the fostering of ‗trans-cultural exchanges‘, rather than just multicultural diversity, as the mark of a city‘s cosmopolitanism‖ (Donald, Kofman & Kevin, 2009, p. 5). Appadurali (cited in Kendall, Woodward & Skrbis, 2009, p. 3) understands cosmopolitanism as ―a trans-cultural phenomenon‖, where the intellectual exchange across cultures is a process by which the other is experienced. A country or a city can make genuine claims to cosmopolitanism, to living comfortably with the presence of the global in the local, with the first locals and a minority culture enjoying considerably same levels of wellbeing as the majority. In the cultural field, the new connections between different parts of the world allow for the possibility of ―either cultural imperialism or the undermining of cultural homogeneity‖ (Kendall, Woodward & Skrbis, 2009, p. 2). The distinction between cosmopolitanism and globalisation is not similar. Cosmopolitanism is understood as ―the positive face of globalisation‖ (Kendall, Woodward & Skrbis, 2009, p. 2), and globalisation is regarded as ―a necessary precondition of cosmopolitanism‖ (Kendall, Woodward & Skrbis, 2009, p. 3). This vision may seem to be utopian, yet it is playing an important role in our increasingly interconnected world. The lay public may consider cosmopolitanism to be ―analogous to globalisation‖ and it is ―a result of globalisation processes‖ (Kendall, Woodward & Skrbis, 2009, p. 3). Culturally, this is partly correct, as cosmopolitanism does depend upon mobilities which are essential for bringing individuals into spaces and trans-cultural interactions, thus cosmopolitan outcomes emerge. However, it doesn‘t denote that mobilities should be global in nature for cosmopolitanism to occur. Cosmopolitanism is better understood as ―a political and cultural manifestation of processes of globalisation‖ (Kendall, Woodward & Skrbis, 2009, p. 3). Cosmopolitanism is worth pursuing if we use it as an instrument of critical understanding, intellectual improvement and knowledge exchange. How should education be organised so that it provides students both an empirical understanding of global transformations and an intellectual orientation towards them? Education has a role to play in helping students realise that ―global connectivity is a dynamic phenomenon, politically and historically changing – and that it is not only experienced differently, but is also interpreted differently in different contexts‖ (Rizvi, 2009, p. 263). In such a context, the relationship between cosmopolitanism and education needs to be reframed; new ways need to be developed to learn about and engage with new social formation; learning itself should become cosmopolitan, and the sources of cosmopolitan learning need to be more diverse and extensive beyond the borders of the nation-state (Rizvi, 2009).

Researching in a Cosmopolitan University: How Much Can E-learning Contribute? 101 If learning is to become cosmopolitan, it should have the potential to help students deal with their ―situatedness of their knowledge and of their cultural practices, as well as their positionality in relation to the social networks‖ (Rizvi, 2009, p. 264). Cosmopolitan learning signals an objective, developing different views on interacting with others within the changing context of the cultural exchanges and knowledge sharing resulting from global mobility and networks. Cosmopolitan learning encourages students to examine the empirical meaning of intercultural experiences and seeks to situate them within the transnational networks of the contemporary globalisation. It demands critical ways to learn about other cultures, intercultural exchange and the development of intellectual skills they use to create knowledge about others and to engage with them (Rizvi, 2009). The revolutionary advances in technology have enabled people living in different countries to not only become more ―inter-connected than ever before‖ but also develop ―a distinctive consciousness‖ about the challenges and possibilities of inter-cultural encounters (Rizvi, 2009, p. 257). Many people are not able to travel around the world, but they are able to be in touch with friends and colleagues who live, study and work in different parts of the world. It is apparent that there are changes taking place in the tertiary education sector and one of them is changes related to attempts to penetrate the global education market. Cheng (2001 cited in Mihhailova, 2006, p. 271) points out that among different types of globalisation there is also learning globalisation. The reason for this trend is that twenty-first century universities can be successful, efficient and effective deliverers of education if they globalise their activities using satellite and/or electronic international multimedia communication (King cited in Mihhailova, 2006, p. 271). Another reason is that ―society and the individual are inseparable; they are necessary and complementary to each other, not opposites‖ (Carr, 1981, p. 31). After we are born, the world starts to shape us and changes us from a biological being into a social one. If an individual is apart from society, s/he would be ―both speechless and mindless‖ (Carr, 1981, p. 31) because the development of individual and society goes hand in hand and condition each other. With the advancement of technology and the Internet, the world has become a vast storehouse of information, and learning is no longer limited by distance, location, or physical existence. Barriers to global learning continue to fall (Tham & Werner, 2005, p. 15). Popkewitz (2008, p. 156) connects cosmopolitanism with online learning and defines ‗electronic cosmopolitanism‘ as ―a borderless humanity that sheds the provincialism of the nation and of the harmful effects of past traditions through its universality to reach across borders … with their ability to transcend state lines and even national borders, circumvent geographic barriers‖.

This is to say there is possibility to connect the two via the term ‗electronic cosmopolitan learning‘ which means e-learning can be done in the context of cosmopolitanism and cosmopolitanism as an initiative to global connections. In the following section, e-learning will be explored from diverse dimensions.

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E-LEARNING Electronic learning represents an extension of face-to-face learning which has been defined as: a wide set of applications and processes allied to training and learning that includes computer-based learning, online learning, virtual classrooms and digital collaboration. These services can be delivered by a variety of electronic media, including the intranet, internet, interactive TV and satellite (Beamish et al, cited in Mihhailova, 2006, p. 271). E-learning is not a replication of old instructional delivery in a new medium. It must ―capitalise on the new capabilities‖ that are made available by the technology (Mandinach, 2005, p, 1816). It is claimed that telecommunication technology has ―shattered the boundaries of educational institutions‖ (Chen, 2003, p. 37), making possible the formation of regional, national, and even global learning communities. Negroponte (cited in Chen, 2003, p. 37) imagined that studying in the digital age would mean ―less dependence upon being in a specific place at a specific time‖. However, every learner is situated in a specific place and time, networking with others who are situated in other places around the world perhaps in different time zones. E-learning can better prepare students for an increasingly global, changing, and complex world, which changes the purpose of education to that of helping learners communicate with others, find relevant and accurate information for the task at hand, and be colearners and partners with teachers and peers in diverse settings and learning communities that go beyond school walls (McCombs & Vakili, 2005 p. 1582). E-learning can be improved if learners have ―supportive relationships‖, have a sense of ―ownership and control‖ over the learning process, and can learn from each other in ―safe and trusting learning environments‖ (McCombs & Vakili, 2005 p. 1586). Positive impacts of elearning now make it possible to produce nonlinear learning that connects individual learners beyond traditional boundaries of teachers, students, schools, classrooms, and individual communities. In learner-centered electronic learning environments, all learners have opportunities to connect with each other at personal and academic levels, but to produce diverse learners, they need to experience both quality content and processes. Physical isolation may result in ―communication and psychological distancing‖ (McCombs & Vakili, 2005 p. 1597). However, this can be reduced as e-learning makes use of new technologies to help learners increase networking and collaboration. E-learning offers the potential for transnational intellectual exchange and the sharing of knowledge among diverse groups. The ―credibility, reputation, and survival‖ of e-learning (Phillips cited in Tham & Werner, 2005, p. 17) result from bringing together technology, educational institutions and students of intellectually diverse backgrounds. Quality e-learning has to ensure that ―learning objectives are achieved efficiently and effectively, without sacrificing the standards of the educator and his or her institution‖ (Tham & Werner, 2005, p. 24). E-learning students do not have the chance to ―socialise physically‖ with other classmates, except when they are assigned as a group/team as part of the requirements for assignments in a synchronous environment (Tham & Werner, 2005, p. 19). Another weakness of e-learning is the seemingly slow or no feedback relative to the speed of the technology (Mihhailova, 2006). Chen, Bennett and Maton (2008, p. 307) report that e-learning is a supplement but not a replacement of face-to-face teaching and learning, noting that ―more than half of Australian universities offered fully online courses, and that among all university

Researching in a Cosmopolitan University: How Much Can E-learning Contribute? 103 subjects, 40% were web-supplemented, 12.5% were web-dependent, and 1.4% were fully online‖. This explosion of e-learning is placing many international students ―in an even more foreign learning context: studying online while being on campus in Australia‖ (Chen, Bennett & Maton, 2008, p. 307). In fact, international students expect to get ―not only intellectual but interpersonal connections‖ from their learning community (Chen, Bennett & Maton, 2008, p. 320). Collaboration among research students is important for knowledge production and stimulating learning. E-learning provides them with ―greater motivation and opportunity to articulate, discuss, and reflect on their learning strategies and the changes within themselves‖ (Chen, 2003, p. 36). It is now possible for students to explore research questions in global settings via e-learning networks that offer ―meaningful contexts for project-based and problem-based learning‖ (Levin & others cited in Chen, 2003, p. 37). Networked e-learning is suitable for ―dialogic interaction‖ which allows knowledge to be ―socially constructed through interaction with others in various on-line environments‖ (O‘Dowd, 2003, p. 132). With the rise in the internationalisation of Australian higher education (Bradley, 2008) has come ‗learning globalisation‘ (Mihhailova, 2006) involving the use of electronic multimedia communication across nations. One valuable aspect of learning globalisation is to have learners reflect on ―their own environment and culture by interacting with foreign partners and answering their questions about the home culture‖ (O‘Dowd, 2003, p. 129). The interactions might occur via a range of media, namely audio-conferencing, videoconferencing, email or telephone (Mandinach, 2005). The relationships so developed help students to enhance ―intercultural communicative competence [or] highlights the components which required further attention‖ (O‘Dowd, 2003, p. 134). Zhao and McDougall (2008, p. 61) found that international students studying overseas usually had ―a positive attitude towards the e-learning courses‖, because they are convenient, flexible, and self-regulated. To international students, the advantages of e-learning are real participation with peers, focused interactions, fewer language barriers, possibility of arranging personal meetings with group members, ability to work on their own projects and ideas, and increased intellectual interaction with their [local] peers (Zhao & McDougall, 2008, p. 61). For these students the disadvantages of e-learning included ―the restrictions of text-based communication, the frustration of slow or missing responses from their partner, and the time consumed in learning‖ (Zhao & McDougall, 2008, p. 62). At present, about one-quarter of international students enrolling in Australian higher education is from Mainland China (Bradley, 2008). Like their Australian peers Chinese students value the ―temporal and spatial flexibility‖ of e-learning but see the lack of teacher/student interactions and immediate feedback as ―impediments to effective learning‖ (Chen, Bennett & Maton, 2008, p. 309). From the literature reviewed above, it seems that e-learning is likely to offer advantages for international students where they promote the crossing of intellectual boundaries between East and West, North and South, enrich cross-cultural learning experiences, recognise students‘ bilingual capabilities and acknowledge their cosmopolitan learning. International students are not isolated individuals acting in a vacuum; they are members of more than one society with more than one language and intellectual inheritance. Their life and learning experiences manifest important aspects of cosmopolitanism. Their reflections are like facts about the relations of individuals to one another in and across multiple cosmopolitan

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societies. Then how does one design educational systems where technology values, supports and serves diverse learners and learning context? How can one make an individual engage in cosmopolitanism? In the following section, these issues will be elaborated from different perspectives.

LIFE HISTORY RESEARCH METHOD Wright (2006) argues that for cultural studies researchers in education, one‘s social difference has meaning for how we position ourselves in relation to the different approaches to research. Many studies have used ethnographic methods to collect and analyse data about international students‘ everyday e-learning practices (O‘Dowd, 2003). For the purpose of the study reported here it was decided to employ a research process that enabled the analysis of the diary entries of an international research candidate about her electronic learning so as to contribute to the debate over cosmopolitanism and cosmopolitan learning. Life history research method does seem to be particularly useful to those who intend to make sense of topics and issues related to education. The reason for using this research method is that it is the most suitable one, the one most likely to create data which addresses, answers the questions, aims and purposes of a specific enquiry (Goodson & Sikes, 2001). Personal life records do appear to constitute ―the perfect form of sociological data‖ (Goodson & Sikes, 2001, p. 21). Every life story was the recording of an individual‘s life experience. Several life stories taken from the same set of socio-cultural and intellectual relations support and complement each other and make up ―a strong body of evidence‖ (Goodson & Sikes, 2001, p. 24). Life history methodology has the potential to ―enable ‗ordinary‘ individuals to tell their story, to give their version, to ‗name their silent lives‘‖ (Goodson & Sikes, 2001, p. 99). The cross-cultural contact is likely to be carried out in particular time-space settings where the rules of engagement are both flexible and restrictive. A good example from this research is an international research candidate from China named Yu Ting, as a diverse learner who has been corresponding over the internet with her family, friends, colleagues and relatives around the world, discussing a range of topics as well as the possibility of helping each other in research. She kept 90 diary entries from April to October, 2008, which recorded her life and research experiences, including cosmopolitan e-learning. This is considered as a simple form of cosmopolitanism, but in an important sense it fits with some fundamental nature based around the desire and capacity to engage with others outside the boundaries of a nation (Kendall, Woodward & Skrbis, 2009, p. 116). The purpose of doing this was to investigate ways in which ordinary people engage with cosmopolitanism and cosmopolitan learning, and to demonstrate cosmopolitanism from an individual‘s perspective yet diverse levels. Among the 90 reflections recorded by Yu Ting in her first seven months in Australia, Table 1 shows the 31 reflections concerning diverse e-learning in her studies and research.

Researching in a Cosmopolitan University: How Much Can E-learning Contribute? 105 Table 1. Categories and learners constituting Yu Ting’s e-learning Categories -New teaching technology - PhD course -Library training - Leximancer -Teacher vs responsibility -Routine life vs good achievements -Videoconference -My first informal presentation -The second videoconference -The third videoconference -Communication between Australia and Canada -17th National Conference -Mother‘s Day -Disaster earthquake in China -Skype : Devil or Angel -Olympic Games -‗Unusual‘ capabilities -Xin You Ling Xi -Closing ceremony of Olympic Games -QQ -Bad mood -Opening ceremony of Paralympics Games -Mooncake -Teacher‘s Day -Mid-autumn festival -The launch of Shenzhou No. 7 Spaceship -Plagiarism and real plagiarism -On the concept of ‗otherness‘ -Australian English -Different educational systems -Skype made me feel bad -The consequence of Olympic Games -Professor vs students

Date 13/04/08 22/04/08 28/06/08 10/10/08 09/05/08 18/06/08 27/08/08 28/08/08 11/09/08 24/09/08 26/09/08 12/10/08 12/05/08 19/05/08 07/08/08 08/08/08 14/08/08 18/08/08 24/08/08 31/08/08 05/09/08 06/09/08 09/09/08 10/09/08 14/09/08 28/09/08 08/05/08 07/07/08 08/07/08 02/08/08 22/09/08 14/10/08 15/10/08

E-Learners Formal e-learner in English only Corporate e-learner in English or Mandarin

Cosmopolitan e-learner in Mandarin

Reflexive e-learner in English

DIVERSE LEARNERS Cosmopolitanism needs diverse people to be engaged in it and produce diverse outcomes. With the diverse engagements, cosmopolitanism can be developed in an imaginative and methodologically sophisticated way. Yu Ting herself is taken as a diverse e-learner in this study to explore the diverse means of engaging with e-learning in Australian higher education.

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Formal E-learner E-learning is a new form of teaching and learning which creates new variables, constraints, and issues, making it basically different from face-to-face learning environments. A formal e-learner is defined as one who engages in the delivery of a university accredited or prescribed courses. Yu Ting, as a formal e-learner, engaged an on-line program prescribed by her University in Australia. All of this program, ‗Postgraduate Essentials‘ was in English.However, as a research candidate Yu Ting expected to have formal courses delivered through lectures on education theories and research methodologies as her peers in Chinese universities do. This was not the case at her Australian university: ―I have been in Australia for almost two months, but I haven't had any classroom courses except one on-line course. This e-learning course is not the one I had expected: teaching us theories and methodologies. In fact, it is a course on the research process from the very beginning to the end of our three years' research. Of the six modules, the most useful one is the literature review module. The least useful module is how to deal with the supervisor module, because the ‗supervisors‘ it mentioned are those who meet students infrequently, but my supervisor is together with us everyday, training us with educational theory and research methodologies through regular face-to-face tutorials either one-on-one or with her peers in research teams. The issues are often solved on time when emerged, which is crucial to the progress of my thesis.‖ (22/04/08)

The University‘s on-line research training program is supplemented by her supervisor‘s informal training, providing Yu Ting with a comprehensive agenda, thus enhancing her research capabilities.Her research capacity is extended through global connection.

Corporate E-learner A corporate e-learner refers to one whodeals with unofficial interconnected learning experiences that specifically focus on research education. A corporate e-learner is an individual who is likely to change due to dynamic educational and life experiences. Yu Ting‘s communication with her research colleagues in China, Japan, the USA and Britain comparing her research education in Australia was as important as an interconnected on-line tutorial. She often spoke in Mandarin via internet telephony with those overseas about what she was learning and researching through the University‘s electronic facilities: ―When my colleague in China was on Skype, I couldn‘t wait for a minute but to tell her my story of making a concept map. We talked for an hour about my research here and her research in my former university. My research here is making good progress. After making the concept map, I made a flowchart of the research design. With the help of autoshapes, alongside of arrows, connectors and lines, I made a good flowchart successfully. In the past when I read the articles or books with the maps and flowchart, I admired the authors so much. I thought it was beyond me. However, after I tried, I succeeded. I did not ask for any help but made them all by myself. This made me feel confident in myself and my research here.‖ (25/08/08)

Researching in a Cosmopolitan University: How Much Can E-learning Contribute? 107 Yu Ting found that she talked more with ‗outsiders‘ than local Anglo-Australian research candidates or faculty. This undermines the possibilities international research candidates have for learning with, from and about them. In addition to formal and incorporate e-learning, Yu Ting has engaged in cosmopolitan e-learning.

Cosmopolitan E-learner A cosmopolitan e-learner is one who initiated electronic communication with people all over the world who provide support for her well-being and the necessary pastoral care that makes her doctoral studies and research sustainable. Far away from home, Yu Ting worries about those she has left. She talks to her husband, friends and master students on Skype or QQ, and speaks with her aged parents regularly via telephone. Together they reassure each other about safety, happiness and health. These internet chats ease her qualms and leave her worry-free time for her study and research: ―It is Mother‘s Day today. My mother, like all the mothers in the world, was waiting for my phone call at this special day. When I called her this afternoon, she was very happy to say that she was sure I would call her today. Only a phone call could make her so happy, then how little can a mother expect from her children. She and my father were fine and she had stored some of my favourite food for me to enjoy when I go back home to visit them. I am at a loss what to say because I didn‘t tell her that I was in Australia now doing PhD studies. I didn‘t want her to worry about me day and night, which might affect her health. What parents enjoy most is that their children can often go back to visit them, or at least call them, just as a Chinese song says, What parents expect from their children is not many contributions but getting together.‖ (12/05/08)

Yu Ting‘s cosmopolitan e-learning functions ambivalently in her university. While her bilingual capabilities could contribute to globalising Australian higher education, her multicompetence in this regard is given marginal recognition. As an international research candidate Yu Ting develops global e-learning through the University facilities provided to support her studies in English. Yu Ting‘s bilingual and technological multi-competence enables her to use her University‘s e-learning platform to maintain and create transnational intellectual connections. Yu Ting‘s apprenticeship in manipulating ideas has led her to explore the blending of Chinese and English in her research, an expression of her bilingual capabilities.

Reflexive E-learner A reflexive e-learner is one who keeps one‘s electronic life history records for reflection and possible improvement in the processes of one‘s studies and research. A relational understanding of global connectivity also points to the importance of another element of cosmopolitan learning: reflexivity. Reflexivity (Beck, 2000) requires people to become selfconscious and knowledgeable about their own perspectives and how it is subject to transformation as a result of its engagement with other cultural trajectories. Reflexive

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individuals are able to challenge their own taken-for-granted assumptions. Yu Ting‘s reflexive e-learning involves keeping 90 diary entries in her first seven months after she arrived at Australia recording her life experiences and her own self-consciousness and perspectives. ―I reviewed an article which was about ‗conceptualising otherness‘.This concept of ‗otherness‘ impressed me most. It reminded me of my identity here in Australia as one of otherness. It is true that I am one of them, but I wonder who can qualify himself/herself as not one of them. Can most Australians regard themselves as not among otherness? Australia is not a country developed from its original residents like China. It is one of the typical immigration countries. The majority of the Australians now are the second, third or even fourth descendents of the people from other countries, especially from Europe. This reminded me of the occasion when we were in Canberra, fighting with the pro-Tibetans. I remembered one of the students shouted at them: ‗Go back to Europe!‘ When I heard this I realised that from their ancestors they were not the original residents here. In this sense, how does one define, confine and conceptualise the concept ‗otherness‘‖? (07/07/08).

Yu Ting‘s global communication and parochial reflection have been incorporated into her studies in Australia, helping her to critically reflect on what and how she is learning and researching.

DISCUSSION The evidence analysed above indicates that the internationalisation of research education has a role to play in helping research candidates to realise global intellectual connectivity through dynamics of bilingualism. Research and research education are not only experienced differently, but are also interpreted differently in different contexts. Thus, the relationship between cosmopolitanism and e-learning needs to be re-thought with greater attention to learning about and through intellectual connectivity and the need for knowledge exchange. It is not very clear that cosmopolitanism does deliver an ―internationalist political education evoking models of mobile, reciprocal interconnectedness‖ (Brennan, 1997, p. 16). If cosmopolitanism is to be an explicit part of e-learning about global intellectual connectivity it will have to demonstrate the potential to help international research candidates position knowledge from their homeland as part of their research and research education. Electronic cosmopolitan learninghas yet to realise its objective, let alone develop different perspectives on knowing and interacting with others within the changing context of the knowledge exchange that might be produced by ―global flows and networks‖ of international research candidates (Rizvi, 2009, p. 264). Electronic cosmopolitan learning has to offer new ways of learning about other cultures and knowledge exchange. Cosmopolitan myth that ―the current global order is ruled by universal ideals and a supranational body authorised to enforce these ideals‖ is pervasively criticised, whereas it is actually ruled by ―a hierarchy of co-operating and competing nation-states‖ (Fine, 2007, p. 20). Therefore, the idea that cosmopolitanism made possible the death of nation-state is mistaken and sceptical.

Researching in a Cosmopolitan University: How Much Can E-learning Contribute? 109 The claim that cosmopolitanism has discovered a new ‗Truth‘ on which the future of the globe depends (Fine, 2007) is not convincing and persuasive.Even so, it doesn‘t mean we can abandon cosmopolitanism. What we can do is only to reflect on its shortcomings and to remedy them. Cosmopolitanism can not be seen as a ―soon-to-arrive superior system of social organisation‖ (Kendall, Woodward & Skrbis, 2009, p. 123), but a possibility undervalued by daily attitudes and beliefs about the potentialities and problems associated with globalisation. Therefore, a more realistic interpretation of cosmopolitanism is that globalisation is neither an adequate nor an essential condition for the emergence of cosmopolitanism. The major problems in cosmopolitanism might be the implication that cosmopolitanism is an empty signifier with contemporary deliberations. It can‘t identify definitely who is cosmopolitan and what exactly are the determinants of a cosmopolitan disposition and culture. It is through the exploration of current deliberation that we may see cosmopolitanism as ―rooted in historical, political, social and economic realities of the modern era‖ (Kendall, Woodward & Skrbis, 2009, p. 14). The research results supported the most commonly stressed strength of electronic learning. E-learning may be the strategic tool for internationalisation and cosmopolitanisation. E-learning invites ongoing self-reflections about loneliness while engaged with others in the world. What these prescriptions for cosmopolitan learning lack is attention to subjectivity and its cultivation through education. High technology has enabled researchers living in different countries to become more intellectually inter-connected than ever before. Even if many researchers are not able to travel extensively, they can be in touch with friends and colleagues living and working around the world. E-learning as defined by Mihhailova (2006) entails a range of applications and processes involving ever-advancing information and communication technologies. From Yu Ting‘s learning experiences this definition is limited by its techno-centrism, ignoring important dimensions of languages, cultures and knowledge of e-learners. While e-learning is emerging, it is not the case that these are location-independent even though they may be synchronous or asynchronous. Yu Ting‘s colleagues may not respond immediately, but her external cosmopolitan contacts over time allow her to develop richer, intellectual conversations. As a doctoral candidate and diverse e-learner, Yu Ting can choose mutually convenient time and place for engaging global cosmopolitan e-learning and research. The suggestion by Chen (2003, p. 37) that telecommunication technology has shattered the time and space boundaries of traditional educational institutions is an over-statement. For Yu Ting, e-learning makes it possible for her to remain connected to her Chinese educational culture and its intellectual projects via the particular technologies. This provides a stimulus for negotiating Chinese intellectual resources to use in her studies abroad. E-learning offers her opportunities to share Western and Chinese knowledge among various groups, such as other research candidates studying at various Australian universities, research candidates and colleagues in China, and colleagues in other Western nations. International education situates Yu Ting in a cosmopolitan setting, but in these e-learning environments Yu Ting is not detached from other researchers. While there is a lack of physical socialisation, she does have face-to-face communication, both visual and auditory with her peers and colleagues in China as in Australia. This is made possible by high technology and motivation of cosmopolitan interconnectedness.E-learning is particularly important for her overseas studies. On-line discussions allow Yu Ting and her fellow researchers to express their ideas, to clarify and redefine them through immediate feedback,

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and to consider each other‘s perspectives. She uses the global e-learning to learn at her own pace and to express herself at will.For Yu Ting, cosmopolitan e-learning is very learnercentred, being closely related to her life as a student and allowing her to express and investigate possibilities for blending Chinese concepts into her Australian research. One of the many valuable aspects of e-learning for Yu Ting is that it allows her to develop and gain recognition for her bilingual capabilities by communicating with those foreign to her local context who enable her to display knowledge from her homeland. Yu Ting is able to reveal her knowledge of Chinese philosophy and literature to the eyes of this foreign educational culture. Yu Ting uses the corporate e-learning as a forum to express her own intellectual identity, to demonstrate concepts from her home educational culture, to test and develop ideas drawn from Western educational culture, and to build up her knowledge of intercultural e-learning. This is not formally recognised or encouraged in the University‘s formal e-learning environment. The different relationships developed during the global e-learning exchanges are conducive to the development of Yu Ting‘s intercultural communicative competence. She is developing the capability to take up the challenge of explaining and blending Chinese and Western intellectual concepts and their significance. Yu Ting‘s reflexive e-learning presents her personal and emotional engagement in cosmopolitanism and her rethinking of the issues she encountered in her studies and research abroad. As an international research candidate she benefits much from technology-mediated knowledge construction and collaborative learning. Yu Ting also gained several benefits from her life history research. Her reflections on her daily life deal with her lived experience; her understanding of a new research environment and Western educational culture, and her prior, current and future education, research and career. The self-reflections enable her to retrospectively examine her own experiences of education by collecting, analysing, comparing and interpreting the evidence. This has led Yu Ting to a more considered, better informed view of what she is doing to link intellectual projects in Australia and China. Life history research gives Yu Ting a voice and research skills, helping her to link theory and practice via evidence, and to make both of them clearer, more accessible, and more meaningful. This provided practical techniques for exploring the intellectual connections between Yu Ting‘s e-learning and larger social events, making explicit her links as an individual to global events. Her experiences of formal, corporate, cosmopolitan and reflexive e-learning play a vital role in the transitions in Yu Ting‘s intellectual and research life. Yu Ting‘s life as a researcher is embedded in relationships with family and colleagues that span across nations and time-zones. Her interactions with these individuals and their intellectual worlds via diverse e-learning span her lifetime. Choosing to study abroad was not easy for Yu Ting because of responsibilities for her family, colleagues and students. The twelve hour flight from Changchun, China to Sydney, Australia, from minus thirty degrees Celsius to plus thirty, made this transition in her life course more abrupt than gradual.

CONCLUSION The goal of this study is to interweave theoretical account of cosmopolitanism with an exploration of forms of cosmopolitanism that are practised in everyday contexts by an

Researching in a Cosmopolitan University: How Much Can E-learning Contribute? 111 individual. With this aim, I have investigated the ordinary practices, norms and discourses associated with ―thinking and feeling cosmopolitan‖, but in addition I have also examined these ways of ―being cosmopolitan against theoretical literatures‖ (Kendall, Woodward & Skrbis, 2009, p. 100). In terms of what these daily practices have told us about forms of ordinary cosmopolitanism, we may see that cosmopolitanism can not be a perfect social system realised in a short time. It is only a possibility shaped and reshaped by individuals‘ everyday attitudes and beliefs about the ideas and problems related to globalisation.In terms of e-learning, this chapter has examined the diverse roles e-learning play in a Chinese research candidate‘s research abroad. To Yu Ting, e-learning plays an important role in her research education in Australia which will benefit her future career. Approaching e-learning via a diverse e-learner makes it possible to see the role of bilingualism in knowledge production and the enhancement of research capabilities in a cosmopolitan setting, and the achievements of learning goals.Students today are exposed to different learning environments to gain the maximum value in learning. Institutions of higher education need to be aware of the different learning means used by students and the effects these have. For further research, interviews with the informant will be conducted to clear the problems of subjectivity and selfindulgence attributed to life history research.

REFERENCES Beck, U. (2007). A new cosmopolitanism is in the air. Retrieved December 5, 2009, from http://www.signandsight.com/features/1603.html Bradley, D.(2008). Review of Australian Higher Education. Canberra: Australian Government. Brennan, T. (1997). At Home in the World: Cosmopolitanism. Now. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. Carr, E. H. (1981). What is History. London: Penguin Books. Chen, T. (2003). Recommendations for Creating and Maintaining Effective Net Worked Learning Communities: A Review of the Literature. International Journal of Instructional Media, 30/1, 35-44. Chen, T., Bennett, S. & Maton, K. (2008). The adaptation of Chinese international students to online flexible learning: two case studies. Distance Education, 29/2, 307-323. Donald, S.H, Kofman, E. and Kevin, C. (2009). Processes of cosmopolitanism and parochialism In S.H. Donald, E. Kofman, and C. Kevin (Eds.), Branding cities: cosmopolitanism, parochialism, and social change New York: Routledge. Fine, R. (2007). Cosmopolitanism London: Routledge. Goodson, I.F. & Sikes, P. (2001) Life History Research in Educational Setting. Buckingham: Open University Press. Kendall, G, Woodward, I, and Skrbis, Z. (2009). The sociology of cosmopolitanism: globalisation, identity, culture and government. Macmillan: Palgrave. Mandinach, E.B. (2005) The development of effective evaluation methods for e-learning: A concept paper and action plan. Teacher College Record, 107/8, 1814-1835. McCombs, B. and Vakili, D. (2005). A learner-centred framework for e-learning. Teacher College Record, 107/8, 1582-1600.

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Mihhailova, G. (2006). E-learning as internationalisation strategy in higher education: Lecturer‘s and student‘s perspective. Baltic Journal of Management, 1/3, 270-284. O‘Dowd, R. (2003). Understanding the ‗Other Side‘: Intercultural Learning in a SpanishEnglish E-mail Exchange. Language Learning & Technology, 7/2, 118-144. Popkewitz, T.S. (2008). Cosmopolitanism and the age of school reform: science, education, and making society by making the child. New York: Routledge. Rizvi, F. (2009). Towards cosmopolitan learning. Discourse:Studies in the Cultural Politics of Education, 30/3, 253-268. Tham, C.M. and Werner, J.M. (2005). Designing and Evaluating E-Learning in Higher Education: A Review and Recommendations. Leadership and Organisational Studies, 11/2, 15-25. Wright, H.K. (2006). Qualitative researchers on paradigm proliferation in educational research: A question-and-answer session as multi-voiced text. International Journal of Qualitative Studies in Education, 19/1, 77-95. Zhao, N. & McDougall, D. (2008). Cultural Influences on Chinese Students‘ Asynchronous Online Learning in a Canadian University. Distance Education, 22/2, 59-80.

In: Education without Borders Editor: Loshini Naidoo

ISBN 978-1-62728-613-1 © 2010 Nova Science Publishers, Inc.

Chapter 8

ON BEING AN INSIDER AND/OR AN OUTSIDER: A DIASPORIC RESEARCHER’S CATCH-22 Fataneh Farahani Centre for Research in International Migration and Ethnic Relations (CEIFO) at Stockholm University, Sweden

ABSTRACT This text deals with positionality, reflexivity and difference. By examining the contingent intersections of the discourses that shape the research process and product, I explore how the academic product is shaped by intellectual reading and understanding as well as the personal history of the researcher and the research participant as well as the (presumed) audience/readers/ listeners of the specific study. By focusing on shifting and situated identitfications I will, in this chapter, examine some of the intersecting power relations and (im)possible interpretation that construct outcome of the research. This chapter will also demonstrate how a contextual and intersectional understanding of discursive power relations is not only crucial for abandoning any objective claims but also for showing what kinds of knowledge products are rendered (im)possible through each and every interaction and situation. ―[t]he moment the insider steps out from the inside she‘s no longer a mere insider. She necessarily looks in from the outside while also looking out from the inside.Not quite the same, not quite the other, she stands in that undetermined threshold place where she constantly drifts in and out‖ (Trinh, 1998, p. 418). Issues of the position of researcher in relation to the subject of her/his study have been extensively addressed across the social sciences. For instance, over the last two or three decades many anthropologists have comprehensively discussed the problematic dichotomies of outsider/ insider, self/ other, observer/ observed and (non-native) anthropologist/ native anthropologist that the discipline itself has contributed greatly to the construct due to colonial legacies. By exploring the link between the notion of ‗native‘ and the anthropologist's desire and search for access to authenticity, Arjun Appadurai (1988) shows how the notion of ‗native‘, with its colonial connotation, is associated with particular places as well as particular ideas about specific people and

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DISPUTING (IN)AUTHENTICITY OF RESEARCHER During the last two to three decades numerous discussions have emerged, theoretically as well as methodologically, on the benefits vis-à-vis shortcomings of being the ‗insider‘ or ‗outsider‘ of the research process. For instance, by challenging the strict anthropological dichotomies such as self/other, outsider/insider, and subject/object, in her study on Iranian women exiles in the Netherlands and the United States, Iranian-Dutch anthropologist Halleh Ghorashi (2003) discusses how one‘s research is received when one is, as she states, ―on the edge of being both the self and the other, but more recognized as the other than the self‖ (2003, p.39). While this ―in-between position‖ propels one towards the question ‗for whom am I writing?‘ it also reveals, as Ghorashi argues, how the researchers ―were not seen as a proper self or a proper outsider‖ (2003, p.40). Furthermore, through a thought provoking ethnographic reflection on his research on Iranian political activists in exile, Hammed Shahidian (2001), an Iranian-American researcher who studied Iranian refugees, makes explicit the multiple challenges he faced in his work. He, too, writes about his ―dual position,‖ of being an insider who had to perform an outsider role as an academic researcher, yet simultaneously had to act as an insider in order to gain trust

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and entrance to the community (2001, p.9). By shedding light on the complexity of an exilic researcher studying an exilic community, Shahidian exposes how this relation is far from harmonious. While emphasising difficulties such as gaining trust among a group of exilic political activists, the emotional impact of sharing close bonds with people who have suffered multiple traumas such as prison, war and migration, Shahidian identifies exile sociology as a ―sociology of remembering‖ (2001, p.80). The continuous transgression of a variety of borders—such as gender, class, age, ethnicity, religious, and politic, among others-- generates also ambiguities in differentiating between the insider and the outsider of a specific culture. To borrow Trinh Minh-ha‘s words: ―[t]he moment the insider steps out from the inside she‘s no longer a mere insider. She necessarily looks in from the outside while also looking out from the inside. Not quite the same, not quite the other, she stands in that undetermined threshold place where she constantly drifts in and out‖ (1998:418). This constant drifting is noticeably illustrated in the accounts of all the men and women I interviewed. It is also observable in the ways I have been positioned shiftingly as an ‗insider‘ or ‗outsider‘ by the interviewees. In sum, aAs an ‗insider‘ and diasporic researcher, I, too, have encountered the complications that Ghorashi and Shahidian, amongst others, have raised. In addition, I have also had to tackle some issues that were specific not only to the sensitivity of my topic (sexuality) but also particular to the ways in which my specific topic (Middle Eastern men and women‘ sexualities) is perceived and received in the Western academy and media. The latter also calls specific attention to the ways in which questions about who one writes for, and the contexts one writes in, significantly shape the writing process as well as written product. Before I explain some of the concerns and complexities regarding the subjects of my research and my own role as an ‗insider‘ researcher, I will briefly reflect on the importance of self-reflexivity and the way in which it shapes the production of knowledge.

SELF-REFLEXIVITY: BEING SELF-CRITICAL NOT SELF- ABSORBED The considerable critiques to positivistic knowledge and the necessity of ‗situating‘ the knowledge produced (cf. Haraway 1988) have encouraged researchers to undertake selfreflexive examinations of their own positions. It has also contributed to reflection on the politics of knowledge production, as well as of the politics of representation. This turn to selfreflexivity has, however, led to what has been pejoratively referred to as ‗navel-gazing‘ rather than to taking a critical position on the researchers‘ own role and the power(dis)associated with it. While I consider discussions of self-reflexivity relevant to and important, I also believe that discussions of inter-subjective reflexivity that do not address: the intersecting power relations and the ways in which they impact on the choice of subjects, methods and methodology; the (lack of) access to research material and participants; and the interpretations and research outcomes; fail to be fruitful and are, rather, counter-productive (cf. Kobayashi 2003, Sultana 2007). Using a self-reflexive methodology, one should pay attention to the construction of one's own experience, questions and interpretation, as well as how these interpretations have come about. Reflexivity, as Rahel R. Wasserfall points out, ―is a position of a certain kind of praxiswhere there is a continuous checking on the accomplishment of understanding‖ (1997,

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p.151). For ethnologists, this thinking about one's own thinking, confirms how (un)involved one is in the subject of study instead of merely being a distanced observer (Ehn & Klien 1994, p.10). This will not only offer, as Rosanna Hertz (1997) discusses, insights into how specific knowledge has come into existence, but will also bring the researcher and research participant into the ―same space‖ and thereby offer ―their audience the opportunity to evaluate them as ‗situated actors‘‖ (1997, p.viii). Furthermore, this line of thinking will provide ―situated knowledge,‖ which according to Haraway is about ―communities, not about isolated individuals‖ (1988, p.590). The self-reflexive methodology allows for a serious selfexamination that, as Hertz points out, ―should make researchers aware of being both subject and object‖ (1997, p.xi). Furthermore, the Argentinean- Swedish sociologist Diana Mulinari (2005) considers the biography of a researcher to be significant to the production of knowledge. The researcher's biography, as Mulinari argues, does not only have an impact on how s/he is positioned by the interviewee, but also on how an (un)articulated ‗we‘ is constructed through the course of research. So, while being aware of the heterogeneity of each and every diasporic group, it is crucial to be attentive to ―the nature and type of process in and through which the collective ‗we‘ is constituted‖ (Brah,2002, p.84).The ways in which the interviewee explicitly or implicitly constructs, or even deconstructs, a ‗we‘ during the course of interview is partially defined by the extent to which the interviewee (dis)identifies with the researcher as well as the community with which s/he is supposedly associated with. Moreover, by focusing on the silences as well as the gendered, classed, aged, and raced discourses that shape each and every narrative, as well as the interactions between researcher and research participants, we should not only be attentive to how gender, class, age, race and sexuality regulate the ways their stories are narrated, but also to which narratives are told and which are silenced. Therefore, reflexivity circumscribes the (re)presentations of the voices of the respondents and the researcher. Considering and recognizing that ―the respondent‘s voice is almost always filtrated through the author‘s account‖ (Hertz, 1997, p. xii), however, should not undermine the interplay and interaction between the subject‘s position and the privilege of the researcher, or the subject positions and agency of the research participants (which also shape the researcher and are influenced by dominant discourses). The process of self-reflexivity, as Ehn and Klein point out, is a never-ending task, ―like standing in front of a hall of mirrors where the images of the images are not identical‖ (1994, p.12, my translation). Regarding my own research, the construction of Iranian diasporic femininities, masculinities and sexualities, it is not surprising that the complexities are multiple, wideranging, intersecting and shifting. Here, by reflecting over my multiple positioning (such as woman, Iranian, Swedish and researcher, among others), I will focus on how the researcher specific location (for example as an ‗insider‘), and the variety of (un)shared historical discursive grounds and experiences with the interviewees in different Western diasporic socio-cultural contexts, shapes the outcome of the research. After all, the academic product is shaped by intellectual reading and understanding as well as the personal history of the researcher (cf. Brah 2005, Mulinari 2005). Needless to say, as a diasporic female scholar of Iranian descent, I can barely find a moment emotionally or intellectually in the process of conducting my research—while interviewing, collecting material, reading, writing, presenting, teaching —that has not in one way or another resonated with my personal background. For that reason, drawing on and unpacking the tangled threads of intersecting

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power relations of sexism, racism, class-based hierarchy, and heteronormative value systems in different diasporic contexts has simultaneously been my motivation and inspiration. Thus, my study, using Avtar Brah‘s words, ―writes them [the intersecting power relations] as much as it is written by them‖ (2002, p.10).

SEXING DIASPORA In my research on diasporic femininities, masculinities and sexualities, I examine predominantly Iranian born men and women‘s self-presentation and understanding of their bodies and sexual desires in different diasporic spaces. Through ethnographic research and indepth interviews, I aim to understandhow normative values and social practices surrounding femininity(ies), masculinity(ies) and sexuality(ies) enter women‘s and men‘s personal narratives, and how they articulate the cultural, social and religious values of femininity(ies), masculinity(ies) and sexuality(ies) in their narrations of their everyday experiences in different diasporic contexts. While my earlier research focused on Iranian-born women‘s narratives on sexuality in Sweden, my ongoing study focuses on the construction of diasporic masculinities in three heterogeneous cities: Stockholm, Sydney and London. I am particularly interested in individuals‘ negotiations and renegotiations of sexuality and subjectivity as they shift across multiple boundaries within historically specific, yet contingent and relational, social contexts. Moreover, by studying the impact of Orientalist views on Middle Eastern (who are very often undifferentiated as Muslim) women‘s and men‘s identity formations in contemporary Western multicultural contexts, my study aims to explore how immigrants negotiate femininity(ies), masculinity(ies), sexuality(ies) as they confront the variety of Orientalist stereotypes that circulate in different Western contexts. The research aims to gain knowledge and deeper understanding on how and in what ways femininity and masculinity are not only constructed in power relations with each other but always in relation to various forms of femininity(ies) and masculinity(ies). A key issue regarding women and men of Middle Eastern descent in Western contexts (who are very often undifferentiated as Muslim) is how they are (re)presented in comparison with (white) Western women and men. By analyzing how the dichotomization of ‗we and them‘ arises in different context (media, literature and film) and by the interviewees themselves, I aim to understand not only what prejudices the interviewees face on a daily basis, but also how the stereotypes are used to differentiate Iranian women and men from ‗liberated and equality seeking‘ white Western men and women. In sum, my study aims to contribute to deeper understandings of the processes of diasporic identity formation in different contexts through the lens of the construction of femininities, masculinities and sexualities. The study seeks to demonstrate how different diasporic spaces construct different types of femininities and masculinities. Like many of the people I interviewed, I was born in Iran and left in 1985 as a result of the Iranian Revolution (to read more on the Iranian Revolution and its impact on the interviewee read Farahani 2007). As a woman from a traditional Iranian family, an immigrant woman who has lived in different Western multicultural societies, I could also identify with the challenges of adjustment and integration that the men and women interviewees shared

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with me in different ways. These common backgrounds obviously involved advantages as well as disadvantages throughout the research process.

(UN)VEILED COMMUNICATION: AN EXAMPLE Indisputably, my ‗insider‘ position, and obviously similar background to the interviewees, had a major impact on the course of interviews, as well as on the outcome of my studies. For that reason, not surprisingly, my research and its outcomes are shaped by my questions, my selections of the interview materials and the interviewees‘ responses and what they assumed I should know. For example the veil, and the notion of covering the body, was one of the areas of discussion that was most saturated by my 'comparable/similar' position with the women interviewees. Therefore, the women felt that they barely needed to explain to me some of the basic details about the rules of veiling and appropriate dress code in which they, like me, had been compelled to engage. In other words, they assumed a common ground on the cultural discourse of veiling. If I had wanted to question them on this subject, my interruptions would not only have surprised them, but would have broken the flow of our dialogue and would have created a division between us. This was my judgment and therefore I did not interrupt them with some 'basic questions.' Frankly, sometimes I did not even think about these questions. For the most part, it was not until the process of analyzing the interview materials that it appeared to me that I should explain some background details in order to make certain areas clear to readers who may not share this common cultural/political ground. For instance, certain details were never openly articulated, such as how and for whom the women were compelled to cover themselves; attendance at gender segregated schools; the declaration of compulsory veiling after the establishment of the Islamic government; the government‘s excessive focus on, and demand for, veiled bodies particularly during the war between Iran and Iraq (1980–1988); and many other vital details. The interviewees, for the most part, took it for granted that I would know all these things; in other words, these sociopolitical cultural and historical relations became naturalized as taken-for-granted notions. Mostly, the women shared with me personal narratives that were the result of the existing rules rather than the unspoken discourses that we share as Iranian women living within patriarchy (ies). For example, when the women told me that they secretly met boys or their boyfriend on the way to school, it was already implied that the schools were segregated (which was quite customary even in pre-revolutionary Iran). Or when they told me a story of being harassed on the street and very hastily mentioned that ―it was during the war,‖ they expected me to understand what this meant. They took it for granted that I understood the link between the comments ―it was during the war‖ and the additional control over women's veiling during the era of war between Iran and Iraq. Despite this common historical ground, however, depending on social background, age, (lack of) religiosity and family circumstances, each and every woman engaged with the modesty dress code in different ways. Most probably, if I was a non-Iranian researcher or one who was not a resident of Iran during the specific time to which they referred, the women would either explain the details more explicitly or would avoid the subject entirely in order to avoid offering complicated

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explanations to an outsider. As a result, I realize that the women's stories in regard to, for example, veiling regulations are more about the consequences of the specific regulations and not necessarily articulations of the regulations themselves. Consequently, my analysis is the result of my multiple positionings (woman, Iranian, Swedish and researcher, among others) that have given me access to knowledge of the cultural norms and languages that have helped contextualize this study. Therefore, this study is an emergence of my specific location as an insider who shares historical discursive grounds and experiences with the interviewees and, therefore, happens to contain some blind spots on familiar but significant details. As well, as the researcher and author of this study, I have the power to interpret, select and present the narratives of the interviewees.

INCORPORATING COMPLICATED HISTORY(IES): POSITIONALITY WITHOUT APLOGIES Despite lengthy, scholarly debates about reflexivity, positionality and representation, a simplistic approach that automatically attributes 'knowledge' to an ‗insider‘ researcher, and 'objectivity' to an ‗outsider‘, persists. Without clarifying either what knowledge and objectivity are, or what the politics of knowledge production and objectivity are, this approach not only replicates a dichotomized split between insider and outsider, but also repeatedly simplifies the existing complexities within each and every context. Without being particularly troubled by the specific relation and position of either the insider or the outsider researcher, some research groups in Western academies have started to ‗mix up‘ their research group in order to 'even up' the knowledge ascribed to the insider researcher—no matter who s/he is and what position s/he has to the community (ies) - with the objectivity attributed to the outsider researcher. Through further discussion of issues related to the veil, I will illustrate what my insider position and specific socio-political orientation toward the complicated history of the veil in Iranian history renders (im)possible though my study; things thatcannot be simply reduced to a physical (re)presentation of an Iranian. I recall how, on one occasion, the joy my students expressed when they read a couple of chapters of my book, Diasporic Narratives of Sexuality: Identity Formation among IranianSwedish women(2007). They were particularly pleased by my chapter on veiling (to see more read Farahani 2007) which they considered ‗as the most multifaceted and complicated discussions‘ they have read on the veil and veiling practice.They all ascribed this to my ‗insider‘ position. Later, I asked them whether or not any of them had noticed that none of the women I interviewed, despite the variation of their religiosity, did not wear a veil and have never deliberately chosen to wear one. The class became completely silent. Despite the fact that a very small number of the Iranian women who live in Western diasporic contexts (particularly Sweden) wear a head scarf or any other form of veil, the absence of veiled women among the interviewees was not due to a shortage of veiled women in the places wherein I conducted my interviews. Rather, the answer is to be found in the complicated Iranian history regarding the veil and veiling practices. The interviewees, like me, came from a contradictory historical context in which women of our mothers' or grandmothers' generation were forced to unveil (1935) and then, less than fifty years later (1983), compelled to re-veil. This history has affected Iranian women (and

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men) in exceptionally complicated ways. The status of veiling is tied to two very different political experiments in modern Iranian culture (for elaboration see Farahani 2007). Following Kemal Atatürk‘s ‗modernizing‘ example in Turkey, Reza Shah, the first of the Pahlavi kings (1925–1979), outlawed the veil. This makes Iran, according to Louis Beck and Nikki Keddie, the only [probably the first] non-communist state to date that has outlawed the veil (1978, p.9 cited in Sanasarian 1982, p.65). The removal of the veil was part of a top-tobottom reform process in 1967, which included granting women the right to vote in 1963 and modernizing regulations concerning marriage and divorce. Along with the Pahlavi monarchy‘s half-hearted efforts towards reform, female unveiling became a way of demonstrating and supporting the public autonomy of women in Iranian society. The ‗modern‘ experiment of the Pahlavi monarchy was transformed by the Iranian Revolution. On 11 February 1979, Ayatollah Khomeini and his followers consolidated his power and quickly enacted significant limitations on individual freedom. Women were the first target of the major attack against everything that stands for individual freedom (Moghissi 1996, Paidar 1997, Sanasarian 1982, Shahidian 2000, Tohidi 1994). Only two weeks after consolidating power, on February 26, 1979, ‗The Family Protection Law‘ was abrogated by Khomeini (Gheytanchi 2001). On March 3, Khomeini announced that women could not be judges (ibid). On March 6, 1979, less than a month after overtaking the religious forces, Khomeni announced that women employees of government agencies should wear the Islamic hejāb (Persian spelling, Arabic spelling is hijab). This decree coincided with a planned demonstration on International Women‘s Day in memory of the women who had been killed in the Revolution and in the Shah‘s prisons. This demonstration remains a key example of the repression experienced by Iranian women under the Islamic government as well as a symbol for the resistance of women (Sanasarian 1982). After this demonstration, the government forbade the celebration of International Women‘s Day in Iran. Later, in 1983, the Iranian parliament (majles) passed the Islamic Punishment Laws, which required that 74 lashes be administrated to any woman who failed to adhere to strict hejāb. Given this strict regulation, observing or failing to observe ‗proper hejāb‘ constituted a political act. Therefore, veiling/unveiling becomes an act of resistance—a way of challenging a repressive regime that seeks to define the roles of woman in narrow and constricted ways. After the institutionalization of compulsory veiling, while bi-hejab (unveiled) women‘s entrance and appearance at public spaces was banned, a new word was added to the existing dichotomy of bā-hejāb (veiled) and bi-hejāb (unveiled) in Iran. The term bad-hejāb (improperly veiled/ill-veiled) entered the Persian vocabulary. The Islamic government produced the new phrase in order to continue to safeguard the normative requirement of being appropriately veiled. Since being ba-hejāb (veiled) means nothing if the bi-hejāb (unveiled) fails to exist, this new category was required: improperly veiled women, or women who are less respected than ‗properly‘ veiled women. But what is bad-hejābi (improper veiling) and who are the bad-hejāb (improperly veiled)?Women are labelled as bad-hejāb if they expose a bit of their hair, wear makeup, paint their nails, dress in light-coloured clothing, wear transparent stockings, wear boots, laugh out loud, eat ice cream in public or wear sun glasses, among other practices. In sum, any practice that supposedly has the potential to catch the attention of men and their desiring gaze is considered to violate the moral code that the veil symbolizes (Shirazi 2001, p.94). Accordingly, all the women I interviewed were, in one way or another, considered to be ‗bad-hejab‟ while they were living in Iran. The fabrication of the category of bad-hejāb women by the Iranian Islamic government is an expressive

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embodiment of what Jean Paul Sartre discusses in his book, Anti-Semite and Jew (1995). If the Jew did not exist, says Sartre, the anti-Semite would invent him. As the category of bihejab had already been eliminated due to the establishment of compulsory veiling, instituting the category of bad-hejāb women was, therefore, an overwhelmingly politically charged means of controlling citizens. The grandmother's of some of the women I interviewed have, as Farzaneh Milani (1992) observes, been traditionally /religiously veiled in their youth, forcefully unveiled in 1935 by Reza Shah‘s government edict, and compulsorily re-veiled in 1983 by the Islamic government. So the very act of wearing the veil, as Milani declares, ―has been imposed, withdrawn, and reimposed within a single lifetime‖ (1992, p.19). This specific history of Iranian women has lead to a fraught relationship with the practice of veiling that is far from peaceful. Some Iranian women who are in favour of veiling talk with hostility about the compulsory unveiling in Iranian history. Moreover, some Iranian women who wore hejāb in pre-revolutionary Iran express discomforting memories of discrimination and devaluation before the Revolution. After the Revolution, (some) veiled women began to feel empowered. On the other hand, those who were forced to veil in post-revolutionary Iran were not in favour of veiling. This complicated history has resulted, for many Iranian women, in the desire for a milieu where they can freely choose their style of clothing. Simply put, they are against any form of compulsion or obligation in relation to the way they dress. This creates a significant question for Iranian women and men: if veiling is seen as a choice, in what sense is it a choice when it is pre-determined by political, religious and socio-cultural discourses that demand, construct and reconstruct that choice? The lack of veiled women among my interviewees, which my students and many other readers have failed to notice (or at least failed to know the complexities behind my ‗choice‘ of interviewee if I had not offered a nuanced explanation), confirms how one ‗simple‘ subject and signifier, namely the veil (among many others), divides Iranian community (ies). Being (un)veiled can lead people to put a women in a specific (sometimes political) category, though not always accurately. The contradictory and conflicting Iranian historical and political context regarding veiling practices have made it difficult for me to easily access Iranian veiled woman in Sweden. I am also confident, as I have disclosed to my students, that if I had worn a headscarf most, if not all, of the women I interviewed would not have been willing to talk to me - for they had already positioned me according to my unveiled appearance.This example shows not only how one signifier, (the veil) amongst many others, can unite and/or divide a community. It also shows that an insider does not – simply because she shares some cultural, linguistic and historical background — have access to everyone and is not entitled to (re)present the voice of the whole community.Sometimes an insider might re/present some (in)tangible obstacles that make the process more difficult, and at other times make it easier. The complex social, political and economic circumstances of an increasingly integrated, yet widely disparate world economy, where people are caught up in global circuits, have made the veil a common everyday sight even in Western societies. It is no exaggeration to say that the veil (or, more specifically, the headscarf), has become one of the most controversial articles of clothing in recent times (see Farahani 2007). Today, diasporic Iranian men and women confront the use of the veil in another socio-political circumstance. The visibility of the veil in Western societies, where the use of the veil may be a way of asserting ethnic, religious or political identity against assimilationist policies in the ‗host‘ cultures, is a new

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situation that complicates even more Iranians‘ experience regarding the veil and veiling practice (cf. Scott 2007). While none of the women I interviewed wore any form of physical veil (see Farahani 2002, 2004 2006 and 2007 for more on internalized veiling), all have confronted and had to deal with issues regarding veiling in one way or another. Some of the women I interviewed revealed that they had never imagined that they would need to engage with the question of veiling after leaving Iran. For my part, I have to admit that I felt the same way. But we were deeply wrong. Because of the (re)production of stereotypes about Muslim/Middle Eastern women, Islam, Iranian women (and other immigrants from a historical background of veiling practices) have had to confront the discourses of veiling in other countries and contexts. In this way Islamic discourses and Orientalist representations, among others, have constituted and occupied a ―third presence‖ (Pripp 2001) in the psyches of the interviewees, including myself, in different situations and in different ways. The women are continually interpolated into these hegemonic stereotypes, compelling them to struggle against fixity and misrepresentations. Having lived within Iranian Shi‘ite Islamic ideology and with Iranian historical and culturally specific compulsory unveiling and re-veiling, and also being a Middle-Eastern woman living in a Western diasporic context, I have to declare that writing about the subject of the veil has been one of the most challenging through my writing process. I have experienced several concerns in writing about the veil in general: the dilemma of recognizing the history of women‘s struggles to be veiled as well as to be veil-less in Iran; my trepidation about inadvertently contributing to Orientalist fetishist views of the veil; and the women who veil and the flat stereotypes of women who come from the ‗Orient‘ (in my case, Iran, a country much maligned by the West and which has been Western media‘s focus of Islamic fundamentalism during the last three decades).

BEING AN EXPERT: WHEN THE INSIDER WRITES FOR THE OUTSIDER On January 21, 2002, Fadime Sahindal, a 26 year-old Kurdish/Swedish woman, was shot dead by her father in Uppsala in what was widely reported as an ―honour killing.‖ Sahindal, who was well-known in Sweden for her courage in confronting the orthodox traditions of her family, became the victim of honour killing after having lived underground for the last six years of her life. In Sweden, no murder has received as much media attention other than the shooting of Prime Minister Olof Palme in 1986 (Kurkiala, 2003). This murder occurred when I was conducting interviews with Iranian women who lived in Sweden. The murder of Shahindal by her father and the enormous intensity around honour related violence in general, and honour killing in particular, have made a substantial impact on me, personally as well as professionally, especially in the white dominated (Christian) society and academy in Sweden where eyes and questions turn my way frequently as one who researches the sexuality of those women who come from “honour cultures.” I was put in the difficult and awkward position of explaining whole histories related to anything ‗Muslim,‘ ‗Kurd‘, ‗Middle Eastern,‘ or ‗Arab, especially in the context of ‗the women over there.‘ After Shahindal‘s murder, numerous conferences, speeches, gatherings, and demonstrations relating to ‗honour' related violence took place. I attended most of them and have, on several occasions, been invited to speak on the subject.

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Due to the dichotomised explanation of honour related violence in Swedish society, I often find little space or time extended for a nuanced presentation of the complexities that need to be brought to the surface. Discussions often turn to the stigmatization of women, as well as men, from so-called honour cultures (Strand Runsten, 2006). These discussions often lead to the emergence of a variety of expertson the other (women). While most of the experts within the academy, as well as media and activists‘ organisations, often belong to the dominant white Swedish people, the space that is accorded to the immigrant is relegated to either the voice of the victim or the authentic other expert on ‗Muslim women‘ whose very (personal)—yet subjective and mediated—experience becomes equivalent with knowledge/knowing. The assumption is that those who have ‗experience‘ know more, and have access to the truth, regardless of their positioning in relations of power and their political ideology. Regrettably, this quite often contributes to the (re)production of positivistic knowledge (c.f. Lazerg 1994) and essentialism. So, the major challenge within my specific subject has, since the beginning of my field research, remained firm; how do I describe, discuss and problematise the structural gender inequalityand intersecting power relationsin ‗my/our‘ home countries (the Middle East) and in ‗my/our‘ diasporic communities without feeding into Orientalist stereotypes. So, the challenging question is: how can we dispute Orientalist and colonial discourses without critically challenging nationalist, sexist and/or religious dogma from home countries and home discourses? Men and women who migrate are caught up in relations of gender, race, and sexuality particular to their new social, cultural, economic and political environments yet do not leave their histories behind . ‗Migratory subjectivities‘ (Boyce Davis, 1994) are plural and reveal the multiple intersections of self and community, past and present, the political and the religious. It is through the continual re/negotiation of identity, that they assert agency. While emphasizing the nuances and diversity of different notions of masculinity and femininity, it is necessary to escape essentialism and avoid the reproduction of a diverse range of stereotypes. Refusing to engage with different stereotypes, particularly the popularly accepted notions of masculinity and femininity (among others),Emma Sinclair-Webb (2000) argues that it ―is akin to ignoring or underplaying the power of dominant cultural values which in all societies generally prove harder to resist than to incorporate‖ (2000, p.13).While these stereotypes are resilient, as Sinclair-Webb continues to argue, they continue to be reproduced and have enormous social power. There is, therefore, ―no point in simply denying their truth and wishing them away‖ (2000, p.12). Refusing accounts of gender stereotypes as ‗truths‘, I emphasise accounts of masculinity (ies) and femininity (ies) that are constituted in and by dominant discourses and discursive practices. I thus trace the threads that interact to produce those practices. There are also many power relations at play, particularly class-based, racist, sexist and homophobic ones, as well as positions of privilege and disadvantage. As Avtar Brah argues, difference is for the most part about ‗difference of social condition‖ (2005, p.435). Thus, it is crucial to study what makes people take up certain choices from the range available to them.

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ENCOUNTERING (HETERO) SEXUALITY: POSITION, AND BEING POSITIONED IN THE COMMUNITY Turning now to the area of my research and my fieldwork, the topic of sexuality often produced a variety of reactions amongst the Iranians with whom I was in contact with- not necessarily only those I interviewed. Some reactions merely involved curiosity and interest, while others showed disapproval. On different occasions, many men and women freely started to pose questions about my research and showed great interest and inquisitiveness. Generously, they shared their ideas about the ‗Iranian cultural view‘ on sexuality in general, as well as some personal experiences on sexuality in particular. Even in informal gatherings, people approached me to share their experiences, saying ―I will tell you something, since you are working on this topic.‖ By sharing stories of ―someone in their family or neighborhood,‖ they not only demonstrated a desire for enriching my work, but also disclosed a personal longing to talk about the subject. Some thought that Iran and Iranians have ―more pressing and serious‖ problems than sexuality. Why, they asked, should one spend several years writing about sexuality? To my surprise, however, some of the same people who had not considered my area of research a priority for Iran and Iranians shared their opinion with me after (re)visiting Iran after a long residency aboard. According to them, a long-standing state policy that regulates the body and sexual conduct of people has resulted precisely in a common obsession with sexuality (see Farahani, 2007, Mahdavi 2009a). For example, after his visit to Iran, a male friend told me, ―I think your work is very important since sex and sexuality is one of the most serious problems in today‘s Iran‖. Despite his perhaps exaggerated observation, the emergence of several scholarly books and articles on the subject of Sexuality in Iranian society during the last decade points both to the social relevance of, and flourishing academic attention to, the subject (Afary 2009, Mahdavi 2007, 2009a, 2009 b). Furthermore, interviewing men has, as might be expected, shed light on different blind spots regarding research on a topic such as sexuality. Having experience interviewing women on the topic of sexuality, I was already fully aware of the complexities involved in talking with people on this subject. However, travelling alone as a (somewhat) young Iranian woman from Sweden to Australia, (without knowing anyone in the Iranian community in advance), to conduct interviews with men specifically on the subject of masculinity and sexuality, generated much interest, curiosity, questions and attention. Whilst not all of these concerns were explicitly articulated, many were communicated implicitly. One of the main reasons, other than the practical and administrative issues regarding research procedures that led me to interview Iranian women and people from the Afghani community in Sydney, was the unease I occasionally felt due to the (un)articulated doubts and tensions between some men (and women) toward me or my research topic.Though hardly ever asked any questions about my personal life by the people I met or interviewed a variety of rumours and speculations about my private life were circulated among some members of the community. Stories of being single, divorced, (lacking) children, as well as speculations about my sexuality, relationship break-ups, political affiliations, and (inevitably) about me being a feminist were generated. This confirms, as Narmala Halstead (2001) points out, how research participants position us whilst we are busy positioning them.

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Needless to say, through the course of my fieldwork and interviews, I found the silences, occasional (hetero) sexual encounters, frequent patronizing comments and sporadic (un)articulated discomforts, along with approval and admiration for my topic, to be valuable sources for reflections and analyses. I was aware, from the beginning, that my gender may have been an additional barrier to access to and engagement with some male interviewees. The masculinity researcher, Lissa Nordin (2007) has already pointed out some of the complications she faced while interviewing middle-aged heterosexual men in northern Sweden. However, being aware of these obstacles and reflecting upon, for instance, how and what creates silence when a (Iranian) man talks to a (Iranian) female researcher on masculinity and sexuality, contributes to ethnographic accounts of what Foucault (1990) calls the ―archaeology of silence.‖ This requires listening not only to that which has been silenced in speech, but also why and how it has become silenced. However, no research (to my knowledge) shows that men talk more easily with men on these subjects. They will, certainly, relate different accounts to a man than to a woman, as well as to an ethnic Swedish, Australian or British researcher than an Iranian researcher. In adapting Foucault‘s notion of ―archaeology of silence‖, and focusing on patronizing comments as well as sexist and homophobic jokes that circulate within the community(ies), I plan to explore the anarchaeology of jokes and joking within different Iranian cultural contexts. For example, a major part of ‗Iranian‘ humour, (both inside and outside Iran), involves sexist and racist remarks and jokes regarding a lack of gheyrat (honour, masculinity, or the jealousy of men) amongst men who come from the northern regions of Iran called Rasht, or homosexual behaviours among men from GQhazvin, among other class and gender based, ethicised and racialized comical cultural stereotypes. The question that arises is why jokes such as these about Rashti or GQhazvini man are considered to be so funny. What kinds of normative masculine behaviours are found to be lacking in a Rashti man or QGhazvini man (for more on gender and performativity see Butler 1993, 1997) and the case of such laughter? More significantly, why and how have these failures have become laughable? Being engaged in a community that, like others, is plagued with these types of jokes, it is also crucial to reflect on how people (dis)engage with these jokes. By adopting tactics such as silence, avoidance or active participation, people choose to cope, adjust, accept, reject, or challenge exist, racist and homophobic discourses and position themselves and others in relation to them. For instance, being called open or closed minded, having (or lacking) a sense of humour, or being one who (dis)approves of repeating sexist, racist and homophobic sayings are among the positions that people assign to, or disavow in, themselves or others. Moreover, being generally curious about my research, regardless of their approval or disapproval of the research topic, people frequently asked one question in particular. Almost everyone I talked with wondered how I could be sure about the accuracy of the information that people shared with me. While I was interviewing women in Sweden, men expressed more scepticism and concern regarding the accuracy of women‘s stories and claims. Through the use of (heteronormatively accepted) humour, some men even suggested that I should interview them, since they knew more about women‘s sexuality and sexual needs than women. Moreover, reasons for discontent with the theme of my research varied significantly. Some considered the topic too private for any research investigation. Some thought that the focus on Iranian/Muslim/immigrant women‘s sexuality would extend the Orientalist obsession of the other woman‘s body and sexuality. Particularly, due to the absence of men in my first study, some thought that it would contribute to a widening of the monolithic and

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stereotypical image of Muslim/immigrant/ Iranian men in the West. Consequently, by studying diasporic masculinity, I aim to fill the gaps in existing masculinity studies in Western Contexts that have generally dealt with white men and studies on gender in the Middle East and Middle Eastern diasporic contexts that have, on the other hand, focused mainly on women (Bauer 2000, Ghoussoub and Sinclair-Webb 2000). In general, the people I interviewed shared their reflections on a subject (sexuality) that is generally considered to be a private and personal matter. Without the readiness and openness of the interviewees to offer careful details and the desire to share emotional and intellectual reflections on their lives, it would have been impossible to carry out this study. Repeatedly, throughout the course of the interviews, many women and men told me: ―I‘ve never said this to anyone,‖ or ―you are the first person I have shared this with.‖ Women as well as men talked of their anxiety regarding their first sexual experiences, stories of first love, masturbation, lack of sexual education and its impact on their sexual lives, and the burden they felt regarding the constrained gender roles they have had to act up on(among other issues). Nonetheless, regarding the ‗factual content‘ or ‗truth‘ of the narratives people shared with me—which I was often asked about - I bluntly answered: I do not know. And as a matter of fact, I am not particularly interested in knowing the truth. Neither am I in possession of any means to verify interviewees‘ accounts, and nor am I interested in trying to do so. What does, however, interest me, is how people position themselves and how they choose to (re)present themselves in the accounts they give of their experience. As an example of this point I draw on an account that a particular interviewee gave of his situation regarding employment. Not surprisingly, unemployment, non-accreditation or recognition of educational and vocational degrees and skills, racism and marginalization were common topics that many interviewees shared with me throughout the course of the interviews. One of the male interviewees, Reza had gone through the most dramatic changes regarding these matters. Reza‘s high professional status and academic degree had been completely dismissed and disqualified after he left Iran. He had to start working in an ‗unqualified‘ low-paid job in Australia. I asked him if and how this drastic transformation had changed the ways in which he viewed himself as an individual, a man, a husband, or father. Insistently Reza firmly declared that his feelings regarding his position as a man, father, husband hadn‘t changed in any way at all. He assured me that he had left Iran because of the lack of individual and social liberties, and of freedom of expression and that he wanted to offer his daughters the opportunity to live in a free country. By migrating to Australia he achieved what he wished for. So, Reza assured me, losing his job, his status and wealth was of a less significance. Later, at a gathering of the Iranian community, I happened to meet some people who knew Reza well. While talking about the social and mental consequences of geographic and social displacement, a couple of the people in the group mentioned, as an example of some of the consequences of non-accreditation or acceptance of educational and vocational qualifications and skills in the new context, Reza‘s drinking problem and the deterioration in his physical and mental health in the first decade of his residency in Australia. So, here I had two different ‗accounts‘ of the same person‘s (dis)integration in a new context. What, as a researcher, am I supposed to do with these different accounts? Should I dismiss everything that Reza has told me and ‗believe‘ what I ‗accidentally‘ happened to hear about him through others? Or should I completely ‗believe‘ his account? I will never, and can never, have the chance to verify all the details of interviewees‘ accounts of themselves. Nor am I interested in doing so. What interest me, however, is how Reza positions himself, and

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how he desires to position himself in interaction with me. It is also vital to examine how and in what ways Reza (and other interviewees) is capable of finding value in something different from that which he was entitled to prior to his current situation. That Reza was ahighly skilled professional was no longer widely acknowledged, and by (re)presenting himself as someone who values freedom more than anything else Reza was, I propose, attempting to reposition himself and his value system, and attain a different type of social and cultural capital (Bourdieu, 1987: 1989) for gaining respect and admiration. Having said that, I am not suggesting that his previous position excluded the valuing of freedom and individual liberty. In sum, since I am interested in analyzing ‗self-presentations of femininities, masculinities and sexualities,‘ it is not my aim to determine the veracity of the interviewees‘ accounts of themselves. Rather, I consider it important to look into how the interviewees related and retold their understandings of their femininities, masculinities and sexualities in light of what they consider to be, for instance, their social background. In other words, instead of saying that X comes from a middle class, religious, or secular family, I point to the ways that X considers herself to be from a middle class, religious or secular family and how that fact, in her opinion, influences her perception of femininity, masculinity and sexuality in specific ways. In sum, even though I approached the various challenges with a commitment to ‗academic distance,‘ I cannot deny that the lens through which I viewed the interview material, and the scholarly products that emerged from it, is deeply personal. So, although feminists‘ attempts to politicise the personal through the 1960s and 1970s failed to realize the importance of personal understanding of the politic (if the personal is political, the political is also framed and understood through the personal), scholarly work today cannot continue to make the same mistake. Academic work is shaped by intellectual reading and understanding as well as the personal history of the researcher.Any division between them is not only impossible but also barren. Further, any division is a fiction, for the ‗personal‘ and the ‗academic‘ are co-constitutive. Academia is a ‗culture,‘ a political culture constructed in, by and through the discourses that we construct at the same time as they construct us - and which we embody. So, I ask, how is it possible for one‘s personal history to ever be outside of one‘s intellectual reading and understanding?

REFERENCES Afary, J. (2009), Sexual Politics in Modern Iran. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Appaduari, A. (1988) Putting Hierarchy in Its Place, Cultural Anthropology, 3, 34-49 Bauer, J. (2000). Desiring Place. Iranian ―Refugee‖ Women and the Cultural Politics of Self and Community in the Diaspora. Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East. 20/1, 180–199. Bourdieu, P. (1987). What Makes a Social Class? On the Theoretical and Practical Existence of Groups. Berkeley Journal of Sociology. 32, 1–17. Bourdieu, P. (1989). Social Space and Symbolic Power. Sociological Theory. 7, 14–25. Boyce Davis, C. (1994). Black Women: Writing and Identity: Migrations of the Subject. New York: Routledge.

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Brah, A. (2002). Cartographies of Diaspora. Contesting Identities. London & New York: Routledge. Brah, A. (2005). Difference, Diversity, Differentiation. Process of Racialisation and Gender.Theories of Race and Racism. A Reader. In L. Back and J. Solomos (Eds.) 431– 47. London & New York: Routledge. Butler, J. (1993). Bodies That Matter. On the Discursive Limits of “Sex”. New York: Routledge. Butler, J. (1997). Excitable Speech. A Politics of the Performative. New York: Routledge. Ehn, B. & B. Klein. (1994). Från erfarenhet till text. Om kulturvetenskaplig reflexivitet (From Experience to Text. On Reflexivity in Cultural Science). Stockholm: Carlsson bokförlag. Farahani, F. (2002). The Absent Presence. Reflections on the Discursive Practice of Veiling. InI. Härtel & S. Schade (Eds). The Body and Representation.99–107. Opladen: Leske und Budrich. Farahani, F. (2004). Veiled Sexuality: A Discursive Analysis of Veiling. CorpoRealities. In(ter)ventions in an Omnipresent Subject.(Eds.) Body Project. 226–42. Königstein/Taunus: Ulrike Helmer Verlag. Farahani, F. (2006). Veiled Meanings. From Embracing Globalisation to the Limits of Tolerance. Themes from Axcess Magazine 2006. 92–106. Stockholm: Axess. Farahani, F. (2007), Diasporic Narratives of Sexuality: Identity Formation among IranianSwedish Women. Stockholm: Acta Universitatis Stockholmiensis Foucault, M. (1990). The History of Sexuality. An Introduction. New York: Vintage Books. Gheytanchi, E. (2001). Chronology of Events Regarding Women in Iran Since the Revolution of 1979. Women Living Under Muslim Laws. July 2001. http://www.wluml.org/english/pubsfulltxt.shtml?cmd[87]=i-87-2796 Accessed on: 2006-1218. Ghorashi, H. (2003). Ways to Survive, Battles to Win. Iranian Women Exiles in the Netherlands and the United Sates. New York: Nova Science Publishers. Ghoussoub, M. & Sinclair-Webb, E. (2000). Eds. Imagined Masculinities. Male Identity and Culture in the Modern Middle East. London: Saqi Books. Halstead, N. (2001). Ethnographic encounters: Positionings within and outside the insider frame. Social Anthropology 9/3, 307-321. Haraway, D. (1988). Situated Knowledge. The Science Question in Feminism and Privilege of Partial Perspective. Feminist Studies. 14/3, 575–99. Hertz, R. (1997). Reflexivity and Voice. London: SAGE Publications. Kobayashi, A. (2003). GPC ten years on: Is self-reflexivity enough? Gender, Place and Culture 10/4, 345-349. Kurkiala, M. (2003). Interpreting Honour Killings. The Story of Fadime Sahindal (1975– 2002) in the Swedish Press. Anthropology Today 19/1, 6–7. Lazerg, M. (1994). Women‘s Experience and Feminist Epistemology. A Critical Neorationalist Approach. Knowing the Difference. Feminist Perspectives in Epistemology. In K. Lennon & M. Whitford (Eds.)45–63. London: Routledge. Mahdavi, P.(2007) Connecting to the Modern: Meeting, Mating, and Cheating Online in Iran. ISIM Review 19 Spring 2007. Mahdavi,, P. (2009a). Passionate Uprisings: Iran's Sexual Revolution. Stanford University Press, Stanford, California.

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Mahdavi, P. (2009b). Sexual Revolution, Social Change, Political Reform in Iran – Complicated Intersections on August 30th, 2009. Online http://savageminds.org/2009/08/ 30/sexual-revolution-social-change-political-reform-in-iran-%E2%80%93-complicatedintersections/ Milani, F. (1992). Veils and Words. The Emerging Voices of Iranian Women Writers.New York: Syracuse Univ. Press. Moghissi, H. (1996). Populism and Feminism in Iran. Women‟s Struggle in a Male-Defined Revolutionary Movement. New York: St. Martin‘s Press. Mulinari, D. (2005). ‘Forskarens biografi och situerad kunskapsproduktion‘ (The researcher‘s biography and situated power production) In Att utmana vetandets gränser (Challenging the borders of knowing) . (Eds) Lundqvist, Å, Davies, K., Mulinari, D. Malmö: Liber Narayan, K. (2003). ‗How Native Is a ―Native‖ Anthropologist?‘ Feminist Postcolonial Theory. A Reader. In R. Lewis and S. Mills. (Eds).,263–285. Edinburgh: Edinburgh Univ. Press. Nordin, L. (2007). Man ska ju vara två: män och kärlekslängtan i norrländsk glesbygd.(It´s Better to Be Two: Men and Romantic Longing in Northern Sweden, Stockholm: Natur & Kultur. Paidar, P. (1997). Women and the Political Process in Twentieth-Century Iran. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Pripp, O. (2001). Företagande i minoritet. Om etnicitet, strategier och resurser bland assyrier och Syrianer i Södertälje (Minority Entrepreneurs. On Ethnicity, Strategies and Resources among Assyrian and Syrians in Södertälje). Botkyrka: Mångkulturellt Centrum. Sartre, J.P (1995/1962). Anti-Semite and Jew. New York: Schocken Books. Sanasarian, E. (1982). The Women‟s Right Movement in Iran. Mutiny Appeasement and Repression from 1900 to Khomeini. New York: Praeger. Scott, John Wallach (2007). The Politics of the Veil. Princeton, N.J. : Princeton University Press Shahidian, H. (2000). Sociology and Exile. Banishment and Tensional Loyalties. Current Sociology 48/2, 81–106. Shahidian, H. (2001). To Be Recorded in History. Researching Iranian Underground Activities in Exile. Qualitative Sociology. 24/2, 55– 81. Shirazi, F. (2001). The Veil Unveiled: The Hijab in Modern Culture. Gainesville, Florida: University Press of Florida. Sinclair-Webb, E. (2000). Preface to Imagined Masculinities. Male Identity and Culture in the Modern Middle East. In M. Ghoussoub & E. Sinclair-Webb. (Eds), 7–17. London: Saqi Books. Strand Runsten, P. (2006). ―Hedersmord‖, eurocentrism och etnicitet. Mordet på Fadime—en fallstudie (―Honour killing‖, Eurocentrsim and ethnicity: The murder of Fadime—a Case Study). Mediernas Vi och Dom. Mediernas betydelse för den strukturella diskrimineringen (The We and Them of Media. The Significance of Media for the Structural Discrimination).SOU 2006, 21, 189–224. Sultana,F. (2007).Reflexivity, Positionality and Participatory Ethics: Negotiating. Fieldwork Dilemmas in International Research. AnInternationalE-Journalfor Critical Geographies,6/3,374-385.

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Tohidi, N. (1994). Modernity, Islamization, and Women in Iran. Gender and National Identity. Women and Politics in Muslim Societies. In Valentine M Moghadam (Ed.) 110– 46. London: Zed Books. Trinh, M. T. (1998) Not You/Like You. Post Colonial Women and the Interlocking Questions of Identity and Difference. Dangerous Liaisons. Gender, Nation, Postcolonial Perspective. In A. McClintock, A.Mufti & E. Shohat (Eds.) 415–19. Minneapolis & London: Univ. of Minnesota Press. Wasserfall, R. (1997). Reflexivity, Feminism and Difference. Reflexivity and Voice. In R. Hertz. (Ed.) 151-62. London: SAGE Publications.

In: Education without Borders Editor: Loshini Naidoo

ISBN 978-1-62728-613-1 © 2010 Nova Science Publishers, Inc.

Chapter 9

QUESTIONING IDENTITY: GENDER AND NATION Kathy Gooch1 and David Lenton2 1

Centre for Research on Social Inclusion, Macquarie University, NSW, Australia 2 Department of Humanities and Language, University of Western Sydney, NSW, Australia

ABSTRACT This chapter explores the relationship between gender, education and young people through the lens of cosmopolitanism. We begin by exploring the particular mode of cosmopolitan thought expounded by Kwame Anthony Appiah in his book Cosmopolitanism (2006) as it is particularly relevant to the study of gender, calling for understanding and acceptance in the face of diversity. We then go on to consider the complexity of gender, drawing on the work of Judith Butler to elucidate gender as performance. This is shown to be a way of ‗doing‘ maleness or femaleness in accordance with particular cultural practices and expectations; and it is only according to these expectations that each individual can be understood by others. Following on from this discussion we turn to a consideration of the relationship between gender and ‗nation.‘ It is suggested that the idea of the nation is influential on our identities from a particularly early age. We find that in the case of Australia, the nation has maintained a historically ‗male‘ character, which has impacted on men and women differently in the way each can identify as Australian citizens. This insight leads us to explore the ways gender is developed in young people, where we locate a need to consider influences from global and local perspectives. Returning to our particular understanding of cosmopolitanism, in which we can increasingly think of ourselves and others as global citizens, we explore the influence of global cultures on young people‘s identity formation, taking the example ofglobal media cultures. We find both positive and negative effects of the global culture on the development of gender and identity in young people, leading us to the conclusion that local cultures, of which school cultures are a prime example, have an increasingly significant role to play in young people‘s identity formation. Through their engagement in school cultures, young people may mediate the more negative, often stereotypical aspects of global cultures: and while it is often recognised that education systems must

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Kathy Gooch and David Lenton adapt to the increasing cultural diversity found in schools, through the concept of cosmopolitanism we argue for greater understanding and acceptance of gender diversity in the lives of young people, and, more specifically, in the educational context.

INTRODUCTION The push for educators to encourage an understanding and acceptance of diversity in schools is often focused on issues around the ethnic, religious and cultural differences of both students and staff within the educational environment. As these areas of diversity become increasingly prominent in the local, national and international arenas, it is undeniable that a greater degree of acceptance is required if we are to not only maintain peace between people of diverse backgrounds, but if we wish to make our differences into a dynamically productive aspect of an increasingly globalised community. By acknowledging and embracing the ties that we share with other humans on an international scale, cosmopolitanism allows for a broader sense of belonging in a community that is global in nature, rather than bound a by geographically-specified location of birth. However, it is arguable that there are areas of discourse in which the individual begins to disappear and becomes instead part of a discursively homogenised group, even within much cosmopolitan thought. One of these areas, this chapter will suggest, is gender. While there seems to be what could almost be considered an obsessive engagement with diversity in the areas of ethnicity, religion and culture, for example, it is important to recognise that an acceptance of and engagement with diversity in the expression of gender is equally important if a cosmopolitan approach to education is to be considered truly productive. The findings of recent scholarship reveal that gender is as important a factor as ethnicity or ‗race‘ in the inclusion or exclusion of young people in social settings. Significantly, research conducted by Killen, Lee-Kim, McGlothlin & Stangor (2002, p.48) reveals that ‗excluding a girl from friendship or from the peer group was [perceived as] more okay than excluding a Black child.‘ Some of the ramifictions of social exclusion on young people are explained by Killen et. al. (2002, p.2), and include: ―a wide range of negative consequences that bear on the children‘s trajectories for healthy social development…children who are rejected from social groups are at risk for poor academic achievement, increased depression, and adolescent delinquency.‖

Killen et. al. (2002, p.19) explain that research on children‘s stereotyped knowledge indicates that children begin recognising and thinking about stereotypic expectations as early as the preschool years. Given that the development of an individual‘s sense of the world begins at such an early stage, it is undeniable that our education system plays an important role in shaping the citizens of tomorrow. As Judith Butler (1993, p.1) explains, ‗―sex‖ is a regulatory ideal whose materialization is compelled, and this materialization takes place (or fails to take place) through certain highly regulated practices‖ – and it is partially through the practices that are enforced in the highly institutionalised schooling environment that our lifelong habits are learnt. It is for this reason that we pause to consider what role, if any, the nation plays in the process of young people‘s identity formation in the globalised world of the twenty-first century.

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This chapter will engage with the idea that ‗children use their understanding of gender discourses in various social contexts to regulate social order and gender roles in schools‘ (Chen 2009, p.149-50). It will be looking at the intersection of global and local cultures, particularly in young peoples‘ engagement with global media, in order to trace some of the ways in which gender is institutionalised in their lives. Finally, it will suggest that educators should make themselves aware of the cultural contexts within which their students are situated if they wish to be more successful in the encouragement of a cosmopolitan attitude in their students.

PART ONE: COSMOPOLITANISM, GENDER AND NATION Working with Cosmopolitanism This chapter will engage with the understanding of cosmopolitanism that Kwame Anthony Appiah leads us to in his book Cosmopolitanism (2006). At the core of Appiah‘s concept of cosmopolitanism are the practices of understanding and knowledge, as they relate to real lives. Further, there are two separate yet importantly related features of cosmopolitanism, as Appiah (2006, p.xv) explains: ―There are two strands that intertwine in the notion of cosmopolitanism. One is the idea that we have obligations to others, obligations that stretch beyond those to whom we are related by the ties of kith and kind, or even the more formal ties of a shared citizenship. The other is that we take seriously the value not just of human life but of particular human lives, which means taking an interest in the practices and beliefs that lend them significance‖.

Cosmopolitanism, therefore, does not require global travel, city living or a particular sexuality or skin colour: it is a way of thinking about others; other people, other experiences, and other lives, in connection with our own. This is as much a ‗human connection‘ as a national, local or cultural one. Appiah (2006, p.135) considers the significance of this ‗human connection,‘ remarking that in addition to the significance of shared local identities: ―equally important is the human connection. My people – human beings – made the Great Wall of China, the Chrysler Building, the Sistine Chapel: these things were made by creatures like me, through the exercise of skill and imagination…The connection through a local identity is as imaginary as the connection through humanity‖.

It is important not to dismiss this as a failure to recognise or acknowledge the difference in how particular cultures have developed through locally-specific achievements. Particular groupings of people have undeniably achieved things that are unique to their cultures and locations. In the development of his approach to cosmopolitanism, however, Appiah has chosen to see these achievements in light of the potential to which they point; that is, as the achievements of a human race, rather than a nationally-specific population. In this sense, the greatest achievements of any one culture are the least of which humanity as a whole is capable of, and can therefore be seen to offer grounds for connection in cosmopolitan thought, rather than grounds for political difference or national competition.

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A further point Appiah makes that is of particular relevance to this chapter is to be found in his discussion of values. He rightly recognises that talk about values is often a divisive tool: in Australia, for example, particularly since the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, there has been much discussion of ‗Western‘ and ‗Australian‘ values. This largely political discussion concerns not what, precisely, such Australian values might be, but who possesses them and who, according to conservative public commentators and fearmongering political pundits, does not. Appiah turns this argument around through a consideration of the values of a generic family unit. He posits that any family, regardless of its cultural or national origins, will inevitably possess some form family values: these values may be different to values of the family next door or in the next neighbourhood, but they are values nonetheless. It cannot, therefore, be a lack of values in the other that causes social difficulty. Indeed, the very existence of values in others, no matter how different those values may be from one‘s own, forms some foundation upon which to base an understanding of others. Accordingly, Appiah suggests that it is understanding difference, rather than expecting conformity, which lies at the heart of social harmony – and the cosmopolitan attitude.Appiah (2006, p.78) urges that: ―we should learn about people in other places, take an interest in their civilizations, their arguments, their errors, their achievements, not because that will bring us to agreement, but because it will help us get used to one another. If that is the aim, then the fact that we have all these opportunities for disagreement about values need not put us off. Understanding one another may be hard; it can certainly be interesting. But it doesn‘t require that we come to agreement‖.

This definition of cosmopolitanism is particularly useful in our attempt to foreground the issue of gender and identity in the contemporary educational setting. In the course of this chapter, the value of cosmopolitanism to issues of gender diversity and social inclusion will become apparent.

Understanding the Complexity of Gender There is a common perception that gender is the cultural iteration of behaviours associated with the seemingly natural biological categories of ‗male‘ and ‗female.‘ However, gender is not a term that is used uncritically in this chapter. There is an important link between the discourses of sex (as biology) and gender (as culture). However, rather than being the result of natural processes, which inevitably separate the gendered expression of males and females (or ‗maleness‘ and ‗femaleness‘) into distinct categories, gender can instead be seen as ‗a kind of persistent impersonation that passes as the real‘ (Butler 2006, p.xxxi). In this sense, ‗gender is always a doing‘ (Butler 2006, p.34), and individuals are always involved in the process of simultaneously performing gender and, through the act of doing this performance, reconstituting what it actually means to be a gendered individual. Butler (2006, p.22) argues that ‗―persons‖ only become intelligible through becoming gendered in conformity with recognizable standards of gender intelligibility.‘ This means that gendered performances are not just social in nature, but wholly invested in our bodies, so that ‗gender functions as a dichotomizing system of categorization and representation‘ (Savran 1992, p.10). Consequently, gender can be understood as:

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―the repeated stylization of the body, a set of repeated acts within a highly rigid regulatory frame that congeal over time to produce the appearance of substance, of a natural sort of being‖ (Butler 2006, p.45).

This relationship between sex and gender is necessarily limiting. According to Butler (2006, p.16), ‗the female sex becomes restricted to its body, and the male body, fully disavowed, becomes, paradoxically, the incorporeal instrument of an ostensibly radical freedom.‘ Women are often seen as being restricted by their bodies, unable to do the same things as men. Men, on the other hand, are expected to be able to do better than women in all physical tasks, if not in all tasks, as it is their role to care and provide for women. These assumptions are at the core of what R.W. Connell (2005, p.77) has defined as hegemonic masculinity, where ‗the configuration of gender practice…embodies…the dominant position of men and the subordination of women.‘ (Biological) males are considered capable of embodying the power inherent in the systemic and institutionalised gender relations that exist between men and women, whereas (biological) females are not. This means that ‗the construction of gender operates through exclusionary means‘ (Butler 1993, p. 8), which not only separates the human from the inhuman, but draws a line between the discursive construction of male and female. There is the danger, in talking about the different degrees to which men and women have access to power, of homogenising ‗men‘ and ‗women‘ into categories that lack any internal variation. While these differences are often seen along the lines of sexual variation – that is, that homosexual men are less masculine than heterosexual men and homosexual women are more masculine than heterosexual women – this is an overly simplistic approach to the issue of gendered variation. In reality, there is as much variation in the experience and expression of gender as there are individuals in the world. However, as individuals we are read as either adhering, or failing to adhere to, certain culturally-specified understandings of what gender means. Thus gender stands as a complex network of relations between individuals and cultural discourses, which are constantly in flux – being both restrictive and productive; limiting our individual experience within the generally simplistic boundaries of certain categories of ‗being‘ on the one hand, while establishing the very framework of our ability to interact with others on the other hand.

Gender and Nation So far it would be fair to suggest that the discussion of gender in this chapter has been general, even universal in its scope. There are certainly a number of ways in which gender is conceived across various cultures. However, the discursively-produced inequality between men and women has clearly recognisable material effects on both a local and an international scale. Even allowing for cultural variations, which can manifest as anything from a clear and culturally-sanctified subordination of women, to a seemingly egalitarian relationship between men and women, Day & Thompson (2004, p.113) posit that ‗all national societies contain unequal relationships and systematic unfairness between men and women.‘ There is no place where women are granted equal access to the same benefits as men, or where the benefits of that access are also equal. For example, while it is often argued that men and women in most Western nations have equal access to any job on the market, men are

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often privileged by the way in which they have been shaped by their culture – by their generally unquestioned access to certain behaviours associated with masculinity, such as an increased level of aggressiveness and self-assertion. These are often qualities that are frowned upon when shown by women, despite being seen as assets in a number of jobs. Men also have access to higher wages in the vast majority of jobs, thanks at least partially to their culturally-expected position as the ‗breadwinner‘ of a family unit. Women who do hold high-level jobs are often held to different standards than their male counterparts, as they are being held up to culturally-specified standards of what is considered to be ‗proper‘ female behaviour. In this way, it is clear to see that gender has an impact on our experience as individuals. Gender has an impact not only on our lives as individuals, though, but also on our relationship to the nation that we live in. As Day & Thompson (2004, p.118) posit: ―[the] complex of links between family structures, the private/public spheres, and the relationships of men to women [has] carried over into the structure of the nation-state in ways which continue to be determinative‖.

Again, these differences tend to work along biologically-determined lines: men protect and provide, while women give birth to future generations and care for them by carrying out domestic duties. This lends itself to the strict control of sexual conduct and sexuality, both locally and nationally. As Day & Thompson (2004, p.122) point out, ‗we find a range of interventions into the life of families and couples, including policies relating to contraception, abortion, pre-marital sex, child-care and so on.‘ Thus the gendered nature of the nation, which is held together by a complex understanding of both inclusive and exclusionary practices, has a material effect on the way in which individuals are able to interact not only on a local scale, but a national – and even international – scale. It is possible that gender has had a unique role in the development of an Australian national identity. As colonial Australia‘s ‗motherland‘ sits on the other side of the world, much work has been done in the development of its own distinct national identity. While there have certainly been points in its history when Australia has emphasised its ties to its symbolic mother, such as during times of war, there is a decidedly male nature to its character. This can clearly be seen in an examination of some of Australia‘s strongest icons: the stockman, the bushranger, the sportsman, the larrikin and the soldier. Each of these Australian icons is seen to demonstrate what it means to be Australian for different reasons, but some of the common themes are their strength, tenacity, a streak of rebellion and, above all, mateship. They are also all undeniably masculine in nature. As Silke Wenk (2000, p.63) posits: ―that which holds the nation, the ‗imagined community,‘ together can be understood as a system of cultural representations and practices that produce and reproduce the meanings of the nation‖

In the promotion of a ‗fair go,‘ a sense of freedom and strong colonial ties to the ways in which the unique geographical nature of this country have had to be worked, it is not hard to see how the place of women has become strongly overshadowed by the importance of men in Australia‘s cultural history. This is not to say that women have had no role in making

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Australia what it is today; on the contrary, there have been many women who have helped to develop and strengthen Australia‘s national identity, both historically and in a contemporary sense. The absence of a prominent role for women in the popular imagination or national identity is therefore problematic. Wenk (2000, p.63-4) further posits that: ―the nation is constituted as a ‗natural‘ unity through linguistic and visual representations, through verbal and non-verbal practices and rituals, which connect the perceptions, emotions and memories of individuals with those of the collective, and thus signify belonging‖.

This development of a collective memory – a sense of history and belonging, which is tied into that of the nation – is one of the ways in which gender is constituted as a culturally important factor in the lives of individuals. Due to the strong sense of a ‗masculine‘ Australian identity – and the ways in which gender boundaries are strictly maintained – it would seem fair to say that, culturally speaking, Australia has been produced, through the representation of its cultural history, as a man‘s country. As the Australian example shows, by glorifying the history of men, women become all but invisible – and this invisibility is brought into the present, to then most likely be projected into the future as the nation continues to be (re)developed based on its own cultural history. This can be seen as a cyclical trap, which is far from inclusive or productive. The application of a cosmopolitan approach to citizenship, however, could be one of the ways in which we can begin to both de-gender and de-value the importance of the nation. A cosmopolitan approach to citizenship encourages engagement with the world in its entirety, beyond the often restrictive and strictly regulated dynamics of local human relations. It also seeks to value the experiences of individuals equally, rather than acting on a basis of exclusion. This would obviously have implications for the way we see and understand gender. On a global scale, gender could no longer be seen as uncomplicated or easily divisible into distinct categories of male and female, masculine and feminine. Rather, it would have to be recognised as a complex interaction of culturally-specified divisions in social interactions and socially-sanctioned roles, which are based on a simplistic understanding of biological sex. On a global scale, ‗male‘ and ‗female‘ would have to be recognised as the most prominent, but far from exclusive, ways in which bodies can be categorised. And, if a truly cosmopolitan approach were to be taken to the issues of sex and gender, then the sense of responsibility that should grow from our shared citizenship would encourage a more understanding and inclusive engagement with the diverse natures of sex and gender as they are expressed and experienced on a global scale.

PART TWO: YOUNG PEOPLE, GENDER AND EDUCATION In the previous section, we outlined some of the problems in the relationship between gender and nation, and suggested that a cosmopolitan approach to citizenship may prove a positive way forward. To explore a cosmopolitan understanding of gender and education, however, it is necessary to examine these issues not only as they relate to the nation, but also at global and local levels.In this section we will consider an example of one of the major

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influences on gender and identity in young people, namely global media technologies, focussing on the impact on young people‘s identity and gender and, in the final section, on its relationship to the educational context.

Young People and Global Media Globalised media forms, particularly in the West, have been so successfully integrated into our everyday lives that they are generally taken for granted. As is often the case with technological change, its more humble beginnings can become obscured, or in the case of younger generations, be all but unknown. This tendency has some bearing on how young people are perceived by the broader society. We begin this section, therefore, by considering some of the history between young people and early media forms. Some of the first anxieties about electronic media were raised by concerned parents in the 1930s when radio first began to make its way into our living rooms. Claims were made, for instance, by one American parents‘ group in 1933 that the excitement and suspense created by some radio programs were contributing to nightmares and emotional problems in children (Kundanis 2003, p.67). Indeed, concurrent with the introduction of each new media technology, new anxieties have emerged as concerned parents and citizens attempt to negotiate the influence and impact of electronic media on their children. Hot on the heels of the emergence of each new technology, therefore, has been the creation of laws across both national and state jurisdictions to regulate its use and moderate its impact on ‗our‘ children (Kundanis 2003, p.67-72). This historical pattern demonstrates that young people, over time, have proven both resilient and adaptable in the face of new media. The children listening to radio for the first time in the 1930s grew up to be the young adults of the 1950s, with concerns of their own about the viewing habits of their children as television became more accessible to families in the late 1950s and 1960s. Unlike the media of the early to mid twentieth century, however, today‘s media has an increasingly ‗global‘ character: young people are connected to worldwide networks on internet applications such as YouTube, Facebook and iTunes. To older generations, who grew up without access to such web-based connectivity and entertainment, young people today must seem enthralled by computer technologies: either as victims of a sinister and addictive online world; or as wasting their time in an unhealthy attachment to ‗the screen‘ (unless it involves studying, of course!). In both cases young people are diagnosed as ‗needing‘ protection and, usually, more fresh air and physical activity. While their ability to adapt to and embrace global media affects the way young people are perceived by the broader society, it is also important to explore the impact of global media on young people‘s development of identity and gender. One way of assessing this is to look at how young people engage with, and express themselves through, such media. Weber & Dixon (2007, p.5) have concluded that the internet has provided ‗young people with spaces in which to express and test out their emerging gender identities.‘ Even a cursory examination of Facebook, for example, will confirm the significance of expressing oneself in gendered terms online. While young people generally do not suffer discrimination according to sex in their general use of the internet, they are encouraged to maintain a performance of gender in online environments.

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Dominant social attitudes towards gender away from the online world have created a discernible difference in the way male and female young people actually use and engage with the technology. One example of such gender-based difference arises due to a difference in access to the technology. It is clear that access to the internet is limited in poorer nations due to the structural inequalities which exist around media consumption – creating what de Block and Buckingham (2007, p.114) refer to as a ‗media underclass.‘ Compounding this, in some circumstances the gender roles girls are expected to inhabit do not include or value developing the skills that engagement with internet technologies can foster, or do not allow girls the free time and space necessary to engage with media technology. As Mitchell & ReidWalsh (2007, p.207) point out: ‗to enable this freedom of access [to the internet] girls need privacy, within the public or private spheres of libraries, living rooms, and bedrooms‘ – a set up which is less likely to be possible in regions of socioeconomic disadvantage. In circumstances where girls do have the time and freedom to use the internet, their usage may be more strictly regulated than boys‘ due to the perception that cyberspace is not safe for girls. There is widespread concern that young people, particularly young girls, are easy prey for online sexual predators and paedophiles. This image of girls as victims presents an interesting paradox when considered in light of the argument represented, for example, by Stern (2007, p.160) that ‗although boys outnumber girls online, the growing number of girls‘ home pages lends credibility to the notion that the web may present a new and much needed forum for girls‘ ―safe‖ self-expression.‘ As much of the time young people spend online is most likely to be alone, it arguably provides a space for the young person to explore his or her identity, and to venture an expression of gender that is not shaped or constrained by the immediate presence of other real bodies against which to judge their own. So while the internet can be seen in some ways as reflecting or even reasserting gender norms, it can also be seen as a vehicle for the exploration of alternative gender identities and, ultimately, of empowering young people to overcome the stereotypical gendered identity. In a cosmopolitan approach which does not expect conformity but accepts diversity, this aspect of global internet technologies is invaluable for young people and educators. Along similar lines, Scourfield, Dicks, Drakeford & Davies (2006, p.8) suggest that young people‘s sense of self is more likely to be influenced by peers and siblings rather than by adult socialization, explaining that ‗children adopt styles of behaviour that allow them to navigate the social settings of childhood.‘ If young people have the opportunity to broaden their peer group via internet social networking it is most likely that the experience will be one which positively expands the scope for gender identity formation. Further, de Block & Buckingham (2007, p.26) suggest that ‗the media form the basis of much social interaction; and while they may confirm individual, group and national identities, they can also provide resources for challenging and reshaping them.‘ The potential of global internet use to assist young people to challenge and reshape social gender norms – regardless of the nation or place of origin of those norms – is of fundamental importance to the development of a healthy, confident young person with an accepting, cosmopolitan world-view. In contrast to internet use, television provides neither the same level of agency nor a similar ability to challenge social norms, but is in fact implicated in the perpetuation of social norms, including gender stereotypes. Scholars have noted that despite television‘s beneficial role for migrant families, for example, as a means of learning language and culture, it is problematic in its tendency not to depict cultural diversity: ‗beyond the more typical socializing role, television teaches ethnic minority children subtle lessons about themselves

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and how they are perceived. The portrayals are sparse and almost uniformly negative‘ (Palmer, Smith & Strawser cited in Kundanis, 2003, p.88). Significantly, Kundanis (2003, p.94) notes that ‗the gender story is similar to ethnic depictions with underrepresentation of women.‘ On a more positive note, as a global medium television has changed the way we connect with the rest of the world on an everyday basis. It brings us news from around the world, often in ‗real time‘ as was the case during exceptional events such as 9/11, Hurricane Katrina and the 2004 Indian Ocean Tsunami. If nothing else, this makes us all potentially cosmopolitan, without ever leaving our living rooms. As Appiah (2006, p.xiii) notes, the existence of globalised media networks ‗means not only that we can affect lives everywhere but that we can learn about life anywhere too.‘ It is clear, therefore, that television has much potential as a resource for adults and young people alike who wish to engage in the world as a cosmopolitan citizen. This potential, however, has not yet been fully harnessed and doubtfully will while cosmopolitan values remain outweighed by national political and economic concerns. One of the significant advantages of employing Appiah‘s version of cosmopolitanism to this chapter is that it does not require us to privilege a global, national or local lifestyle, but allows us to simultaneously work with the best of each. It is for this reason that we are able to suggest that the existence of these negative characteristics of global cultures renders national and local cultures of crucial importance to the lives and development of young people. Despite a seeming decline in the importance of local and national cultures to the modern lifestyle, we suggest that they have an imperative role to play by offering an alternative to the dominant, normative messages that pervade global consumerism. As one of the primary sites for the development of local and national cultures in young people, it is time now to explore the relevance of school cultures to the construction of gender and identity formation.

Gender and School Cultures In this final section we expand on the idea that local and national influences on young people, such as those found in school cultures, must maintain their essential significance if this cosmopolitan understanding and acceptance is to be reached.When using the term ‗school cultures,‘ we mean the ‗map of meanings‘ that establish the social context of a school (Liu, 2006, p.426). Liu (ibid.) notes that ‗school culture is understood as both reflecting the ‗wider culture‘ of a society and resulting from multiple interpretations and interactions by individuals and groups as active agents.‘ Australia‘s education system is predominantly statemanaged (as opposed to national), however there are enough fundamental and cultural similarities between state systems to consider Australian schooling as a whole, as a kind of national culture. The idea of the ‗nation‘ plays an interesting role in education and young peoples‘ identity formation. The significance of the role of ‗nation‘ in a young person‘s life is examined by Scourfield et.al. (2006, p.1), who write that ‗childhood experience is commonly taken to be the bedrock upon which self-identity is built, and national consciousness is regarded by many as a key foundation of a modern person‘s identity.‘ A young person‘s citizenship status is merely a result of their place of birth; however, ideas about citizenship, nation and patriotism have a significant influence on the young person‘s sense of identity. This is clearly

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discernible in the debates that have emerged since 2001 over whether the Australian flag should be permitted to be brought into youth events such as music festivals – and the outrage expressed in instances where the flag is discouraged (―BDO Flag Ban Stupid,‖ 2007). Young people flocked to Sydney in 2000 with the Australian flag temporarily tattooed all over their bodies and faces to support Australia‘s Olympic athletes; yet young people also flocked to Cronulla draped in Australian flags to be a part of the notorious ‗race riots‘ in 2005. This changing expression of nationalism demonstrates the fluid yet significant relationship between nation and youth generally. Looking more specifically at education and nation we find several intertwining elements to the relationship. The first and perhaps most obvious is that curricula are designed to teach and reflect issues of national significance (Scourfield, et.al., 2006, p.1). While de Block & Buckingham (2007, p.51) note that a national curriculum, among other aspects of schooling, assists migrant children and their families to adjust to their new culture, it is conceivable that for the most part what is deemed of ‗national significance‘ offers a limited and controlled sphere within which young people can make connections between the nation and self. The absence of a place for women in Australian myth (and arguably in Australian history), as previously discussed, reduces the ways young girls might identify with the nation and, ultimately, the ways in which they can actively participate as national citizens. Secondly, young people are taught ‗citizenship‘ as a devoted school subject. As Tuula Gordon (2006, p.287) points out, this involves learning about political and public institutions as well as individual responsibilities, duties and rights. Young people at school, Gordon (2006, p.286) notes, are often treated as future citizens, as their anticipated responsibilities are more often emphasised than their immanent rights: ‗this idea of general entitlement of all citizens regardless of age is not always expressed explicitly to school students.‘ Indeed, as school citizens, Gordon notes that students experience many restrictions of their rights, including freedom of movement, speech and agency. Further, scholars have noted that these restrictions can have gendered origins and, significantly, gendered outcomes. Discussing recent concerns over the perception that boys have been ‗left behind‘ in education (blamed on feminist interventions in recent decades to raise the status of girls in education), Gordon (2006, p.288) suggests that: ―although the model of a learned citizen tends to be associated with maleness, tasks to be performed in everyday life at school are often considered feminine, because they entail embodied passivity, such as sitting still, listening and writing‖.

Liu (2006, p.426) refers to the gendering processes of school cultures as a ‗gender regime.‘ This concept is a useful one, as it indicates both the institutionalised nature and the inescapability of the gendering process for young people, whilst also setting up the gendering of school cultures as a set of practices that are not fixed, but in a constant ‗state of play.‘ Liu (ibid.) explains that: ―the school inhabitants, especially teachers and students, serve as key ‗infrastructural mechanisms‘, through which masculinities and femininities are mediated and lived out as they actively negotiate and reproduce gender identities for themselves and others‖.

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Thinking of young people‘s gender identities as a ‗negotiation‘ is crucial to understanding the process by which young people attempt to piece together a particular construction of gender that ‗works‘ for them as an individual. It is at this point that we might consider the local aspects of school cultures. Obviously there is not enough space here to explore the numerous varieties of local school cultures in any detail. Many of the factors that influence school cultures relate to the geographic location of each school. It is important to recognise the development of localised school cultures as the product of a number of similar intersections, including the general socioeconomic status of the region in which the school is located, its cultural makeup, whether it is predominantly liberal or conservative, the presence or absence of an ethnic population, whether it is an urban or rural region, whether there is a predominant religion in the area, and so on. Notwithstanding this scope for variation in local educational cultures, there are two points in particular that we wish to make. The first is that local cultures have a definite role to play in young people‘s negotiation of gender. When pointing out the shortfalls of global cultures in previous sections, we have taken care to discuss the role of local cultures as a kind of antidote to their homogenising or conformist aspects. This is based on Appiah‘s second component of the cosmopolitan outlook, ‗that we take seriously the value not just of human life but of particular human lives.‘ While there is sometimes a ‗disconnect‘ between the self and the global, by engaging in local cultures young people learn how to connect with others; by valuing the specific young people learn understanding and compassion for others. Instigating and maintaining values of this nature in an educational setting is imperative, being a context in which a large number of people are required to peacefully co-exist in order for the system to effectively function. The second, and related point, however, is that local school cultures do remain just one, albeit significant, influence in the construction of young people‘s gender. At school, just as at home, young people learn by direct observation and interaction what gender roles are appropriate in those particular circumstances. This is a valuable launching point from which young people can begin the process of self-definition. What is ‗correct‘ at school, under the gaze of either teacher or peers, however, may not necessarily feel ‗correct‘ for that young individual. It is for this reason that we maintain that global cultures cannot be dismissed as an entirely negative influence on young people, who may ultimately require something other than the norm to feel comfortable with themselves. In the final analysis, young peoples‘ identities, particularly as they relate to the construction of gender, are far more multidimensional than the result of one particular influence – as this chapter has attempted to elucidate. This is confirmed by de Block & Buckingham (2007, p.18) who emphasise the ‗multiple strands and contradictory influences that make up the modern subject,‘ and cite Stuart Hall as positing ‗the separation of the subject from the nation and the growing importance of ‗difference‘ in identity formations.‘ This brings us back to Appiah‘s work and cosmopolitan thought. The multiple influences on young people‘s identity – and expression of gender – call for new ways of thinking about and encouraging understanding of diversity in young people. We suggest that cosmopolitan thought does just that.

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CONCLUSION The educational environment remains part of an institution that works to uphold strong links between the individual and the nation. This means that young people are encouraged to develop and maintain a relationship between their sense of self and the nation that impacts on how they are able to develop and reflect upon their own identities. While this relationship values the position of some in society, for the most part it is exclusive rather than inclusive; that is, it is a relationship that draws lines between those who are included as a welcome part of the nation and those who are thought to exist always at its boundaries. Through its valuing of certain role models and mythologies, and the unequal access that it grants to certain valued positions in society, the nation is a space within which particular aspects of an individual‘s identity come to be seen as inherently negative. One of these aspects, this chapter has argued, is gender. Globalisation has, in many respects, reduced the importance of the nation in young peoples‘ lives. Connected as they are to other people around the world, through the medium of global digital technologies, young people can be considered as more globally conscious than any previous generations have been. Global influences have as much, if not more, of an impact on their sense of self-identity and expression. The significance of cosmopolitanism in this interplay between local, national and global cultures lies in its practice of understanding and engaging with diversity, rather than expecting or trying to enforce conformity. In the case of gender, what needs to be understood is that diversity in young people‘s expression of gender should be seen not as a sign of abnormality, deviation or defiance, but as an expression of the diversity of individual experience. The numerous ways of ‗doing‘ gender need to be understood by educators in their context of the play between local, national and global influences on young people. Just as it has been argued that ‗the skills and experiences that immigrant children bring with them are often undervalued‘ (de Block & Buckingham, 2007, p.53), it is perhaps the case that educators underestimate the value that gender diversity can bring to the schooling environment, the classroom and to young people within the school system. As Appiah (2006, p.xv) posits: ‗people are different, the cosmopolitan knows, and there is much to learn from our differences.‘ Embracing this difference and encouraging a healthy development of self-identity in young people through the individual expression of gender in a school culture, which is safe and understanding, is a laudable, if undoubtedly challenging, task for educators. However, it is also a task that urgently needs to be undertaken if the young people of today are to develop into the diverse and understanding adults of tomorrow.

REFERENCES Appiah, K.A. (2006). Cosmopolitanism: Ethics in a world of strangers. New York: W.W. Norton & Company. BDO Flag Ban Stupid, Says PM. (2007). Retrieved November 23, 2009 from http://www. smh.com.au/news/national/bdo-flag-ban-stupid-says-pm/2007/01/22/1169330795860. html

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Butler, J. (1993). Bodies that Matter.New York & London: Routledge. Butler, J. (2006). Gender Trouble.New York & London: Routledge. Chen, R. (2009). Early Childhood Identity: Construction, culture& the self. New York: Peter Lang Publishing. Connell, R.W. (2005). Masculinities. Cambridge: Polity Press. Day, G. & Thompson, A. (2004). Theorizing Nationalism. Hampshire & New York: Palgrave Macmillan. de Block, L. & Buckingham, D. (2007). Global Children, Global Media: Migration, Media and Childhood. Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan. Gordon, T. (2006). ‗Gender and Citizenship‘ in Skelton, C., Francis, B. & Smulyan, L. (Eds) The SAGE Handbook of Gender and Education. London: Sage, pp.279-292. Killen, M., Lee-Kim, J., McGlothlin, H., & Stangor, C. (2002). ‗How Children and Adolescents Evaluate Gender and Racial Exclusion,‘ Monographs of the Society for Research in Child Development, 67/4, Serial No.271. Kundanis, R.M. (2003). Children, Teens, Families, and Mass Media: The millennial generation. Mahwah: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Inc. Liu, F. (2006). ‗School Culture and Gender‘ in Skelton, C., Francis, B. & Smulyan, L. (Eds) The SAGE Handbook of Gender and Education. London: Sage, pp.425-438. Mitchell, C. & Reid-Walsh, J. (2007) ‗Girl Culture and Digital Technology in the Age of AIDS‘ in Weber, S. & Dixon, S (Eds), Growing Up Online: Young people and digital technologies. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, pp.195-210. Savran, D. (1992). Communists, Cowboys, and Queers: The politics of masculinity in the world of Arthur Miller and Tennessee Williams. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. Scourfield, J., Dicks, B., Drakeford, M. & Davies, A. (2006). Children, Place and Identity: Nation and locality in middle childhood. London: Routledge. Stern, S.R. (2007). ‗Adolescent Girls‘ Expression on Web Home Pages: Spirited, Somber, and Self-Conscious Sites‘ in Weber, S. & Dixon, S. (Eds), Growing Up Online: Young people and digital technologies. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, pp.159-179. United Nations Population Fund‘s State of World Population Report (2007). Ch.1. Weber, S. & Dixon, S. (2007). Growing Up Online: Young people and digital technologies. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Wenk, S. (2000). ‗Gendered Representations of the Nation‘s Past and Future‘ in Blom, I., Hagemann, K. & Hall, C (Eds.). Gendered Nations: Nationalisms and Gender Order in the Long Nineteenth Century. Oxford & New York: Berg.

In: Education without Borders Editor: Loshini Naidoo

ISBN 978-1-62728-613-1 © 2010 Nova Science Publishers, Inc.

Chapter 10

DIVERSE LESSONS: COSMOPOLITANISM AND FANTASY FICTION INSIDE AND OUTSIDE THE CLASSROOM Helen Young Centre for Educational Research, University of Western Sydney, NSW, Australia

ABSTRACT Education is not restricted to the formal, institutionalised processes associated with schools and universities, myths and ideologies – among other things – are also conveyed through culture; popular culture simultaneously transmits and shapes societal and cultural norms. Informal education is important, especially for children and young people as they absorb the culture around them. Unlike more conventionally ‗literary‘ types of fiction, fantasy is popular, and thus can speak to and for the concerns and notions of large groups within society. Starting from these facts this chapter explores representations of diversity, racial and cultural difference in the popular fantasy world of Katharine Kerr‘s epic ‗Deverry‘ series. In both difference Alterity is mapped onto encounters between different species with different cultures, allowing exploration of diversity and difference in ‗safe‘ imaginative space. The author creates and imaginative world where cosmopolitan society is represented positively. This chapter argues that not only do these novels, and others like them, provide positive models and thus contribute to education in and for a cosmopolitan society, but may also be of use in the classroom for the same reasons.

INTRODUCTION In a nation as diverse as Australia it is critical that both formal and informal modes of education prepare children and youth for lives in a cosmopolitan society. Teachers need to be aware of the multiple voices and experiences of their students, and students also need to understand that many of their peers come from different backgrounds to themselves and to

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each other. ‗[C]osmopolitanism is an ideal of equality, compassion, democracy and care‘ and a ‗cosmopolitan education undertakes to impart this ideal to the young‘(Papastephanou, 2002, p.69). Institutions are key sites for teaching and learning about and for a cosmopolitan society, but popular culture also plays a critical role in educating young people about social norms, and the majority of their engagement with it occurs outside the classroom. The ideal of cosmopolitanism, and its practical applications, are thus learned not only through formal but also informal pedagogies. This chapter argues that modern fantasy literature can contribute to young people‘s education about diversity and cosmopolitan societies because it offers positive models of cultural engagement and acceptance of difference by, for example, mapping race relations onto inter-species encounters. Building on recent cosmopolitan thought, it will offer a definition of cosmopolitan literature. It will then outline the significance of popular culture for formal and informal cosmopolitan education. It will argue for the cosmopolitanism of a case study of a modern fantasy world – in the ‗Deverry‘ series by Katharine Kerr – and argue that fantasy fiction, as a genre of popular culture, can make significant contributions to education for a cosmopolitan society.

COSMOPOLITANISM AND LITERATURE If multicultural literature can be generally defined as that which ‗represents voices typically omitted from the traditional canon (Glazier & Seo, 2005, p. 688), what is cosmopolitan literature? K. Anthony Appiah suggests that ‗cosmopolitan reading practices are undergirded‘ by the desire to learn ‗mutual toleration‘ and ‗sympathy and concern‘ for others, and that through them we can ‗identify points of agreement‘ (Appiah, 2001, p. 203). This offers some useful points of reference as reading and writing, like teaching and learning, are mutually dependent. Further, beginning with cosmopolitan reading is particularly appropriate for this chapter because it is concerned with what the reader may learn from their encounter with writing. ‗Mutual toleration‘ is a two-way concept which acknowledges the agency of majority and minority cultures; ‗sympathy and concern‘ suggests not simply accepting the existence of diversity, but interest in the experiences of others; and ‗points of agreement‘ emphasizes the importance of finding common ground, or universals. Cosmopolitan literature, then, might be taken as that which fosters mutual understanding and respect through active engagement with models of diversity, which simultaneously recognise similarity and difference. Exploration of recent thought concerning cosmopolitanism in a globalised society reveals a number of pointers as to specific themes or ideas that connect fantasy literature and cosmopolitanism. Ulrich Beck‘s sociological approach to cosmopolitanism is concerned with the future of world society and culture and not with the historical structures and relationships of nation-states, as Fine observes (Fine, 2007). A ‗world-risk society‘ is one faced with threats that cannot be managed successfully by individual nations and must be responded to on a much large scale, such as global warming. Beck argues that in the face of such global challenges, ‗the past looses its power to determine the present. Instead, the future – something non-existent, constructed or fictitious – takes its place as the cause of present experience and action‘ (Beck, 2000, p.137). Large-scale risk is so common as to be a defining feature of

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fantasy fiction, as responses to it often require the mobilization of historically disparate or even hostile groups, as this chapter discusses in detail below. Magdalena Nowicka and Maria Rovisco suggest contemporary approaches to cosmopolitanism are problematic because they do not, in general, examine how ‗cosmopolitan ideas, narratives and values, which are institutionally embedded‘ shape day-today life for individuals and groups(Nowicka & Ravisco, 2009, p. 1). They offer two useful definitions of cosmopolitanism: as practice and moral outlook, and argue that the former ‗is apparent in things that people do and say to positively engage with the otherness of the other and the oneness of the world‘ and that the latter ‗emphasizes both tolerance towards difference and the possibility of a more just world order‘ (Nowicka & Ravisco, 2009, p. 2). The moral dimension also includes, as Lamont and Aksartova suggest, ‗commitment to universals,‘ (Lamont & Aksartoiva, 2002, p. 4) that is, active support and celebration not just recognition of commonalities amidst diversity. This chapter suggests that if scholarly research and public discourse has failed to explore such key aspects of cosmopolitan society and experience, popular fiction, specifically fantasy fiction, has not. The models of diversity and cultural engagement in fantasy and science-fiction literature offer points from which to explore moral and practical cosmopolitanism.

POPULAR CULTURE AND PEDAGOGY Social practice and moral outlook are constructs of whole societies and are simultaneously reflected in and shaped by popular culture. Henry Giroux‘s work in particular highlights connections between popular culture and education in ways that inform this work. Giroux argues that popular culture has its own forms of pedagogy, whereby it teaches its audiences how to manage relationships between the self and society, (Giroux, 1993) and his concept of ‗popular pedagogy‘ has become a useful one in contemporary society. Further, he argues that: ―schools need to close the gap between what they teach and the real world. The curriculum must analyze and deconstruct popular knowledges [sic] produced through television and culture industries, and be organized around texts and images that relate directly to [...] communities, cultures and traditions‖(Giroux, 1993, p.26).

There is increasing recognition in pedagogic circles that popular culture, of which fantasy fiction is a part, can provide very fruitful material for educators: ―pedagogical interventions that privilege popular culture as a site of legitimate critique can open up new avenues of exploration and investigation to a radical, progressive democracy premised on the basic values of love, care, and equality for all humanity‖(McCarthy, Giardina, Harewood, & Park, 2003, p.449).

The possibilities offered by pedagogies which utilise popular culture are especially strong in diverse classrooms, and they ‗help students deconstruct dominant narratives and contend with oppressive practice in hopes of achieving a more egalitarian and inclusive society‘ (Morrell, 2002, p.72). Integrating materials that students are familiar with and enjoy into the

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classroom provides students with a voice in their own education and allows them to participate more fully and learn more easily (Erikson, 2009). Moreover, previous work demonstrates that fantasy literature can be used to examine gender issues in the classroom (Spraque & Risher, 2002), so it seems likely that it might also be fruitfully used in explorations of racial and cultural difference. As a genre of popular fiction with lasting popularity among young people, fantasy fiction thus has significant potential to be a positive tool in cosmopolitan classrooms. Further, as will be discussed below in detail, fantasy texts often explore issues of race, gender, identity and so on, and thus offer subject matter that is directly relevant to cosmopolitan education in globalised, diverse societies. The tendency of teachers to omit multicultural and other literatures of diversity from the classroom because of perceived inferiority have been recognised since at least the mid-1990s (Bigler & Collins, 1996) and some concerted moves have been made to correct this problem. It is important for students to read works that reflect cultural diversity, and also for teachers to consider students‘ interests when selecting teaching material (Stallworth, Gibbons, & Fauber, 2005). This chapter does not argue that fantasy fiction should take the place of literature written from diverse points of view and with minority voices either inside or outside the classroom, but that it has significant potential to form a useful adjunct because many works present cultural diversity in a positive light and can be read as cosmopolitan literature. Its potential is not just limited to the classroom; popular culture is, as Dustin Kidd states, ‗the most centralized and effective means for defining and distributing the norms of society‘ (Kidd, 2007, p.7). Professional educators need to understand the ideologies that their students encounter outside the classroom before they can usefully engage with them. Outside institutional settings children and youth are enculturated into the conventions of society through consumption of popular culture. Fantasy fiction, despite the fact that some of its earliest and most influential practitioners were professional academics, is a genre of popular fiction, and is often either ignored or disdained by ‗high‘ culture artists, critics, or intellectuals as a result (Selling, 2008). It does, however, represent and engage with common and popularly held opinions and ideas, and this is what makes it so important. Race, ethnicity and diversity are not simply matters for policy, education and academia but are experienced and imagined throughout society, and mass or popular cultural representations of such issues which help to shape social norms are extremely significant.

RACE AND DIVERSITY IN FANTASY FICTION Speculative fiction provides a safe space in which to explore fraught social and cultural issues such as gender and race, and in which to imagine solutions to problems and remedies for trauma. Questions of cultural difference, for example, can be mapped onto inter-species engagements in works of science-fiction and fantasy. Although many such works are critiqued for constructing simplistic dichotomies of good and bad, self and other, and some charged outright with racism(Chism, 2007; Kirkland, 2005) significant numbers offer more complex representations with co-existence and mutual respect as key factors in successfully negotiating cultural encounters. The creation of an imagined cosmopolitan world has a history as long as that of fantasy fiction as a genre of modern popular fiction. Since at least the foundational The Lord of the Rings (1954-1955) by J. R. R. Tolkieninter-cultural co-operation

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of a kind that can be fruitfully read as tending towards cosmopolitanism has been present in the genre. This chapter explores representations of difference in the fantasy of Katharine Kerr to argue that such works represent diversity as a key element of a successful society and offer positive models of cultural engagement to their readers. It suggests that representations of diversity in popular fantasy fiction are examples of positive informal education. Not all fantasy fiction offers positive models of diversity, and science-fiction, a genre to which it is closely tied and at times impossible to differentiate from, has a long-standing reputation for, at best, normalising majority culture and at worst, racism. Gary Westfahl argues that science fiction writing rarely addresses issues of racism and that minority readers are often not interested in it because it generally pays lip-service at best to such questions (Westfahl, 1997). A small amount of recent work also reveals how science-fiction and fantasy fictions can reflect changing ideologies of race and ethnicity(Chappell, 2009; Thrall, 2009). There is a significant body of scholarly literature examining representations of race in science-fiction, but relatively little addressing fantasy narratives, as Elisabeth Anne Leonard noted over a decade ago (Leonard, 1997). This deficit has not, to date been remedied, and this chapter aims in part to address this through its discussion of the usefulness of the genre in formal and informal cosmopolitan education. Richard King has recently argued that images of race and difference in children‘s popular culture have, likewise, not been given the scholarly attention they deserve, and that they should be taken seriously not only because of ‗the increasing cultural presence and market share of kids but their centrality to the meanings and maintenance of race and racism‘ (King, 2008, p., 138). The works discussed in this chapter were not written specifically for children or young people, but fantasy is a genre where there is very significant cross-over from adult to youth fiction; as Ann Swinfen argues, attempts to create a dividing line between adult and children‘s fantasy (and science-fiction) literature is often ‗futile‘ (Swinfen, 1984, p.2). This is important because the works that I will discuss are not presenting ideas that are simplified or bowdlerised for a youth market, but are rather read by youth even though they are at times directed at older readers. The usefulness of literature in multicultural education has been recognised for many years (Bieger, 1995); cosmopolitan education is no less likely to be fruitfully informed by cosmopolitan literature. A ‗deep and immersive simulative experience of social interactions‘ can be created for readers of any fiction such experiences contribute to an individual‘s social and cultural education whether they are encountered inside or outside pedagogical settings (Mar & Oatley, 2088, p.173). While the rise of New Media has challenged the place of reading in children‘s and youth culture, the fantasy genre remains a popular one. Its popularity extends beyond literary spheres into film, video and role playing games, graphic novels and other media, but these newer genres are often heavily based on if not entirely derivative of novels, literature remains a very significant part of the creative work of fantasy and so it is to the written word that this chapter turns. Further, it often allows the most complex, detailed representation other worlds, peoples, and species, that is, can be more imaginative. This is one of the key reasons Leonard identifies for the need to examine images of race and ethnicity in fantasy texts. They are, as she says, the ‗literature of possibility‘ (Leonard, 1997, p.4), and thus can examine what currently is by proffering what is not. Engagement with ‗other‘ imagined worlds can allow and even encourage examination of human experience(Yamazaki, 2008). Fantasy is always recognisably the past, even if that past was never actually realised. Science-fiction, on the other hand, is always recognisably the future, even if that future will

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never be attained. The imaginative worlds created in such works are thus impossible now but nonetheless resonate with the present reader because they are possible somewhere or somewhen, even if they are improbable. The models of cultural engagement contained in imaginative fictions are thus potentially very powerful because the worlds created in them are unashamedly not this one, but are still connected and applicable to it. Hence models of behaviour can be worked out, discovered, even idealised without clashing directly with lived experience but while simultaneously carrying relevance to it. They can represent and explore genuine issues, difficulties and cultural traumas without ‗taking sides‘ or negating the experience of any group – or individual – in the real world; they speak of none and therefore can speak to all. Fantasy fiction has multiple applications because it is often not concerned with one actuality. That is, fantasy fiction offers potentialities that realist fiction – that is, works recognisably set in this world – does not because it is not circumscribed by known history or lived experience. The case study offered below demonstrates the potential of the genre to engage with issues of cosmopolitanism, and to offers an example of an author whose work might be used in pedagogical settings.

THE DEVERRY SERIES: CONTEMPORARY REPRESENTATIONS OF DIVERSITY Kerr‘s Deverry is populated with humans, dwarfs, elves and dragons where issues of racial and cultural difference are largely mapped onto differences between these species rather than onto differences within humanity, although such events do occasionally occur, especially in the earlier books. In them, one of the central figures, Rhodry Maelwaedd, is kidnapped from Deverry for political purposes and sold into slavery in islands far to the south, known as Bardek. This region – a far-flung conglomerate of independent island states – is presented in a way that can only be read as orientalist in flavour. The islands and their people are exoticised, and their cultural and racial differences are consistently emphasised. They are a place of danger partially because they are unknown to the self of the books – the people of Deverry1 – but also because they are home to evil magicians and assassin guilds. The differences in culture, however, are presented as obstacles for the protagonists to overcome as they rescue Rhodry and destroy the evil magician who had him kidnapped in the first place, they are not a source of conflict or a significant issue to be thematically addressed. Inter-cultural conflict stems from contact between humans and elves – the People, Elcyion Lacar or Westfolk as they are variously called. The elves are nomadic horse and sheep herders who inhabit vast grasslands to the west of Deverry – hence the name Westfolk. They – and are the survivors of a great civilisation once located far to the north, seven legendary cities of great beauty destroyed by a race of invaders known as Meradan or the Hordes in early books, and Horsekin or Gel da Thae in later works when more is known about them as they eventually threaten the kingdom of Deverry and the grassland home of the Westfolk. The elves had once held Deverry as well as their current lands, although they had been forced to cede that area to the much more warlike, numerous, and prolific humans, a source of enmity and discontent. A significant portion of the action in early books is driven 1

‗We‘ is explicitly used at various points in the final book, The Silver Mage, to emphasise this point (Kerr, 2009b).

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by cultural tension and even outright warfare as human settlers attempt to take control of elven lands and are repulsed. Rhodry is a key figure throughout the whole series, but as is revealed very early, his fate is closely intertwined with that of elven/human relations. Heir to a major feudal overlordship in Eldidd, the western province of Deverry, his ‗wyrd [fate/destiny] is Eldidd‘s wyrd‘ (Kerr, 1987, p.314). The meaning of this rather cryptic phrase takes some time to be made clear, but it is revealed that far from being the son of the lord he thought was his father, he is actually the progeny of his human mother and a wandering elven bard, one Devaberial Silverhand. These hybrid roots signify that he will be instrumental in uniting Westfolk and humans, and he becomes an influential figure in growing détente as the series develops. The first four books, or ‗Act One‘ as Kerr calls them (Kerr, 1987, 1988a, 1988b, 1990), of the series centres around a dark plot by evil magicians – or dweomermen – apparently to breed civil war in Eldidd. There is, however, a related purpose in their plot for they also hate the Westfolk and want to sow dissension and war between the peoples: ‗He hated them all, men and elves alike [...] slay Rhodry Maelwaedd, and all the vengeance you have ever sought will be yours‘ (Kerr, 1987, p.330). Rhodry survives and eventually inherits his demesne, leading to closer ties between humans and Westfolk. The second ‗Act‘ develops the historical explanation of elven-human enmity by jumping back in time (Kerr, 1991, 1992, 1993, 1994), it also introduces the threat to both societies that provides them with a common purpose and leads to alliances and mutual understanding. The third Act develops the themes of trust and unity, and sees the creation of a truly cosmopolitan kingdom, as will be discussed further below (Kerr, 1997, 1999, 2000, 2006, 2007, 2008; Kerr, 2009b). Although Rhodry‘s hybridity is a key factor in developing not only his desire but his ability to bring about cordial relations between his peoples, his life and those of other parthuman, part-elven characters are almost always very difficult ones because of their hybrid roots. There is a clear statement that interbreeding is not wrong in A Time of Exile. Two masters of dweomer, the magic system that structures the ethical codes of the world, discuss the issue: ―It is a wrong thing for men and elves to mix their blood like this?‘ ‗Not in the least.‖ (Kerr, 1991, p.50). In the same conversation they establish that while hybridity is not wrong, it can be difficult in practice: ‗Rhodry‘s the one who‘s really caught between the two worlds, isn‘t he? It‘s not going to be easy for him , either. I can testify to that, from my own experience‘ (Kerr, 1991, p.50). As a young man Rhodry faces few problems because of his hybrid ancestry, but the Westfolk are – like all elves – very long-lived and as a half breed he ages much more slowly than the fully human people around him. This becomes a significant problem for him because if he fails to age his subjects and peers will realise that he is not human, and is thus not his supposed father‘s son and should not rule his vast domains: ―Once the first whispers go around that you might not be a true-born Maelwaedd, you‘ll have to settle them by the sword, and honour duels have led to wars before, especially with a rich prize like Aberwyn at stake. If you lose the civil war, your enemies will hunt down every child who could even remotely be considered your heir.‖(Kerr, 1991, p.32).

He is forced to fake his own death in a hunting accident and flee human society altogether, leaving his wife and children behind him, and go to his father‘s people on the grasslands. This, however, proves to be no refuge, although they are for the most part

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welcoming. Actions in a past life (the series sees reincarnations of most major characters) mean that a sprite (one of the ‗wild folk‘) attaches itself to him in a predatory way and he must return to the realms of humanity where she will not follow him. His hybridity, does, also helps to protect him against the spells of one of the evil sorcerers who tries to erase his memory: ―I think we can assume that Baruma never knew that Rhodry‘s half-elven.‘ ‗That would make a difference?‘ ‗A very great difference indeed.‖ (Kerr, 1990, p.396). The Silver Mage has a short passage which explicitly questions such issues, and suggests: ‗Could it be that purity was more of a drawback than a boon?‘ (Kerr, 2009b, p.139), further suggesting hybridity or ‗impurity‘ is positive rather than negative despite the cultural difficulties attendant on it. There are several other hybrid figures, and although none of their experiences are as difficult as Rhodry‘s, they rarely lead simple lives. His half-brother, Ebany or Salamander, is a half-human half-elven magician who goes mad for many years because he desserts his elven teacher of magic to live with a human wife and family. The Silver Mage sees him decide to live in the wilderness to study his magic: ―I‘m sick to my heart of playing the fool [...] of travelling through Deverry with my tricks and tales. And yet, I‘ll never feel truly at home in the Westlands, either‖(Kerr, 2009b, p. 314).

Rhodda, Rhodry‘s illegitimate daughter has only one quarter elven blood but is still ‗wild‘ and unconventional for the human world. His legitimate son, Cullyn, suffers from no such ‗wildness‘, and nor is he afflicted with his father‘s extended lifespan. Rather he lives an utterly conventional life for a Deverry lord, and there are a smattering of other hybrids who do the same. These are all, however, incidental to the narrative, suggesting that the difficulties faced by hybrid characters are, at least in part, caused by their knowledge of their own difference. Such knowledge requires adjustment: ‗Devar would need someone to help him come to terms with his mixed heritage of elven blood‘ (Kerr, 2009b, p.313). This suggests a cultural rather than an innate trauma related to hybridity. There are very significant cultural differences between Deverry humans and Westfolk, and these are emphasised at various points as causing tensions. For example, the village and town dwelling Deverrians are suspicious of the Westfolk‘s nomadic ways: ‗Don‘t trust ‗em, I don‘t. They steal, I‘m cursed sure of it, and lie all the time. Can‘t trust people who won‘t stay put in proper villages. Why are they always riding on if they don‘t have somewhat to hide, eh?‘ (Kerr, 1991, p.80). The accusation resonates very clearly with prejudices against travellers and gypsies in western societies in recent centuries. The dislike and lack of understanding goes both ways and languages become markers of difference at certain points. One elf remarks to Aderyn, a human dweomer-man: ‗Most of us here in the East know a bit of the Eldidd tongue at least, but further west the People don‘t care for the barbarous languages‘ (Kerr, 1991, p.102). A short vignette between a Deverry lord searching for an escaped villein and an elf dweomer-woman sheltering him echoes the attitudes of some modern tourists who do not speak the language of the country they are visiting: ‗The lord raised his voice, as if she would understand if only he shouted‘ (Kerr, 1991, p. 96). She speaks his language but is pretending not to in order to throw him off the trail, once he leaves she and her companion laugh at their joke: ‗No speak good. Me simple elf. Hard of hearing too.‘ (Kerr, 1991, p.97).

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Slowly the differences become less of a source of conflict in the narrative, and although this is in part due to increased contact, it is elven culture that undergoes significant changes in order for it to be more comprehensible and compatible with human society. As nomads the Westfolk have little use for formal government. Although their royal line (descended from the last king of one of the lost seven cities) has not failed, its descendants have authority because they are war leaders not princes. Further, unlike in Deverry, their war leaders, or banadars, are not always nobles. Calonderiel, for example, ‗was descended from nobody in particular and related to no one much‘ and ‗as Deverry men reckoned such things his claim to power rested on oddly weak foundations‘ (Kerr, 1992, p.221), that is, merit. The only occasion when noble ancestors matter in the first six books is when the elves seek to make a treaty with the Deverrian lords to prevent further incursions into their territory. Later in the series the then prince, Daralanteriel is increasingly foregrounded over the non-noble Calonderiel because of contact with the Deverrians who hold nobility in such high esteem. In the thirteenth book, The Spirit Stone, he enters into the Deverrian system by taking some of its lords who live close to the border as his vassals (Kerr, 2007). The feudal arrangement is unlike anything that the Westfolk have had since they dwelt on the grasslands, and, further creates a hybrid realm of humans and elves. It also requires him to abandon his completely nomadic lifestyle: ‗I‘m thinking that I need to build a winter residence up north. Not exactly a palace, though I suppose it amounts to one‘ (Kerr, 2008, p.58). There is a sense of loss related to such changes, particularly in the later books when they seem to be irrevocable and continuing. This is a multifaceted issue in terms of identity and cultural engagement. On one hand the increasingly feudal structure of Westfolk life on the grasslands and the construction of their town result forom an influx of new inhabitants descended from a different group of refugees from the fallen seven cities: ‗When Gavantar comes back from the Southern Isles he‘ll bring new settlers with him, and they know all about building towns‘ (Kerr, 2008, p.58). They had reached the southern isles beyond Bardek and had retained a lifestyle that was much more urban and closer to what life had been in the cities than the nomads of the plains, who were mostly descended from inhabitants of rural areas anyway. On the other hand, there were tendencies towards a stronger feudal system – or at least the semblance of it – long before contact was made with these lost kindred, and this resulted directly from contact with Deverry society. By the end of the series the elven prince, Daralanterial, has a realm that for the first time since the loss of the seven cities has a capital. Further, he is overlord to a number of human lords and has thus entered into the rigid feudal structure of Deverry. While this may seem as though Westfolk culture is being subsumed into human, it places him on an equal footing with the Deverrian king and protects against the kind of conflicts that occurred in earlier books. Further, it creates a genuinely cosmopolitan realm: the humans retain their way of life in their forts, some of the elves (who wish to) remain nomadic, and others live urban lives. This cosmopolitanism offers hope to the elves, who are presented at the beginning of series as a race threatened with extinction. The revitalisation of elven culture is the result of cultural change which is itself partially the result of contact – more or less friendly – with Deverry, partially the result of regaining lost history and ways of life, and partially the result of magical intervention (the details of which are not relevant to this argument and would take some time to explain). Kerr‘s work acknowledges that no society or culture remains static – even the rigidly feudal Deverry changes – and suggests that intercultural contact is one way that this comes about. Ultimately,

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the Deverry series presents a fantastic but nonetheless practical image of cosmopolitanism by recognising some of the complexities of cultural engagement. There are indications of increasing cordiality in Westfolk/human relations as the series develops. There is, however, no alliance, genuine trust, or sense of real cosmopolitanism until a mutual purpose can be actively identified in the form of a common enemy: the Hordes who had driven the elves from their cities long ago, also known as the Horsekin. Their incursions result in not just an alliance between Westfolk and Deverrian humans, dwarfs and other humans also join, as do outcasts from the Gel da Thae, the urban dwelling branch of the Horsekin race. As in The Lord of the Rings, a common threat encourages individuals and societies to focus on what they have in common rather than histories of mistrust or cultural or racial differences. By the end of the last book Prince Daralanterial of the Westfolk rules a kingdom revitalised by its hybridity resulting from this mutual purpose of defence against invaders, but Kerr also challenges the racial underpinnings of cultural difference in her world. Each of her species is described as ‗children‘ of one of the five elements: fire for the Horsekin and Gel da Thae, air for elves, earth for dwarves, aethyr for humans, water for shape-changing Dwrgwn who play a relatively minor part in the series. One of the characters muses on these relationships: ―Fire begat Air, and Water, Earth, with Earth and Air being mixed or impure forms. So did that mean that the Westfolk and Mountain Folk were impure people somehow? They both lived far longer than the Horsekin or, he suspected, the Dwrgwn, who were in theory at least pure people. Could it be that purity was more a drawback than a boon? Deverry folk, the Children of Aethyr, lived lives as short as those of the Horsekin‖(Kerr, 2009b, p.139).

The passage clearly valorises hybridity, albeit at a different level to that of half-breeds like Rhodry and Salamander. Kerr further addresses questions of racial/species difference by stating that all the elements are related. A mysterious magic staff, the origins of which are never explained, is carved with the runes symbolising all the elements and their children, followed by ‗five elements, all kin, one soul‘ (Kerr, 2009b). By doing this Kerr is able to include no only the allies, but also the less friendly Dwrgwn, and their outright enemies the Horsekin, in her vision of connectedness and commonality. Although like many fantasy works Kerr‘s epic Deverry series is Eurocentric in that its peoples are almost exclusively white – even the Horsekin – and because of its cultural references, it engages with moral and practical issues of cosmopolitanism. It valorises difference but simultaneously advocates recognition of universals as the key to positive cultural engagements. The development of an inter-species/inter-cultural history allows exploration of social change and its effects on such interactions.

CONCLUSION What lessons are offered by these works of fantasy fiction? There are clear and significant similarities between the two as bothThe series advocates unity among diversity as a source of strength in the face of a common enemy, and also suggests that cultures develop and are revitalised through encounters with difference. Cosmopolitan ideologies can be

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discerned in Kerr‘s works and in this she is representative of many other popular writers of the fantasy genre, for example, David Eddings, Raymond E. Feist, and Guy Gavriel Kay. One point that can be made is that all these normalise Europeanness as the Self. Western European legendary and historical models – for example feudalism, weaponry, and even geography – structure the major cultures on the side of ‗good‘ in all of these works, as Kim also notes of The Lord of the Rings films(Kim, 2004). For Tolkien it was the medieval literature of England and Scandinavia that supplied much material, while Kerr looked to a more Celtic source: ‗the postulate is that a Gaulish tribe migrates to some new world ... and there begins to develop along new lines in response to new conditions, but free of all Christian influence and most Roman ones‘ (Kerr, 2009a, n.p.). Dependence on such cultural references leaves them open to charges of Eurocentrism. As this chapter shows, however, such works can engage with issues of race, culture and diversity by offering positive models of engagement in which difference of race and culture do not prevent recognition and valorisation of, and commitment to, universals. Indeed, by presenting an essentially western European as dependent for survival on alliances with other races such works speak directly to readers who are not members of minorities. Universals are an essential part of cosmopolitan education, as Martha Nussbaum argues: ‗world citizenship, rather than democratic or national citizenship, [should be] the focus for civic education‘ (Nussbaum, 1994, n.p.). Kerr‘s works advocate unity, that is, emphasising common ground over differences amongst diverse races/species and cultures. As a result they provide positive models, education for the reader in caring not just for those around them, but for all people – even those of a different species. Historical enmities are a barrier to cosmopolitanism in the modern world (Papastephanou, 2002), and Kerr engages with such issues. Although the ‗world-risk‘ situations she offers are fantastical, they have a strong degree of applicability and resonate with major social changes in the world today. There has been, Fine argues, a ‗proliferation of global risks‘ such as climate change, terrorism, and nuclear (dis)armament necessitating a cosmopolitan approach (Fine, 2007, p.5). By emphasising a need as well as a desire for cosmopolitanism Kerr‘s novels point to real world situations and prioritise overcoming enmity based on real or perceived historical wrongs. Their world is not this world, but they nonetheless have positive lessons for it. Cosmopolitan literature is not just that which represents the diversity of society by giving voices to minorities and those who are conventionally excluded; it is also that which fosters mutual toleration, encourages recognition of commonalities, while simultaneously valorising and affirming difference. As this chapter shows, modern fantasy fiction which is often written with the voice of a westernised majority culture can nonetheless engage very closely with issues of diversity by providing positive models of intercultural engagement, mutual trust and support, and cosmopolitan societies. By raising and exploring such issues in an immensely popular genre, works such as Kerr‘s contribute to education for and in a cosmopolitan world in two ways: as part of popular pedagogical techniques within institutional settings, and by transmitting social norms.

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REFERENCES Appiah, K. A. (2001). Cosmopolitan Reading. In V. Dharwadker (Ed.), Cosmopolitan geographies: new location in literature and culture (pp.197-228). London: Routledge. Beck, U. (2000). What is Globalization? Malden, MA: Polity Press. Bieger, E. M. (1995). Promoting multicultural education through a literature-based approach. The Reading Teacher, 49/4, 308-312. Bigler, E., & Collins, J. (1996). Dangerous discourses: the politics of multicultural literature in community and classroom. National Research Center on Literature Teaching and Learning, 7/4, 1-32. Chappell, S. (2009). Contemporary Werewolf Schemata: Shifting Representations of Racial and Ethnic difference. International Research in Children's Literature, 2, 21-35. Chism, C. (2007). Racism, charges of. In M. D. C. Drout (Ed.), J. R. R. Tolkien Encyclopedia: scholarship and critical assessment (pp. 558). London: Routledge. Erikson, F. (2009). Culture in society and educational practices. In J. A. Banks & C. A. M. Banks (Eds.), Multicultural education: issues and practices (pp. 33-58): John Wiley and Sons. Fine, R. (2007). Cosmopolitanism. London: Routledge. Giroux, H. (1993). Living Dangerously: multiculturalism and the politics of difference. New York: Peter Lang. Glazier, J., & Seo, J.-A. (2005). Multicultural literature and discussion and mirror and window? Journal of Adolescent and Adult Literacy, 48/8, 688-700. Kerr, K. (1987). Daggerspell. London: Grafton Books. Kerr, K. (1988a). Darkspell. London: HarperCollins. Kerr, K. (1988b). Dawnspell. London: HarperCollins. Kerr, K. (1990). Dragonspell. London: HarperCollins. Kerr, K. (1991). A Time of Exile. London: HarperCollins. Kerr, K. (1992). A Time of Omens. London: HarperCollins. Kerr, K. (1993). A Time of War. London: HarperCollins. Kerr, K. (1994). A Time of Justice. Lndon: HarperCollins. Kerr, K. (1997). The Red Wyvern. London: HarperCollins. Kerr, K. (1999). The Black Raven. London: HarperCollins. Kerr, K. (2000). The Fire Dragon. London: HarperCollins. Kerr, K. (2006). The Gold Falcon. London: HarperCollins. Kerr, K. (2007). The Spirit Stone. London: HarperCollins. Kerr, K. (2008). The Shadow Isle. London: HarperCollins. Kerr, K. (2009a). Notes for students: more about Deverry Retrieved 30th November, 2009, from http://www.deverry.com/student.html#deverry Kerr, K. (2009b). The Silver Mage. London: HarperCollins. Kidd, D. (2007). Harry Potter and the Function of Popular Culture. The Journal of Popular Culture, 40/1, 69-89. Kim, S. (2004). Beyond Black and White: race and postmodernism in The Lord of the Rings Films. Modern Fiction Studies, 50/4, 877-907. King, C. R. (2008). Nurturing Racism: taking race and Kids (popular) culture seriously. Cultural studies, critical methodologies, 9/2, 137-140.

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Kirkland, E. (2005). The Caucasian Persuasion of Buffy the Vampire Slayer. Slayage: the Online Journal of Buffy Studies, 17, n.p. Lamont, M., & Aksartoiva, S. (2002). Ordinary Cosmopolitanisms: strategies for bridging racial boundaries among working class men. Theory, Culture, Society, 19/4, 1-25. Leonard, E. A. (1997). 'Into Darkness Peering - Race and Color in the Fantastic. In E. A. Leonard (Ed.), Into Darkness Peering: race and color in the fantastic (pp. 1-12). Westport, CT: Greenwood. Mar, R. A., & Oatley, K. (2008). The Function of Fixtion is the Abstraction and Simulation of Social Experience. Perspectives on Psychological Science, 173(3), 173-221. McCarthy, C., Giardina, M. D., Harewood, S. J., & Park, J.-K. (2003). Contesting Culture: Identity and Curriculum Dilemmas in the Age of Globalization, Postcolonialism, and Multiplicity. Harvard Education Review, 73/3, 449-465. Morrell, E. (2002). Toward a critical pedagogy of popular culture: literacy development among urban young. Journal of Adolescent and Adult Literacy, 46/1, 72-. Nowicka, M., & Ravisco, M. (2009). Making sense of cosmopolitanism. In M. Nowicka & M. Ravisco (Eds.), Cosmopolitanism in Practice (pp. 1-18). Aldershot: Ashgate. Nussbaum, M. (1994). Patriotism and Cosmopolitanism. Boston Review, 19Oct,/Nov. Papastephanou, M. (2002). Arrows not yet fired: cultivating cosmopolitanism through education. Journal of Philosophy of Education, 36/1, 69-86. Selling, K. (2008). Why are Critics Afraid of Dragons?: Understanding Genre Fantasy. Saarbrucken: Verlag Dr. Muller. Spraque, M. M., & Risher, L. (2002). Using Fantasy Literature to Explore Gender Issues. ALAN Review, 29/2, 39-42. Stallworth, B. J., Gibbons, L., & Fauber, L. (2005). It's not on the list: an exploration of teachers' perspectives on using multicultural literature. Journal of Adolescent and Adult Literacy, 48/8, 478-482. Swinfen, A. (1984). In Defence of Fantasy: a study of the genre in English and American literature since 1945. Londond: Routledge. Thrall, J. H. (2009). Postcolonial Science Fiction?: Science, Religion and the Transformation of Genre in Amitav Ghosh's The Calcutta Chromosome. Literature and Theology, 23, 289-302. Westfahl, G. (1997). 'You don't know what you are talking about': Robert A. Heinlein and the Racism of American Science Fiction. In E. A. Leonard (Ed.), Into Darkness Peering: Race and Color in the Fantastic (pp. 71-84). Westport: Greenwood. Yamazaki, A. (2008). Otherness Through Elves: Into Elfland and Beyond. Children's Literature in English, 39/4, 305-313.

In: Education without Borders Editor: Loshini Naidoo

ISBN 978-1-62728-613-1 © 2010 Nova Science Publishers, Inc.

Chapter11

(RE)-ESTABLISHING CHILDREN’S IDENTITIES THROUGH CRITICAL PLACE-BASED PEDAGOGY AND COSMOPOLITAN LEARNING Annette Sartor University of Sydney, NSW, Australia

ABSTRACT ‗Identity in place‘ by children has been explored by examining how underpinnings of place shape meaning making and identity construction, and how educational practices can allow for the re-construction of identities. Using a critical place-based pedagogy and cosmopolitan learning, children are given the skills and agency to question and ultimately reshape their position in relation to place and the global context. Developmentally appropriate critical thinking skills range from: encouraging the establishment of reflective practice, to the development of ethical understandings such as ‗epistemic virtues‘, and an awareness and recognition of one‘s situatedness (and the situatedness of others) in the world. Perspective taking and skills of empowerment may be instilled by teachers who are able to deconstruct their own identities and assumptions within their places of work. Teacher training can be adapted to include critical inquiry and understandings of spatialized critical theory so that pedagogical practices may be situated in place. For teachers and students to be reflexive, place-based and cosmopolitan learners, they need to engage in experiences and discourse that enables them to develop new ways of seeing.

PLACE AND IDENTITY The term ‗place pedagogy‘ has gained momentum since interest developed into how a sense of place influences learning. ‗Place‘ itself is a complex concept, having different interpretations depending on the research platform from which it is approached.Within the scope of this chapter, the concept of place refers to a location, which has material form and in

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which there are meaningful experiences for the individual (Gieryn, 2000).The meanings a setting holds are determined by the depth and length of experiences (Stedman, 2002) and associated emotions and thoughts (Tuan 1980).Thus a ‗sense of place‘ can be defined as a way of thinking of and relating to place that is developed by experiences with the physical, socio-cultural aspects of place (Sanger, 1997). The assumption that place is an area of great significance to the individual (Proshanky, Fabian & Kaminoff, 1983) is an important component of how one establishes ‗identityin [relation to] place‘. Identity can also be collective focusing on relations between other members of place (Dixon & Durrheim, 2000). People actively use place based meanings to regulate their sense of self (Korpela, 1989)while simultaneously using such meanings to bind to place and existent socio-cultural influences. The role of the self as both an individual and as part of a collective has become an important part of the discussion about place (Sack, 1992) and reflects that complexity of the interrelations existing within a particular locality.That is, the psychological and sociological processes of individuals are embedded in and are inseparable from their ‗place‘ contexts, and these processes are dependent on personal characteristics such as age (Hay, 1998), ethnicity, (Mazumdar, Mazumdar, Docuyanan, & McClaughlin, 2000) and gender (Massey, 1994) just to name a few. The development of practices that promote or utilize ‗identity in place‘ are essential for engaging people in their local communities. This includes how children come to learn about and comprehend their surroundings including how they contribute to place. Development throughout the lifespan involves significant identity milestones that are moderated by sociospatial influences such as the home (Abrams, Sparkes & Hogg, 1985), the school (Marsh, H.,1987), the neighbourhood (Woolley & Johns, 2001) and the greater community (AbbottChapman & Robertson, 2001). In this definition, a significant place may extend past the home or dwelling to the neighbourhood and community.The description of place in relation to dwelling requires an exposition of the meaning ofdwelling as used in this context.Heidegger‘s work (1971) describes dwelling as a way of being-in-the-world that spans across different settings.In considering a way of being for children and adolescents it is important to identify aspects of their everyday life that structure and influence ways of being. For Australian children, everyday experiences involve those associated with the home and family, the school and schooling, IT environments, the neighbourhood – community and physical spaces, and the greater local area, depending in the extent of their out-of-school pursuits, whether they are recreational, social or employment related (see Bowes & Hayes, 1999). Within place, a person‘s needs and wants may be satisfied to varying degrees resulting in positive and negative experiences that pave the way for particular values and beliefs. Although experiences can occur at various contextual levels, Proshanky et al.,(1983) suggest that day-to-day existence most shapes identity formation because they have the greatest personal significance. Day-to-day experiences include those of schooling. A child‘s identity is greatly affected by schooling, especially in early schooling when a child is less discerning and more influenced by the range of experiences encountered. Counter to this is the idea that children bring identities which have already being created in other contexts into the school situation (Ellis, 2005). Identities are those within their immediate and extended family, in relation to gender, in relation to age, in relation to abilities (e.g. ‗sporty‘, good at maths), in relation to peers, in relation to ethnicity and religious beliefs, in relation to class, in relation to

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where the live in a suburb/town, in relation to where they have lived before and so on. It is evident that the sense of self of a child is complex and will influence their ways-of-being within a place. It is also dynamic and changes as the child gets older. The meanings constructed in relation to the context lay the foundation for the development of varying personal and social identities however, the process of identity development is influenced by age and context. Children younger than 10 years old were found to have difficulty in understanding spatial inclusion, such as the ability to identify with and belong to localities of different scale - the local area and the region (Piaget & Weil, 1951) or the relationship between their region and their country (Barrett, 1996). ‗Identity in place‘ was initially found to decrease in early adolescence as individuals shift from the primary school setting and the immediate familiar local area, into a larger school environment often outside their local area. Changing frames of social reference in the high school setting leads to identity confusion and exploration (Simmons & Blyth, 1987; Marsh, H., 1989; Bornholt, 2000). The content of school curriculum requires adolescents to leave behind studies pertaining to the local area and embrace new curricula that relate to expanded localities such as Australia‘s place in the Asia Pacific Region (Board of Studies, 2009) which have consequences on considerations of a national and/or regional identity (Barrett, Wilson, & Lyons, 1999). For those Australian children brought up in a context that traverses ‗place‘, identities relating to place become interwoven and multifaceted. This is due a range of factors relating to globalization, information technology and changing notions of childhood. There is an increasing awareness of cultural hybridity amongst children. The expanded production of symbolic images, information, ideas and values via mass media (e.g. TV, cinema, the internet) inform notions of ―the self‖ in children. According to Prout (2005) these factors result in the homogenization and a differentiation of cultural ways of being having paradoxical effects: where homogenization results in the same beliefs and values, and differentiation expands the possibility of what an individual in any locality might choose to accept and engage with, in the production of their local meanings. Whatever the scope of place we are reminded that ―place relationships enable people to define themselves and to share experiences with others‖ (Crang, 1998, p. 103). Schools as places provide for these relationships but also bring together individuals from different places, with a cache of different experiences and different understandings.Agbenyega (2008) in his discussion of the role of a researcher, describes the importance of a place reference for each individual. ―Studying students‘ experiences without reference to the places that shape their experiences and identities detaches the researched from its context and obscures positive meaning making‖ (p. 54). So too, educators have a responsibility to provide opportunities for all students with multiple identities and subjectivities within their ‗place‘ to engage in classroom activities and learn.Opportunities may relate to students‘ values, interests, behaviours and perceptions, understandings and symbols, and a variety of ‗positions‘ in relation to gender, sexuality, class, ethnicity, ability, disability and generation, and intersections of each. Such reference points in relation to experiences of place may be addressed and catered for by the educational concept known as ‗place pedagogy‘.

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PLACE PEDAGOGY The concept of place pedagogy has grown in popularity from a backlash to the widening disjuncture between standardized curriculum and its associated pedagogical practices, and children‘s learning based on lived experiences (Smith, 2002).Rather than school practices providing mediated experiences of the world, place pedagogy has been espoused to engage children in direct everyday experiences that allow them to connect with ‗concrete‘ elements of their own lives within their own communities and regions. Smith outlines several keys areas that are essential for effective place-based education programs – the inclusion of cultural and nature studies, real-world problem solving embedded in the localé and opportunities for the development of citizenship.A deep awareness of the local gives people the capacity and confidence to shape their own lives and ultimately the lives of future generations. Place pedagogy provides a framework for opportunities for children to merge their identities at school with their identities out of school.This allows children as situated beings who socially construct knowledge to develop as confident and independent learners and thinkers (Dewey, 1938) rather than learners who are constantly out of sync with learning worlds constricted by far away curriculum planners and/or practitioners who come from another place.When curriculum is in sync with the lives of the learners, school life will be more integrated with out-of-school allowing children to be more engaged in learning.Student knowledge becomes valued due to their individual connections with community, and a variety of ways of being are brought to the classroom based on their own lived experiences.Rather than focusing on rationalized ways of being (through standardized curriculum) they are examining, appreciating and internalizing the diversity, values and experience of others - of each other. "[P]lace ... [is ]... where one knows others and is known to others" (Relph, 2000, p.27). Typically place pedagogies include teaching approaches and content which specifically focus on aspects of place, such as, literature studies, creative writing, local environmental studies, artistic pursuits (sculpture, local theatre), website design, photo journalism, historical research, and the examination of local artefacts, symbols and places of interest, just to name a few. By allowing students to attend to interests by studying various elements of place, children will be engaged more with their localé and will gain a greater awareness and a greater voice in the spatial politics of their place (Ball & Lai, 2006). Place-based education holds the potential to resituate learning within the context of communities (Smith, 2002). Although this approach has been criticized as leading to parochialism, it is important to keep in mind the context of place education.A place that is multifaceted in terms of diversity (eg cultural, class, gender, age) provides opportunity for place educators to instil values and encourage behaviours in students that strengthen connections to all others.Although diversity appears to celebrate difference and community appears to celebrate commonality, they need not be at odds with each other (Theobald & Sisker, 2008). Place education provides opportunities for developing collaborative skills, valuing others, contributing to the whole, learning how to challenge inequities and to solve the problems inequities cause.Smith (2002) views this approach to education as one which has a transformational agenda – transforming existing notions of place and place structures – transforming these notions by those who are developing within it. Gaining the capacity to

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shape or change one‘s life direction while at the same time learning citizenship and essentially world values, allows children to transform place.

CRITICAL PLACE PEDAGOGIES The capacity to shape or change one‘s life direction is the reason for promoting a critical pedagogy of place. Critical pedagogies aim to deepen the experience of place based learning by addressing ―social justice, equity, and transformative and ethical practices‖ (Gannon, 2009, p. 610) through embodied experiences, and by identifying and addressing subjectivities that influence ways of being-in-the-world (Davies & Gannon, 2005). Place is a complex concept referring to both an ‗objective location and subjective meanings attached to it‘ (Cloke, Crang & Goodwin, 2005 p. 490). Subjectivities arise from the situated positions that members of place find themselves. The ability to shape or change one‘s life direction cannot be realized if subjectivities are not identified. Hence, a critical approach is required in place pedagogy. Schools as places are influenced by underlying economic, political and social forces (Aitken, 1994). These ‗place factors‘ often shape children‘s lives in ways that are out of their control regardless of their own abilities and agency (James, Jenks & Prout, 1998). In using an approach that acknowledges the ‗identity in place‘ of an individual, contributions can be made to a student‘s sense of self and the capacity to transform their position in place. Schools that are transformative provide critical pedagogy. Students who learn to be critical are able to reflect and act upon changing forces influencing themselves and members of place. They learn to be critical thinkers who can deconstruct their meaning making in relation to various aspects of place, and as well are ‗good citizens‘ - not the type of citizens that espouse patriotism and nationalism - but those having an individual or collective capacity to demonstrate a responsibility to society. Critical pedagogies have been discussed in various ways.In instilling a critical approach Giroux‘s border pedagogies (Giroux, 1991) allow for the shifting of borders by breaking down structures of power in its many forms which undermine some members of place. Border pedagogy provides opportunity for children to develop a critical approach to deconstruct their meaning making in their place- including their school place. It encourages students to both confirm and critically analyze the knowledge and experience through which they construct their social identities- individual and collective. A more relevant critical pedagogy is a critical pedagogy of place (Gruenewald, 2003). Unlike critical pedagogy Gruenewald‘s ‗critical place-based pedagogy‘ situates questions of ―sociocultural difference and politics‖ in place and advocates that critical pedagogy is ―central to the notion of connecting people to place‖ Gruenewald (2003, p.7).This is necessary if we consider that people and their ways of being are situational and that they ―find themselves rooted in temporal-spatial conditions which mark them and which they also mark‖ (Freire,1970/1995, p.90). This notion has been addressed within spatialized critical social theory (e.g., Harvey, 1996; Haymes 1995; Massey, 1994 & Soja, 1989) which recognizes how inequities relating to dominance and distinct groups are entrenched in place. A critical pedagogy of place and its associated forms allows for the study of how place fits into a world scale and how global forces effect the local including the sociological and the

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ecological.Somerville (2010 p.331) describes the study of place ―as a bridge between the local and the global [and that] without an intimate knowledge of local places there is no beginning point [and] action is not possible‖.As such, Somerville advocates the importance of studying local environmental issues in relation to ‗global contemporaneity‘, as the politics of local areas that are attuned with (and influence) the local inhabitants are connected to global trends. Thus, teachers using a critical placed-based pedagogy would encourage students to understand and engage in local issues while simultaneously engaging in discussion of the impact of global forces. In exposing students to the complex interactions of global influences on their daily lives and ways of being, any critical place pedagogies would need to be ―practiced in ways that are sensitive to cultural differences among individuals and groups who [originate] there‖ (Ball & Lai, 2006 p.271). The potential for critical place-based pedagogy to provide education so that students may discuss, debate and compete in a global context is liberating if one considers that current educational practices advocate the standardization of education to ―standardize the experience of students from diverse geographical and cultural places so that they may compete in the global economy‖ (Gruenewald, 2003 p.7). What critical place-based pedagogy offers is not just content that expands students‘ knowledge of their world whether it be at a local or global scale, but the processes and skills by which students can think critically and engage in social transformation at a local level and at a global level. Critical placed-based pedagogy has similarities with the concept of cosmopolitanism.According to Nussbaum (1996) ‗cosmopolitan‘ stands for citizens of the world – those who could think beyond their own parochial boundaries and borders to consider what factors impact on humankind.Like cosmopolitanism, critical place-based pedagogy instills a sense of seeking out deficits in imbedded cultural and political assumptions that undermine members of place. Both ideologies encourage an appreciation of difference and indeed ―a genuine belief in a common humanity that transcend[s] differences in cultural traditions and political configurations‖ (Rivzi, 2009, p.254-5). Students learn not only how to accept difference and value diversity but to recognize sameness in values and in this way explore the intersubjectivities that inform their own positions and the positions of others in their place. They learn how to avoid the hidden dangers of uncompromising notions of identity which trap individuals within positions in society.

CRITICAL PLACE-BASED EDUCATION AND COSMOPOLITAN LEARNING Using a critical pedagogy of place to explore interrelatedness in the world overlies the objectives of ‗cosmopolitan education‘ (Nussbaum, 1994).Cosmopolitan education or cosmopolitan learning espouses an educational agenda that will result in ‗world thinking‘ where institutions and their practices aim to shape attitudes linking to actions that have a common end. Rizvi (2009) discusses the importance of developing ‗epistemic virtues‘ to understand ―local issues …. within the broader context of the global shifts that are reshaping the ways in which localities, and even social identities are now becoming re-constituted‖ (p.254). In understanding the notion of cosmopolitanism and possessing epistemic virtues, it

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is possible that students from varying places (with varying positions) can work together based on the recognition of the existence of one humankind, and that all of the world‘s problems are interconnected and require a global solution (Appiah, 2006). No locality or community remains unaffected by global processes. Information technology, transnationalism, global economic processes, inexpensive travel, international work, and social networking, all impact in some way on to the subjectivities of people and hence the ongoing need for a critical approach which addresses the situatedness of people, communities and nations (Appiah, 2006). Situatedness and diversity can be appreciated and engaged with, by using a dynamic approach which acknowledges the limitations of any one culture, individual or collective identity (Hall, Vertovec, & Cohen, 2002) and by understanding that all experiences include a ―complex connectivity‖ (Tomlinson, 2000 p.2) which needs to be considered. Limited spatial awareness in children is a consideration in the discussion of cosmopolitan learning and global contexts. Studies have shown that an awareness of identity in relation to context was limited by a lack of understanding of the spatial context in which identity is being measured (Gauvain, 1993). Lack of understanding of spatial context can be theorized in two ways.A constructivist approach argues that the stage of development of cognitive structures influences the capacity for spatial representation (Piaget & Inhelder, 1967) while the incrementalist approach argues that children‘s ability to comprehend spatial representations develops with experience (Matthews, 1985).‗In other words, as the child‘s experiential world expands, so does his comprehension of spatial relationships‘ (p.55).Using either approach, it is unlikely young children‘s understanding of the global context will be well developed (due to developmental or experiential limitations). Therefore, the idea of having a global identity or capacity to appreciate the relationship between the local and the global will also be limited. However, this does not mean that the development of epistemic virtues (Rizvi, 2009) and working for ‗the common good‘ (Ball & Lai, 2006) cannot be instilled in children. Indeed, the term ‗epistemic virtue‘ highlights the open-ended, critical and tentative nature involved in establishing values that are transcultural, which can be used to examine local problems within global processes (Rizvi, 2009 p.265). Interrogations involving epistemic virtues may result alternative solutions.Such interrogations can be implemented in a school setting through formal and informal networks which bring together diverse groups of students with the objective of encouraging them to think outside their own ‗sense of place‘. Networks may occur between places or within place. Spaces can be provided for explorations of interconnectivities and contested stories (Pratt, 1999; Somerville & Perkins, 2003). The ‗contact zone‘ (Pratt, 1999) is described by Somerville (2010) a space for contradictory stories to move within, ‗between, and across boundaries‘ (p.339) opening up possibilities for cultural transformation. Contact zones can occur within place pedagogies such as story writing, debate, artworks, theatre etc. By learning about the ‗other‘ within place, students can challenge assumptions about ways of being. This can only be achieved if pedagogical practices encourage students to come to terms with their situatedness within their place and the situatedness of ‗the other‘.By learning about their own ways of understanding in relation to other ways, their own and other cultural practices, their own position in relation to the social and the political- both at a local and global level, they are learning about being in place, global connectivity and becoming cosmopolitan.

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Current pedagogical practices focus on the importance of multiculturalism without providing opportunities for critical understandings of new global exchanges. It is important to critically explore issues which are invariably local and then explore the same issues in relation to the global context and with a global understanding. Using critical place-based pedagogy and cosmopolitan learning, opportunities will be provided for students to learn about their own identities in a myriad of ways.Both provide new ways of learning about oneself, others and other cultures. This is achieved through the development of critical thinking skills that examine the way we construct knowledge about others and use it to interact with them. ―It suggests that learning about others requires learning about ourselves [and] underscores the importance of understanding others both in their terms as well as ours, as a way of comprehending how both our representations are socially constituted‖ (Rizvi, 2009, p.266).

CRITICAL THINKING, IDENTITY CONSTRUCTION AND CHILD DEVELOPMENT It is necessary to consider critical place-based learning and cosmopolitan learning from a developmental perspective. A number of factors impact on children‘s capacity to engage in critical place-based and cosmopolitan learning, and the transformational process. Primarily, curriculum and associated pedagogical practices must be developmentally appropriate, however, unlike other traditional subjects where there is an emergence of a sequence of skills that build on each other and in relation to developmental stage, the development of critical thinking is not strongly age related (Kuhn, 1999). Most educators argue for the teaching of critical thinking within the context of a particular topic (Perkins & Salomon, 1989) as children cannot learn about thinking unless they have something to think about (Brown, 1997).Engaging children in learning about their place (in its many forms) is not only relevant, familiar and meaningful, it allows children ongoing and frequent opportunities to reflect on their learning. Children will be more motivated if they value place, however, critical engagement is difficult in childhood if one considers the process of knowledge acquisition by children in place. Tied to self beliefs about aspects of place and positioning in place, are the collective beliefs and values that represent how situated practices are preferred and understood by members of a community. These are appropriated by the children of place to define and shape their behaviour (Resnick & Nelson-LeGall, 1997). In trying to connect children to place with a view to becoming agents of transformation critical educators may come up against resistance.For particular socioeconomic or sociopolitical reasons, educators‘ motives and objectives may not be perceived in the way they were intended or may not be in line with the motivations of the individual child to succeed. For example, focusing on place can be provocative if students are reminded of their ―thegeography of difference‖ (Harvey, 1996) such as living in an area characterized by socioeconomic disadvantage. Allowing children to explore and challenge their own situationality will only be effective if they are given the skills to become agents of change (Gruenewald, 2003).

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With this in mind discussion then needs to rest on how to encourage children to be critical thinkers. Derman-Sparks and Ramsey (2006) emphasise the importance of developing authentic identities. By nurturing a sense of competency in terms of what children can do and what they can contribute to a group, children are encouraged to explore their own multifaceted roles and multiple identities as well as their specific skills and interests. When children and young people have a strong sense of themselves they are more likely to engage in critical thinking. They are more likely to engage in perspective taking: to recognize and understand their own position, see their world as a shared place, and move from asking questions to solving problems. For curriculum developers the question arises as to what type of content will promote critical thinking. Theobald (1997) discusses the importance of not prescribing place-based content, but developing it from a grass roots level gleaned from concern for place with opportunities for individual and collective interests to be realized (Ball & Lai, 2000). This allows for opportunities to extend place-based content in line with the ‗readiness‘ the child to engage in critical thinking. Traditional critical pedagogy of place (Hutchinson, 2004) includes key elements that are tied in with: disciplinary requirements (geography syllabus), student centred pedagogy (inquiry based learning), spatial cognition (developing spatial ability), social and community studies (local community) and global education (global studies)– all of which have relevance to place based and cosmopolitan education.What is glaringly absent is a focus on the student as an agent of change and social actor either as an individual or in relation to a collective. Surely the emphasis on the development of a sense of self in relation to a sense of place (Malpas, 1999) is paramount as students grapple with notions of their own intersubjectivities: how these are formed, and how they can be critiqued and transformed. By being empowered through a strong sense of their own self, the learner is able to stand aside from an experience and closely examine the thinking at various stages.The powerful tool of reflection enables the learner to identify anomalies in their own experiences that are hidden and often confront their own explicit value system.These critical thinking skills known as ‗thinking about thinking‘ or metacognition, result in a greater likelihood of the student making changes in the way he or she approaches learning and meaning making in a setting.Reflection can be built into programs as a necessary element.It allows for self scrutiny that forces the student to examine their own discourse, values, attitudes and feelings (Wiggins, 1989) in relation to others.In this way it forces the learner to be reflexive (Beck, 2000), to develop an awareness of their own perspective and how it is open to influence and transformation when it engages with other ‗communities of knowing‘. Reflexive individuals are self critiquing with the ability to challenges their own assumptions about what is ‗normal‘ in terms of place and see other people‘s point of view.Primary school aged children are able utilize the skills of reflection and reflexivity through critical engagement with ―What If…?‘ questions (Derman-Sparks & Ramsey, 2006). In discussing the merits of children developing critical thinking skills and an enlightened appreciation of the true meaning of ‗otherness‘, it is appropriate to include Popkewitz‘s (2008) views on the critical and cosmopolitan child as ‗unfinished cosmopolitan‘: as a lifelong learner who continuously responds to changes in place (the local and the global), and engages in the social construction and reconstruction of knowledge depending on the participation context in which the lifelong learner is found. This participation structure allows for fluid identities to be utilized as the child as part of a community of learners, constructs

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knowledge ―through discursive processes and negotiation of meaning carried out in accordance with the norms of the group‖ (Nelson, Warfield & Wood, 2001, p.6).This results in a ―classroom in which differences are valued, in which students learn to care about and respect one another, and in which commitments to a just and democratic society are embodied and learned‖ (Ball, 2001, p.13).

CRITICAL TEACHER TRAINING Curriculum geared toward critical education whether it be place related (Gruenewald, 2003) or involving border pedagogy (Giroux, 1988) can lead to deeper understanding of interconnectivity and expand the possibilities of learning for teachers as well as students. Teacher identities in relation to place have been under explored. Just as Ellis (2005) argues for the importance of studying students‘ experiences with reference to their place, there is fledgling movement towards exploring teacher‘s identities with regards to place (ElbrazLuwisch, 2004: McConaghy, 2006 ). In exploring teachers‘ identities it is important to consider the range of identities that inform pedagogical practices. Teachers are not place-less. They have grown in place, where they have developed their own ―social, political, and cultural boundaries that are both multiple and historical in nature [which inform] particular demands on the recognition and pedagogical appropriation of differences‖ (Giroux, 1991, p.77). In order to achieve an introspective approach in dealing with the range of subjectivities present in the curriculum, classroom and schooling teachers need to explore their own understandings of the discourse of ‗the other‘ including the way students construct meaning, identities and intersubjectivities. In the classroom situation all teachers and students introduce unique identity forms which influence and are influenced by perceptions, understandings, values and behaviors. An awareness of and engagement in place is a relational process, not only in the sense of relating to each other, but in the ties with distant people, places and ways of being. Maintaining links with distant associations can result in a clouding of one‘s ability to retrieve the nuances of a place if a vigilant and critical approach is not maintained.Distant associations may be compulsorily induced such as curriculum agendas aiming to educate future world workers or voluntarily maintained, such as ties with a place of origin encompassing expectations about ways of being. Teachers are often teaching ‗out of place‘, distracted but a sense of how they simultaneously fit into their own place and the unfamiliar place, and struggling to negotiate ever changing professional identities within their work place (Marsh, M., 2002). ‗Out of place‘ scenarios are particularly evident across the city/rural divide. In a discussion of early career teachers moving to rural areas, McConaghy (2006)noted that ―most rural teachers begin arranging their transfers out as soon as they arrive, anticipating the pleasures of a real school and social connections back on the coast‖ (p.337).Said (2000) describes this sense of displacement as the ‗exiled self‘ being without a home, neither in one place or the other and suggests that paradoxically, the consequence of the exiled self dealing with displacement and trying to fit in to place results in a more developed and experienced notion of the teaching self.

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Teachers residing within the places where they teach may also undergo identity shifts. For example, through involvement in a place based project, such as the ecological crisis of a river system, teachers have reported that their approach changed over time and that critical learning had complicated their views, their engagement with colleagues and their approaches to their students (Kerkham & Comber, 2007). The perspectives that they take in relation to place, positions them and positions the students that they teach. In the Kerkham and Comber study, in gleaning reflections of teacher responses to place pedagogies, what was most surprising to educators were the children‘s abilities to form opinions different to those of their parents. Yet children have the ability to attain a deep understanding of elements of place if they are provided the skills and opportunities to do so. There appears to be a chasm between the level of critical thinking that children are capable of and perceptions of their capabilities by teachers. Other considerations for teachers are the ways in which children can be out-of-place by their place not being acknowledged in teaching practices. Similarly cosmopolitans can also be out of place by their world thinking not being acknowledge. Critical teaching and learning influences individual knowledge construction, which in turn is influenced by the culture and values of the place that teachers and students co-create. The aim of the process used by Kerkham and Comber (2007) was essentially to ‗encourage teachers and students to reinhabit their places, that is, to pursue the kind of social action that improves the social and ecological life of places, near and far, now and in the future' (Gruenewald, 2003 p.7). Opportunities to use critical inquiry need to be provided in teacher education if they are to develop like skills in children and a hunger for lifelong learning with a view to empowerment and becoming agents of social change either at a local level or on a global level. In exploring the essence of situating pedagogies, McConaghy (2002) explores the challenges facing teachers as they negotiate the reconstitution of pedagogical knowledge for different places. By introducing critical inquiry based approaches into teacher trainingsuch as ‗socio-spatial analysis and the interpretation of social dynamics‘ (McConaghy, 2006 p.332), prescribed content and knowledge will be strengthened if teachers involve collaborative processes, encourage agency and build critical inquiry including research oriented approaches. The transformative potential of teacher education was kept in mind by Alsop, Dippo and Zandvliet (2007) in including action research in teacher professional development.Instead of beginning with the study of curriculum or ‗top down‘ approach, they employed a critical inquiry approach beginning with discussions within situated contexts with a view to developing projects leading to social transformations. Specifically the Alsop, et.al. study sought to tie the debate of the crisis in social justice with ecological crises (Alsop, et.al., 2007) as a way of engaging a world view through critically analyzing local happenings together with global changes. An awareness of the socio-spatial dynamics of schooling which highlight complex social classing effects such as spatliazed poverties (Luke, 2003) emphasizes the importance of teachers nurturing school and place-based praxis through critical pedagogies. Teachers who are skilled in this, such as those that are mobile and transient, may become adept at adjusting their professional identities to include innovative pedagogies and social proficiencies (McConaghy, 2006). Even for teachers who are not mobile the ability to situate themselves in

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relation to shifting positions of social class, culture and family structure, prepares them for the increasing movement of the ‗position‘ of people which is characteristic of today‘s society. Transience and ‗situatedness in place‘ is still seen as a dichotomy, however, while there is transience, there is still connectedness to place even if it is only temporary.If transience is aligned with cosmopolitanism, Kendall, Woodward & Krbis (2009), argue for not mutually excluding cosmopolitanism and place. Taking a rooted cosmopolitan approach, Appiah (2006) emphasizes that place is needed as reference point for the cosmopolitan and that ‗a citizen of the world can make the world better by making some local place better‘ (p.241).The cosmopolitan point of view, together with cosmopolitan identities, is multilayered and overlapping. Just as teachers who are teaching out of place can be rooted to other ways of being, so can the cosmopolitan‘s sense of belonging be composed in a number of ways.Some aspects of their social identity may reflect sociological concernsrelating to class (Kendall, et.al.,, 2009) while others may connect with collective identities which comprise communities of knowledge, e.g. occupation - student, socio economic position, ethnicity, nationality, religion, local community activist, youth subgroups and so on. Like the transient teacher the cosmopolitan learns to acknowledge and negotiate ‗a sense of location and a point of departure‘ (Kendall, et.al., 2009, p.39) and thus understands the complexities inherent in the shifting of global populations.The strengths of the transient and/or self critiquing teaching are not unlike that of the cosmopolitan teacher.Local placebased teachers should not be precluded from espousing a cosmopolitan vision and utilizing a cosmopolitan approach in their pedagogical practices. ‗Instead of a priori privileging of the cosmopolitan or local, we should acknowledge their fruitful interdependency, constantly lubricated by the reflexive capacity of individuals to move between them‘ (Kendall, et.al., 2009, p.39).Reflexive individuals have an ability to challenge their own taken-for-granted assumptions using a critical thinking and learning approach. For teachers and students to be reflexive, place-based and cosmopolitan learners, they need to engage in experiences and discourse that enables them to develop a new way of seeing.

CONCLUSION The re-establishment of children‘s identities is a necessary process required by children as they negotiate changing boundaries in a globalised world. For children, changes are felt in place, the context in which they construct meaning and entertain a sense of self. However, children are limited in their capacity to identify how place shapes their identities and how they can transform their own subjectivities and positions in place.If education espouses equity in opportunities for learning and the preparation of individuals for independent living, then it is the responsibility of educational institutions and practitioners to provide pedagogies that are transformative, empowering and that allow negotiations of identities in place to be played out. Pedagogies which provide not only critical thinking skills, but an assurance that the authentic identities (Derman-Sparks & Ramsey, 2006) which children bring to the place of learning are acknowledged and developed so that children feel confident in themselves to consider alternative ways of being.The instilling of confidence will encourage children to enter ‗contact zones‘ (Pratt, 1999; Somerville, 2010) where they can explore contradictions in their own ways of being and the ways of being prescribed to them by their positions in place.

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It will also allow them to develop an understanding of the ‗other‘ and what elements of a shared place may inform social identities and inequities. In learning through critical pedagogies of place and cosmopolitan learning, it is possible that students from varying places (with varying positions) can work together based on the recognition of the existence of one humankind, and that all of the world‘s problems are interconnected and require a global solution.Thus, their sense of empowerment and ability to transform by working together with shared values, will lead them positively into a uncertain world that they will inhabit as an adult.

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INDEX availability, 17, 88, 90 awareness, xii, 23, 30, 33, 38, 159, 161, 162, 165, 167, 168, 169

9 9/11, 5, 140

A academic performance, 29, 34, 36, 56 academics, viii, 33, 38, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 68, 70, 71, 72, 91, 148 access, ix, x, 3, 10, 24, 34, 35, 49, 69, 72, 79, 83, 84, 86, 90, 113, 115, 119, 121, 123, 125, 135, 136, 138, 139, 143 achievement, 19, 23, 36, 39, 40, 42, 86, 132 action research, 169 adjustment, 33, 35, 67, 117, 152 adolescence, 161, 174 adolescents, 160, 161 Africa, x, 16, 17, 69, 99, 114, 127 age, ix, x, xi, 17, 18, 28, 47, 62, 79, 80, 81, 85, 92, 93, 94, 102, 112, 114, 115, 116, 118, 131, 141, 151, 160, 161, 162, 166 analytical framework, ix, 97, 98 anthropologists, x, 113, 114 anxiety, 65, 67, 126 applications, 12, 83, 90, 102, 109, 138, 146, 150 Arab world, 69 Asia, 6, 8, 33, 39, 50, 64, 66, 69, 70, 75, 161 Asian countries, 64, 69 assessment, 51, 55, 156 assumptions, x, xii, 6, 17, 22, 108, 114, 135, 159, 164, 165, 167, 170 attitudes, ix, 17, 62, 85, 97, 109, 111, 152, 164, 167, 174 authenticity, x, 113, 114 authority, 47, 153 authors, 106 autonomy, 7, 49, 120

B background, 18, 37, 48, 50, 51, 52, 57, 116, 118, 121, 122, 127 backlash, 162 barriers, 17, 18, 22, 26, 29, 55, 84, 85, 101 beginning teachers, 46 beliefs, ix, 38, 71, 97, 109, 111, 133, 160, 161, 166 bilingualism, ix, 97, 108, 111 Bologna Process, 53, 58 border control, 9 boys, 118, 139, 141 building blocks, 23

C campus climate, 34 Canada, 46, 47, 72, 88, 105 candidates, 107, 108, 109 case study, 42, 74, 146, 150 categorization, 134, 171 categorization theory, 171 challenges, viii, 16, 18, 21, 22, 23, 24, 34, 45, 46, 48, 50, 54, 64, 93, 101, 114, 117, 127, 146, 154, 167, 169 changing environment, 85 character, xi, 62, 71, 99, 131, 136, 138 childhood, 35, 42, 139, 140, 144, 161, 166, 172 children, xii, 17, 22, 23, 32, 35, 40, 42, 48, 57, 67, 107, 124, 132, 133, 138, 139, 141, 143, 145, 148, 149, 151, 154, 159, 160, 161, 162, 163, 165, 166, 167, 169, 170, 171, 172, 173

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Index

China, ix, x, 26, 54, 55, 67, 76, 79, 92, 97, 98, 104, 105, 106, 108, 109, 110, 114, 133 citizenship, ix, 2, 4, 7, 11, 12, 27, 28, 38, 40, 62, 63, 67, 72, 75, 79, 80, 85, 95, 133, 137, 140, 141, 155, 162, 163 classes, viii, 27, 36, 39, 45, 47, 54, 65, 67, 68 classification, 32 classroom, xii, 29, 30, 33, 39, 41, 53, 64, 65, 70, 82, 86, 106, 143, 145, 146, 148, 156, 161, 162, 168 classroom settings, 65 classrooms, 31, 38, 41, 66, 69, 70, 71, 84, 102, 147, 172 CMC, 83 cognition, 42, 167 cognitive development, 42 cognitive impairment, 84 cognitive performance, 35 cohesion, 9, 11, 17, 62, 76 collaboration, 1, 19, 36, 71, 102, 174 commodity, 41, 64 communication, ix, 24, 32, 35, 51, 52, 57, 79, 80, 83, 86, 90, 91, 94, 101, 102, 103, 106, 107, 108, 109 communication technologies, ix, 57, 79, 90, 91, 94, 109 community, vii, viii, x, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 18, 19, 21, 22, 24, 27, 28, 29, 30, 33, 35, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40, 47, 63, 76, 80, 83, 84, 85, 86, 94, 103, 114, 115, 116, 119, 121, 123, 124, 125, 126, 132, 136, 156, 160, 162, 165, 166, 167, 174 community service, 40 compassion, 142, 146 competence, 37, 103, 107, 110 complex interactions, 164 complexity, viii, x, xi, 1, 13, 27, 64, 115, 131, 160, 173 complications, 115, 125 comprehension, 165 compulsory education, 58 computer conferencing, 84 confidence, 33, 37, 65, 99, 162, 170 configuration, 135 conflict, 20, 36, 47, 52, 53, 71, 150, 153 conformity, 134, 139, 143 connectivity, 53, 62, 80, 81, 93, 98, 100, 107, 108, 138, 165 consciousness, 10, 28, 31, 32, 33, 80, 101, 140 construction, vii, xii, 5, 7, 8, 15, 16, 37, 62, 82, 86, 110, 115, 116, 117, 135, 140, 142, 153, 159, 169 constructivist learning, 82 consumption, 80, 139, 148 contradictory experiences, viii, 45 control, 31, 35, 102, 118, 136, 151, 163 , 150, 153, 154, 155, 157, 164, 170, 172, 173

course content, 29, 38, 82, 87 covering, 118 creativity, 65 credibility, 102, 139 credit, 29, 51, 82, 86 critical analysis, 54 critical thinking, xii, 29, 33, 64, 65, 74, 159, 166, 167, 169, 170 cultivation, 109 cultural differences, 7, 25, 132, 152, 164 cultural identities, 35 cultural imperialism, 12, 100 cultural influence, 160 cultural norms, xii, 119, 145 cultural practices, x, xi, 100, 101, 131, 165 cultural stereotypes, 21, 125 cultural studies, 50, 104 cultural tradition, 164 cultural transformation, 165 cultural values, vii, 123 curricula, 48, 71, 72, 141, 161 curriculum, viii, 21, 24, 29, 30, 31, 33, 34, 35, 40, 43, 47, 51, 57, 61, 66, 67, 70, 71, 72, 74, 75, 83, 141, 147, 161, 162, 166, 167, 168, 169

D danger, 49, 135, 150 death, 21, 98, 108, 151 deficiency, vii, 15, 16, 18, 19, 21, 22 deficit, vii, 15, 16, 17, 18, 21, 22, 63, 64, 149 definition, 7, 10, 27, 62, 95, 109, 134, 146, 160 delinquency, 132 delivery, 82, 83, 84, 87, 88, 90, 102, 106 democracy, 12, 17, 95, 146, 147 developed countries, 6, 10 developing nations, 3, 10 dichotomy, 7, 8, 120, 170 differentiation, 161 digital technologies, 143, 144 disadvantaged students, viii, 27 discourse, viii, xii, 3, 10, 18, 28, 65, 73, 77, 86, 118, 132, 159, 167, 168, 170 discrimination, 5, 75, 121, 138 displacement, 126, 168 disposition, 72, 109 dissatisfaction, 48 distance education, ix, 79, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94 distance learning, 82, 85 distribution, 20, 49, 84 diversity, vii, x, xi, xii, 15, 16, 18, 24, 25, 28, 30, 35, 38, 46, 48, 56, 58, 64, 65, 72, 75, 92, 93, 98, 100,

Index 123, 131, 132, 134, 139, 142, 143, 145, 146, 147, 148, 149, 154, 155, 162, 164, 165, 174 division, x, 84, 94, 114, 118, 127 drawing, x, xi, 24, 37, 38, 71, 116, 131 dreams, 24 duties, 48, 136, 141 dynamics, 108, 137, 169

E economic competitiveness, 66 economic disadvantage, 166 economic globalisation, 3 economic growth, 3 economic institutions, 80 economic status, 48 economic systems, 79 economics, 14, 80 economies of scale, 83 economy, 121 Education, 1, iii, v, vii, xi, 3, 7, 11, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 25, 26, 27, 30, 31, 33, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 46, 47, 56, 58, 59, 61, 64, 65, 71, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 79, 81, 85, 86, 87, 88, 94, 95, 100, 111, 112, 137, 144, 145, 157, 164, 171, 172, 173, 174 educational background, 47 educational experience, 29, 53, 86 educational practices, xii, 156, 159, 164 educational programs, 35, 86 educational research, 46, 48, 49, 50, 59, 112, 173 educational system, 4, 11, 50, 104, 105 educationally disadvantaged, 35 e-learning, ix, 81, 82, 83, 94, 97, 98, 101, 102, 103, 104, 105, 106, 107, 108, 109, 110, 111 elementary school, 171, 173 emotions, 32, 137, 160 employability, 62, 69 employees, 120 employment, 18, 46, 58, 126, 160 empowerment, xii, 29, 37, 159, 169, 171 engagement, viii, ix, xi, 19, 22, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 33, 36, 37, 38, 39, 66, 71, 81, 93, 97, 98, 99, 104, 107, 110, 125, 131, 132, 133, 137, 139, 146, 147, 149, 150, 153, 154, 155, 166, 167, 168, 169 England, 69, 155 English Language, 41, 74 environment, 11, 19, 30, 31, 32, 34, 35, 68, 69, 70, 71, 85, 86, 94, 102, 103, 110, 132, 143, 161, 173, 174 environmental issues, 63, 164 environmentalism, 14 equality, 3, 11, 20, 23, 53, 62, 117, 146, 147 equity, 18, 163, 170

177

erosion, 2, 12, 99 ethics, 94, 95 ethnic background, 68, 71 ethnic minority, viii, 45, 47, 139 ethnicity, 3, 7, 59, 115, 129, 132, 148, 149, 160, 161, 170 ethnographers, 49, 50 Europe, 6, 70, 108 examinations, 7, 54, 115 exclusion, 9, 132, 137 exercise, 55, 133 exile, 114, 174 exploration, ix, xii, 17, 97, 109, 110, 139, 145, 147, 154, 157, 161

F failure, 48, 53, 56, 71, 99, 133 family, 3, 28, 34, 63, 68, 84, 92, 104, 110, 117, 118, 122, 124, 127, 134, 136, 152, 160, 170 famine, 32 fantasy, xii, 145, 146, 147, 148, 149, 150, 154, 155 feedback, 34, 35, 102, 103, 109 feelings, 27, 37, 126, 167 females, 134, 135 femininity, 117, 123, 127 flexibility, 16, 85, 88, 90, 93, 94, 103 fluid, 25, 141, 167 focus groups, 67 focusing, ix, 2, 113, 116, 125, 160, 162, 166 foreign language, 61 formal education, 85 France, 5, 69 freedom, 12, 99, 120, 126, 127, 135, 136, 139, 141 freedom of expression, 126 freedom of movement, 141

G gender, x, xi, 18, 28, 114, 115, 116, 118, 123, 125, 126, 131, 132, 133, 134, 135, 136, 137, 138, 139, 140, 141, 142, 143, 148, 160, 161, 162 gender identity, 139 gender inequality, 123 gender role, 126, 133, 139, 142 generation, 82, 83, 93, 119, 144, 161 genre, 146, 148, 149, 150, 155, 157 geography, 155, 166, 167, 174 global consequences, 62 global demand, 64 global economy, 164 global education, 48, 101, 167

178

Index

global forces, 72, 163, 164 global mobility, 56, 80, 98, 101 globalised world, vii, 1, 2, 6, 132, 170 GPC, 128 graduate students, 74 grants, 143 grasslands, 150, 151, 153 Great Britain, 2, 14, 75 Greece, 12, 28, 63, 80 group work, 67, 71 groups, viii, xii, 4, 5, 8, 9, 18, 27, 35, 36, 39, 46, 67, 68, 70, 71, 85, 92, 93, 102, 109, 119, 140, 145, 147, 163, 164, 165 growth, 3, 31, 66, 92, 93, 94 growth rate, 94 guidance, 33, 35 guidelines, 75

H harmful effects, 101 harmony, 12, 134 heterogeneity, x, 114, 116 high school, 31, 36, 54, 161 higher education, viii, 29, 33, 34, 35, 38, 39, 41, 56, 57, 61, 62, 63, 64, 66, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 81, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 103, 105, 107, 111, 112 HIV, 17, 18, 20, 21 home culture, 103 homogeneity, 6, 8, 12, 100 Hong Kong, 77, 92 House, 39, 41, 43, 46, 59 human experience, vii, 1, 3, 149 human nature, 1 human rights, 4, 11, 23, 39, 94 hunting, 151 Hurricane Katrina, 140 husband, 107, 126 hybrid, 69, 85, 151, 152, 153 hybridity, 98, 151, 152, 154, 161

I ideal, 2, 3, 4, 6, 8, 11, 12, 14, 63, 80, 99, 132, 146 idealism, 4, 12, 76 ideals, 2, 3, 4, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 99, 108 identification, viii, 45 ideology, 2, 3, 4, 5, 8, 9, 11, 12, 122, 123 image, 9, 126, 139, 154 images, 32, 53, 65, 116, 147, 149, 161 imagination, 13, 71, 73, 133, 137

immigrants, 27, 46, 117, 122 immigration, 8, 9, 10, 64, 108 impacts, 7, 24, 102, 143 imperialism, 40, 73, 99 implementation, 20, 23, 83 inclusion, 16, 81, 132, 134, 161, 162 income, 40 incompatibility, 8, 9 increased access, 82 India, x, 33, 55, 56, 68, 69, 92, 114 indigenous, 17, 19, 42, 59, 174 indigenous knowledge, 17, 19 individual differences, 42 individualism, 94 individuality, 171 inequality, 10, 76, 135, 173 information retrieval, 83 information technology, 91, 161 insight, xi, 1, 34, 48, 131 institutions, viii, 4, 19, 27, 34, 35, 39, 47, 64, 72, 74, 82, 83, 86, 92, 102, 109, 141, 164, 170 instruction, 31, 32, 34, 91 instruments, 4 integration, 10, 65, 85, 117, 126 integrity, vii, 65 intellectual capital, viii, 61 intelligence, 174 intentions, 72 interaction, ix, 18, 19, 31, 33, 34, 65, 66, 71, 82, 84, 85, 99, 103, 113, 116, 127, 137, 139, 142 interactions, vii, 15, 16, 17, 22, 39, 56, 70, 85, 100, 103, 110, 116, 137, 140, 149, 154 interdependence, 22, 23, 80 internalizing, 162 international diplomacy, 79 international migration, 10 internationalization, 72, 76 internet, 102, 104, 106, 107, 138, 139, 161 Internet, 32, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 91, 92, 93, 94, 101 interpersonal skills, 33 interrelatedness, 164 interrelations, 160 interrelationships, 39 interrogations, 165 intervention, 30, 40, 153 interview, 67, 68, 80, 116, 118, 124, 125, 127 Iran, 117, 118, 120, 121, 122, 124, 125, 126, 127, 128, 129, 130 Iraq, 118 Islam, 9, 122 isolation, 47, 86, 102 issues, viii, ix, 1, 2, 3, 5, 21, 22, 28, 29, 30, 32, 35, 45, 48, 50, 53, 58, 62, 67, 97, 98, 104, 106, 110,

Index 115, 119, 122, 124, 126, 132, 134, 137, 141, 148, 149, 150, 152, 154, 155, 156, 164, 166 iteration, 134

J

179

living conditions, 10 local community, 167, 170 loneliness, 109 love, 80, 126, 147, 173 lying, 21

M

Japan, 68, 92, 106 jobs, 8, 62, 92, 136 journalists, x, 114

K knowledge acquisition, 34, 86, 166 knowledge economy, 62 Kurd, 122

L labeling, 43 labour, 8, 10, 46, 64, 84 labour market, 64 lack of control, 32 Landscape, 174 language, 3, 7, 19, 21, 29, 30, 31, 32, 34, 35, 36, 40, 41, 42, 46, 49, 50, 51, 52, 56, 57, 63, 64, 65, 68, 69, 74, 75, 98, 103, 139, 152, 172 language acquisition, 41 language barrier, 51, 52, 103 language development, 31 language proficiency, 36 language skills, 36, 64, 65, 68 languages, 36, 50, 69, 70, 109, 119, 152 Latin America, 69, 99 leadership, 20, 37, 42 learners, xii, 17, 19, 21, 22, 23, 26, 29, 33, 39, 65, 66, 70, 79, 82, 85, 86, 102, 103, 104, 105, 109, 159, 162, 167, 170 learning disabilities, 84 learning environment, 29, 31, 35, 38, 41, 70, 85, 102, 106, 110, 111 learning outcomes, 51, 53, 86 life experiences, 34, 39, 106, 108 life sciences, 47 lifelong learning, 24, 81, 90, 92, 169 likelihood, 35, 167 line, 54, 84, 103, 106, 109, 116, 135, 149, 153, 166, 167 links, 20, 110, 136, 143, 168 listening, 52, 125, 138, 141 literacy, 29, 30, 31, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 39, 40, 41, 42, 63, 69, 74, 157, 173

Mainland China, 103 maintenance, 8, 149 majority, x, 6, 8, 100, 108, 114, 136, 146, 149, 155 Malaysia, 54 males, 134, 135 management, 71 Mandarin, 105, 106 marginalization, 126 market, 41, 67, 80, 93, 99, 101, 135, 149 market economy, 99 masculinity, 48, 80, 117, 123, 124, 125, 126, 127, 135, 136, 144 mass media, 161 mathematics, viii, 45, 47, 58, 171, 173 meanings, 52, 68, 98, 136, 140, 149, 160, 161 measures, 2, 9 media, xi, 102, 103, 115, 117, 122, 123, 131, 133, 138, 139, 140, 149 memory, 35, 120, 137, 152 men, xi, 115, 117, 120, 121, 123, 124, 125, 126, 131, 135, 136, 137, 151, 153, 157 mental health, 126 mentor, 20, 21, 36, 37, 39 mentoring, 20, 24, 30, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 39, 41, 66 mentoring program, 33 methodology, 50, 58, 104, 115 Middle East, x, 114, 115, 117, 122, 123, 126, 127, 128, 129 migrants, 32 migration, 10, 62, 64, 69, 99, 115 minority, x, 4, 5, 6, 65, 100, 114, 146, 148, 149 mobility, vii, ix, 10, 17, 46, 49, 59, 62, 65, 81, 85, 92, 97, 98, 99 model, 20, 24, 28, 37, 51, 59, 64, 68, 73, 82, 84, 141 modelling, 50, 53, 68 models, xii, 24, 25, 47, 57, 92, 108, 143, 145, 146, 147, 149, 150, 155 modern society, 85 modernity, 174 morality, 3 mothers, 107, 119 motivation, 22, 29, 69, 103, 109, 117 motives, 166 movement, 7, 10, 28, 168, 170 multicultural education, 149, 156

180

Index

multiculturalism, 9, 100, 156, 166 multidimensional, 142 multi-ethnic, 47 multimedia, 101, 103 multiple interpretations, 140 murder, 122, 129 mutual respect, 48, 69, 148

N narratives, 41, 116, 117, 118, 119, 126, 147, 149 nation, x, xi, 4, 6, 7, 9, 27, 48, 53, 80, 84, 98, 99, 100, 101, 104, 108, 131, 132, 136, 137, 139, 140, 141, 142, 143, 145, 146 national borders, 10, 99, 101 national culture, 140 national identity, 8, 136, 137, 171 national origin, 134 national policy, 94 nationalism, vii, 1, 2, 7, 8, 10, 11, 81, 99, 141, 163 nationalists, 12 nationality, 3, 6, 81, 170 negative consequences, 2, 132 negative experiences, 160 neglect, x, 114 negotiating, 16, 25, 35, 109, 148 negotiation, vii, 15, 16, 21, 70, 83, 123, 142, 168 Netherlands, 14, 74, 75, 76, 114, 128 network, 16, 28, 39, 85, 135 New England, 173 new media, 138 New South Wales, 47, 88, 173 New Zealand, 47, 92

O objectives, 30, 62, 102, 164, 166 obstacles, 121, 125, 150 OECD, 64, 94 online learning, 81, 82, 101, 102 openness, vii, 28, 66, 82, 126 opportunities, vii, viii, 15, 16, 18, 19, 29, 33, 34, 36, 46, 53, 61, 66, 71, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 90, 92, 94, 102, 109, 134, 161, 162, 166, 167, 169, 170 order, vii, 10, 15, 16, 17, 29, 33, 53, 80, 81, 83, 86, 92, 95, 108, 114, 118, 119, 120, 133, 142, 152, 153, 168 orientation, vii, 15, 16, 24, 100, 119 otherness, vii, 4, 5, 8, 15, 16, 98, 105, 108, 147, 167

P Pacific, 8, 46, 50, 57, 75, 161 parameters, 6, 8, 42 parents, 17, 22, 54, 107, 138, 169 Parliament, 41, 59 partnership, vii, 15, 16, 17, 19, 20, 23, 24, 25, 31, 36, 38 passive, 53, 54, 65 patriotism, 3, 9, 140, 163, 173 pedagogical device, 70 pedagogical structure, 51, 66, 76 pedagogy, viii, xii, 24, 26, 27, 29, 33, 38, 39, 46, 47, 49, 50, 51, 53, 54, 57, 59, 66, 72, 74, 75, 82, 84, 147, 157, 159, 161, 162, 163, 164, 166, 167, 168, 171, 172, 173 peer group, 35, 132, 139 peers, 34, 37, 51, 52, 102, 103, 106, 109, 139, 142, 145, 151, 160 per capita income, 36 perceptions, 75, 137, 161, 168, 169 performance, x, xi, 24, 99, 131, 134, 138 personal communication, 37 personal history, ix, 113, 116, 127 personal life, 124 personal relations, 37 personal relationship, 37 physical activity, 138 platform, 85, 93, 107, 159 policy makers, 23, 66 political affiliations, 124 politics, 3, 11, 13, 55, 59, 63, 75, 80, 115, 119, 144, 156, 162, 163, 164, 172 polluters, 3 pollution, 2, 3 poor, 2, 10, 17, 20, 22, 132 population, 7, 66, 71, 133, 142 poverty, 17, 20, 62, 65 power, ix, x, 10, 11, 12, 17, 20, 28, 39, 46, 50, 54, 55, 56, 59, 70, 83, 99, 113, 114, 115, 117, 119, 120, 123, 129, 135, 146, 153, 163 power relations, ix, x, 17, 55, 56, 113, 114, 115, 117, 123 praxis, 58, 115, 169 preference, 49, 53, 55, 56 preschool, 36, 40, 43, 132 preschool children, 43 preservice teacher education, 58 preservice teachers, 58 prior knowledge, 23, 69 problem solving, 3, 162 problem-based learning, 103 problem-solving, 21, 22, 23, 70

Index problem-solving skills, 70 production, ix, 3, 76, 83, 97, 103, 111, 115, 116, 119, 122, 123, 129, 161 professional development, 20, 169 professional teacher, 29 profit maximisation, 11 program, 30, 31, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 50, 51, 52, 54, 56, 58, 89, 106 programming, 51, 83 project, viii, 17, 23, 31, 34, 36, 45, 48, 50, 51, 57, 103, 169 proliferation, 17, 112, 155

Q qualifications, 17, 22, 24, 32, 86, 91, 93, 126 quality assurance, 20 quality of service, 38 questioning, 19, 22

R race, 7, 9, 17, 18, 28, 98, 116, 123, 132, 133, 141, 146, 148, 149, 150, 153, 154, 155, 156, 157 racial differences, 63, 150, 154 racism, 58, 59, 117, 126, 148, 149 range, vii, xii, 12, 15, 20, 22, 23, 25, 30, 33, 46, 91, 103, 104, 109, 123, 132, 136, 159, 160, 161, 168 reading, ix, 38, 68, 113, 116, 127, 146, 149 real time, 86, 140 reality, 6, 22, 23, 93, 135 reason, 47, 63, 65, 101, 104, 116, 118, 132, 140, 142, 163 recall, 119 recognition, xii, 99, 107, 110, 126, 147, 154, 155, 159, 165, 168, 171 reconstruction, 28, 167 reflection, 16, 29, 30, 49, 107, 108, 114, 115, 167 reflective practice, xii, 23, 30, 159 reflexivity, ix, 16, 19, 23, 107, 113, 115, 116, 119, 128, 167 reforms, 47, 71 refugees, 10, 32, 42, 114, 153 region, x, 114, 142, 150, 161 regulation, 120 regulations, 119, 120 relationship, x, xi, 20, 29, 32, 34, 37, 49, 55, 100, 108, 121, 124, 131, 135, 136, 137, 141, 143, 161, 165 relevance, 71, 124, 134, 140, 150, 167 religion, 3, 132, 142, 170 religiosity, 118, 119

181

religious beliefs, 9, 160 resistance, 18, 120, 166 resources, viii, 10, 17, 19, 20, 22, 23, 24, 27, 33, 34, 37, 39, 45, 48, 57, 61, 62, 63, 64, 66, 70, 71, 72, 83, 87, 91, 92, 94, 98, 109, 139 respect, vii, 3, 16, 37, 48, 55, 56, 57, 127, 143, 146, 168, 171 retention, viii, 45, 46, 47 rights, 2, 13, 48, 55, 99, 141 risk, 22, 30, 71, 132, 146, 155 rural areas, 16, 22, 153, 168

S safety, 33, 107 satellite, 101, 102 satisfaction, 39 Scandinavia, 155 scholarship, 75, 132, 156 scholastic achievement, 42 school community, 21 school culture, xi, 47, 131, 140, 141, 142, 143 school work, 32 schooling, 19, 22, 36, 38, 40, 41, 42, 50, 52, 82, 132, 140, 141, 143, 160, 168, 169, 173 science education, 47 scores, 36 search, x, 14, 28, 47, 94, 113 searching, 152 secondary education, 39, 40 secondary schools, 31 security, 11, 32, 33 selecting, 76, 90, 148 self esteem, 31 self-concept, 173 self-consciousness, 108 self-definition, 142 self-esteem, 37 self-expression, 139 self-identity, 140, 143 self-perceptions, 58 self-presentation, 117, 127 self-reflection, vii, 30, 109, 110 self-regulation, 173 sensitivity, 71, 115 separation, 142 September 11, 5, 134 service provider, 91 sex, 124, 132, 134, 135, 136, 137, 138, 171, 173 sexism, 117 sexual experiences, 126 sexuality, x, 114, 115, 116, 117, 122, 123, 124, 125, 126, 127, 133, 136, 161

182

Index

shame, x, 114 shape, ix, xii, 9, 17, 101, 113, 115, 116, 147, 148, 154, 159, 161, 162, 163, 164, 166 shaping, 5, 9, 57, 86, 132, 173 shares, 10, 119, 121 sharing, 23, 34, 57, 72, 101, 102, 115, 124 shortage, vii, 15, 19, 46, 47, 59, 119 skills, viii, xii, 17, 22, 24, 29, 32, 33, 35, 36, 45, 46, 49, 62, 63, 64, 65, 67, 69, 70, 71, 81, 92, 101, 110, 126, 139, 143, 159, 162, 164, 166, 167, 169, 170, 173 skin, 7, 133 slavery, 150 social activities, 33 social attitudes, 139 social capital, 34, 37 social category, 14 social change, 31, 39, 111, 154, 155, 169, 171 social class, 30, 169 social construct, 5, 7, 22, 58, 167 social context, 117, 133, 140 social development, 132 social events, 110 social exclusion, 81, 132 social fabric, 17 social group, 18, 132 social identity, 22, 170, 171 social integration, 35, 37 social justice, 16, 23, 28, 30, 31, 38, 163, 169 social life, vii social network, 34, 101, 139, 165 social norms, 139, 146, 148, 155 social order, 133 social participation, 18 social psychology, 174 social relations, 39 social responsibility, 23, 29 social sciences, x, 73, 80, 98, 113, 172 social theory, 13, 14, 73, 163, 174 socialization, 139, 174 socioeconomic status, 36, 142 solidarity, 5, 25, 27 South Africa, vii, 7, 15, 16, 17, 20, 23, 25, 26, 173 South Asia, 127 South Dakota, 82, 95 space, ix, xii, 16, 28, 31, 34, 49, 52, 55, 79, 80, 81, 83, 84, 85, 99, 104, 109, 116, 123, 139, 142, 143, 145, 148, 165, 171, 172, 174 species, xii, 145, 146, 148, 149, 150, 154, 155 specific knowledge, 116 speech, 41, 125, 141 Spring, 128 stability, 1, 13

staff development, 75 stakeholders, 38, 46 standardization, 84, 164 standards, 94, 102, 134, 136 starvation, 65 state borders, 6, 10, 11, 13 state control, 58 state schools, 24 statistics, 5, 36, 48 stereotypes, 7, 17, 38, 70, 74, 117, 122, 123, 139 strategies, 19, 22, 23, 40, 53, 57, 70, 103, 157 strategy, ix, 29, 56, 79, 81, 84, 93, 112 strength, 34, 69, 109, 136, 154 student teacher, 16, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 59 stylization, 135 subgroups, 170 subjective meanings, 163 subjectivity, 32, 99, 109, 111, 117 substance abuse, 36 supervisor, 76, 106 supervisors, 73, 106 survival, 81, 102, 155 sustainability, 85 sustainable development, 62 Sweden, 5, 113, 117, 119, 121, 122, 124, 125, 129

T teacher preparation, viii, 27 teacher training, 20, 23, 169 teachers, vii, viii, ix, xii, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 26, 27, 28, 30, 31, 34, 35, 37, 38, 41, 43, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 67, 71, 75, 79, 82, 85, 90, 91, 102, 141, 148, 157, 159, 164, 168, 169, 170, 172 teaching, viii, 16, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 35, 38, 41, 46, 50, 51, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 61, 64, 66, 67, 68, 70, 72, 74, 75, 76, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 90, 91, 102, 105, 106, 116, 146, 148, 162, 166, 168, 169, 170, 173 teaching materials, 24 teaching strategies, 31 team members, 51 technological change, 138 telecommunications, 82, 83 telephone, 103, 107 television, 138, 139, 140, 147 tensions, 46, 49, 53, 54, 124, 152 terrorist attacks, 5, 134 terrorists, 9 tertiary education, 50, 85, 86, 93, 94, 101 tertiary sector, 87 testing, 49

Index Thailand, 92 theatre, 162, 165 think critically, 28, 164 thinking, ix, x, 4, 7, 19, 22, 32, 33, 48, 81, 95, 97, 98, 99, 111, 114, 116, 132, 133, 142, 153, 160, 164, 166, 167, 169, 172 Third World, 14 thoughts, 74, 160 threat, 5, 8, 151, 154 threats, 8, 146 threshold, ix, 113, 115 time constraints, 82 tradition, 12, 17, 70 traditions, 48, 53, 64, 72, 101, 122, 147 training, xii, 20, 24, 31, 33, 36, 56, 57, 59, 82, 102, 105, 106, 159 transformation, 18, 29, 99, 107, 126, 164, 166, 167, 171 transformational learning, 37 transformations, 14, 100, 169 transgression, 115 transition, viii, 9, 16, 27, 31, 36, 110 transitions, 46, 110 translation, 116 transmission, 20 transmits, xi, 145 transnationalism, 27, 33, 73, 165 trauma, 148, 152 trends, 10, 164 trust, 37, 114, 151, 152, 154, 155 Turkey, 120

U UK, 76, 171, 172 uncertainty, 10 unemployment, 36, 126 UNESCO, 173 United Arab Emirates, 92 United Kingdom, 13, 14, 92 United Nations, 12, 14, 144 United States, 3, 14, 92, 114 universality, 94, 101 universities, viii, xi, 20, 21, 27, 33, 47, 57, 62, 63, 64, 66, 71, 72, 74, 76, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 91, 92, 93, 94, 101, 102, 106, 109, 145 university education, 53, 64, 79, 85, 92

183

university students, 39, 63 urban areas, 16 use of force, 56

V victims, 138, 139 video, 36, 83, 84, 149 violence, 8, 20, 122, 123 vision, 3, 11, 19, 28, 35, 100, 154, 170 vocabulary, 32, 120 vocational education, 59 voice, 37, 38, 50, 110, 116, 121, 123, 148, 152, 155, 162 Vygotsky, 174

W wage rate, 8 wages, 136 war, 8, 80, 115, 118, 136, 151, 153 wear, 5, 119, 120 web, 30, 86, 103, 138, 139 web pages, 86 welfare, 2, 3 well-being, 64, 107 Western Europe, 155 women, xi, 42, 93, 114, 115, 117, 118, 119, 120, 121, 122, 123, 124, 125, 126, 131, 135, 136, 137, 140, 141 workers, 8, 33, 59, 66, 168 working conditions, 47 workplace, 36, 71, 82 world order, 99, 147 World Wide Web, 82 worldview, 2, 4, 7, 8, 9, 11, 13, 37 worry, 52, 85, 107 writing, 34, 65, 68, 99, 114, 115, 116, 122, 124, 141, 146, 149, 162, 165 writing process, 115, 122

Y young adults, 138