Education in the United Kingdom 9781472531230, 9781472593528, 9781472525314

Table of contents :
Cover
Contents
Series Editor’s Preface
Notes on the Contributors
Education in the United Kingdom: A Regional Overview Colin Brock
Part One England
1 England: Primary Schooling David Waugh
2 England: Maintained Secondary Schooling Brian Fidler
3 England: Independent Secondary Schooling Colin Brock and David Elstone
4 England: Higher Education Gareth Williams
5 England: Further and Adult Education Yvonne Hillier
Part Two Scotland
6 Scotland: An Overview Walter Humes
7 Scotland: Radical Alternatives in Teacher Education Beth Dickson
8 Scotland: Issues in Language Education Andy Hancock
Part Three Wales
9 Wales: An Overview Sally Power
10 Wales: Education and Economy Gareth Rees
11 Wales: Language Issues Janet Laugharne
Part Four Northern Ireland
12 Northern Ireland: An Overview Tony Gallagher
13 Northern Ireland: Integrated Schools Ulf Hansson
Part Five Crown Dependencies and British Overseas Territories
14 Isle of Man: An Overview John Robert Cain
15 Guernsey: An Overview Danielle Cassell and Richard Taylor
16 Jersey: An Overview Roy le Herissier
17 British Overseas Territories: Gibraltar, the Caribbean Territories, the Overseas Territory of St Helena, Ascension and Tristan da Cuhna Graham Fisher, Joey Britto and Emel Thomas
Index

Citation preview

Education in the United Kingdom

Available and forthcoming titles in the Education Around the World Series Series Editor: Colin Brock Education Around the World: A Comparative Introduction, Colin Brock and Nafsika Alexiadou Education in Australia, New Zealand and Oceania-the Pacific, edited by Michael Crossley, Greg Hancock and Terra Sprague Education in East and Central Africa, edited by Charl Wolhuter Education in East Asia, edited by Pei-tseng Jenny Hsieh Education in Eastern Europe and Eurasia, edited by Nadiya Ivanenko Education in North America, edited by D.E. Mulcahy, D.G. Mulcahy and Roger Saul Education in South-East Asia, edited by Lorraine Pe Symaco Education in Southern Africa, edited by Clive Harber Education in the Commonwealth Caribbean and Netherlands Antilles, edited by Emel Thomas Education in the European Union: Pre-2003 Member States, edited by Trevor Corner Education in West Central Asia, edited by Mah-E-Rukh Ahmed Forthcoming volumes: Education in Non-EU Countries in Western and Southern Europe, edited by Terra Sprague Education in South America, edited by Simon Schwartzman Education in the European Union: Post-2003 Member States, edited by Trevor Corner Education in West Africa, edited by Emefa Amoaka Takyi-Amoako

Education in the United Kingdom Edited by Colin Brock

Education Around the World

Bloomsbury Academic An imprint of Bloomsbury Publishing Plc

L ON DON • N E W DE L H I • N E W Y OR K • SY DN EY

Bloomsbury Academic An imprint of Bloomsbury Publishing Plc 50 Bedford Square London WC1B 3DP UK

1385 Broadway New York NY 10018 USA

www.bloomsbury.com BLOOMSBURY and the Diana logo are trademarks of Bloomsbury Publishing Plc First published 2015 © Colin Brock and Contributors, 2015 Colin Brock and Contributors have asserted their right under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act, 1988, to be identified as Authors of this work. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without prior permission in writing from the publishers. No responsibility for loss caused to any individual or organization acting on or refraining from action as a result of the material in this publication can be accepted by Bloomsbury or the author. British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library.



ISBN: HB: 978-1-4725-3123-0 ePDF: 978-1-4725-2531-4 ePub: 978-1-4725-3166-7 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Education in the United Kingdom / edited by Colin Brock. pages cm. –  (Education around the world) Summary: “Explores the development of education, key issues and contemporary debates in England, Scotland, Wales, Northern Ireland, the Crown Dependencies and British Overseas Territories”– Provided by publisher. ISBN 978-1-4725-3123-0 (hardback) 1.  Education–Great Britain–History.  I. Brock, Colin. LA631.E38 2015 370.941–dc23 2014033809 Typeset by Integra Software Services Pvt. Ltd

Contents Series Editor’s Preface Notes on the Contributors

vii viii

Education in the United Kingdom: A Regional Overview   Colin Brock

1

Part One  England

7

1 2 3 4 5

England: Primary Schooling David Waugh England: Maintained Secondary Schooling Brian Fidler England: Independent Secondary Schooling Colin Brock and David Elstone England: Higher Education Gareth Williams England: Further and Adult Education Yvonne Hillier

Part Two  Scotland 6 7 8

Scotland: An Overview Walter Humes Scotland: Radical Alternatives in Teacher Education Beth Dickson Scotland: Issues in Language Education Andy Hancock

9 35 61 83 107 131 133 155 177

Part Three  Wales

195

9 Wales: An Overview Sally Power 10 Wales: Education and Economy Gareth Rees 11 Wales: Language Issues Janet Laugharne

197

Part Four  Northern Ireland

253

12 Northern Ireland: An Overview Tony Gallagher 13 Northern Ireland: Integrated Schools Ulf Hansson

255

213 231

279

Contents

vi

Part Five  Crown Dependencies and British Overseas Territories 14 15 16 17

Isle of Man: An Overview John Robert Cain Guernsey: An Overview Danielle Cassell and Richard Taylor Jersey: An Overview Roy le Herissier British Overseas Territories: Gibraltar, the Caribbean Territories, the Overseas Territory of St Helena, Ascension and Tristan da Cuhna Graham Fisher, Joey Britto and Emel Thomas

Index

299 301 317 327

341 370

Series Editor’s Preface This series will comprise eighteen volumes, looking at education in virtually every territory in the world. The initial volume, Education Around the World: A Comparative Introduction, aimed to provide an insight into the field of international and comparative education. It looked at its history and development and then examined a number of major themes at scales from local to regional to global. It is important to bear such scales of observation in mind because the remainder of the series is inevitably regionally and nationally based. The identification of the seventeen regions within which countries are grouped has sometimes been a very simple task, elsewhere less so. Europe, for example, has four volumes and more than fifty countries. National statistics vary considerably in their availability and accuracy, and in any case date rapidly. Consequently, the editors of each volume point the reader towards access to regional and international datasets, available online, that are regularly updated. A key purpose of the series is to give some visibility to a large number of countries that, for various reasons, rarely, if ever, have coverage in the literature of this field. This volume, Education in the United Kingdom, is unusual in that it deals with a nation that is part of a grouping, the European Union, that is the subject of two other books in the series covering all the other member states. It was not possible to include the UK in one of those books because it comprises four separate countries: England, Northern Ireland, Scotland and Wales, each of which has its own distinctive education system. In addition to that, the UK has two Crown Dependencies, the Isle of Man and the Channel Islands, the latter having different systems within the group. Then finally there are the remnants of the British Empire, the Overseas Territories. So, altogether there are at least fifteen distinctive education systems in, or associated with, the United Kingdom, and this explains why it is sometimes referred to in jest as the ‘Disunited Kingdom’. As editor of this book, as well as being series editor, I would like to express my gratitude to all the contributors, every one of whom kept to their deadlines, and also to my wife, Shirley Brock, for compiling the index. Colin Brock: Series Editor

Notes on the Contributors Joey Britto is Director of Education in Gibraltar, UK. He has been working in education since 1983, when he graduated with BEd from the University of London, UK. Joey proceeded through Diplomas and Advanced Diplomas in Education to an MA at the University of Hull, UK, in 1993, in Bilingualism. In 2007 he gained a PhD from the University of Sheffield, UK. After teaching in primary and secondary schools in Gibraltar, Joey became Education Adviser in the Department of Education in 1996, and in 2012 he was appointed Director. He is especially interested in language development, being bilingual, and also in the use of technology in learning, and cultural history activity theory and its role in learning. Colin Brock is Honorary Professor in Education at the University of Durham, UK, and Adjunct Professor of Education at the University of Malaya, Malaysia. He graduated at Durham in geography and anthropology and gained further degrees at the universities of Durham, Reading and Hull. After a decade of school-teaching, Colin moved to the University of Reading, UK, from where he was seconded to the Caribbean Development Division of the UK government as Education Adviser. On return to UK, he lectured at the University of Leeds, UK, and became Chair of the International Education Unit at the University of Hull, UK (1977–1992). From there he proceeded to the University of Oxford, UK, where he lectured in International and Comparative Education and from 2005 to 2012 held a UNESCO Chair in Education as a Humanitarian Response. Colin has authored or edited thirtyfive books and published over 150 articles, chapters in books and research reports. He is currently Series Editor of two series for Bloomsbury: Education as a Humanitarian Response (fifteen volumes) and Education Around the World (nineteen volumes). John Robert Cain is former Director of Education for the Isle of Man, UK. He gained a BEd from the University of Liverpool, UK, and subsequently taught modern languages for eighteen years in secondary schools as well as in further education settings. After that he moved into advisory work in education for

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eight years before becoming Deputy Director of Education in the Isle of Man. In due course John became Director of Education there, holding the post for nine years before retiring in 2010. He is married to Danita and has two daughters, both solicitors. Danielle Cassell has been Head teacher of a primary school in Guernsey for nine years, prior to which he was head of a large primary school in Hampshire for seven years. She holds a doctoral degree from Keele University, UK, having graduated earlier with a BEd in History and Education and an MA in Educational Leadership and Management. Her doctoral thesis was concerned with the impact of assessment policies on teachers’ professional practice in three jurisdictions. Danielle has supported school leadership in an advisory capacity and contributed to a number of policy groups. During her time on the island of Guernsey, Danielle has researched the island’s history, politics, culture and language in order to understand its unique nature and how it compares with the UK. Beth Dickson is Deputy Head of the School of Education, University of Glasgow, UK, a post she has held since 2010. Before that she was Associate Dean for Initial Teacher Education. Beth has led the reform of both the one-year and the four-year programmes which now have a clear pathway to a full master’s qualification by the end of the first year of practice, provide an academically robust entrance into teaching and structure the learning of students through close partnerships with schools. In such an in situ context, seminars, learning rounds and joint reports all take place as the first steps in career-long teacher learning. Beth’s writing is focused on these issues. David Elstone is Headmaster of Hymers College, Hull, UK. He was a pupil at Bristol Grammar School before reading geography and history at University College, Cardiff, UK, where he then trained as a teacher. His first appointment was at King’s School, Bruton, UK, where he also ran the cricket and hockey teams. From there he moved to Warwick School before progressing to be Head of Geography at Kimbolton School, Cambridgeshire, UK. Six years later he moved to Hutcheson’s Grammar School, Glasgow, UK, where he was Depute Rector. He is a playing member of the Marylebone Cricket Club as well as a Fellow of the Royal Geographical Society and a Fellow of the Royal Society of Arts. In 2007 he completed an MA in Educational Leadership and Management at Bath University, UK.

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Brian Fidler is Professor Emeritus in Educational Management at the University of Reading, UK. Following the Local Management of Schools in 1988, he realized the importance of equipping school leaders for the task of planning a longer-term future for their organizations and the need for strategic management. Thus, he pioneered the literature on applying such concepts to education. Brian wrote or edited fourteen books on aspects of school management. Following research on OFSTED school inspections, he became more aware of the limitations of this form of accountability after a study visit to Australia in 1999 to see their system, which made greater use of school-generated data. Brian was Chair of the Education Management Development Committee and Treasurer of the British Educational Leadership, Management and Administration Society in the 1990s. He was Editor of School Leadership and Management journal for nine years, and was a Special Adviser to the Parliamentary Select Committee on Education for its investigation of accountability in 2009–2010. Brian’s latest interest is in how school leaders learn from their experience. Graham Fisher is Educational Researcher and Adviser with special reference to small states and territories, including eighteen years of work in the UK Crown Dependency of the Isle of Man, the British Overseas Territories of St Helena and the Falkland Islands, as well as Botswana and the United Arab Emirates. Graham holds a Master’s degree from the University of Hull, UK, and a PhD from the University of Bristol, UK. The research for the latter was funded by the Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC) and was titled ‘The Potential and Limitations of Post-compulsory Education in the UK Overseas Territories’, with case studies on the Cayman Islands and Montserrat and also researches on Anguilla, Bermuda, the British Virgin Islands, the Falkland Islands, St Helena and the Turks and Caicos Islands. Subsequent advisory and research work has involved further study of the education systems, and particularly the options open to them for further expansion of postcompulsory education in the above territories and also on Ascension Island, Tristan da Cunha and the Pitcairn Islands. Tony Gallagher is Professor of Education and Pro-Vice-Chancellor (Planning, Staffing and External Affairs) of Queen’s University Belfast, UK, where from 2005 to 2010 he was Head of the School of Education. His main research interest lies in the role of education in ethnically divided societies. Much of his work on this theme has been carried out in Northern Ireland, but he has also

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worked in the Middle East and south-east Europe. Currently, Tony is leading a major project promoting collaborative networking between denominational schools in Northern Ireland in order to promote social cohesion and school improvement, and connected projects are developing in Israel, Macedonia and California. Andy Hancock is Co-Deputy Head of the Institute of Education, Teaching and Leadership at the University of Edinburgh, UK. He is Course Organizer for the Med Programme: Additional Support for Learning (Bilingual Learners), and contributes to the Language and Literacy strands of the Initial Teacher Education Programmes. Andy is also Co-Director of the Centre for Education for Racial Equality in Scotland (CERES), and the primary focus of his research is in the area of literacy practices in multilingual classrooms. His most recent publication is Learning Chinese in Diasporic Communities: Many Pathways to Learning Chinese (edited with Xiao Lan Curdt-Christiansen, 2014). Professionally trained as a teacher, Andy taught in multilingual schools in England, Zimbabwe and Scotland for almost twenty years before joining the University of Edinburgh, UK. Ulf Hansson is Research Associate on the Children and Youth Programme in Ireland, a collaboration between the UNESCO Child and Family Centre in Galway, Republic of Ireland, and the UNESCO Centre in the School of Education in the University of Ulster, UK. Ulf received his undergraduate education at Uppsala University, Sweden, and holds a PhD in International Politics from the University of Ulster, UK. His primary research interests lie in the areas of civil engagement and young people’s political participation, and the role of education in divided societies. He has carried out research on a range of social and public policy issues in Northern Ireland, such as segregation and sectarianism, young people and violence. Yvonne Hillier is Professor of Education in the Education Research Centre, University of Brighton, UK. She is a founder member of the National Learning and Skills Research Network (LSRN). Yvonne has taught children with learning difficulties and adult basic skills learners, and worked for the professional development of postcompulsory teachers. She has researched issues of teaching and learning in postcompulsory education, including basic skills practice, national vocational qualifications, initial teacher training and workbased learning. Her latest book, Reflective Teaching and Adult and Further

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Education (3rd edition), was published in 2012 and a new edition, written in collaboration with Professor Maggie Gregson of the University of Sunderland, UK, is forthcoming in 2015. Yvonne is also author of books on further education policy (All You Ever Wanted to Know about Further Education Policy, 2006) and adult basic skills (The Changing Face of Adult Literacy, Language and Numeracy: A Critical History with Mary Hamilton, 2006; and Adult Literacy, Numeracy and Language: Policy, Practice and Research, 2006). Yvonne’s current research involves working with community partners and parent researchers examining the effects of educational regeneration. Walter Humes is Visiting Professor at the University of Stirling, UK. He began his career as a Teacher of English and later became a Lecturer in Education at Glasgow University, UK, and Director of Studies at Andrew’s College, UK. He subsequently held professorships at the universities of Aberdeen, Strathclyde and West of Scotland. Walter’s publications include work on teacher education, educational leadership and management, history of education and policy studies. He is Co-editor of Scottish Education, a 1000-page text on all sectors of the Scottish educational system, the fourth edition of which was published in August 2013. In addition to his academic work, Walter has produced a substantial output of journalism, having written a column for The Times Education Supplement Scotland for ten years, and more recently as a regular contributor to the online journal Scottish Review. Janet Laugharne is Professor Emeritus in the School of Education at Cardiff Metropolitan University, UK. She has extensive experience of primary and secondary education as a Teacher, Educator, Researcher and School Inspector. Her research interests are in language and literacy education, bilingualism, with particular reference to Welsh, and narrative. Janet has worked with colleagues in the UK and internationally on these areas, including evaluation research for the Welsh government. As Director of Research in the Cardiff School of Education, UK, from 2000 to 2009, Janet helped build research capacity across the university, co-founding Cardiff Metropolitan’s professional doctorate and leading an interdisciplinary return for education in the 2008 Research Assessment Exercise. Janet’s current research is in children’s reading in Norway and the UK, the topic of triple literacy (Welsh, English and Modern Languages) in Wales and the training of early years professionals to teach Welsh Language Development in Englishmedium settings.

Notes on the Contributors

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Roy le Herissier is Assistant Minister of Education in Jersey, and Member, States of Jersey since 1999, prior to which he was Head of Business at Highlands College, Jersey, UK. Before Jersey, Roy had a very international career, having graduated BA in Political Studies at the University of Leeds, UK, and PhD in Politics and Government at the University of Kent, UK. At various times Roy has been Assistant Governor in Her Majesty’s Prison Service, in the Ministry of Correctional Services, Toronto, Canada; Lecturer at the University of Ulster, UK; and Principal Lecturer at the City University of Hong Kong, China, also working in Malawi. All his academic work has been in the fields of public and social policy and politics. Sally Power is Professor at Cardiff University, UK, and Director of ‘WISERDeducation’, a programme of educational research and capacity building funded by HEFCW and located in the Wales Institute of Social and Economic Research and Data (WISERD). She also directs the Network of Experts on Social Aspects of Education and Training (NESET), which is funded by the European Commission to provide evidence on issues of equity and inclusion in education. Before taking up a Cardiff University Professorial Fellowship in 2004, Sally held posts at the Institute of Education, University of London, UK, and the universities of Bristol and Warwick. Her research interests focus on the relationships between education policy and social justice. Gareth Rees is Research Professor at the Wales Institute of Social and Economic Research, Data and Methods (WISERD) and Research Professor at the School of Social Sciences, Cardiff University, UK. He was Director of WISERD in 2010–2013. Gareth has held visiting appointments at the University of British Columbia, Canada, and the University of New South Wales, Sydney, Australia. He has researched and written extensively on participation in lifelong learning; the relationships between education and training and regional economic development; and the governance of educational policy, especially in the context of UK devolution. Gareth was one of the authors of the Nuffield Review 14–19 of Education and Training: Education for All, 2009. He is currently carrying out research on the relationship between higher education, social mobility and spatial mobility. He has been a consultant to a wide variety of organizations including the Organisation of Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), the European Commission and the Welsh Government, and is an Academician of the Academy of Social Sciences and a Fellow of the Learned Society of Wales.

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Richard Taylor is Industrial Disputes Officer at the Guernsey Financial Training Agency. He was born in Buckinghamshire and educated at Wolverton Grammar School and the Ratcliffe School before proceeding to the University of Leeds, UK, where he graduated in history and trained as a teacher. From 1957 to 1974 he taught history and geography in non-selective secondary schools before moving to Guernsey, where he set up and managed the Guernsey Teachers’ Centre, later the Education Development Centre. Richard was promoted to be Assistant, then Deputy Director of Education for Guernsey, with responsibility for curricula, teacher development, quality assurance and support services. In 1994 he moved to become Training Adviser to the Guernsey Financial Services Commission, establishing the Guernsey Financial Training Agency. Finally in 1998 Richard became Industrial Disputes Officer, with special reference to employment law. Emel Thomas is Senior Lecturer in Education, Children and Young People at the University of Northampton, UK. She obtained her doctorate in Education at the University of Cambridge, UK, in 2013, with research examining the boundaries of young people’s conceptualization of race and racism. In particular she explored the narratives of British minority ‘ethnic’ youth and recently migrated Eastern European youth. She has written and presented papers on education and migration for various international conferences. Emel received her MSc in Comparative and International Education from the University of Oxford, UK, in 2008. Prior to this she taught in a variety of schools in England and has also conducted research for charities that support disengaged young people. Her main research interests include migration, identity, race, intercultural teaching and learning and education in small states. Emel’s most recent publication is an edited volume on Education in the Commonwealth Caribbean and Netherlands Antilles (2014), an interest that relates to her West Indian family background. She is Fellow of the Higher Education Academy in the UK. David Waugh is Director of Primary Programmes and Course Leader for Primary English in the School of Education at the University of Durham, UK. He has extensive teaching experience in schools, including fourteen years in East Yorkshire. David then moved to be Lecturer in English for Initial Teacher Training at the University of Hull, UK, and went on to lead the PGCE course there achieving outstanding grades from OFSTED on several occasions. From 2005 to 2008 he was Head of Department at the Centre for Educational

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Studies at Hull. Then in 2008 he became one of two advisers for Primary Initial Teacher Training for the National Strategies programme, working with universities and school-based providers throughout England. His role included professional development for tutors and teachers with respect to learning, literacy, inclusion and mathematics. In 2013 David was awarded a Faculty Prize at the University of Durham, UK, for his outreach work in Primary English, putting theory into practice. He has published extensively in the field of primary education. Among his recent publications are English 5–11 (with Wendy Joliffe, 2012) and Children’s Literature in Primary Schools (with Sally Neaum and Rosemary Waugh, 2013). Gareth Williams is Emeritus Professor at the Institute of Education, University of London, UK. During his working life at the Institute, he established the Centre for Higher Education Studies and (with Michael Shattock) the MBA in Higher Education Management. Commencing as an economist at the OECD and then the London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE), Gareth contributed to the massive expansion of the economics of education in the 1960s and 1970s. Most of his publications in the latter part of his career were concerned with the economics and politics of higher education, beginning with Changing Patterns of Finance in Higher Education (1991). He then published numerous articles on the rapid changes in higher education in the 1990s and early 2000s. Gareth is currently working in the area of theoretical aspects of higher education as a public and private good.

Education in the United Kingdom: A Regional Overview Colin Brock

Perhaps it is not surprising that there is considerable misunderstanding about education in the United Kingdom, and not only outside the country in the global arena. Indeed, it would more accurately be termed The Disunited Kingdom. For education, and several other key areas of public sector life, there has never been a nationwide system of provision. This is despite the fact that ‘UK’ is the citizenship designation of the majority of people who reside in what used to be called ‘The British Isles’. This outdated term has, quite rightly, been replaced by ‘The British and Irish Islands’ to respect the total independence of those in what is now the Republic of Ireland, completely separate since 1922. Yet some aspects of the history of education reside even there in a kind of inertia, for even formal education is culturally embedded, if politically delivered (Brock and Alexiadou, 2013). The cultural diversity will be briefly discussed first, and then the political. England is by far the largest political entity in these islands, and is culturally different from all the others. In simple terms, it is the part of the archipelago settled and controlled by the Romans for about the first 400 years of the first millennium. Before that it was essentially Celtic like the rest. As a result of the conquest the Celtic population of the occupied area were either exterminated, expelled into what are now Scotland and Wales – where Celtic and other peoples already lived – or absorbed into a new Latin culture. Another lasting legacy of the Roman occupation was the founding of London as an externally oriented nodal place to connect with their near and continent-wide empire. This southeastern, almost peripheral, centre of gravity has persisted, strongly influencing the character of England, and to some extent, the United Kingdom overall as it subsequently developed as such. It is a curious, indeed absurd, situation that of the four constituent nations of the UK, England is the only one without its

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own parliament. Instead, it is represented by the federal parliament of the UK. When the education service is debated and legislated on in the ‘Westminster’ parliament, members from the other three countries can have their say. The reverse is not the case. This is likely an unparalleled situation. Also probably unique is the proportion of the school-age population in England that attend private, fee-paying schools, that is, about 8 per cent. Although there is a modest version of this in Scotland, it by no means dominates as in England. In Wales and Northern Ireland, private schooling is not a significant issue. So the most prominent feature of this disunited kingdom in educational terms is England’s cultural separateness, and within it the educational dominance and grip of the privately schooled, and Oxbridge-educated, elites that hold the majority of positions of power and influence. However, the polities outside of England are by no means culturally homogeneous, either as a group or within each of them. Although the populations of Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland are all originally derived from Celtic origins, they exhibit very significant differences (Bell and Grant, 1977). The first lies in their different forms of the ancient language family. Scottish and Irish Gaelic are related and form the Goidelic branch of Celtic languages descended from ‘Old Irish’. In Northern Ireland, however, the only part of the island in the UK, Gaelic is not a big issue in schooling (by contrast, in the Republic of Ireland, it is compulsory throughout schooling). Welsh Gaelic is part of the Brythonic branch of Celtic, also found in Brittany, north-west France, and descended from the ‘Old British’, which presumably was also the language of pre-Roman England. The Welsh language is very much alive and indeed growing in numbers of speakers. This is in contrast to Scotland, where there has been a considerable decline, though in recent decades efforts have been made to support it through Gaelic-medium schools in Glasgow and a Gaelic-medium college on the islands of Skye and Islay in the Inner Hebrides. The only other area of historic Gaelic identity in the UK is Cornwall, the most south-westerly county of England. In April 2014 the UK Government granted ‘recognized minority status’ to Cornwall, the same as enjoyed by Scotland and Wales. This is largely in terms of linguistic identity, though the Cornish language has not been spoken for generations. Despite this tiny representation of a residual Celtic language, it is through an extraordinary linguistic diversity of kaleidoscopic proportions that England is again quite different from its Celtic colleagues in the UK. This diversity is due to the extremely large number of social languages spoken by ethnic minorities, most of which are of relatively recent origin in terms of UK citizenship.

A Regional Overview

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There are thought to be about 200 such languages spoken in the homes of schoolchildren in London alone. This again makes London something of a special case, though versions of this diversity can be found in other major cities such as Birmingham, Manchester and the West Yorkshire conurbation centred on Leeds and Bradford. Outside England probably only Glasgow and Cardiff have a similar experience. Some of these minority languages are spoken in the homes of families originating from India, Pakistan and Bangladesh, most of whom derive from post–Second World War immigration in the decades following. Their Caribbean counterparts exhibited a range of forms of English, or in the cases of St. Lucia and Dominica, a French patois. Others derive from a wide range of refugees and asylum seekers from areas of conflict such as Afghanistan, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Iraq and Somalia. A third group are from post-2003 accession member states of the European Union such as Poland, the Baltic States and parts of central and south-eastern Europe. Most such minorities are in the major conurbations, but some are rural as in Lincolnshire (Atkin, 2012). In terms of the political geography of education of the United Kingdom, there have been attempts to engage in an internal comparative education (Raffe et al., 1999). However, in addition to the four national regulated spaces, there are other spatial patterns of schooling ranging from local authority areas or boards to atomization. The convention of describing the English state school provision as ‘a national system locally administered’ is now outdated, but it does apply to Scotland and Wales. Northern Ireland is different again in that instead of local authorities there are five ‘sub-regional and library boards’. Within the geographical areas of these boards, three types of schools may be found: National (in effect Protestant), Catholic and Integrated. The Catholic dimension is overseen by a Council for Catholic Maintained Schools. The resulting patterns of distribution are complex and overlapping, but the structure reflects the strong religious dichotomy in the Province. In England the current complexity and disunity of maintained schooling provision began with the 1988 Education Reform Act, which instituted the neutering and increasingly disabling role of Local Authorities with regard to schooling and further education in their areas (Bash and Coulby, 1991). Despite their diminishing role, they still exist with, at the time of writing, a degree of oversight of those maintained schools that have chosen not to become academies. Financial influence is virtually out of their control, but if a school is designated as not fit for purpose by OFSTED (the quasi-autonomous inspectorate), then they have to take it on. Academy status, instituted by the governments of

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Tony Blair (1997–2005) and continued by successive governments, makes such schools accountable only to the Minister of Education, one person. That person is answerable to the Parliament, where, as indicated above, significant numbers of members represent areas in Northern Ireland, Scotland and Wales. The atomization of the operation of state schooling in England has been taken further by the state funding of so-called ‘Free Schools’. These are new schools, instituted by interest groups, such as those of different faiths or social classes or even just groups of parents, after approval by the Minister of Education. They do not necessarily have any relationship to locality or community as such and take students who would otherwise go to local authority schools. Their raison d’etre is exclusive rather than inclusive. In the meantime the local authorities have to try to adjust their own arrangements to events in their own areas that are out of their control, affecting such issues as extending support services to its own schools, planning to provide places in the face of demographic shifts as well as solving the free-school problem. Pring (2012) has referred to the last half century or so, in England at least, in terms of ‘The Life and Death of Secondary Education for All’. At the time of writing (May 2014), and in response to this somewhat bizarre situation, the two main political parties in England, Conservative and Labour, have begun to air policies to restore some kind of rational oversight of state schooling. Not surprisingly these policies continue to reflect the fundamental difference between a neoliberal market-oriented approach and a social democratic approach. The Conservative Party, the ideology of which with regard to schooling (Lawton, 1994) dominates the current coalition in government, proposes to appoint eight ‘Regional School Commissioners’ with the sole function of overseeing those academies that are underperforming. Each commissioner will be an outstanding head teacher and have a board of 5–6 academy head teachers to advise them. These advisory head teachers will be elected by all other academy head teachers in their area. There is no public accountability, except to the Minister in London. By contrast, the Labour Party (Lawton, 2005), currently the official opposition in the UK Parliament, proposes appointing of ‘Directors of School Standards’ to oversee and coordinate schooling in local areas. This does not mean local authority areas but something more local in scale. Local authority schools, academies and free schools would all be subject to the oversight of these directors, and all schools would be involved, not only those that were underperforming. This approach has some similarities with the structure of oversight of schooling in Northern Ireland. Whether either or

A Regional Overview

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neither of these policies become reality will depend on the outcome of the UK General Election in May 2015. So, to summarize, the disunity of schooling in the United Kingdom lies mostly in fundamental differences between England and the rest. This is due to both cultural and political factors, which, as indicated at the outset of this Introduction, are the factors that primarily influence education almost everywhere, though differentially in the balance between them. Within England itself, there is massive disunity (a) between private schools (themselves distinguished perversely between ‘public schools’ and other independent schools) and state schools, and (b) between local authority schools, academies and free schools. Various types of school for those with special needs add to the jigsaw and, being relatively expensive to maintain, are mostly the responsibility of local authorities, as there is no social or financial gain to be made from them. Further (technical and vocational) education and higher education sectors also exhibit complex patterns of provision, and even sometimes cooperation, as between the four ‘home internationals’ of the UK (Raffe et al., 1999). The picture has been made more difficult to grasp by longstanding tendencies by successive administrations to engage in almost perpetual interference and reform (Phillips and Furlong, 2001; Gearon, 2002) that has persisted and intensified into the twenty-first century. These and other issues are discussed in more detail in subsequent chapters, many of which discuss and analyze disparities within Northern Ireland, Scotland and Wales as well as England. And then there is the somewhat anachronistic relationship to the United Kingdom of the Crown Dependencies of the Channel Islands and the Isle of Man, and the euphemistically named Overseas Territories, meaning remaining colonies. The term ‘Crown Dependency’ applies only to these two island territories, the Channel Islands being in fact two distinct mini-nations, Guernsey and Jersey. So there are really three, and Guernsey is responsible for three further mini-islands, Alderney, Sark and Herm. Only the responsibility for foreign affairs and defence of these Crown Dependencies rests on the UK. The distinct category of British Overseas Territories (BOTs) comprises a veritable global archipelago, every member of which exhibits aspects of a distinctively British educational core and strong ongoing links to the ‘Disunited Kingdom, though in the case of the Pitcairn Islands, via New Zealand. They can be grouped geographically as Mediterranean, Atlantic, Caribbean, Pacific and Indian Ocean. Gibraltar is the only remaining BOT in the Mediterranean, as Malta and Cyprus are now, although small states,

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Education in the United Kingdom

members of the European Union. Therefore, they are covered in another book in this series – likewise the Caribbean BOTS. The Atlantic group ranges from Bermuda in the North Atlantic to Tristan da Cunha in the south, with only Pitcairn in the Pacific. The only Indian Ocean representative is Diego Garcia and the subject of significant controversy, the inhabitants having been forced off the islands to a new minority life in Mauritius to accommodate the regional military interests of the USA. This case and that of the other BOTs is covered in Simon Winchester’s admirable book Outposts (1985).

References Atkin, C. (2012) ‘Migrant agricultural workers in Eastern England’, in: Atkin, C. (ed.) Education and Minorities, London, Continuum Books, pp. 51–70. Bash, L. and Coulby, D. (1991) Contradiction and Conflict: The 1988 Education Act in Action, London, Cassell. Bell, R.E. and Grant, N. (1977) Patterns of Education in the British Isles, London, Allen and Unwin. Brock, C. and Alexiadou, N. (2013) Education around the World: A Comparative Introduction, London, Bloomsbury. Gearon, L. (ed.) (2002) Education in the United Kingdom, London, David Fulton. Lawton, D. (1994) The Tory Mind on Education, London, Routledge. ——— (2005) Education and Labour Party Ideologies 1900–2001 and Beyond, London, Psychology Press. Phillips, R. and Furlong, J. (eds) (2001) Education, Reform and the State: Twenty-Five Years of Politics, Policy and Practice, London, Routledge. Pring, R. (2012) The Life and Death of Secondary Education for All: Dream or Reality, London, Routledge. Raffe, D., Brannen, K., Croxford, L. and Martin, C. (1999) ‘Comparing England, Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland: the case for “home internationals” in comparative education’, Comparative Education, 35:1, pp. 9–25. Winchester, S. (1985) Outposts: Journeys to the Surviving Relics of the British Empire, London, Penguin Books.

Part One

England

1

England: Primary Schooling David Waugh

Introduction Any primary school teacher transported from 1976, when the author began teaching, to a 2015 English primary school would clearly be taken aback by the presence of interactive whiteboards, PCs, laptops and tablets, but would probably, initially at least, find themselves in fairly familiar surroundings. Now, as then, most children wear school uniform, sit at tables in classes of around 25–30, have a school day of around six and a half hours and follow a curriculum which focuses strongly on English and mathematics. However, the initial comforting familiarity might disappear as the 1976 teachers discuss with their 2015 colleagues the nature of the curriculum, the governance of the school and the regime of testing endured by pupils. They could also be alarmed to hear of an organization called OFSTED, which inspects the school at one day’s notice. This chapter will explore the developments in primary education in England which have led to the current situation.

Changing primary schools Before 1979, governments had sought to control what happened in schools through Her Majesty’s Inspectorate (HMI) and local education authorities (LEAs). The efficacy of the licensed autonomy (Woods et al., 1997) allowing schools to be checked was in doubt because these were infrequent and HMI were limited by their lack of personnel and by their perceived role as advisors rather than inspectors. LEAs were often Labour-controlled in urban areas and

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the Conservative government was sceptical about their efficiency and political motivation. It was clear to many politicians in the 1970s and 1980s that schools had retained autonomy to such an extent that educational provision was diverse without being successful in meeting the needs of children or industry. Duncan Graham, former Chair of the National Curriculum Council, wrote of thousands of well-intentioned educators in the 1960s and 1970s ‘concerned together in a benign conspiracy, reinventing thousands of wheels a day’ (Graham, 1993, p. 1). The governments of Thatcher, Major and Blair may have felt able to justify the limited consultation offered for educational reforms by referring to the attempts of their predecessors to introduce changes in education. Expensive and well-publicized reviews of education (Plowden, DES, 1967; Bullock, DES, 1975, 1978) had made recommendations in the past, but many schools had merely paid lip service to these and had continued to operate in ways which suited them. The imposition of a statutory curriculum, with testing and assessment and external inspection, may have seemed the only way to ensure that reforms were actually implemented. There had been a feeling among some politicians and commentators that schools had hitherto been run for the convenience of teachers rather than for the benefit of pupils. The 1979 Thatcher government, therefore, took steps to create radical changes in the ways in which schools operated. It faced considerable criticism for the way in which reforms were implemented, but the government’s intransigence may be viewed in the context of the failure of previous attempts at reform. As Fullan (1991, p. 274) argued, Governments can’t win. If they encourage widespread debate during the development phase, the policy gets delayed and the discussions bog down in abstract goals (not on what changes in practice are at stake). By the time the new guideline hits the streets it may be discredited for some and insufficiently developed for others.

The 1988 Education Reform Act (ERA) threatened the consensual approach to education policy which had involved government, LEA associations and teacher unions. The work of the Schools Council from the 1960s and the Assessment of Performance Unit from 1975 provided the first indications of the coming National Curriculum and the monitoring processes which were to accompany it. Intervention by government in areas which had previously been the preserve of LEAs and schools was further enhanced through the Education White Paper of 1972 (DES, 1972), which set out national objectives for education. The early

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1980s saw a succession of publications on the curriculum (e.g. DES, 1985a, 1985b) which led to the claim by Brighouse (1986, cited in Williams, 1995) that the combined DES/HMI output between 1976 and 1986 exceeded the entire published output from government on the curriculum during the previous century. Public perceptions of the purposes of education and the administrative and professional means of delivering it had changed over a period of time since the Black Papers began to be published in 1969 (Cox and Dyson, 1969). Although the picture of primary schools as being imbued with the spirit of Plowden was never one which reflected what actually happened in most schools (see, for example, Bennett, 1976; Galton et al., 1980), public opinion had been fed by politicians of the New Right such as Sir Keith Joseph, secretary of state for education from 1981. Joseph’s contribution to the radical reforms which were introduced after he had left office was, according to Maclure (1988, p. 161), ‘a heightened public anxiety’, as he dwelt upon what he regarded as the shortcomings of the education system. Changes in the culture of schools were required if the reforms were to be successful, and the groundwork for this was prepared in advance of the 1988 ERA. The research of Professor Sig Prais (Prais and Wagner, 1983), which compared British pupils’ mathematical performance unfavourably with that of German pupils, and the pronouncements of ministers contributed to a climate in which change was both expected and demanded in many quarters. The changes to the culture of primary schools, which were evident after the 1988 Act, were substantial. However, as Maclure (1988, pp. 149–150) pointed out, ‘What is clear on examination is that the received wisdom and the established verities had been undermined over a period of time, not suddenly in 1987’. Maclure drew attention to the views of Sir William Pile, permanent secretary at the DES from 1970 to 1976, who ‘had wondered aloud to a visiting team from OECD “whether the Government could continue to disbar itself ” from what had been termed “the secret garden” of the curriculum’ (Maclure, 1988, p. 158).

Educational reforms The educational reforms of the Conservative governments between 1979 and 1997 can be seen as stemming from concerns expressed by the Labour prime minister, James Callaghan, in his 1976 Ruskin College speech. According to Young (1998, p. 100),

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Education in the United Kingdom Since Callaghan’s Ruskin speech in 1976, the economic role of education has undoubtedly taken precedence, at least in the minds of policy makers and politicians, over its role in the personal and intellectual development of young people.

It is, perhaps, this increased preoccupation with the perceived economic value of education which shaped future reforms and which ensured that the terminology of the marketplace would become a feature of documentation. The 1988 Act gave the secretary of state for education more than 400 new powers (Judd and Crequer, 1993), with the government taking control of the curriculum and encouraging schools to opt out of local authority control and receive finance from the Funding Agency for Schools rather than the local education authorities. LEAs were also less able to control admissions to schools, as the government strove to foster parental choice. Control of large proportions of budgets was delegated to schools through Local Management of Schools (LMS), although small schools were initially exempted from this. Lawton (1990) set the changes in context when he wrote of what he regarded as the traditional qualities of British primary schools: At their best, English primary schools have served as a model for many other societies. At their best, they were – and are – superb. (p. 118)

However, he acknowledged that a succession of reports by Her Majesty’s Inspectorate, together with other evidence in the 1970s and 1980s, highlighted a number of problems. The neglect of certain aspects of the curriculum such as science, history and geography and the lack of progress of some very able children, along with occasional lack of provision for children with special educational needs, led the popular press and some politicians to blame what they described as progressive methods. Lawton did, however, aver that the available evidence presented a much more complex picture, and he pointed out that the fact that many parents send their children to state primary schools but use private secondary schools, must indicate a higher degree of satisfaction at the primary stage, although there is sometimes a suspicion of a lack of ‘stretching’ for more able primary pupils. (Lawlor, 1990, pp. 119)

An alternative interpretation of this phenomenon could be that parents feel that secondary education is more important than primary. Whatever the case, the vast majority of children have continued to attend state primary schools (94.6 per cent of five to ten-year-olds in 2013 (https://www.gov.uk/government/ publications/schools-pupils-and-their-characteristics-january-2013)), and there has been considerable concern about their standards of attainment expressed by

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politicians, the media and by some academics and inspectors for many years. The changes to the curriculum, and to the ways in which state schools were to be managed, were considerable and in excess of what seemed likely only a few years earlier. As Maclure (1998, p. 13) commented, The proverbial visitor from Mars – or even Sweden which puts a premium on neatness and tidiness – would have found the pre-Education Reform Act situation hard to credit. Curriculum control in primary schools rested largely with headteachers; only where selective secondary schools remained, were the primary schools constrained in part by 11-plus tests. As comprehensive education spread, this constraint disappeared and primary headteachers used their own judgement, tempered by the guidance of advisers and inspectors, to determine what should be taught and how.

This laissez-faire approach to the curriculum was anathema to the Conservative government, which subsequently summed up its approach to education and society in general with its Back to Basics slogan. A strong emphasis on what was often termed a golden age, when children were seated in rows and learned multiplication tables by rote, was a feature of the major government’s pronouncements in the 1990s, and the term traditional seemed to be sprinkled liberally over every ministerial speech. But the DES had, in 1983, hinted at what was to come in a paper on curricular provision in secondary schools: It seemed essential that all pupils should be guaranteed a curriculum of distinctive breadth and depth to which they should be entitled, irrespective of the type of school they attend or their level of ability or their social circumstances and that failure to provide such a curriculum is unacceptable. (DES, 1983, p. 38)

However, when Secretary of State Sir Keith Joseph issued Better Schools (DES, 1985b), it still did not seem that the reforms would be as far-reaching as they eventually were, for he indicated in 1985 (DES, 1985b, pp. 11–12) that it would not in the view of the Government be right for the Secretary of State’s policy for the range and pattern of the five to sixteen curriculum to amount to the determination of national syllabuses for that period … . The Government does not propose to introduce legislation affecting the powers of the Secretaries of State in relation to the curriculum.

The Education Reform Act was, however, to have a profound effect upon schools and to legislate far beyond the level which Sir Keith had anticipated. In particular, it

14 ●●

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Education in the United Kingdom

made teachers more accountable by strengthening the powers of governors and parents; supported teacher appraisal; devolved budgets and gave schools greater autonomy over spending; allowed for open enrolment, which, in theory at least, allowed parents greater choice; and introduced a National Curriculum for all state schools.

Yet Pierson (1998) argued that the goals of Tory education reforms lacked consistency and that conflicts arose between aims: On the one hand, there was the libertarian logic of allowing consumers to choose the educational service they wanted and, on the other, the wish to reimpose a traditional curriculum, ‘traditional’ teaching methods and an education service which met ‘the overall needs of the economy’. (p. 131)

Chitty (1997) maintained, ‘The 1988 Act sought to erect (or reinforce) a hierarchical system of schooling subject both to market forces and to greater control from the centre’ (p. 53), while Maclure (1998, p. 6) set out the view that the reforms were intended to set a new political agenda for education: The radical Right set out to remove any ambiguity about the locus of power by formally abandoning the century-old idea that authority should be shared between central and local government. The related ambiguity about who was responsible for the curriculum was also removed: the introduction of a National Curriculum made Parliament the arbiter of what is to be taught.

Those who argued for the market principle to be adopted in education felt that the professionals had, for too long, acted in their own interests rather than those of the consumers. According to Hartley (1997), who maintained that the government, rather than the educationalists, came to determine what the product would be in education, ‘Once the National Curriculum was in place, then standardized assessment could follow, thereby providing the results which would allow (customers) parents to compare schools’ (p. 138). Before the eleven plus virtually ceased to exist, parents were able to look at schools’ pass rates to do this. The intervening period had not provided a similar indicator, but the ERA-introduced standardized assessment tests (SATs) and inspection reports provided replacements. The government’s radical changes amounted to restructuring, according to Woods et al. (1997). This restructuring has involved the marketization of schooling (Ball, 1994).

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Ball (1990) described five aspects of educational policy which acted upon the educational system in Britain: ●●

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Privatization has involved selling off elements of educational services including putting services out to private tender and increased reliance upon parental contributions to fund school activities. Marketization has been introduced through measures such as open enrolment and LMS, which have induced competition between schools. Differentiation has involved the creation of different types of schools such as grant maintained and city technology colleges. Vocationalization has focused schools’ attentions on the need to satisfy the needs of industry for a suitable workforce. Proletarianization (see Apple, 1987) of teachers has resulted from their increasing distance from decision-making and their decreased opportunities for choice and creativity.

At the same time as the government introduced measures which amounted to decentralization, it also instituted a considerable element of centralization by imposing a National Curriculum to be followed by all state schools in England and Wales. As announcements of changes were made, teachers were often portrayed in the media, including by members of the government, as inadequate or guilty of failing their pupils. Galton et al. (1999, p. 15) described ‘scare stories’ about poor teaching, which served to heighten public feeling that change was necessary. Hargreaves (1994, p. xiv) summed up the government’s attitude to teachers: In England and Wales, policymakers tend to treat teachers rather like naughty children; in need of firm guidelines, strict requirements and a few short sharp evaluative shocks to keep them up to the mark.

The virtual vilification of teachers from some sources (e.g. Lawlor, 1990), which Ball (1990) describes as ‘a discourse of derision’, may have been counterproductive. Certainly, many teachers left the profession, taking early retirement or making career changes, during the 1990s. By 2000, the government was offering at least £6000 to each postgraduate trainee in both primary and secondary initial teacher training in a bid to counter growing teacher shortages. The OECD (1994) argued that ‘ … educational reforms, no matter how they are conceived in principle, will only be fortuitous if the teachers who are actually

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Education in the United Kingdom

responsible are not made an explicit and pivotal plank of these reforms’ (cited in Fullan and Hargreaves, 1992b, p. 50). However, the reforms were imposed by statute and little cognisance was taken of the opinions of those who would deliver them in schools. The values and cultures of schools were seen to be flawed and the government pressed ahead with its reforms. MacDonald (in Altrichter and Elliott, 2000) criticized the changes introduced by government since 1979 and stated, It would be difficult to overstate the extent to which these reforms constituted a repudiation of the values, aspirations and organizations which had hitherto powered the post-war expansion and modernization project. (p. 22)

The nature of the reforms was debated within the Conservative Party as well as outside it, with Secretary of State Kenneth Baker effectively winning the day and promoting his own scheme in the face of hostility from Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher (see Taylor, 1999, for reminiscences of HMI and DES officials at the time). As Bush (1999, p. 241) maintained, The main legislative changes reflected a fundamental contradiction between the centralizing wing of the Conservative Party and those from the ‘new right’ who advocate a substantial degree of autonomy for schools and maximum competition between them in order to increase their responsiveness and hence raise standard.

The National Curriculum The National Curriculum was intended to counter ‘the mismatch between the output of schools and the needs of the labour market’ (Gipps, 1993, p. 38). The statutory, government-defined, curriculum was implemented in stages from the autumn of 1990. The core subjects of English, mathematics and science were in place first, with seven other foundation subjects following (six in primary schools where modern foreign languages were not compulsory). Initially, each subject was defined in an individual document and pupils were to work at one of ten different levels of attainment, with their progress being assessed by teachers and by external SATs. Programmes of study outlined what was to be taught, and attainment targets defined the range of knowledge, skills and understanding which children were expected to acquire at different stages of their school careers. Richards (1993) asserted that this was the first time since the withdrawal of the elementary school regulations in 1926 that primary schools had been required to plan and deliver curricula which were largely legally specified.

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The National Curriculum was not intended to be the complete school curriculum, and other cross-curricular themes such as health education, environmental education and economic awareness were also to be studied (see DES, 1989a, 3.3–3.9). It soon became apparent that the implementation of the National Curriculum had resulted in an overloaded timetable, and in 1993 Sir Ron Dearing was asked to review and revise the curriculum. Basini (1996, p. 2) sums up the criticism of the National Curriculum and its content and implementation: Critics suggested that there had not been sufficient consultation, especially with teachers; that the curriculum structure was an obsolete grammar school type subject-based one that neglected important areas such as political awareness; and that there was excessive bureaucracy, overload of content and assessment procedures.

There were concerns from the outset that the curriculum for primary schools was too subject-centred and had more in common with the secondary curriculum than with what had been taught in primary schools in the previous twenty years. Indeed, the composition of the National Curriculum was compared by Goodson (1995) with that of the Secondary Regulations of 1904. He demonstrated this by listing the two curricula side by side: 1904 1987 English English Maths Maths Science Science History History Geography Geography Physical Education Physical Education Drawing Art Foreign Language Modern Foreign Language Manual Work Domestic Subjects Technology (Music added soon afterwards) Music (pp. 203–204)

The similarities led Goodson to question ‘the rhetoric of “a new initiative” and to assert that the National Curriculum could be seen “as a victory of the forces and intentions” ’ (pp. 204–205) of the political Right. Moon and Mortimore (1989, p. 9) argued that the primary curriculum was presented in restricted terms: ‘ … as if it were no more than a pre-secondary preparation (like the worst sort of “prep school”)’.

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Education in the United Kingdom

The extent of the subject range raised questions about schools’ abilities to deliver such a broad curriculum with a teaching force which was felt to lack subject knowledge in some areas. Indeed, even before the final documents had been produced, the Cox Report (DES, 1989b), which was the forerunner of the English National Curriculum, had maintained that courses for children in knowledge about language were not being recommended and that this was partly because substantial programmes of teacher training are required if teachers are themselves to know enough to enable them to design with confidence programmes of study about language. (6.3)

The 2013 National Curriculum demanded still more linguistic terminology to be understood and taught by teachers, and it was set against the backdrop of a statutory spelling, punctuation and grammar test for all Year 6 pupils. The concerns about teachers’ abilities to teach aspects of English, a core subject, were significant, but there were further worries about teachers’ subject knowledge in areas such as science and technology (see Galton and Patrick, 1990 and Leverhulme Project (Wragg et al., 1989)). The implementation of the National Curriculum was fraught with difficulties. Each subject’s curriculum was designed by a committee of people with a vested interest in ensuring that coverage would be comprehensive. As Maclure (1998, p. 13) commented, ‘The creation of a broad and balanced National Curriculum was undertaken at break-neck pace without adequate time for preparation and planning’. Young (1998) wrote of a ‘policy of overspecification of outcomes and little consultation with teachers’ leading to a curriculum which monitored schools’ achievements, but offered ‘few incentives for teachers to take more responsibility for raising achievement in their schools’ (p. 85). Despite the prescriptive nature of the National Curriculum, no attempt was made at first to influence teaching methods, but by 1992 Alexander et al. (‘The Three Wise Men’) had been commissioned to report on curriculum organization and classroom practice, and had recommended more ‘whole-class’ teaching and less time spent on ‘topic work’. The trend towards such an approach was identified by Pollard et al. (1994), but the report suggested that further changes were necessary. The Dearing Report (1993) was the government’s response to growing discontent among educators. According to Galton and Fogelman (1998, p 120),

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From the outset it was clear that the purpose of the Dearing report was not to evaluate the Government’s National Curriculum strategy but to find ways of reducing teachers’ workloads and of solving the impasse over the schemes of assessment.

Intending to slim down the curriculum and streamline testing arrangements, Dearing (1993, p. 61) clearly recognized many of the above criticisms and commented, we have created an over-elaborate system which distorts the nature of different subjects, which serves to fragment teaching and learning in that teachers are planning work from the statements of attainment, and which has at times reduced the assessment process to a meaningless ticking of boxes.

However, while the curriculum had proved problematical for schools, they also had to face the challenge of assuming greater responsibility for the management of their finances.

Local Management of Schools Parents were, following the ERA, often described as consumers, with schools being the producers who offered their services in a competitive market. The concept of the marketplace was further enhanced by the devolution of substantial responsibility for financial management to schools at the expense of LEAs. Howells (in Williams, 1995) asserts that LMS challenged the culture of primary education: The thrust of LMS is that schools should be more business-like, more competitive, concentrating on image and public relations, satisfied customers and measured products, marketable in the nation’s economy, risking bankruptcy, avoiding co-operation and insisting on only the best quality raw materials. Such business objectives bear little relation to the agreed aims of most schools. (pp. 54–55)

Howells went on to argue that LMS was ‘a political device to put on to other shoulders the responsibility for making unpopular decisions about cuts and economies’ at a time when educational spending was being reduced. LMS also served to individualize schools and created a climate of rivalry for pupil numbers in many areas. The introduction of LMS led Bullock and Thomas (1997) to identify a paradox in the Tory government’s education policies. The decentralization of the control of resources which enabled schools, through LMS,

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Education in the United Kingdom

to take greater responsibility for the management of their finances could be seen as an example of devolving power to individuals and small units, while: ‘ … the centralization of control over the curriculum would appear to be contrary to the market principle and more consistent with the principles underlying planned economies’ (p. 211). Whitty (1989) agreed. However, Webb and Vulliamy (1996) argued that while heads complained about excessive administrative burdens, most of them welcomed the ability to make decisions about financial management as a result of the introduction of LMS. This view is borne out by the responses of many of the head teachers who were interviewed as part of the present study. Downes (1998) identified three features of LMS which were attractive to head teachers: ●●

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Greater flexibility to use resources effectively rather than being ‘hide-bound by externally determined staffing limits and allocations for capitation, or centrally decided maintenance plans’ (p. 26). The incentive to be cost-effective so that money saved could be used to promote the delivery of good education. The sense of autonomy which lifted heads’ morale.

Howells (op cit., 1995) discussed the growing significance of age-weighted pupil numbers (AWPU) in making schools compete with each other for ‘clients’. He asserted, ‘These were not major issues for headteachers a generation ago, but we ignore them today at our peril’ (p. 45). The culture and climate of education was changing and with the change came a new vocabulary. A key word in the lexicon of the 1988 National Curriculum was entitlement. Every child was to be entitled to a broad and balanced curriculum which was similar in every school in the country. However, schools which could attract more pupils would be better off financially and therefore be likely to be able to deliver the curriculum using better resources.

Local education authorities The declining role of LEAs, which accompanied devolution of finances to schools, reduced one of the support systems which schools had previously enjoyed. Humberside LEA, for example, was particularly proactive in helping its schools to implement the National Curriculum from 1988. When the first documents appeared, the LEA held a series of three-day conferences for key trainers within

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each of its schools and strongly suggested that schools adopt a cross-curricular approach to delivery based around five key elements of the science curriculum. Advisers recognized that science was probably the most neglected area within schools and that if it was to be incorporated into the syllabus it should be at the heart of the curriculum. As the demands of the National Curriculum became more apparent, the LEA backed away from this approach, insisting that it had never intended to be prescriptive about the strategy for curriculum delivery. Advisers then promoted an approach in which each lesson should be focused upon a single National Curriculum subject, with any other subjects being included incidentally. The LEAs did provide a stimulus for change through their internal inspection services. However, schools moved towards their own diverse approaches to delivering the curriculum and felt increasingly accountable to OFSTED and to parents as inspections became regular and league tables of SATs results began to be published. Greater proportions of funds were devolved to schools at the expense of LEAs, and schools became able to take up tenders from private companies for in-service and maintenance work. As LEAs’ importance declined, many head teachers regretted this, feeling that a support system had been taken away from them. As Church (in Williams, 1995, p. 29) maintained, Individual schools and teachers are increasingly uncomfortable with values which they see as being unforgiving to the weak and to the disadvantaged. They want the LEA to be the referee – to act and persuade from its knowledge and wide experience across many schools of how such issues can be addressed. Above all, they reject isolationism and seek collaboration and partnership in what they do.

Nevertheless, the pressure groups of the New Right, which had a strong influence on the government, tended to portray LEAs as local monopolies (Flew, 1987; Lawlor, 1989) which should be broken, and the 1993 Education Act (DfE, 1993) left LEAs with even more limited functions, since it removed the requirement for them to have an education committee and set up a funding agency for schools opting out of LEA control.

Grant-maintained schools The 1988 Act allowed schools to assume grant-maintained status by opting out of local authority control to receive funding directly from the government. LEAs in which schools opted out were to have their budgets cut accordingly,

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and the grant-maintained schools were to receive higher incomes than their LEA counterparts, since the element of funding which was allocated for LEA administration went directly to the schools. Thus, schools could determine which LEA services they wished to buy in and could, if they so wished, make use of alternative providers. Downes (1998) noted that the opportunity to opt for grant-maintained status was relished by some heads who were ‘unashamedly competitive (including a few who engineered significant pay rises for themselves in the process)’ (p. 28). Maclure (1998) suggested that proposals to close a school or merge it with another will be likely to prompt moves to opt out of local authority control, since GM status represented a school’s best chance of reprieve: Local authorities have responded by bringing forward fewer reorganisation schemes and weighing carefully the possible consequences in terms of GM defections – if only because if one school is allowed to opt out, the balance of a reorganisation scheme may be radically altered. (p. 19)

Hargreaves (1994) maintained that these educational changes in Britain were extreme in terms of pace, extent of influence and ‘disrespect and disregard for teachers themselves’ (p. 6). He went on to argue that ‘In the political rush to bring about reform, teachers’ voices have been largely neglected, their opinions overridden, and their concerns dismissed’ (p. 6).

New Labour 1997–2010 Tony Blair led the Labour Party to victory in the 1997 election stating that his three key priorities were ‘Education, education, education’. New Labour, having before the election talked of an alternative curriculum ‘which values local flexibility and the professional discretion of teachers’ (Labour Party, 1994), continued to deploy the prescriptive curriculum devised by the Conservatives. Indeed, it went on to introduce the National Literacy Strategy (NLS) and National Numeracy Strategy (NNS), which were more prescriptive than anything which had gone before. It came to office pledging to achieve literacy and numeracy targets for eleven-year-olds by the end of its term of office in 2002, and stated its aims in simplistic terms redolent of the Tories’ ‘back to basics’ ethos. Every child was to be ‘taught to read, write and add up’ (DfEE, 1997, p. 9). Fullan (1999) describes the implementation of the NLS and NNS as being ‘ … the most ambitious implementation strategy undertaken by a

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major government’ (pp. 58–59), since their goals are backed by implementation strategies which include ‘initial teacher training, professional development, local plans, assessment and feedback, family programs, national activities and the like’ (p. 58). For the first time a style of pedagogy has been prescribed and it appeared from progress reports (OFSTED, 1999) that teachers generally seem to have adopted it. It may be that teachers had become used to accepting edicts from outside agencies and no longer had the will or desire to oppose them. It is difficult to imagine that the NLS and NNS could have been implemented in the school culture which existed in 1976, and it may be that the Education Reform Act and other pieces of legislation laid the foundation for the more prescriptive changes which followed by changing the culture of primary schools. This susceptibility to change is illustrated by the fact that the NLS and NNS were not statutory as the National Curriculum was, but it appears that virtually all state schools adopted them. Both New Labour and the Conservatives maintained control over curriculum content, but New Labour sought to influence pedagogy in a way that their predecessors never attempted. Davies and Edwards (1999) argued that both approaches had in common ‘a profound mistrust of teachers’ (p. 270). They suggested that the close control of teaching methods meant that we might view the literacy and numeracy hours ‘as the pedagogical equivalents of painting by numbers’ (p. 270). Changes were imposed as politicians became increasingly determined to challenge what was perceived to be a conservative educational establishment which the new 2010 secretary of state Michael Gove named ‘The Blob’. The changes have altered, in many ways, the nature of the curriculum and the ways in which schools are run. However, despite the radical elements of the changes, it is interesting to speculate as to whether the government would have been able to introduce the NLS and NNS in the educational climate which existed before 1988, given the way in which pedagogy is prescribed. It may be that many educators have resigned themselves to having lost any battles which might be fought against change. The New Labour government saw further changes to the primary curriculum, with the literacy and numeracy frameworks replacing the NLS and NNS and a greater emphasis being placed upon teachers choosing appropriate pedagogies. However, the government did commission the Independent Review of Early Reading (the Rose Review), which, among other things, advocated the uses of systematic synthetic phonics as the prime approach for teaching early reading.

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The recommendation of the review set out best practice in the teaching of early reading and phonics including: ●●

●●

●●

●●

Clear guidance should be provided on developing children’s speaking and listening skills. High-quality, systematic phonic work as defined by the review should be taught. The knowledge, skills and understanding that constitute high-quality work should be taught as the prime approach in learning to decode (to read) and encode (to write/spell) print. Phonic work should be set within a broad and rich language curriculum that takes full account of developing the four interdependent strands of language: speaking, listening, reading and writing, and enlarging children’s stock of words.

The recommendations of the Rose Review were adopted by the Labour government and reinforced by the subsequent coalition government. Systematic synthetic phonics (SSP) now became a specific focus of OFSTED for the inspection of schools and teacher training providers, and in the Teachers’ Standards in 2012, there is a specific statement that to gain qualified teacher status trainees should, ‘if teaching early reading, demonstrate a clear understanding of systematic synthetic phonics’ (DfE, 2011, para. 3). The strength of the research behind the Rose Review was questioned by many, including Wyse and Styles (2007), who maintained that ‘The Rose Report’s conclusions are based on assertion rather than rigorous analysis of appropriate evidence … ’ and argued that ‘there was a lack of attention to research evidence’ (p. 40). Nevertheless, Michael Gove, the soon-to-be-elected secretary of state for education, was also a strong advocate of SSP, stating in 2009: So we will provide training and support to every school in the use of systematic synthetic phonics – the tried and tested method of teaching reading which has eliminated illiteracy in Clackmannanshire and West Dunbartonshire. (Michael Gove speech – 6th November 2009)

The curriculum, however, continued to be a cause for concern and two major reviews of primary education were launched: the Cambridge Review sponsored by the Esme Fairburn Trust from 2004, and the Rose Review, not to be confused with Rose’s reviews of reading and of dyslexia, sponsored by the government from 2008. The former was led by Professor Robin Alexander and was ‘an

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independent review led by academics, guided by a diverse and talented Advisory Committee’ (Alexander, 2007, p 190). It set out ‘to establish from both official and independent sources exactly what has happened to the quality of primary education since defining educational quality became the prerogative of national government’ (Alexander, 2007, p 195). The Rose Review was conducted by Sir Jim Rose at the request of Secretary of State Ed Balls and was widely perceived as an attempt by the government to undermine the Cambridge Review. The publication of the Cambridge Review was brought forward to coincide with the publication of the Rose Review. Both reviews concluded that the curriculum was overcrowded, and the Cambridge Review proposed a restructuring of the curriculum. However, the recommendations were never taken up by the government, which ended its term of office in 2010 by closing down the National Strategies and recommending a scaling down of the National Curriculum.

Primary schools in England in 2014 In 2014, maintained schools within England were required to conform to government requirements regarding the format and content of education. A uniform model of education specifies a constrained curriculum and the ages at which different aspects should be studied. The National Curriculum published in 2013 looks substantially the same as those cited by Goodson earlier in this chapter, although the actual content of each subject has changed. Our 1976 teacher might be surprised to see some of the grammatical terminology which primary pupils are now expected to know and understand. For example, by the end of Year 3 they should know and understand: adverb, preposition conjunction, word family, prefix, clause, subordinate clauses, direct speech, consonant, consonant letter and inverted commas. The same constraints are not placed upon academies or free schools, although the fact that pupils will be examined in the same way as those in maintained schools probably ensure a high degree of uniformity. There has been a clear shift in power in primary education from local authorities (LA) to schools, with many of the latter deciding to become academies and so beyond the jurisdiction of local authorities, while maintained schools continue to have the freedom to opt in or out of local authority service packages. At the same time as schools have increased autonomy from LAs, they have become constrained by the league tables which show pupils’ progress in

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relation to other schools. Competition between schools for pupils and funding, as well as the constant threat of a short-notice OFSTED inspection, means that schools strive constantly to improve SATs scores, sometimes in ways which, when exposed, lead to head teachers’ careers ending amid scandal. Central government now exerts far more control over primary education in England than in 1976, and Brundrett (2013, p 121) argues that three interconnected issues are at the heart of the 2010–2015 coalition government’s educational agenda: the desire for increased autonomy for schools based on the academies programme; the move to school-based teacher training and the proposals for the revision of the national curriculum.

Brundrett maintains that these reforms continue the overall theme of change since the 1980s which is to diminish the role of Local Authorities and Higher Education by enhancing the direct relationship between central government and individual schools within a competitive framework based on a quasi-market approach.

The view that current changes to primary schools are part of a continuum which involves successive governments building upon each other’s reforms is taken up by Exley and Ball (2011, p. 114). While Ed Balls talked of primary school mergers and ‘executive heads’, Michael Gove has suggested celebrity advisers like Carole Vorderman and Goldie Hawn. Thus, to some extent Tory policy can be understood in terms of previous Labour policy, taking it further in particular directions by different means.

School performance The performance of English pupils relative to those in other countries has continued to come under close scrutiny, with the Progress in International Reading Literacy Study (PIRLS), which measures nine- and ten-year-olds’ literacy achievement every five years, being given particular attention. In 2006 and 2011, 215,000 pupils in forty-five countries were tested. The 2011 results showed that only five of the forty-five countries’ performance was significantly better than England’s and that only two countries showed greater improvement between 2006 and 2011 (Higgins, 2013). England rose from fifteenth in 2006 to eleventh in 2011 in international rankings, with its highest performing pupils attaining similar scores to the top-three performers (Finland, Hong Kong and

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the Russian Federation). However, England’s low-attaining pupils scored less well than low attainers in other countries. OFSTED statistics (OFSTED 2014) showed that by the end of 2013 79 % of open schools were judged to be good or better at their most recent inspection. This is a one percentage point rise since 31 August 2013. This compares with a rise of five percentage points in the same period in 2012 and one percentage point increase in 2011.

For primary schools, 80 per cent are rated good or outstanding, with only 2 per cent graded inadequate. Figure 1.1 is taken from OFSTED’s Statistical Release of 13 March 2014. While the PIRLS scores and OFSTED inspection outcomes do not suggest that primary education is in crisis, there is justifiable concern that some children may be underperforming in underperforming schools. A central plank of the coalition government’s attempts to reform education have involved expanding the number of teachers trained in schools – an interesting development given that a higher proportion of higher education trainers than school-based trainers

Nursery (416) Primary (16,246)

56 17

Secondary (3078)

All schools (21,107)

41 18

63

23

Special (1014) Pupil referral unit (353)

39

49 36 64

20 Outstanding

23

5

51

16

60 Good

2

Requires improvement

11

2

16

4

18

3

Inadequate

Figure 1.1  Most recent overall effectiveness of maintained schools as at 31 December 2013 (provisional) Notes: Percentages in the chart are rounded and may not add to 100. Based on Edubase at 3 January 2014. Data include the most recent judgements for predecessor schools of academy converters that have not been inspected as an academy converter. From 1 September 2012 the judgement ‘requires improvement’ replaced the judgement ‘satisfactory’. Schools have been inspected under a number of different frameworks. The section 5 inspection framework was introduced on 1 September 2005. Subsequently amended frameworks have been introduced on 1 September 2009, 1 January 2012 and 1 September 2012. These statistics exclude schools inspected during the quarter but where the inspection report had not been published by 31 January 2014. For these schools the previous inspection is included.

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were rated outstanding by OFSTED at the time the coalition took office. The Chief Inspector’s report (OFSTED, 2010, p. 60) stated the overall effectiveness of the very large majority of training programmes based in a higher education institution is good or better, with just under a half outstanding (30 out of 64). However, very few higher education providers offering training in more than one phase have been judged to be outstanding in all phases. For school-centred provision, the proportion that is outstanding is much lower than that found in higher education institutions.

Despite the inspectorate’s findings, the government has carried out its pledge to transfer the bulk of teacher training to schools and has also allowed free schools and academies to employ unqualified teachers. In addition, other routes into teaching have been developed, including Teach First, which enables graduates with first-class degrees to teach after minimal training, and Troops into Teaching, which provides fast-track teacher training for members of the armed services. Our 1976 teachers’ initial feeling that not much had changed in almost forty years might then have changed as they now delve into the current state of primary education. The recently qualified teachers will have had to pass literacy and numeracy skills tests, which have been made more challenging recently, and which have led to many candidates for courses being unable to take up their places. They will also find that there is a whole area of information technology which is new to them, but which children are confident about. Back in 1976 our teachers did not need a science qualification in order to secure a training place, but a minimum of GCSE science is now required. A further change they will notice will be the presence of teaching assistants in many classrooms, some of whom take on whole-class teaching at times, often to enable teachers to engage in professional development. Such assistance was rare in 1976 and usually voluntary. A discussion with the head teacher will reveal that our teachers should expect to have their performance reviewed annually and that the outcome may influence their salaries. They will also discover that parents are now represented on the governing body and that governors have curricular responsibilities and may observe their teaching. They might also be intrigued by the school’s website, mission statement and, perhaps, its glossy prospectus which is handed to every prospective parent. However, perhaps one of the first changes they will have noticed, long before looking at classrooms or speaking to colleagues, would be the challenge

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of actually entering the school. Levels of security have changed dramatically following well-publicized incidents, and even gaining access to the playground may have involved intercom communication. After surmounting that hurdle, they would probably have had to press a buzzer and identify themselves before being allowed through the front door and being asked for a Disclosure and Barring Service (DBS) certificate to ensure that they did not have a criminal record, which might make them an unwelcome visitor.

Conclusions Primary education in England has, despite some outward appearances, changed considerably since the 1970s. Schools have acquired some elements of autonomy through devolution of some powers from local authorities, but this is a restricted autonomy, constrained by governmental imposition of testing regimes designed to ensure adherence to the curriculum. The nature of that curriculum has changed repeatedly, with each new government wishing to impose its stamp upon primary education. Gillard (2013, p 406) sums up what he considers to be the government’s approach: Education secretary Michael Gove talks a lot about ‘freeing’ schools from local authority control, when he knows perfectly well that the local authorities have no powers left from which schools can be ‘freed’. He tells teachers they’re real professionals doing a grand job, but never misses an opportunity to dictate exactly what and how they should teach. Parents are told they are to have more choice, but when they choose not to have an academy foisted on them, they are ignored. When they object to the expansion of a grammar school, they are told they no longer even have the right to object. Governors are expected to exercise great responsibility, yet when they try to do so, they are overruled.

In 1976, Callaghan’s Ruskin speech launched what was termed ‘The Great Debate’ about education, which led ultimately to governments playing a much more active role in influencing the nature of that education. While this may come as a surprise to our 1976 teachers, whose union might have resisted such impositions, it is perhaps not so surprising that elected representatives should wish to have a strong say in how taxpayers’ money is spent. Restricted or licensed autonomy may, therefore, be the best that English primary schools can expect forty years later.

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References Alexander, R. (2007) ‘Where there is no vision’, Forum, 49:2, pp. 187–199. Alexander, R., Rose, J. and Woodhead, C. (1992) Curriculum Organisation and Classroom Practice in Primary Schools: A Discussion Paper, London, DES. Altrichter, H. and Elliot, J. (2000) Images of Educational Change, Buckingham, Open University. Apple, M. (1987) ‘Mandating computers: the impact of the new technology on the labour process, students and teachers’, in: Walker, S. and Barton, L. (eds) Changing Policies, Changing Teachers: New Directions for Schooling?, Milton Keynes, Open University. Ball, S.J. (1990) Politics and Policy Making in Education: Explorations in Policy, London, Routledge. ——— (1994) Education Reform: A Critical and Post-Structural Approach, Buckingham, Open University Press. Basini, A. (1996). ‘The national curriculum: foundation subjects’, in: Docking, J. (ed.), National School Policy: Major Issues in Education Policy for Schools in England and Wales, 1979 onwards. London, Fulton in association with the Roehampton Institute, pp. 1–14. Bennett, N. (1976) Teaching Styles and Pupil Progress, London, Open University. Brundrett, M. (2013) ‘Reforming primary education: the need for dialogue and consensus’, Education 3-13: International Journal of Primary, Elementary and Early Years Education, 41:2, pp. 121–124. Bullock, A. and Thomas, H. (1997) Schools at the Centre? A Study of Decentralisation, London, Routledge. Bush, T. (1999) ‘Crisis or crossroads: the discipline of educational management in the late 1990s’, Educational Management and Administration, 27:3, pp. 239–252. Chitty, C. (1997) ‘Privatisation and marketisation’, Oxford Review of Education, 23:1, pp. 45–68. Cox, C.B. and Dyson, A.E. (eds) (1969) Fight for Education: A Black Paper, London, Critical Quarterly Society. Davies, M. and Edwards, G. (1999) ‘Will the curriculum caterpillar ever learn to fly?’, Cambridge Journal of Education,29:2, pp. 265–275. Dearing, R. (1993) The National Curriculum and Its Assessment, London, School Curriculum and Assessment Authority. DES (1967) Children and Their Primary Schools (The Plowden Report) Report of the Central Advisory Council for Education in England, London, HMSO. ——— (1972) Education White Paper (A Framework for Expansion), London, HMSO. ——— (1975) A Language for Life (The Bullock Report), London, HMSO. ——— (1978) Primary Education in England: A Survey by HM Inspectors of Schools. London, HMSO.

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——— (1983) Curriculum 11-16: Towards a Statement of Entitlement: Curricular Reappraisal in Action, London, HMSO. ——— (1985a) The Curriculum from 5–16, London, HMSO. ——— (1985b) Educational White Paper, Better Schools, London, HMSO. ——— (1989a) The Implementation of the National Curriculum in Primary Schools (HMI Report), London, HMSO. ——— (1989b) English for Ages 5 to 16 (The Cox Report), London: HMSO. DfE (1993) Education Act 1993, London, HMSO. ——— (2011) Teachers’ Standards: Statutory guidance for school leaders, school staff and governing bodies. London: DFE–00066–2011. DfEE (1997) Excellence in Schools, London, DfEE. Downes, P. (1998) ‘The head’s perspective’, Oxford Review of Education, 24:1, pp. 25–33. Exley, S. and Ball, S.J. (2011) ‘Something old, something new …  understanding conservative education policy’. in: Bochel, Hugh, (ed.) The Conservative Party and Social Policy, Bristol, Policy Press, pp. 97–118. Flew, A. (1987) Power to the Parents: Reversing Educational Decline, London, Sherwood Press. Fullan, M. and Steigelbauer, S.M. (1991) The New Meaning of Educational Change, London, Cassell. Fullan, M. (1999) Change Forces: The Sequel, London, Falmer. ——— (eds) (1992b) Teacher Development and Educational Change, London, Falmer. Galton, M., Simon, B. and Croll, P. (1980) Inside the Primary School, London, Routledge and Kegan Paul. Galton, M. and Fogelman, K. (1998) ‘The use of discretionary time in the primary school’, Research Papers in Education, 13:2, pp. 119–139. Galton, M. and Patrick, H. (eds) (1990) Curriculum Provision in the Small Primary School, London, Routledge. Galton, M., Hargreaves, L., Comber, C., Wall, D. and Pell, A. (1999) Inside the Primary Classroom 20 Years On, London, Routledge. Gillard, D. (2013) ‘Turning in their graves? A tale of two coalitions’, Forum, 55:3, pp. 403–406. Gipps, C. (1993) ‘Policy-making and the use and misuse of evidence’, in: Chitty, C. and Simon, B. (1993) Education Answers Back: Critical Responses to Government Policy, London, Lawrence and Wishart. Goodson, I. (1995) The Making of Curriculum, Collected Essays, London, Falmer. Graham, D. (1993) ‘Birth of a revolution’, in: Graham, D. and Tytler, D. (1993) A Lesson for Us All: The Making of the National Curriculum, London, Routledge. Hargreaves, A. (1994) Changing Teachers, Changing Times, London, Cassell. Hartley, D. (1997) Re-schooling Society, London, Falmer. Higgins, S. (2013) ‘What can we learn from research?’, in: Waugh, D. and Neaum, S. (2013) Beyond Early Reading, London, Critical Publishing.

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Judd, J. and Crequer, N. (1993) ‘The right tightens its grip on education’, in: Chitty, C. and Simon, B. (1993) Education Answers Back: Critical Responses to Government Policy, London, Lawrence and Wishart. Labour Party (1994) Opening Doors to a Learning Society: A Political Statement on Education, London, Labour Party. Lawlor, S. (1989) Away with the LEAs: ILEA Abolition as a Pilot, London, Centre for Policy Studies. ——— (1990) Teachers Mistaught: Training in Theories or Education in Subjects?, London, Centre for Policy Studies. Lawton, J. (1990) Education and Politics for the 1990s: Conflict or Consensus?, London, Routledge. Maclure, S. (1988) Education Reformed, Sevenoaks, Headway, Hodder and Stoughton. ——— (1998) ‘Through the revolution and out the other side’, Oxford Review of Education, 24:1, pp. 5–24. Moon, B. and Mortimore, P. (1989) The National Curriculum: Straitjacket or Safetynet?, Education Reform Group, Ginger Paper Five, London, Colophon Press. OECD. (1994) PEB Papers, The Educational Infrastructure in Rural Area, Paris, OECD. OFSTED. (1999) The National Literacy Strategy: An Evaluation of the First Year of the National Literacy Strategy, London, OFSTED. ——— (2010) The Annual Report of Her Majesty’s Chief Inspector 2009/10, Norwich, The Stationery Office. ——— Website: http://www.ofsted.gov.uk/resources/latest-official-statistics-maintainedschool-inspections-and-outcomes. Accessed 27 March 2014. Pierson, C. (1998) ‘The new governance of education: the conservatives and education 1988–1997’, Oxford Review of Education, 24:1, pp. 131–242. Pollard, A., Broadfoot, P., Croll, P., Osborn, M. and Abbott, D. (1994) Changing English Primary Schools? The Impact of the Education Reform Act at Key Stage One, London, Cassell. Prais, S. and Wagner, K. (1983) Schooling Standards in Britain and Germany, London, NIESR. Richards, C. (1993) ‘Implementing the national curriculum at key stage 2’, The Curriculum Journal, 4:2, pp. 231–238. Taylor, T. (1999) ‘Movers and shakers: high politics and the origins of the national curriculum’, in Moon, B. and Murphy, P (eds) (1999) Curriculum in Context, London, Open University, Paul Chapman. Webb, R. and Vulliamy, G. (1996) ‘A deluge of directives: conflict between collegiality and managerialism in the post-ERA primary school’, British Educational Research Journal, 22:4, pp. 441–445. Whitty, G. (1989) ‘The new right and the national curriculum: state control or market forces?’, Journal of Educational Policy, 4:4, pp. 329–341. Williams, V. (1995) ‘The context of development’, in: Williams, V. (ed.) Towards Self-Managing Schools, London, Cassell.

England: Primary Schooling Woods, P., Jeffrey, B., Troman, G. and Boyle, M. (1997) Restructuring Schools, Reconstructing Teachers, Buckingham, Open University Press. Wragg, E., Bennett, N. and Carre, C. (1989) ‘Primary teachers and the national curriculum’, Research Papers in Education, 15:3, pp. 17–37. Wyse, D. and Styles, M. (2007) ‘Synthetic phonics and the teaching of reading: the debate surrounding England’s “Rose Report” ’, Literacy, 41:1, pp. 35–42. Young, M. (1998) The Curriculum of the Future, London, Falmer.

Further Resources www.gov.uk/government/organisations/department-for-education/series/statisticsschool-and-pupil-numbers

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2

England: Maintained Secondary Schooling Brian Fidler

Introduction This chapter charts the growth and development of secondary schools in England from the small number of children entering grammar schools in 1900 to the appearance of ‘free schools’ in 2010. Major landmarks are the 1944 Education Act, which brought in secondary education for all, and the massively influential 1988 Education Reform Act. In between there was much debate about comprehensive schools and the need for more agreement on the secondary school curriculum. Since 1988 the major emphases have been on improving the examination performance of schools and devising new types of schools to provide a greater diversity of choice for parents.

Ladder of opportunity The ‘ladder of opportunity’ is a recurring theme in English secondary education. Throughout the twentieth century and beyond, the idea that there should be a means by which bright children from poor families could gain access to more privileged education has been around in different forms. At the start of the twentieth century, when most children ended their schooling in elementary schools at 13, there was only a small number of free scholarship places in secondary schools. In recent times only schools in deprived areas have received special treatment but on a selective basis. Lawton (1994) contrasts the ladder approach with the ‘broad highway’ or universal approach of trying to ensure that there are good schools for all children. Generally, but not exclusively, the ladder concept has been embraced by the Conservative Party.

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In 1902 local authorities received permission for the first time to spend public money on building and running secondary schools. Robert Morant at the Board of Education ensured that the only type of secondary school that was acceptable for this purpose was that of the traditional academic grammar school and in 1904 a prescriptive curriculum was laid down. In 1900 there were 5.3 million pupils in elementary schools, but only about 5000 of them went on to secondary schools by scholarships (Curtis, 1957). This figure rose to 10 per cent of elementary school leavers by 1939, as a result of LEAs’ expansion of their grammar schools (Evans, 1985). However, there were those who passionately believed that more children should enjoy secondary schooling, and that a grammar school type of education would not be suitable for all. In 1926 the Hadow committee proposed a modern secondary school which would have a more practical and vocational curriculum and would not be so circumscribed by external examinations. This was to be the blueprint for secondary modern schools after the 1944 Education Act.

1944 Education Act In 1938 the Spens Committee (McClure, 1979) proposed a structure of secondary education to take a wider group of children – the tripartite system. The third of the types of school in addition to grammar schools and secondary modern schools was to be the technical high school. Experiences in the war reinforced the view that more technical education is necessary for the economy in the future. The technical school was to be equivalent in status to the traditional grammar school, and children were to be selected in a similar way and were expected to remain at school until at least the age of sixteen. In the event, these schools were more expensive to build and equip, and because so few were built in reality the tripartite system was essentially bipartite. Another influential report in this formative period was the Norwood Report in 1944 (McClure, 1979). This examined secondary school examinations and recommended the end of the inflexible grouped subjects making up School Certificate and proposed a single subject examination that in 1947 was accepted to form the General Certificate of Education (GCE). This external examination was seen only as an interim measure before schools could operate their own internal leaving examinations, which never happened. The 1944 Education Act was a landmark in education. State education was to be in three stages – primary, secondary and further. It ushered in secondary

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education for all at age eleven and the raising of the school-leaving age to fifteen in 1947. It created a Ministry of Education for the first time and gave responsibility for running secondary schools to 142 local education authorities in England and Wales. The term ‘LEA’ was only dropped in 2009, when Children’s Services and Education were unified in local authorities. The 1944 arrangement is often referred to as a ‘national system locally administered’ (Regan, 1979). It involved an agreement with the churches and other existing school providers that allowed their schools to continue and enjoy a particular status which gave greater freedom to their school governors in exchange for some financial contribution to the building and upkeep of schools by the provider. The Act was not prescriptive about what should happen in schools, except for religious education (RE). In paragraph 7 it stated, ‘it shall be the duty of the local education authority for every area, so far as their powers extend, to contribute towards the spiritual, moral, mental, and physical development of the community by securing that efficient education throughout those stages shall be available to meet the needs of the population of that area’ (Regan, 1979). It was expected that a selection test at eleven plus would allocate the most able 20 per cent to grammar schools. However, at an early stage some local authorities, notably the London County Council and Coventry, implemented a non-selective comprehensive school system. There followed bipartisan agreement between Labour and Conservative parties about the form of education, and thus at the change of government in 1951, there was continuity. The major preoccupation of the ministry at this time was described as ‘roofs over heads’. From 1945 a massive building programme was required to create the new secondary schools, repair war-damaged ones, provide places for the extra year at school and also accommodate the increasing number of births that began in 1947. Training sufficient teachers was also a major task. Until the 1970s it was an aim of the policy to have sufficient teachers so that the maximum class size in secondary schools can be reduced to thirty. The sheer numbers and expense involved in both these programmes help to explain why there was an apparent lack of action on other fronts.

The comprehensive debate Although secondary modern schools were supposed to have ‘parity of esteem’, their leavers were clearly at an employment disadvantage, indicating a waste of young talent (Taylor, 1963). Only in 1960 did the Beloe Committee recommend the Certificate of Secondary Education (CSE) examination, suitable for the top

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40 per cent of the ability range in secondary modern schools, to be taken at age sixteen. The highest grade of pass was to be equivalent to a GCE pass. Probably the most noteworthy feature of the CSE was that one possibility (mode three) offered teachers the opportunity to design their own curriculum, set their own examination and mark it (with external moderation). By this point the pressure to replace the tripartite system by comprehensive schools had reached critical mass. For some, usually on the left, there were political and philosophical issues of divisiveness that made the tripartite system unacceptable. Secondary modern schools were seen as second best and their children as failures. In addition the eleven-plus selection examination was proving to be more fallible than anticipated. It was estimated that 12 per cent of children were wrongly allocated to their type of school (Evans, 1985). More fundamentally, doubts were also expressed about the basis for intelligence testing on which the eleven plus depended. Finally, empirical evidence showed that there was a class bias to the selection procedure. Far more middle-class children than expected were selected for grammar schools. A vigorous campaign to change to a comprehensive system developed, and as more LEAs went comprehensive fears of the change receded. While there was resistance from supporters of the grammar school, there was no such group supporting the secondary modern school (Benn and Simon, 1972). With the overwhelming tasks of providing sufficient school places and teachers, the central government left it to LEAs to propose any changes to their school system. In this laissez-faire approach there was a gradual drift to comprehensives. In 1960 there were 120 schools in England and Wales and in 1990, 3000. This grew dramatically as the result of the Labour Minister of Education, Anthony Crosland, issuing Circular 10/65 in 1965. The circular required LEAs to submit plans for comprehensive schemes; essentially one of three types – eleven-to-eighteen schools; eleven-to-sixteen schools followed by sixteen-to-eighteen institutions – or some form of middle school (eight to twelve or nine to thirteen) followed by a variety of high schools. There appeared to be some advantage in each of these school systems for different LEAs. While for eleven-to-eighteen schools, the size of the school had to be large to generate a viable sixth form and there was often a need for a purpose-built new school, eleven-to-sixteen schools could be of more manageable size and could perhaps use existing buildings. The middle school variant was to be a stage of education in its own right: a transition between the single class teacher of the small primary school and the more specialist teaching of the larger secondary school

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(Hargreaves and Tickle, 1980). For a time this was a very popular option (in 1978 there were 1690 such schools) and it was only the National Curriculum with a stage of education that ended at eleven, which later made middle schools untenable. A few authorities decided to retain the tripartite system particularly focusing on the desirability of retaining established and successful grammar schools, but most began to prepare plans for comprehensive education. With the change of government in 1970, Margaret Thatcher became the education minister, and she promptly withdrew the circular and allowed LEAs to choose, but reorganization proposals had to be considered school by school. It is said that she approved more comprehensive schools than any other minister. Less remarked on is the fact that she turned many schemes down to save an individual school. As Benn and Chitty (1996) point out, the debate about whether there should be comprehensive schools obscured any debate about the practices that went on in such schools.

The Black Papers The bipartisan agreement on education began to break down in the 1960s with, on the whole, the Conservative Party favouring grammar schools and the Labour Party favouring comprehensives, but there were many individual exceptions to that at local government level. The comprehensive debate became coupled with concerns about progressive teaching methods and lack of discipline. These were main springs of the so-called ‘Black Papers’ that began to appear in 1969. There were five volumes, with the last appearing in 1975. They were written by well-known figures in the literary and educational world and contained trenchant criticism of a number of modern trends. They created a great deal of publicity. Edward Short, the education minister, described the publication of the first Black Paper as ‘one of the blackest days for education in the past 100 years’ as they provided a focus for those disenchanted with modern education. A number of the writers were clearly in favour of grammar schools as they saw this as the only opportunity to keep open the ladder of opportunity for able children from poorer homes. The Black Paper editors in a commentary after the third Black Paper in 1971 claimed that they had been misquoted and misunderstood as they did not oppose all changes and their true purpose was to stop the pendulum swinging too far in a progressive direction (Cox and Dyson, 1971). Unfortunately, around this time there were a number of incidents that

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caught the public imagination and contributed to the poor image of schools. For example, in 1965 there had been the acrimonious closure of a progressive secondary school in London, Risinghill, that had attracted substantial adverse publicity (Berg, 1965). But the most notorious incident happened in 1974 at a small primary school in London, the William Tyndall School, where extreme teaching approaches were used. It became the focus of a public enquiry in 1976 (Kogan). This raised the prospect that maybe LEAs were less aware than they should have been about what was happening in their schools or were failing to take action.

The push for curriculum reform A Labour government had returned to power in 1974 and James Callaghan became the prime minister in 1976. One of his first actions was to ask his minister of education for a report on the state of the schools. The report was leaked to the press and called ‘The Yellow Book’ (1976). Extracts were published in the Times Educational Supplement. The four main issues raised were: the basic approach to teaching the 3Rs in primary schools, curricula for older children in comprehensive schools, the examination system and general issues for sixteento nineteen-year-olds not heading for higher education. He used the material to make a speech at Ruskin College, Oxford, in 1976, raising a number of issues including: the methods and aims of informal instruction, the case for a core curriculum and the need to improve relations between industry and education. This last-named has been a continuing theme. He considered that schools did not place sufficient emphasis on educating children for the world of work. This speech was seminal in a number of ways: a Labour prime minister was seen to be critical of schools, stealing the battle cry of the Tories, and it also marked the end of the ‘secret garden’ of the curriculum. This was a phrase coined by Sir David Eccles in 1962 when he tried unsuccessfully to set up a study group in the ministry to examine and publicize school curricula (Kogan, 1978). As a recompense for the criticisms of the Ruskin College speech, final approval was given to the merger of CSE and GCE examinations when the technical problems had been solved, and GCSE began in 1986. To add to concerns about teaching methods and curricula, in the 1980s there appeared unflattering comparisons with the performance of other countries on international tests. Particularly the tests of maths and science were considered to be least culture-bound and to offer a fairer test of national systems. As each

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new set of test results were published, it appeared that the critics found some weakness in the performance of English secondary schools and where they didn’t they suspected the accuracy of the tests. It was left to the critics to set up what Gorard (2001) describes as the ‘crisis account of education’ in England. By this time there were two other pressing issues. First, direct grant grammar schools which had been funded by central government since 1926 were abolished. They were required to choose either to go independent and raise all their finances by fees or to join the comprehensive system in LEAs. Of the 176, 122 went independent, forty-five joined the state system and seven closed (Wikipedia list of DGGS). A few that went independent re-joined the state system recently as three-to-eighteen academies. Potentially affecting more schools was the 1976 Education Act, which compelled LEAs to produce a comprehensive system in their area. It was repealed by the Thatcher administration in 1979. This removed the pressure on the small number of LEAs that had chosen to keep grammar schools. In 2013 there are still 164 state grammar schools in thirtysix LAs (Wikipedia list of state grammar schools). An equally partisan move was to establish the Assisted Places Scheme to provide a ladder of opportunity again for less well-off children to attend fee-paying schools funded by a state scholarship. But in its turn this was subsequently axed by the incoming Labour government in 1997. The push for some form of core curriculum intensified. A survey of secondary schools in 1979 (HMI, 1979a) showed how few subjects were common to all schools and even less to all children in schools, and a survey of LEAs (HMI, 1979b) showed they did not have adequate curricular policies. In the late 1970s and early 1980s a number of publications appeared from the ministry with tentative curricular models (Lawton, 1984) and there was also a novel approach from HMI (HMI, 1977) based on eight areas of experience. There was resistance to these proposals by LEAs and teacher unions so, when two further surveys of LEA action on school curricula (Circular 6/81, Circular 8/83) failed to get a response from many LEAs, the situation had reached an impasse. Meanwhile, from a completely different direction came the short-lived Technical and Vocational Education Initiative (TVEI). TVEI began a pilot scheme in 1983 and extended to all LEAs in 1987. Extra finance was provided from government training funds. Its aim was to make education more relevant to work and involved trying new teaching methods and a more vocational curriculum for some fourteen- to eighteen-year-olds (Ball, 2008). Limited extra finance was made available through a contract by which LEAs and consortia of

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schools and colleges had to agree to carry out a programme of activities that they had devised. It was short-lived.

Education Reform Act 1988 Kenneth Baker was appointed Mrs Thatcher’s third education minister in 1986. There followed momentous changes. A consultation document on a prescriptive National Curriculum was produced in the summer of 1987 and legislation followed in 1988. There were ten subjects arranged in four key stages from five to sixteen. Many commentators noted the similarity between the subjects of the National Curriculum and the 1904 grammar school regulations (Chitty, 2002; Moon, 1990). As Peter Watkins, who was the deputy chief executive of the National Curriculum Council from 1988 to 1991, explained, ‘the national curriculum had no architect, only builders’ (Watkins, 1993, p. 73). There was also to be national testing of all children at ages seven, eleven, fourteen and sixteen. The implications for schools were immense. Two other measures in the ERA had had some degree of piloting even though they were equally radical. Financial delegation of decision-making from LEAs to schools had been trialled in two LEAs – Cambridgeshire County Council and Solihull Metropolitan Borough – and was almost universally welcomed (Fidler and Bowles, 1989). There had been moves since 1980 to open up a greater choice of school to parents, subject to the physical capacity of each school, but a major new feature was that the finance of schools was to be made dependent on the number of pupils in the school in order to make schools more responsive to consumers and compete with each other for pupils. Maurice Kogan, who had written a book on accountability in 1986 which mentioned a possible type of market accountability evidenced overseas, had to produce a revised edition in 1988 to take account of this development in England (Kogan, 1988). Never before did a single minister have such a dramatic impact. Kenneth Baker, in his autobiography, is not specific as to the source of the ideas behind the Education Reform Act. Certainly he opposed senior civil servants and HMI in his own department, whom he saw as having an in-house ideology of egalitarianism, anti-excellence, anti-selection, anti-market and procomprehensive. He comments, ‘If the civil servants were the guardians of this culture, then Her Majesty’s Inspectors were its priesthood’ (Baker, 1993, p. 168). A brief quote may give some indication of the extent of his personal input into the curriculum: ‘It was because I love the English language and literature so

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much, and had drawn so much pleasure from it in my own life, that I wanted everyone to have the chance of enjoying it’ … but not ‘the more obscure plays of Shakespeare, or the longer novels of Hardy … ’ (Baker, 1993, p. 200). Although a Cabinet committee overseeing these developments had privately agreed that the National Curriculum should take no more than 70 per cent of teaching time, this was not made public (Thatcher, 1993). Margaret Thatcher was firmly of the view that a core curriculum should only cover English, maths and science, and Kenneth Baker had to threaten to resign for the ten-subject curriculum to be accepted (Baker, 1993). When he left office in 1989 his version of the National Curriculum remained, although Margaret Thatcher knew this was too much and in her autobiography she predicted that this would have to be simplified and reduced (Thatcher, 1993). She was to be proved right when, in 1994, Sir Ron Dearing produced the first of a series of simplifying measures. Such was the suspicion and hostility to LEAs that another unexpected measure in ERA was a provision to establish grant-maintained (GM) schools outside LEA control and directly responsible to and funded by central government. A board of governors was to be the only layer between each school and the minister. There was a substantial financial incentive as such schools were to receive their share of the finance that LEAs were given to support schools – this could be as high as 15 per cent of revenue. Schools were required to have ballots of parents to decide to opt out of LEA control if they so wished and to go grant-maintained. By 1998, when they were disbanded by New Labour, there were 1196 secondary GM schools. The inner London education authority (ILEA) had been abolished, with responsibility passed to the thirteen constituent inner London boroughs. Analyzing the range of measures in ERA, it is clear that they represent an accommodation between the two wings of the Tory Party, the libertarians and the traditionalists (Lawton, 1994). Since LEA inspectors had no right of entry into GM schools in their LEA’s area, this left an unresolved problem as regards evaluation and accountability. This was solved in 1992 by creating a new quango, the Office for Standards in Education (OFSTED). A further advantage of this new inspection regime was that it blunted the possibility of HMI criticizing government policy since inspections were to be of schools (and later LEAs). OFSTED was another compromise between free markets and standards and tradition, as the majority of inspections were to be carried out by teams chosen by competitive tender, but the inspections themselves were to be carried out on a standard framework devised by OFSTED. OFSTED was to manage the inspection system to ensure that all schools in receipt of public funds were inspected every four years

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(Ouston et al., 1996). Since the inspection reports were to be published, this would add to the range of information on which parents as consumers could make their choice of school for their children. The other information included GCE A level, GCSEs and national test results in league tables of schools and LEAs and other specific information in a school brochure. In the league tables 5 A*–C GCSE grades became the benchmark for comparing the success of secondary schools.

New types of school since 1988 Since 1944 one type of school has provided a prototype for others to follow, that is, the voluntary aided school. These were mainly schools previously run by the churches. Unlike County schools, these schools selected and employed their own staff (although the cost was met by the LEA) and operated their own admission arrangements. This meant that there was no ambiguity about the power to appoint and dismiss staff, and the school had control of who obtained school places. Schools could set up their own criteria for admission, although these could not include any selection by academic ability except in the case of the remaining grammar schools. The 1988 Act brought in two new named schools: Grant-Maintained and City Technology Colleges (CTCs), but these still reflected their original-type pre1988, that is, grant-maintained schools, either grammar or comprehensive. It was their independence from a LEA and their extra finance that initially helped distinguish them. There was a suspicion that such schools used implicit criteria such as parental interviews as a covert form of selection (West et al., 2007). There was no limit put on the number of grant-maintained schools; it depended upon individual parental ballots in school to decide to opt out and become grantmaintained. There was strong opposition from LEAs and others to prevent opting out as they saw the move as divisive, but also tremendous political pressure at central government level to increase the number of schools opting out to make the policy appear successful. After ten years when this category was abolished, the number of secondary GM schools was 1196. On the other hand, CTCs were originally intended to be new schools and few in number, Kenneth Baker initially announcing plans for twenty at the Tory Party conference in 1986. These schools needed a sponsor willing to contribute £2 million of capital expenditure in exchange for freedom in terms of, for example, not being required to teach the National Curriculum and operating their own

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salary scales for staff. It proved quite difficult to attract sponsors and it was only a small group of ‘entrepreneurs’ who were willing to act as such. Garnering the £2 million still proved difficult and there were sponsors for only fifteen schools after a great deal of effort to attract sponsors by the government.

Specialist schools In 1992, Choice and Diversity: A New Framework for Schools (DFE, 1992) advanced a number of grounds for introducing a curricular specialization to schools. The document identified a need for a greater diversity of schools to reflect the needs of parents, pupils and employment and this would raise attainment. There was also the suggestion that business and industry might be more closely connected with such schools and be represented on the governing body. Although a number of possible subject specialisms were mentioned, the most pressing need was thought to be technology, including information technology. Schools could choose a specialist area, initially technology, in which to specialize, although they would also offer the full National Curriculum like any other school. There was a substantial incentive of extra funds – an initial grant of £100,000 and a further sum for each pupil each year, but to be eligible a school had to raise sponsorship of £100,000 from local businesses. Schools also had to submit a plan to use the money, and reports of their current performance had to be at least satisfactory (OFSTED, 2005). Initially the sum of money for this scheme was limited and so schools that met the criteria weren’t necessarily designated as specialist schools (Lane, 2002). Soon this restriction was removed and another specialism was added – languages. In view of the difficulty of attracting sponsors for CTCs, a new shadowy quango was set up with a very influential chairman. Cyril Taylor, later knighted for his services, was a superb networker and his efforts were seminal in nurturing each development. The importance of publicity was recognized and used. This trust took on the role of increasing the number of specialist schools. In retrospect it was recognized that critical mass in terms of the number of such schools was crucial if they were to survive a change of government. Looking back, a Trust Report (SSAT, 2007) judged that had there been a change of government in 1992, as widely expected at the time, specialist schools might have come to an end, but by 1997 the number was so large that Cyril Taylor obtained the support of both Tony Blair as leader of the Labour Party, and likely to be prime minister, and Education Spokesman David Blunkett (SSAT, 2007). In this way specialist schools survived the change of government in 1997 and expanded.

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Labour government plans in 1997 A ‘New Labour’ government was elected in 1997 with a landslide majority. The priority for this government had been made very clear by a speech by Tony Blair in the party’s annual conference in 1996 with the totemic phrase ‘education, education and education’. In a speech he delivered on the twentieth anniversary of James Callaghan’s Ruskin College speech in 1996, he laid out the range of developments that the new government would pursue (Blair, 1996). Overarching themes were that economic success and social cohesion depend upon education so that the main aim should be to ‘improve the educational experience, and raise standards of achievement for the majority of children’. While Blair approved of the National Curriculum and local management of schools, he was critical of relying on market mechanisms to improve schools. Instead there will be rigorous assessment of pupil and school performance, and actions based upon it. Blair considered that, by international comparison, education in England was falling behind. Although the top was very good, there were far too many underperforming children and schools at the bottom. Dealing with underperformance in inner cities was indeed an early priority for action, but Blair recognized that education was more than exam results, priority though they were. There was more than a passing recognition of five aims for every young person in the 2003 White Paper, Every Child Matters (Pring, 2008) (be healthy, stay safe, enjoy and achieve, make a positive contribution and achieve economic well-being). A restriction on the efforts of the new government was that they had made a commitment to keep to the spending plans of the previous government for the first two years of office, and so there was only very modest extra resources for education in that period. After 1997, as the Labour government disbanded grant-maintained schools, it offered a new school designation – foundation school – with similar powers to voluntary aided schools even though all the costs were funded by the state through the LEA. This was considered necessary as it was reported that an influential group of GM heads had been appealing to Tony Blair to protect them from any recrimination from their local authority when they re-joined it. In any case all schools were offered some distancing from any undue influence from their LEA in 1999 by a code of conduct.

New initiatives There followed a relentless stream of initiatives. These often overlapped, and so it was difficult to isolate the effect of any one policy particularly before its

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funding ceased. One such stream that Tony Blair had identified was the issue of poor school performance in areas of high deprivation. There were a series of initiatives which included groups of schools and their LEAs in towns and cities: Education Action Zones in 1998, Excellence in Cities in 1999, the London Challenge in 2003 and City Challenge in 2008. The largest of these, Excellence in Cities, covered over 1000 secondary schools in forty-nine LEAs (OFSTED, 2010). An important change was made to the requirements for specialist schools to make them acceptable to the Labour government. They were required to add a community dimension to their work acting as a resource for other schools and the wider community including business and industry. Subject to this change, the extra resources and designation specialist school continued and expanded. More specialist subjects were added – science, mathematics and computing, business and enterprise, engineering (in 2001), music, humanities and a rural subject for rural schools (in 2003). More controversially, specialist schools were given the power to select up to 10 per cent of pupils by aptitude in their specialist subject, if they so wished through the Standards and Framework Act of 1998. By 2001 there were 685 specialist schools, by 2005 there were 2000 and by 2008 there were 2700.

City academies To deal with the issue of severely underperforming schools a Fresh Start initiative was devised in 1997. This involved closing a school and reopening it under new leadership, with some refurbishment and a new name. Results were expected within two years, but after some well-publicized failures the programme was quietly dropped. In its place in 2000 David Blunkett announced city academies. They were expected to replace failing schools in inner-city areas or provide new schools where there was a need for further places and were on the same pattern as the CTCs of Kenneth Baker. They required a sponsor to put up £2 million towards the capital cost of the school but then were given freedom in a number of areas to run the school. City academies had the twin aims of raising achievement in inner-city areas and also offering parents a wide range of choices in regard to selecting schools. It was hoped that there would be 200 of them open by 2010, with sixty in London. By 2006 there were fortysix (five were former CTCs), with twenty-three in London (NAO, 2007). The National Audit Office (NAO) was concerned at the high capital cost of the new schools (NAO, 2007). While typical new schools could cost up to £22 million,

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the typical cost of an academy was £27 million and one cost £40 million (Beckett, 2007). There was also concern at the yearly maintenance costs since most were funded through the Private Finance Initiative (PFI). Soon after the designation of the first city academies in 2002, the prefix city was dropped so that a wider range of locations could be considered. By 2010 there were 203 academies (NAO, 2010). Another major initiative of the New Labour government was an ambitious plan announced in 2003 to renew all 3500 English secondary schools – ‘Building Schools for the Future’ (BSF) – over the fifteen-year period 2005–2020. The plan was to entirely rebuild half the school estate, structurally remodel 35 per cent and refurbish the rest. PFI funding needed maximum utilization to meet the cost. Only forty-two schools resulted from the programme by the end of 2008; fifty-four were due to open in 2009 and 121 in 2010 (NAO, 2009).

A coalition government: Academies and free schools In 2010 there was a change of government and a Conservative–Liberal Democrat coalition came to power at a time of financial stringency, but they had the intention of reforming secondary schools. They axed the school building programme, opened academy status to all schools and proposed to allow parents and other groups to set up ‘free schools’. The school building programme was to deal only with schools ‘most in need of urgent repair’ (DFE, 2012). The Academies Act in 2010 passed by the coalition made it possible for any school to apply to become an academy. Although most accounts of this stress the freedom from the local authority, undoubtedly the extra finance for many schools was decisive. Thus the current programme for academies is very diverse – from the original city academies, which were in deprived areas with poor results, to schools in other areas with very good results – all now have the opportunity of becoming academies. Indeed, schools rated outstanding by OFSTED are automatically pre-approved to become academies if they so wish. Academies can be of two types: ‘sponsored’, which involves a new school, and ‘converter’, that is, changing from an existing school (NAO, 2012). Academies are described by the DFE as ‘state funded independent schools’. They are directly funded by government and don’t have to follow the National Curriculum, although ‘academies are required to have a broad and balanced curriculum which promotes the spiritual, moral, cultural, mental and physical

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development of pupils and prepares them for the opportunities, responsibilities and experiences of later life’ (DFE, 2013a). There are some specific requirements. They have to include English, maths and science, RE (although this will depend on the designation of the school), career advice for older pupils and sex and relationship education. They are governed by an academy trust and may have a sponsoring body. They employ staff, set their own pay and conditions and require that teachers must be ‘suitably qualified’ but not necessarily have qualified teacher status (QTS). Academies are their own admission authorities and must ensure that their practices are ‘fair, clear and objective’. Unless an academy was previously a grammar school, it may not select pupils by academic ability. ‘Academies are required to provide education for pupils wholly or mainly drawn from the area in which the Academy is situated.’ They are intended to be funded on the same basis as maintained schools in the local LEA, with a small additional payment for irregular costs. By 2013 there were 1588 secondary academies (1187 converted from other types of school, 401 sponsored) and only three remaining CTCs, the others having converted to academy status (DFE, 2013b). There are a range of external bodies that have a role in funding and overseeing academies. DFE has overall responsibility and its Office of the Schools Commissioner monitors their performance, identifies potential sponsors and intervenes in the case of a failing school. An executive agency of the DFE, the Education Funding Agency, deals with financial monitoring and funding. LEAs, however, retain responsibility for ensuring that there are sufficient school places in their area, which is clearly not easy. The change of government in 2010 led to the creation of yet another type of school. A flagship policy of the incoming government was to launch ‘free’ schools. These are very similar to sponsored academies. A range of groups such as parents, teachers, charities, universities, independent schools, community and faith groups and businesses can apply to set up a free school on a not-forprofit basis. Like academies, trusts employ staff, can set their own pay scale and conditions, do not have to follow the National Curriculum and act as their own admission authority. A particular advantage for parents setting up such a school is that they can give priority to their own children. The governance arrangements are particularly lax as the governing trust can consist of as few as three people (Hatcher, 2011). At each succeeding new type of school, obtaining business and other sponsors willing to contribute the necessary resources has proved difficult, and each time the requirements have to be relaxed in order for the number not to be embarrassingly small. In the case of free schools there

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is no financial commitment. There have been very vigorous campaigns from a small number of newsworthy individuals and groups particularly around London who wish to establish their own free school. It appears that money was made available to build and adapt school buildings for such projects at a time when Labour’s BSF project was axed. In 2013 there were thirty-four free schools and many more were set to open. Where they are set to open in areas with surplus school places, there will be an effect on surrounding schools since the finance will be divided among the schools (Hatcher, 2011). Like academies, free schools will be funded at the same rate as community schools in their LA but will receive the LA support costs in addition to start up grants. At the time of going to press (May 2014) the government had disclosed that £400 has been diverted from the budget that guarantees school places for all to support free schools, thus confirming the current ideological commitment to them (Helm and Boffey, 2014). The other main initiative of the coalition government has been to give a ‘pupil premium’ to schools with children on free school meals, and children who have been looked after continuously by the local authority for six months. The assumption was that the money will be used to support those pupils and close the attainment gap they might show compared to other children. This premium constitutes a small proportion of schools’ total income – it was 1 per cent for secondary schools with low levels of free school meals (Carpenter et al., 2013). Although small it was regarded as significant. Almost 80 per cent of secondary schools use the money to support all they identified as disadvantaged students, although the funding is related to this narrower group.

Reflections and implications for the future National Curriculum It could be good news that the National Curriculum has been scrapped in academies but the power of the exam boards and the pressure of the performance tables are likely to lead to more of the same. There is a stubborn reluctance to face up to examination results being an inadequate measure of school performance. Schools need to prepare students to transition to adult living, to play a part in a democratic society and to enjoy their leisure time in addition to preparing for employment. These other outcomes are not so easily measured as exam passes, and inevitably involve placing greater trust in teachers.

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Examinations and the publication of results The English secondary school system has been heavily influenced by the examination boards operating school leaving examinations at ages sixteen and eighteen. Historically these were run by universities mainly as part of their entrance requirements. Over time these boards have become fewer and more commercial, and are regulated by government but their influence has remained great. Indeed this influence has been magnified with the publication of schools’ exam performance and the part this plays in their accountability both formal and through the market of parental choice. The principal performance indicator is the GCSE 5A*–C result for the whole school. This is a historical legacy from the basic matriculation requirements to enter university. This has had a severely distorting effect on children’s education. In order to maximize the figure, schools have had an incentive to improve the results of children who score a D to get them to a C to count in this figure. They have also had an incentive to search out examinations that enable children to achieve a higher pass. The spectacular improvement in the figure for some schools has resulted from teaching GNVQ (General National Vocational Qualification) courses that have a particularly attractive tariff. Since the published results began in 1992, there have been criticisms of the form of publication (Goldstein and Thomas, 1996), and since they are very important to government, OFSTED and parents, there have been changes to the format in which the results are published. The publication of the raw figure was criticized since it indicates more the ability of children when they enter the school rather than when they leave. With the gradual acceptance of value added, or a measure of children’s progress, the tables now contain a measure of progress, although its format has varied. Most schools achieve a similar degree of progress but a small number allow their children to make more progress than expected and a small number of schools make less progress. A neglected figure in the tables has been the mean points score for all children taking the examinations in a school. This provided an incentive for all children to obtain the highest result they are capable of and showed considerable differences between schools whose results would otherwise be similar. This statistic has been removed from the latest performance tables online (DFE, 2013c). There are now nineteen tables dealing with many aspects of a school’s operation including type of school (which does not indicate whether the school is academically selective) and seven with analysis of examination performance. One of which, called ‘closing the gap’, gives results for disadvantaged students

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but this uses free school meals as its principal indicator, a poor measure of disadvantage (Gorard, 2012).

International comparisons As this chapter was being completed the 2012 results from the international PISA (Programme of International Student Assessment) study of 15-yearolds’ test results in mathematics, language and science were published. These showed that the results from England were only at the mean level for all sixtyfour countries taking part and had shown no improvement since 2001 (PISA, 2013). There are three possible explanations in view of the resources and effort expended, particularly since 1997, on improving the examination results in secondary schools and the reported success of these schemes: (a) although results have improved in England, this has been at a slower rate than many other countries; (b) there has been no improvement in school performance in England and there has been inflation in national test and exam results which gave only an appearance of improvement; (c) there are methodological problems with the PISA process and other international testing and reporting programmes. No one familiar with the problems of carrying out valid international comparisons (Gorard, 2001; Westbury, 1989) will be sanguine about the apparent confidence placed in these results by commentators. International comparisons since the 1980s have appeared to show poor performance from English schools and this has become expected. Indeed results that appear to be at variance with such expectations are suspect because they do not show the anticipated poor results (Prais, 2003). If the PISA and other results are to be taken seriously, there needs to be a critical assessment of the methodology not only in this country but overseas too. Currently they serve only to provide ‘infotainment’ and contribute to the ‘discourse of derision’ (Ball, 2008).

Party politics The bipartisan approach that ended in the 1960s has led to wasteful policy reversals as each new government came into power, and it would appear the higher the profile of education in government policies, the worse this has been for education. Since the 1970s, England has followed the USA in setting up think tanks to produce ideas for both left and right and to promulgate these as possible policies for an incoming government. This has the effect of always being on the lookout for slick new solutions to perennial problems that will have media

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appeal. There has been much policy borrowing from different cultures overseas – such as free schools from Sweden, and free schools and sponsored academies from the Charter schools movement of the USA – in the belief that these work in that context and so they could work in the English context. Undoubtedly these influences have led politicians to be impatient with the pace of improvement and to search for a new ‘quick-fix’ which the think tanks and political advisers have been jostling to supply. This has had two very serious adverse consequences. First, new developments have not been piloted to ensure that they work – because that takes time. As a result there has been a reckless rush to indulge in whole-system experiments. Second, one development has followed fast on the heels of the previous one, and this has led to innovation overload. There has been no period of consolidation to fine-tune and perfect each new operation. Too much change in systems is counterproductive and does not lead to desirable results more quickly (Stacey, 1993).

Policy-making An analysis of policy-making suggests that parties have long-term values that they espouse, but that there may be short-term deviations from this that appear to be inconsistent in their own right (Fisher, 2011). It can be argued that policy is driven day-to-day by short-term expedients and ‘policy churn’ with much of the justification arising from a supposed urgent need to ‘improve schools’ performance to compete in a globalized world. Fisher (2011) notes ‘there are fewer and fewer checks and balances while policy is driven more and more by decision-making by the Secretary of State who has remarkably few limits to his ministerial power’ (p. 458). The disastrous scrapping of the new buildings for school policy of the previous government is a case in point (Woolner et al., 2007). There have been some common themes although with differing nuances. So many political leaders have attended independent schools and have little direct experience of state schools, particularly in deprived areas, that they appear to assume that with the right sort of commitment every school could be like their alma mater. There is an almost complete denial that the environment makes a difference to what can be expected in a school. Yet we know from school effectiveness research that the largest predictor of a school’s performance is the background variables of the children who attend it; schools make a relatively small difference and children’s primary school has a lasting effect on their exam results at 16 (Sammons et al., 1995).

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There appears to be an overwhelming belief that freeing schools from local authorities will lead to positive consequences. Another is that a greater diversity of schools will enable parents and children to choose schools with which they can identify. While it is too early to know in the case of free schools, for example, whether a development that is promoted as aiding the disadvantaged will be taken over and captured by the aspirant middle classes, this has been detected as one effect in a range of previous innovations. This greater diversity of schools is likely to lead to competition for pupils, given the way that school finance is allocated. At times competition is regarded as desirable as a means of raising standards and this is stressed, while at other times schools cooperating with each other is seen as desirable. Apparently this dichotomy is not seen as a dilemma that has to be resolved one way or the other, but as compatible. The concentration of power at central government level is exceedingly dangerous. When only one person has to be convinced to adopt a policy and make a change with a coterie of advisers seeking to be the one to have proxy power by making introductions, the way is open for far-reaching changes with a minimum of discussion and critical appraisal. Attempts by the New Labour Government to have research findings play a larger part in policy-making only made it more obvious that research was to be used to support decisions already made rather than vice versa. When ministers’ preferences and research results were at variance, it was the politicians who triumphed (Perry et al., 2010). The proliferation of independent state schools has within it the seeds of chaos. In other public services there is media talk of a ‘post-code lottery’ when services differ greatly within a small geographical location. Without a local authority to provide some continuity, this effect will be increased. There will be no safety net to provide support to struggling schools and struggling school leaders before the effects slowly show up in test and exam results and inspections. Independent schools do not have to provide school places for all children in their area but a public service does. It really is quite unclear how a LA which is left with the residual duty of ensuring sufficient school places will organize this when dealing with a number of competing independent state schools. Already there are indications of a shortage of school places in areas of rapidly rising birth rate and new housing. Both major parties have placed great expectations on school leaders. They have been expected to be more entrepreneurial particularly in secondary schools (Ball, 2008). While there is no doubt that head teachers can make a great deal of difference to the performance of a school, there are limits imposed by context and environment. As a number of head teachers who went on to a

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second headship recognized, circumstances played a part in their success and they wanted to see whether they could do it again in a different school. Some found this unexpectedly tough and their eventual success less certain (Fidler et al., 2006), which has led to a difficulty of recruiting suitable school leaders particularly in primary schools.

Privatization This is a complex phenomenon and has two principal dimensions: (a) private companies entering education and taking on former roles of the state, and (b) the state acting more like private companies (Ball, 2007). There are a number of reasons across political parties for this trend. There is a wish to encourage innovation and a belief that this is more likely to come from the private sector and that it is likely to be more efficient. There is also a wish to see more communication between schools and business and encourage schools to be more entrepreneurial. While this trend initially involved not-for-profit organizations, it has widened to include for-profit organizations. While local authorities are considered by national politicians to hinder the performance of schools, there has been a massive increase in the number of academy trust groups taking on the governance of schools. This is especially noteworthy since these trusts are all powerful, may have a minimum of only three people and are accountable only for operating in accordance with their memorandum and articles of association. The trust makes decisions about all aspects from curriculum to staffing (DFE, 2013d). It owns the assets and controls all the activities of each school. In 2012 when 54 per cent of secondary schools were either academies or in the pipeline (Guardian, 2012), there were 86 trusts with more than one school involving a total of 475 schools. At that time the Academies Enterprise Trust had sixty-six schools and E-ACT had thirty. Fortyone trusts had only two schools. Only when there begin to be complaints from parents will this all come to be seen as a massive problem. There is a growing lack of accountability, especially on the state secondary sector.

Killer fact The time spent at school over a year is not high. After-school clubs and other additions to the school day have appeared, but there is little research showing their scale and success particularly for the wider aims of schooling. So the expectations placed on schools really do seem excessive when only 16 per cent

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of children’s waking hours are spent in secondary schools each year – what about the other 84 per cent? Schooling is not the same as education.

References Baker, K. (1993) The Turbulent Years – My Life in Politics, London, Faber and Faber. Ball, S.J. (2007) Education Plc: Understanding Private Sector Participation in Public Sector Education, London, Routledge. ——— (2008) The Education Debate, Bristol, The Policy Press. Beckett, F. (2007) The Great City Academy Fraud, London, Continuum International. Benn, C. and Chitty, C. (1996) 30 Years on Is Comprehensive Education Alive and Well or Struggling to Survive?, London, David Fulton. Benn, C. and Simon, B. (1972) Half Way There: Report on the British Comprehensive School Reform, 2nd edition. Harmondsworth, Penguin. Berg, L. (1965) Risinghill: Death of a Comprehensive, Harmondsworth, Penguin. Blair, T. (1996) Speech Given at Ruskin College, Oxford, 16th December 1996. Available at: http://www.leeds.ac.uk/educol/documents/000000084.htm [Accessed 4 December 2013]. Carpenter, H., Papps, I., Bragg, J., Dyson, A., Harris, D, Kerr, K., Todd, L. and Laing, K. (2013) Evaluation of Pupil Premium, London, Department for Education. Chitty, C. (2002) Understanding Schools and Schooling, London, Routledge/Falmer. Cox, C.B. and Dyson, A.E. (eds) (1971) The Black Papers on Education, London, Davies-Poynter. Curtis, S.J. (1957) History of Education in Great Britain, 4th edition. London, University Tutorial Press. Department for Education (DFE) (1992) Choice and Diversity, London, DFE. Available at: http://www.educationengland.org.uk/documents/wp1992/choice-and-diversity. html#10 [Accessed 4 December 2013]. ——— (2012) Priority School Building Programme. Available at: http://www.education. gov.uk/schools/adminandfinance/schoolscapital/priority-school-buildingprogramme [Accessed 31 December 2013]. ——— (2013a) Academy Factsheets: Academy Curriculum Factsheet. Available at: http://www.education.gov.uk/schools/leadership/typesofschools/academies/ open/b00219097/academyfactsheets/academycurriculumfactsheet [Accessed 31 December 2013]. ——— (2013b) Statistical First Release: Schools, Pupils, and Their Characteristics, January 2013, SFR 21/2013, London, DFE. ——— (2013c) School Performance Tables. Available at: http://www.education.gov.uk/ schools/performance/ [Downloaded 31 December 2013].

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——— (2013d) Setting up a Multi-Academy Trust. Available at: http://www.education. gov.uk/b00229234/becoming-an-academy/multi-academy-trust [Downloaded 31 December 2013]. Evans, K. (1985) The Development and Structure of the English School System, London, Hodder and Stoughton. Fidler, B. and Bowles, G. (eds) (1989) Effective Local Management of Schools: A Strategic Approach, Harlow, Longman. Fidler, B., Jones, J., MacBurnies, S., Makori, A. and Reetinder, R. (2006) Second Headship: Challenge and Revitalisation, Nottingham, NCSL. Fisher, T. (2011) ‘Considering the big picture: how significant are policy initiatives?’, Educational Review, 63:4, pp. 455–465. Goldstein, H. and Thomas, S. (1996) ‘Using examination results as indicators of school and college performance’, Journal of the Royal Statistical Society A, 159:1, pp. 149–163. Gorard, S. (2001) ‘International comparison of school effectiveness: the second component of the “crisis account” in England?’, Comparative Education, 37:3, pp. 279–296. ——— (2012) ‘Who is eligible for free school meals? Characterising free school meals as a measure of disadvantage in England’, British Education Research Journal, 38:6, pp. 1003–1017. Hargreaves, A. and Tickle, L. (1980) ‘Introduction: emerging issues in middle schools’, in: Hargreaves, A. and Tickle, L. (eds) Middle Schools: Origins, Ideology and Practice, London, Harper & Row. Hatcher, R. (2011) ‘The conservative-liberal democrat coalition government’s “free schools” in England’, Educational Review, 63:4, pp. 485–503. Helm, T. and Boffey, D. (2014) ‘Gove’s “lunatic” £400m raid to rescue his free schools vision’, The Observer, 11 May, pp. 1 and 11. HMI (1977) Curriculum 11–16, London, HMSO. HMI (1979a) Aspects of Secondary Education in England: A Survey by HM Inspectors of Schools, London, HMSO. HMI (1979b) Local Authority Arrangements for the School Curriculum: Report on the Circular 14/77 Review, London, HMSO. Kogan, M. (1978) The Politics of Educational Change, Glasgow, William Collins and sons. ——— (1988) Education Accountability: An Analytic Overview, 2nd edition. London, Hutchinson. Lane, G. (2002) ‘Specialist schools-the end of comprehensive education?’, Education Review, 15:1, pp. 51–273. Lawton, D. (1984) The Tightening Grip: Growth of Central Control of the School Curriculum, London, Bedford Way papers 21 Institute of Education University of London. ——— (1994) The Tory Mind on Education 1979–94, London, Falmer Press.

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McClure, J.S. (1979) Educational Documents: England and Wales 1816 to the Present Day, 4th edition. London, Methuen and Co. Moon, R. (1990) ‘The national curriculum: origins and context’, in: Brighouse, T. and Moon, R. (eds) Managing the National Curriculum: Some Critical Perspectives, Harlow, Longman. NAO (2007) The Academies Programme, London, The Stationery Office. ——— (2009) The Building Schools for the Future Programme: Renewing the Secondary School Estate, London, The Stationery Office. ——— (2010) The Academies Programme, London, The Stationery Office. ——— (2012) Establishing Free Schools, London, The Stationery Office. OFSTED (2005) Specialist Schools: A Second Evaluation, London, OFSTED. ——— (2010) London Challenge, London, OFSTED. Ouston, J., Earley, P. and Fidler, B. (eds) (1996) OFSTED Inspections: The Early Experience, London, David Fulton. Perry, A., Amadeo, C., Christian, J., Fletcher, M. and Walker, E. (2010) Instinct or Reason: How Education Policy Is Made and How We Might Make It Better, Reading, CFBT. PISA (Programme for International Student Assessment) (2013) PISA 2012 Volume I, What Students Know and Can Do: Student Performance in Mathematics, Reading and Science, Paris, OECD. Prais, S.J. (2003) ‘Cautions on OECD’S recent educational survey (PISA)’, Oxford Review of Education, 29:2, pp. 139–163. Pring, R. (2008) ‘C14–19’, Oxford Review of Education, 34:6, pp. 677–688. Regan, D.E. (1979) Local Government and Education, 2nd edition. London, George Allen and Unwin. Sammons, P., Nuttall, D. and Sally, P.S. (1995) ‘Continuity of school effects: a longitudinal analysis of primary and secondary school effects on GCSE performance’, School Effectiveness and School Improvement, 6:4, pp. 285–307. SSAT (Specialist Schools and Academies Trust) (2007) A History of the Specialist Schools and Academies Trust: By Schools for Schools, London, Specialist Schools and Academies Trust. Stacey, R.D. (1993) Strategic Management and Organisational Dynamics, London, Pitman. Taylor, W. (1963) The Secondary Modern School, London, Faber and Faber. Thatcher, M. (1993) The Downing Street Years, London, Harper Row. The Guardian (2012) Who Is Sponsoring England’s Academy Schools – And Where Are They? Available at: http://www.theguardian.com/news/datablog/2012/sep/26/ academies-sponsors-list-map [Downloaded 31 December 2013]. The Standards and Framework Act 1998. Available at: http://www.legislation.gov.uk/ ukpga/1998/31/contents Watkins, P. (1993) ‘The national curriculum – an agenda for the nineties’, in: Chitty, C. and Simon, B. (eds) Education Answers Back: Critical Responses to Government Policy, London, Lawrence and Wishart.

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West, A., Hind, A. and Pennell, H.(2007) ‘School admissions and “selection” in comprehensive schools: policy and practice’, Oxford Review of Education, 30:3, pp. 347–369. Westbury, I. (1989) ‘The problems of comparing curriculums across educational systems’, in: Purves, A.C. (ed.) International Comparisons and Educational Reform, Alexandria, VA, ASCD, pp. 17–34. Wikipedia Infotainment. Available at: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Infotainment [Downloaded 31 December 2013]. Wikipedia List of Direct Grant Grammar Schools, Wikipedia. Available at: http:// en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_direct_grant_grammar_schools [Accessed 2 December 2013]. Wikipedia List of state grammar schools, Wikipedia. Available at: http://en.wikipedia. org/wiki/List_of_grammar_schools_in_England [Accessed 2 December 2013]. Woolner, P., Elaine, H., Higgins, S., McCaughey, C. and Wall, K. (2007) ‘A sound foundation? What we know about the impact of environments on learning and the implications for building schools for the future’, Oxford Review of Education, 33:1, pp. 47–70. Yellow Book (1976) Extracts in the Times Educational Supplement, 15 October 1976.

Further Resources www.gov.uk/government/organisations/department-for-education/series/statisticsschool-and-pupil-numbers www.gov.uk/types-of-schools/overview

3

England: Independent Secondary Schooling Colin Brock and David Elstone

Introduction This chapter comprises two distinct halves. First an historical and contemporary discussion of this extremely prominent dimension of schooling in England, and second a case study of a leading day independent secondary school. The independent schools of England are quite unique in the world in terms of the proportion of the school-age population that attends them, about 8 per cent, and their perceived influence on aspects of society such as the advantages of privilege. What is without dispute is their legacy for the structure, curriculum and general culture of secondary schooling in England. That is largely a legacy of the nineteenth century, and so considerable space will be devoted to their history. From this, one may reasonably conclude that while there is advantage to be gained from attending an independent school, the old ‘public school image’ is far from typical of the majority of today’s independent schools, especially the day schools. So the second section of this chapter is devoted to a case study of an independent day school founded in the late nineteenth century – Hymers College, Hull – how it has developed over more than a hundred years and how it operates today. The term ‘Independent School’ was first used officially in the 1944 Education Act, so as to distinguish it from the terms ‘Public School’ and ‘Private School’, and was defined as follows: Any school at which full time education is provided for five or more pupils of compulsory school age (whether or not such education is also provided for pupils under or over that age), not being a school maintained by a local education

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This is still clearly the case today since the recent emergence of academies and free schools, while not under local authority control, places them directly funded by and answerable to the secretary of state for education. Nonetheless, every independent school has to be registered with the Ministry of Education, and the secretary of state of the day has the power, subject to appeal, to close any school, independent or otherwise, deemed to be inadequate in respect of physical premises, considered to offer inefficient or unsuitable instruction and/or conducted by persons reckoned to be not fit for the purpose. It is illegal to open and operate an unregistered school of any kind.

The evolution of England’s independent schools England was a late starter. Indeed it was not until the Education Act of 1944 that both primary and secondary schooling was guaranteed for all, free of any fees. Consequently from the early medieval period onwards for about a 1000 years, any school that existed was virtually independent of the state. The Saxon scholar king Alfred not only curtailed the Scandinavian onslaught but also championed education and the use of English (Brock, 2010). Yet nearly two centuries before Alfred’s reign as king of Wessex (871–899), schools for a highly selected number of boys had begun to emerge along with early cathedrals and minsters. According to Lawson and Silver (1973), This became part of church law in 1179 when the Third Lateran Council ordered that in every cathedral there should be a schoolmaster to teach ‘the clerks of that church and poor scholars freely’. This obligation was repeated and extended in 1215 by the Fourth Lateran Council. Thereafter not only every cathedral but also every other church of adequate means was to support a grammar master, and every metropolitan church a theology lecturer as well. (pp. 20–21)

So the title ‘grammar school’ became established. During the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, the number of such schools increased and spread beyond the ecclesiastical centres, so that most towns acquired grammar schools. They were so named on account of a prime purpose – that of acquiring Latin grammar so as to work in administration, business and law as well as in the church. Another stimulant was the rise from the thirteenth century onwards of the

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colleges, and then the universities, of Oxford and Cambridge. This association between school, college and university is still celebrated today. As towns grew in the early centuries of the second millennium, not all grammar schools originated with the church. For example, in Hull, founded as a borough in the fourteenth century, a school with a schoolmaster was established and it subsequently became endowed as Hull Grammar School in 1479. It remained under the aegis of the corporation until becoming transferred to the local authority in 1946 (Lawson, 1979). The flowering of English culture under the late Tudor and early Stuart monarchies included a massive and rapid expansion in the number of grammar school foundations, including what later became known as the first of the ‘great public schools’ such as Eton and Winchester. These two, Lawton and Silver (1973) observe, distinguished themselves by not taking boys from the expanding middle classes of ‘yeomen, substantial husbandmen, merchants, prosperous tradesmen, artisans, clergy, apothecaries, scriveners and lawyers’ (pp. 115–116). More representative of the grammar schools of this period were much smaller foundations such as Stratford Grammar School chartered in 1553 and Henleyon-Thames Grammar School in 1604. As the seventeenth century progressed through the English Civil War of 1642–1651 and the Restoration of the monarchy, opposition to the proliferation of grammar schools and of literacy in the population grew. The widespread reading of the King James Bible made a considerable proportion of the mass of the population of England the most literate in Europe. As Greenfeld (1992) put it, the Bible ‘was not simply a book they all read but the only book they read’ (p. 54), but by its establishment ‘the Church of England had become the creature of the monarchy’ (Brock, 2014a). This opposition to grammar schools, though more widespread so as to include the wider populace, was the first of a series of concerns with, and opposition to, the power of independent schooling that that have recurred periodically right up to the present day. By the midseventeenth century, a growing middle class began to emerge. This continued into the nineteenth century as the nouveau riche arising from a maritime empire and the Industrial Revolution created in effect an upper middle class. Some of this stratum penetrated the older elite public schools such as Eton, Winchester, Westminster and Harrow, but most attended top grammar schools in emergent wealth centres such as Manchester Grammar School (founded 1515) and Leeds Grammar School (founded 1552) and other privately funded schools. Part of the discontent came from the concerns of their own clientele as to the restrictive nature of the curriculum. The hold of the established church and its

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close connection with the parliament clearly retarded curricular innovations that were called for by industrialists and entrepreneurs. This came to a head with the celebrated Leeds Grammar School case of 1805, which arose from a decision of the governing body of the school in 1779 to allow an extension of the curriculum to include mathematics and modern languages. It would appear that at the beginning of the nineteenth century Leeds Grammar School introduced writing, algebra and arithmetic minimally. This was in response to the call from the growing manufacturing and trading elite of Leeds for employees who could engage with the real world of work. This included trading with Europe and hence the call for modern languages as well. The case is a complicated one as detailed by Tomson (1970). It was taken to Chancery in London where the Lord Chancellor of the day Lord Eldon rejected the request to change the curriculum mainly it appears because it was ‘a scheme to promote the benefits of the Merchants of Leeds’ (Tomson, 1970, p. 3), rather than any other concern. In 1840 an Act of government allowed all schools to diversify their curriculum. By this time the state had begun to take a modest interest in schooling. Parliamentary committees on education began to sit, and a Committee in Council for Education began to report in 1839 (Maclure, 1965). These were governmental responses to massive and rapid changes in society and economy in the early nineteenth century: ‘Social distinctions had been sharpening between the great public schools and the grammar schools, and from the 1830s this was to be the case between the older public schools and the new generation of proprietary public school’ (Lawton and Silver, 1973, p. 258). The founding of new private schools accelerated, and their ethos began to diversify. The sheer number of such schools and their locations was stimulated by the rapid advance of the railway network as it developed. This was researched in some detail by Professor Tom Bamford of the University of Hull. His valuable monograph of 1974 includes the distribution of boys entering Rugby School from 1675 to 1870 (Table 14, pp. 48–52). From a total of twenty-six entrants in 1675 to 146 in 1870, the progression is far from consistent, which, over the first hundred years or so of the school, Bamford attributes partly to ‘town-school controversies’ (p. 47). Indeed such tensions, even feuds, between public school students and their civic locality were commonplace. From the beginning of the nineteenth century the intake of Rugby School began to grow consistently, with the local element remaining relatively constant. In 1830 there were 113 entrants, of whom thirteen were local, while in 1870 there were 146 entrants, of whom twenty-one were local and 121 from over fifty miles away.

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The late eighteenth and early nineteenth century saw a proliferation of private schools ‘which continued to dominate boys’ secondary schooling until the mid-nineteenth century’ (Stephens, 1998). As this expansion proceeded, so did a gradient of size and status. Roach (1986) recognized four categories of increasingly middle-class private schools: (a) those owned and run by individuals for private profit, some co-educational; (b) boys’ schools founded by proprietors as joint stock enterprises, and a few elite ladies’ colleges; (c) corporate institutions for boys established by religious bodies; and (d) other corporate schools mainly rural in location (Stephens, 1998, pp. 45–46). This increasing and ever-divergent expansion was occasioned by a range of vigorous factors: industrialization, wealth creation, urbanization, rapid population increase, growth of the middle and upper middle classes, private schooling for middle-class girls and the near global outreach of the British Empire. At one end of this spectral kaleidoscope were the elite public schools for boys, the ethos of some becoming moulded by outstanding innovative headmasters, notably Thomas Arnold of Rugby (from 1828) and Edward Thring of Uppingham (from 1853). Arnold sought to inspire and promote leadership, with the prefect system, in order to achieve personal provenance based on Christian principles. Thring sought a more individualistic mode to promote whatever talents every particular pupil might have. The notoriety of Arnold and Thring led to the inclusion of their innovations in the ethos of the influential elite of the boys’ public schools, and those of the girls as well. They played a significant part in the expansion and operation of the British Empire. Relationships between the English public school and the Empire are sharply critiqued by P.J. Rich in his two volumes of 1989 and 1991. As Rich puts it, ‘Other nations did not have cultures that incorporated the experience of Empire. If the British experience was so special, so too was the involvement of the schools’ (Rich, 1989, p. 115). He goes on to qualify his largely negative assessment of such schools by concluding that ‘in retrospect if the public school influence was injurious, it was not maliciously so’ (p. 117). He was referring also to the legacy of the public schools founded overseas. With respect to symbolism, ritual and secrecy in public school life, Rich (1988), in a chapter in J.A. Mangin’s Benefits Bestowed? Education and British Imperialism (1988), quotes Earle (1977): few knew much about them. For public schools were secret places, isolated from the world and protected from that world by a code of secrecy and silence that was shared by masters and boys alike. No boy would tell his parents what really went on. If he had he would probably not have been believed. (p. 39)

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By the mid-nineteenth century the government had taken further steps towards a serious interest in the nation’s schools. Grants were made to support the educational activities of various charitable and religious bodies, but the range of disparate networks remained independent of the state (Brock, 2014b). The two most influential, though loose, networks were those of the endowed grammar schools and the private schools. Disquiet over both led to the setting up of two commissions, the Clarendon in 1961 and the Taunton in 1864. The former was specifically concerned with the nine ‘great’ public schools: Eton, Charterhouse, Harrow, Merchant Taylors’, Rugby, St Paul’s, Shrewsbury, Westminster and Winchester. This excluded the new, but vigorously growing, band of public schools such as Cheltenham, Marlborough, Tonbridge, Malvern and, especially, Uppingham, pressure from which led to the establishment of the Headmasters Conference in 1869. This became, and still remains with the addition of leading girls’ public schools in 1996, the Headmasters’ and Headmistresses Conference, which is the representative body of over 230 independent schools in the UK, the Crown Dependencies and the Republic of Ireland. It also now has representatives from overseas, especially the Commonwealth: shades of the Empire! A significant outcome of the Clarendon Commission, reporting in 1868, was the recognition and encouragement of the inclusion of the natural sciences in the curricula of the nine ‘great’ public schools, and this rapidly spread to all the others. The legacies of the Taunton Commission included an attempt to create a system of sorts through a hierarchy of districts and a boost to the education of middle-class girls in private schools such as Queen’s College, London, established in 1848, followed by Bedford College, London, in 1849 and Cheltenham College for Young Ladies in 1853. A different Department of Government, that of Science and Art, made grants from 1872 for the creation of ‘Science Schools’, a recognition of the international challenge in this field. The Local Government Act of 1888 created County Councils which could, if they so wished, collaborate with a charity or foundation to support a science school. A good example is that of the William Rutlish Charity of the parish of Merton south of London combining with the new Surrey County Council to create Rutlish School in 1895 (Brock, 1995). Little has been said thus far on the preparatory schools. Before the midnineteenth century some private secondary schools had sections for boys, and sometimes girls, between six to eight and thirteen years of age. Others drew their intake from home-educated children. From around the 1850s, preparatory schools were founded for children of parents overseas to tutor them for the

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Common Entrance examination, which is part of the selection process for entry to the public schools. Some were boarding and day schools, others only day. The most prestigious in England, the Dragon School in Oxford, was opened in 1877. The number of preparatory schools in England today is more than double that of the independent schools of the Headmasters and Headmistresses Conference, due to their relatively small size and predominantly local clientele. At the time of the growth of preparatory schools, there was a great deal of disparity and flux in the necessarily private secondary school sector. Schools came and went in what we would now regard as incredible rapidity. This was because schools were mostly businesses in a cut-throat market, even though many were set up under Christian auspices. The case of the city of Kingstonupon-Hull illustrates these rapidly changing fortunes well (Lawson, 1952, 1958). By the 1830s Hull and its near neighbours had many small private schools as the port and its trade boomed. But many of these schools in Hull ‘had a fleeting existence perhaps due to their own pretentiousness and the competition of more successful rivals in Cottingham and Barton’ (Lawson, 1952, p. 8). This took Hull Grammar School to the brink of extinction, and early in 1836 two new schools were established: on February 8th Hull College – on mixed denominational lines – and on February 17th Kingston College – on strictly Anglican lines. Both were housed in new very grand buildings and flourished in the 1840s. Then in 1852 Hull College was closed and in 1859 Kingston College also died. In 1867 a third proprietary school opened as the Hull and East Riding College but in due course died, but when it did ‘the Rev. John Hymers had bequeathed his fortune to endow a college in Hull, and Hymers College was born in 1893’. It survived, and Hymers College is now one of the most successful independent schools in England and the subject of the second half of this chapter. The year 1895 marked the reporting of the Bryce Commission, the origin of which ‘was quite simply the confusion which had continued to grow out of the hydra-headed administrative structure’ (Maclure, p. 140). The three main recommendations may be paraphrased thus: (a) a central authority under a minister of education for elementary education; (b) an Education Council to assist the minister and also deal with teacher registration; (c) local authorities for secondary education, that is, counties and county boroughs. The third recommendation led to the beginnings of selective state secondary schooling in the form of the modern grammar schools through the 1902 Education Act. As Stephens observed, ‘Until 1902 England had no centrally organised and financed system of state secondary schooling and British Governments felt less obliged

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than leading European countries to provide one’ (p. 101). In effect the 1902 Education Act created the independent secondary sector as a separate entity by default. Furthermore, by default or design, by delaying the creation of a full and free secondary sector for all until 1944 successive governments gave continued space for the independent public and preparatory schools to flourish. What Roach (1991) terms ‘the public school image’ had meantime been consolidated by the Headmasters’ Conference. Most of the independent boarding schools were already in existence at the beginning of the twentieth century, but a few new institutions were created such as Stowe in 1923, Dartington Hall in 1925 and Bryanston in 1928. Some were a response to the progressive climate to schooling that developed especially in Europe. Most striking was Summerhill, founded by A.S. Neill in 1921, which gained global appeal by providing what Neill called ‘freedom to allow the emotions to mature before you force too much into the mind’ (McLean, 1963). In general, however, nearly all independent schools continued to follow ‘the public school image’. Consequently a fundamental concern arose as to the legacy of a long delayed state secondary sector, thus providing a massive opportunity for the products of public schools to dominate positions of power and authority in Britain. Such a concern found expression in the setting up in 1942 of the Committee on Public Schools appointed by the president of the Board of Education under the Chairmanship of Lord Fleming. The opening paragraph of the Fleming Report of 1944 reads thus: The public schools are now less stereotyped, the curriculum is more flexible, the range of interests wider, and the impact of the present war has done much to break down old traditions and to introduce new activities. … But the trend of social development is leaving the Public schools out of alignment with the world in which they exist. Even the movement, which began over sixty years ago, for founding School Missions in the poorer districts of London and the great cities has brought into sharper relief the unreality of an education system which segregates so thoroughly the boys of one class from those of another in a world where, much more than in the past, they will meet in later life as equals. (Maclure, pp. 210–211)

Some would say that the trouble is that they still don’t. However, the independent sector has become significantly less exclusive and remote from reality by the addition of a considerable number of former Direct Grant Grammar Schools. The ‘Direct Grant’ was initiated in 1926 whereby secondary schools not maintained by local authorities ‘were given the option of receiving a direct grant from the Board of Education’ (Dent, 1982, p. 127). This scheme

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operated until May 1975, when ‘the Labour Government asked the 174 Direct Grant Grammar Schools to decide, by the end of the year, whether they wished to join the maintained sector and become Comprehensive or not. The result was that 119 schools became independent, fifty-four (forty-one of them Roman Catholic schools) became maintained and four closed (Dent, 1982). This greatly enhanced the scale and credibility of the independent day schools sector by bringing it to a wider portion of the middle classes without the cost and the dilemma of boarding. Notwithstanding the softening of the attitude of a proportion of the British public to independent schools, or perhaps their indifference, serious concerns as to the relative access to the most prestigious, well-paid and influential professions remain. Areas such as the higher echelons of the law, the military, banking and especially parliament are still disproportionately represented by the products of independent schools, and especially the public schools. Part of this disquiet arises from their gaining around 50 per cent of undergraduate places at Oxford and Cambridge and the opportunities for further networking and advantage thereby created. These places are gained by applicants from schools representing about 8 per cent of the secondary school population. At the time of writing (April 2014) an issue of public concern, at least as illustrated in the media, was the high proportion of male public school products in government, and indeed, parliament. This, it is said, lies behind the raucous behaviour in the House of Commons and the marginalization of female members. It is an aspect of what Rich (1991) termed ‘Clubdom’ in the context of Empire. If one analyzes the formal education of the twenty-two members of the Prime Minister’s Cabinet and the additional parliamentary members who also attend it, one finds the following: independent school educated, fifteen; selective state grammar school educated, twelve; comprehensive school educated, four; and others, three. This is hardly an indictment of the private sector and something of a coup for the grammar schools, though twenty-three are Oxbridge graduates, including four of the five women. In their splendid book The Blunders of our Governments (2013), Anthony King and Ivor Crewe have a chapter on ‘Cultural Disconnect’ (pp. 245–254) which they describe as being ‘when men and women in Whitehall and Westminster unthinkingly project onto others values, attitudes and whole ways of life that are not remotely like their own’ (p. 244). Think back to the quotation above from the Fleming Report on the public schools in 1944! So it would seem that it is the pervasive cultural osmosis of the public school ethos and Oxbridge that prevails, rather

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than the day-to-day realities of the independent school sector today. As Cook and Woodhead (2002) realistically state, Pupils at independent schools are not the ‘toffs’ of tabloid headlines. More than half the children now entering them are from families where neither parent went to an independent school. Wider access is encouraged through scholarships and bursaries: over 25 per cent of pupils in ISC schools (about 156,000) receive help with their fees – most of it from the schools themselves. In boarding schools the presence of young people from overseas creates a cosmopolitan atmosphere. (p. 165)

There are now around 2,500 independent schools in the United Kingdom, the majority in England, and including the whole range of school-age students. About a half are accredited by the Independent Schools Council (ISC), in agreement with OFSTED – the Office for Standards in Education. Finally, of some interest are comments on the performance of English independent schools in the PISA tests of 2012. According to Andreas Schleicher, deputy director of education and skills at OECD and co-ordinator of the PISA programme, Our data doesn’t show much of a performance difference between public and private schools once you account for socio-economic background Much of the advantage that comes from private schooling Is confirmed by the socioeconomic context, not necessarily in value-added.

Schleicher is using the term ‘public’ to mean ‘state’ school, and the term ‘private’ to mean independent school. We may now turn to a case study of one that can reasonably be taken as an exemplar of the best of the independent sector: Hymers College, Hull.

Hymers College, Hull: A case study by David Elstone Hymers College was founded by the mathematician John Hymers, who left some of his property to the mayor and corporation of Hull in his will of 24 August 1885. The property was to provide for the foundation of a grammar school, ‘for the training of intelligence in whatever social rank of life it may be found among the vast and varied population of the Town’. Hymers opened in 1893, on the site of the old Botanic Gardens of Hull, as a school for boys. It soon established itself as a centre of academic excellence, and parents from Hull and the East Riding were keen for their sons to be admitted. The first headmaster, Mr Charles

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Gore, was admitted to the Headmasters’ Conference (HMC), which represents the leading independent schools in the country, and all succeeding headmasters have been members. Hymers has been a fee-paying school for most of its history, and many scholarships and bursaries were given to pupils whose parents could not afford to pay the fees, in accordance with John Hymers’ will for the training of intelligence, regardless of social rank. Scholarships and bursaries were provided from the start to pupils whose parents could not pay the school fees. In 1946 Hymers became a Direct Grant school, with many of the pupils now paid for by the local authority. However, when the Direct Grant scheme was abolished, the governors had to decide whether the school should become part of the comprehensive system that Hull was adopting at the time or become an independent school. The decision was made to go fully independent. The later introduction of the government-funded Assisted Places scheme allowed the school to offer twenty-five places in each year group to pupils who needed financial support, and, when this scheme was abolished in 1997, the governors decided that bursaries would be provided from the school’s resources so that the wishes of its founder and its practice for over a hundred years could be maintained. Girls came into the sixth form throughout the 1970s and 1980s, and the decision was taken in 1989 to go fully co-educational. With the opening of the Humber Bridge in 1981, the school’s catchment area increased to cover the south bank of River Humber, resulting in the school’s numbers extending to their current figure of just under 1000 pupils. At the same time, curricular developments allowed pupils to study newer subjects up to A level, such as psychology, information communication technology (ICT) and physical education, as well as the more traditional subjects. Today the college aims to maintain its founder’s goal to provide for pupils irrespective of their social or financial background and consists of junior and senior schools, occupying a substantial urban site, surrounded by extensive playing fields and open space. The junior school presently has 224 pupils between the ages of eight and eleven. The senior school, for pupils aged eleven to eighteen, has 762 pupils, of whom 209 are aged twelve and thirteen. They come from a variety of ethnic and social backgrounds and from across a large area, mainly from professional and business families of Humberside and East Yorkshire. Entry to Hymers College at Year 7 is through an entrance examination, with the vast majority of junior school pupils continuing on through to the senior school. In recent years the college has given associate school status to two

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traditional feeder schools, namely Hessle Mount and Froebel School, meaning pupils are academically tracked from the end of Year 1 and, if they reach the required standards, are not required to sit the entrance exam for entry into Year 4. This policy has been very successful as it means that the school has a far better understanding of each child before they enter the school, allowing for a more personalized curriculum when pupils arrive at Hymers. The college, therefore, remains selective, and the ability profile of the pupils entering both the junior and senior schools is above the national average. According to the ISI Inspection Report of 2013, ‘in the senior school around a quarter of pupils are of well above average ability and in the junior school around a fifth’.1 Around 11 per cent of the children benefit from some form of financial support. All bursaries are awarded on academic ability with parents’ incomes and assets being means tested. Hymers College is an incorporated charity with a Board of Trustees or Governors. All governors are volunteers who receive no remuneration for serving on the board and its Standing Committees, of which there are seven, namely Strategic, Health and Safety, Complaints and Appeals, Nominations, Finance and General Purposes, Property and Academic. There are eighteen governors who are expected to serve for an initial minimum period of five years, after which appointments can be renewed for a further five-year term subject to satisfactory performance and commitment. The governors have a legal duty to act as trustees of the charity and to discharge their duty in accordance with welldefined rules and principles that reflect their status as trustees. The principal functions of the Governing Board, which meets once a term, can be summarized as follows: ●●

●●

●●

●●

●●

To determine the aims and overall conduct of the school; To set and review plans, policies and procedures that will ensure the best possible education for present and future pupils of the school; To ensure the proper control of the school’s finances; To ensure compliance with all legal and regulatory requirements; To appoint the Headmaster and monitor his performance.

The governing body does not control or manage the day-to-day running of the school. That is the role of the headmaster, who is effectively the chief executive, and his senior management team. The current headmaster has changed the management structures of the school by having a senior management team consisting of a deputy head

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(management), a deputy head (pastoral care), a director of learning and teaching, the head of junior school and a director of finance. The deputy head (management) oversees the day-to-day running of the school, as well as assisting in the construction of the timetable and chairing the termly heads of department meetings. The deputy head (pastoral care) works with a team of heads of years who are responsible for the welfare of the children in the senior school. In recent years the college is increasingly using benchmarking data, collected through the Centre for Evaluation and Monitoring (CEM) Centre at Durham University. This data is managed by the director of learning and teaching who can then analyze the academic performance of every pupil. The teachers also have a much improved understanding of this data which informs their teaching. The head of the junior school has over 200 children in three year groups and staff to oversee. He is assisted by three team leaders, who each have responsibility for both academic and pastoral matters within their individual year group. Beneath the senior management team is a middle management structure, with heads of departments being responsible for their academic areas throughout the senior school and heads of year, who are responsible for the pastoral welfare of each child in their year group, as well as having an oversight of their academic performance. Their work is also supported by a school counsellor, who supports individual children through family bereavement and family break-ups as well as other welfare and health issues such as anorexia and self-harm. The deputy head (pastoral care) meets with each head of year every week to discuss those children causing concern as well as highlighting pupils that are doing exceptionally well. Each head of year will have four form teachers in their team and between them they will monitor every pupil within the year group. The form teachers are expected to know each of their form class especially well. In so doing they become a confidante and point of reference for each pupil. In addition, they are the first point of contact for any pastoral or disciplinary issue. Every teacher can expect to be a form teacher and, as a result, the school will run in-service courses at the start of each term that focus on either a pastoral matter or something of a more academic nature. For example, a recent In-Service Education and Training (INSET) exercise focused on the issues associated with misuse of the internet and social media. Form teachers are also responsible for delivering the Personal, Social and Health Education (PSHE) programme in Years 7 and 8 and sixth form tutors write Universities and Colleges Admissions Service (UCAS) references for their young charges.

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The pupils also benefit from the work of a relatively new department within the school, namely the Higher Education and Careers Department, which gives advice and guidance to every child about life after Hymers. With over 98 per cent of students entering university, it is essential that they receive excellent advice about higher education and career paths. The school works with children as young as fourteen and tracks their interests and preferences. Every pupil will take the Cambridge Occupational Analysis (COA) programme, which is a computer programme that analyzes a pupil’s career preferences. The college also places enormous value on work experience, and, at a time when many local state schools have done away with it, Hymers has invested heavily to ensure every child undertakes a work placement at the end of Year 11. Once a pupil is in the sixth form, he or she will receive considerable advice on university courses and be encouraged to visit as many university Open Days as possible. Not surprisingly, with excellent advice and outstanding A level results, the school manages to ensure that the vast majority of pupils will go to their first choice university. Hymers offers an ever-growing range of extra-curricular activities. Every Saturday the college has sports fixtures, with rugby and cricket being the main sports for the boys and hockey, netball and tennis, the main sports for the girls. In addition, a wide range of minor sports are offered from fencing to badminton and from athletics to cross-country. The college enjoys a growing reputation for producing excellent sports teams, having reached several national finals in hockey, tennis, athletics and badminton in recent years. Music is equally strong, with a host of public concerts supported throughout the year. Drama has also been successfully re-established as a prominent element of school life. Pupils engage keenly in a wide programme of further activities, with national success in debating in the senior school and national choral success in the junior school. Many pupils also participate in the Duke of Edinburgh’s Award scheme (DofE) and in the Combined Cadet Force. The college has been keen to engage with the local community and now enjoys some outstanding links, with pupils supporting a wide range of local organizations including a local church which provides care to those in need, the Hull Truck Theatre and the local branch of Amnesty International. Over fifty Year 12 pupils visit local primary schools each lunch time and help young pupils with their mathematics and English. The Leadership for Life Award reaches out to disadvantaged young people in the city, making pupils keenly aware of local need. Hymers is blessed with outstanding facilities and is keen to ensure they are used as much as possible throughout the holidays. As a result, an increasing

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number of activities are taking place during the summer holidays, including King’s Camps, which provide summer activity camps for young children. This also provides the school with an additional income source. The college has entered into a number of partnerships with local sports clubs such as Hull Kingston Rovers (KR) Rugby League Club. In return for using the school’s facilities for their academy programme, Hull KR provide expert rugby coaching to the school. The college also hosts the largest MCC Foundation cricket hub in the country, with over seventy state school children receiving expert cricket coaching every week throughout the winter. Such community engagement has gone a long way to changing the perception of the school within the city as a privileged haven for wealthy children. Despite having wonderful facilities, the college cannot afford to stand still, and a major capital development programme is currently underway with a new music and changing room facility being completed in the summer of 2014. This will be followed by a new Learning Resource Centre and plans are well developed for a new science facility as well. The school does not have sufficient resources to finance such an ambitious programme of development and has recently launched a fundraising campaign, which looks to current parents and friends of the school, as well as Old Hymerians (OH), for funds. The capital development programme will not stop there as the school has ambitious plans to build a new purpose-built science facility, once funding is in place. Every pupil at Hymers becomes a member of the Old Hymerian Association as he or she leaves the school. In recent years the school has dramatically professionalized the work of the association, in an effort to ensure that the OHs feel part of the current school. There has been an increase in the number of OH reunions and the school has invested in a full-time alumni manager, who is an important point of contact for all former pupils. As a result the number of Old Hymerians in contact with the school has increased. The school has dramatically improved its use of technology in recent years. The completion of the new Learning Resource Centre will further enhance this area. Every teacher was given an iPad in September 2012 and, as the school is completely wireless networked, they can use their iPad anywhere on the site. Initially, the school’s expectation was that every teacher would use their iPad for administration but inevitably there has been an increase in usage in the classroom, with many teachers making use of the increased number of applications available. The school has also invested in a new virtual learning environment, which has allowed pupils and, for that matter teachers, to collaborate on documents and essays. The role of the teacher, as a result, is changing as pupils now have access to

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them throughout the holidays and at weekends – something that requires careful management as parental expectation is often unrealistic. However, technology is dramatically changing education and it is a major challenge for the school to ensure it remains sufficiently prepared and flexible to adopt the next big thing. As an academically selective school, Hymers College has traditionally offered an academic diet of subjects. When pupils start in the senior school they will study mathematics, English, two modern foreign languages, Latin, science, geography, religious studies, history, drama, design technology, music and physical education. Thus, every pupil is given a wide base from which they can be more selective as they move through the school. As pupils move into Year 10 to begin their GCSEs, they have a choice of nineteen subjects. The structure of the options available to each pupil ensures breadth as well as allows a degree of specialization. Over the past few years there has been a migration away from the national board’s GCSE qualifications with mathematics, English, physics, biology and chemistry preferring the iGCSE qualification, believing it provides a better grounding for study at A Level. Whether the school will continue with these qualifications post 2015 remains to be seen, as the government proposes major changes to the GCSE curriculum. The vast majority of pupils will move into the sixth form, where they must choose four subjects to study at AS Level in Year 12 before specializing on three subjects at A2 Level. In addition, the school is keen to encourage learning outside of the classroom and has worked hard to dramatically improve its Sixth Form Lecture programme, which has attracted speakers from all over the country. Every year the school arranges a Question Time, in which pupils are encouraged to question a panel of local politicians. Another recent addition to the academic curriculum has been the introduction of the Extended Project Qualification, which allows pupils to study a subject of their choice in great depth as they produce a 5,000-word essay. With the introduction of academic league tables in the early 1990s, schools have become increasingly accountable and aware of the performance of their pupils in public examinations. Hymers College has, in recent years, featured prominently in the main tables produced by The Daily Telegraph and The Times as well as those produced by the Department for Children, Schools and Families (DCSF). For example, in 2013 The Yorkshire Post reported that Hymers was the highest performing school at GCSE and the second highest at A Level in Yorkshire (Yorkshire Post, January 2013). The percentage of B grades or above at A Level has remained consistently above 70 per cent in recent years (Figures 3.1 and 3.2).

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90 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 00

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Figure 3.1  Percentage of B grades or better at A level, 2000–2013

At GCSE there has been a gradual increase in the percentage of grades at A* and A with a school record being achieved in 2013 with over 39 per cent of examinations sat gaining an A*. Something that is not shown in these graphs but is an increasing concern among all teachers at Hymers is the increasing number of errors in the marking of both A Level and GCSE papers. In 2013 the school requested 287 examination papers to be re-marked as the teachers were puzzled that the grade awarded did not accurately represent the ability of the individual pupil. Of the 287 papers, a total of 106 had marks changed as a result of the re-mark. This resulted in fiftyeight pupils gaining an improved overall grade.

80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0

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02 003 004 005 006 007 008 009 010 011 012 013 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2

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Figure 3.2  Percentage of grades at A* and A at GCSE, 2000–2013

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Perhaps not surprisingly, the college’s excellent results mean that the vast majority of Hymers students gain grades to take them to their first choice university. Analysis of the data from the past three years has revealed a notable increase in the number of pupils who choose to go to a northern university, presumably as a result of increasing costs and tuition fees (Figures 3.3 and 3.4).

Conclusion The very reason for education is to inculcate change in terms of pupils’ outlooks, interests, knowledge, aspirations and behaviour as human beings and to equip them to respond positively to the demands of a world in flux. But change is intrinsic to school life in other ways too. The pupil roll, for instance, is dynamic in its nature. The natural turnover of staff, too, is a propeller of change. Equally, staff can deliver their best efforts only by constantly reviewing their practice, developing their expertise, nurturing new skills and augmenting their subject knowledge. Above all, no institution can flourish and achieve success if it does not respond positively, creatively and imaginatively to the tides of change in the world in which it operates: for example, the changing fortunes of the economic environment; changes in terms of social and demographic trends; the development of technology and its uses; the evolving values and attitudes of society at large; shifting governmental agendas, for instance, in the field of higher education; changes in the regulatory and legal spheres; and (of course) change in terms of the specific marketplace in which the school operates. Oxford Cambridge Leeds Met. Imperial Birmingham York New castle Liverpool Manchester Durham Hull Leeds 0

2

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Figure 3.3  Percentage of pupils’ destinations, 2011–2013

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Education Veterinary, agriculture Architecture Creative arts and design English, classics, journalism Maths, computing Law History, philosophy Languages Physical sciences Biological services Healthcare (inc. medicine & dentistry) Business, management Economics, social studies Engineering 0

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Figure 3.4  Percentage of course destinations of Hymers’ pupils, 2011–2013

The recent economic downturn has made competition for pupil numbers fiercer than ever, and the school must continually evolve. Competition in the city will only increase as there has been massive investment in state education in Hull. Hymers remains the school of choice, but is very aware of the importance of maintaining the momentum that has been built up in recent years. The school cannot rest on its laurels, and the recent inspection report identified the improvements that had been made in recent years to the quality of teaching.2 Hymers, as an independent school, is a business and any income generated will always be reinvested back into the school to further improve the quality of education offered. We must never forget that Hymers is a school with a national reputation committed to the local area. Going forward, it must remain true to the ideals of its founder, John Hymers, who said the aim of the school was to provide education ‘for the training of intelligence in whatever social rank of life it may be found among the vast and varied population of the town and port of Hull’ and nowadays the local surrounding environs of East Yorkshire and North Lincolnshire.

Notes 1 Independent Schools Inspectorate Report (2013, p. 1). 2 Independent Schools Inspectorate Report (2013, p. 6).

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References Bamford, T.W. (1974) Public School Data, Hull, University of Hull Institute of Education. Brock, C. (1995) Rutlish School: The First Hundred Years, Merton, The Rutlish Foundation. ——— (2010) ‘Spatial dimensions of Christianity and education in Western European history, with legacies for the present’, Comparative Education, 46:3, pp. 289–306. ——— (2014a–forthcoming) ‘Social and spatial disparity in the history of school provision in England from the 1750s to the 1950s’, in: Matheson, D. (ed.) An Introduction to the Study of Education, London, Routledge. ——— (2014b) ‘Global curricular legacies and challenges for the twenty-first century’, Journal of International and Comparative Education, 3:1, pp. 126–138. Cooke, A.B. and Woodhead, D. (2002) ‘Independent schools’, in: Gearon, L. (ed.) Education in the United Kingdom, London, David Fulton Publishers/University of Surrey, pp. 158–168. Dent, H.C. (1982) Education in England and Wales, London, Hodder and Stoughton. Earle, P. (1977), ‘God the rod and lines from Virgil’, in: Fraser, G.M. (ed.) The World of the Public School, London, Weidenfeld and Nicholson. King, A. and Crewe, I. (2013) The Blunders of Our Governments, London, Oneworld Books. Greenfeld, L. (1992) Nationalism: Five Roads to Modernity, Cambridge, MA, Harvard University Press. Lawson, J. (1952) ‘Two forgotten Hull schools: the foundation of Hull College and Kingston College 1836’, Studies in Education: Journal of the Institute of Education, University of Hull, 1:6, pp. 7–26. ——— (1958) ‘Middle-class education in later Victorian Hull: the problem of secondary education 1865–1895’, Studies in Education: Journal of the Institute of Education, University of Hull, 3:1, pp. 27–49. ——— (1979) ‘Hull grammar school’, in: The City and the School: 500th Anniversary of the Endowment of Hull Grammar School, 1479–1979, The Governing Body of Hull Grammar School, Kingston-upon-Hull (unpaginated). Lawson, J. and Silver, H. (1973) A Social History of Education in England, London, Methuen. Mclean, D. (1963) ‘A.S Neil looks back’, The Times Educational Supplement, 16 August, p. 191. Maclure, J.S. (1965) Educational Documents England and Wales: 1816 to the Present Day, London, Methuen. Mangin, J.A. (ed.) (1988) Benefits Bestowed? Education and British Imperialism, Manchester, Manchester University Press.

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Rich, P.J. (1988) ‘Public school Freemasons in the empire: mafia of the mediocre?’, in: Mangin, J.A (ed.) Benefits Bestowed? Education and British Imperialism, Manchester, Manchester University Press, pp. 174–192. ——— (1989) Elexir of Empire: The English Public Schools, Freemasonry and Imperialism, London, Regency Press. ——— (1991) Chains of Empire: English Public Schools, Masonic Cabalism, Historic Causality and Imperial Clubdom, London, Regency Press. Roach, J. (1986) A History of Secondary Education in England, London, Longmans. ——— (1991) Secondary Education in England 1870-1902: Public Activity and Private Enterprise, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. Stephens, W.B. (1998) Education in Britain 1750–1914, Basingstoke, Macmillan. Tomson, R.S. (1970) ‘The Leeds Grammar School case of 1805’, Journal of Educational Administration and History, 3:1, pp. 1–6.

Further Resources www.hmc.org.uk/schools/

4

England: Higher Education Gareth Williams

Introduction The United Kingdom higher education system resembles that of the USA in several ways. One similarity in particular can cause confusion. Although international statistics usually refer to figures for the UK (e.g. OECD, 2013), they are, in fact amalgamated figures from four largely separate systems: England, Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland. This can be misleading unless care is taken in interpreting the statistics: for example, the standard basic first degree course in Scotland starts a year earlier than in England and lasts four years, not the three in England. Geographical proximity, historical precedents and a (more or less) common language mean there are many interactions between the four systems, but they are subject to distinct policy priorities as well as legal and administrative differences. This has long been the case to some extent (e.g. Scottish schools remained separately governed from those in England when the Act of Union was signed in 1707), but in higher education it was formalized by the Higher and Further Education Act of 1992, which created separate Higher Education Funding Councils to finance and administer higher education in the four provinces subject to legislation enacted by the four regional parliamentary assemblies. However, as in the USA, the separate systems remain in close contact with each other and there are several common features. For example, the University and Colleges Admissions Service (UCAS) organizes the admission of the majority of students to all UK higher education institutions. The seven Research Councils finance research throughout the whole UK. Universities UK (UUK) is an organization to which the executive heads (usually vicechancellors) belong, although it does have Scottish and Welsh committees. The Quality Assurance Agency covers the whole of the UK but it too has Scottish and

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Welsh committees. For this chapter one of the main anomalies is that the Higher Education Statistics Agency (HESA) publishes many of its statistics on a UK-wide basis. Despite these links there has been some drifting apart since 1992 reflecting slightly different political priorities and this has created some anomalies. For example, English students who go to Scottish universities are required to pay the same high fees as they would in an English university, whereas students from other European Union countries pay no more than Scottish students, whose fees are much lower. This chapter is concerned with English higher education but, where there are problems in finding separate statistics, figures are given for the UK. As England is by far the largest partner this should not be too misleading.

National regulatory arrangements English higher education has been a unitary system, financially and administratively, since 1992, when the Higher Education Funding Council for England (HEFCE), whose members are appointed by the government, was made responsible for funding and regulation of the whole of education above school level.1 It is appropriate, therefore, to begin this chapter on English higher education with a brief discussion of HEFCE. Since 2010 the government department responsible for higher education has been the Department for Business, Innovation and Skills (BIS), and financial allocations for universities and colleges come out of its budget. The political head of the department appoints the fifteen members of the board of HEFCE for a period of three years. In 2013 its fifteen members include seven with a background primarily in industry and finance and eight from higher education institutions, although there is some overlap between the two categories. Formally it is a quasi-autonomous non-government organization (QUANGO), but in practice it operates under fairly constrained guidelines from central government, in particular an annual budget accompanied by a letter of guidance setting out the government’s priorities for the council during the following year. It is a deeply held belief that government should not become involved in the affairs of any single university and the main function of the council is to distribute basic public funds to individual universities and other higher education institutions within the constraints of this annual budget. In making annual allocations to individual universities, HEFCE currently sees its function as ensuring that universities and colleges are financially healthy, that their courses are of good quality and that everyone with the potential to enter higher education has a fair

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chance to do so. It claims to distribute ‘public money for higher education to universities and colleges in England, and to ensure that this money is used to deliver the greatest benefit to students and the wider public’ (HEFCE, 2013). However, the council’s autonomy is now severely constrained by a government policy which currently lays particular emphasis on the contribution of universities and colleges to economic growth. The transfer of financial responsibility for HEFCE out of the Department for Education to BIS in 2010 was a very clear indicator of this priority. In recent guidance letters the government has set new criteria for institutions allowed to be considered as universities, requiring HEFCE simply to work out the details in individual institutions applying for the right to be considered as universities. It is thus a moot point whether significant university freedom from government interference really still exists. The council’s allocations to institutions are divided into three broad streams: teaching, research and special initiatives, and all three are strongly influenced by central government policy. Most dramatic in recent years has been the grant for teaching. In 2012 the government withdrew an amount equivalent to the cost of teaching basic subjects and made available repayable student loans of up to £9000 per student to cover the cost of tuition fees that universities were required to charge to replace the missing income from HEFCE. Nearly all universities are charging UK and EU undergraduate students the maximum fee permitted for first degree courses of £9000 per year. HEFCE is now allowed to make teaching grants to universities only to cover the estimated extra costs of laboratory-based so-called STEM subjects (science, technology, engineering and medicine). There is no upper limit to the fees for students from outside the EU or for those on programmes of study beyond first degree level. Core research grants to individual universities are allocated on the basis of the Research Excellence Framework (REF), which classifies university departments by the perceived quality of their past and potential research, on criteria increasingly influenced by government policy. About 12 per cent of HEFCE funds are allocated for special projects which are also heavily influenced by government priorities. Nearly 4 per cent is currently devoted to an innovation fund intended to facilitate knowledge transfer from university research to commercial application. The money received by individual universities from HEFCE is accompanied by a ‘financial memorandum’, which is, in effect, a contract between the council and the university or college setting out how the money is to be spent.

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HEFCE also has the responsibility of ensuring that the quality of the student experience in higher education institutions is satisfactory. It does this mainly through contracts with the Quality Assurance Agency (QAA), which is another quango, legally an independent company limited by guarantee from UUK, financed in part by levies on higher education institutions and in part by contracts from HEFCE and its Scottish and Welsh equivalents. The QAA carries out its responsibilities partly by developing and disseminating, in cooperation with practising academic staff, ideas of good teaching practice, and partly through inspections of teaching arrangements in universities and colleges. These peer-review inspections examine teaching provision according to four criteria: threshold standards of the awards received by students; the quality and enhancement of student learning opportunities; and the quality of the information provided for students and applicants and potential employers of graduates. A judgement is made on each of these criteria and the institution is either ‘commended’ or considered to ‘meet UK expectations’, or ‘require[s] improvement to meet UK expectations’ or, in very rare cases, ‘does not meet UK expectations’. In the last case, unless improvement is shown HEFCE could withdraw funding, but in the rare cases that it has been used the institution itself has withdrawn or radically amended the offending programme. Thus, although legally English universities retain the autonomy which has long distinguished them from most other countries, in practice they are now regulated rather closely by central government.

The institutions In 2013 there were 104 universities in England and twenty-four other institutions of equivalent status receiving funds from the Higher Education Funding Council England. In addition, there were 187 further education colleges receiving some money from HEFCE for courses deemed to be of higher-education level. Legally and administratively it is a unitary system but there are very wide differences between institutions. This diversity is achieved mainly through market mechanisms of various sorts, but there are some administrative and regulatory differences. The pre-1992 universities, so-called because they were autonomous degreeawarding universities before the Higher Education Act of 1992, which created new layers of universities, are not a distinct group but they are sometimes treated as such in the media. The legal basis of most of them is a Royal Charter which

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gives them considerable freedom from direct government and parliamentary intrusion, though in practice, as indicated above, government can have considerable influence through the conditions under which the HEFCE makes funds available to them. They have governing bodies, usually called councils, which are self-appointed but chosen to be representative of political, cultural, commercial and academic interests. Council members are not paid but they do have ultimate legal responsibility for their universities, and most undertake their responsibilities assiduously. Within the pre-1992 group there are two self-designated subdivisions, the Russell Group and the 1994 Group, as well as a number of ‘non-aligned’ universities. The Russell Group, so-called because its first meeting of its vicechancellors in 1994 was held in the Russell Hotel in London, consists of twentyfour large, old established universities with a very strong research orientation. The original driver for its establishment was a desire to orient research funding allocations in favour of those universities which achieved very high scores in the research assessment exercises, but also generally to represent the interests of such universities in public policy matters. Within this group are often distinguished, at least in the media, a ‘golden triangle’ consisting of Cambridge, Oxford and University of London constituent colleges and other universities in London. Oxford and Cambridge are both over 700 years old and consistently well ahead of other institutions in the school-leaving qualifications of their entering students and in indicators of research performance. They are regularly in the top ten of world higher education ‘league tables’. Close behind on all these criteria are four colleges of London University which are effectively separate autonomous universities: Imperial College, Kings College, London School of Economics and University College. This golden triangle attracts over a third of HEFCE research funds. The Russell Group now includes another fourteen large English universities (and a few from Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland) receiving funding from HEFCE, in which research has a very high profile. In response smaller research-oriented pre-1992 universities founded the ‘1994 group’, which now has fourteen English members and also describes itself as consisting of ‘internationally renowned, research-intensive universities that offer a rich student experience’. The main difference from the Russell group is that they are smaller universities and despite protestations do not, on the whole, have such distinguished research reputations across a wide range of disciplines.2 Institutions which became universities as a result of the 1992 Act are also financially and academically autonomous. However, their legal basis

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is Parliamentary Statute and the composition of their governing bodies is prescribed by their statute of incorporation: they have a smaller academic membership than the pre-1992 universities. Most of them were polytechnics owned by local education authorities. All of them are permitted to do research and award research degrees, but the amount of designated research income they receive is much lower than that designated to most of the pre-1992 universities, although some have achieved significant research excellence in a few subject areas, particularly in specialist vocational and professional fields. A new layer of universities was created in the early years of the twenty-first century when several smaller institutions, mainly teacher education colleges with a fairly limited range of faculties and often very small, were allowed to be redesignated as independent ‘teaching only’ universities offering degrees up to masters level. The post-1992 universities also have organized themselves into three interest groups. The largest with nineteen English members3 is the ‘University Alliance’, whose members stress their links with industry and professional activity. They claim to be ‘leading an innovative approach to creating entrepreneurial learning and research environments in partnership with industry and the professions’ (University Alliance, 2013). Next largest with seventeen members is the ‘Million+’ group, which describes itself as a ‘university think tank’. Its history since its foundation in the 1990s as the ‘Campaign for Mainstream Universities’, which changed shortly afterwards to the ‘Coalition of Modern Universities’, makes it clear that it sees itself as a counterweight in public policy debates to the Russell Group and the 1994 Group. Million+ universities prioritize their commitment to teaching and have relatively few research resources (Million+, 2013). Since 2000 a new layer of universities has evolved as a result of legislative changes which enabled smaller colleges, often specializing in a limited range of subjects, to become independent teaching universities with the authority to offer taught but not research degrees. Most of them were formerly colleges of education whose principal function was the training of teachers and their membership organization, SCOP (Standing Conference of Principals), which transformed itself into Guild HE in 2006. It differs slightly from the other groups in that at present it is a formal representative body whose chief executives are not yet full members of Universities UK, which represents all UK universities in public policy matters. A special case is the Open University, which in 2013 accounts for nearly 16 per cent of the HEFCE-funded UK students and 15 per cent of the EU students.

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However, all its students are part time so it receives only 4 per cent of the teaching funds, which still makes it a major force in English higher education. In 2011 this process of differentiation was extended further when the government announced its intention, in the interests of widening opportunities for students, to allow even smaller specialist institutions including some profitseeking enterprises to become universities offering degrees of their own. Although there has so far been no Act of Parliament to give formal effect to these proposals, several new universities have been designated in accordance with these proposals using existing legislation. The word ‘university’, and the independent degree-awarding powers and right to appoint professors that accompany it, has thus in the past few decades come to be applicable to a very diverse group of institutions offering a wide range of first degree courses which receive basic funding from the HEFCE. All are monitored by the QAA and in theory all their degrees are equivalent. In practice most employers of graduates are strongly influenced by the particular institutions from which applicants for graduate jobs obtained their degrees. In addition to the universities, some courses in another 186 further education colleges are considered to be part of the higher education system and receive some funding from the HEFCE. These are usually specialized vocational courses, deemed to be at degree level and the degree is validated by an associated university. None of these institutions received any funding for research from the HEFCE. Table 4.1 outlines some of the main differences between these various groups of English universities. The disparities between the golden triangle, with 5 per cent of the English and EU students, 12.5 per cent of the overseas students and nearly 35 per cent of HEFCE research funding, and Guild HE with slightly more English/EU students but less than 2 per cent of the overseas students and virtually no research funding are considerable. Since 1986 funding of teaching and research has been clearly separated in HEFCE, allocations and university financial returns to HEFCE are required to show they divide their money between them. In 2013 two-thirds (66 per cent) of the allocation was for teaching and one-third for research. The teaching share declined from three-quarters (75 per cent) in earlier years because of the substantial changes in tuition fee payments by first-degree students referred to above. Teaching is funded on a per-student basis and spread much more evenly between institutions. The ‘golden triangle’ still receives slightly more than their share of students warrants, but this is mainly because nearly all of them have medical and some other expensive science and technology faculties.

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Table 4.1  Percentage distribution of students and finance by university mission group, 2013 Number of HEFCE- Other Overseas HEFCE institutions funded EU students teaching students students funds Golden triangle

HEFCE research funds

6

5.0

6.9

12.5

7.9

34.7

Other Russell Group

18

17.7

14.2

29.5

20.6

37.8

1994 Group

14

7.0

4.8

9.8

6.5

15.4

University Alliance

19

22.3

19.0

17.5

20.4

4.8

Million + group

17

14.0

17.0

10.4

12.3

1.8

Guild HE*

25

6.5

4.0

1.9

4.1

0.2

1

7.3

14.1

0.1

4.4

0.6

29

15.7

15.0

15.8

19.9

4.7

186

3.9

1.0

0.6

3.9

0

Open University Other universities** FE colleges

Source: HEFCE Student numbers from HESES and HEIFES (March 2012) and HEFCE Annual Funding Allocations 2013–2014. A small number of these institutions are not yet designated as universities, but all have university status. Includes non-aligned universities, various research centres and some university-equivalent higher education institutions. *

**

Higher education institutions not funded by HEFCE For nearly a century the higher education sector in England has consisted of a range of institutions which, although legally independent, received a substantial part of their funding in the form of a subsidy from public sources. There were major changes in the criteria on which the subsidy was based in the late 1980s and early 1990s but it remains a direct allocation to the institutions. However, there are in addition a small but growing number of ‘private’ higher education institutions which cannot be ignored in any review of the current state of English higher education. In 2009 there were four private providers offering UK degrees, only one of which, the University of Buckingham, founded in 1973, had the legal authority to describe itself as a university (UUK, 2010). Since then three more degree-awarding institutions have won the right to be called universities and others are in the pipeline. In addition there are several private higher education providers that offer non-UK awards. These are

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mainly US universities which offer part of their degree programmes in England (mainly London) or degree programmes for non-UK students. UUK estimated that ‘there are between 50 and 70 overseas universities with bases in the UK – all offering only their own degrees’ (UUK, 2010, p. 19). Another important category identified in the UUK study consists of private higher education providers that have their awards validated by a conventional university. It identified ‘160 organisations that receive accreditation from publicly funded institutions in the UK but the number is likely to be far greater than this’ (UUK, 2010, p. 21). Another significant category identified in the UUK study is ‘private providers partnering with higher education institutions to deliver course online’ (UUK, 2010, p. 24). At that time they identified eight such partnerships but the number has undoubtedly grown in the past four years. This overlaps with another potential growth area, Massive Open Online Courses (MOOCs). There have been some private initiatives in England, some involving English public universities but to date the only full-scale UK venture is Future Learn, which opened in 2013 as an independent company owned by the Open University and includes about thirty partner universities (see BIS, 2013). The UUK study concluded that ‘the scale of private degree provision is growing and private providers’ interactions with the publicly funded sector are changing rapidly with new forms of collaboration and partnership … . However, some private providers firmly believe they offer international students a much higher quality of teaching than their publicly funded counterparts. These providers are growing rapidly … ’ (BIS, 2013, p. 25). It is apparent from the UUK study, however, that many of the private providers of higher education, and particularly those that are collaborations with publicly funded universities, are principally concerned with the recruitment of students from outside the European Union and are an aspect of the growing globalization of higher education.

The students In June 2011 BIS published a White Paper, ‘Students at the Heart of the System’, setting out its proposals for the development of English higher education. The main thrust of the paper was that students, acting as consumers, should exert greater influence on what is taught and how it is taught. In their introduction to the paper, the two ministers concerned stated that the White Paper aims ‘to put

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students in the driving seat … we want the sector to become more accountable to students, as well as to the taxpayer’. To achieve this, they endorsed the substantial rise in undergraduate fees to a maximum of £9000 per year, thus they claimed giving the students a greater financial stake in the success of their studies. The paper also proposed that ‘student charters and student feedback will take on a new importance to empower students whilst at university’ and to give ‘power to students to trigger quality reviews where there are grounds for concern … ’ (p. 6). The main thrust of the White Paper is with the traditional student who goes to university full time before entering the adult labour force. In practice students, like the institutions they attend, are a very diverse group. In 2012 there were over 2 million students in English universities. Less than half of them were full-time first-degree students from the UK. Tables 4.2, 4.3 and 4.4 show how varied the student population is in reality. Nearly a third consists of people studying part time; 23 per cent are engaged on postgraduate studies of various kinds; 17 per cent come from outside the UK. At postgraduate level there are more full-time students from outside the UK than from within the country. However, more than a third of all UK students are studying part time and there are considerably more UK part-time postgraduate students than full-timers. This highlights another important Table 4.2  Total student numbers (‘000) in English universities, 2011–2012 Numbers

Per cent of total

First degree Above Total and below first degree

First degree and below (%)

Above Total first (%) degree (%)

FT UK

1001

111

1112

47.8

5.3

53.0

Other EU

58

31

89

2.8

1.5

4.3

Non-EU

107

116

223

5.1

5.5

10.6

1167

257

1424

55.6

12.3

67.9

436

192

628

20.8

9.1

29.9

6

10

16

0.3

0.5

0.8

Total PT UK Other EU Non-EU

13

16

29

0.6

0.8

1.4

Total

456

218

673

21.7

10.4

32.1

Grand Total

1622

475

2097

77.4

22.6

100.0

Source: HESA: Statistical First Release 183 – Student Enrolments and Qualifications Table 1.

22.7

7.3

9.7

4.0

6.1

19

20

21–24

25–29

Over 29

56.4

18.3

16.2

3.3

2.7

3.2

Part time (%)

First degree Full time (%) 24.7 17.5 8.1 19.3 10.6 19.7

42.7 19.5 6.7 10.8 6.3 14.0 63.9

14.5

11.4

2.1

2.1

5.9

Part time (%)

Other undergraduate Total (%)

Source: HESA Student Introduction 2011–2012 Tables G and H.

50.2

Full time (%)

Under 19

Age

56.3

13.9

12.8

3.2

4.8

9.2

Total (%)

Table 4.3  Distribution of new UK entrants by age, level of study and mode of study, 2011–2012

21.7

21.0

56.9

0.3

Full time (%)

67.8

19.8

12.1

0.3

Part time (%)

Postgraduate

46.0

20.4

33.3

0.3

Total (%)

England: Higher Education 93

8.8

39.7

2.1

5.8

57.5

Postgraduate taught

First degree

Foundation degree

Other undergraduate

Total

29.7

1.6

3.8

42.5

First degree

Foundation degree

Other undergraduate

Total

44

45.9

2.1

0.3

19.6

20.6

3.4

54.1

2.2

0.4

24.5

24.0

3.1

131

51.4

2.1

0.1

14.4

31.7

3.1

48.6

1.8

0.2

14.4

29.9

2.3%

1.5

599

44.7

3.3

1.2

25.6

12.9

1.8

55.3

4.7

1.6

33.0

14.6

Source: HESA: Statistical First Release 183 – Student Enrolments and Qualifications Table 5.

423

6.3

Postgraduate taught

Total graduates (‘000) = 100%

1.2

Postgraduate research

Male

1.1

Postgraduate research

Female

Part-time students

167

36.7

11.4

2.1

8.1

14.1

1.0

63.3

21.1

4.1

13.4

23.7

1.1

6

42.2

7.1

1.3

8.1

21.4

4.2

57.8

14.3

1.1

8.8

29.7

3.9

15

59.3

5.9

0.4

11.6

39.2

2.3

40.7

6.8

0.2

9.5

22.7

1.5

189

38.7

10.8

2.0

8.4

16.4

1.2

61.3

19.7

3.7

12.9

23.8

1.2

UK (%) Other EU (%) Non-EU (%) Total (%) UK (%) Other EU (%) Non-EU (%) Total (%)

Full-time students

Table 4.4  Percent of UK graduates by type of qualification and gender, 2012

787

43.3

5.1

1.4

21.5

13.7

1.6

56.7

8.3

2.1

28.2

16.8

1.4

All modes (%)

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feature of English higher education: the rapid growth of ‘lifelong education’ and in particular the number of students combining formal studies with work. Of the British students entering first-degree course in UK universities in 2011, 10 per cent of the full-timers and 75 per cent of the part-timers were aged twenty-five or more. Among the postgraduates 42 per cent of the fulltimers and 88 per cent of the part-timers were aged twenty-five or over when they commenced their studies. Part-time higher education of adults much older than the traditional age of undergraduate education is now one of the mainstream activities of English universities. Furthermore the range of qualifications they are aiming for is also much wider than the conventional bachelors–masters–doctorate progression. Table 4.4 provides further indications of change and diversification. In all categories of qualification except research degrees more, often considerably more, UK (and other EU) women graduated than men. The table also shows the large number of postgraduate taught degrees awarded. These, mostly oneyear courses, made up nearly 30 per cent of the qualifications awarded and over 60 per cent of the awards to students from outside the European Union. This has been a rapidly growing sector of English higher education, and oneyear, taught master’s degrees, often in the English language, are being imitated in several other countries. It is easy to see why there is immense global competition for these students, who wish to upgrade their mass-produced first degree with a further year or two of specialized study, often vocationally oriented. Another indicator of note is that, apart from first degrees, well over than half the UK and EU graduates obtain their qualification from part-time study.

Financial resources Nearly all universities in England receive a substantial annual income from HEFCE. A very small but growing number do not receive any direct public funds. The longest established of these is the University of Buckingham, which has about 2000 students in 2013. Since 2010 the government has encouraged the creation of more independent higher education institutions, which will receive no direct funding from HEFCE, and has relaxed the regulations permitting them to acquire university status. However, as Table 4.5 shows the funding from HEFCE for conventional universities, which accounted for about two-thirds of university income a

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Table 4.5  Sources of income of HE institutions, 2012 HEFCE Grants

29.7%

Teaching

19.2%

Research

6.9%

Other

3.6%

Fees

34.6%

Degree courses UK/EU students

20.4%

Overseas students

11.6%

Other fees Research grants and contracts

2.6% 16.2%

Research councils and charities

8.8%

Other sources

7.4%

Commercial income Endowments and investments

18.6%

18.6%

1.0%

1.0%

Source: HESA: HE Finance Plus 2011–2012.

quarter of a century ago is now provides little over a quarter of their income so they are in this respect they are less different from fully independent universities than they were a decade ago. Fifty years ago the widely acclaimed Robbins Report, which is often considered to have set the UK on the path to mass higher education, considered it ‘a source of strength that public finance for universities should come more than one channel’ (Robbins 1963 para 652) and recommended that ‘in future they meet at least 20 per cent of current educational expenditure’ (para 654). In 2012 the figure was just over 20 per cent, and as Robbins also recommended, these fees are in fact heavily subsidized out of public funds. Students receive loans to cover the fees and graduates repay loans out of their subsequent incomes when these rise above the estimated average for the working population as a whole. Government estimates, when they introduced the current loan scheme, were that 30 per cent of the cost of these loans will never be recovered because some graduates’ incomes will not reach levels that enable them to repay the full cost of their loans. However, it is now widely accepted that this figure is much too low, and a more recent study by the respected Higher Education Policy Institute (HEPI) suggests it is more likely that at least half the cost of loans taken out by students will never be repaid (Thompson and Bekhradnia, 2012). This subsidy will be available for UK and

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EU students from officially recognized private universities as well as those that receive public funds through HEFCE. What Robbins did not foresee or recommend was the very considerable growth in what I have described in Table 4.5 as commercial income. This includes income from a variety of sources including rent from student residences, but a large part of it comes from the sale of other services which range from renting sports facilities to outsiders to the sale of consultancy services by members of staff. It amounted in 2012 to 18.6 per cent of the income of the whole higher education sector but much more in the case of some universities. As with all the other indicators shown in this chapter, there are big differences between individual higher education institutions. Table 4.6 shows the sources of income in 2012 in a number of representative universities. The percentage of total income that comes from HEFCE varies between 15 per cent in Cambridge and nearly 40 per cent of the total in Manchester Metropolitan, one of the post-1992 universities. Income from fees accounts for only 11 per cent of the Cambridge total but over 45 per cent in Manchester Metropolitan and Winchester (one of the former teacher education colleges that became a full university only in 2005). The wide diversity of research income has already been commented on in the discussion of HEFCE funding, but Table 4.6 suggests that when other sources of research funding are included the disparity is even greater. ‘To him that hath shall be given’ is very much the rule in English university research funding. Finally there is the other income, most of which is commercial income of various kinds. The remarkable figure here is the overwhelming dominance of Cambridge but it must be said that its figure includes the very substantial profits from its centuries-old publishing house and also includes a very large Table 4.6  Sources of income of some representative UK universities HEFCE (%) Fees (%)

Research grants Other (%) and contracts (%)

Cambridge

14.9

11.3

22.2

51.7

Imperial College

22.4

21.3

41.0

15.2

Manchester University

24.3

32.5

23.3

19.9

Manchester Metropolitan University

39.2

46.4

2.1

12.2

University of Winchester

33.6

45.4

1.5

19.4

Source: Annual financial reports of each university.

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income from its national and international examination services. If these two are removed Cambridge ‘commercial income falls to 24 per cent which is still higher than the other universities but not outrageously so’. There is much debate about whether England really has a marketized system of higher education (see, for example, Brown and Carasso, 2013; Callender and Scott, 2013). The evidence from this section suggests that in many ways it really is a long way down this road. Nearly all the income of higher education institutions is obtained on a competitive basis. HEFCE money for teaching depends on the number of students recruited, and each university is permitted to enrol as many well-qualified students as it can attract; HEFCE research income depends on assessments of the quality of previous research and evaluations of claims about future potential. Student fee income depends directly on the number recruited: and fees for international students in particular tend to be very high so there is very fierce competition for them. As with research the Matthew principle seems to be in operation. Russell group universities and in particular the golden triangle receive much more than what many would consider to be their fair share of these lucrative students. Research grants and contracts are nearly all won on a competitive basis with a very substantial share going to already favoured Russell group universities. Finally, nearly a fifth of the income of most universities is obtained from the sale of a great variety of services. In this environment competition brings about a considerable degree of specialization, as every department and centre in every university tries to find a sustainable market niche. As outlined in an earlier section the result is a very clear hierarchy of institutions in a system that is formally unitary.

Current issues There have been huge changes in English higher education over the past quarter century. The year 1988 was a very significant year as the Education Reform Act was passed. The Act made it clear that public money for higher education institutions was to be considered as payment for specific services rendered and not as a subsidy to universities and colleges. The services to be bought were mainly teaching prescribed numbers of students and producing identifiable high quality research. At the same time universities were encouraged to seek money from sources other than the government. In a letter to the chairman of the Universities Funding Council (the predecessor

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of HEFCE), immediately after the passage of the Act the secretary of state for education and science wrote, I shall look to the Council to develop funding arrangements which recognise the general principle that the public funds allocated to universities are in exchange for the provision of teaching and research and are conditional on their delivery … . I very much hope that it will seek ways of actively encouraging institutions to increase their private earnings so that the state’s share of institutions’ funding falls and the incentive to respond to the needs of students and employers is increased. (Baker, 1988)

These principles have underpinned government funding of higher education in England ever since. The 1988 Act was followed by another Act in 1992 which abolished the binary division that divided the funding and regulation of universities from other higher education institutions and at the same time arranged for separate financing and administrative arrangements in England, Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland. During the following thirty years, more and more institutions were allowed to apply for university status, culminating in the 2011 White Paper which changed the criteria considerably so that several small colleges and some private profit-seeking institutions are now allowed to award their own degrees and be considered universities. Some of these are ‘teaching universities’ that are allowed to offer bachelors and taught masters degrees, but not research degrees. One current policy issue is the extent to which a commercial private sector of higher education will develop. In its 2011 White Paper the government announced, ‘we will remove the regulatory barriers that are preventing a level playing field for higher education providers of all types, including further education colleges and other alternative providers’ (BIS, 2011, p. 5). In particular the White Paper announced that publicly funded student loans are to be available for students at recognized private institutions and that the QAA will have some authority to verify the quality of courses offered by private institutions whose students are eligible for student loans. It is, of course, important not to overstate the extent of these new ventures. The great majority of students are likely to remain in conventional universities. Much of the new competition is, and is likely to remain, in the area of part-time lifelong education courses and in particular to add to the burgeoning supply of taught masters and other post-first-degree courses which enable students to add to their initial qualifications as technology and many other aspects of the economy and society change. An interesting question is whether private commercial providers driven by the profit motive will be a

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threat to conventional public universities, or whether the considerable freedom to innovate enjoyed by public higher education institutions will prevent private institutions from gaining a significant foothold in England. Meanwhile, the debate about the fees continues to dominate much of the public discussion. In the year of the fiftieth anniversary of the Robbins Report it is interesting to note the prescience of that committee’s remark that ‘ … if fees were at a high level …  it is highly probable that the level of fees rather than broad questions of educational policy would become the focus of public discussion … ’ (Robbins, 1963, para 653). Fees for students from outside the UK were first introduced in 1980, but following a legal ruling about EU obligations, students from EU were required to be the same as for UK students. In 1998 the Dearing Report (NCIHE, 1997) recommended fees as potentially and important contribution to meeting the growing cost of higher education. In 1998 undergraduate fees of £1000 a year were introduced in English universities. They were raised to £3000 per year in 2004 after much debate within the then Labour government. Following another report in 2010 (Browne, 2010) maximum permissible fees were again raised to £9000 after even more debate and disagreement within the current Conservative–Liberal Democrat coalition government: a great majority of universities currently charge this amount but most of the other higher education institutions charge somewhere between £6000 and £9000 per year. As already shown, loans are available for UK and EU students to meet these costs: the loans plus interest at government borrowing levels being repaid after graduation out of subsequent earnings once they reach what is estimated to be current average levels. As already explained there is very considerable debate about the real cost to public funds of these arrangements and this controversy will certainly continue for several years to come, not least because Scotland and Wales have adopted much lower levels of tuition fee. Another controversy that is brewing arises from the publication of several reports by HEPI which show that the amount of time devoted to learning by students varied by over 50 per cent between subjects and between institutions, and possibly more important finding was that ‘students in English universities by and large devoted far less effort to their studies than students in most other European countries … it is a question that once raised will not go away’ (Bekhradnia, 2012, p. 2). Of course it is extremely difficult to compare the amount of learning that students are exposed to in different academic environments, especially when UK universities still lay great stress to teaching in small groups. How can a one-hour tutorial with five students be compared with a one-hour

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lecture to 500 students? However, HEPI makes considerable efforts to allow for such differences, and when it is also taken into account that English first-degree courses are shorter than in most other countries, it is easy to see why there should be a cause for concern. This has become a policy issue partly because the rise in student fees has resulted in some media interest in what services students can expect from their increased financial commitments. In its 2011 White paper the government indicated its concern: The variations in subjects like Law, between a workload of 44.8 hours a week and 18.7 hours a week, or in Historical and Philosophical Studies between 39.5 and 14 hours a week, suggest that institutions can approach course teaching in very different ways. While there is no single ‘right’ measure for the amount of study that should be required for a degree, potential applicants and employers should know how much time will be spent on different learning and teaching activities before they select a course. This is why we are expecting higher education institutions to provide information on the proportion of time spent in different learning and teaching activities. This should be supported by links to more detailed information at module level, for example about the time engaged in different types of teaching and learning activities including lectures. (BIS, 2011)

Clearly this raises issues of cherished academic freedom and institutional autonomy, but in a fee-paying mass higher education system in a globally competitive environment, it is likely that universities and their representative bodies will find themselves under increasing pressure at least to keep such matters under review. Another issue that continues to attract considerable policy attention is that of social mobility into and through higher education. Several studies in the past decade have shown that relative differences in higher education participation have not decreased significantly despite the massive expansion in participation over the past half century (e.g. Bekhradnia, 2003; Blanden and Machin, 2004; Crawford et al., 2011; Sutton Trust, 2011). This has become such a major political issue that an Office of Fair Access (OFFA) was established in 2004 to help ensure that rising tuition fees did not result in extra barriers to higher education participation by people from disadvantaged social groups. Since 2011, universities proposing to charge the full £9000 per annum fee are required to show to the satisfaction of OFFA that they are taking adequate steps through bursaries, fee subsidy and otherwise to ensure that their fee policy is not creating a barrier to entry for students from economically

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disadvantaged backgrounds. There is particular concern that access to Russell Group universities seems to be unduly concentrated on students from more advantaged social groups and especially those who have attended private secondary schools. However, recent evidence from Vignoles (2013) and others shows convincingly that the roots of educational inequality in the UK lie far further back, in preprimary and primary education: gaps in social class achievements increase during secondary education but increase very little at entry into higher education once the effects of school-leaving qualifications are taken into account. If this is the case it follows that additional resources for improving social mobility should be devoted to making earlier levels of education more effective. This is another debate, both an academic and a political one, that is likely to continue for a long time. In a paper published to coincide with the fiftieth anniversary of the Robbins Report the minister for higher education reported that Perhaps one of the most surprising things, when reflecting on the impact of his (Robbins’) great report, is that such a brilliant economist did not suggest any economic incentives to ensure that universities focused on teaching when it mattered so much to him. Instead ever sharper incentives to reward high quality research were introduced over subsequent decades. (Willetts, 2013, p. 35)

However, university research is continuing to receive considerable attention from policy-makers. The UK-wide ‘Research Assessment Exercise’ (RAE) was launched in 1986 to help focus the basic funding of research in what was becoming a mass higher education system. Every four or five years since then, the quality and quantity of research in all university departments4 has been assessed by panels of experts, and HEFCE makes its allocation of research funding on the basis of these evaluations. As shown above, this process has resulted in funded research being largely concentrated in a relatively small number of universities. Barker (2007) regretted that ‘It has largely reinforced the established order … the overall ranking of research-led universities has not changed a great deal’. Others believe that this concentration has strengthened research in British universities. At a HEPI conference on Research Funding and Assessment in 2009, the president of the Russell Group universities claimed that ‘Successive RAEs have concentrated research funding over the last 20 years in the universities with the highest quality and concentration of research’ and ‘UK research performance has improved dramatically over this period’ (Arthur, 2009).

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Policy-makers remained concerned about the contribution of higher education to the knowledge society and in particular their role in enhancing England’s economic prospects (see, for example, Temple, 2012). After a long period of consultation it has been decided the Research Excellence Framework will replace the RAE in 2014. The main change is a somewhat greater use of quantitative indicators of research performance and a requirement that considerable weight be given to the non-academic ‘impact’ of research. Both have given rise to considerable controversy within higher education, and although the mechanical use of metrics has been reduced, research ‘impact’ remains very controversial, especially in arts and humanities subjects. STEM subjects are, on the whole, more relaxed about ‘impact’ becoming a significant criterion. In 2009 a Russell Group study of 123 cases of ‘significant Innovation’ from sixteen member universities found that 53 per cent resulted from basic research and 47 per cent from applied research (e.g. Arthur, 2009, Slide 13). One way in which a concern with research impact is to be taken into account is by appointing significant representation of the ‘users’ of research on each of the assessment panels. In general ‘knowledge transfer’, the transfer of university research findings into economic and social applications, has received considerable emphasis in recent years. The research councils have moved a long way towards focusing their research funding more sharply on perceived national policy priorities. For example, in 2013 the Engineering and Physical Sciences Research Council introduced its mission statement with the words ‘EPSRC supports excellent, long term research and high quality postgraduate training in order to contribute to the economic competitiveness of the UK and the quality of life of its people’. All of the research councils, including that for arts and humanities, contain a somewhat similar phrase in their mission statements. It is sometimes argued that there is in practice not a wide gap between excellent ‘blue skies’ research, which is concerned with finding out things because they are intellectually interesting, and focusing on economic, technological and social problems that it is believed will improve human happiness (see e.g. Royal Society, 2009), but nonetheless these developments are another powerful indicator of the huge shift in the past quarter century towards a very utilitarian approach to English higher education. The development of near universal higher education at the same time as extremely rapid technological change has been accompanied by global moves towards making both research and teaching very functional, but there can be little doubt that England has moved in this direction farther and faster than most.

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Notes 1 However, it needs to be noted that a separate Skills Funding Council is responsible to financing vocational education and training of adults that is not deemed to be of higher education level. In education its main responsibility is further education colleges, which are institutions intermediate between secondary and higher education that are concerned mainly with vocational education and training below degree level. 2 In late 2013 the 1994 Group announced that it was disbanding. Its members will in future be non-aligned, unless they are able to join one of the other groups. 3 The alliance also includes two pre-1992 universities. 4 Except for a very few that opt out and receive no research funding.

References Arthur, M. (2009) ‘Assessment, selectivity and excellence: getting the balance right’, in: HEPI (ed.) Research Funding and Assessment: The Future, London, HEPI. Downloaded from www.hepi.ac.uk/485-1734/Research-Funding-and-AssessmentThe-Future.html Baker, E. (1988) Letter from the Secretary of State for Education and Science (Edward Baker) to the Chairman of the Universities Funding Council, 31 October 1988. Barker, K. (2007) ‘The UK research assessment exercise: the evolution of a national research evaluation system’, Research Evaluation, 16:1, pp. 3–12. Bekhradnia, B. (2003), Widening Participation and Fair Access: Overview of the Evidence, Higher Education Policy Institute. ——— (2012) The Academic Experience of Students at English Universities – 2012 Report (HEPI 2012). BIS (2011) Students at the Heart of the System (Department for Business Innovation and Skills). ——— (2013) The Maturing of the MOOC: Literature Review of Massive Open Online Courses and Other Forms of Online Distance Learning. Research Paper No. 130 (Department for Business Innovation and Skills). Blanden, J. and Machin, S. (2004) Educational inequality and the expansion of UK higher education, Scottish Journal of Political Economy, 51:2, pp. 230–249. Brown, R. and Carasso, H. (2013) Everything for Sale: The Marketisation of UK Higher Education, London, Routledge. Browne, E. (2010) Securing a Sustainable Future for Higher Education: An Independent Review of Higher Education Funding & Student Finance [Browne Report]. Ref: 10/1208 (Department for Business Innovation and Skills).

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Callender, C. and Scott, P. (2013) Browne and Beyond: Modernising English Higher Education, London, IOE Press. Crawford, C., Johnson, P., Machin, S. and Vignoles, A. (2011) Social Mobility: A Literature Review, London, BIS. NCIHE (1997) Higher Education in the Learning Society (The Dearing Report)(HMSO). Available at: www.leeds.ac.uk/educol/ncihe/ OECD (2013) Education at a Glance (OECD). Royal Society (2009) Hidden Wealth: The Contribution of Science to Service Sector Innovation (RS Policy document 09/09). Sutton Trust (2011) Degrees of Success: University Chances by Individual School, Submission to the Independent Review of Higher Education Funding and Student Finance. Temple, P. (ed.) (2012) Universities in the Knowledge Economy: Higher Education Organisation and Global Change, London, Routledge. The Robbins Report on Higher Education (1963), London, HMSO. Thompson, J. and Bekhradnia, B. (2012) The Cost of the Government’s Reforms of the Financing of Higher Education (HEPI). UUK (2010) The Growth of Private and For-Profit Higher Education Providers in the UK (Universities UK). Vignoles, A. (2013) Widening Participation: What Does the Evidence Show? (presentation to the LSE conference on ‘Shaping Higher Education Fifty Years after Robbins’, 22 October 2013) Available at: http://www.lse.ac.uk/publicEvents/ events/2013/10/20131022t1030vSL.aspx Willetts, D. (2013) Robbins Revisited: Bigger and Better Higher Education (Social Market Foundation).

Websites HEFCE (2013) ‘About HEFCE’ at http://www.hefce.ac.uk/about/ Million + (2013) ‘Our Role’ at http://www.millionplus.ac.uk/who-we-are/our-role University Alliance (2013) ‘About’ at http://www.unialliance.ac.uk/about/

Further Resources www.hesa.ac.uk/stats

5

England: Further and Adult Education Yvonne Hillier

Introduction The further and adult education (FAE) sector is probably the most varied across the education spectrum in England. It involves students aged between fourteen and hundred plus years. It covers provision from very basic language, literacy and numeracy through to postgraduate-level programmes. The sector includes voluntary, public and private institutions and is funded by government, employers, agencies and individuals. It is primarily noncompulsory, although increasingly seen by policy-makers to be fundamental to the economic success of the country as well as contributing to the well-being of the society. A distinct feature of the sector is its flexibility, particularly when being subject to numerous policy initiatives aimed at ensuring residents in England are knowledgeable, skilled and qualified to meet the challenges of a fast changing, globalized world. This chapter will describe the sector through examination of its structure, funding mechanism and provision. It will discuss the workforce and the student population. An important consideration is the way in which national and international policies impact upon and influence provision and practice, and the chapter will conclude with an analysis of the challenges that confront the sector.

Terminology and acronyms and metaphors The FAE sector has been known by a number of terms including adult education (AE) and further education (FE), vocational education and training

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(VET), postcompulsory education and training (PCET), adult and community learning (ACL), adult, further and vocational education (AFVE), continuing education (CE), postsecondary non-tertiary education and lifelong learning (LLL). People who work in the sector have been called tutors, trainers, lecturers, facilitators and teachers. Their students have been known as trainees, learners and students. The benefits offered include academic qualifications, vocational qualifications, leisure activities, self-help groups, clubs, drop-ins, open learning and community outreach. The sector has not enjoyed the status of higher education, nor has it been more easily understood compared to the compulsory system. In fact, the sector has been called ‘Cinderella’, the ‘middle child’ (Foster, 2005), and it has even been accused of being infantalized by the excessive demands placed on it by the government (Lingfield, 2012). These metaphors powerfully convey the challenge that staff working in the sector face and yet may also contribute to its successful flexibility and ability to adapt and change. However, Lingfield noted that FE today is a very large, sophisticated enterprise, in the hands of many of the most able organisations in the country. It is capable of thriving with as much autonomy as is granted to universities. (Lingfield, 2012, p. 20)

A brief history of the sector Adult education and further education are distinct sectors and activities even though they both reside within the postcompulsory sector as part of the education system. Adult education can be traced back to the earliest days of philosophy and religion (Fieldhouse, 1995; Kelly, 1970). Its more recent history stems from the acknowledgement that adults needed to read and write, discuss and debate and acquire knowledge and skills in an industrialized society. The social movements which helped working-class people gain access to education have influenced a particularly social justice and emancipatory element to adult education that is still in evidence today (Collins, 1991; Mayo and Thompson, 1995). Further education, on the other hand, arose particularly from the need in the industrialized society for knowledgeable and skilled workers. It has a strong tradition of vocational education and training, where crafts and technical skills have been taught in the workplace and in colleges (Hyland

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and Merrill, 2003). Generally, but not exclusively, further education offers accredited programmes through full-time programmes for young people, day-release programmes for people in work and evening courses for those who do not have time off during the day to study. Increasingly, further education has expanded its provision to cover younger people from 14 to 19 years and adults wanting evening classes similar to those in adult education institutes, and to offer continuing professional development for a large number of professions. In the past three decades, we can see that issues confronting society have influenced the ways in which further education in particular has been shaped. For example, during the 1980s, Britain and most European countries experienced immense unemployment, with huge numbers of young people and adults without jobs. People with low basic skills or with few or no qualifications were far more likely to be unemployed. Government policy-makers created initiatives to try to reduce unemployment through the creation of training programmes. The initiatives to foster training and employment drew heavily on the provision offered in both further and adult education institutions, as well as on the increasing number of private training organizations, and voluntary organizations.

Structure and funding Fifty years ago, there were two main sources of provision for adults who wanted to learn in England: further education colleges for vocational types of programme and adult education for leisure. This seemingly simple structure in fact belied a very varied style of provision. In adult education, there were extramural classes run by universities, classes by the Workers Education Association (WEA), informal learning opportunities through clubs and societies including the Women’s Institutes (WI), programmes in local adult education colleges and institutes, self-help groups and correspondence courses. Some provision was funded through the local education authorities that had a duty to make programmes available. Financial support could be made to more informal programmes and groups, and indeed, in London, the then Inner London Education Authority (ILEA) was often criticized for some of the programmes it was prepared to fund. Today, the places and spaces where adults can learn have grown even further, particularly with the rise of the internet and opportunities, for people to learn in

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their homes, workplaces and, increasingly, when they are in public places such as cafes and on transport. Places where people can learn Adult and community learning institutions Armed forces Further education colleges Sixth form colleges Distance and open learning National Extension College (NEC) The Open University (OU) Libraries Prisons Public venues including pubs and drop-in centres in shopping centres Specialist and designated colleges Training organizations Voluntary organizations Web-based learning Work-based learning programmes Responsibility for further education originally resided within local education authorities, and decisions about what should be funded, what should be taught and who should be taught were dealt with locally. However, in 1992, further education colleges became incorporated through the Further and Higher Education Act, where they became independent but funded by government. Adult and further education is currently the responsibility of the Department for Business, Innovation and Skills, although some of the provision within FE that relates to young people under nineteen years of age comes under the remit of the Department for Education (DfE). There are 244 general FE colleges, ninety-four sixth form colleges, fifteen specialist institutions, more than 1000 private or charitable training providers, 200 public bodies including local authorities providing adult community learning, thirty-eight HEIs which offer FE-level programmes and eighteen national skills academies with training departments within large employers such as Rolls-Royce. There are fourteen National Health Service Trusts. The prison service and the armed forces additionally provide learning opportunities for adults and young people (Lingfield, 2012, p. 18). In 2009–2010 there were 4.6 million students, and in 2010–2011 there are half a million people in

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apprenticeships. About 10 per cent of all HE is taught within FE colleges, with about 120,000 students (AoC, 2013).

Further education FE has moved on considerably from its image of being the ‘poor relation’ of the education system where it simply provided ‘technical and craft education for working-class men’ (Leathwood, 1999, p. 5). Today it offers a range of academic and vocational programmes for young people, work-based learning, higher education, community education and professional development as well as being central to the national skills agenda and curriculum reform. It is particularly recognized for its ‘second chance’ and widening participation activities where adults return to learning and gain confidence, qualifications and often employment and even progression to higher levels of study. The largest provider in the postcompulsory sector is FE, comprising general colleges which offer a wide range of programmes and a small number of specialist or designated colleges, some providing certain subjects such as horticulture or field studies and others, such as the City Lit in London, offering adult education programmes. In addition, there are sixth form colleges (SFCs) which provide academic and vocational qualifications for young people age between sixteen and nineteen. These colleges arose from the compulsory structures within local authorities where secondary schools covered elevento sixteen-year-olds and SFCs provided A levels, vocational qualifications and GCSEs for school leavers. Since the raising of the school-leaving age, all young people aged seventeen (eighteen by 2015) are required to be in some form of education and training, and so this provision in SFCs and FECs are now part of the compulsory system. The Commission on Adult Vocational Teaching and Learning (CAVTL) suggested there are four stages of vocational learning: initial vocational formation, apprenticeship, continuing vocational formation and reformation of vocational expertise (CAVTL, 2012, p. 17). Further education is involved in all these stages. Initial vocational formation is usually provided through full-time college and workshop programmes. Learners are given experience in simulated environments that replicate the workplace. Apprenticeships are conducted primarily in the workplace but with ‘off-the job’ components of study in the further education institutions. Continuing vocational formation is undertaken both in the workplace and in institutions. This is probably the most

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flexible of the forms of vocational learning, and many employees undertake their vocational updating either informally through talking with colleagues or through Web-based learning. Reformation of vocational expertise occurs when people change occupations or gain new roles within the workplace. Again, employees may undertake formal programmes of study to enable them to move to new areas or they may do so informally in the workplace or in their own time.

Adult education Adult education is a diverse part of the postcompulsory sector. Adult education institutions specifically work with adults, although one strand of their work, family learning, engages parents and carers with their children. Today, much of the provision can be found within further education colleges and voluntary organizations as well as in the workplace. This provision is often made in local centres, village halls, community centres and libraries as well as in dedicated institutions. The Inquiry into Lifelong Learning (Schuller and Watson, 2009) argued that communities and groups should have access to learning through a strong local autonomy which guaranteed a minimum local offer, strengthened through networks, with the promotion of libraries, museums and sports facilities as learning institutions.

What is funded? FE is now funded by the Skills Funding Agency (SFA), with some funding provided by the DfE and its higher-level provision funded by the Higher Education Funding Council for England (HEFCE). Adult education has not always enjoyed such clearly delineated funding streams and derives its sources from third sector (i.e. voluntary sector) as well as from other public services such as social services. Often seen as a poor relation, when cuts are required in the education budget, schools and higher education are more protected with further education less so. Adult education has often experienced swingeing cuts or lack of investment, but this has encouraged managers and teachers to be canny and cautious in finding alternative sources of funding, particularly in recent decades, from European funds, National Lottery funds and numerous grants and trusts. Further education institutions are given funds for the learning opportunities they provide. The funding can only partly cover overheads

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including staff costs, building and accommodation, resources and activities such as marketing and recruitment. Institutions have to make decisions about raising income, often through fees for the learners. The model of funding stems primarily from a funding tariff where some types of programmes, such as English and other classroom-based subjects, are given a lower rate of funding than a science- or engineering-based subject which required expensive accommodation and equipment. There are different rates for levels of qualification, and for different lengths of programme. Most two-year fulltime programmes are funded more generously than most ten-week ones. The funding formula is a national methodology which comprises a standard learner number multiplied by the national funding rate, provider factor and additional learning support. Colleges, sixth forms and adult and community learning institutions are required to make plans identifying what programmes of learning are offered, and expected numbers of learners and strategic decisions taken by the funding agencies are then implemented on the basis of the institution plans. Statz and Wright (2004) argue that this funding model is a significant departure from previous supply-led strategies to a demand-led system. The FE sector draws its funding primarily from the SFA but it also is funded by the Education Foundation Agency (EFA), the Department for Work and Pensions (DWP) and the Higher Education Funding Council for England. The SFA’s role is to fund and regulate adult FE and skills training in England. The second strand of funding is from the EFA for 14–19-year-olds and this funding stream provides financial support to young learners through local authorities which have new duties in commissioning education and training for all 16–19-year-old learners in England. In many ways, this is a return to an original scheme whereby further education colleges were controlled by their local education authorities, but now the funding is still centrally controlled but effectively dispersed through the local identification of need and appropriate provision.

How this influences provision A consequence of the funding strategy may well be the reduction and closure of traditional adult education programmes, and an increase in fees for programmes that do not lead to the priority areas of basic skills, ICT or Level 2 qualifications. Even though the current catchphrase is ‘demand-led’ provision, some demands will not be satisfied through the funding available. Indeed,

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the success of the sector in recruiting more learners in the past two decades means that funds are not able to cover all their learning demands, a significant dilemma for government. One of the more interesting consequences of the funding mechanism is the way in which colleges have behaved over the last decade in response to the rules of funding. There has been a huge reduction in the average level of funding (ALF), with convergence between colleges which had historically been more generously funded by their LEAs and those with very poor units of resource. Colleges now teach more students for less money per head. They began to compete with each other under the original funding regime of the Further Education Funding Council (FEFC), but then collaborated over provision, as the subsequent Learning and Skills Council (LSC) funding and planning regime took effect. With the current SFA funding regime, colleges and all providers need to collaborate in response to the commissioning role of the local authorities. However, in the recent recession experienced in England, the cuts being made to public services have affected funding for the sector, and once again, institutions have to compete for students. This is being seen particularly for colleges which had begun to collaborate with their higher education institutions through sub-degree-level programmes such as foundation degrees but now are competing for the same students as the fee structure in higher education has changed (see Chapter 4 on higher education). As Thomson (2013) notes, Public spending on education and training for adults in England will continue to fall in 2014–15 and beyond as a result of the 2013 spending round. This means that providers and funders will need to co-operate and collaborate more effectively than ever before to ensure damage is contained. In addition, groups of individuals and employers face the challenge of filling the gaps left by a shrinking state through voluntary, mutual or private innovation … . The sad likelihood though is that the number of adult learners taking publiclysupported education and training looks set to diminish for the foreseeable future. (Thomson, 2013, p. 8)

Provision and qualifications It is impossible to describe provision in the English FAE sector without discussing the qualification structure in England. This is mainly because the model of funding is aligned to programmes of learning and these are required to lead to a qualification. In other words, the English system of FAE is predicated on the idea that qualifications are proxy for learning (see Wolf, 2011).

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The National Qualifications Framework The number of qualifications available today in the United Kingdom is both immense and almost universally perceived as confusing (Hillier, 2012). In 2012, there were 164 national vocational awarding organizations with 17,331 vocational qualifications (Lingfield, 2012, p. 12, Ofqual). Since 1986 when the first national vocational qualifications (NVQs) were introduced, attempts to rationalize the qualification framework have grappled with the problem of achieving equivalence. The first step towards achieving this was by devising a taxonomy of qualifications according to level. This classification system is shown in Figure 5.1.

Level of qualification

General

5

Foundation degrees/HNDs/HNCs

4

3 Advanced level

A level

Vocationally related

Occupational

Level 5 NVQ Level 4 NVQ

Free-standing units Vocational A levels Level 3 BTEC diplomas

Level 3 NVQ

Higher diplomas Advanced apprenticeships 2 Intermediate level

GCSE grade A* –C

Free-standing units Intermediate Level 2 Vocational GCSEs

Level 2 NVQ

Intermediate diplomas BTEC first Young Apprenticeships 1 Foundation level

GCSE grade D–G

Free-standing units Foundation Level 1

Entry level

Certificate of (educational) achievement

Figure 5.1  A taxonomy of qualifications according to level Source: See www.qcda.gov.uk/

Level 1 NVQ

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Qualifications and Credit Framework (QCF) In England secondary school students work towards a General Certificate of Secondary Education (GCSE) in a variety of subject including mathematics, English language, English literature, foreign language, physics, chemistry, biology, history and geography. These examinations are usually taken during the twelfth year of schooling. Young people can then study Advanced level (‘A’ levels), usually in three subjects. A levels are used as entry qualifications for study at university and are often seen as the ‘gold standard’ of qualifications. These can be studied at school or at further education colleges. Young people can also opt to gain a vocational qualification such as a BTEC validated by an awarding body such as City and Guilds, which offers awards in more technical and craft-oriented subjects such as plumbing, bricklaying and mechanics. Awarding bodies are independent institutions set up to foster the development of skills and knowledge in vocational subjects, and they award qualifications in these subject areas. Professional bodies, such as the chartered institutes, also award qualifications. National vocational qualifications can be achieved by attending a course at a college or training organization, or by accrediting competences that people already have. NVQs are industry-specific and devised to meet standards set by a ‘sector skills council’ for any particular industry. They are designed to capture occupational standards and requirements in the workplace. NVQs are accredited by awarding bodies and offered within further education colleges, training organizations and the workplace. The Open College Network comprises a number of regional bodies that credit programmes of learning, primarily in adult and further education. It was set up to recognize the learning that takes in non-accredited programmes and have a primary aim of widening participation in learning. With Open College credits, the programme is devised by the college, and if it meets the criteria of the awarding body, in this case National Open College Network (NOCN), then the learners will gain credit once they have completed certain activities throughout the programme. The first level in the national framework is entry level and usually involves basic literacy, numeracy, language and life skills. It is the equivalent of pre-GCSE qualifications. Level 1 (foundation level) is the equivalent of a GCSE at lower grades, and level 2 (intermediate) is the equivalent of higher grades of GCSE. This level is often seen to be the minimum that young people should attain when at school, and there are recent moves to ensure that a core of certain subjects

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including maths, English and science are achieved. Level 3 (advanced level) is the equivalent of ‘A’ levels, and Levels 4 and 5, the equivalent of higher education levels. There is less correspondence between NVQ Levels 4 and 5 and the higher education degree levels of bachelor, master’s and doctorate (see Figure 5.1). In theory, any qualification, that is, say, at Level 3, would require the breadth and depth of an ‘A’ Level, Advanced Certificate of Vocational Education (ACVE) (formerly GNVQ Advanced), diploma or NVQ Level 3. Critics and commentators of the postsixteen curriculum have long argued for a ‘unitized’ system, where people can gain credit from whatever source and move more coherently through the maze of qualifications on offer. The unitized curriculum was first suggested by Geoff Stanton, then director of the FEU (Further Education Unit) (Stanton, 1982). These ideas have been implemented in Scotland and Wales (see Hodgson, 2000) and influenced plans for coherent provision of learning opportunities in England. Today, a Framework for Achievement enables learners to build up units towards qualifications which fit into a simple credit-rated system. There are common-level indicators, with a range of core, optional and elective units which can be drawn upon to become awards, certificates, diplomas with agreed subject and sector classifications. At the time of writing (2014) the A levels are being reformed to ‘linear’ programmes of learning, where students gain the qualification mainly through exams at the end of their study rather than through a series of modules which can be retaken to gain a higher grade if necessary. Universities are being asked to engage with the reform of the curriculum as they are the main avenue of progression for young people with these qualifications. The vocational qualifications are also subject to debate, and following a review of these for young people by Professor Alison Wolf (2011), changes to the ways in which young people in schools study vocational subjects are being implemented. Most people study the range of programmes in further education but adult education institutions, again primarily through the changes to the funding mechanism from 1992 onwards, have also offered a range of accredited programmes of learning. This means that it is potentially bewildering for any adult deciding to study for a qualification, and the need for appropriate impartial advice and guidance (IAG) is paramount. Sadly, changes to the IAG funding for schools and adults have resulted in a decline in overall provision, but at the same time, further and adult institutions have become adept at marketing their programmes. A recent National Careers Council report argues that ‘it falls to the careers sector to make sure that both young people and adults get the help they need’ (NCC, 2013).

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Foundation degrees In 2000 the government recognized that there was a need to provide better learning opportunities for people who may already be in work at an ‘advanced technical practitioner’ level, the equivalent of the first two years of a full-time degree. They created a new award, the Foundation Degree (FD), and encouraged further education colleges to work with higher education institutions to provide work-based learning at this level. This new award blurred the boundary between further and higher education, and was a key component of a White Paper on higher education (DfES, 2003). By 2010, there were nearly 99,475 students taking foundation degrees (HEFCE, 2010, 2012). Evaluations of foundation degrees (Brennan and Gosling, 2004; Edmond et al., 2009; Hillier and Rawnsley, 2008; Reeve et al., 2007) provide examples of practice along with a critique of how well these degrees have been established. Foundation degrees are mainly taught in further education colleges, although until recently, these had to be awarded through universities. The overlap between further and higher education occurs most strongly through FD provision. In 2010, 69 per cent of full-time students were studying in further education colleges. Students can progress to a full degree at the validating HEI and about 50 per cent of students do choose to progress. There is a range of programmes on offer from arts and creative industries to subjects allied to medicine. The most popular programme for study is creative arts, with design being the most commonly studied subject area for full-time study (22 per cent of the cohort in each year) and business and administrative subjects for parttime study (26 per cent of the cohort in each year) (HEFCE, 2012). At the other end of the spectrum, colleges provide vocational learning opportunities to young people of school age. This provision, originally created through the Increasing Flexibility initiative, helped engage many young people who were in danger of dropping out of compulsory education. This group, known as NEETs (not in education, employment or training), has been a worryingly high proportion of approximately 10 per cent of recent cohorts, and FE and schools have collaborated to attempt to engage this group of learners. Another important form of provision known as Skills for Life, Foundation Learning or Adult Basic Skills is funded by the government to address the serious problem that up to 5 per cent of adults have low levels of literacy and 9 per cent low levels of numeracy (National Literacy Trust, 2012). The latest figures from OECD show that the UK is below average in levels of literacy proficiency for sixteen- to sixty-five-year-olds, and for the first time, that younger people have

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on average lower levels of literacy compared with OECD countries yet adults aged fifty-five to sixty-five are among the three highest countries for levels of literacy (OECD, 2013a). The effect that low levels of basic skills have on adults life chances is striking. The OECD survey of adult skills known as the Programme for International Assessment of Adult Competencies (PIAAC) stated that adults with higher levels of literacy can earn up to 60 per cent higher average hourly paid salaries and that those with low literacy skills are twice as likely to be unemployed.

Students The profile of learners who participate in the further and adult education sector is diverse. In a typical general FE college, there will be a cohort of young people studying for GCSEs, A levels and BTECs, alongside those on apprenticeships and some working towards entry-level qualifications. There will be adults studying full and part time on foundation degrees, BTECs and diplomas. There will be part-time students who are learning for ‘leisure’. There will be those undertaking continuing professional development (CPD) and there will be students who have a range of learning difficulties and disabilities who are continuing their learning with a variety of support. Adult education institutions, too, will offer a range of programmes, some leading to qualifications, often in foundation and language skills, as well as a range of self-help and improvement programmes, updating for technology and a wealth of ‘taster’ courses to encourage people to return to learn or to help them with their families. In 2012, 3.25 million students aged nineteen or over were participating in FE. There were nearly 2.25 million students studying for a higher education qualification in further education. There were 858,900 apprenticeships being undertaken in 2012. In addition, 89,500 offenders were engaged in some form of education or training. It is more difficult to capture the exact participation of adults in adult and community learning, but in 2012, 683,000 adult students were involved in ACL provision (SFA, 2013). The EU Adult Education Survey (Eurostat, 2008; OECD, 2013b) shows that the UK generally fares well in the level of participation compared with other European countries. Yet as Schuller and Williams demonstrate (2009), adult participation in formal education (such as further education) is less widespread and is often for shorter periods compared with most countries. The

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figures represent participation in such activities such as induction programmes and health and safety training rather than a more sustained level of learning undertaken in neighbouring countries. In England, the National Institute for Adult and Continuing Education (NIACE) conducts an annual survey of adult learning and there is a clear trend over time for participation to be related strongly to social class. The higher the class, occupation status and income, the more likely an adult is to participate in learning. In 2013, over three million adults participated in adult learning, of which 2.25 million gained a qualification. Apprenticeships are increasing, particularly for those aged over nineteen, and there are also more people undertaking English and maths courses. The picture shows a more stable level of engagement but there are some areas such as English for Speakers of Other Languages (ESOL) which are declining, reflecting changes to funding. A more worrying trend is a decline in participation by younger people aged seventeen to twenty-four and also among unemployed people. Young people are now required to engage in some form of education and training until they are seventeen years old, raising to eighteen years old in 2015. They can remain in their schools to study or they can study in further education colleges. In 2012, the average participation for young people aged seventeen in England was 88.7 per cent, but there was a wide variation between local authorities. While 33 per cent young people study in further education colleges, 37 per cent study in schools and 12 per cent in sixth form colleges (DfE, 2013c). The majority study for academic qualifications. Many young people progress to higher education from the further education sector (15 per cent of the total applicants, i.e. approximately 90,000 people, accepted, UCAS, 2013). However, despite the number of young people studying for vocational qualifications equivalent to academic A levels, very few progress to research intensive (i.e. selective) university (HEPI, 2008). One of the intransigent problems facing the sector is the lack of participation among some groups of people. The NEET population is approximately 5 per cent of young people aged between fourteen and sixteen, rising to 18.2 for nineteento twenty-four-year-olds (DfE, 2013 a, b) and has been stubbornly resistant to efforts to encourage participation. This amounts to 1.6 million young people not engaged in any form of education, employment or training. The overall figure of 15 per cent for sixteen- to twenty-four-year-olds is similar to the OECD average for the fifteen- to twenty-nine-year-old population. There is a statutory duty by local authorities to make provision for young people up to the age of seventeen (rising to eighteen in 2015), and numerous projects and initiatives have been

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created to tackle this intransigent problem (see DfE, 2011) where colleges, community providers and employers have worked together to encourage young people to participate. Just how difficult it is to foster the learning culture can be seen from the NIACE Adult Participation in Learning Survey (2013). Only one in five adults surveyed had undertaken any learning in the past year and only 38 per cent within the last three years. A large percentage of adults surveyed who have not engaged in any learning activity stated this was through lack of time, lack of funds or childcare commitments, and some simply did not want to do so. Those who did participate may have interpreted learning as that associated with formal learning. OECD figures show that there is a wide disparity between participation rates in ember countries, with the Nordic countries exceeding 60 per cent participation. The PIAAC report (2013) argues that such variation is explained by major differences in learning cultures, learning opportunities at work and adult education structures. Despite the range of informal learning opportunities that exist, there are still many people who simply do not want to participate in any form of learning, although care must be taken with formal surveys of participation as it is also clear that people do learn all the time. Using mobile phones and social networking sites provides numerous opportunities to develop technical skills and share knowledge.

Staff In the past, the FE sector was characterized by a full-time staff supported by a smaller cadre of hourly paid, part-time staff and instructors. Adult education had a small number of full-time staff and managers and a large number of hourly paid tutors. There has been a casualization of staff, where more teaching staff are now employed on temporary contracts, and the sector increasingly relies on temporary staff to deliver large parts of the curriculum. Such staff often hold responsibility for whole programmes. By 2009, LLUK figures showed that over a third of staff employed in the sector are part time, and the proportion of teaching staff has declined over the past five years in relation to support. Of a total of 268,310 staff, 82,211 were on casual or fixed-term contracts (LLUK, 2010). The sector has a decreasing core of full-time and fractional staff and a significant proportion of hourly paid and agency staff (Ainley and Bailey, 2000, p. 45, in Gray and Griffin, 2000; Hillier and Jameson, 2004, 2006; LLUK, 2010). There

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are now many more managers in the colleges, but the structure is ‘flatter’ with full-time members of staff often responsible for large areas of the curriculum. Conditions of service in the sector have deteriorated compared with those of their school and higher education counterparts. Not only are salary levels lower and teaching hours higher, there is a sense that FE staff are being turned into ‘productive workers’ (Lucas and Unwin, 2009) rather than enjoying the dual identity of teacher and learner found in HE.

Training and professional development Staff in the compulsory sector are required to gain a teaching qualification before working in schools (although with the rise of academies and free schools, this requirement no longer pertains across the sector). Higher education lecturers are encouraged to gain a teaching qualification but the primary driver for the conditions of employment is usually a research degree and specialist knowledge. School teachers generally identify themselves as being teachers first and then either of a particular age group or subject second. Many teachers in the lifelong learning sector identify themselves with their specialist practice first – artists, plumbers, linguists and then where they teach. Robson (1998) suggested that people who work in further and higher education are ‘dual professionals’, that is, people who teach in the sector have at least a dual identity, the subject specialist and the educator role, and this concept has been adopted by the Institute for Learning (IfL), the member organization for staff working in FE. Indeed, many specialists are required to meet professional standards of their discipline or sector, as well as requirements for meeting teaching and learning standards within the sector. Recently, IfL has suggested that one section of the workforce, teacher educators, is triple professionals, as they have their original subject specialism, the more generic teaching profession and then expertise in training teachers.

Developing professionalism The FE sector in England until recently did not have a professional body solely representing its members. Individuals gain support for the work that they do through membership of the union or through membership of their own specialist professional body. There are alternative networks such as the Learning and Skills Research Network (LSRN), and for those who teach higherlevel programmes (HE in FE), there are opportunities to be members of the

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Higher Education Academy (HEA). The Institute for Learning was set up as a body to represent members of the sector and support their professional practice and development. As Appleby and Hillier (2012) argue, finding ways for practitioners to come together to discuss means to share, develop and research their practice is an important part of being a professional, and such spaces for this are particularly valued if they do not solely relate to the meeting imposed standards and other requirements. Although many professional bodies require CPD within strict parameters and have clearly articulated regulations in order for individuals to be licensed to practice, the current position in the lifelong learning sector is messy and fluid. While in 2007, all practitioners in FE were required to hold a teaching qualification, the recent recommendations of Lingfield (2012) have removed this responsibility and given the power to decide on qualifications and CPD to the employers, that is, the managers of the institutions. One of the main reasons for undertaking a review of professionalism was to gain greater consistency of quality across the sector, and greater parity of status and professionalism with schools. Yet Lingfield has taken the contrary view through his recommendation to deregulate the sector. This move was hotly contested by various factions within the FE sector in particular, as parity of esteem with the school teaching profession had been a problem over many years, and it had only been in 2011, following the Wolf review of vocational qualifications for fourteen- to nineteen-year-olds, that the then qualification for teaching in the lifelong learning sector (QTLS) was recommended as being equal to that for teachers (QTS). At a stroke, the removal of a requirement to be qualified to teach has returned the sector to its lower status (although staff in the new school academies in England will no longer require QTS, affecting the overall status of education within the public sector). The newly constituted Education and Training Foundation (ETF), set up in August 2013 as an employer-led organization, was created to support quality enhancement in the sector. It was established by sector bodies and is funded by the Department for Business, Innovation and Skills. The aim of the foundation is to set professional standards and provide support to ‘ensure learners benefit from a well-qualified, effective and up-to-date professional workforce supported by good leadership, management and governance’. The foundation’s priorities are to improve learner experience and outcomes, to enhance the reputation of the sector, to develop provider good practice, to make the sector an attractive place to join and work and to promote and champion equality and diversity across the sector (ETF, 2013).

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Policy One of the influences on policy-making for lifelong learning in England has been the increasing interest in education and training of adults by the European Union. The European Commission argues for the importance of vocational education for better skills growth and jobs (2012) and also for the importance of the initial and continuing training of teachers and trainers (2011). Yet the work that the sector does is often held in lower esteem than that of its compulsory and higher education counterparts. Vocational education and training (VET) is the ‘weakest area in the education system’ (Green and Lucas, 1999), characterized by a ‘series of tragic narratives’ failing to solve the central problems of VET provision in Britain (Hyland, 2011; Richardson, 2007), and is subject to a raft of policy initiatives that represent a ‘permanent revolution’ (Keep, 2006). The status of VET practitioners is lower than those working in the compulsory and higher education sectors. Yet the VET workforce is a key component of meeting current economic challenges (DfES, 2006; Keep, 2006). Not only is the system charged with meeting economic imperatives, it also suffers from a particular approach to its structure, that is, funding based on a demand-led system but with employers not necessarily being willing, or able, to pay for training and development of its workforce. This is in direct contrast with many European nation-states. The UK systems as a whole can be seen as a predominantly education based with relatively minor role for the workplace and social partnership – that is to say the ‘macro-feature’ of the weak relationship between the education and training system and the labour market makes them quite distinct from the Nordic and Germanic models … England stands out as having taken privatisation and a market driven approach much further than Scotland and Wales since the mid 1980s. (Hodgson et al., 2011, p. 5)

Skills and qualifications The UK Commission for Employment and Skills (UKCES) records the investment that employers make in training their workforce, as well as identifying skills trends, shortages and supply. Jobs requiring no qualifications on entry have fallen from 28 per cent in 2006 to 23 per cent in 2012, whereas jobs requiring a minimum degree-level qualification have risen to 26 per cent in 2012. At the same time, there has been an increase in the number of workingage adults possessing qualifications including six million more graduates in

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2012 than in 1986. Felstead suggests that employers are now making more effective use of qualifications, but training has declined and this trend may negatively affect the future well-being of employees and employers alike (Felstead et al., 2013). The downward trend in training impacts the work of FE, given its remit for VET. Lingfield conveyed much of the tension which faces FE when he argued that FE is too often the filler of gaps left by others, either as a matter of government policy or as a pragmatic response to local circumstances. It is the sector in between schools and higher education, covering a host of tasks and needs. (Lingfield, 2012, p. 17)

Indeed he included a remark by a college principal that FE works on a deficit model, compensating for schools that ‘won’t educate children to read and write or prepare them for employment, and for employers who won’t recruit and train’ (p. 17). Adult education is subject to policy decisions but, given its lower levels of funding, is surprisingly forceful in its representation and lobbying in government policy-making. A major champion, NIACE, campaigns on numerous issues including the differences in opportunities for adults studying part time compared with young people studying full time, for access to basic skills and language and for family learning and prison education. There have been a number of commissioned analyses of adult learning including the Inquiry into Lifelong Learning, Prison Basic Skills and Army Education. Provision for ACL is not as secure as its FE counterpart, as noted earlier, and currently the protected funds are under threat. This is despite sound research evidence that adult learning can ameliorate problems with mental ill health, social exclusion and cycles of family poor educational achievement. Indeed NIACE has argued that Public investment in learning for adults throughout the life-course supports a stronger economy, promotes social mobility and is vital for the country’s prosperity and well-being. (Thomson, 2013, p. 9)

Challenges The sector faces many challenges in the years ahead. It has to provide opportunities for learning to a wide range of adults, to satisfy the demands of a number of stakeholders, to achieve high-quality provision but within severely

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constrained resources. It is expected to help government meet its economic imperatives and at the same time contribute to the health and well-being of the population. The sector has a large experienced and to a great extent qualified workforce but which is dependent on temporary contracts with limited job security. At the centre of the challenge is the way in which the sector is hugely influenced by government policy-making and therefore needs to have a voice among many stakeholders jostling for a share of limited resources and influence. Perhaps the key issue will be whether the new Government finds itself willing and able to open up the future direction of policy to any real public debate that might include stakeholders such as employers, unions, education and training institutions and deliverers and their staff, and the research community … if not, the likelihood is that policy, and the explanatory narrative that underlies it, will carry on along broadly the same tramlines as before, albeit with fewer resources but with some new rhetorical embellishments – … it will again be ‘more of the same, for less, forever’. (Keep, 2011, p. 33)

The changing demographic in England affects both the workforce and the student population. The ageing profile of the workforce will eventually result in a large cohort of experienced teachers and tutors retiring. Their wealth of skills and knowledge will need to be passed on to newer generations of teachers and managers. The temporary diminishing of cohorts of young people will soon be replaced by a new ‘bulge’ as the current primary age population moves into the postcompulsory system. The increasing demands for a flexible, highly skilled workforce will require the staff to have current knowledge of their field, and the relentless developments in technology and communication will drive the need for discovering new ways of teaching and learning. These demands are not peculiar to the postcompulsory system but are possibly made more pressing given the range of activities and learners that it caters for. However, there are many long-lasting characteristics of the sector including a committed workforce, local demand and respect for the learning opportunities provided and an acknowledgement that the sector holds a key place in the fortunes of the country. Our vision is of a first-class VET system, which develops the ability to perform in a job, and provides a platform for occupational, personal and educational progression. It must provide learners with both initial routs into work and through-career development, including opportunities to change career. (CAVTL, 2012, p. 7)

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As Lingfield noted, the ‘Cinderella sector’ is more complex than either schools or HE. He suggests that both the sector and its staff need to be treated with ‘greater care and respect than has sometimes been the case’ (Lingfield, 2012, p. 19). Indeed, it has grown into its current form as a response to demand and there seems little point in trying drastically to change it to fit some ideal model or in constraining the natural development of large organisations: diversity is often a strength. (Lingfield, 2012, p. 20)

In partnership with the diverse adult and community learning counterpart, further education plays an important role in helping people of all ages participate in learning. Although the structure of this varied sector is subject to change, its core principles and practices remain constant and form a key component of the education system in England.

References Ainley, P. and Bailey, B. (2000) ‘The business of learning: the student experience’ in: Green, A. and Lucas, N. (eds) FE and Lifelong Learning: Realigning the Sector for the Twenty-First Century. London, Institute of Education, University of London, 1999, reprinted 2000, pp. 161–175. Appleby, Y. and Hillier, Y. (2012) ‘Exploring practice-research networks for critical professional learning’, Studies in Continuing Education, 34:1, pp. 31–43. Association of Colleges (AoC) (2013) HE in FE. Available at: http://www.aoc.co.uk/en/ policy-and-advice/higher-education/ [Accessed January 2013]. Brennan, L. and Gosling, D. (eds) (2004) Making Foundation Degrees Work, Brentwood, SEEC. Collins, M. (1991) Adult Education as Vocation: A Critical Role for the Adult Educator, New York, NY, Routledge. Commission on Adult Vocational Teaching and Learning (2012) It’s About Work … Excellent Adult Vocational Teaching and Learning LSIS 324. Available at: www.excellencegateway.org.uk/cavtl [Accessed September 2013]. Department for Education (2011) Building Engagement, Building Futures. Available at: http://webarchive.nationalarchives.gov.uk/20130401151715/https://www. education.gov.uk/publications/standard/publicationDetail/Page1/HMG-001952012#downloadableparts [Accessed October 2013]. ——— (2013a) Proportion of 16–17 Tear Olds Participating in Education and Training. Available at: http://www.education.gov.uk/childrenandyoungpeople/youngpeople/ participation/rpa [Accessed October 2013].

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——— (2013b) First Statistical Release Quarterly Brief Quarter 1 2013. Available at: https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/ file/201104/Quarterly_Brief_NEET_Q1_2013_pdf.pdf [Accessed October 2013]. ——— (2013c) Statistical First Release Destinations of Key Stage Four and Key Stage Five Pupils 2010/11. Available at: https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/ uploads/attachment_data/file/207749/Main_text_-_SFR19_2013.pdf [Accessed October 2013]. Department for Education and Skills (2003) Realising Our Potential: Individuals, Employers, Nation, London, The Stationery Office. ——— (2006) Further Education: Raising Skills, Improving Life Chances, London, The Stationery Office. Edmond, N., Fuller, A., Hillier, Y., Little, B., Reeve, F., Ingram, R. and Webb, S. (2009) Symposium: Really Useful Qualifications and Learning? Exploring the Policy Effects of New Sub-Bachelors Degree Qualifications SCUTREA, Annual Conference Cambridge, July 2009. Education and Training Foundation (2013) Available at: http://www.et-foundation. co.uk/vision.html [Accessed October 2013]. Eurostat (2008) Adult Education Survey. Available at: http://epp.eurostat.ec.europa.eu/ statistics_explained/index.php/Lifelong_learning_statistics [Accessed January 2014]. Felstead, A., Gallie, D., Green F. and Inanc, I. (2013) Skills at Work in Britain: First Findings from the Skills and Employment Survey 2012, London, Centre for Learning and Life Chances in Knowledge Economies and Societies, Institute of Education. Available at: www.llakes.org Fieldhouse (1995) A History of Modern British Adult Education, Leicester, NIACE. Foster, A. (2005) 14-19 Curriculum and Qualifications Reform: Final Report of the Working Group on 14 – 19 Reform, London, Stationery Office. Gray, E.D. and Griffin, C. (eds) (2000) Post-Compulsory Education and the New Millennium. Higher Education Policy Series 54, London, Jessica Kingsley. Green, A. and Lucas, N. (1999) Further Education and Lifelong Learning: Realigning the Sector for the Twenty First Century, London, Bedford Way Publications. Higher Education Funding Council for England (2010) Foundation Degrees: Key Statistics 2001–02 to 2009–10, Bristol, HEFCE. Available at: http://www.hefce.ac.uk/ pubs/year/2010/201012/ [Accessed October 2013]. ——— (2012) Foundation Degrees Key Statistics 2009–2010. Available at: http://www. hefce.ac.uk/data/year/2010/foundationdegreeskeystatistics2001-02to2009-10/ [Accessed January 2014]. Higher Education Policy Institute (2008) The Academic Experience and Outcomes for students with Vocational Qualifications, Oxford, HEPI. Hillier, Y. (2012) Reflective Teaching in Further and Adult Education, London, Continuum. Hillier, Y. and Jameson, J. (2004) The Ragged Trousered Philanthropists, London, LSDA. ——— (2006) Managing the Ragged Trousered Philanthropists, London, LSDA.

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Hillier, Y. and Rawnsley, T. (2008) ‘Engaging employers’, Higher Education Review, 40:2, pp. 47–62. Hodgson, A. (2000) Policies, Politics and the Future of Lifelong Learning, London, Routledge. Hodgson, A., Spours, K. and Waring, M. (eds) (2011) Post-Compulsory Education and Lifelong Learning across the United Kingdom: Policy, Organisation and Governance, London, Institute of Education. Hyland, T. (2011) ‘Mindfulness, therapy and vocational values: exploring the moral and aesthetic dimensions of vocational education and training’, Journal of Vocational Education and Training, 63:2, pp. 129–141. Hyland, T. and Merrill, B. (2003) The Changing Face of Further Education: Lifelong Learning, Inclusion and Community Values in Further Education, London, Routledge/Falmer. Keep, E. (2006) ‘State control of the English education and training system – playing with the biggest train set in the world’, Journal of Vocational Education and Training, 58:1, pp. 47–64. ——— (2011) ‘The English skills policy narrative’, in: Hodgson, A., Spours, K. and Waring, M. (eds) Post-Compulsory Education and Lifelong Learning across the United Kingdom: Policy, Organisation and Governance. London, Institute of Education. Kelly, T. (1970) A History of Adult Education in Great Britain: From the Middle Ages to the Twentieth Century, Liverpool, Liverpool University Press. Leathwood, C. (1999) ‘Technological futures: gendered visions of learning?’ Research in Post-Compulsory Education, 4:1, pp. 5–22. Lifelong Learning UK (LLUK) (2010) The Lifelong Learning Workforce in England. Available at: http://webarchive.nationalarchives.gov.uk/20110414152025/http:// www.lluk.org/england/about-the-sector/ [Accessed January 2014]. Lingfield, R. (2012) Professionalism in Further Education Final Report of the Independent Review Panel, London, BIS. Lucas, N. and Unwin, L. (2009) Developing Teacher Expertise at Work: In-Service Trainee Teachers in Further Education in England, London, Institute of Education. Mayo, M. and Thompson J. (eds) (1995) Adult Learning, Critical Intelligence and Social Change, Leicester, NIACE. National Careers Council (2013) An Aspirational Nation: Creating a Culture Change in Career Provision. National Institute for Adult and Continuing Education (2013) Adult Participation in Learning, Leicester, NIACE. National Literacy Trust (2012) Literacy: The State of the Nation A Picture of Literacy in the UK Today. Available at: http://www.literacytrust.org.uk/assets/0001/2847/ Literacy_State_of_the_Nation_-_2_Aug_2011.pdf [Accessed January 2014]. Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (2013a) Skilled for Life? Key Findings from the Survey of Adult Skills, Paris, OECD. ——— (2013b) Education at a Glance, Paris, OECD.

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Programme for the International Assessment of Adult Competencies (PIACC) (2013) Available at: http://www.oecd.org/site/piaac/surveyofadultskills.htm [Accessed January 2014]. Reeve, F., Gallacher, J. and Ingram, R. (2007) ‘A comparative study of work-based learning within higher nationals in Scotland and foundation degrees in England: contrast, complexity, continuity’, Journal of Education and Work, 20:4, pp. 305–318. LTA251. Richardson, W. (2007) ‘In search of the further education of young people in post-war England’, Journal of Vocational Education and Training, 59:3, pp. 385–418. Robson, J. (1998) ‘A profession in crisis: status, culture and identity in the further education college’, Journal of Vocational Education and Training, 50:4, pp. 585–607. Schuller T. and Watson, D. (2009) Learning Through Life: Inquiry into the Future for Lifelong Learning, Leicester, NIACE. Skills Funding Agency (2013) First Statistical Release Further Education and Skills; Learner Participation, Outcomes and Highest Level of Qualification Held. Available at: http://www.thedataservice.org.uk/NR/rdonlyres/0FD0BFEB-EB53-47C4-847B6A1AE6CEF219/0/SFR_commentary_October_2013.pdf [Accessed October 2013]. Stanton, G. (1982) Problems and Progress with Profiling Coombe Lodge Report, 14:13, pp. 621–628. Stasz, C. and Wright, S. (2004) Emerging Policy for Vocational Learning in England: Will it Lead to a Better System?, London, Learning and Skills Research Centre. Thomson, A. (2013) It Falls to Us to Fill the Gaps, Adults Learning Summer 2013, Leicester, NIACE, pp. 8–9. Universities Council for Admissions (2013) Available at: http://www.ucas.com/dataanalysis/data-resources/data-tables/educational-background-uk [Accessed October 2013]. Wolf, A. (2011) Review of Vocational Education, London, DfE/BIS 00031–2011.

Further Resources www.gov.uk/government/collections/further-education

Part Two

Scotland

6

Scotland: An Overview Walter Humes

Historical and political context Education is often seen as one of the three distinctive markers of Scottish national identity. Scottish education, along with Presbyterian religion and a legal system that is significantly different from other parts of the United Kingdom, is regarded as a powerful embodiment of cultural values that have evolved over many centuries. For a long time, the developments of education and religion were closely linked. Protestant reformer John Knox, in The Book of Discipline (1560), outlined a vision of what Scotland should aspire to in terms of its educational provision – an elementary school in every parish, open to all children, and thereafter a ladder of opportunity which would allow able boys to progress to university (it was not until the late nineteenth century that women were admitted to Scottish universities). Although these principles of democracy and social (if not gender) equality were not realized for a long time, they served as a symbolic statement of aspiration. The value attached to education can be gauged by the fact that by the mid-sixteenth century, when England had only two universities (Oxford and Cambridge), Scotland could boast four (St Andrews, Glasgow, Aberdeen and Edinburgh). Philosopher George Davie, in his study of the later evolution of the Scottish universities, used the phrase ‘the democratic intellect’ to describe the broad aims of higher learning, contrasting it with what he saw as the narrower and more utilitarian approach south of the border (Davie, 1961). The parish system, in which the church had a major say in the provision of schooling, lasted until the second half of the nineteenth century. However, the social upheaval wrought by the Industrial Revolution, including rapid

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urbanization and huge increases in population, meant that existing provision, geared mainly to rural communities, was inadequate. The state gradually assumed responsibility for funding, inspection and standards, culminating in the Education (Scotland) Act of 1872, which ensured that all children received at least an elementary education (Humes and Paterson, 1983). Roman Catholic schools remained outside the state system for several decades but their financial viability was precarious, and under the 1918 Education (Scotland) Act they secured a position which allowed them to receive government funding while protecting certain rights in relation to religious instruction and the approval of teachers. The question of denominational education remains sensitive, however, particularly in the west of Scotland (which saw an influx of migrants from Ireland in the nineteenth and early twentieth century), and from time to time calls are made for an end to separate provision. This sectarian issue is sometimes called ‘Scotland’s shame’ (see Devine, 2000). There are some examples of campuses shared between denominational and non-denominational schools but these have generally been accompanied by a degree of controversy. At present, it is highly unlikely that any political party would risk the electoral consequences of making a purely secular system part of their manifesto. The twentieth century saw a steady expansion of provision for secondary education and greatly increased opportunities to go on to further and higher education (Paterson, 2003). The school-leaving age was gradually extended from fourteen to fifteen (in 1947) and later to sixteen (in 1972). A majority of pupils now stay on beyond sixteen in order to obtain qualifications which will help them to gain entry to college or university, or improve their chances of securing employment. From the 1960s onwards there was a steady increase in the numbers going on to university (following the recommendations of the Robbins Report of 1963), a trend that accelerated further post-1990, with the granting of university status to a number of polytechnic institutions. The method of calculating participation rates in higher education has been subject to change in recent years. The Higher Education Initial Participation Rate is a measure of all initial entrants between sixteen and thirty: in 2011–2012 it stood at 56 per cent, a slight increase from the previous year. The constitutional position of Scotland within the United Kingdom underwent a significant change in 1999 with the re-establishment of an elected Scottish Parliament in Edinburgh after nearly 300 years. This was in response to decades of pressure, not only from nationalists but also from some within the ‘unionist’ parties. Decisions made by the Westminster Parliament in London

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were often felt to be ill-informed in relation to Scottish needs and circumstances: particularly during the long period of Conservative administration (1979– 1997), when that party received very little support in Scotland, there was a feeling that Scots were being denied their democratic rights. The devolution settlement – as it was called – led to a distinction between ‘devolved powers’, which were the province of the Scottish Parliament, and ‘reserved powers’ (such as defence and taxation), which remained the responsibility of the Westminster Parliament. Education was identified as one of the devolved powers, but that did not lead to a major shift of policy as it already had a high degree of autonomy in the predevolution period, particularly in relation to school education (less so in higher education). What is significant, however, is that the granting of a measure of devolution has not silenced the arguments for more democratic control. Against expectations, the Scottish National Party secured victory in the 2007 and 2011 elections to the Scottish Parliament, in the latter case with a clear overall majority. In September 2014, the Scottish people will vote in a referendum on whether the country should become fully independent from the rest of the United Kingdom. If that happens, it will signal a major watershed in the nation’s history. At the time of writing, opinion polls suggest that a majority of Scots would prefer to remain part of the UK but, as a former Labour prime minister, Harold Wilson, once said, ‘A week is a long time in politics’. In the event the Scottish people voted 54 per cent to 46 per cent to remain in the UK.

Institutional structure Overall responsibility for education resides with the cabinet secretary for education and lifelong learning (currently Michael Russell) within the Scottish government. He has a ministerial team of three, with specific remits for Children and Young People; Youth Employment; Learning, Science and Scotland’s Languages. They are supported by senior civil servants and a range of service and professional groups. Ministers are accountable to the Scottish Parliament, and their decisions and policies are scrutinized by a cross-party Education and Culture Committee, which examines legislation and has powers to conduct enquiries. The central government does not, however, have direct responsibility for the provision of schools or employing of any teachers. That falls to thirty-two local authorities, which range widely in terms of geographical

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area and population. The local authorities depend heavily on income from the central government and are subject to external inspection: they are, therefore, obliged to operate within the legislative and policy frameworks laid down by the Scottish government. From time to time questions are raised about whether the smaller authorities have the capacity and resources to provide the full range of educational services, and some neighbouring councils have taken steps to share services and even made some joint appointments at senior level. The infrastructure of Scottish education also includes a number of important national bodies. The Scottish Qualifications Authority (SQA) is responsible for the operation of the national examination system, including the awarding of certificates at various levels, and the maintenance of standards. In addition to awarding school qualifications, SQA also accredits vocational qualifications awarded by other bodies. However, its remit does not extend to degree-level qualifications. SQA has to work closely with Education Scotland (ES), which has combined responsibilities for curricular reform, teacher development and inspection and review. Although ES was not established until 2011, much of its work was previously carried out by two predecessor bodies, Learning and Teaching Scotland (LTS), which had been the national advisory body on the curriculum, and Her Majesty’s Inspectorate of Education (HMIE). Partly as a result of the experience of developing Curriculum for Excellence, discussed below, it was felt that a single organization might be more effective in managing the process of change. All teachers working in state schools must be registered with the General Teaching Council for Scotland (GTCS), a regulatory body set up by statute in 1965 and granted full independent status by the Scottish government in 2012. The GTCS keeps a register of teachers; sets and reviews standards for their education and training; and investigates cases of alleged professional incompetence or misconduct, with powers to remove names from the register where appropriate. Elected teachers working in different sectors form a majority of members on the council, though there are also a number of members nominated by a range of bodies or appointed by the government. The significant role of the GTCS can be contrasted with the fate of the equivalent body in England. The latter was not established until 1998, with significantly weaker powers. It only lasted until March 2012, following a decision by the UK Conservative–Liberal Democrat coalition to abolish it. The strength of Scottish teachers as a professional group is also evident in the standing of the main teachers’ organization, the Educational Institute of Scotland (EIS), founded in 1847: in the past it has taken effective industrial action in support of claims for

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improved salaries and conditions of service. For a fuller account of recent and current issues in teacher education in Scotland, see the chapter by Beth Dickson in this book. The institutional structure of Scottish education is well established, evident in its strong bureaucratic systems and an identifiable policy community of professionals. There is widespread acceptance of the state’s primary role in setting the strategic direction of policy, balanced by recognition that in order to secure a fair measure of consensus, progress depends on partnership with other agencies (Humes, 2000). While this ensures that the system is relatively stable, it also means that managing change can be problematic, as the various stakeholders tend to be resistant to anything that might reduce their influence. In the sections that follow an account will first be offered of state primary and secondary schools, which serve the vast majority of the population. After that attention will be given to more specialized aspects of educational provision including the independent sector and higher education. The chapter will conclude with a discussion of policy priorities and some brief observations on future prospects. For a more comprehensive description and analysis of Scottish education than can be attempted here, see Bryce et al. (2013).

State primary and secondary schools In 2012 there were 671,218 pupils in publicly funded primary and secondary schools in Scotland. Projections indicate a decrease to 662,000 by 2015 followed by a rise to 678,000 by 2020. Pupils attend primary schools from the age of five to eleven, and all-through comprehensive secondary schools thereafter. The statutory leaving age is sixteen but a majority of pupils stay on beyond that in order to obtain qualifications for entry to college or university. Prior to 1965 secondary education was selective, with pupils being allocated to either a three-year junior secondary school or a five-year senior secondary school on the basis of a ‘qualifying’ examination at the end of primary schooling (the English equivalent was the ‘11 plus’ examination). This system was abandoned, partly as a result of research evidence which showed that it didn’t always operate fairly, and partly because of a political climate which came to regard selection as elitist, denying full educational opportunity to many youngsters who could benefit from it. Although the comprehensive system could not claim to have been uniformly successful for all pupils, with a significant minority still failing

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to achieve their full potential, there has so far been no demand for a much more diversified system of secondary education, such as has developed in England, where faith schools, ‘free schools’ and ‘academies’ present a much less uniform picture than is to be found in Scotland. Scottish primary schools are relatively small, with an average of 176 pupils and eleven staff in 2011. Many rural schools have significantly fewer pupils, and in remote communities the fear of closure has been a recurring concern. Local councils, under financial pressure, look to make savings by transferring pupils to larger centres of population. They argue that this will bring educational benefits, in the form of access to a broader curriculum and greater teacher expertise, but parents point out that the loss of a school will be damaging to the community and object to young children having to travel long distances. The Scottish Rural Schools Network campaigns strongly for the retention of small primary schools and has received some support from the Scottish government in particular cases. Most primary teachers are generalist, in the sense that they are expected to teach nearly all aspects of the curriculum to their pupils. Some specialist staff are employed, often working between several schools, for the teaching of art and design, music and physical education, and there are also teachers with a specific focus on support for learning and additional support needs. Teacher/pupil ratios have fluctuated somewhat in recent years but the general trend from 2000 has been downward, with a figure of 1:16 for 2011. The issue of class size for the first three years of primary school has been a sensitive concern politically. In the run-up to the 2007 election to the Scottish Parliament, the Scottish National Party gave an undertaking to reduce class sizes to eighteen. This has not proved possible – the average figure for 2011 was 22.7 – though it remains a policy supported by both parents and teachers. The move from primary to secondary school is a significant rite of passage. In the past it was often a dramatic switch which some youngsters found difficult. Nowadays, however, preparations for the transition are taken seriously, with liaison between primary and secondary staff, meetings to brief parents and preliminary visits by pupils. It is still quite a big step, requiring adjustment to a larger institution and to a pattern of teaching by subject specialists rather than generalists. Some local authorities, such as Glasgow City Council, have sought to establish a new relationship between primary and secondary schools by forming ‘learning communities’: these consist of a secondary school and its associated primaries, with a principal in overall charge of the group of schools. As yet, however, cross-sector teaching qualifications which would enable staff

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to move easily between the two stages have not been developed. Areas of mutual tension continue to surface, with primary teachers sometimes complaining that secondary schools do not take sufficient account of the information they pass on about pupil achievement, and secondary teachers sometimes complaining about pupils’ state of readiness for more advanced work. Inspectorate reports have identified the first two years of secondary school as a stage where some pupils are not sufficiently challenged and fail to make adequate progress. It is hoped that Curriculum for Excellence, which covers the whole age range from three to eighteen, will help to ensure smoother progression and continuity. The thinking underpinning Curriculum for Excellence is discussed later in the section ‘Policy priorities’. Secondary schools are much larger than primaries, with an average size of 810 pupils and sixty-six staff in 2011. The teacher/pupil ratio was 1:12 in 2011, a figure that is influenced by the fact that minority subjects attract small numbers of pupils but, nonetheless, indicates a high level of public commitment to good educational provision. Until recently, the traditional pattern of Scottish secondary schools was for pupils to follow a broad curriculum for the first two years, at the end of which they would make subject choices based on their strengths, interests and career plans. They would then prepare for Standard Grade examinations at fifteen or sixteen and Higher examinations at age sixteen or seventeen (a small number of pupils go on to study for Advanced Highers). In 2012 the overall pass rate for Standard Grade was 99 per cent but candidates received different levels of award (48 per cent Credit, 40 per cent General and 11 per cent Foundation). In the same year, the pass rate for Highers was 77 per cent. There were, however, significant variations between schools, some of which could be attributed to socio-economic factors; for example, schools which had a large number of pupils who qualified for free school meals tended to do much less well than pupils attending schools in more prosperous areas. The pattern was not entirely uniform, however, with some ‘socially disadvantaged’ schools doing better than might have been anticipated, and some ‘socially advantaged’ schools seeming to underperform. This has led to a strong emphasis on the quality of leadership in schools, focused on setting high standards, monitoring progress using a combination of formative and summative assessment, providing targeted support where required and employing a range of teaching and learning strategies. With the introduction of the new Curriculum for Excellence and a revised suite of National Qualifications, the situation has become more complex and there have been robust debates about the point at which subject choices

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should be made and the number of subjects pupils should take.’ From 20132014 Standard Grade (and a number of other ‘Access’ and ‘Intermediate’ qualifications) will be replaced by Nationals 1–5. A new Higher will be introduced in 2014–2015 and a new Advanced Higher in 2015–2016. For the less advanced qualifications assessment will be unit based and carried out internally. The more advanced qualifications (National 5 and above) will involve external assessment. The balance between internal and external assessment has been a subject of professional discussion, with concerns being raised about standards and consistency. A possible response to these concerns is to make greater use of electronic assessment; already there has been significant investment in the development of assessment materials that can be accessed electronically. Advocates claim that this has the potential to free up more time for teaching and provide quick feedback to learners. The long-standing question of the precise relationship that should exist between teaching, learning and assessment is taking on new dimensions in the face of technological advances.

Dissenting voices Although there is a high degree of uniformity – some would say conformity – in state primary and secondary education, evidence of a measure of dissent can be heard from time to time. There is what might be called a minor radical tradition in Scottish education. During the twentieth century there were a number of significant figures who developed an educational philosophy that ran counter to the dominant values of state schooling; it included people such as Patrick Geddes (1854–1932), A.S. Neill (1883–1973), John Aitkenhead (1910–1998) and R.F. Mackenzie (1910–1987). They saw conventional schooling as narrow, authoritarian and lacking in freedom. The approach they favoured was progressive and child-centred, committed to creativity and selfexpression and not confined to the classroom. Compared to the mainstream of educational provision, the radical approach was always fairly marginal, often regarded as unrealistic and occasionally as dangerously subversive, but it has been significant in at least three ways. First, it was a reaction against what was perceived as the harsh authoritarianism of conventional Scottish schools, quick to pass negative judgement on pupils and to impose physical punishment (corporal punishment was not phased out until the 1980s, following a ruling by the European Court of Human Rights). Second, it raised important questions

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about a number of fundamental issues, including the nature of childhood and the rights of children, the ways in which schools should operate and the personal and social aims which should inform the whole enterprise. And third, although the philosophy underlying the radical tradition, particularly as expressed in the writings of Neill and Mackenzie, was often dismissed as romantic idealism, over time it did help to bring about change within the state system. Scottish schools are much more enlightened places than they used to be, with greater concern for the welfare of children, including those with various forms of learning disability, and a widespread acceptance that worthwhile learning and development require much more than the formal teaching of a limited body of knowledge. Mackenzie may never have achieved the fundamental change of direction that he hoped for, but he would certainly have been encouraged by the current emphasis on citizenship and well-being and by the introduction of Scottish studies into the curriculum. It is true, however, that there is no figure comparable to Mackenzie currently making a case for an ‘educational revolution’ (Humes, 2011).

Independent schools Scotland has a small, but significant, independent sector, amounting to just over 4 per cent of the school population as a whole. It includes well-known schools such as Gordonstoun in Moray, where Prince Charles was educated, and Fettes in Edinburgh, at which the former prime minister Tony Blair was a pupil. These two schools charged fees of more than £22,000 per annum in the session 2013–2014, but the average cost for senior-day pupils was around £12,500. According to data compiled by the Scottish Council for Independent Schools (SCIS), between 2002 and 2012 pupil numbers have remained remarkably constant, averaging around 31,500 (in 2012 the precise figures were 12,579 primary pupils and 18,761 secondary pupils). The vast majority attend as day pupils rather than boarders, particularly in the cities. However, the schools are not spread evenly across the country, with a heavy concentration in Edinburgh, where independent schools attract more than 20 per cent of the school-age population. Various explanations for this have been offered. Edinburgh is the most ‘anglicized’ of the four main Scottish cities and, compared to Glasgow (Scotland’s largest city), relatively wealthy. It is not just the political capital of Scotland but it is also a centre for major institutions, the financial sector and the legal profession. Many professionals (including senior civil servants) choose to

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send their children to independent schools as they know they have a good record in terms of examination results and entry to prestigious universities. They also see benefits in small classes, such as individual attention and an opportunity to engage in a wide range of extra-curricular activities. Independent schools emphasize what they have to offer in terms of all-round, not just intellectual, development. Critics sometimes suggest that this creates an unhealthy situation, in which powerful people are able to acquire intergenerational advantage, reinforced through social, occupational and sporting networks that cast some doubt on Scotland’s claim to be more democratic and egalitarian than England. Whereas in Glasgow, the question ‘What school did you go to?’ is often used as a means of determining religious affiliation, the same question in Edinburgh is more likely to be a means of establishing social status. What is perhaps surprising is that the issue rarely generates much public debate. In recent years some schools have attracted criticism from the Scottish Charity Regulator for not making adequate provision for pupils from poorer backgrounds. This led to a significant increase in the number of bursaries made available by the independent sector (from £17 million to £32 million over a five-year period). In the main, however, Scottish independent schools tend to keep a low profile, concentrating on providing the sort of service that parents seek and taking steps to ensure that their charitable status remains secure. Just occasionally, however, the topic does come to the surface. In 2012, for example, Poet and Novelist Kate Clanchy, questioning the Scottish commitment to equality, referred to the ‘caste system’ of Edinburgh and the reluctance of politicians to acknowledge class differences. Her comments failed to provoke any official response and, whatever the result of the independence referendum in 2014, there is little prospect of any of the main political parties proposing policies that would have a negative impact on the independent sector.

Early years education and childcare Provision for the preschool years has received a great deal of attention in recent years as research evidence has highlighted the crucial importance of early experience for future development. Since 2002, part-time preschool provision for three- and four-year-old children has been made available free of charge, should their parents wish it. In September 2012, 97,985 children registered for preschool places funded by local authorities, representing more

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than 96 per cent of the children eligible. Children can attend in a variety of settings: nurseries and preschool classes within primary schools run by local authorities, as well as services run by playgroups and private nurseries. The part-time provision does not meet the needs of all parents, some of whom may be employed full time and/or have children under three. This means that there is a market for a variety of providers other than local authorities: these include voluntary organizations, private nurseries and child-minders. The increasing cost of childcare is a growing concern to parents and charities which lobby government on their behalf. The sector is complex in a number of ways. The range of terms employed – ‘preschool’, ‘nursery’, ‘early years’ and ‘childcare’ – can be confusing. Professionals debate the extent to which the learning experience of young children should be systematic – some arguing that the aim should be ‘readiness’ for primary school, while others preferring a more informal approach, with an emphasis on social relationships and emotional security. There is also debate about the most appropriate form of training for staff working in the preschool sector. Less than 20 per cent of the pre-school workforce are qualified teachers, a situation that has caused concern to those professional associations which represent staff registered with the GTCS. Most preschool staff have childcare qualifications at Higher National Certificate level or above, but the figure is higher in the public sector than the private sector. Discussion about the most appropriate form and level of qualification is further complicated by differential salary levels between teachers and other staff. An official government policy is set out in The Early Years Framework (2008), which defined early years as covering the period from prebirth to eight but with a special focus on the years from birth to three ‘as the period of a child’s development that shapes future outcomes’. There is a particular concern to make provision for those children who may be at risk because of poor health, social deprivation or inadequate parenting. The aim is to move from ‘crisis management’ in such cases to ‘early intervention and prevention’. The broad range of needs of young children are said to ‘encompass play, learning, social relationships and physical and emotional wellbeing’. In 2011 a followup document, Early Years Framework: Progress So Far, was published. This emphasized the importance of partnership between all the agencies concerned with children’s welfare and development, the need to identify agreed indicators that would enable progress to be measured and the necessity to set out a series of short-term actions and medium-term priorities for providers and local authorities.

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Provision for pupils with additional support needs The terminology relating to pupils with additional support needs has undergone significant changes in recent years, reflecting greater understanding of the factors which may slow or impede their progress. A positive emphasis on what such youngsters are capable of achieving, rather than on their physical or mental impairments, is now evident both in legislative provision and in professional attitudes. Increased public awareness of such conditions as dyslexia, dyspraxia and autism has meant that parental expectations have risen, with parents demanding proper assessment procedures and tailored provision. The old stigma of attending a ‘special’ school has diminished and there is now a presumption that, wherever possible, children will be educated in ‘mainstream’ schools. This is felt to have educational and social benefits not only for the children with additional support needs but also for the other children who interact with them. The wider social shift that has been taking place was reflected in public attitudes to the Paralympic games in 2012, where athletes with many different types of ‘disabilities’ achieved outstanding performances. This may well be boosted by the effect of the Commonwealth Paralympic Games in Glasgow in 2014. It would be premature, however, to claim that there has been a complete transformation. Not all parents are satisfied that the particular needs of their children are recognized early enough or provided for adequately. There are sometimes issues about how classroom assistants, whose role is to support children with additional needs, are deployed. Furthermore, the policy of inclusion presents challenges to some teachers, who may not have received up-to-date training in the requirements of recent legislation or the methods of teaching that may be required. On the positive side, the legislative framework has been considerably strengthened in recent years, clarifying the statutory obligations of the relevant agencies. The document Getting It Right for Every Child (2008) seeks to ensure the needs of the child are paramount and that different professionals (medical, psychological, educational) work effectively in partnership. A 2010 Code of Practice gives guidance on the factors that give rise to additional support needs and offers a framework for a staged approach to identifying and assisting children. For some, an Individualised Educational Programme (IEP) may be the best course: children with highly complex needs may require a Coordinated Support Plan (CSP). Parents who are dissatisfied with the provisions made for their children can appeal to a tribunal. The most common grounds for appeal relate to children with autistic spectrum disorder

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and children with physical or motor impairment. A leading charity, ENABLE Scotland, through its campaigning efforts, has made a valuable contribution to the improvement in services for Scottish children with various forms of learning disability.

Further and higher education Scotland’s nineteen higher education institutions can be divided into four groups. First, there are the four ‘ancient’ universities dating from the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, mentioned at the start of this chapter. These enjoy high status both nationally and internationally, a status that is reflected in their impressive architecture, distinguished graduates and generous benefactors. Second, there is a group established in the 1960s following the Robbins Report of 1963, which marked the beginning of a period of rapid expansion in higher education across the UK. These include former colleges of science and technology (e.g. Strathclyde and Heriot-Watt), one entirely new creation (Stirling University) and also the Open University which has a distinctive Scottish presence with an office in Edinburgh. The third group is often referred to as ‘post-1992’ institutions and includes polytechnic institutions granted university status (e.g. Robert Gordon, Abertay) as well as the multicampus University of the Highlands and Islands: this period also marked the merger of teacher training institutions with local universities. And finally, there are three specialist institutions – Glasgow School of Art, the Royal Conservatoire of Scotland and Scotland’s Rural College – which offer courses in art and design, music and drama, and agriculture and land management, respectively. The institutions vary in terms of size, courses, entry standards, retention rates, research income and balance of undergraduate and postgraduate students. Two (Edinburgh and Glasgow) belong to the prestigious UK group of research intensive universities (the Russell Group), while another, St Andrews, though small, is consistently high on international ratings. As in other countries, there is a pecking order of institutions and it has become increasingly difficult to claim commonality of interest across the sector. One possibility is that the outcome of the 2014 Research Excellence Framework, which will rate the research output of universities, will lead a sharper division between those universities which focus mainly on undergraduate teaching and those which have a strong research profile and attract high numbers of postgraduate students.

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A controversial policy of the Scottish government has been the decision not to charge tuition fees to Scottish-domiciled students while English universities can charge up to £9000 per annum. While this is popular, and justified on the grounds that access to higher education should not be dependent on the ability to pay, it has led to a funding gap which may place Scottish institutions at a disadvantage in the longer term. There have also been debates about the system of university governance, and a report in 2012 recommended greater transparency in decision-making and better accountability to stakeholders (notably staff and students) by senior management. Although some reforms are taking place, these are regarded by critics as modest. The further education sector in Scotland has traditionally been seen as a provider of vocational education for school-leavers who were not going on to university. That remains a significant part of its work but it is by no means the whole story. In 2012 colleges provided learning opportunities for more than 250,000 students. The majority are in the age ranges sixteen to twenty-four (43 per cent) or twenty-five to fifty-nine (42 per cent), though partnership agreements with schools mean that some pupils under 16 (around 12 per cent of the total) attend for particular subjects. The most popular subject areas reflect changes in the economy and the relative decline in traditional trades. The top three are health care, personal development and information technology, followed by engineering, leisure services and business studies. A majority of students (around 72 per cent) attend on a part-time basis, though the number of fulltime students has been steadily increasing. This is perhaps related to the gradual blurring of the division between further and higher education. Agreements between colleges and universities now make it possible for FE students who complete courses successfully to gain advanced standing in university degree programmes (often joining at second year). In 2012, some 3200 FE students progressed in this way. Colleges also make an important contribution to widening access to learning, thus making good provision for students with disabilities and additional support needs. As measured by postcodes, 28 per cent of students come from deprived areas. Major structural changes in the FE sector have been introduced by the Post-16 Education (Scotland) Act of 2013. Mergers have reduced the number of institutions from forty-one autonomous colleges to thirteen regional college groups. Under the new structure, outcome agreements with the Scottish Funding Council (the national body which disburses funds to both colleges and universities) seek to ensure that the work of colleges is consistent with Scottish government priorities, and in particular the needs of the local and national

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economy. Thus there is a strong emphasis on equipping learners with the skills they need to obtain a job and develop a career.

Lifelong learning, community education and development ‘Lifelong learning’ is an umbrella term to cover a wide range of formal and informal learning gained in the workplace and other environments, principally in relation to the postcompulsory phase of education. It acknowledges the importance making provision for learning beyond formal schooling, both in order to equip individuals to function effectively in a complex and fast-changing world and to enable them to develop diverse forms of interest which give meaning to their lives. In the Scottish context lifelong learning is defined as being about ‘personal fulfilment and enterprise; employability and adaptability; active citizenship and social inclusion’ (Smith, 2013, p. 24). In the postdevolution period there has been an increasing emphasis on work-related skills, with various incentives to employers to improve provision for on-the-job and off-thejob training. This reflects an economic context in which unemployment levels (particularly among the young) have been high, and there has been a perceived mismatch between the needs of employers and the skills of some job seekers. However, not all learning is conceived in terms of its direct economic or occupational benefits. ‘Community learning and development’ (CLD, which replaced the term ‘community education’ in 2002) refers to programmes and activities, developed in dialogue with individuals and groups in their communities, with the aim of tackling real issues affecting the lives of citizens through community-based learning and community action (see Tett, 2010). It has particular relevance for, although not confined to, disadvantaged communities facing problems associated with poor amenities, youth disaffection, crime and addiction. The hope is that by increasing the amount of social capital within communities, as expressed through better knowledge and understanding of political processes and access to networks of influence, their capacity to bring about social regeneration will be improved. The aim is laudable, but as many CLD projects depend on short-term funding their ability to sustain progress once funding runs out can be problematic. Sometimes, too, communities which begin to organize themselves effectively and make demands on official agencies can encounter resistance from traditional sources of power. As in many other areas of public policy, there can be a significant gap between the policy rhetoric and what actually happens on the ground.

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Policy priorities What are the current priorities of Scottish education? All the major political parties agree that education should be high on the policy agenda, and there is a fair amount of accord about the focus of attention, if not the means by which objectives should be achieved. Three items deserve special mention. First, there is the form and content of the curriculum for the age range three to eighteen. Starting in 2004, a major curriculum reform programme called Curriculum for Excellence was launched. Previous reforms had looked at different stages of schooling in a rather piecemeal way. This had created problems of progression and continuity between the different stages, which had lacked a common set of concepts and principles running through the whole experience of schooling and underpinning pedagogic practice. It was felt that a more comprehensive approach to the curriculum as a whole was required, one which would enable changes to be put in place more swiftly and which would make Scottish education better able to respond to the social and economic challenges of the twenty-first century. The review group which was charged to come up with recommendations for reform argued for a curriculum that would ●●

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make learning active, challenging and enjoyable not be too fragmented or overcrowded in content connect the various stages of learning from three to eighteen encourage the development of high levels of accomplishment and intellectual skill include a wide range of experiences and achieve a suitable blend of what has traditionally been seen as ‘academic’ and ‘vocational’ give opportunities for children to make appropriate choices to meet their individual interests and needs, while ensuring that these choices lead to successful outcomes ensure that assessment supports learning (Scottish Executive, 2004, p. 10).

Towards these ends, four key ‘capacities’ were identified: young people should become ‘successful learners’, ‘confident individuals’, ‘effective contributors’ and ‘responsible citizens’. These terms quickly gained currency and became part of professional discourse among Scottish teachers. Although some commentators raised questions about the model of curriculum underpinning the reform and the precise meaning of terms such as ‘excellence’

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and ‘capacities’, a development programme soon began the task of translating the broad principles of CfE into a structure setting out the knowledge and skills that learners should acquire and the ‘experiences and outcomes’ with which they should engage. In some ways what emerged was not strikingly new. Although detailed content was not prescribed – the intention being to give teachers more autonomy in deciding what to teach – the basic structure of the curriculum was framed around eight familiar curricular areas: expressive arts, health and well-being, languages, mathematics, religious and moral education, sciences, social studies and technologies. This was balanced by an encouragement to engage in interdisciplinary work, and to use progressive pedagogic approaches (such as ‘active learning’), as well as the stipulation that all teachers had a responsibility for literacy, numeracy and well-being. Provision for the assessment of upper-secondary pupils had to be revised to reflect the curricular and pedagogic changes represented by CfE, leading to the new National Qualifications, described earlier. The intention was to reduce prescription and to offer more personalization and choice to learners: for some qualifications this meant giving more weight to coursework and less to final examinations. The introduction of CfE was far from straightforward and a number of concerns were expressed along the way: about poor management and communications, about the quality of professional development courses offered to teachers, about the adequacy of resources in certain subjects and about the operational problems associated with subject choice and examination pathways. Some of these were familiar reactions to the uncertainties of change, while others were more deep-rooted concerns about the intellectual basis of the reform programme (Priestley and Biesta, 2013; Priestley and Humes, 2010). By 2012, however, when the programme came on stream, there was simply too much invested in the process, and too many political and professional reputations at stake, for there to be any thought of retreat. It will be some years before the success of CfE can be properly assessed: following pressure from a number of sources, the Scottish government in 2013 invited the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) to undertake an independent evaluation of the programme. A second policy priority relates to the contribution that education can make to the economy. One of the issues surrounding the debate about independence has been the economic capability of Scotland to flourish as a separate nation, particularly against a background of financial uncertainty, technological innovation, demographic mobility and multinational corporations. Part

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of the response has been to emphasize the importance of skills as well as knowledge. Thus, Curriculum for Excellence refers to the need to promote skills for learning, skills for work and skills for life. It also encourages such qualities as adaptability, teamwork and problem solving, all of which have value in rapidly changing workplace environments. Many schools have links with local public and private sector employers, which offer work experience placements. There is also a drive to promote enterprise and entrepreneurship, with high achievers in the business world being presented as role models for aspiring students. When it comes to further and higher education, the link with the economy is given even greater weight. As noted above, Scottish further education colleges have a long history of offering courses leading to vocational qualifications, developed in association with employers. The Modern Apprenticeships scheme aims to offer 25,000 young people each year the opportunity to gain qualifications while in paid employment. The scheme is run by Skills Development Scotland, a national body, established in 2008, bringing together provision for careers and training and working with local and national partners. Universities now stress their contribution to economic growth and national strategic goals. They are encouraged to enhance the ‘employability’ of their graduates by promoting generic skills to supplement the specialized knowledge gained through academic courses. ‘Spin-off ’ companies to exploit the commercial benefits of new knowledge, particularly in the sciences and technology, are now quite common, and ‘knowledge exchange’ between the public and private sectors is seen as one way of stimulating growth. Universities are keen to distance themselves from the old ‘ivory tower’ image and to persuade government that investment in higher education will pay worthwhile dividends in the future. The third area that has been a continuing focus of policy initiatives is underachievement. A significant minority of Scottish pupils – estimates vary but a figure of 20 per cent is often given – fail to achieve their potential, despite the best efforts of teachers, schools and official agencies. There is a predictable relationship between social deprivation and educational underachievement. This means that although there is a high degree of uniformity in terms of the types of state schools that exist in Scotland, there are significant variations in terms of educational outcomes. Thus, for example, examination results of pupils attending schools in East Renfrewshire, a prosperous suburb south of Glasgow, are markedly better than pupils attending schools within the city. There are

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exceptions to this pattern and some city schools do better than their postcodes might lead one to expect, suggesting that a combination of strong leadership, high expectations, clear standards and dedicated teachers can confound general trends to some extent, but the overall picture gives cause for concern. An analysis of reading test results in thirty-two industrialized nations carried out by the Sutton Trust in 2013 (though based on data from 2009) found that Scotland has the widest attainment gap between poorer and wealthier fifteenyear-old boys. At postschool level a particular concern has been the so-called NEET group: that is, sixteen- to nineteen-year-olds who are not in education, employment or training. Various measures have been introduced in an effort to help them to acquire skills and develop attitudes that will enhance their prospects in the job market. But at a time when the economy is still struggling, and even well-qualified candidates find it hard to find suitable work, the task is certainly not easy. In international comparisons, such as those carried out by the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development, Scotland performs fairly well, but levels of achievement are not improving as fast as in some other countries. In 2007 the OECD produced a report entitled Quality and Equity of Schooling in Scotland. Although the report found much to commend, it also identified a number of challenges, most notably the need to reduce the achievement gap that opens up from about Primary 5 onwards: ‘Children from poorer communities and low socio-economic status homes are more likely than others to underachieve, while the gap associated with poverty and deprivation in local government areas appears to be very wide.’ The extent to which schools, on their own, can compensate for these disadvantages is limited, leading the report to assert that ‘Who you are in Scotland is far more important than what school you attend, so far as achievement differences on international tests are concerned’. A quantitative study carried out by the London School of Economics in 2013 concluded that Scottish education, while remaining relatively stable in the period since devolution in 1999, had not progressed at the same rate as English education (Machin et al., 2013). The comprehensive system, which in many respects has served Scotland well, enabling many more pupils to gain qualifications than the previous selective system, has been unable to make significant inroads into the underachieving minority who fail to engage with what schools have to offer. There is no easy answer to this problem as it calls for a coordinated approach across many areas of public policy (health, housing, employment, planning, as well as education).

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Although successive governments have expressed a commitment to ‘joined-up thinking’ in developing policies, in practice this has been difficult to achieve. What tends to happen is that ameliorative efforts are introduced for a limited period but as soon as resources are withdrawn any improvements cannot be sustained.

Future prospects As noted in the opening section of this chapter, in 2014 the Scottish people will have voted in a referendum on the question of whether they wish to remain within the United Kingdom or become a fully independent nation. Given that the educational system is already quite distinctive from other parts of the UK, that area of policy, certainly as far as primary and secondary schooling are concerned, would be less affected than others (e.g. defence, currency, border control) if the vote is in favour of independence. The impact on higher education would be more evident and the position of Scottish universities in relation to UK bodies, such as the various research councils (which allocate research grants) and the Quality Assurance Agency (which reviews the performance of HE institutions), would have to be reviewed. There is a fear that, particularly given the disparity in student fee levels, Scottish universities might be placed at an economic disadvantage and could begin to slip down international rankings. This would be politically embarrassing whatever party was in power. It might lead to very difficult decisions about the allocation of resources between different areas of public policy. In order to ‘protect’ the Scottish universities, funds may have to be diverted from health or transport or housing, a decision that would be highly contentious. However, whether the vote is for or against independence, one trend that is already in evidence is likely to continue. The experience of devolution has strengthened the Scottish sense of nationhood and this has led to a greater creative output in literature and the arts, a more powerful expression of a distinctively Scottish ‘voice’. This has been reflected in schools demanding for better coverage of Scottish history, which for a long time hardly featured at all in the curriculum. English is no longer regarded as the sole medium of instruction and learning to which all must conform. Scotland’s two other native languages, Scots and Gaelic, are valued and celebrated as part of the nation’s cultural heritage. Similarly, the political debate about constitutional matters has raised interesting questions about the nature of citizenship within a rapidly changing

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global context in which new patterns of migration affect the cultural dynamics of particular countries. Scotland will have to look not only at its position within (or outwith) the United Kingdom; it will have to consider its evolving relationships within Europe and beyond. Whether the shift in perspective is modest or more radical, it is likely to have interesting implications for the aims, form and content of the educational system.

References Bryce, T.G.K., Humes, W.M., Gillies, D. and Kennedy, A. (2013) Scottish Education, 4th Edition: Referendum, Edinburgh, Edinburgh University Press. Davie, G.E. (1961) The Democratic Intellect: Scotland and Her Universities in the 19th Century, Edinburgh, Edinburgh University Press. Devine, T.M. (ed.) (2000) Scotland’s Shame? Bigotry and Sectarianism in Modern Scotland, Edinburgh, Mainstream. Humes, W. (2000) State: the governance of Scottish education 1872–2000’, in: H. Holmes, (ed.) Scottish Life and Society: A Compendium of Scottish Ethnology, Volume 11, Education. Edinburgh, Tuckwell Press, pp. 84–105. ——— (2011) ‘R. F. Mackenzie’s “Manifesto for an Educational Revolution” ’, Scottish Educational Review, 43, pp. 56–72. Humes, W.M. and Paterson, H. (eds) (1983) Scottish Culture and Scottish Education 1800–1980, Edinburgh, John Donald. Machin, C., McNally, S. and Wyness, G. (2013) Education in a Devolved Scotland: A Quantitative Analysis, London, ESRC/LSE. Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (2007), Quality and Equity of Schooling in Scotland, Paris, OECD. Paterson, L. (2003) Scottish Education in the Twentieth Century, Edinburgh, Edinburgh University Press. Priestley, M. and Biesta, G. (eds) (2013) Reinventing the Curriculum: New Trends in Curriculum Policy and Practice, London, Bloomsbury. Priestley, M. and Humes, W. (2010) ‘The development of Scotland’s curriculum for excellence: amnesia and déjà vu’, Oxford Review of Education, 36, pp. 345–361. Scottish Executive (2004) A Curriculum for Excellence: The Curriculum Review Group, Edinburgh, Scottish Executive. Smith, I. (2013) ‘Educational provision: an overview’, in: Bryce, T.G.K., Humes, W.M., Gillies, D. and Kennedy, A. (eds) Scottish Education, 4th Edition: Referendum. Edinburgh, Edinburgh University Press, pp. 13–27. Tett, L. (2010) Community Education, Learning and Development, 3rd edition. Edinburgh, Dunedin Academic Press.

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Further Resources Colleges Scotland: www.collegesscotland.ac.uk Educational Institute of Scotland: www.eis.org.uk Education Scotland: www.educationscotland.gov.uk General Teaching Council for Scotland: www.gtcs.org.uk Scottish Council of Independent Schools: www.scis.org.uk Scottish Funding Council: www.sfc.ac.uk Scottish Government: www.scotland.gov.uk Scottish Qualifications Authority: www.sqa.org.uk Universities Scotland: www.universities-scotland.ac.uk

7

Scotland: Radical Alternatives in Teacher Education Beth Dickson

Introduction ‘Radical’ is an adjective often used to characterize Michael Gove, who was appointed secretary of state for education in the UK coalition government of 2010. Since being appointed, he has accelerated a neoliberal agenda which treats public education as an economic good, thriving best in a deregulated market. By contrast, Scotland may seem a Keynesian backwater with a large public sector and an accompanying ethic of service, rather than empowerment. Scotland resisted, in part, new public management changes from the secretary of state for Scotland (1995–1997), Michael Forsyth, to implement a prescribed curriculum, to test primary school children and to empower parents to take greater responsibility for school governance. In general, Scots seemed satisfied with the quality of Scottish education and were content to leave the responsibility of running schools to those who were paid to do it. Might Scottish education, therefore, demonstrate a different variety of radicalism from that seen elsewhere in education? This chapter will outline the general context of Scottish education, demonstrate the process of policy change with regard to Initial Teacher Education (ITE) and analyze the processes of change within universities where all Scottish ITE is located in order to evaluate tensions between reaction and radicalism.

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The current picture Since devolution in 1999, education has been a matter wholly devolved to the Scottish government expressing formally the commonly held Scottish perception of the distinctive nature and value of its education system. Thirtytwo local authorities employ the Scottish teaching workforce, which numbers around 52,000. The regulator is the General Teaching Council for Scotland, which became independent of government in 2012. In 2011 the organizations responsible for curriculum development and educational inspection were merged to form Education Scotland. In Scotland ITE is provided by nine universities, and in order to ensure there is adequate local teacher supply, there is a strong link between the places where students live and are likely to work and a route into teacher education. Those who lead education have often had similar career paths. The homogeneous nature of Scottish education could be viewed as a strength, as structures change gradually and usually, after discussion, by consensus. John McBeath has argued that the weakness of Scotland’s vertical structure from schools to local authorities to Education Scotland ‘is in constraining initiative and innovation’ (McBeath, 2013, p. 1019). Within this community, two major themes characterized ITE from the 1990s onwards: (a) the pressures on national education systems to be more effective, particularly, in improving teacher quality; and (b) the processes of merging teacher education colleges with universities to improve the standards of teacher learning.

Policy and reform The Scottish Executive Education Department came under internal pressure from the teaching profession, which had effective trades union representation, to heighten levels of professional esteem by increasing pay and improving working conditions. Teacher unrest culminated in the report and agreement A Teaching Profession for the 21st Century (TP21; SEED, 2000), which made important recommendations for teacher learning. TP21 recommended increases in teachers’ pay in return for ●●

●●

thirty-five hours annually to be committed to continuing professional development a year’s paid employment for graduates from teacher education programmes

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a continuing professional learning process to be known as the Chartered Teacher scheme

The far-reaching and decisive nature of these policy changes demonstrates the capacity of Scottish education to make radical and innovative decisions: the Teacher Induction Scheme has attracted international attention (O’Brien, 2009). The Chartered Teacher Scheme closed in 2012, but not before it had established a beach head for teacher learning which was to be built on in the Scottish government’s aspiration for a masters-level profession (Scottish Government, 2011). TP21 put teacher learning firmly on the professional agenda. However, the report took a conventional view of ITE, remitting the issues to two subsequent reviews. The first, conducted by Deloitte and Touche, produced an account of the scope of teacher education. The Review of ITE Stage 2 (2005) faced persistent grumbles about the ITE curriculum. External parties including academic societies, charities and parents wanted to see more content from their chosen area in the curriculum, yet those in charge of the curriculum knew that curricula needed to be slimmed down, not augmented. There was the age-old complaint that the university curriculum was too ‘theoretical’ and that it needed to be much more practical, with ‘behaviour management’ being identified by TP21 as an area of difficulty for early career teachers (SEED, 2000, p. 6). The chief conceptual difficulty was that, although there was a reference to career-long teacher learning, when it came to actions, ITE was considered separately from learning within the profession. The Review of ITE Stage 2 did not report until 2005, a four-year gap from TP21, which may suggest that the efforts to deal with the day-to-day impact of mergers and to implement TP21 drew attention away from ITE. The report acknowledged pressure on the ITE curriculum but did not propose new ideas about curriculum reform. Key actions to overcome challenges included, ‘Universities modifying and updating ITE courses to reflect changes in national priorities and other changes to the social and educational environment, while recognising that demands for ITE to give greater emphasis to particular interests cannot all be accommodated’ (SEED, 2005, p. 9). In England during the 1990s, there had been new partnership structures between schools and universities in order to give students more experience in schools. Despite this and despite innovations carried out at the University of Edinburgh, TP21 did not identify partnership as a major issue for teacher learning, viewing it mainly as a relational duty which teachers owed to their colleagues and

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to parents. The Review of ITE Stage 2, however, did make proposals with regard to partnership: ‘local authorities and universities … [should] establish new, effective and proactive partnerships, with local authorities being more actively engaged in ITE’ (Report of the Review Group 2005, p. 11). Aspiring to improve the quality of student placements, local authorities identified placement officers with whom TEIs would liaise in order to place students in schools. While this was a necessary administrative action, it did not move the Scottish system to the more sophisticated forms of partnership necessary to achieve substantial improvements in ITE. The Report of the Review Group demonstrates some of the disadvantages of consensus: good analysis was not backed by imaginative strategic thinking to operationalize it. In 2006, Donald McIntyre, looking back to the 1980s wrote, ‘The external observer could indeed become very depressed about the lack of collaborative partnership in Scottish ITE, were it not that Scotland has been demonstrating its capacity for imaginative collaborative partnership in the CPD field, with such initiatives as the Chartered Teacher and the School Leadership programmes, much admired south of the border’ (p. 17). This implication, that gifted academics had shifted their focus to continuing professional development, meant that it took longer for ITE to again become the object of study and innovation. Apart from these internal pressures, the schooling system in Scotland, as in many other nations, came under external pressure to improve teacher quality from scores in international league tables such as PISA, PIRLS and TIMMS. League table results focused policy attention squarely on the quality of teachers, which, it was commonly believed, showed one of the few observable links to improved pupil achievement (OECD, 2005, p. 9). The link between teacher quality and impact on pupil learning became explicit rather than being the unexamined assumption it had been previously. At the beginning of the 1990s all teacher education was based in monotechnic colleges of teacher education which were becoming unsustainable (Kirk, 1999). In order to achieve financial viability and to improve the quality of student learning, a process began in which colleges of education merged with universities (see Table 7.1). The merger process and the development of its logic within universities, sometimes referred to as ‘universitisation’, had profound effects on the nature of ITE curricula. Colleges of education had more in common with secondary schools rather than higher education institutions. They had 9 am–5 pm timetables; were staffed by former primary and secondary teachers; and were almost entirely focused on teacher education, sometimes with a small

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Table 7.1  Providers, programmes and sizes University

Former college

ITE programmes

Aberdeen

Northern College

BEd, BEd Mus, PGDE

Dundee

Northern College

BEd, PGDE

Edinburgh

Moray House

BEd, BEdPE, PGDE

Glasgow: School of Education

St Andrew’s

BEd, BEd Mus, MA in RPE, BTech Ed, PGDE

Glasgow: School of Interdisciplinary Studies

MA primary education

Highlands and Islands

PGDE

Open University Stirling

BEd, combined degree, PGDE

Strathclyde

Jordanhill College

West of Scotland

Craigie College/Paisley

BEd, PGDE, combined degree

research unit. Two areas became progressively problematic: modes of learning and teaching within the university, and assessment of student teaching practice in schools. Students were sometimes based in schools of education located away from the main university campuses with which their colleges had merged and because of this, and their heavy timetables, they did not easily mix with their peers. The ITE curriculum for curriculum studies often provided a mirror image of primary and secondary school curricula. Student teachers could have variable experiences of curriculum studies where a process known as ‘modelling’ (teaching a primary input to a group of undergraduates) could lead to students being presented with material aimed at primary school pupils with very little reflection on the significance of the knowledge or process with which they were engaging. Its main aim was to enable students to transmit knowledge in schools. Teacher educators who had come from schools to teach on curriculum courses were often keen to demonstrate content and methods which had served them well in the past. However, these processes did not align easily with university processes, which depended less on staff contact and more on independent learning. The merger process exposed problems with the nature of school experience assessment. The number of staff hours associated with assessment of external placements in schools was high. To assess students, the staff had to spend time travelling in order to conduct an assessment which, though professionally crucial, formed only a small part of the assessment for the credits associated

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with the course, if it was formally part of the academic award at all. It was thus inefficient. More importantly, it had pedagogical flaws. Tutors, particularly in years where there was a spike in the number of students, had to make numerous visits and assess on the basis of a 40-minute observation. There was little time to work with teachers in the school and often the performance of teaching which the student delivered was one which had been oversupported by classroom teachers. This system had previously depended on high numbers of visits to enable tutors to gauge student progress. Even the reduced number of visits continued to necessitate a high level of human resource for variable assessment outcomes. The mergers affected teacher educator identity. Teacher educators had become very familiar with a role in which, in colleges of education, they had had a degree of autonomy to construct for themselves. In universities, recently merged staff had to familiarize themselves with new duties, in particular, to demonstrate research or scholarship. Teacher educators who did not themselves have higher degrees moved from being valued for their expertise in teaching to being on the first rung of the academic ladder. Some teacher educators were able to reinvent themselves as academics, but not all (Menter, 2011). Those teacher educators who had come into the profession from schools in order to teach on generic education courses were able to use the content of their college/university teaching to act as a form of personal development to acquaint themselves with new content knowledge; some took higher degrees. Still others, who came into the profession because of expertise in a curricular subject area, believing themselves to have been appointed on the basis of their expertise in teaching, were less likely to have an experience which affected their metacognition of teaching. Yet teaching itself was differently constructed in the university. The logic of universitization implied that if teacher education were to become rooted within universities, it needed to pay attention to scholarship and research, reform its methods of teaching and assessment and live within its means.

Teaching Scotland’s Future (2011) From 2005 onwards there were wide fluctuations in the controlled numbers of student teachers, which caused significant disruption in universities. At the same time as the decreases were announced, the Scottish government also announced its third review of teacher education in a decade under the leadership of Graham Donaldson, who had recently retired as chief HMIE. The link between the variation in controlled numbers and TSF, which gained

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widespread acceptance when it reported, is an example of the education system absorbing shock by creating an opportunity to progress policy, rather than policy emerging through systematic structures which supported innovation (Conroy et al., 2013). Teaching Scotland’s Future (TSF; 2011) was based on interviews with stakeholders, a survey of students and a literature review of the current state of research on teacher education internationally (Menter et al., 2010). Three significant TSF emphases were the demise of the BEd, the conceptualization of teacher learning as a career-long process and the issues surrounding partnership. For the reasons cited earlier, ITE students were not thought to have a strong enough university experience; TSF stated that the BEd must be phased out (p. 88, recommendation 11). It has been argued that TSF did not present sufficient evidence for this policy to be enacted, but there was a general acceptance of the declaration and universities began to change their undergraduate degrees (Smith, 2013). TSF’s conceptualization of teacher education was crucial in solving the puzzle of ITE curricular overload which had puzzled the writers of the second-stage review. TSF’s solution was to work out what learning was necessary for the early phase and then to ensure that the rest of the learning took place over the career span. This provided the conceptual space necessary to reduce the overload of the ITE curriculum, and for it to be considered in its own terms purely as a curriculum for the initial phase. TSF envisaged much more integrated forms of partnership between school and universities. The process which took place in England in the 1990s report did not take place in Scotland, which hung on to practices dating back to the beginning of the twentieth century and which it has been argued presented a duplication model of partnership (Smith, 2010, pp. 41–45). TSF was clear that there had to be more meaningful partnerships and raised the prospect of hub schools, previously raised in TP21, a version of the normal teacher training schools which had been used in the nineteenth century in Scotland and are still used in European countries today and an NCATE principle of partnership (NCATE, 2010). However, this idea was not well received by schools and local authorities because they argued that it would create elite schools which were well resourced in terms of students and university backing and that therefore there would not be an equitable distribution of resources across the system. This reaction demonstrates that although research and analysis may signal one direction, other actors in the education community can ensure that the likelihood of its implementation can be quickly decreased.

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In order to develop CPD, TSF proposed that all teachers should have a masters account and gain credit by undertaking learning at this level (p. 99, recommendation 44). Because of the new thinking which could be accessed in universities which precisely addressed the issues left over from TP21, the report’s author became convinced that universities had an important role to play and commissioned a university-based review of international research literature on teacher learning demonstrating the open-mindedness of policy-making in relation to academe. TSF had, in fact, a fourth major emphasis which was the role of the universities for ITE and CPD.

Universities and reform Basing its reforms on the USA project, Teachers for a New Era, the University of Aberdeen initiated the Scottish Teachers for a New Era. Similar, but unbranded, reforms took place at the University of Glasgow. Before TSF and independently of it, work was being undertaken which identified and anticipated solutions to the issues described in that report. One of the advantages of the merger which led to the strategic reimagination of teacher education was the greater access to international research on teacher education and the internationalization of academic life more generally which found expression in such bodies as Universitas 21, a leading international network of research‐intensive universities. On the circuit of international research conferences, academics were able to talk to others who had reserves of experience and who were engaged in research on teacher learning. This access to a flow of intellectual interrogation of issues in various systems enabled new ideas to move quickly among them. The impetus to publish regularly and the rapid development of electronic access to literature increased the amount of research and access to it. The work of key researchers became much better known and strategic partnerships could be forged for intellectual development, reimagination of practice and social and emotional support for academics in pressurized leadership roles. Among the range of ideas in this body of work were some which seemed particularly congenial to the Scottish context: the understanding of teacher learning as a career-long process (FeimanNemser, 2012), the importance of ‘inquiry as stance’ (Cochran-Smith and Lytle, 2006), teaching as an ‘activist profession’ (Sachs, 2003), the focus on the nature of the ITE curriculum under the rubric of ‘what teacher need to know and be

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able to do’ (Darling Hammond, 2006) and the rich evidential survey of teacher learning from New Zealand (Timperley et al., 2007). There were a number of international examples of innovations with regard to partnership in teacher education. Partnership evolved differently in different educational cultures. USA Professional Development Schools were ambitious in preparing both new and experienced teachers in school in order to improve pupil learning expressed through collaborative enquiry (Teitel, 2000). Finland used the European tradition of ‘normal’ schools to enable students to learn to teach in fully operational schools with supervisory support by linking theory and practice to solve the sorts of ordinary challenges that teachers face (Kansanan, 2003). As early as the 1970s, McIntyre found himself and his peers ‘reluctantly being persuaded by the weight of accumulated evidence that their attempts to improve ITE through HEI-based initiatives … were quite inadequate’ (McIntyre, 2006, p. 7). He points out that both in Scotland and England, the vision of partnership contained in the Sneddon Report made it clear that, ‘If improvements take place in communication between colleges and schools, we hope not only that the college course will become more practically oriented but that teaching practice and induction will become more clearly and soundly based on theory’ (SED/ GTCS, 1978, p. 19). In his view between 1978 and 1992 ‘teacher educators … had the opportunity to shape the nature of the reforms to be made but, with relatively few exceptions, … failed to take this opportunity and introduced reforms only minimally and reluctantly (McIntyre, 2006, p. 8). The Oxford Internship Scheme was a seedbed of ideas for the development of ITE, which constructed a more structured experienced of teacher learning for students when they were in schools and changed the roles of school and university staff in the activity of the supervision of beginning teachers. McIntyre (2006, p. 11) identified several enabling factors which promoted change in teacher education in Oxford. These included: ●●

●●

●●

●●

●●

●●

visionary leadership; access to funds and resources; authority to direct them; the role of research in outlining the features which should characterize ITE; the nature of how the learning of beginning teachers was structured in schools; the practical theorizing/theorizing practice which arose from that.

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These more highly articulated partnerships were associated with what became known as ‘clinical practice’, which meant that student teachers worked to diagnose learning needs, plan next steps and assess progress. (The medical metaphor often impedes the understanding of what is proposed.) While this is what serving teachers had always done, partnership models enabled concentration on these aspects of the task of teaching at a much earlier stage in the teacher’s learning journey. In most examples of clinical practice, there is some movement between university and school for university-based tutors, which enables students to be supported in their learning usually through dialogue with a teacher or tutor. In 2010, NCATE’s Blue Ribbon Panel published their report Through Clinical Practice: A National Strategy to Prepare Effective Teachers, which reported specifically on ‘clinical preparation and partnerships for improved student learning’ where the USA experience of professional development is distilled into ten key principles (NCATE, 2010). The University of Melbourne through its Dean, Professor Field Rickards, whose background was in audiology, brought knowledge of a mode of professional learning which enabled student audiologists to work in dialogue with a more experienced colleague in order to enhance skills in diagnosing, treating, prescribing and monitoring – activities which can be transferred to the professional learning of teachers, although Rickards is careful to acknowledge that in the case of teachers they are not fixing something that is broken but enabling pupils to reach their learning potential. The constellation of enabling factors, identified by McIntyre, came together at the University of Glasgow in the first decade of the new millennium (almost three decades after the Sneddon Report) under the visionary leadership of the dean of the faculty of education. Professor James Conroy aimed to reform ITE and had the power and resources to effect it. As a member of staff, he had lived through the merger between St Andrew’s College and the University of Glasgow, a Russell Group university, and was convinced that the move into university could substantially strengthen the quality of ITE. He had a strong research profile which gave him credibility within the university. Some of his research relationships coalesced in the Universitas 21 group, which met often during research conferences to share ideas. Universities such as Melbourne and Georgia, USA, were already engaged in processes of teacher education reform and were subject to the same internal and external forces as the Faculty of Education at Glasgow. Two areas which had to be addressed were those previously discussed: the need to increase the intellectual rigour of the university-based ITE curriculum, and the need to achieve consistency and coherence in school-based

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ITE curricula in order to enable students to experience the benefits of university learning in their teacher formation.

Radical alternatives in Initial Teacher Education Table 7.2 shows how the reforms were implemented over time across two teacher education programmes: the BEd/MEduc, the undergraduate route into teaching, and the PGDE, the one-year postgraduate route into teaching. They demonstrate six main areas of change: ●●

●●

●●

●●

●●

●●

the influence of research the need for academic rigour and the use of academic structures the location of teacher learning the establishment of partnership the bridge to practice the role of the teacher educator

The first two areas, research and the need for academic rigour, are closely related and are constituent elements of the logic of mergers which continued into universitization. Research on education influenced the programmes in three main ways. First, it brought to bear on the process the work of key teacher educators. Marilyn Cochran Smith and Susan Lytle’s work on Inquiry as Stance (2006) became instantiated in both programmes through the work of colleagues such as Vivienne Baumfield, whose Action Research in the Classroom (Baumfield et al., 2008) was a core course text. Enquiry pedagogies were important because they laid the foundations of systematic, formal, structured investigation of practice, the teacher learning process which spans a whole career. The insight of many writers that beginning teachers are more influenced by their own experience of school than any other single factor meant that major courses on the reformed BEd focused on educational values in order to enable students to make explicit to students that they had important assumptions about teacher education which needed to be critically examined and deconstructed in the light of theory and practice. Like other professions in the knowledge revolution, a key issue was how to respond to the vast quantities of knowledge and data being produced. Similarly the knowledge revolution affects children in schools and requires new pedagogies to enable them to engage positively with it. This initial and growing focus on how learning occurs was important personally

Already reformed

Maintain previous innovations Add access to courses in college of social sciences, rather than liberal arts courses

PGDE 2010

M.Educ. 2014

School External curriculum

Influence of work on partnership and clinical practice

Focus on deconstruction of teacher’s role, learning, educational values

School

After 4 years with an Honours degree

After one year with 90 M-level credits

Exit to practice

All school experience placements on the partnership model

At the end of Year 4 students may elect to leave with an Honours degree or 90 M-level credits.

2/3 placements with a After 1 year with university tutor in 90 M-level the cluster of schools credits School-based seminars Learning rounds Joint report writing

Gradual introduction to classroom. Serial days in Year 1. 4-week bloc in Year 2. 2 × 6 week blocs in Year 3 10 weeks in Year 4

Course on practitioner No change enquiry Teach primary and secondary together

ii) Influence of research

University/school

Hybrid five-year Influence of work on integrated masters partnership and programme of 600 clinical practice credits with final year undertaken on a part-time basis when in practice

Already reformed

Reduce proliferation No change of courses and assessments; simplify structure Increase access to liberal arts courses

BEd 2009

Raised to M-level from Level 10

i) Academic structure

Reduce proliferation of courses and assessments; simplify structure

University

University

Internal curriculum Universitization

PGDE 2008

Date of first intake to reformed programme

Location

Table 7.2  Chronological table of ITE reform

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for students as they learned about themselves as learners, but was important in focusing them on generating the conditions for learning in the classroom, rather than transmitting knowledge. One feature which was directly influenced by the work of colleagues on the Chartered Teacher programme and the SQH was that a decision was taken on the PGDE to teach those intending to teach in primary and secondary together, as was the case in these other programmes, except for their classes on the curriculum. Partly this demonstrated the generic nature of learning in both sites of practice, but it also meant that the other place was no longer a ‘secret garden’; the aim was to inculcate parity of esteem among practitioners from the outset of careers. The sense that teacher education students were not experiencing the full benefits of university education was addressed in two ways: content and structure. In the reformed BEd, students were able to take courses in liberal arts run by the Faculty’s Department of Adult and Continuing Education. This enabled students to develop their knowledge in a language, or history, or an area of cultural studies and gave them the experience of tutors who were trained to teach adults. In the latest iteration of the BEd, the MEduc, the intellectual basis for education students has been set firmly within the College of Social Sciences where students can deepen their sociological thinking by taking courses in politics, sociology and public policy. In terms of structure the general process was to simplify the credit structure to have fewer courses with higher numbers of credits in order to reduce the overassessment which resulted from many smaller courses which then aligned better with university norms. Masters level credit took on new significance. Generally it was understood that the more able teachers were intellectually, the more likely their pupils were to do well, with Finland’s masters-level teaching profession being the most-quoted example. Although the PGDE was postgraduate in time (it took place after graduation from an undergraduate programme), it was not postgraduate in status, being of the same value as a senior honours course. Programme designers were able to argue that the programme was being raised to M-level because of the researchdirected introduction of practitioner enquiry to the ITE curriculum. Students were able to leave ITE and enter practice with 90 M-level credits, and courses for the remaining credits were developed which could be taken part time in any one academic session during the subsequent five, by distance learning. Although the University of Glasgow had already reformed two of its ITE programme in terms of the intellectual rigour demanded by TSF, when the report was published, it did take the opportunity to reform again in order to take advantage of the university’s integrated masters qualifications, thus enabling students on the

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four-year programme to exit with as many M-level credits as those on the oneyear programme, with a similar route to complete. It makes a masters degree a gateway qualification to teaching, and therefore goes some way to realize the Scottish government’s aspiration that teaching should be a master’s profession (Scottish Government, 2011). The internal changes to the first reform of the BEd which had its initial intake in 2008, although significant, attracted less opposition than the changes which affected schools. The key focus of discontent in the profession was the limited amount of teaching which students were expected to undertake in first and second years. There was a strong belief that the best way to learn to teach was to teach; disparaging phrases such as ‘thrown in at the deep end’ were used. Those teachers who, in the spirit of partnership, were invited onto the writing teams often had their concerns allayed by understanding the coherence of thought which underlay the changes. However, getting the message out to the considerable numbers of individual teachers who were receiving students was difficult. Various methods were tried – remit meetings after school held in the university, remit meetings held in local authorities or schools, visits to the Association of Directors of Education Scotland, letters to head teachers – but these common-sense methods simply did not penetrate much further than the first person who received them. This meant that in the first years of the programme some students had difficult experiences in schools because of the mismatch between what they had been told to do by the university and what they were expected to do by teachers in schools. Thus it was obvious that solving the problem of partnership was crucial in enabling ITE to achieve new levels of effectiveness. Both the university and the school were sites of teacher learning, but because of the way the theory–practice divide was conceptualized as characterizing and separating them, the learning potential of links between the sites was almost never discussed. As a result of winning, along with the University of Aberdeen, amelioration funding to offset the reduction from the drop in student numbers, the University of Glasgow, under the leadership of Professor Conroy, continued to innovate within an exceptionally testing external context. Professor Conroy’s credibility with local authority and school leaders was key in securing initial interest in what became known as the Glasgow West Teacher Education Initiative. In October 2010–2011, staff were identified from the School of Education who were jointly interviewed by university and local authority staff. The local authority placement officer, Mrs Winnie Mallon, whose role had been identified by the second stage review and who had been involved in the previous innovations to the PGDE and

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the BEd, was important in identifying, and securing the support of, the relevant cluster of secondary and primary schools. Once their agreement was secured, they and any relevant staff were invited to the university for workshops run by the tutors. During these meetings, three innovations were discussed, questioned and modified. Tutors and significant staff were able to begin to get to know each other and begin a relationship which would exist more in school than in university. Not all teachers were entirely certain how the pilot would work out but in the light of TSF, they were ready to try it out. This openness to change does demonstrate the advantages of good relationships in Scotland’s consensus model and its ability, under visionary leadership, to effect radical change. Thirty students volunteered for the scheme, the innovations of which were as follows: ●●

●●

●●

●●

●●

●●

More students were placed in fewer schools. I × FTE member of staff accompanied students into the clusters for the duration of the placement. University tutors supported students in both sectors irrespective of the sector in which the tutors had had their own teaching experience. Seminars were held in the schools on issues of classroom practice. Peer observation with facilitated dialogue was a new learning method. Joint report writing replaced the two reports, one from each partner, which characterized the previous system.

The establishment of the partnership meant that university-based tutors had continuing contact with students during teaching placements. School-based learning for teacher education students had the benefit of immediacy. During the weekly seminars all thirty students met together in one base school and ideas which may have been encountered at university took on a very different nature when the content of learning and the nature of pedagogy became a top personal and professional priority, not merely a focus of academic study. Additionally students could discuss any pressing issues with their tutors and give and receive peer support. For learning rounds, students were divided into groups of three and this group would observe the teaching of another student. The triad would then withdraw to discuss the issues raised for their own teaching with their tutor and classroom teacher in a non-judgemental way. By observing peers as well as classroom teachers, students became able to see teaching as not only a cycle of planning, implementation, assessment and reflection but a series of invisible, intellectual decisions made in class in response to pupil needs.

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The assessment of school placements before the pilot was notionally a joint enterprise. For each placement, a student received a school report and a faculty report. When these reports gave similar results, all was well, but when one partner failed a student and the other passed him or her, the student received mixed messages and was confused about how to proceed. GWTEI pioneered a single report which expressed the assessment of both partners. Teachers were able to bring their daily experience of the student to the report, and tutors were able to bring their knowledge about generic student performance at that stage in learning. This pilot project was evaluated by a team led by Professor Ian Menter. A total of 86 per cent of students who had had one placement on the conventional model preferred the new model. As far as students were concerned the gains were in the immediacy of learning, that if they discussed ideas and processes in the morning or during a postlesson discussion, they could implement them or modify them later that day. They did think that they should have had more support but probably their expectations were unrealistically high. What was encouraging about the pilot was that quite a large number of teachers felt that the pilot was satisfactory not only for the students but also for themselves. Some of them said that it made them think more explicitly about their own classroom practice and that they found it renewed their interest in practice. Others took some of the methods used on the pilot and modified them for their own collegiate use in schools. However, others did feel that the time students were out of the classroom affected the continuity of their learning. In the first iteration of the pilot, all partners were concerned about issues of communication – mainly issues about its volume, nature and timing (Menter et al., 2011). The self-reports of students and teachers were that this model of initial teacher learning smoothed the transition between preparation and practice by providing a gradual, supported and structured entrance to the profession. The successful pilot depended on reframing thinking about the two sites of practice and creating a bridge between them. Instead of the binary about university and school, theory and practice, ‘ivory tower’ and ‘real world’, thinking focused on the relationship between the two sites of learning. Two steps were important: the use of M-level credit provided a structural bridge from one site to the other, but it was partnership which enabled the reciprocity of movement of tutors and students between sites and enabled the development of richer pedagogies which accompanied partnership as teachers and tutors planned and assessed together for learning activities

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based on a common understanding of teaching and using a shared language to communicate it (Clarke et al., 2005). The changes in ITE redesigned the roles of teacher educators. The major changes were as follows: ●●

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Those who did not teach on education courses were required to become more familiar with educational literature rather than being able to rely on expert professional practice. A higher degree was becoming necessary in order to teach confidently in HE. Tutors could spend much more of their time in schools. Tutors could give guidance and support to students notwithstanding the school sector in which the tutors gained their own experience. Tutors could give guidance to secondary students whose discipline or sector is different from their own.

The pace, scale and nature of these changes presented a threat to teacher educator identity. Each step in the reform programme was met with differing measures of acceptance and resistance. Members of university staff were uncertain of how the reduction in face-to-face contact hours would affect the student learning experience. The new programmes required staff to undertake teaching content that was new to them. Members of staff were being asked to develop their understandings of general educational issues and of practitioner enquiry as the extent to which the primary school curriculum controlled the ITE curriculum evaporated. The ferment of ideas and processes of which researchactive staff were aware were not yet being accessed by the scholarship initiatives of university teachers. The most fiercely contested change was the use of tutors who had no background in a secondary discipline to assess the learning and progress of student teachers, although it was argued that in GWTEI, the principal teacher of subject/or the faculty head had responsibility for this area of the student’s learning. Although the evidence of university-based tutors on the model was that their previous knowledge of student teaching enabled them to see whether learning and teaching was taking place, to identify the common areas with which student teachers struggle and to make them confident that they were able to give accurate judgement on how students progress, none of this convinced the doubters who, though they did not teach on it, grew more and more hostile to the model. Their complaint was that only staff with a secondary background

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in the relevant discipline could assess secondary students teaching in that discipline, and, as far as they were concerned, this was more important than the ability of university tutors to even out the issues of variability of support which had plagued the system for so long. This disagreement was identified in the first evaluation which acknowledged that there would have to be a cultural shift in order to modify the perceptions of the framing of discipline. It is notable that in this instance, as well as others outlined by McIntyre (2006), the greatest resistance to innovations in working in partnership with schools in order to educate students has come from teacher educators. This bruising resistance to change makes the title of teacher educator for some a bastion of reactionary thinking. The role of the teacher educator is not easily grasped even by teacher educators. New teacher educators have been called ‘an under-researched and poorly understood occupational group’ (Murray and Male 2005), and Murray’s work draws attention to the problems which emerge when school teachers move into university-based teacher education: people feel de-skilled, they have to learn to teach in ways which are common to higher education but new to them and they have to become research active. This gap can be crossed by some providing some sort of induction, either formal or informal, because of the generic educational content which they are asked to teach (McCulloch). However, because there is a presumption that teaching in one context transfers easily to a different context, induction for new teacher educators who come from practice is variable. Yet this presumption flies in the face of the evidence from teacher educators who identify a gap between their previous experience and the demands of the new context. In addition, so many experienced teacher educators left the system during the VSERs schemes and their work is now done by a growing grey workforce of associate tutors. Internal university restructuring processes have seen the move from faculties to schools of education with a concomitant reduction in the role of heads of schools with regard to budget and staffing. Quality assurance becomes a key priority with such a large and diverse body of staff. Taken together these two issues – the gap between teacher knowledge and function in school and the role of a university-based teacher educator and the increase of casual staff – seem to suggest that the bulk of teacher learning and teacher education from the early phase onwards should take place in schools and be led by members of school staff who have a career path which enables them to concentrate and develop their skills around teacher learning, complemented by some input from university-based teacher educators; such

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hybrid roles have been discussed in research literature. Teachers in such a role would be educated at least to masters level in professional learning processes and in schools that are responsible for all teacher learning in the school (or possibly a cluster of other schools) from the early phase across the career spectrum. This would mean that beginning-teacher practice could take place in the school, the site students constantly affirm as the site of their most cogent learning experiences; it would be supervised by a school-based colleague with qualifications in professional learning; and it would articulate with the teacher learning which already takes place in the school which we know from research on probationer experience is a strong indicator of a good probationary experience (Patrick et al., 2010). Idealistically it is argued that activity in this area will re-empower the profession. This would leave a complementary role for university-based teacher education in providing a body of content knowledge and shifting their focus to the provision of learning for school-based teacher educators and stimulus and support for school-based professional learning communities. There would also be a discussion on how much time students needed to spend in school and whether this could be substantially increased if it was supervised by appropriately qualified staff. These staff would have to be qualified to doctoral level in professional learning and other aspects of education and, therefore, be suited to the scholarship and research required by universities. An area ripe for new and creative thinking is the role of teacher educators and the site of their practice.

Conclusion These are the radical changes which took place in the first decade of the millennium to a pattern of Scottish ITE which had worn itself out. While superficially the external shape of school-based ITE may look similar to the English model, the different intellectual input, values and understanding of what is happening in the Scottish model belies any simplistic similarity. Scotland has continued from the watershed of the McCrone Report to esteem the profession of teaching, to understand teaching as a complex process which requires career-long professional learning, to move towards forming teachers who can facilitate learning and diagnose barriers to it for all the pupils under their tutelage and to tap the potential of the school as the site of professional learning provided certain conditions are met. In order to reach this point,

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the advantages and disadvantages of the Scottish educational system have to be analyzed. It is an advantage to have a mature educational system with its different areas functioning well. This system is further networked by a set of good professional relationships. The main advantage is that the system can absorb shocks such as are produced by the unpredictable demands of teacher supply. The system can also create a space in which innovation can take place. The disadvantage is that innovation can be perceived as shock, which has to be reacted to, rather than as a necessary operation of professional life, which has to be encouraged. Because the system is relatively small, actors can become taken up with the minutiae of day-to-day existence but continue to live with bigger intractable problems which eventually lead to decay. This results in a valuing of efficiency over innovation and the urgent over the important which results without anyone meaning it to (and often without those involved realizing what is happening) in lack of ambition, and inertia. Thus it took three decades to make visible moves towards viable partnership arrangements. The issues of curricular overload and the variability of student placements existed for many years before action was taken to resolve them. The tension between innovation and well-meaning inertia is the greatest threat to the continuing ability of the system to be proactive about contemporary social, economic and technological change. In spite of these problems, the radical alternatives discussed here provide a coherent intellectual position which offers a sensible, organic and future-oriented development of ITE.

References Baumfield, V., Hall, E. and Wall, K. (2008) Action Research in the Classroom, London, Sage. Clarke, R.W., Foster, A. and Mantle-Bromley, C. (2005) Hybrid Educators and the Simultaneous Renewal of Schools and the Education of Educators, Seattle, WA, Institute for Educational Inquiry. Cochran-Smith, M. and Lytle, S. (2006) Inquiry as Stance. San Francisco, Jossey Bass. Conroy, J., Hulme, M. and Menter, I. (2013) ‘Developing a “clinical” model for teacher education’, Journal of Education for Teaching: International Research and Pedagogy, 39:5, pp. 557–573. Darling Hammond, L. (2006) Powerful Teacher Education, San Francisco, Jossey Bass. Donaldson, G. (2011) Teaching Scotland’s Future, Edinburgh, Scottish Government. Feiman-Nemser, S. (2012) Teachers as Learners, Cambridge, MA, Harvard Education Press.

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Kansanan, P. (2003) ‘Teacher education in Finland: current models and new developments’, in: Moon B., Vlasceanu, L. and Barrows, L. (eds) Institutional Approaches to Teacher Education within Higher Education in Europe: Current Models and New Development, Bucharest, UNESCO-CEPES, pp. 85–108. Kirk, G. (1999) ‘The passing of monoethnic teacher education in Scotland’, Scottish Educational Review, 31:2, pp. 100–111. McBeath, J. (2013) ‘Scenarios for the future of schooling and education’, in: Bryce, T.G.K., Humes, W.M., Gillies, D. and Kennedy, A. (eds) Scottish Education: Referendum, 4th edition, Edinburgh, Edinburgh University Press. McIntyre, D. (2006) Partnership in ITE in Scotland and England: can we learn from research and from experience? Scottish Education Review, 37 (Special) pp. 5–19. Menter, I. (2011). ‘Four academic “sub-tribes” but one territory? Teacher educators and teacher education in Scotland’, Journal of Education for Teaching, 37:3 pp. 293–308. Menter, I., Baumfield, V., Carroll, M., Dickson, B., Hulme, M., Lowden, K. and Mallon, W. (2011) The Glasgow West Teacher Education Initiative: A Clinical Approach to Teacher Education, Glasgow, University of Glasgow. Menter, I., Hulme, M., Elliott, D. and Lewin, J. (2010) Literature Review on Teacher Education in the 21st Century, Edinburgh, Crown Copyright. Murray, J. and Male, T. (2005) ‘Becoming a teacher educator: evidence from the field’, Teaching and Teacher Education, 21, pp. 125–142. NCATE (2010) Transforming Teacher Education through Clinical Practice: A National Strategy to Prepare Effective Teachers. Report of the Blue Ribbon Panel on Clinical Preparation and Partnerships. Available at: http://www.ncate.org/LinkClick. aspx?fileticket=zzeiB1OoqPk%3D&tabid=715+ [Accessed 11 February2014]. O’Brien, J. (2009) ‘Teacher induction: does Scotland’s approach stand comparison?’, Research in Comparative and International Education, 4:1, pp. 42–52. OECD (2005), ‘Developing teachers’ knowledge and skills’, in: Teachers Matter: Attracting, Developing and Retaining Effective Teachers, Paris, OECD Publishing. Available at: http://dx.doi.org/10.1787/9789264018044-5-en [Accessed 9 November 2012]. Patrick, F., Elliott, D., Hulme, M. and MacPhee, A. (2010). ‘The importance of collegiality and reciprocal learning in the professional development of beginning teachers’, Journal of Education for Teaching: International Research and Pedagogy, 36:3 pp. 277–289. Sachs, J. (2003) The Activist Teaching Profession, Buckingham, Open University Press. Scottish Executive Education Department (2000). A Teaching Profession for the 21st Century (Independent Enquiry into the Pay and Conditions of Teachers), Edinburgh, HMSO. SED/GTCS (1978) Learning to Teach (the Sneddon Report), Edinburgh, HMSO. SEED (2000) A Teaching Profession for the 21st Century: The Report of the Committee of Inquiry into Professional Conditions of Service for Teachers. Edinburgh: SEED.

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Available at: http://www.scotland.gov.uk/Resource/Doc/920/0113667.pdf [Accessed 14 February 2014]. ——— (2005) Review of ITE Stage 2: Report of the Review Group, Edinburgh, HMSO. Scottish Government (2011) Continuing to Build Excellence in Teaching: The Scottish Government’s Response to Teaching Scotland’s Future, Edinburgh, Scottish Government. Smith, I. (2010) ‘Reviewing Scottish teacher education for the 21st century: let collaborative partnership flourish’, Scottish Educational Review, 42:2, pp. 33–56. ——— (2013) Initial Teacher Education, in: Menter, I. and Hulme, M. (2013) ‘The evolution of teacher education and the Scottish universities’, in: Bryce, T.G.K., Humes, W.M., Gillies, D. and Kennedy, A. (eds) Scottish Education: Referendum 4th edition. Edinburgh, Edinburgh University Press, pp. 915–926. Teitel, L. (2000) Assessing the Impacts of Professional Development Schools, Washington, DC, American Association of Colleges of Teacher Education. Timperley, H., Wilson, A., Barrar, H. and Fung, I. (2007) Teacher Professional Learning and Development: Best Evidence Synthesis, Wellington, Ministry of Education. Universitas 21 (2011) Universitas 21 Strategy. Available at: http://www. universitas21.com/content/docs/110622Strategicfocuswithimage.pdf [Accessed 28 January 2014].

8

Scotland: Issues in Language Education Andy Hancock

Introduction Scotland is an interesting site for the study of language education in schools as parliamentary devolution in 19991 has produced a renewed sense of national identity and a re-examination of language affiliations and allegiances in society. Constitutional change has also led to further divergences in educational ideologies and policy discourses across the four nations of the United Kingdom (Gunning and Raffe, 2011). This process of divergence is reflected in Scotland’s new Curriculum for Excellence as it aims to transform school practices by placing an emphasis on a teacher-developed curriculum and situating the learner and learning at the centre of the process – including active, interdisciplinary and personalized learning approaches (Priestley, 2010). Furthermore, greater autonomy in educational policy formation has created more opportunities for a range of language education reports and documents to be circulated and language research projects to be commissioned by the Scottish Parliament over the last fourteen years. Drawing on Fishman’s (1999) language categories, the languages in education considered for policy treatment in postdevolutionary Scotland include regional languages, namely Gaelic, Scots and British Sign Language (BSL); modern foreign languages (MFLs), consisting mainly of official languages of the European Union; the languages of the strong economies of the future; and the languages of migrants (including the acquisition of English). This chapter deals with each of these language domains in turn alongside an analysis of how the different language fields are represented in policy documents and policy discourses, and what provision and practice is offered

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in schools for learning these languages. The final section discusses directions for future policy development.

Regional languages Scotland may be a small nation of just over five million inhabitants, but historical sources indicate that certain languages have held a particular status within education and government alongside a range of additional languages spoken by large sections of the community (Murdoch, 1996). For instance, Gaelic is the longest-established language of Scotland’s languages, for which records exist, having arrived in the west of Scotland as a result of incursions of settlers from Ireland in the fifth and sixth centuries. Over time the language diverged from Irish Gaelic and became the language of the majority of Scotland after it replaced Cumbric (a spoken variety of Old Welsh) and Pictish (now extinct). From c. 850 to c. 1150, Gaelic achieved political dominance by becoming the language of the Crown and of the government (Oram, 2011). Meanwhile, Scots, a West-Germanic language in origin, made inroads into southern Scotland from northern England in the early seventh century and gradually grew apart from its sister tongue in England, until a distinct Scots language evolved containing its own vocabularies, grammatical rules and prosodic features (Unger, 2010). Scots assumed the status of political authority in the sixteenth century when it was the prestigious language of education and commerce, as it gradually replaced Latin as the language of official documentation (Corbett et al., 2003; Unger, 2008). For several centuries after the political union between the Scottish and English parliaments in 1707, both Gaelic and Scots suffered from neglect as the languages became restricted to domestic environments. Then the introduction of a broad universal system of education in the nineteenth century saw moves towards mass literacy that placed a strong emphasis on ‘standard’ English. However, in the decade leading up to the establishment of the Scottish Parliament in 1999, there was a resurgence of general interest in the interwoven relationship between language loyalty, heritage and an evolving sense of national cultural identity (Nicolson, 2003). As a consequence, a number of policies have been introduced and initiatives implemented to revitalize both the Gaelic and the Scots language in schools in Scotland. Meanwhile these

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languages have also benefited from actions associated with European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages (ECRML) to target these languages for promotion and protection (Council of Europe, 2010).

Gaelic Although the legal status of Gaelic was strengthened through the Gaelic Language (Scotland) Act of 2005, which declares Gaelic to be an ‘official language of Scotland’,2 the 2011 census saw a further fall in the total number of Gaelic speakers in Scotland. However, youngsters who spoke Gaelic grew in popularity, and this revival among the 4–14 age group is a direct result of substantial investment by Scottish government in Gaelic-medium education (GME) in primary schools to safeguard the language for the future. The number of children entering Primary 1 (start of school for four- to five-year-olds) in GME rose by 12 per cent in 2013, and GME is currently available in units in about sixty primary schools throughout Scotland. Surveys have repeatedly indicated that the vast proportion of parents cite the social and academic advantages of bilingualism as one of the main reasons for choosing GME for their children (O’Hanlon et al., 2010). This parental belief is backed up by research into attainment which demonstrates that children in GME (who are not exposed to English in the classroom until seven years of age) tend to outperform their English-medium counterparts in English literacy acquisition by the end of their primary schooling (O’Hanlon et al., 2010). These favourable results echo previous research conducted more than a decade ago (Johnstone et al., 1999), and it is also consistent with international studies conducted on other language immersion programmes (Fortune and Tedick, 2008). Unfortunately, this core argument about the personal and intellectual benefits of this type of bilingual provision is frequently lost within wider society. Instead, the public debate about GME tends to become emotionally charged and restricted to negative attitudes about the limited social and economic value of learning a declining language with negligible global standing compared to prestigious languages such as Mandarin. Bòrd na Gàidhlig,3 with support from the Scottish government, launched a second five-year National Plan for Gaelic in 2012 with an ambitious target to double the number of children starting school in GME by 2017. However, policy planners (and educationalists) need to take into account a number of

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factors if GME aims to sustain its educational achievements and young people’s longer-term proficiency in Gaelic–English bilingualism. First, there is no written national guidance for GME which defines effective pedagogical practice in delivering this type of bilingual provision. According to educational inspectors (HMIE, 2011), different interpretations of immersion and total immersion have emerged across Scotland resulting in a great variation in teaching methodologies and in children’s learning experiences. One of the challenges for teachers working in GME is taking account of shifting Gaelic identities (Oliver, 2005) and the increasing numbers of pupils drawn from non-Gaelic-speaking homes (especially in the urban conurbations), which requires a shared understanding of the principles of additional language acquisition, knowledge of research into bilingualism and pedagogical practices associated with different models of immersion education. Second, GME has not been extended to the same extent into the secondary sector because of an acute shortage of specialist teachers who can teach subjects in Gaelic, resulting in a lack of continuity and progression in bilingual and biliteracy development. A well-publicized appointment of a non-Gaelic speaker as head teacher of a Gaelic school in 2013 is illustrative of the dearth of suitably qualified staff. Third, teaching Gaelic as a subject in mainstream schools, as an additional strand of provision, has been sporadic and less systematic compared to GME (Johnstone et al., 2003). An interesting comparison here is Wales (see Chapter 11 in this book), where Welsh is a compulsory subject for all pupils aged five to sixteen and sends an important message that the language is owned by all and not just minority of speakers.

Scots Scots is spoken throughout Scotland and the 2011 census reported that over one million people claimed to speak Scots, albeit public debates abound about the validity of such counts due to the different varieties of Scots. The language can also be stigmatized and viewed by some teachers as inferior speech and unfit for educational purposes (Evans, 2009). That said, the Scottish government is demonstrating its commitment to raising the profile of Scots through a variety of measures such as the inclusion of a formal question on Scots language ability in the 2011 census for the first time, research into public attitudes towards the Scots language (TNS-BMRB, 2010) and the financial support for two important Scots language bodies (Scottish Language Dictionaries and the Scots Language Centre).

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Children are seen as a key ingredient to the future health of the language and an audit of provision, one of the first pieces of policy research commissioned on the topic (Evans, 2009), revealed a growing number of imaginative creative school-based projects to raise the status of the language, in conjunction with outreach programmes from the Scots Language Centre (see http://www.scotslanguage.com/) and resources produced by the national agency for curriculum development (Education Scotland),4 a Scots Language Project (The Kist) and Itchy Coo (the publisher of Scots language books for children). These innovative projects, aimed at creating a sense of pride and self-worth among Scots-speaking school pupils, give children opportunities to express themselves in their own language and provide educationalists with an increasing awareness of the social and cultural capital of Scots. A number of small-scale practitioner inquiries have demonstrated that Scots-speaking children (in particular boys and disaffected pupils) show a marked improvement in both self-esteem and literacy following the incorporation of Scots into the primary school curriculum (Craig, 2009; Lucas, 2009). Furthermore, these language awareness projects give children opportunities to appreciate different language features and registers and help them to develop the ability to express themselves bilingually in both English and Scots (Hodgart, 2011). However, the audit (Evans, 2009) also revealed that in the absence of established policy structures instituted at national level, support for Scots in educational spaces tends to be on a local and piecemeal basis and excessively reliant on individual committed teachers who devote time to the study of the language and literature. In addition, there was evidence that much activity was in the primary school sector, with little evidence of growth in the secondary school sector. Furthermore, it is claimed that the language awareness projects give children opportunities to appreciate contrasting language features and registers and the ability to express themselves bilingually in both Scots and English for different purposes. The recent resurgence of interest in Scots has resulted in the establishment of a cross-party strategic task force by the Scottish government in 2010 to investigate how the usage and status of the Scots language can be further strengthened. The government’s response to the Working Group recommendations (Scottish Government 2011) agreed to take the opportunity of the next cycle of the Council of Europe Charter for Regional and Minority Languages to draw up a charter on Scots outlining how the language and its dialects can be supported more effectively. This gives a strong sense that

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policy development is afoot for the treatment of the Scots language, but it is too early to determine what change agendas are in the pipeline.

British Sign Language The 2011 census shows that 0.26 per cent of the Scottish population over the age of three use British Sign Language or another form of sign language, such as Sign Supported English. This group not only includes deaf people but also individuals who are hearing who use BSL as a home language because their parents are deaf and people who have learnt to use the language for work purposes. There is evidence that many deaf children experience difficulties with accessing the curriculum, and the absence of the use of a sign language can lead to other additional support needs (Grimes et al., 2007). In Scotland a BSL private member’s bill is now being considered by the Scottish government and may become law in the near future. The Act proposes that all public bodies should set out action plans to protect and nurture BSL as a language. This Act, which has parallels with the Gaelic Language (Scotland) Act of 2005, will apply to schools and local authorities. Presently BSL is taught as a language to both deaf and hearing children, albeit only in a few schools where there are deaf BSL users present in the school. An example of this type of provision is a primary and secondary school in the central belt of Scotland where deaf children from deaf families are enrolled, where even the hearing children are taught BSL and deaf awareness. This inclusive practice makes the hearing children at the school communicate and interact more with their peers so that they are better able to interact with deaf children in social and classroom situations and the deaf children are less dependent on adult interpreters or support staff. Following the introduction of the Curriculum for Excellence in 2010 British Sign Language was introduced as an MFL option from S1 to S4 in a secondary school in the Scottish Highlands. Taught by two teachers of deaf children, the students of the school have been able to use their BSL skills with their deaf peers in class and in social settings outside school. Presently the examinations available in BSL to the students are not school-level qualifications but ones designed for adult learners and there are currently no plans for designing new National 4 and 5 qualifications. The passing of the proposed BSL Act in Scotland will result in more people fluent in BSL being trained as teachers and local authorities collaborating to employ peripatetic specialists. It is likely, too, that the exam body, SQA, will

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produce a more robust set of national qualifications in BSL if there were more demand from schools.

Modern foreign languages Scotland has a long tradition of teaching modern foreign languages, and a policy shaped by the recommendations of the Mulgrew Report, ‘Citizens of a Multilingual World’ (Scottish Executive 2000), stated that every Scottish child was entitled to learn an MFL in the final two years of the primary school (ages ten to twelve years). However, an audit of provision (SCILT, 2011a) reveals an uneven terrain of entitlement of MFL teaching across Scotland, with some primary schools setting the pace with provision extended to fouryear-old children in early years’ settings while in some primaries no modern languages are taught at all due to a lack of adequately trained staff. This inevitably impacts on continuity and progression in language acquisition as children start their secondary education with very different levels of attainment in an MFL. The patchy MFL provision in primary schools also needs to be viewed in the light of a worrying and continuing decline in the uptake in learning languages and a subsequent drop in the number of pupils taking MFL forward to examination at secondary level. The scale of the problem is evident in the most recent statistics which show only one in ten S5 pupils take a foreign language course and only 60 per cent of fourth-year students sit a language qualification – down from 90 per cent ten years ago (SQA, 2013). Within the figures, the starkest result was a 23 per cent drop in the number of pupils studying German at higher level between 2008 and 2012. It is also predicted that the element of flexibility and student choice embedded within the new national qualifications starting in 2014 will see a further dip in the numbers of students who study languages after the second year of secondary school. This lack of motivation to take up foreign languages and climate of negativity especially in the postfourteen years stage in Scotland is blamed on a world becoming progressively more interconnected and modernized, in which English is emerging as the lingua franca of international communication and popular culture (SCILT, 2011a). Consequently, school students question the relevance of learning other languages in a world dominated by English. Yet, research conducted in Scotland reveals that this dependency on English as a global language is both a fallacy and short-sighted

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and having access to a repertoire of languages is an intellectual resource for Scotland and enhances individuals’ participation in the global knowledge economy (Grove, 2012). A further illustration of the inconsistency that exists between entitlement and provision is the limited scope of languages available for study in the secondary sector. This includes a tilting towards popular European languages and particularly a preference for French. According to National Qualifications Catalogue (SQA, 2013), the number of foreign languages which can be taught and chosen as a subject for examination stands at twenty-five. Although the choice appears wide, a number of factors such as the availability of trained teachers and the squeezing out of language teaching within a crowded secondary curriculum have led to a situation where in reality very few options are available to students and the vast majority of schools concentrate on three major European languages (French, Spanish and German), which account for over 96 per cent of all language examinations at standard grade (the qualification set at the end of compulsory schooling when students are sixteen years of age). Of interest is the fact that the data figures reveal that the fourth most popular language examined was Latin, with a learner uptake greater than Gaelic, Italian and Urdu (SQA, 2013). While there are instances of innovative practice (SCILT, 2011b), inspection evidence indicates that practice in delivering modern languages varies in standard and quality in secondary schools (HMIE, 2007) and a predisposition for traditional approaches to foreign language teaching means young people are not always sufficiently challenged and motivated. These instructional approaches emphasize the rote learning of vocabulary and grammar, varied use of the target language in the classroom and an overdependence on teaching to the test and teaching from textbooks. This is in contrast with the preferred pedagogical method encouraged in the primary school sector where attempts are made to employ the extensive use of the target language through daily classroom routines, embedding languages in the curriculum and interdisciplinary learning (Hood and Tobutt, 2009). Taking the Gaelic model to one side, the number of immersion programmes in Scottish primary schools where children are involved in content and language integrated learning (CLIL) remains very thin on the ground. Exceptions include an Italian initiative (Crichton and Templeton, 2010) and a now defunct French project (Johnstone and McKinstry, 2008). While there is a lack of CLIL provision in Scotland, in other parts of Europe such as Spain the employment of CLIL is a growing phenomenon (Dalton-Puffer and Smit, 2013; Linares et al., 2012).

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This pedagogical approach to language learning has proved to be an efficient way of translating EU policy into practice for school in terms of finding space in curriculum and without too many additional resources. It is regrettable that Scotland has found no further appetite for such CLIL provision as a part of mainstream education despite research confirming the benefits for CLIL students in both motivation and language competency (Ruiz de Zarobe et al., 2009). However, the promotion of languages within the scope of MFL is frequently at the discretion of shifting ideologies mediated through political and economic considerations. This can be illustrated by China’s reintegration within the global trading systems, which has fuelled requests from both politicians and the business sector for Chinese to be taught in Scottish schools to support Scotland’s commercial activity with China. A new era of educational cooperation between China and Scotland in 2006 (Scottish Government, 2006) and a third strategy for engagement in 2012 have seen Chinese government investment in the creation of twelve Confucius hubs in Scottish schools to support the teaching of Mandarin, and presently about seventy schools teach the language. This is not unlike the promotion of Russian in the 1980s and Japanese in the 1990s, once viewed as fashionable and prestigious world languages. As yet the teaching of Mandarin in mainstream schools in Scotland remains an underexplored field of research but insights can be gained from a variety of counties such as Australia (Chen and Zhang, in press) and England (Medwell et al., 2012). These studies reveal a number of challenges such as the necessity to provide a differentiated programme to cater to the various needs of learners including ethnic Chinese pupils and pupils from a non- or mixed Chinese heritage; pedagogical tensions when visiting teachers from China employ traditional approaches to teaching and learning and an emphasis on cultural activities (such as Chinese cookery, dance and paper lantern making) resulting in tokenistic superficial language and literacy learning. The portrait above reveals that Scotland is currently failing to keep up with its European neighbours in cultivating plurilingual citizenship where schoolchildren have more opportunities to study several foreign languages simultaneously and from a younger age (Eurydice, 2012). The Scottish government’s response is an ambitious national 1+2 approach based on the European model, with an aim that, by 2020, every child in Scotland should have mastered the basics of two additional languages by the time they leave primary school (Scottish Government, 2012). This attempt to radically reform MFL policies includes

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earlier access to language learning for children at the primary stage, enhanced partnership between primary and secondary schools, more extensive and more effective use of technology and regular access to native and fluent speakers to stimulate young people’s interest in language learning. The Scottish government has funded a pilot project involving nine schools to trial and demonstrate ways in which schools can make the transition to the 1+2 model. Results so far are encouraging, with primary children making good progress and confidently switching between languages with further funding matched again for 2014–2015 (TESS, 2013). However, at this point in time, it is too early to comment on how the proposed programme of work will be fully embedded across schools in Scotland in order to bring benefits to all children. This policy challenge will be discussed further in the last section of the chapter.

The heritage languages of migrants In contrast to the Scottish government’s investment in rejuvenating regional languages and its commitment to the expansion of MFL teaching, outlined in the previous sections, the heritage languages of migrants have not received as much policy attention. The linguistic landscape of Scotland has traditionally been characterized by nearly half a century by large settled communities of citizens originally from commonwealth countries such as Pakistan, India, Bangladesh and Hong Kong. More recently, the enlargement of the European Union in 2004 and 2007 brought a substantial, and largely unexpected, arrival of migrant workers seeking employment, especially from Poland, who contribute to the country’s economy and whose children have added to the richness of multilingual classrooms. The 2011 census saw an eighteen-fold increase in the number of people who spoke Polish at home over the last decade and there have been sizeable increases in the number of people from India, China and Nigeria. According to the Scottish School Census, about 4 per cent of the school population are characterized as having English as an additional language, with the figure rising to 12 per cent in the main urban areas (Scottish Government, 2013). With the exception of Urdu and Chinese, there are almost no opportunities in mainstream schools to learn the heritage languages in use among Scottish schoolchildren and young people. In the absence of policy it is, therefore, left

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to the efforts and resourcefulness of minority communities and concerned parents to establish and organize complementary schools5 in order to develop their children’s heritage languages, as they believe the languages are integral to their identity, home literacy practices and cultural heritage (Hancock, 2006). McPake (2006), who has conducted the only audit of complementary schools in Scotland, has shown that the scope and nature of such provision are very patchy. While there are some excellent programmes, and the level of commitment among providers is high, much of the provision is constrained by lack of resources as the schools rely on the campaigning strength of community members to self-fund, chase restricted grants from local councils or pursue subsidies from consulates. Furthermore, the complementary schoolteachers frequently include volunteer parents (predominantly mothers) and visiting international students (Hancock, 2012a). Although the complementary schools in Scotland have an implicit onelanguage-only policy to encourage learners to use the heritage language, observations at the schools (Bonacina and Gafaranga, 2011; Hancock, 2012a) reveal classrooms as sites where children are involved in languaging (García, 2009) by drawing on their bilingual and biliterate resources as tools for learning. Encouraging closer links between mainstream and complementary schools will help raise the profile of these marginalized schools and allow children’s multilingual language learning to become more visible within mainstream education. Some seminal work on operational partnerships between the two sectors has been developed in England (Kenner and Ruby, 2012; The National Centre for Languages, 2008), but this kind of school–community collaboration has still to make significant inroads in Scotland. Within the current language policy context migrant children and young people are faced with two or more competing languages, one of which is the language of education and upward social mobility. There is a strong incentive, therefore, for those in the language minority to learn the language of power in order to participate fully in mainstream society. As such, attention and energy have been directed towards providing appropriate English language support for bilingual learners where the focus is on attaining English language skills as quickly as possible rather than offering opportunities for developing their heritage language skills. The Education (Additional Support for Learning) Act of 2004 (amended 2009) introduced a new inclusive framework in Scotland to provide for children and young people who require additional support with their learning and, for

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the first time, it includes those with EAL. The accompanying Code of Practice (Revised edition) contains the following advice to teachers: A need for additional support does not imply that a child or young person lacks any abilities or skills. For example, bilingual children or young people, whose first language is not English, may already have a fully developed home language and a wide range of achievements, skills and attributes. Any lack of English should be addressed within a learning and teaching programme which takes full account of the individual’s abilities and learning needs. (Scottish Government, 2010, p. 25)

This discourse clearly acknowledges the ‘linguistic capital’ bilingual pupils bring to school, which can act as a foundation for teaching and learning. Although the legislation has raised the profile of learners of EAL in the Scottish context, it has been argued that the framework lacks guidance for teachers about appropriate language-sensitive pedagogy. Another critique is that the policy demonstrates a rather simplistic ideology as it brackets all learners of EAL together with the same needs and experiences (Hancock, 2012b). Whereas the reality is that there is a diverse range of learners in terms of migration histories, sociolinguistic profiles and educational backgrounds whose evolving and complex identities are inextricably linked to changing proficiencies, allegiances and affiliations to different languages and literacies. An Inspectorate report (HMIE, 2009) examining practice and provision for newly arrived children and young people in educational settings revealed that schools take better account of children’s prior knowledge and experience, make greater use of children’s heritage language to access the curriculum and ensure that learning activities are always academically challenging.

Discussion and conclusion This chapter has provided a brief sketch of language education in Scotland’s schools, including decisions about which languages should be used or taught, and how languages are acquired in schools as a result of historical legacies and contemporary sociocultural and political factors. It has shown that in some areas, such as GME, encouraging changes have occurred as a result of parental requests for bilingual provision, and a new policy direction for MFL has been set out, although there remain low levels of foreign language proficiency among school population in Scotland when compared to their counterparts in other European

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states. The chapter has also illustrated how the Scots language has benefited from grassroots activity as a result of enthusiastic teachers, but that languages of migrants continue to be largely ignored at school level where learners have to rely on community-initiated complementary schools for the intergenerational maintenance of languages. This postdevolutionary context has given rise to ‘language silos’ as policy formation and provision has been fashioned separately for different categories of languages, through a variety of mechanisms, such as legislation, policy statements and individual school or community initiatives but independent of any comprehensive and integrated national policy for languages. A coordinated national language policy has proved to be elusive due to a lack of political will and the vicissitudes of governance. One of the first inquiries of the Education, Culture and Sport Committee, following the establishment of the newly devolved government, was to investigate the role of policy in guiding and promoting the languages of Scotland. A subsequent report was circulated in 2003 but it was a further four years before a draft document entitled ‘A Strategy for Scotland’s Languages’ was compiled. In the course of consultation, the strategy was overwhelmingly criticized by both activists and scholars because of differentiated entitlements (Hancock, 2011; Unger, 2010), and the heralding of new political administration in 2007 meant the strategy was shelved. The direction of travel for future language policy development and provision remains uncertain. There are some hopeful signs and the adoption of the new 1+2 programme has provided scope for an ambitious approach to language learning, which aims to be inclusive of all learners. According to the Government Report, account should be taken of Scotland’s own languages (Gaelic and Scots), modern European languages, languages of the strong economies of the future, community languages and also the delivery of EAL (Scottish Government, 2012, p. 14). The challenge now is for schools to decide upon a menu of languages to offer and to begin to think creatively in order to validate and build on the linguistic resources that children already possess, including the languages of migrants and BSL in order to fast-track plurilingualism for these learners (McColl, 2011). The government’s pledge to offer two additional languages at primary school is in line with Scotland’s increasing development as a linguistically diverse and multicultural nation. This new policy steer is not without dissenting voices, which claim the initiative is unsustainable and unlikely to be rolled out across the whole of Scotland. Academics have warned that the plans to teach two foreign tongues in primary school are unrealistic for a numbers of reasons (Tierney and Gallastegi, 2013).

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First, the lack of suitably qualified teachers with the required proficiency skills and pedagogical knowledge will hold up attempts to introduce languages. The piecemeal approach to MFL within Initial Teacher Education (ITE) programmes is an added challenge to providing adequately trained staff to implement the new model (Donaldson, 2011). Second, some sceptics believe scarce resources would be better targeted at upper primary with foreign language assistants working in collaboration with mainstream teachers rather than focusing on a select few primary schools. They point to the fact that the policy of introducing languages in the upper primary school has still not been successfully met and they also question the research evidence about the benefits of learning additional languages early (Tierney and Gallastegi, 2005). Third, opponents to the plan believe that comparing Scotland with other European countries is unreliable, as in many countries the most taught second foreign language is English, where students perceive the language as useful for their future education and personal life. Additionally, primary teachers in European countries specialize in a language, usually English, so implementation is not so challenging (Eurydice, 2012). Finally, those critical of the plan believe elements are unclear and wonder which of the twelve languages mentioned in the Languages Working Group report will be taught, given that choice of languages will have an impact on the continuity and progression of language learning during the transition from primary to secondary school. There is also a debate about whether schools should stick with traditional MFLs such as French and Spanish or put more emphasis on Mandarin and the languages of emerging economies. In summary, the government’s manifesto promise will require a substantial commitment to resources at a time of unprecedented financial constraint and a radical overhaul of current provision to allow an entitlement to learning two additional languages. Even with a budget in place to implement the 1+2 model, its success relies on a cultural shift in language learning (especially in secondary schools) so that children and young people recognize that knowing only one language – English – is insufficient to engage fully in a global society and economy. Furthermore, the independence referendum in September 2014 could witness Scotland walking away from the UK. This political realignment will probably give rise to an even stronger swell of interest in both Gaelic and Scots. The strong symbolic claim on the nation’s cultural heritage and emotional ties to a sovereign Scottish identity, alongside a discourse which values children’s existing linguistic resources, may help bolster citizenship and Scotland’s international standing in this increasingly complex and globalized world.

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Acknowledgement I am grateful to Rachel O’Neill for her assistance with BSL.

Notes 1 Previous to the creation of the Scottish Parliament in 1999, educational policy and practice in Scotland (along with the church and law) had remained distinctive from the ways of England and the other two nations – Wales and Northern Ireland – that make up the rest of the United Kingdom. 2 However, the Act did not grant parents any rights in relation to Gaelic education. An amendment to this effect was defeated and this omission is considered one of the principal shortcomings of the Act. 3 Executive non-departmental public body of the Scottish government with responsibility for Gaelic. 4 For details of resources, see www.educationscotland.gov.uk/knowledgeoflanguage/ scots/index.asp. 5 The term ‘complementary’ school has replaced ‘community’ and ‘supplementary’ school in the UK in order to illustrate the positive complementary function of teaching and learning between these two.

References Bonacina, F. and Gafaranga, J. (2011) ‘“Medium of instruction” vs. “medium of classroom interaction”: language choice in a French complementary school classroom in Scotland’, International Journal of Bilingual Education and Bilingualism, 14:3, pp. 319–334. Chen, S. and Zhang, Y. (In press) ‘Chinese language teaching in Australia’, in: Curdt-Christiansen X-L. and Hancock A. (eds) Learning Chinese in Diasporic: Many Pathways to Being Chinese, Amsterdam, John Benjamins. Corbett, J., McClure, J.D. and Stuart-Smith, J. (2003) ‘A brief history of Scots’, in: Corbett, J., McClure, J.D. and Stuart-Smith, J. (eds) The Edinburgh Companion to Scots, Edinburgh, Edinburgh University Press. Council of Europe (2010) ECRML: Application of the Charter in the United Kingdom. Strasbourg, Council of Europe. Craig, C. (2009) A Comparative Analysis of the Use of Scots Language and Literature in Selected Primary and Secondary Schools in Aberdeenshire (2008/2009), Aberdeen, Aberdeen University.

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Crichton, H. and Templeton, B. (2010) An Evaluation of the Partial Immersion Project at St. Aloysius College Junior School, Glasgow, University of Glasgow. Dalton-Puffer, C. and Smit, U. (2013) ‘Content and language integrated learning: a research agenda’, Language Teaching 46:4, pp. 545–559. Donaldson, G. (2011) Teaching Scotland’s Future: Report of a Review of Teacher Education in Scotland, Edinburgh, Scottish Government. Eurydice (2012) Key Data on Teaching Languages at School in Europe 2012, Brussels, Education, Audiovisual and Culture Executive Agency. Evans, R. (2009) Audit of Current Scots Language Provision in Scotland. Edinburgh, Scottish Government Social Research. Fishman, J.A. (ed.) (1999) Handbook of Language and Ethnicity, New York, Oxford University Press. Fortune, T.W. and Tedick, D.J. (eds) (2008) Pathways to Multilingualism: Evolving Perspectives on Immersion Education, Clevedon, Multilingual Matters. García, O. (2009) Bilingual Education in the 21st Century: A Global Perspective, Oxford, Blackwell. Grimes, M., Thoutenhoofd, E.D. and Byrne, D. (2007) ‘Language approaches used with deaf pupils in Scottish schools: 2001–2004’, Journal of Deaf Studies and Deaf Education, 21:4, pp. 530–551. Grove, D. (2012) Talking the Talk – A Rapid Review of the Impact on Scottish Business of a Monolingual Workforce. Available at: www.scotland.gov.uk/ Resource/0039/00393436.pdf [Accessed 30 September13]. Gunning, D. and Raffe, D. (2011) ‘14–19 Education across Great Britain–convergence or divergence?’, London Review of Education, 9:2, pp. 245–257. HMIe (2007) Modern Languages: A Portrait of Current Practice in Scottish Schools, Livingston, HM Inspectorate of Education. ——— (2009) Count Us In: Meeting the Needs of Children and Young People Newly Arrived in Scotland, Livingston, HM Inspectorate of Education. ——— (2011) Gaelic Education: Building on the Successes, Addressing the Barriers. Livingston, HM Inspectorate of Education. Hancock, A. (2006) ‘Attitudes and approaches to literacy in Scottish Chinese families’, Language and Education, 20:5, pp. 355–373. ——— (2011) ‘Turning the tide: student teachers and pedagogical perspectives of multilingual primary schools in Scotland’, in: Breidbach, S., Elsner, D. and Young, A. (eds) Language Awareness in Teacher Education: Cultural-Political and SocioEducational Dimensions, Frankfurt, Peter Lang, pp. 239–248. ——— (2012a) ‘Unpacking mundane practices: children’s experiences of learning literacy at a Chinese complementary school in Scotland’, Language and Education, 26:1, pp. 1–17. ——— (2012b) ‘Inclusive practices for pupils with English as an additional language’, in: Arshad, R., Wrigley, T. and Pratt, L. (eds) Social Justice Re-Examined: Dilemmas and Solutions for the Classroom Teacher, Stoke-on-Trent, Trentham Books, pp. 97–113.

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Hodgart, J. (2011) Scots Language in Curriculum for Excellence, Musselburgh, Scots Language Society Annual Meeting. Hood, P. and Tobutt, K. (eds) (2009) Modern Languages in the Primary School, London, Sage. Johnstone, R., Harlen, W., MacNeil, M., Stradling, B. and Thorpe, G. (1999) The Attainment of Pupils Receiving Gaelic-Medium Primary Education in Scotland, Stirling, Scottish CILT. Johnstone, R., Doughty, H. and McKinstry, R. (2003) Gaelic Learners in the Primary School (GLPS) in Argyll & Bute, East Ayrshire, North Lanarkshire, Perth & Kinross and Stirling: Evaluation Report, Stirling, Scottish CILT. Johnstone, R. and McKinstry, R. (2008) Evaluation of Early Primary Partial Immersion in French, Stirling, Scottish CILT. Kenner, C. and Ruby, M. (2012) Interconnecting Worlds: Teacher Partnerships for Bilingual Learning, Stoke-onTrent, Trentham Books. Linares, A., Morton, T. and Whittaker, R. (2012) The Roles of Language in CLIL, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. Lucas, K. (2009) ‘Modern Scots for modern Scots’. Chartered Teacher Studies, 15, pp. 6–7. McColl, H. (2011) ‘1 + 2 = Free.?’, Scottish Languages Review, 24, pp. 51–58. Medwell, J., Richardson, K. and Li, L. (2012) ‘Working together to train tomorrow’s teachers of Chinese’, Scottish Languages Review, 25, pp. 39–46. McPake, J. (2006) Provision for Community Language Learning in Scotland, Edinburgh, Scottish Executive Education Department. Murdoch, S. (1996) Language Politics in Scotland, 2nd edition. Aberdeen, Aiberdeen Universitie Scots Leid Quorum. Nicolson, M. (2003) ‘Language and who we are: some Scottish student perspectives’, Scottish Educational Review, 35:2, pp. 121–134. O’Hanlon, F., McLeod, W. and Paterson, L. (2010) Gaelic-Medium Education in Scotland: Choice and Attainment in Primary and Early Secondary School, Edinburgh, Bòrd na Gàidhlig/University of Edinburgh. Oliver, J. (2005) ‘Scottish Gaelic identities: contexts and contingencies’, Scottish Affairs, 51, pp. 1–24. Oram, R. (2011) Domination and Lordship: Scotland, 1070–1230, New Edinburgh History of Scotland. vol. 3, Edinburgh, Edinburgh University. Priestley, M. (2010) ‘Curriculum for excellence: transformational change or business as usual?’, Scottish Educational Review, 42:1, pp. 23–36. Ruiz de Zarobe, Y., Jimenez, C. and Rosa, M. (eds) (2009) Content Language Integrated Learning: Evidence from Research in Europe, Bristol, Multilingual Matters. SCILT (2011a) National Survey of Modern Language Provision in Scottish Schools. Glasgow, SCILT. ——— (2011b) Modern Languages Excellence Report, Glasgow, SCILT.

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SQA (2013) Scottish Qualification Authority Annual Statistical Report. Available at: http://www.sqa.org.uk/sqa/63001.html [Accessed 4 December 2013]. Scottish Executive (2000) (Mulgrew Report) Citizens of a Multilingual World, Ministerial Action Group on Languages, Edinburgh, Scottish Executive. Scottish Government (2006) Scotland’s Strategy for Stronger Engagement with China. Available at: http://www.scotland.gov.uk/Publications/2006/08/23080408/0 ——— (2010) Supporting Children’s Learning: Code of Practice. (Revised Edition), Edinburgh, Scottish Government. ——— (2011) Scots Language Working Group Report: Response from the Scottish Government, Edinburgh, Scottish Government. ——— (2012) Language Learning in Scotland: A 1+2 Approach: The Scottish Government Response to the Report of the Languages Working Group, Edinburgh, Scottish Government. ——— (2013) Scottish School Census. Available at: http://www.scotland.gov.uk/ Publications/2013/12/4199/16 [Accessed 26 November 2013]. Times Educational Supplement Scotland (TESS) (2013). New Initiative Gets Chorus of Approval, 22 November 2013. The National Centre for Languages (CILT) (2008) A Toolkit for Partnership: Our Languages Project, CILT, Reading. Tierney, D. and Gallastegi, L. (2005) ‘Where are we going with primary foreign languages’, Language Learning Journal, 31, pp. 41–54. ——— (2013) ‘Learning new languages is now a primary concern’, Times Educational Supplement Scotland, 26 April 2013 [Accessed 7 June, 2013]. TNS-BMRB (2010) Public Attitudes Towards the Scots Language, Edinburgh, Scottish Government Social Research. Unger, J.W. (2008) ‘A keek at Scots lang syne: a brief overview of the historical development of Scots language’, Vienna English Working Papers, 17:1, pp. 91–101. ——— (2010) ‘Legitimating inaction: differing identity constructions of the Scots language’, European Journal of Cultural Studies, 13:1, pp. 99–117.

Part Three

Wales

9

Wales: An Overview Sally Power

Introduction In 2008, Rhodri Morgan, the then first minister, described Wales as a ‘small, clever country’. Wales is certainly small, at least in terms of people, having a population of only just over three million. Its education system is correspondingly small. At the time of writing, it had around 1400 primary schools, just over 200 secondary schools and thirty special schools, fourteen further education colleges and eight universities. Whether or not it is ‘clever country’ is more contested. Since parliamentary devolution in 1998, Wales has developed its own distinctive programme of education policies which has attracted significant amounts of both praise and criticism. This chapter provides a brief overview of the key elements of current developments in the Welsh education system. It outlines the extent to which there is a distinctively ‘Welsh’ approach to education and how this is reflected in contemporary policy and provision. The chapter concludes by discussing how Wales’ education system is faring under the new regime.

Is there a distinctively ‘Welsh’ approach to education? When people talk about education in England and Wales, they often lump the two countries together – nearly always with the assumption that what happens in England also apply to Wales. Even before parliamentary devolution, such an assumption was problematic – and ignored the different histories of education provision in both nations.1 After devolution, eliding Wales with England is even

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more misguided. That this error occurs frequently indicates a lack of awareness of developments in the UK in general and in Wales in particular. In 1997, the people of Wales voted in favour of political devolution. As a result, the National Assembly for Wales was established in 1999 and it was given responsibility for the governance of key areas of policy, including health and education. Since then the Welsh government has developed a reform agenda that is markedly different from that of its nearest neighbour, England. In highlighting the differences in this reform agenda, it is important to bear in mind that there are strong continuities with the past (see, for example, Rees, 2005, for a measured assessment of the postdevolution change).2 Nevertheless, while much has stayed the same, the Welsh government has arguably sought to reflect and reinforce particular Welsh political traditions and cultural attributes. In terms of political complexion, Wales was one of the earliest countries to experience both rapid industrialization and then deindustrialization. As Drakeford (2007) argues, this has contributed to a long-term commitment in Wales to left-of-centre redistributive politics (see Jones (1992), for an insightful history of political allegiances in Wales). When Wales gained greater control of its affairs, the newly formed Welsh Assembly Government (now simply the Welsh government), not surprisingly, sought to distance itself from the neoliberal politics which had characterized successive London-based governments, most notably the new right agenda of Margaret Thatcher (1979–1992), but also the ‘third way’ New Labourism of Tony Blair and Gordon Brown (1997–2010). In 2002, Rhodri Morgan made his famous ‘clear red water’ speech which outlined the different approach that Wales would take: Our commitment to equality leads directly to a model of the relationship between the government and the individual which regards that individual as a citizen rather than as a consumer. Approaches which prioritise choice over equality of outcome rest, in the end, upon a market approach to public services, in which individual economic actors pursue their own best interests with little regard for wider considerations. (Morgan, 2002)

These wider considerations have usually involved the pursuit of greater social justice. Drakeford (2007), former adviser to Rhodri Morgan and now assembly member and minister, argues that the Welsh commitment to social justice is based on a series of core principles, including: ●●

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Good government is good for you Progressive universalism

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Cooperation is better than competition High trust not low trust Ethic of participation Greater equality of outcome

Of course, this form of social justice and the principles that underpin it are – and remain – aspirations yet to be realized. Nevertheless, their strong presence in the policy discourse has given Welsh reforms a different flavour from those in England, where the language reflects dominant concerns with institutional effectiveness, performance targets and accountability (see Ball (2013), for an analysis of the changing policy discourse in England). Not only does Wales draw on different political traditions, but it also has a distinctive cultural heritage. It celebrates this through the annual National Eisteddfod of Wales, one of the largest cultural events in the world which brings together performers and artists to celebrate Welsh heritage. Its youth equivalent, the Urdd National Eisteddford, also provides a focal event for many schoolchildren in Wales. However, what marks Wales out most clearly from England is the continued presence of Welsh as a ‘living language’. Wales is officially a bilingual country and the Welsh government has made strong moves, particularly since devolution, to ensure that the Welsh language has parity with English and continues to thrive. The latest census suggests that there has been some decline in the number of fluent Welsh speakers – largely as a result of outmigration. Nonetheless, nearly one-fifth of the Welsh population speak Welsh, and in some areas (Anglesey, Gwynedd) it remains the majority language (ONS, 2012). This has important implications for the education system in Wales. The following section considers how these distinctive political and cultural attributes are reflected in education provision and reinforced by the reform agenda of the Welsh government.

Education and the pursuit of social justice in Wales Huw Lewis (2013), Wales’ minister for education and skills, has argued strongly for the transformative power of education but ‘only if supported by policies promoting social justice and aiming for the eradication of poverty – those two things go together’. Returning to Drakeford’s core principles (outlined above), we can see how this commitment to social justice can be

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found in the Welsh education reform agenda – and is noticeably absent in English education policies. In general, Welsh education policies do appear to be based on the principle that ‘good government is good for you’ – and in this respect stand in strong contrast to the ideologies underpinning England’s public sector reforms. Since the 1980s, education policies in England have been driven by an assumption that the notion of good government is oxymoronic and that, in general, government is ‘bad for you’. Successive neoliberal administrations have tried to lessen what they saw as the ‘dead hand of the state’ on schools, teachers and parents and reduce the power of what were sometimes referred to as ‘local education monopoles’ (Flew, 1991). In England, the capacity of local authorities to redistribute resources and target areas of need has been significantly weakened as almost all funding is now devolved directly to schools. In England, Conservative governments have sought to remove state-maintained schools from the control of their local authorities entirely through encouraging existing and new schools to operate independently of local government.3 Indeed, a significant number of local authorities have had many of their education services privatized. In Wales, local authorities remain central to the governance and administration of the education system. Although financial budgets have been devolved to schools, a significant proportion is still retained at local authority level to provide a range of supplementary services. There are no moves to encourage schools to ‘opt out’ of local government control, and there have been no moves to privatize local authority services – even where they have been assessed to be unsatisfactory.4 In short, while it is acknowledged that there are problems within the governance of education in Wales, the solution is not seen to reside in reducing government control.5 Also, and unlike in England, there is a visible commitment to ‘progressive universalism’. While in England, Tony Blair’s adviser Alistair Campbell famously derided the ‘bog standard’ comprehensive and argued that uniformity implies mediocrity, Wales has continued to uphold the virtues of a comprehensive education system. Indeed Britain’s first comprehensive school (Ysgol Uwchradd Caergybi) opened in the North Wales town of Holyhead in 1949. Speaking in 2013, the Welsh minister for education and skills reaffirmed his belief: ‘in the worth and the potential of community-based, comprehensive education …  I think in their bones this is the way the Welsh people want things to be’ (Lewis, 2013).

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Unlike in England, where state-maintained grammar schools continue to thrive despite a number of attempts to remove them, Wales has no academic selection by ability at secondary school level. Neither does it have the range of specialist schools nor academies which have mushroomed in England and which attract and select pupils on the basis of aptitude. (See Coldron et al. (2009), for a review of the incidence of selection in England.) In general, with the exception of Welsh-medium schools (discussed below), there is little institutional diversity. There are, for example, far fewer private schools in Wales. In England, over 7 per cent of pupils attend private schools. In Wales, the proportion stands at just under 2 per cent. The progressive dimension of the commitment to universal provision can be seen in the introduction of Wales’ Foundation Phase programme, which covers children from preschool education to eight years old. While England’s education minister (Gove, 2013) talks of the ‘progressive betrayal’ of children and seeks to introduce a ‘back to basics’ curriculum for young learners, Wales’ Foundation Phase continues to uphold the merit of progressive pedagogies. Inspired by movements in Italy and Scandinavia based on the principles of child-centred education, the Foundation Phase is designed to offer children a ‘rich curriculum’ with a central focus on well-being (Aasen and Waters, 2006; Maynard et al., 2013). A similar contrast between England and Wales can be found at the other end of the schooling process. The Welsh Baccalaureate, first piloted in 2003 and now rolled out across the country, offers fourteen- to nineteen-year-olds a broad spectrum of vocational skills and general education. Importantly, these are delivered alongside and not just instead of more specialist academic A-level courses. The tenet that cooperation is better than competition is evident not only in the policy discourse but also in the attempts to reduce between-school competition through abandoning the annual publication of league tables of primary and secondary school performance. While the Welsh government has subsequently brought in a system of banding in order to compare secondary school performance, rankings are based on a complex range of factors (including relative improvement as well as absolute attainment) which makes it difficult to use them as a simple yardstick on which to base school choice. The Welsh government has also sought to work with teachers – eschewing some of the more hostile portrayals of the teaching profession and the ‘education establishment’ which can be found in England. The Welsh government likes to speak of ‘partnerships’ – aspiring for a high rather than a

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low trust relationship. In reflecting on the lack of strike action taken by Welsh teachers in 2013, the minister claims, there was no grand-standing, there was no horse trading, there was no capitulation by one side or another – there was respect through dialogue and negotiation – an open door and a willingness to listen and so Wales has avoided what England is suffering this autumn in terms of a teacher dispute. It is not rocket science to hold on to a sense of respect and a willingness to listen. (Lewis, 2013)

The notion of dialogue also reflects the ethic of participation underpinning the Welsh commitment to social justice (Drakeford, 2007). Wales was the first, and remains the only, country in the UK to make school councils mandatory. The Schools Councils (Wales) Regulations introduced in 2005 require all schools to establish a council which will be convened at least six times each year and will enable pupils to discuss matters relating to their school, their education and any other matters of concern them. Although Estyn inspections (2008) and other research (Farrell, 2010) indicate that these councils may not always be as effective or as participatory as many would like, they do provide a symbol of participatory democracy. Finally, aspects of Welsh education policy are directed at trying to reduce educational inequalities. The relationship between poverty and attainment is as strong in Wales as elsewhere, but the Welsh government has tried to put in place measures to ameliorate the worst effects of poverty. While England has abolished the Educational Maintenance Allowance (a means-tested bursary provided for those from poorer backgrounds to stay in education after the leaving age of sixteen), Wales (like Scotland) has continued to protect it. Similarly, at higher education level, Wales has tried to soften the impact of raised tuition fees by subsidising the fees of Welsh-domiciled students, avoiding the payment of upfront fees through making loans available and providing a wide range of means-assessed grants for those from poorer backgrounds.

Education and the national identity In addition to protecting and furthering the social democratic tradition in Wales, the Welsh government, like all states, is concerned to use education to foster a stronger sense of nationhood (Green, 1991). A key element in Welsh national identity is the Welsh language, and, since devolution, the government

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has sought to foster bilingualism at all levels of the education system. Iaith Pawb (WAG, 2003, p. 11) is the national strategy designed to create a bilingual Wales, where ‘people may choose to live their lives through the medium of either or both Welsh or English and where the presence of the two languages is a source of pride and strength to us all’. While Welsh is taught as a core subject in all schools and is now compulsory up to Key Stage 4, the main component of Iaith Pawb is the development of Welsh-medium education. The first state-funded Welsh-medium school was established in 1947 in Llanelli, and since then there has been a significant increase in the number of such schools (see Williams (2003), for an account around the struggles for Welsh medium education). Currently, over one-fifth (22 per cent) of seven-year-olds are taught in the medium of Welsh (WG, 2013). There is some fall-off in numbers as children progress to secondary education – where less than one-fifth (17 per cent) are assessed in Welsh as a first language at Year 9. Data on Welsh-medium post-sixteen provision are harder to come by, but students are still entitled to undertake their study in the Welsh language all the way through to doctoral level. Coleg Cymraeg Cenedlaethol is a national body tasked with supporting students wishing to study in Welsh. All universities in Wales offer some provision and courses in the Welsh language. In view of the growing demand for Welsh-medium education, a significant proportion of higher education provision in Welsh comprises initial teacher education courses to supply teachers for Welsh-medium schools and Welsh language teaching. At the compulsory phase, it is not surprising that most Welsh-medium schools are to be found in the traditional Welsh-speaking areas. For example, in Gwynedd 98 per cent of seven-year-olds are taught in the medium of Welsh. However, recent decades have seen an increase in the number of parents who do not speak Welsh themselves sending their children to Welsh-medium schools. For example, between 2002 and 2012 the highest rate of growth in seven-yearolds enrolled in Welsh-medium schools was in Caerphilly, which is in a largely English-speaking authority (WG, 2013). The reasons for this trend are likely to be complex and include a range of factors such as cultural and social preferences and educational benefits (Baker, 2006). There is some evidence that standards in these schools are higher6 and that bilingualism brings broader educational and occupational benefits (Davies, 2011; Mann, 2011). Fostering a sense of ‘Welshness’ is not only about language. As long ago as 1991, the now-defunct Curriculum Council for Wales laid out the principal dimensions of the current Curriculum Cymreig. In addition to the Welsh

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language, the curriculum is designed to cover those aspects of curriculum content which are distinctive to Wales. Its purpose is to ‘help pupils to understand what is distinctive about life in Wales, to celebrate diversity and to acquire a real sense of belonging’ (ACCAC, 2003). In addition, one-quarter of the core of the previously mentioned Welsh Baccalaureate is on ‘Wales, Europe and the World’ and contains four elements: politics, social issues, economic and technological issues and cultural issues.7 Typical learning activities include visiting the Senedd (the home of the National Assembly for Wales), discussing the social issues associated with living in a bilingual country, developing posters for tourism in Wales and examining portrayals of Welsh culture in the media. In summary, postdevolution education reforms in Wales can be seen to combine a distinctive political approach to education and a commitment to protect and strengthen those aspects of Welshness which will lead to strong positive national identities. However, education systems are increasingly being evaluated not only in terms of their own national agendas but also in terms of their performance relative to other countries.

How is Wales’ education system doing? In the fifteen years since democratic devolution, it should be possible to begin to get a sense of how things are going for Wales. To what extent has the ‘clear red water’ which the Welsh first minister wished to put between Welsh and English politics led to better outcomes for Welsh children? Attempting to answer to such a deceptively simple question is fraught with difficulties. As we shall see, most assessments so far suffer from ideological bias, oversimplification and a lack of comparable data. Speaking in 2012, Michael Gove, England’s secretary of state for education, told the House of Commons,  …  it grieves me that the Welsh education system went backwards under Labour, and it grieves me even more that every objective assessment of what has happened under Labour in Wales shows that education has improved more quickly and effectively in England than in Wales. (Gove, 2012)

A year later in December 2013, Gove warned voters in England that ‘you need only look over the Severn to see a country going backwards’. In some ways it is not surprising that right-wing politicians in England look to show the alleged ‘failure’ of the more left-wing Welsh government. Rees

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(2012) notes that there has been an interesting shift in perception in recent times from largely positive views of Wales’ education reforms in the first few years of devolution to the current portrayal of these same reforms as being little short of disastrous. This shift may be less about the changing fortunes of the Welsh education system and rather more about the changing political climate in England. The UK General Election in 2010 replaced New Labour’s centre-left government with a Conservative-dominated coalition which was hardly likely to view developments in Wales with a sympathetic eye. Michael Gove, known to be a keen supporter of private education, traditional teaching methods and a narrowly academic curriculum, could hardly be expected to warm to a system based on progressivism and a commitment to comprehensive schooling and a broad-based curriculum. Ideological bias can also be seen in more academic evaluations of the Welsh education system. Reynolds (2008), in his assessment of Wales’ education policies after ten years of New Labour, argues that Welsh policy is based on ‘producerism’ in contrast to England’s ‘consumerism’. To some extent this distinction echoes Morgan’s desire to put ‘clear red water’ between England and Wales. But Reynolds’ analysis also implies that the Welsh approach is not only distinctive but aberrant; that is, it is irrational rather than evidence based. For example, Reynolds argues that Wales is going against the grain of ‘policies seen as axiomatic internationally’ (2008, p. 754) – ignoring the significant amount of doubt and debate about the efficacy of market-led reforms in education – and their rejection in some of the highest-performing countries. Reynolds overlooks the fact that Welsh reforms do have an evidence base. The Foundation Phase, for example, is based on the Scandinavian model, which is widely acclaimed as one of the most successful models of early childhood education. Reynolds claims that rather than being based on evidence, Welsh reforms have been driven instead by ‘hostility to the English policies … marked by a principle of not doing what England did’ (2008, p. 756). This implies that Wales has somehow diverged from a steady reform course being ploughed in England. In reality, the continuities with the past are much stronger in Wales than they are in England. It is possible that the growing gap between England and Wales may be explained less by Wales’ ‘deviation’ from some internationally accepted norm and rather more by the distinctive and, in some ways, ideologically narrow policy path which England is pursuing. It is tempting to counter the kind of discourse of derision which is levelled at Wales with assertions that the ‘Welsh way’ is better. Indeed, many

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commentators do hold Wales up as an admirable bastion against the global tide of neoliberalism (e.g. Toynbee, 2014). However, simply reasserting the virtues of the Welsh reforms is not helpful in acknowledging or addressing the very real challenges which Wales – like all other countries – faces in ensuring that its children have access to high-quality education. Focusing on the priorities and purposes of policies alone potentially confuses the intentions of policy-makers with what is happening on the ground. Judgements on how Wales’ education system is faring on the ground need to be based on empirical evidence rather than political preference. However, empirical evidence on which to make these judgements is hard to come by. Certainly, the ‘objective assessments’ to which Michael Gove refers are less robust than his confident claims assert. In terms of cross-national comparisons, Welsh schoolchildren no longer take some of the key stage tests which would enable straightforward comparisons with England. Even where it is possible to make some form of comparison, we need to ensure that like is being compared with like. Wales is a much smaller country than England – and there are considerable variations between and within the English regions. As Gorard (2002) notes, if one controls for socio-economic factors, differences between the two countries are far less marked. And, as Reynolds (2008) himself concedes, levels of educational expenditure are lower in Wales than they are in England. It is also the case that the emphasis on league tables and targets in England has led to a significant amount of ‘gaming’ which can artificially ‘inflate’ schoollevel performance. For example, an oft-quoted study by academics in England claimed to show that the ‘policy reform in Wales reduced average GCSE performance and raised educational inequality’ (Burgess et al., 2010). However, data from the English schools include a significant number of vocational qualifications which have only approximate equivalence with GCSEs. As Rees (2012) points out, if the comparison is based on GCSEs alone, there is actually very little difference between England and Wales. More robust data are available from the Millennium Cohort Study (MCS). The MCS is a UK-wide longitudinal large-scale birth cohort study which has followed the progress of approximately 19,000 children born in 2000 and tested them on a wide array of aptitudes at the ages of three, five and seven years. Sophisticated cross-country statistical comparisons (Taylor et al., 2013) show the complex nature of relative progress. For example, at age seven, it does appear that children in England have made greater gains in literacy than their counterparts in Scotland and Wales. However, this pattern is not replicated in other important areas of cognitive development.

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In terms of maths ability, Welsh children score just as well as comparable children in England and better than comparable children in Scotland. In terms of measures of pattern construction, children in Wales do significantly better than their counterparts in either England or Scotland. Taylor et al.’s (2013) statistical analysis of the MCS data shows that there do appear to be variations between England, Scotland and Wales in relation to the relative reading progress of children from the most disadvantaged households. In England, the gap between ‘rich’ and ‘poor’ children does not widen as much as it does between comparable children in Wales – and particularly between comparable children in Scotland. This may suggest that Wales has failed to make significant inroads in reducing the attainment gap associated with socio-economic status. However, on other measures, Welsh children do well. Despite their relatively low progress in reading, ‘poor’ children in Wales report greater levels of well-being than comparable children in England. The authors suggest that this might indicate that ‘the possible attention on developing literacy skills in England could come at the expense of children’s subjective wellbeing’ (Taylor et al., 2013, p. 301). The issue of the relative significance of well-being brings us back to the issue of policy priorities. As mentioned earlier, Wales’ Foundation Phase privileges pupil well-being over mastery of literacy and numeracy. This reminds us that in addition to ensuring that any comparisons are made on equivalent data, it is also important to ensure that Wales’ policies are judged not only against others’ yardsticks but against the extent to which they fulfil their own objectives. As Rees (2012) points out, ‘it is instructive that the bench-marks against which Welsh educational performance have been judged are external ones’. Perhaps it is not surprising that Wales performs less well on these criteria. Nonetheless, rejecting overly simplistic international comparisons does not mean turning a blind eye to significant shortcomings. If we compare the progress of policies against their own intended objectives, there is still no room for complacency about what is happening in Wales. In relation to the Foundation Phase, for example, we know that its underpinning principles are sometimes confused, poorly understood and only partially implemented (Taylor et al., 2014 forthcoming). Despite the commitment of the Welsh government to foster the Welsh language, we know that there are concerns about the quality of much Welsh language teaching in Englishmedium schools (Welsh Second Language Review Group, 2013). Similarly, there is evidence that schools are not giving the Curriculum Cymreig the priority that the Welsh government expects (Estyn, 2001).

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Despite political preferences for some ‘clear red water’ between a neoliberal England and a social democratic Wales, market forces still operate in Wales. Even without the publication of official performance league tables, there is competition for places at particular schools that are deemed to be more successful than others. Just as in England, some schools are significantly oversubscribed, while others struggle to recruit. As the analysis of the MCS data (Taylor et al., 2013) suggest, it is also clear that the emphasis on social justice in education continues to remain much more of an aspiration than a reality, and the connection between poverty and low educational attainment remains strong.

Conclusion This chapter has sought to outline the distinctive characteristics of Wales’ postdevolution education reforms. It has argued that, while there are continuities with England and with predevolution Welsh policy and provision, the last fifteen years have seen the emergence of a distinctive programme of policies. These policies reflect Wales’ social democratic political tradition and cultural attributes and have indeed led to ‘clear red water’ between English and Welsh policies. While there is general consensus around the distinct and divergent paths of Welsh and English education policies, there is very little consensus about their relative impacts. Recent years have seen repeated claims from English commentators about the ‘failure’ of postdevolution Welsh education. However, these claims appear to be based more on ideological distaste rather than solid empirical evidence. Such evidence as does exist indicates that Welsh children are good at some things, and less good at others. They may have lower-level literacy skills, for example, but higher levels of subjective well-being. It is simply too early to know what the long-term consequences of these differences will be. Rejecting some of the more crude and ideological critiques of Wales does not mean, though, that there are not significant and serious problems within the Welsh education system. Wales, like all nation-states, is faced with a number of enduring challenges. The relationship between poverty and educational attainment remains a major barrier to Wales’ own desire to promote a more socially just society. It remains to be seen whether the Welsh government has the confidence to ignore the discourse of derision which emanates from England and to continue to place social justice at the heart of its education policy.

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Notes 1 For example, since the 1940s, Wales had its own examination board (Welsh Joint Educational Committee). In 1967, the Welsh Language Act granted Welsh equal validity with English in law – a process which was consolidated by the 1993 Welsh Language Act, which established the Welsh Language Board to promote the use of Welsh. 2 Continuities with predevolution Wales and the education system in England at school level include many elements of the national curriculum which was put in place in 1988 (although many schools in England are now exempt from it), a largely shared examination framework of GCSEs and A-levels. At the higher-education level, responsibility for funding is devolved, but the four nations share the same admissions procedures and research assessment systems. 3 City technology colleges and ‘free’ schools are examples of new state-maintained schools which operate outside the control of local authorities. Grant-maintained schools were existing local authority schools which were encouraged to ‘opt out’ of their authorities. 4 At the time of writing, a small number of Welsh local authorities have ‘failed’ their Estyn inspections. Estyn is the education and training inspectorate for Wales. 5 Two reports into local governance have recently been commissioned which have raised a number of issues about the ‘viability’ of such a small country having twentytwo local authorities. The Williams Report and the Hills Report have recommended a number of strategies including greater use of regional consortia to deliver educational services and reducing the number of authorities. 6 Although the difference in the performance of Welsh- and English-medium schools can largely be attributed to background effects (Gorard, 1998). 7 Although the Welsh Baccalaureate is offered at three levels (Foundation, Intermediate and Advanced) for pupils aged fourteen- to nineteen years old, each level has the same structure.

References Aason, W. and Waters, J. (2006) ‘The new curriculum in Wales: a new view of the child?, Education 3–13’. International Journal of Primary, Elementary and Early Years Education, 34:2, pp. 123–129. ACCAC (Qualifications, Curriculum and Assessment Authority for Wales) (2003) Developing the Curriculum Cymreig, Cardiff, ACCAC. Baker, C. (2006) Foundations of Bilingual Education and Bilingualism, 4th edition. Clevedon, Multilingual Matters.

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Ball, S.J. (2013) The Education Debate (Policy and Politics in the Twenty-first Century), 2nd edition. Bristol, Policy Press. Burgess, S., Wilson, D. and Worth, J. (2010) ‘A natural experiment in school accountability: The impact of school performance information on pupil progress and sorting’, CMPO Working Paper No 10/246. Available at: http://www.bris.ac.uk/cmpo/ publications/papers/2010/wp246.pdf CCW [Curriculum Council for Wales] (1991) The Whole Curriculum 5–16 in Wales, Curriculum Council for Wales. Coldron, J., Willis, B. and Wolstenholme, C. (2009) ‘Selection and aptitude in English secondary schools’, British Journal of Educational Studies, 57, pp. 245–264. Davies, R. et al. (2011) An Anatomy of Economy Inequality in Wales, WISERD Research Reports Series 002. Cardiff: WISERD. Available at: http://wiserd.passusthesugar.com/ files/3513/6543/6864/WISERD_RRS_002.pdf [Accessed 12th March 2014]. Drakeford, M. (2007) ‘Social justice in a devolved Wales’, The Policy Press, 15:2, pp. 172–178. Estyn (2001) Y Cwricwlwm Cymreig, The Welsh Dimension of the Curriculum in Wales, Cardiff, Estyn. ——— (2008) Having Your Say – Young People, Participation and School Councils, Cardiff, Estyn. Farrell, C. (2010) Pupil Participation and School Councils, Pontypridd, University of Glamorgan. Available at: www.pupilvoicewales.org.uk/uploads/publications/487.doc [Accessed 11th March 2014]. Flew, A. (1991) ‘Educational services: independent competition or maintained monopoly’, in: D. Green (ed.) Empowering the Parents: How to Break the Schools Monopoly, London, Institute of Economic Affairs. Gorard, S. (1998) ‘Four errors … and a conspiracy? The effectiveness of schools in Wales’, Oxford Review of Education, 24:4, pp. 459–472. ——— (2002) Education and Social Justice, Cardiff, University of Wales Press. Gove, M. (2012) House of Commons Hansard Debates 17 September 2012, Column 660. ——— (2013) ‘The progressive betrayal’. Speech to the Social Market Foundation, 5th February. Available at: http://www.smf.co.uk/media/news/michael-gove-speakssmf/ [Accessed 10th March 2014]. Green, A. (1991) Education and State Formation. London, Palgrave Macmillan. Jones, R.M. (1992) ‘Beyond identity? The reconstruction of the Welsh’, Journal of British Studies, 31:4, pp. 330–357. Lewis, H. (2013) ‘Reform, rigour and respect’ Ministerial Speech, University of South Wales, 16th October. Available at: http://learning.wales.gov.uk/news/speeches/ reform-rigour-respect/?lang=en [Accessed 12th March 2014]. Mann, R. (2011) Welsh Speakers and Welsh Language Provision in the Public Sector. WISERD Research Reports Series 004. Cardiff: WISERD. Available at: http://wiserd. passusthesugar.com/files/7313/6549/9288/WISERD_RRS_004.pdf [Accessed 12th March 2014].

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Maynard, T., Taylor, C., Waldron, S.M., Rhys, M., Smith, R., Power, S., and Clement, J. (2013) ‘Evaluating the foundation phase: Policy logic model and programme theory’, Social Research No. 37/2012, Cardiff, Welsh Government. Morgan, R. (2002) ‘Clear red water’ Speech to the National Centre for Public Policy, Swansea. Available at: http://www.sochealth.co.uk/the-socialist-health-association/ sha-country-and-branch-organisation/sha-wales/clear-red-water/ [Accessed 10th March 2014]. ——— (2008) Speech to SPIE Europe Seminar, Cardiff, 17th September. Available at: http://www.thefreelibrary.com/Devolution+has+also+allowed+us+to+become+ a+small,+clever+country … +I … -a0213758186 [Accessed 10th March 2014]. ONS (Office for National Statistics) (2012) 2011 Census: Key Statistics for Wales, March 2011. Available at: http://www.ons.gov.uk/ons/dcp171778_290982.pdf [Last accessed 24th February]. Rees, G. (2005) ‘Democratic devolution and education policy in Wales: the emergence of a national system?’, Contemporary Wales, 17:1, pp. 28–43(16). ——— (2012) PISA and the Politics of Welsh Education, Cardiff, WISERD/PBS. Reynolds, D. (2008) ‘New Labour, education and Wales: the devolution decade’, Oxford Review of Education, 34:6, pp. 753–765. Taylor, C., Rees, G. and Davies, R. (2013) ‘Devolution and geographies of education: the use of the Millennium Cohort Study for ‘home international’ comparisons across the UK’, Comparative Education, 49:3 (Special Issue 47) on The Significance of Space, Place and Scale in the Study of Education, Symaco, P. and Brock, C. (eds), pp. 290–316. Taylor, C., Rhys, M., Waldron, S., Davies, R., Maynard, T., Blackaby, D., Rees, G. and Power, S. (2014) Final Report of the Evaluation of the Foundation Phase, Cardiff, Welsh Government. Toynbee, P. (2014) ‘Here’s some lessons in real job creation from much-maligned Wales’, The Guardian, 7th March. Available at: http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2014/ mar/07/lessons-real-job-creation-wales [Accessed 12 March 2014]. WAG [Welsh Assembly Government] (2003) Iaith Pawb – A National Action Plan for a Bilingual Wales, Cardiff, Welsh Assembly Government. Welsh Second Language Review Group (2013) One Language for All: Review of Welsh Second Language at Key Stages 3 and 4, Caerphilly, Welsh Government. WG [Welsh Government] (2013) Welsh Medium Education Strategy: Annual Report 2012–13, Cardiff, Welsh Government. Williams, I.W. (ed.) (2003) Our Children’s Language: The Welsh-Medium Schools of Wales 1939–2000, Talybont, Y Lolfa Cyf.

Further Resources www.statswales.wales.gov.uk/Catalogue/Education-and-Skills

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Wales: Education and Economy Gareth Rees

Introduction: Theoretical frameworks At least since Durkheim’s (1933[1893]) classic analysis of the implications of nineteenth-century industrialization for educational provision, researchers have understood that the education system serves to equip people with the knowledge and skills necessary for them to fulfil roles in the economy. In doing so, education provides a mechanism through which individuals get sorted into different occupations, with all that this implies for their wider life chances. It is this relationship between education and the economy which provided one of the central rationales for the expansion of educational provision, in the UK, and elsewhere, from the nineteenth century to the present day. The provision of elementary (then primary) education for all followed by the extension of secondary schooling were, at least in part, aimed at generating the knowledge and skills deemed necessary for a modern economy. Likewise, widening access to further and higher education also reflected clear ideas about the ‘needs of the economy’ (e.g. Simon, 1974). In more recent decades, governments in the more developed countries have been even more emphatic than hitherto in their focus on education’s key role in relation to economic growth. In the UK, everyone remembers Tony Blair’s claim – in a speech to the 1995 Labour Party Conference, just before he became prime minister – that ‘[e]ducation is the best economic policy there is for a modern country … ’. But he was simply expressing a much more widespread view of the centrality of an effective educational system to national economic success. Indeed, Grubb and Lazerson (2004) have argued that the policies of national governments are shaped by a pervasive ‘education gospel’ that prioritizes

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education’s vocational role, at the expense of wider concerns such as cultural development, civic participation or personal fulfilment. The analytical basis for this ‘education gospel’ has been provided by what economists call ‘human capital theory’ (Becker, 1993). Most recently, the influence of this theoretical approach has been expressed through ideas about the development of the ‘knowledge-based economy’ (Brown et al., 2001). According to this analysis, the knowledge-based economy offers expanding opportunities for ‘knowledge workers’ who have the very high-level skills required to operate in professional, managerial, scientific and creative jobs. However, the corollary of these new occupational opportunities is the sharp decrease in unskilled or partly skilled occupations, thereby drastically reducing employment opportunities for those individuals who do not have significant amounts of human capital (Brown et al., 2001). Accordingly, it is argued, governments need to ensure that everyone achieves a high-quality general education, especially in respect of a ‘core curriculum’ of literacy and numeracy, as well as – increasingly – science. Moreover, individuals need to be able to respond flexibly to the changing demands of the economy, those entering employment for the first time need to be equipped with appropriate knowledge and skills for the workplace and those already in the workforce have to update these skills as necessary (Lundvall, 1992). Perhaps, most importantly, effective systems need to be in place to ensure that individuals with the requisite high-level skills are produced in sufficient numbers to meet the growing demand for knowledge workers, especially through higher education. It should be emphasized, of course, that the extent to which this model of the knowledge-based economy is actually borne out empirically is a matter of some controversy. What is crucial to the importance of this ‘conventional wisdom’ on the relationships between human capital and economic development is the fact that it has been adopted so widely, especially as the basis for state policy. Certainly, successive UK governments – of all political complexions – have been committed to these ideas and have developed educational policies aimed at fulfilling the needs of a ‘knowledge-based economy’ (e.g. Ball, 2008). Not surprisingly, these general trends have found expression in Wales too. However, the precise form that the relationships between the economy and educational provision have taken has also been influenced by some of the specific features of Welsh development. Two themes are significant here and will provide the focus for the remainder of this chapter. The first of these is the distinctive trajectory of the Welsh economy during the contemporary era. It is well known,

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of course, that currently the Welsh economy performs at levels substantially below the UK average; indeed, some parts of Wales are among the most disadvantaged regions in Europe (as reflected, for example, in the continuing levels of support provided by the European Union). In part, this reflects the problems that have beset the UK – and many other developed economies – since the financial crisis of 2008. However, the Welsh economy has also had to cope with long-term structural changes. Wales has been a ‘problem region’ through a substantial part of the twentieth century, as it has struggled to cope with the consequences of the demise of the economic structures that emerged initially during the industrialization of the latter part of the nineteenth century and the early decades of the twentieth. In consequence, Wales’ participation in the ‘knowledge-based economy’ has been especially problematic. Second, there have been significant changes in the ways that education in Wales is regulated by the state. In particular, since 1999, responsibility for policy on education and training1 (as well as for economic development, although not macroeconomic policy) has been devolved to the National Assembly for Wales and – what is now called2 – the Welsh government; and since 2006, the powers of the National Assembly have extended to producing legislation for Wales. What this means is that, while many of the objectives of policy have been shared with other parts of the UK (and internationally), the actual policies adopted to address these objectives have frequently been distinctive from those pursued by the other UK administrations and, in particular, those adopted by the UK government for England. This is reflected in all aspects of educational provision, from preschool right through to higher education and adult learning (Rees, 2004). It is, of course, important not to overstate the extent of this distinctiveness of Welsh educational policy. Nevertheless, education’s contribution to economic development has been an especially pressing issue, precisely because of the economic problems that have dominated the social and political life of Wales. Thus, it is necessary to address an extremely important question: how far the educational policies adopted by successive Welsh administrations have measured up to the particular needs of the Welsh economy?

Industrialization and the development of modern Welsh education Given its present-day economic travails, it is important to be reminded that Wales, and South Wales in particular, was one of the major European centres of

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nineteenth-century industrialization. The development of metal manufacture (initially iron and then steel and tinplate) and, crucially, the exploitation of the South Wales coalfield had, by the end of the nineteenth century, established a regional economy that was of enormous significance not only within the UK but internationally too. Indeed, during the late Victorian and Edwardian period, Wales was at the heart of a worldwide network of trading, with Welsh coal and metal products being shipped across the globe (e.g. Thomas, 1962). In some ways, the growth of the Welsh economy in this way exemplified wider patterns of development during this period, with other parts of the UK and Europe also emerging as heavily industrialized regions. However, the Welsh economic trajectory was distinctive not only by virtue of its success but also in the very narrow range of industries on which this success was based. By the beginning of the twentieth century, coal and metal manufacture dominated overwhelmingly in South Wales and supported a range of associated industries, such as railways, docks and shipping. There was only very limited development of manufacturing more widely (Humphrys, 1972). In rural Wales, agriculture remained the dominant form of economic activity, but Welsh farmers depended significantly on the consumers in the industrialized areas. To an unusual degree, therefore, the Welsh economy was a highly integrated one. This integration was, of course, one factor underpinning Wales’ relative economic success. However, it also served to intensify the effects of the recession and Great Depression of the 1920s and early 1930s, when the coal- and metal-manufacturing industries experienced intense problems and cutbacks, thereby creating a crisis for the economy – and wider society – of Wales as a whole. This distinctive industrial structure had important implications for employment opportunities. The industries that dominated the Welsh economy were largely employers of men. There was, therefore, a sharp gender division of labour, with employment being predominantly a male preserve and women working in the home. Unsurprisingly, this gender division of labour was reflected in the education system too, with the range of opportunities available to girls and young women being especially restricted (Aaron et al., 1994). Even for the male population, however, the character of the dominant industries had major consequences for the nature of the educational provision created in preparation for them. These industries – to a much greater extent than the manufacturing sector which was important in other industrialized regions – recruited young men straight from school, but without requirements for

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significant educational qualifications. While there were some opportunities for occupational advancement through industry-based training, these were very limited. Certainly, contemporary commentators frequently bemoaned what they saw as the stunted technological development of the staple industries and the consequent lack of demand for significant technical education (Rees, 1997). Even when initiatives were undertaken to develop technical skills more widely, they were largely ineffective. Perhaps most clearly, the intermediate schools set up following the Welsh Intermediate Schools Act of 1889 were intended to include a substantial technical curriculum at secondary school level, which would cater for a skilled working class aspiring to greater occupational mobility through postelementary education. In fact, after the 1902 Haldane Act, they were largely absorbed into the general secondary curriculum, whose emphasis was overwhelmingly humanistic rather than scientific and technical. Educational progression beyond the elementary level was viewed as a means of avoiding the staple industries, rather than a route into them. Hence, for a minority of young people postelementary education was a means of entering the professions or commerce, rather than the staple industries of the regional economy; and this, in turn, implied a marked preference, not least from parents, for a ‘traditional academic’ curriculum. For the majority of young people, however, anything beyond the most basic education was superfluous to preparation for employment, because the staple industries, for young men, and work within the home, for young women, simply did not demand educational qualifications (Jones, 1982). What is striking about these relationships between education and the economy in Wales is that they persisted long into the twentieth century, even as the traditional industrial structure which they reflected went into terminal decline. By the 1930s, state-provided secondary education was far more widely accessible in Wales than it was in England; and fee-paying education was far less significant. However, the expectation remained that, in secondary schools, a narrowly academic curriculum will provide a route into the professions or on to higher education, while the majority experience continued to be confined to the basic educational provision of the elementary schools and exit from full-time education at fourteen or earlier (Jones, 1982). Even after the 1944 Butler Education Act made secondary education mandatory for all and local authorities shifted to secondary provision based on different types of school, the academic curriculum remained the most highly prized, at the expense of

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technical provision. For example, in 1959, the eminent educationalist Joan Simon concluded thus in a survey of schools in South Wales: The main unit of post-primary education has always been the local grammar school. Central schools were never popular, nor were technical schools, not least because of the technological backwardness of the basic industries – mining, and iron and steel; and with the onset of the depression the Hadow Report remained a dead letter. (Simon, 1959, p. 42)3

Certainly, the development of the tripartite system of grammar, technical and secondary modern schools in Wales (as in England) was partial, with only very limited development of technical schools. The grammar schools remained rigorously ‘academic’ in their curriculum and wider ethos (although a handful of grammar-technical schools were established). And although a significantly higher proportion of children were admitted to grammar schools in Wales than in England, for the large majority the secondary modern schools provided a limited educational experience and even more limited access to educational qualifications (Jones, 1990). Moreover, by these middle decades of the twentieth century, even for those who followed the conventional ‘academic route’ from secondary education on to university, progression after graduation was only infrequently into the industries of the Welsh economy. Hence, the famous report of the Robbins Committee on Higher Education (published in 1963) revealed that only one in eight of graduates in sciences from Welsh universities entered employment in industry; and that most science graduates found their employment outside of Wales. Some two-thirds of arts graduates and no less than four-fifths of science graduates entered teaching (Committee on Higher Education, 1963). Hence, even for the minority who did acquire higher-level technical qualifications, the Welsh industrial economy remained ill-equipped to provide attractive employment opportunities. While comprehensive secondary was adopted earlier and more enthusiastically in Wales than in England – especially from the 1960s onwards – this did not lead to significant shifts in these established patterns. Indeed, even by the 1970s, Welsh comprehensive schools continued to regard the acquisition of educational qualifications as unnecessary for the effective vocational preparation of a substantial proportion of their pupils. Comparisons of secondary schools in Wales with those in other parts of the UK have shown that Welsh schools produced both the largest proportion of young people leaving school without any qualifications and a very high proportion of well-qualified

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school-leavers. What is seen here, therefore, is the post–Second World War extension of what had become an established feature of Welsh schooling: an emphasis on academic achievement within the ‘grammar school tradition’, but a corresponding failure to acknowledge adequately the significance of technical education and the provision of opportunities for vocational preparation more widely. For those who coped well with the academic curriculum, the system was reasonably effective. However, the majority of Welsh young people left school with very limited qualifications or none at all (Rees and Rees, 1980). While such unqualified school-leavers were able to find employment in the staple industries of the Welsh economy during earlier decades, by the 1970s such opportunities were rapidly diminishing, as the nature of the economy itself was transformed.

Deindustrialization, devolution and education in Wales Economic transformation The second half of the twentieth century witnessed the collapse of the traditional bases of the Welsh economy. From the 1960s onwards, the Welsh coal industry was beset by colliery closures, the reduction of output and the loss of jobs. This culminated in the 1984–1985 miners’ strike and the subsequent closure of all the remaining collieries in Wales4 (e.g. Curtis, 2013). Likewise, especially from the 1980s, steel and tinplate also went into a precipitous decline, with a succession of plant closures and a massive reduction in employment (Harris et al., 1987). In rural Wales, agriculture had been in difficulty for some time and jobs, especially full-time ones, were increasingly difficult to sustain (George and Mainwaring, 1988). Hence, the industries which had provided the core of the Welsh economy since the latter part of the nineteenth century had largely disappeared or persisted only in a much reduced state. And, of course, this had major knock-on effects for the wider Welsh economy. Throughout this period (indeed, from the 1930s), strenuous efforts were made by the UK government and, more latterly, the European Union to ameliorate the effects of this collapse of the traditional Welsh economy. Whether as a result of these efforts or not, what was often described as a ‘new Welsh economy’ did emerge during these decades. Central to this narrative was the development of a manufacturing sector in Wales, in which inward investment, especially by international companies, was deemed to play a

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major part (Johnes, 2012). Foreign investment of this kind did, in fact, bring about important changes, not least in creating jobs which, contrary to popular belief, mostly offered greater security and better employment conditions than indigenous companies (Morgan and Sayer, 1988). However, as global economic circumstances changed, inward investment had declined in importance by the 1990s. Moreover, taking the whole of the period from the 1960s through to the end of the century, overall employment in manufacturing in Wales, in line with other parts of the UK, actually declined, as new investment failed to compensate for the loss of jobs in established firms (McNabb and Rhys, 1988). What did increase very significantly was employment in services; indeed, by the 1980s, services accounted for almost two-thirds of jobs in Wales. Some of this growth took place in the private sector, in services such as banking and finance and, more especially, retailing, hotels and catering. However, it was the public sector services that accounted for the bulk of the increase, so much so that jobs in health, education and public administration came to occupy the place in the Welsh economy that had once been held by coal, metal manufacture and agriculture (George and Rhys, 1988). The transformation of the traditional economy could scarcely be starker! In some respects, this growth in services had positive consequences. Jobs here were much more accessible to women. Moreover, professional, managerial and technical opportunities were opened up in activities such as the National Health Service, social services, teaching and public administration which were available in parts of Wales that were relatively starved of equivalent, private sector opportunities (such as the valleys of South Wales and rural areas). However, it is equally the case that many of the jobs created, especially in private services, but to a considerable degree in the public sector too, were relatively poorly paid and often provided inadequate working conditions (Lovering, 1998). Moreover, as has become all too apparent since the UK government introduced severe cutbacks in public expenditure in response to the 2008 economic crisis, the extent of employment in public sector services introduced a vulnerability to the Welsh economy similar to that induced by its earlier dependence on coal and steel. By the beginning of the twenty-first century, therefore, the Welsh economy exemplified most of the problems associated with a fundamental restructuring of economic activities. Especially in the valleys of South Wales and in many rural areas, there were chronic problems resulting from the failure to generate new economic development on a sufficient scale: high levels of economic inactivity and underactivity, low average wages, high incidence of household poverty,

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disability and chronic ill-health. Wales remained economically disadvantaged relative to most other parts of the UK (and more widely). In particular, the private sector remained underdeveloped, with relatively low levels of innovation and productivity. In consequence, some sectors of the population and specific localities experienced acute economic and social disadvantage.

Parliamentary devolution and education policy It was in this context, therefore, that the decision to establish the National Assembly for Wales was taken. Indeed, an important element in the debate leading up to the 1997 referendum was the extent to which parliamentary devolution of this kind would provide a better basis on which to address these chronic economic problems than had been provided by the Welsh Office (a department of the UK government), which had preceded it. Moreover, very much in the spirit of the times, education came to be seen as the central mechanism for improving Welsh economic performance. More specifically, enhancing skills and improving levels of educational qualifications (enhancing ‘human capital’ in the language of economic theory) were identified as the key to economic regeneration and shifting Wales towards a ‘knowledge-based economy’ (Rees, 2002). It was acknowledged that the sort of educational performance sketched out earlier in this chapter – poorly developed technical education (at all levels), large numbers of school-leavers with no or minimal qualifications and inadequate vocational preparation – was wholly inadequate as a basis for the kind of economic trajectory that was envisaged as being the only viable one to generate a successful Welsh economy (Morgan and Rees, 2001). It is instructive, for example, that the first goal set out for the new administration’s ambitious programme of educational reform related directly to the economy. Our goal is for Wales to have one of the best education and lifelong learning systems in the world. … We want Wales to be a learning country, where high quality, lifelong learning provides the skills people need to prosper in the new economy, liberates talent, extends opportunities and empowers communities. (National Assembly for Wales, 2001, p. 8)

More specifically, what were seen as the views of employers on the effectiveness of educational provision came to provide a crucial benchmark against which policy developments were judged; although given the parlous state of the Welsh economy, there were tensions between what current employers

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wanted and the sort of high-skills ‘knowledge-based economy’ envisaged in policy documents. In a sense, therefore, nearly all the changes in educational policy that have been introduced by the Welsh government have been intended to promote the development of the Welsh economy. However, it is possible to identify a number of key themes that have been especially significant in this context. Central to the conception of the ‘knowledge-based economy’ is that participation in employment requires a high-quality general education, especially in respect of literacy and numeracy. Moreover, there are frequent complaints from employers that those leaving the educational system – whether as school-leavers or at later stages – are inadequately equipped in these respects (e.g. Independent Review of the Mission and Purpose of Further Education in Wales, 2007). Accordingly, it is not surprising that, in common with the other administrations of the UK, the Welsh government has consistently emphasized the need to improve performance in these basic skills. Initially, the principal focus was on the numbers of adults who experienced difficulties in terms of literacy and numeracy. Here, the Welsh government’s own research was supported by authoritative, independent analysis, which confirmed that Wales was lagging behind England and Scotland in this regard (Bynner and Parsons, 2006). This was seen as a residual problem, which reflected the shortcomings of the historical patterns of educational provision in Wales. Hence, targets were set for the improvement of adult literacy and numeracy (although these were less ambitious than those subsequently set out for the UK as a whole in the Leitch Report (2006)), based on voluntary interventions by employers and trade unions, supported by further education colleges and other adult-learning providers (National Assembly for Wales, 2005). It remains the case, however, that concerns continue to be expressed, not least by employers themselves, about the problems created by poor levels of literacy and numeracy in the Welsh workforce (Cox et al., 2013). More latterly, much greater attention has been directed at improving attainment in literacy and numeracy in schools and colleges. Here, the policy approach in Wales was based on providing advice and support to schools. Even the more formal Skills Framework introduced in 2008 remained voluntary; and Estyn (the Inspectorate for Education and Training in Wales) reported that schools and local authorities were inconsistent in the extent to which they used the Skills Framework. Moreover, employers continued to report that prospective employees and young recruits did not have the necessary basic skills.

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However, it was the publication of the 2009 the Programme for International Student Assessment results for Wales which galvanized the Welsh government into a change in its approach to literacy and numeracy (as with many other aspects of schooling in Wales) (Bradshaw et al., 2010). The PISA results were interpreted as revealing that fifteen-year-olds in Wales lagged behind their peers in the other countries of the UK in reading, mathematics and science, and, moreover, that performance had deteriorated since 2006, when Wales entered PISA fully for the first time.5 Poor levels of attainment in literacy and numeracy could no longer be characterized as a residual problem. Accordingly, in 2012–2013, the Welsh government put in place a new basic skills regime (for 5- to fourteen-year-olds) of standardized annual testing, targeted support for schools and focused professional development. Not only was this much more prescriptive than previous initiatives, but it was also given statutory force (Welsh Government, 2013). More recently again, revisions were made to GCSEs in English (and Welsh first language) and in mathematics (to be implemented by September 2015), to align them more closely to the development of literacy and numeracy (Review of Qualifications for 14 to 19-year-olds in Wales, 2012). It remains to be seen how effective these measures will be; although the 2012 PISA results give scant cause for optimism in this regard (Wheater et al., 2013) and the Welsh government is expecting to see significant improvements in 2015. What is clear, however, is that the new direction taken in Welsh policy does move it closer to the approaches adopted in other parts of the UK and England, in particular. Moreover, while there are many good reasons for improving literacy and numeracy, the rationale driving policy development in Wales has been meeting the needs of employers. As the current minister for education and skills put it recently, Welsh workers should have the skills employers value and want; skills for long term employment – a better grasp and understanding of literacy, numeracy, problem solving and reasoning. The skills that PISA assesses. (Lewis, 2014)

In addition to literacy and numeracy, shifting to a ‘knowledge-based economy’ also requires that new entrants to the labour market are equipped with wider knowledge and skills for them to function effectively in the workplace. This ‘vocationalisation’ of education is clearly reflected in the distinctive approach that has been adopted by the Welsh government to curriculum provision, especially at upper secondary level. Hence, it is striking that the 2009 Learning and Skills (Wales) Measure gave statutory authority

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to the fourteen-to-nineteen Learning Pathways, entitling every fourteen-yearold to be able (by 2012) to choose from a minimum of thirty course options, rising to forty options for postsixteen provision (although this latter is not yet a statutory requirement). Moreover, this entitlement extended to the form of learning opportunities too. Accordingly, the Learning and Skills Measure stipulated that there was to be a minimum number of vocational courses, as well as the academic options, available to learners of all abilities. Given the history of vocational provision in Wales – described earlier in this chapter – this clearly represented a major departure. Improving provision in this way, in turn, was seen to provide the basis for enhancing levels of participation postsixteen, without introducing the requirement to do so (as has been introduced in England, through the raising of the statutory minimum age for leaving education and training). Not surprisingly, delivering this curriculum entitlement necessitated a very significant restructuring of the system of provision. As elaborated initially in a Welsh government strategy document, Skills That Work for Wales (Department for Children, Education, Lifelong Learning and Skills (DCELLS), 2008), local authorities and postsixteen education and training providers were required to produce proposals for Learning Partnerships in local areas that could demonstrate their capacity to deliver the new curriculum requirements in an effective and efficient way. Many of these partnerships involved establishing systematic collaboration between schools and further education colleges, using new Welsh government regulations to permit the creation of formal governance and management arrangements across a local area (Rees, 2011). However, as an Estyn study (2010) made clear, progress towards the effective implementation of these initiatives has been uneven across the different local authority areas. Certainly, wider questions remain as to the extent to which the Learning Pathways approach has been sufficient to bring about a fundamental change in curriculum choices. Robust data are difficult to assemble. However, it is instructive that of those young people attaining the Level 2 Threshold (five A*–C GCSE passes or their equivalent), the proportion doing so on the basis of vocational qualifications remains very small in Wales (certainly when compared with England). It may well be, therefore, that the historical pattern of poor provision for vocational preparation in Welsh schools continues to exert a significant influence on present-day opportunities (Rees, 2012).6 In parallel with the development of the Learning Pathways, a second major strand of curriculum development at the upper-secondary level has been a

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progressive extension (since 2003) of the scope of the Welsh Baccalaureate Qualification (the ‘Welsh Bac’), at foundation, intermediate and advanced levels. Here, too, a major aim is to introduce a significant new element of vocational preparation into Welsh schools. Since its inception, the Welsh Bac has offered a single, umbrella qualification, within which students can incorporate options, such as GCSEs, AS and A levels, as well as BTECs, NVQs and the Principal Learning and Project elements of the English diplomas (which have not otherwise been adopted in Wales). In addition, students are required to complete a core, comprising key skills, and work-related and personal and social education, along with modules on ‘Wales, Europe and the World’ and an individual investigation. Hence, it has offered an approach to the preparation of young people for progression to further and higher education, as well as entry to employment, that is distinctive from the other parts of the UK (and, indeed, more widely). The intention is that the Welsh Bac should become available to all learners in Wales. However, following the recent Review of Qualifications for 14 to 19-year-olds in Wales (2012), the Welsh government chose to provide an essential framework for all fourteen-to-nineteen provision by 2015. In addition, the structure of the Welsh Bac is currently being revised – to incorporate new pathways through the qualifications framework and the grading of the advanced diploma – while retaining its basic characteristics. Clearly, it is likely that it will eventually provide the basis for a wholly distinctive upper secondary (and FE) curriculum for Wales. One of the aspirations here is to have much more porous boundaries between academic and vocational programmes, and to ensure much more effective engagement with employers to deliver for all students ‘ … work experience, work-related education, skills-based and enterprise elements … ’ (Review of Qualifications for 14 to 19-year-olds in Wales, 2012, p. 10). However, it has to be acknowledged that realizing this vision will require considerable further development. The restructured Welsh Bac is also intended to provide a smoother progression to further and higher education. And it is here that the higherlevel technical skills that – perhaps more than anything else – characterize the ‘knowledge-based economy’ are envisaged as being produced. Certainly, the Welsh government has consistently viewed the development of further and higher education as providing a key element in its strategy for economic development. Hence, for example, there has been a significant restructuring of the further education sector, with mergers reducing the number of FE colleges in Wales to twelve (with three FE institutions), with a view to their providing effective centres for the development of intermediate-level vocational skills,

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closely aligned with what are seen to be the needs of local employers (Rees, 2011). Similarly, considerable emphasis has been placed on the development of an effective system of apprenticeships, especially in areas associated with science, technology, engineering and mathematics (Welsh Government, 2014). Successive Welsh administrations since 1999 have also sought to restructure Welsh HE. The most high-profile aspect of this is the Welsh government’s resistance to raising student fees (certainly to the levels faced by students resident in England) in order to facilitate as wide an access to university-level education as possible (Rees and Taylor, 2007). However, as the 2009 strategy document For Our Future makes clear, in addition to this social justice aim, there is a powerful instrumental emphasis too (DCELLS, 2009). Producing graduates – especially in STEM subjects – has been viewed as a key contribution to strengthening the Welsh economy; given the gravity of the economic problems faced in Wales, this is seen as a necessary obligation of the Welsh university system. This has been expressed in a number of initiatives intended to promote collaboration between HE and FE institutions, to maximize the opportunities for progression from intermediate- to higher-level skills acquisition. The bestknown example here is the University of the Heads of the Valleys Initiative (UHOVI), located in an area of intense economic and social disadvantage and intended to promote directly its regeneration (Saunders et al., 2013). More generally, to a much greater extent than in other parts of the UK, there has been a strategy of reducing the number of universities in Wales through mergers, thereby creating stronger institutions, better able to provide for the needs of students and to compete effectively for research funding (Welsh Government, 2012). Hence, there are currently eight Welsh universities (nine including the Open University), reduced by almost a third over the past decade. Important questions remain, however, as to the impacts of this restructuring of further and higher education in Wales. Certainly, the Welsh workforce as a whole continues to be less well qualified than those of other parts of the UK (let alone internationally) (Rees, 2011). Similarly, employers in Wales lag behind those in the other UK countries in terms of their provision of training for their employees (UK Commission for Employment and Skills, 2012). Equally, however, Welsh employers continue to assert that they experience difficulties in recruiting employees with appropriate skills and competences (Cox et al., 2013). In terms of higher-level skills, it is instructive that Wales is a net exporter of graduates; while the picture is complex, there are more graduates produced by the Welsh universities than can be absorbed into the Welsh labour market on an annual basis (Bristow et al., 2011). Moreover, as yet, there is little to suggest that

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research in Welsh universities is being translated systematically into innovations within the wider economy (Welsh Government, 2012).

Concluding comments What conclusions can be drawn, therefore, from this brief overview of the relationships between education and the economy in Wales? Certainly, it is clear that Welsh governments since 1999 have used the powers conferred through parliamentary devolution to pursue a distinctive policy agenda relating to education and training. However, at least in so far as economic development is concerned, the aims of the education policies that have been pursued have been shared with those adopted in other parts of the UK and, indeed, internationally. Creating a high-skills ‘knowledge-based economy’ has become almost ubiquitous as the principal purpose of educational reform. In Wales, however, the legacy of its historical industrial structure has posed particular problems. On the one hand, the education system itself was not well attuned to delivering what came to be seen as necessary for the creation of a ‘knowledge-based economy’. Technical education at all levels was historically weak, vocational preparation was inadequate and large numbers of schoolleavers had no or minimal qualifications. While this was entirely explicable in terms of the requirements of the sort of economy that had developed in Wales by the beginning of the twentieth century, it did not provide a robust foundation for what successive Welsh administrations deemed to be necessary for a thriving economy in the twenty-first century. More fundamentally, however, given the well-established weaknesses of the Welsh economy, shifting it to a high-skills, ‘knowledge-based economy’ represented a task of enormous proportions. Accordingly, given the present pattern of Welsh economic performance, it makes little sense to entrust the task of boosting skills levels simply to employers, who manifestly are not engaged in the sorts of production of goods and services that require high levels of skills currently. If improving skills levels is to be effective, there is a need to raise employer ambition, to encourage employers to raise their game and thereby demand more skills. However, what the experience of the past decade and more demonstrates is that shifting the established patterns of skills utilization in Wales is especially intractable. It constitutes a clear exemplification of path dependency, where current problems reflect historical trajectories of development.

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Notes 1 Only a very few aspects of education policy – most notably, the pay and conditions of teachers and some elements of research in higher education – remain the responsibility of the UK government. 2 Until the 2006 Government of Wales Act, it was known as the Welsh Assembly Government. However, to simplify matters, the current title – the Welsh government – will be used throughout this chapter. 3 The Hadow Report recommended the development of what it termed ‘primary schools’ for children up to the transition to secondary education, on broadly progressive lines. 4 Some open-cast operations and small mines remain. 5 There are, of course, a host of problems in interpreting the PISA results in this way, as well as questions about the relationships between literacy and numeracy and what PISA measures. However, the emphasis here is on how the Welsh government used the results in relation to policy development. 6 Wolf (2011) has, of course, argued that the quality of vocational qualifications in England has not been uniformly high and that their take-up may well reflect ‘gaming’ of the system by English schools.

References Aaron, J., Rees, T., Betts, S. and Vincentelli, M. (eds) (1994) Our Sister’s Land: Changing Identity of Women in Wales, Cardiff, University of Wales Press. Ball, S.J. (2008) The Education Debate, Bristol, Policy Press. Becker, G.S. (1993) Human Capital: A Theoretical and Empirical Analysis, with Special Reference to Education, 3rd edition. Chicago, IL, University of Chicago Press. Bradshaw, J., Ager, R., Burge, B. and Wheater, R. (2010) PISA 2009: Achievement of 15 Year Olds in Wales, Slough, NFER. Bristow, G., Pill, M., Davies, R. and Drinkwater, S. (2011) Welsh Graduate Mobility: A Research Report, Cardiff, Wales Institute for Social and Economic Research, Data and Methods. Brown, P., Green, A. and Lauder, H. (2001) High Skills: Globalisation, Competitiveness and Skill Formation, Oxford, Oxford University Press. Bynner, J. and Parsons, S. (2006) New Light on Literacy and Numeracy, London, National Research and Development Centre for Adult Literacy and Numeracy. Committee on Higher Education (1963) Higher Education: Appendix Two (B): Students and Their Education, Cmnd. 2154, London, HMSO. Cox, A., Hillage, J., Vila-Beida Montalt, J., Owen, D. and Hogarth, T. (2013) National Strategic Skills Audit for Wales 2012, Government Social Research 02/2013, Cardiff, Welsh Government.

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Curtis, B. (2013) The South Wales Miners, 1964–1985, Cardiff, University of Wales Press. DCELLS (2008) Skills That Work for Wales: A Skills and Employment Strategy and Action Plan, Cardiff, Welsh Assembly Government. ——— (2009) For Our Future – The 21st Century Higher Education Strategy and Plan for Wales, Cardiff, Welsh Assembly Government. Durkheim, E. (1933[1893]) The Division of Labour in Society, transl. G. Simpson, New York, NY, Macmillan. Estyn (2010) Wider Choice and the Learning Core – Progress in Implementing a Wider Option Choice and the Learning Core for 14–19 Learners, Cardiff, Estyn. George, K.D. and Mainwaring, L. (1988) ‘Agriculture’, in: George, K.D. and Mainwaring, L. (eds) The Welsh Economy, Cardiff, University of Wales Press. George, K.D. and Rhys, D.G. (1988) ‘Services’, in: George, K.D. and Mainwaring, L. (eds) The Welsh Economy, Cardiff, University of Wales Press. Grubb, W.N. and Lazerson, M. (2004) The Education Gospel: The Economic Power of Schooling, Cambridge, MA, Harvard University Press. Harris, C.C. and the Redundancy and Unemployment Research Group (1987) Redundancy and Recession in South Wales, Oxford, Blackwell. Humphrys, G. (1972) Industrial Britain: South Wales, Newton Abbott, David and Charles. Independent Review of the Mission and Purpose of Further Education in Wales (2007) Promise and Performance: The Report of the Review (The Webb Report), Cardiff, Welsh Assembly Government. Johnes, M. (2012) Wales since 1939, Manchester, Manchester University Press. Jones, G.E. (1982) Controls and Conflicts in Welsh Secondary Education, 1889–1944, Cardiff, University of Wales Press. ——— (1990) Which Nation’s Schools? Direction and Devolution in Welsh Education in the Twentieth Century, Cardiff, University of Wales Press. Leitch Review of Skills (2006) Prosperity for All in the Global Economy – World Class Skills (The Leitch Report), London, HM Treasury/HMSO. Lewis, H. (2014) ‘PISA skills key to future of the Welsh economy says minister’, Welsh Government Press Release, 18 February. Lovering, J. (1998) ‘Celebrating globalization and misreading the Welsh economy: the “new regionalism” in Wales’, Contemporary Wales, 11, pp. 12–60. Lundvall, B-A. (1992) National Systems of Innovation: Towards a Theory of Innovation and Interactive Learning, London, Pinter. McNabb, R. and Rhys, D.G. (1988) ‘Manufacturing’, in: George, K.D. and Mainwaring, L. (eds) The Welsh Economy, Cardiff, University of Wales Press. Morgan, K. and Rees, G. (2001) ‘Learning by doing: devolution and the governance of economic development in Wales’, in: Chaney, P., Hall, T. and Pithouse, A. (eds) New Governance – New Democracy? Post-Devolution Wales, Cardiff, University of Wales Press. Morgan, K. and Sayer, A. (1988) Microcircuits of Capital: ‘Sunrise’ Industry and Uneven Development, Cambridge, Polity.

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National Assembly for Wales (2001) A Learning Country: A Comprehensive Education and Lifelong Learning Programme to 2010 in Wales, Cardiff, National Assembly for Wales. ——— (2005) Words Talk – Numbers Count, Circular 15/2005, Cardiff, National Assembly for Wales. Rees, G. (1997) ‘Making a learning society: education and work in industrial South Wales’, Welsh Journal of Education, 6:2, pp. 4–16. ——— (2002) ‘Devolution and the restructuring of post-16 education and training in the UK’, in Adams, J. and Robinson, P. (eds) Devolution in Practice: Public Policy Differences within the UK, London, IPPR. ——— (2004) ‘Democratic devolution and education policy in Wales: the emergence of a national system?’, Contemporary Wales, 17, pp. 28–43. ——— (2011) ‘Devolution, policy-making and lifelong learning: the case of Wales’, in: Hodgson, A., Spours, K. and Waring, M. (eds) Post-compulsory Education and Lifelong Learning across the United Kingdom: Policy, Organisation and Governance, London, IOE Press, pp. 58–75. ——— (2012) ‘A crisis in Welsh education? New approaches in harsh times’, Education Review, 24:2, pp. 47–60. Rees, G. and Rees, T. (1980) ‘Educational inequality in Wales: some problems and paradoxes’, in: Rees, G. and Rees, T. (eds), Poverty and Social Inequality in Wales, London, Croom Helm. Rees, G. and Taylor, C. (2007) ‘Devolution and the restructuring of participation in higher education in Wales’, Higher Education Quarterly, 60, pp. 370–91. Review of Qualifications for 14 to 19-year-olds in Wales (2012) Final Report and Recommendations, Cardiff, Welsh Government. Saunders, D., Marshall, H., Cowe, F., Payne, R. and Rogers, A (2013) ‘Developing higher education in South Wales: the emergence of the Universities Heads of the Valleys Institute’, Journal of Adult and Continuing Education, 19:1, pp. 76–100. Simon, B. (1974) The Two Nations and the Educational Structure 1780–1870, London, Lawrence and Wishart. Simon, J. (1959) ‘Report from South Wales’, Forum, 1:2, pp. 42–49. Thomas, B. (1962) ‘Wales and the Atlantic economy’, in: Thomas, B. (ed.) The Welsh Economy: Studies in expansion, Cardiff, University of Wales Press. UK Commission for Employment and Skills (2012) Employer Skills Survey 2011: Wales Results, London, UKCES. Welsh Government (2012) Science for Wales – A Strategic Agenda for Science and Innovation in Wales, Cardiff, Welsh Government. ——— (2013) National Literacy and Numeracy Framework, Cardiff, Welsh Government. ——— (2014) Policy Statement on Skills, Cardiff, Welsh Government. Wheater, R., Ager, R., Burge, B. and Sizmur, J. (2013) Achievement of 15-Year-Olds in Wales: PISA 2012, Slough, NFER. Wolf, A. (2011) Review of Vocational Education – The Wolf Report, London, Department for Education and Department for Business, Innovation and Skills.

11

Wales: Language Issues Janet Laugharne

Introduction A key feature of education in Wales is the fact of the Welsh language itself: a defining and symbolic representation of the country as a devolved region. Provision for the Welsh language is an integral part of Welsh government1 policy and has been a reference point that has run through its strategy development since devolution in 1999. It emphasizes the difference between Wales and other UK countries, particularly its closest neighbour, England. One of the initial policy documents created by the Welsh government in 2003 was Iaith Pawb: A National Action Plan for a Bilingual Wales (Welsh Assembly Government, 2003). This document, whose title means ‘everyone’s language’, speaks of the role of education, among other agencies, in supporting the Welsh language, and was an important building block for much further policy creation over the ten-year period that followed, particularly a group of new policy documents in the period 2010–2013. Iaith Pawb contains a goal for languages in Wales, which has been often quoted: We want Wales to be a truly bilingual nation, by which we mean a country where people can choose to live their lives through the medium of either Welsh or English and where the presence of the two languages is a visible and audible source of pride and strength to us all. (Welsh Assembly Government (2003, p. 11)

The concept of what a ‘truly bilingual’ Wales means is one that policy-makers, practitioners and researchers have engaged with since that time, recognizing its complexity. Colin Williams (2005) questioned Iaith Pawb’s ‘doctrine of

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inclusion’, seeing it as aspirational in the context of a recently formed devolved government, rather than necessarily achievable. Coupland (2012), drawing on theories of linguistic landscaping and visual data analysis, illustrated the plural, sometimes paradoxal, qualities of ‘bilingual Wales’, when examining five Welsh/ English frames, from offical language-planning discourses to creative wordplay in the context of marketing and new media. Meanwhile, policy development for bilingual Wales continued with Iaith Byw, Iaith i Fyw: A Living Language, a Language for Living (2012). This related to, and superseded, Iaith Pawb, covering the period 2012–2017. Its central goal was to ‘see the Welsh language thriving in Wales’ (Welsh Government, 2012b, p. 16) through acquisition, and use, of the Welsh language in six domains, as illustrated in Figure 11.1. Supporting Iaith Byw was a Welsh Language Strategy Evaluation Framework (Welsh Government, 2013f), which examined how these six domains could be measured and evidenced during the planning period. The term ‘mainstreaming’ is used in this document, as in Iaith Byw, with the ‘normalisation of the language in all areas’ as a key planning aim (p. 21). Such terms emphasize the realization of a bilingual Wales as something un-extraordinary and ‘normal’. Relative to education, considerable and ongoing elaboration of the concept of bilingual Wales can be seen in policy for the Welsh language. In 2007 Defining Schools according to Welsh-Medium Provision (Welsh Assembly Government) described seven types of bilingual provision, with Welsh medium at one end

Welsh language • The family • Children and young people • The community • The workplace • Welsh language services • Infrastructure

Figure 11.1  Six strategic areas for Welsh language planning Source: Iaith Byw Welsh Government (2012b).

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and English medium at the other, to capture more accurately, from 2008 onwards, in school data returns, the linguistic complexity of bilingual education across Wales. Three years later the Welsh-Medium Education Strategy (Welsh Assembly Government, 2010) also discussed such a range of provision: Welsh-medium education from the early years, with robust linguistic progression through every phase of education, offers the best conditions for developing future bilingual citizens. (p. 15)

In fact, education to develop bilingual citizens in Wales is gradually undergoing a change of emphasis: from Welsh being taught as a first or second language, which is still embodied in current national assessments, towards the idea of a ‘language continuum’, where all schools teach some part of the curriculum through the medium of Welsh in order to achieve the ‘robust linguistic progression’ referred to above. The term ‘non-fluent Welsh speakers’ (Welsh Government, 2012b, p. 15), found in Iaith Byw, is indicative of this change of emphasis. A three-tiered approach is described, ‘tailored to the linguistic needs of the growing population of young Welsh speakers … [for] young people with basic Welsh language skills, for those who are learning the Welsh language and for fluent Welsh speakers’ (p. 33). This is, of course, not a simple matter to implement in practice, when teaching and assessing pupils. In One Language for All (Welsh Government, 2013b), a report on Welsh in English-medium secondary schools, devising such a continuum for pupils, although to be welcomed, was described at the outset as a ‘controversial idea’ (p. 1). The background to the change of approach may lie partly in the lack of success in teaching Welsh in English-medium schools. While Welsh-medium schools have rightly been celebrated, in Wales and internationally, as highly successful in delivering increased numbers of fluent young speakers, Welsh in English-medium schools has been a cause of concern for some time, seen, for example, in reports from Estyn, Her Majesty’s Inspectorate for Education and Training in Wales (2004, 2007), which identify ongoing problems with poor levels of pupil attainment and inability to use the language to any degree of fluency. The most recent annual report (Estyn, 2013a, p. 10) noted, ‘Welsh second language is an important area for improvement in around a fifth of schools’. Given the fact that the majority of pupils in Wales attend such schools at the present time, two-thirds according to the latest school census return (Welsh Government, 2013d), this situation acutely affects the possibility of gaining more Welsh speakers in a bilingual Wales. One Language for All (Welsh Government,

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2013b, p. 1) draws a stark picture of the problem and its effect on the future of the Welsh language, warning, It is undeniably the eleventh hour for Welsh second language. If we are serious about developing Welsh speakers, and about seeing the Welsh language thrive, a change of direction is urgently required before it is too late.

While recognizing the difficulties Welsh faces in the twenty-first century as a lesser-used language, and this aspect in particular, nevertheless, the aspiration for a bilingual nation expressed in Iaith Pawb (2003) has taken effect. There are ongoing multifaceted policy and planning responses, as illustrated in Figure 11.1. Welsh also has an increased legal status arising from the Welsh Language (Wales) Measure 2011. This builds on earlier powers granted through the Government of Wales Act of 2006, the Welsh Language Act of 1993 and the Education Reform Act of 1988 – all of which, incrementally, have recognized the legal rights of Welsh as a language. Two key features of the Welsh Language Measure 2011 were the establishment of the role of a Welsh language commissioner from 2012 and the movement of ministerial responsibility for the Welsh language from the Department of Culture and Sport to that of Education and Skills. Of course, the link between the Welsh language and education is not something that began at the time of devolution in Wales in 1999. There is a long tradition which preceded this where, historically, the Welsh language acted as a defining element in supporting and expressing Welsh national identity. Often, this was represented as a struggle between Welsh and English, emphasizing the fact that the Welsh language in education brings a strong connection, not only with social and cultural values but also with politics and activism. It is well known that language is not a neutral substance and the case of Wales exemplifies this: from the description of Welsh in an education commission report in 1847 as ‘a peculiar language isolating the mass of the people from the upper portions of society’ (Jones and Roderick, 2003, p. 59) to the call to action to save the language by Saunders Lewis, president of the Welsh Nationalist Party, Plaid Cymru, in 1962, through a radio speech entitled Tynged yr iaith (The fate of the language) to later protest marches and sitins demanding recognition of legal rights for the Welsh language (Jones and Roderick, 2003; Williams, 2007). A corollary of this historic past is the fact of the numbers of Welsh speakers. Wales has a population of around three million, 19 per cent of whom are currently able to speak Welsh (Welsh Government, 2013e). Numbers of

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speakers have been closely examined through the ten-yearly UK census data, with a generally declining trend into the ‘heartland’ areas of North and West Wales until 2001. Against this backdrop, the increase in numbers of Welsh speakers, particularly the young and those from the anglicized areas of South East Wales, seen in the 2001 census figures, was a noteworthy turn in the tide. It was the first time that there was an increase in numbers; and the role of Welshmedium schools in this recovery is widely recognized in helping to reverse the situation of previous language loss (Aitchison and Carter, 2004; Jones, 2010; Pritchard-Newcombe, 2007; Williams, 2000, 2013). Welsh-medium and bilingual education has continued to grow (see Table 11.1), but the most recent census, in 2011, gave a more complex, and uncertain, overall picture of Welsh speakers. The target of increasing numbers by that date, from 21 to 26 per cent, set in 2003 by the Welsh government in Iaith Pawb, was not reached; and there was an overall decline from 20.8 to 19.0 per cent. The only region where more than 55 per cent of the population were recorded as speaking Welsh in 2011 was Gwynedd and Isle of Anglesey in North Wales. Where there were of increase, as in 2001, these were among younger speakers and in South East Wales (Welsh Government, 2012a). There are, then, many issues surrounding Welsh in education, in addition to the idea of bilingual Wales described above, combined, at the micro-level, with changes in modern Welsh, described by Glyn Williams (2010, p. 28) as a ‘new form of linguistic normativity’. Some of these issues are geographic location, with concentrations of more naturally occurring Welsh in certain parts of the country; regional language variation; large numbers of speakers for whom Welsh is not a first language; and the movement of young people away from rural Welsh-speaking communities out of Wales or to its cities for employment. Additionally, it has long been recognized that the future of the Welsh language lies as much in contexts outside formal education as within it (Baker, 1988; Hodges, 2009; Morris et al., 2012; Urdd Gobeith Cymru, 2012; Welsh Language Board, 2005; Williams, 2000). This has been an impetus for much Welsh government policy through the work of the Welsh Language Table 11.1  Growth in Welsh-medium schools in Cardiff between 2003 and 2013 Year

Number of primary schools

Number of secondary schools

2003

6

2

2013

17

3

Source: Welsh Government school census results 2013.

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Board and initiatives such as Mentrau Iaith (Language Schemes) to encourage Welsh use in the community (Mentrau Iaith Cymru, 2013). Given the pervasive and complex nature of bilingualism and its relationship with education in Wales, it is not surprising that it provokes keen general debate. For example, searches in the period between July and November 2013 of the Institute of Welsh affairs website, ClickonWales, and news reports in WalesOnline consistently reveal articles and discussion threads on the Welsh language and Welsh in education. Differing views are expressed. There are those who speak of the importance of education for the future of Welsh, including the teaching of Welsh in English-medium schools; while there are also those who question how much it is possible to achieve through education alone, when young speakers do not have much exposure to, or use of, the language outside school. Despite this debate, there is consensus on the key role of education in supporting a lesser-used language. It is also clear that there is continuing demand for, and growth in, Welshmedium education, originating not only from policy but from the wishes of parents, as can be seen by the following quotation from the action group, Rhieni dros Addysg Gymraeg: Parents for Welsh-medium Education, talking of provision in Cardiff: The number of children in Reception [aged 5] for September 2012 has nearly reached 700; the growth has varied from 5% and 10% per year and the number of streams has increased from 11 in 1999 to over 23 in 2012. (2012, p. 10)

Across Wales, from 2011, local authorities have been required to respond to parental demand for Welsh-medium education and to publish Welsh in Education Strategic Plans, with targets to be monitored annually (Welsh Assembly Government, 2010). This demand has been particularly strong in South East Wales, as illustrated by Table 11.1, which shows the increase in Welsh-medium provision over a ten-year period in Cardiff. The number of primary schools has increased to seventeen during that time, which is nearly 18 per cent of the capital’s primary schools. A third Welsh-medium secondary school opened in 2012, which represents 14 per cent of the secondary schools in Cardiff. Within these schools, as the previous quotation showed, additional streams have been created to cater for increasing demand. This growth has not been without problems. There are tensions between language planning for a lesser-used language and competing demands for limited resources at a time of general economic difficulty. While there is a generally

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favourable attitude to Welsh, debate continues on what are seen, at times, as conflicting demands between Welsh and modern foreign languages teaching, Welsh-medium resources and the need to improve standards in literacy and numeracy and the closure of some English-medium schools alongside the creation of new Welsh-medium provision. Despite such tensions, Welsh-medium education continues to be an integral component in maintaining the Welsh language at the present time as well as being the key reason for the increase in numbers of young speakers recorded in the last two censuses. Equally, it must be recognized that the period after 2011 is one of more complex economic and ideological challenges than in the blossoming of Welsh-medium education in the last decades of the twentieth century. As the Welsh language commissioner said (2012) in response to the 2011 census results on the Welsh language, Perhaps there has been a danger for everyone to be lulled into a false sense of security ten years ago, believing everything would be alright, and that the growth in some areas would make up for the decrease in other areas. If that was the case for the past ten years, the alarm clock has rung very loudly this morning, and there are very definite challenges to be faced here, and urgently.

For myself, in examining these issues, as someone who has been closely involved with teacher training and languages in education in Wales for more than twenty-five years, it is clear that while one or two generations ago the drive for Welsh in education was to establish provision and to safeguard Welsh as a lesser-used language through this means, there are different challenges at the present time. Then, a resource base was key: setting up Welsh-medium and bilingual schools; developing Welsh-medium materials through the Welsh Books Council, and the Curriculum Council for Wales; and the creation of education programmes through the Welsh-medium radio and television channels. In the second decade of the twenty-first century, although some of these issues continue (particularly that of resources in Welsh), much progress has been made and now there are fresh challenges, such as the opportunity offered by the internet and technology, the use of social media and the expansion of Welsh into domains beyond education. A central challenge is the limited use of Welsh by those who can speak the language but are not doing so in their everyday lives. The most recent set of Welsh government policies, established between 2010 and 2013, aims to address these issues through a language planning approach, which is

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‘long-term’ (Welsh Government, 2012b, p. 14) – an expression not always found in policy discourse, but one which recognizes here the intractable, yet vital, nature of the challenge being addressed.

Organization of Welsh language education It can be seen that, as in most contexts where a lesser-used language is spoken, there are consequences which are the result of the history of that language. And, of course, in the case of Wales, the existence of a major, global language, English, is part of the context of how Welsh is provided for in education; although, for reasons of feasibility, it is not possible to discuss this within the scope of the chapter. The range of areas in which Welsh is taught and the types of Welsh language and bilingual provision are presented next. The second half of the chapter will look at three areas: early years provision in Wales; the training of teachers to deliver Welsh; and, currently highly visible in policy statements, the topic of standards in literacy highlighted by the PISA results in 2009 and 2013. These areas are particularly dynamic and interesting at the present time in Wales, and they also present debates which are pertinent to other areas in Europe and internationally. The conclusion of the chapter looks ahead to future challenges and opportunities.

Welsh in education: A chronological overview of education sectors Figure 11.2 gives an overview of areas of Welsh language provision in education in Wales, according to age, from preschool to adult education. Some areas are very well established, having been in existence over forty years, while others are much newer developments. The Mudiad Ysgolion Meithrin and Welsh for Adults are examples of the former, while the Foundation Phase and teaching Welsh in the postsixteen sector are examples of the latter. An important issue these newer initiatives share is of finding enough teachers with both the language knowledge to deliver their particular curriculum and expertise in the relevant, appropriate pedagogy. Further dimensions in new provision are the teaching of Welsh for the workplace and an expansion of Welsh-medium teaching in further and higher education. These issues will be elaborated further as the chapter continues. The next section presents and defines the main types of schools in Wales by language provision.

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0-3 Years • Intergenerational language transfer – Twf • Parents, carers, educational and health practitioners learning/using Welsh • Welsh playgroups – Ti a Fi Foundation Phase (3-7 Years) • English-medium nursery and playgroup settings introduce Welsh from the age of three • Mudiad Meithrin offer Welsh-medium provision for children aged two to five • Welsh-medium and bilingual schools teach the Foundation Phase through Welsh Key Stage Two (8-11) and Secondary (11-18) • Welsh is compulsory to the age of 16 as a core or foundation subject in the national curriculum, depending on the language medium of the school • There are national examinations at age 16 and 18 (GCSE and A level) for Welsh as either a first or second language Postsixteen Education • Work-based learning • Further education • University subject study Adult Education • Intensive Welsh courses – Wlpan • Welsh for the workplace • Accredited professional training through Welsh

Figure 11.2  An overview of the Welsh language according to education sectors

Language medium of schools: Welsh medium, bilingual and English medium Presently, there are broadly three language types of school provision in Wales: Welsh medium, English medium and bilingual. In the first, Welsh is the main school language and English is introduced as a subject from the age of seven. In the second, English is the main school language and Welsh is introduced at age three or five, depending on whether the school has a nursery class. In bilingual provision, half or more of the curriculum is taught through the medium of Welsh. A detailed set of definitions was established in 2007 (Welsh Assembly Government, 2007) for bilingual provision and this is used from 2008 in annual school data returns. These definitions inherently provide a language continuum and, together with the introduction of a new early years curriculum, the Foundation Phase in 2009, are gradually bringing about a less clearcut separation of school types as English or Welsh. There is an overall focus on better outcomes in Welsh in more schools. For example, English-medium

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schools are defined as follows in the guideline on Defining schools according to Welsh-Medium Provision: English is the day to day language of the school, but some Welsh is also used as a language of communication with the pupils, with the aim of improving their capacity to use everyday Welsh. The school communicates with parents either in English or in both languages. (Welsh Assembly Government, 2007, p. 10)

Seen geographically, the majority of designated bilingual schools are in areas where there are more Welsh speakers in the community, in the north and west, while the areas of greatest growth in new Welsh-medium schools are in the south, where there is greatest concentration of the population overall. The overall number of full-time equivalent pupils in schools was highest in Cardiff, at 51,544 pupils (Welsh Government, 2013d). The great majority of parents of children in these newly established Welsh-medium schools in the south do not speak Welsh at home as the language of the family, although, increasingly, they have knowledge of Welsh from their own school experience. Studies by Hodges in South Wales on young people’s language use (2009) and parents’ motivation in choosing Welsh-medium education for their children (2012) cast useful and much-needed light on these issues from an empirical standpoint. Interesting and unexpected insights appear, such as the fact that, for some of the young people from English-speaking homes, it is the workplace that helps to consolidate Welsh language use after they have left school.

Three current challenges for Welsh in education Figure 11.3 identifies three areas for discussion in the remainder of the chapter, highlighting the reasons why they are important in considering Welsh language in education at the present time. These are early years education, the training of teachers for Welsh and the current policy focus on standards in literacy, related to language learning.

Early years education Welsh language provision for early years education might be described as being in two main waves. The first was led by the Mudiad Ysgolion Meithrin,

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Early years

Teacher education and training

Welsh in education

Literacy and language

Figure 11.3  Three discussion areas on Welsh language in education in Wales

which has, with great success since the 1970s, introduced children aged two to five years to Welsh through an immersion approach, thus providing a basis for transition to Welsh-medium and bilingual schools. The Mudiad Meithrin, as it is known since 2011, continues to be the bottom-up, driving force which has generated demand for Welsh-medium provision later in the education system. The second wave of Welsh provision in the early years is occurring at the present time through the Foundation Phase curriculum, where every child in a registered early years setting begins to learn Welsh from the age of three. This approach has the potential to deliver an improved knowledge of Welsh to a wide sweep of the population. The Mudiad Meithrin currently is a voluntary organization, supported by Welsh government funding with over 500 cylchoedd, or groups, across Wales (Mudiad Meithrin, 2013). Before children go to these, many attend Ti a Fi parent and toddler groups. Currently, the Mudiad Meithrin is expanding its role to new areas of provision. These include an accredited diploma through the medium of Welsh in children’s care, learning and development called Cam wrth Gam, Welsh-medium day-care nurseries and two integrated learning centres (Mudiad Meithrin, 2013). Another early years Welsh language provision is Twf (Transferring Welsh across Families). Twf means growth in Welsh, symbolizing both the birth of a new baby and increase in speakers of the language. It was begun in 2001 and is delivered largely through maternity and healthcare provision to encourage speaking Welsh in the family, to maximize intergenerational language transfer in the Welsh-speaking heartland areas of North and Mid Wales and to help parents learn Welsh alongside their baby if they do not speak Welsh.

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In English-medium playgroup and nursery settings, from 2009, the Foundation Phase introduces Welsh language development, one of the seven areas of learning (AOL) in that curriculum. All registered early years providers are required to follow the Foundation Phase, whether in maintained (state) or non-maintained settings, and thus, in addition to an earlier introduction to Welsh, a wider tranche than before of children and settings is reached in private and day-care nurseries and playgroups. The success of this strategy will, of course, depend on the way Welsh is taught and the level of linguistic competence of the professionals engaged with the children. Evidence so far is sparse, as the Foundation Phase is at a relatively early stage of implementation. An evaluation carried out by Estyn (2013c) regarding the Welsh language development area of learning found that there was much good practice in spoken language but weaknesses in reading and writing. They also identified the link between children’s learning and practitioners’ knowledge of Welsh and the issue of insufficient training opportunities: Most settings and schools have very few fluent Welsh-speaking practitioners and many use Welsh television programmes or DVDs to try to compensate for this, so that children can hear more spoken Welsh. However, this approach does not secure sustained progress in learning. (p. 9)

and Welsh training opportunities for practitioners in most settings are very limited, often due to difficulties in releasing staff to attend training and the cost of paying for staff to attend training outside their normal working hours. (p. 10)

The training of education professionals to teach Welsh in the Foundation Phase is clearly an essential element in delivering a bilingual Wales, and it is significant, though not surprising, that funding is identified as one of the barriers to progress here. Other dimensions of training are discussed in the following section.

Training of teachers and education professionals to teach Welsh Of the work-based, professional training through the medium of Welsh, that of teachers is the most developed and with the longest history. The first state Welsh-medium primary school opened in 1947 in Llanelli and teachers have taught bilingually since the beginning of the twentieth century (Jones and Roderick, 2003; Williams, 2006). The Undeb Cenedlaethol Athrawon Cymru

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(UCAC), National Union of Teachers of Welsh, was formed in 1940 to represent the Welsh language in education (Cardiff University, 2007). Currently, the two main routes to becoming a teacher of Welsh are to undertake an undergraduate education degree, which includes qualified teacher status, Bachelor of Arts or Science (BA or BSc), through the medium of Welsh, or to do a Postgraduate Certificate in Education (PGCE), after completing a subject-based undergraduate degree. Welsh government figures show that in 2013 210 students completed an Initial Teaching Training (ITT) course, which qualified them to teach through the medium of Welsh. This represented nearly 13 per cent of ITT completers (Welsh Government, 2013e). Teacher training places are allocated by the Welsh government according to projected need. As the number of education contexts for Welsh teaching increase, matching this with suitably qualified teachers, particularly in early years and further and higher education, will be a key priority – a consideration embedded in the fourth strategic aim of the Welsh-Medium Language Strategy (Welsh Assembly Government, 2010, p. 17). The training of teachers in lesser-used languages is a vital activity, but it also offers specific challenges. These can be on agreed standard forms, where there is regional variation, or on how much translation, generally from English, should be used, especially when using technology and the media. There are challenges to provide learners with resources across all subjects and education sectors. These issues apply to teaching Welsh in Welsh-medium, bilingual and English-medium settings, while presenting different pedagogic aspects. For example, in bilingual settings in North Wales, there has been increasing awareness of the need to find out more about strategies to teach Welsh to different groups of learners in the same classroom or school, where there are both pupils who speak Welsh at home and non-fluent Welsh speakers (Jones, 2010; Lewis, 2008; Lewis et al., 2012). Training is required both for teachers of Welsh who are able to deliver in increasingly varied contexts, such as the above, and in sectors where previously little Welsh provision was offered, such as in work-based learning and the postsixteen sector. As Baker (2010, p. 61) said, when discussing the lack of empirical research evidence in Wales to help teachers develop their practice, ‘Wales has much experience of using Welsh and English in the classroom … . Our teachers use two languages; we rarely train them for such use’. In English-medium schools or bilingual settings with little Welsh provision, there are different challenges than in mainly Welsh-medium settings. With that regard, One Language for All (Welsh Government, 2013b) identified the

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requirement for well-qualified and confident teachers, along with strong local and school leadership and raising the status of the subject. The pedagogic skills needed to teach Welsh in such contexts are different; there is less time in the teaching day than in an immersion context of Welsh-medium schools and there are generally much weaker pupil outcomes in Welsh in these settings (Estyn, 2004, 2007). Attitudes of pupils, especially in secondary schools, can be negative towards having to learn Welsh up to the age of sixteen. All these factors may engender less enthusiasm for fluent Welsh-speaking teachers to make a career in this context. A related dimension is that, currently, many teachers in such schools are themselves learners of Welsh, having started perhaps only when they trained and subsequently attended staff development courses. They may lack confidence in their knowledge and depend on teaching materials to deliver most of the input (Estyn, 2013b, 2013c). Training programmes, such as Geiriau Bach for early years professionals (University of Wales Trinity Saint David, 2013) and language sabbaticals schemes for teachers and lecturers to learn and/or improve their level of Welsh, have been mechanisms to address this shortfall (Welsh Government, 2013c), but there continues to be a considerable need to expand these approaches and build on them. As with many planning strategies, economic factors will impact on how far these can contribute to providing well-trained, linguistically competent and confident teachers of Welsh. A further dimension of training is the Foundation Phase in English-medium settings. This has created a greatly increased demand for staff training of teachers, nursery nurses and teaching assistants in Welsh for the early years. Courses such as Geiriau Bach for new or early stage Welsh learners (University of Wales Trinity Saint David, 2013) and Cam wrth Gam for more fluent Welsh speakers aim to develop both language and pedagogic skills for working in the early years sector. Current targets for the latter course, for example, are to train 200 staff per year between 2013 and 2016 (Mudiad Meithrin, 2013).

Literacy and language The issue of standards in literacy provoked a great deal of discussion in Wales after 2009, following the poor performance by pupils in the PISA tests taken by fifteen-year-olds in reading, mathematics and science; and it is important to recognize that discussion of Welsh language in education is set against this backdrop. The latest PISA figures, published in December 2013, showed further slippage for mathematics and science since the last tests, with a small

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improvement in reading. In response to the concern about standards, a literacy and numeracy framework was launched in September 2013 (Welsh Government, 2013a) with associated targets for improvement. While recognizing there is a problem of pupil achievement in Wales, some research speaks of the need for caution in interpreting these results (Rees, 2012; Taylor et al., 2013), since the local can become ill-defined when seen through the lens of international magnification. The relationship between social deprivation and education standards is another facet of this issue; and it is not surprising, perhaps, that the highest-achieving countries in the current PISA results are economically thriving: China and Singapore. Conversely, in Wales there is both urban and rural poverty seen by measures of multiple deprivation, such as unemployment, limited education qualifications and ill-health (Office for National Statistics, 2013). Around 2,00,000 children, 33 per cent of that population, are currently recognized as living in poverty in Wales. According to Save the Children (2013), One-third of children in Wales are affected by poverty, going without essentials or living in homes which are cold or damp. Nearly 15% live in severe poverty – the highest proportion of any UK nation. In the valleys and other parts of Wales where industry and manufacturing have shut down, poverty is deep and longstanding.

In addressing this, the Welsh government launched a Child Poverty Strategy in 2011, with associated actions and the overall target of eradication of child poverty by 2020. The minister for education and skills, four months into his new post, announced, in October 2013, that ‘cutting the link between deprivation and attainment’ is his first priority (Evans, 2013). The relationship between educational attainment and poverty is a complex one, but a question pertinent to this chapter is whether there is any effect accruing from bilingual and Welsh-medium education on literacy levels in Wales. In the debate about literacy standards it certainly warrants further investigation. There is a recognized gap in empirical studies to provide answers to these sorts of questions, to add to the summative statistical and evaluation evidence collected by the Welsh government. As Baker (2010, p. 62) remarked, ‘Since 1939, there has been a growth in bilingual education but little growth in explaining overtly when, where, how and why two languages are used in the classroom’. In general, however, research in Wales and internationally has shown for many years that being bilingual, although more complex than being monolingual, offers much potential to support learning (Baker, 2011; Bialystok,

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2001; Cummins and Hornberger, 2008; Hornberger, 2003). With regard to PISA 2003 assessments, Huguet et al. (2006), in Spain, noted that those fifteenyear-olds that were bilingual in Catalan and Spanish scored above the average in reading comprehension and mathematics performance. It seems likely that having an awareness of language and meaning, knowing words for the same concept in different languages or understanding a concept unique to a particular language and culture, adds to the store of imagination and problemsolving a person has, which, in a linguistically alert teaching environment, can support learning. Indeed, the Welsh government Literacy and Numeracy Framework document refers to dual literacy as ‘one of the essential elements of a bilingual country’ (2013a, p. 12) and indicates that further guidelines and training will be provided for practitioners, an approach to be welcomed in what is still an opaque, though potentially highly fruitful, area for learning and teaching. Making the link between literacy standards and languages from a different starting point is the triple literacy project (Centre for Languages CILT Cymru, 2011), which was funded by the Welsh government to examine teaching and learning opportunities across Welsh, English and modern foreign languages in schools. It builds on the idea of transfer across languages, so that understanding of literacy can be developed from English through Welsh to an MFL (often French) and vice versa. The triple literacy initiative has a strong pedagogic focus and is predicated upon the idea of teaching cooperatively, planning across departments and classes and using similar terminology about vocabulary and grammar, to make explicit links in teaching from one language to the other, drawing pupils’ attention to similarities and differences in languages. Experience from this project offers scope to feed into the dual literacy approach identified by the Literacy and Numeracy Framework (Welsh Government, 2013a).

Conclusion: Challenges and successes This discussion has shown that the trajectory of Welsh language in education is still one of expansion. It is both politically driven and supported by parents who choose to send their children to Welsh-medium and bilingual schools. The resource implications are substantial for training staff and developing new materials to suit the increasingly diverse teaching and learning situations for

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Welsh, set against a climate of economic difficulty and concern about pupil achievement in literacy. The Welsh government has responded to this situation in its recent policies on Welsh, particularly the Welsh-Medium Education Strategy (2010) and Iaith Byw (2012b). There seems, too, determination to underline afresh the link between the Welsh language and education in its broadest sense, signalled in 2011 by the move of ministerial responsibility for the Welsh language from the Department of Culture and Sport to Education and Skills. A central challenge is the situation of young Welsh speakers not using the language in their everyday lives (Hodges, 2009; Thomas and Roberts, 2011; Welsh Language Board, 2005), although some recent research indicates that Welsh is being used in work situations as a form of language maintenance (Hodges, 2009); and groups such as the Urdd Gobeith Cymru (Welsh League of Youth) and Mentrau Iaith (Language Schemes) continue to do much to offer clubs, social events and community activities outside the school setting. Nevertheless, it is clearly of concern that many pupils, particularly in South East Wales, mainly use Welsh in a school context and their learning is supported by limited experience of the language at home and in the community. The need to break out from this is recognized as an important aspect of language planning. There is also the related issue of widening the use of Welsh into social media and technology sites. Many young Welsh speakers are not currently living in Wales (Jones, 2010; Welsh Language Board, 2007), but may use the language through virtual means, if the climate is right in social media environments. Developing teaching and assessment of Welsh according to a language continuum, which is informed by an understanding of the varying contexts of language use in Wales, is another challenge for the future. If it can build on the links between Welsh, English and other languages to support learning that would be a very exciting prospect, and a situation uncommon in the UK. Language education in Wales would move closer to the situation in other parts of Europe, where teachers adopt language transfer approaches to maximize student learning and space in the curriculum. This outcome depends on more young people, particularly those coming through the Foundation Phase, acquiring a better level of fluency in Welsh. It may, then, that a re-evaluation of what Welsh language education means will be needed. Williams and Prys Jones speak of normalization as Welsh language in education develops more widely. Realizing there is loss of control in this situation, as well as cause for celebration, they ask:

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‘Are we ready to let go, and accept that the time has come to stop treating Welshmedium education as if it is something ‘apart’? (2013, p. 276) However, that time has not yet arrived. The detail of a bi- or even trilingual language continuum is at a very early stage of development. According to the authors of One Language (2013b, p. 25), ‘Research would be needed in order to map Welsh second language acquisition milestones in comparison to the expected levels of Welsh literacy for each year group’, and continue saying, The Welsh Government would need to consider commissioning specific Welsh second language research in addition to drawing on international research and best practice in second language acquisition and considering research and best practice in Wales. (p. 32)

It is noticeable that the term ‘Welsh second language’ is used in discussion of Welsh in English-medium schools, and this, in itself, highlights the steps that will need to be taken in curriculum and assessment design before true ‘normalization’ of Welsh language in education can occur. Finally, the overall view of Welsh language in education at the present time is one of consolidation in well-established areas, such as Welsh-medium education and Welsh for adults, with expansion into new areas, such as teaching Welsh in the postsixteen sector. To synchronize these approaches in Welsh language education and bring them to fruition, there is a need for a greater critical mass of young people learning Welsh. The Welsh-medium Education Strategy has a target of 30 per cent of young people becoming bilingual, while others suggest a higher number, at around 40 per cent (Hawker, 2013, p. 202). Examining the issues of Welsh language in education identifies the need, as with many other places in the world where lesser-used languages are spoken, of looking away from the past, while acknowledging it, towards the future, where safeguarding the language resides as much in social media, networks and workplaces as in the home and school, where it was in the past. In Wales this is crucial if, by the next census in 2021, the numbers of Welsh speakers are to be more buoyant than in 2011 achieving the aims expressed in Iaith Byw: ‘to see the Welsh language thriving in Wales and to ensure more use of Welsh in everyday life’ (Welsh Government, 2012b, p. 16). The vital signs are there in terms of policy structures; and the volume of young speakers is increasing, heading towards a better critical mass to speak out confidently beyond the classroom and school setting. It may be, then, that the Welsh language will not, at that time, rest so heavily and exclusively for its survival on education.

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Note 1 The National Assembly for Wales was established in 1999 and its executive was called the Welsh Assembly Government. From 2011 Welsh government is the term of reference for the executive. I use this for consistency in the chapter.

References Aitchison, J. and Carter, H. (2004) Spreading the Word: The Welsh Language 2000, Talybont, Y Lolfa. Baker, C. (1988) Key Issues in Bilingualism and Bilingual Education, Clevedon, Multilingual Matters. ——— (2010) ‘Increasing bilingualism in bilingual education’, in: Morris, D. (ed.) Welsh in the Twenty-First Century, Cardiff, University of Wales Press, pp. 61–79. ——— (2011) Foundations of Bilingual Education and Bilingualism, 5th edition. Clevedon, Multilingual Matters. Bialystok, E. (2001) Bilingualism in Development: Language, Literacy, and Cognition, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. Cardiff University (2007) Welsh devolution: A timeline. Available at: http://www. cardiff.ac.uk/insrv/libraries/scolar/digital/devolutionsources.html#top [Accessed 5 December 2013]. Centre for Languages (CILT Cymru) (2011) Supporting Triple Literacy. Language Learning in Key Stage 2 and Key Stage 3, Cardiff, CILT Cymru/Welsh Government. Coupland, N. (2012) ‘Bilingualism on display: the framing of Welsh and English in Welsh public spaces’, Language in Society, 41:1, pp. 1–27. Cummins, J. and Hornberger, N.H. (ed.) (2008) Bilingual Education. Encyclopedia of Language and Education, 2nd edition. New York, Springer. Estyn (2004) A Survey of Welsh as a Second Language in Key Stages 2 and 3 and Transition, Cardiff, Estyn. ——— (2007) An Evaluation of the GCSE Welsh Second Language Short Course, Cardiff, Estyn. ——— (2013a) The Annual Report of Her Majesty’s Chief Inspector of Education and Training in Wales 2011–12, Cardiff, Estyn. ——— (2013b) A Report on South East Wales Centre for Teacher Education and Training, Cardiff, Estyn. ——— (2013c) Welsh Language Development in the Foundation Phase, Cardiff, Estyn. Evans, D. (2013) ‘Tackling link between poverty and attainment is our top priority’ says education minister’, TES, Cymru blog. Available at: http://community.tes. co.uk/tes_cymru/b/weblog/archive/2013/10/16/quot-tackling-link-between-

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poverty-and-attainment-is-our-top-priority-quot-says-education-minister.aspx [Accessed 7 December 2013]. Hawker, D. (2013) ‘Future prospects for Welsh-medium education: reflections from a recent migrant’, in: Thomas, H.S. and Williams, C.H. (eds) Parents, Personalities and Power, Cardiff, University of Wales Press, pp. 199–208. Hodges, R.S. (2009) ‘Welsh language use among young people in the Rhymney valley’, Contemporary Wales, 22:1, pp. 16–16. ——— (2012) ‘Welsh-medium education and parental incentives – the case of the Rhymni Valley, Caerffili’, International Journal of Bilingual Education & Bilingualism, 15:3, pp. 355–373. Hornberger, N.H. (2003) Continua of Biliteracy: An Ecological Framework for Educational Policy, Research and Practice in Multilingual Settings, Clevedon, Multilingual Matters. Huguet, A., Lasagabaster D. and Vila I. (2006) ‘Bilingual education in Spain: present realities and future challenges’, in: Cummings, J. and Hornberger, N.H. (eds.) Encyclopedia of Languae and Education (Vol 5) Bilingual Education, New York, Springer, pp. 225–235. Jones, G.E. and Roderick, G.W. (2003) A History of Education in Wales, Cardiff, University of Wales Press. Jones, H.M. (2010) ‘Welsh speakers: age profile and out-migration’, in: Morris, D. (ed.) Welsh in the Twenty-first Century, Cardiff, University of Wales Press, pp. 118–147. Lewis, G., Jones, B. and Baker, C. (2012) ‘Translanguaging: developing its conceptualisation and contextualisation’, Educational Research and Evaluation, 18:7, pp. 655–670. Lewis, W.G. (2008) ‘Current challenges in bilingual education in Wales’, in Cenoz J. and Gorter D. (eds) International Association of Applied Linguistics (AILA), Essen, John Benjamins, pp. 69–86. Mentrau Iaith Cymru (2013) Promoting the Welsh language in the community. Available at: http://www.mentrauiaith.org/saesneg/index.php [Accessed 8 December 2013]. Morris, D., Cunliffe, D. and Prys, C. (2012) ‘Social networks and minority languages speakers: the use of social networking sites among young people’, Sociolinguistic Studies, 6:1, pp. 1–20. Mudiad Meithrin (2013) Cylchoedd Meithrin (Playgroups). Available at: http://www. meithrin.co.uk/playgroups/ [Accessed 30 November 2013]. Office for National Statistics (2013) 2011 Census Analysis – Comparing Rural and Urban Areas of England and Wales, London, Office for National Statistics. Pritchard-Newcombe, L. (2007) Social Context and Fluency in L2 Learners: The Case of Wales, Clevedon, Multilingual Matters. Rees, G. (2012) ‘A crisis in Welsh education? New approaches in harsh times’, Education Review, 24:2, pp. 40–49. Rhieni dros Addysg Gymraeg/Parents for Welsh-medium education (2012) The Growth of Welsh-medium Education 2002–2012, Cardiff, Rhieni dros Addysg Gymraeg.

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Save the Children (2013) 2013 Wales Conference. Available at: http://www. savethechildren.org.uk/where-we-work/united-kingdom/wales [Accessed 12 December 2013]. Taylor, C., Rees, G. and Davies, R. (2013) ‘Devolution and geographies of education: the use of the millennium cohort study for “home international” comparisons across the UK’, Comparative Education, 49:3, Special issue (47) on the significance of place, space and scale in the study of education, in: Symaco, L. and Brock, C. (eds), pp. 290–316. Thomas, E.M. and Roberts, D.B. (2011) ‘Exploring bilinguals’ social use of language inside and out of the minority language classroom’, Language & Education: An International Journal, 25:2, pp. 89–108. University of Wales Trinity Saint David (2013) Welcome to Geiriau Bach. http:// www.trinitysaintdavid.ac.uk/en/schoolofearlychildhood/geiriaubach/ [Accessed 4 December 2013]. Urdd Gobeith Cymru (2012) The Needs and Aspirations of Young People in Relation to the Welsh Language: A Consultation with Young People, Cardiff, Urdd Gobeith Cymru/Welsh Government. Welsh Assembly Government (2003) Iaith Pawb: A National Action Plan for a Bilingual Wales, Cardiff, Welsh Assembly Government. ——— (2007) Defining Schools according to Welsh-medium Provision, Cardiff, Welsh Assembly Government. ——— (2010) Welsh-Medium Education Strategy, Cardiff, Welsh Assembly Government. Welsh Government (2012a) 2011 Census: First Results on the Welsh Language, Cardiff, Welsh Government. ——— (2012b) Iaith byw, iaith i fyw. A Living Language, a Language for Living, Cardiff, Welsh Government. ——— (2013a) National Literacy and Numeracy Framework, Cardiff, Welsh Government. ——— (2013b) One Language for All. Review of Welsh Second Language at Key Stages 3 and 4, Cardiff, Welsh Government. ——— (2013c) Sabbatical Scheme for Welsh Language Training, Cardiff, Welsh Government. http://www.cynllunsabothol.org.uk/index.php.en?menu=0&catid=0 [Accessed 4 December 2013]. ——— (2013d) School Census Results 2013, Cardiff, Welsh Government. ——— (2013e) Welsh Government Statistics, Cardiff, Welsh government. http://wales. gov.uk/topics/welshlanguage/statistics/?lang=en [Accessed 8 November 2013]. ——— (2013f) Welsh Language Strategy Evaluation Framework, Cardiff, Welsh Government. Welsh Language Board (2005) Young People’s Social Networks and Language Use, Cardiff, Welsh Language Board. http://www.webarchive.org.uk/wayback/ archive/20081121163945/http://www.byig-wlb.org.uk/English/publications/ Publications/3562.pdf [Accessed 29 November 2013].

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——— (2007) Estimation of the Number of Welsh Speakers in England, Cardiff, Welsh Language Board. http://www.webarchive.org.uk/wayback/archive/20120330060204/ http://www.byig-wlb.org.uk/English/publications/Publications/4844.pdf [Accessed 29 November 2013]. Welsh Language Commissioner (2012) The Welsh Language Commissioner’s Response to the 2011 Census Results, Cardiff. http://www.comisiynyddygymraeg.org/English/ News/Pages/WelshLanguageCommissionerrecognizesthechallengeposedbytheCensus. aspx [Accessed 4 December 2013]. Williams, C.H. (2000) Language Revitalization: Policy and Planning in Wales, Cardiff, University of Wales Press. ——— (2005) ‘“Iaith Pawb”: the doctrine of plenary inclusion’, Contemporary Wales, 17:1, pp. 1–27. ——— (2007) Linguistic Minorities in Democratic Context: The One and the Many, Basingstoke, Palgrave Macmillan. ——— (2013) ‘Ysgolion Cymraeg: an act of faith in the future of Welsh’, in: Thomas, H.S. and Williams, C.H. (eds) Parents, Personalities and Power, Cardiff: University of Wales Press, pp. 1–24. Williams, C.H. and Jones, M.P. (2013) ‘Transforming strategies: pathways to an integral education system’, in: Thomas, H.S. and Williams, C.H. (eds) Parents, Personalities and Power, Cardiff, University of Wales Press, pp. 267–287. Williams, G. (2010) ‘Language, meaning and the knowledge economy’, in: Morris, D. (ed.) Welsh in the Twenty-first Century, Cardiff, University of Wales Press, pp. 7–35. Williams, S.R. (2006) ‘Welsh for all: experiments in bilingual teaching in the interwar years’, in: Roberts, H.G.F. (ed.) Welsh-medium and Bilingual Education. Trafodion Addysg – Education Transactions, Bangor, University of Wales Bangor, School of Education, pp. 37–59.

Part Four

Northern Ireland

12

Northern Ireland: An Overview Tony Gallagher

Introduction The two most distinctive aspects of education in Northern Ireland are that schools are largely divided on the basis of religion and it is one of the few regions of the UK which continues to operate a system of academic selection at age eleven years which has consequent social background relationships in the routes taken by young people. This chapter will examine both of these divisions and how they have played out in education policy and practice. A locally elected Northern Ireland Assembly has been in operation since 2000, albeit with an extended period of suspension between 2002 and 2007. The assembly operates some unique procedures to encourage cooperation between the political parties, and in many respects, education has provided a test bed of their ability to work towards some sense of the common good. Before examining the two areas we have identified as of most interest, we will begin by providing an account of the historical development of the education system and some statistics on its current profile.

Schools in Ireland and Northern Ireland Between 1801 and 1923 the island of Ireland was part of the United Kingdom. Europe had just come through a turbulent part of its history, one consequence of which was that the population of a state territory were largely assumed to adopt the official religion of the state. In this respect, unlike England, Scotland and Wales, which had a settled Protestant majority, Ireland had a Catholic

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majority, which became increasingly nationalist in identity and separatist in ambition as the century progressed. Although it was subject to the London Parliament, in practice Ireland was administered from Dublin Castle, and it was from here that the impetus to establish a national school system came in the 1830s. This initiative was based on an ambition that schools have to be open to children from all denominational backgrounds and there was official encouragement for different denominational interests to cooperate in the establishment of schools. For a variety of reasons these ambitions were not realized so that by the end of the nineteenth century a de facto confessional system, in which virtually all schools were owned and run by either the Catholic Church or one of the Protestant denominations, had developed (Akenson, 1970, 1973). Political upheaval in Ireland before and after the First World War resulted in the passing of the Government of Ireland Act (1920), which established separate parliaments in Dublin and Belfast, with each given the option to stay within the United Kingdom or to choose separation: Belfast decided to stay within the United Kingdom, while Dublin established the Irish Free State, later to become the Republic of Ireland (1949). Northern Ireland had a largely Protestant, unionist majority attached to the United Kingdom for cultural, historical, religious and economic reasons. Territorial rearrangements like this normally aim to create more ethnically ‘pure’ communities, but absent mass voluntary or enforced population movement inevitably some people are left on the ‘wrong side’ of the resultant borders. This occurred in Ireland, where partition left a significant Catholic minority in Northern Ireland. In the Irish Free State (later Republic of Ireland), the Catholic Church was by far the predominant provider of schools and sought the continuation of the national system which underpinned this control (Coolahan, 1981). In Northern Ireland, however, progressive elements within Ulster Unionism had sought to move schooling in the direction of practice in England in which local authorities had largely supplanted the role of the church interests, with the long-term aim of establishing a common school system for all children within the United Kingdom (Akenson, 1973). Lord Londonderry, the first minister of education in Northern Ireland, was within this liberal camp and proposed an Education Bill in 1923 which would allow the churches to transfer ownership of their schools to new local authorities: the transferred schools were to be known as county schools and be managed and fully funded by the state. If one of the churches wanted to maintain control of a school, they could opt for voluntary status, albeit with a significantly reduced

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level of public funding. The expectation was that most of the schools under the control of Protestant churches would transfer as county schools, while most of those under the control of the Catholic Church would opt to become voluntary schools. The inducement for the Catholics in the bill was the provision of a third category of school – known as four-and-two schools, as a third of the places on the School Board would be allocated to public representatives – which would receive a higher level of public funding than voluntary schools, while allowing the church to maintain control. In regard to its social ambitions, the Education Act was a failure: not only was the Catholic Church not attracted by the four-and-two option and decided to take voluntary status for all its schools, but the Protestant churches declined to give up their influence over education and also refused to transfer their schools to local authority management. It was not until political pressure from the Protestant churches achieved a number of legislative concessions that they agreed to transfer their schools: the concessions included compulsory religious education (defined as simple Bible teaching) on the curriculum, local committee control over teacher appointments and church representation on school boards as of right (Akenson, 1973; Buckland, 1979; Farren, 1995). These concessions meant that the Protestant churches retained a high degree of control over their schools, even after they had been transferred to the local authorities as county schools. This also meant that that by the mid-1930s the system of denominationalism had been confirmed, and, for all practical purposes, two parallel systems, for Protestants and Catholics, had been put in place (Dunn, 1990). This parallelism was only compounded by subsequent developments. In 1947 an Education Act was passed to establish free secondary education. Over the next decade this required the construction of new secondary schools, but those which were designated as county schools, and hence under the control of the local authorities, were treated as if they had been transferred from the Protestant churches, which were given the same right of representation on school boards as had been conceded in the 1930s. A parallel set of Catholic secondary schools were also built during this period and were termed ‘voluntary maintained’ schools. It was not until 1968, in fact, that a rapprochement was achieved between the Ministry of Education and the Catholic Church, under which the church agreed to accept public representation on school boards in return for an increased level of grant: effectively this was the Catholic Church accepting the four-and-two option almost a half-century after it had first been offered (Dunn, 1990).

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In the late 1960s a group of Irish language enthusiasts established an Irishspeaking community in a part of West Belfast and later an Irish language primary school for their children. An attempt to establish an Irish language secondary school failed, although it was successfully revived later (Gallagher 2002). The Good Friday/Belfast Agreement supported Irish-medium education and placed a requirement on the Department of Education to encourage and facilitate the development of the sector. Currently there are twenty-nine Irish-medium schools and ten Irish-medium units attached to mainstream schools. All but one is a primary school, while seven operate as units within primary schools. There is an additional Irish-medium secondary school operating without any public funding. In 2012/13 there were 4633 pupils in Irish-medium education, including 803 in preschool settings, 3061 in primary schools and 769 in secondary schools. In 1981 the first formal integrated school was established by parents who wished to have the opportunity to have Protestant and Catholic children educated together. Over the next decade one more secondary and nine primary integrated schools opened. The 1989 Education Reform Order placed a duty on the Department of Education to support the further development of integrated schools, which led to the establishment of the North Ireland Council for Integrated Education (NICIE) and its goal of working with parents who wished to establish new schools (Moffatt, 1993). The Integrated Education Fund (IEF) was established as a trust to provide capital support for new schools. In addition the 1989 order allowed for parents at an existing Protestant or Catholic school to vote to transform the school into an integrated school. By 2012/13 there were forty-two integrated primary schools and twenty integrated secondary schools; of this total nineteen primary and five secondary schools had been ‘Protestant’ schools that had transformed to integrated status; no Catholic school has transformed in this way. The total number of pupils in integrated schools was 21,503, of whom 499 were in preschool settings, 8891 were in primary schools and 12,113 were in secondary schools: these pupils amounted to 6 per cent of the entire schoolage population in Northern Ireland. The evidence on the impact of integrated schools will be considered below.

The current state of play in education Table 12.1 provides information on the number of pupils across different school types and school management types in Northern Ireland. The start

29,763

35,429

4,376

152,701

Secondary

Grammar

Special

TOTAL

146,597

226

27,170

40,642

73,152

5407

3454

51

541

2552

310

‘Catholic’ schools Other maintained schools

Source: Calculated from Department of Education data.

74,736

8397

Primary

Preschool and nursery

‘Protestant’ schools

21,503

12,113

8891

499

Integrated schools

Table 12.1  Number of students by school type and school management type, 2012/2013

8410

8410

Other schools/ providers

332,665

4653

62,599

83,059

159,331

23,023

All school types

Northern Ireland: An Overview 259

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of compulsory education is, at age five years, younger than most European countries or even in comparison to other jurisdictions in the UK. Just over 23,000 students attend nursery schools or preschool classes in primary schools, although this is as a result of decisions taken by the 1997 Labour government, as prior to this the availability of preschool provision was very low. At the end of primary school, students (at age ten years) may opt to take an academic test, the eleven plus, on which high performance will entitle them to a place in an academic grammar school (eleven to eighteen years), while the rest attend secondary schools (eleven to sixteen, or eleven to eighteen years) – we consider some of the effects of, and debates about, academic selection later in this chapter. Table 12.1 shows that 4653 students attend special schools. Not included in Table 12.1 are seventy-eight students in hospital schools and 687 students in independent (mainly Christian) schools. There is a bewildering variety of school management types, reflecting the distinctive history of the education system in Northern Ireland, some of which we have outlined above. In essence, the designation of schools relates to the structure of their Boards of Governors and their ownership. Thus, schools which operate under the Education and Library Boards (or local education authorities) are controlled schools, while schools which are overseen by the Council for Catholic Maintained Schools are designated as maintained schools. Many grammar schools are designated as voluntary schools, but there are two types of these: schools which operate under the authority of Catholic Bishops, and schools which operate under the authority of trustees, sometimes but not always, linked to the Protestant churches. There are also religiously integrated schools (grant-maintained, or controlled integrated) and Irishmedium schools in which all instruction is provided in the Irish language The grant-maintained integrated schools are new schools created by parents, whereas the controlled integrated schools are former controlled schools where the parents voted to change the status of the school. No schools operate formal religious tests on entry, but as we shall see below, there is a high degree of religious separation in the system. In Table 12.1 we have classified the schools as ‘Protestant’, ‘Catholic’, Integrated or Other. The ‘Protestant’ schools are so designated as they will have representatives of some of the Protestant churches on their school boards; similarly, ‘Catholic’ schools are those which are owned and managed by the Catholic Church. The ‘Other maintained’ schools are almost all Irish-medium schools, while the ‘Other schools/providers’ are mainly private providers of preschool provision. The data in Table 12.1 illustrate the parallel provision of

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schooling that was referred to above, with broadly equal numbers of students in Protestant and Catholic primary schools, and in secondary and grammar schools combined. There are fewer Catholic preschool and nursery facilities, and fewer Catholic special schools and this reflects an historical priority in the Catholic sector for investing in schools to cover the compulsory period of schooling at a time when the church had to contribute to the cost of new schools. The integrated school sector is small, but significant, accounting for 6 per cent of primary pupils, 15 per cent of secondary pupils and 6 per cent of pupils overall. Tables 12.2, 12.3, 12.4 and 12.5 show the religious breakdown of students across the school types and provides a picture of the extent of religious separation among young people. The tables focus on different age groups, with Table 12.2 focused on preschool provision, Table 12.3 on primary pupils, Table 12.4 on postprimary pupils and Table 12.5 on pupils in special schools. From Table 12.2 we can see a marked difference in the percentage of Catholic students by school management type; although it is noteworthy that proportionately there are twice as many Catholic students in controlled nursery schools as compared with preschool classes in controlled primary schools. The integrated schools have the same religious balance in their enrolment. Table 12.3 shows the data for primary schools and the small number of pupils who attend fee-paying preparatory (prep) departments in grammar Table 12.2  Total number of students and percentage of Catholic students by school type and management type: preschool provision School type Nursery schools

Pre-school classes

Management type

% Catholic students

Total number of students

Controlled

24

4134

Maintained (Catholic)

83

1776

All nursery schools

42

5910

Controlled

12

4408

Maintained (Catholic)

94

3892

Maintained (other)

86

311

Controlled integrated

42

89

Grant-maintained integrated

42

420

All preschool classes

51

9120

Source: Calculated from Department of Education data.

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Table 12.3  Total number of students and percentage of Catholic students by school type and management type: primary school provision School type Primary schools (ages 5–11 yrs)

Prep departments (ages 5–11 yrs)

Management type

% Catholic students

Total number of students

6

72,759

Maintained (Catholic or other)

97

75,442

Controlled integrated

28

3414

Grant-maintained integrated

43

5467

All primary schools

51

157,082

7

235

Voluntary (other)

11

1597

All prep departments

10

1832

Controlled

Controlled

Source: Calculated from Department of Education data

Table 12.4  Total number of students and percentage of Catholic students by school type and management type: postprimary school provision School type Secondary (ages 11–16 or 11–18 yrs)

Grammar (ages 11–18 yrs)

Management type

% Catholic students

Total number of students

2

29,763

Maintained (Catholic or other)

98

41,183

Controlled integrated

16

2612

Grant-maintained integrated

42

9501

All secondary

55

83,059

8

15,181

Voluntary (Catholic)

98

27,170

Voluntary (other)

12

20,248

All grammar

48

62,599

Controlled

Controlled

Source: Calculated from Department of Education data.

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Table 12.5  Total number of students and percentage of Catholic students by school type and management type: special school provision School type Special Schools

Management type

% Catholic students

Total number of students

Controlled

41

4376

Maintained (Catholic or other)

86

277

All special schools

43

4653

Source: Calculated from Department of Education data.

schools. The religious differences appear more starkly here: while Catholic students comprise 51 per cent of all primary school students, they comprise 97 per cent of students in maintained schools, but only 6 per cent of students in controlled primary schools. A difference is evident also among the two types of integrated schools, with grant-maintained integrated schools having a higher proportion of Catholic students in their enrolment in comparison with controlled integrated schools. The proportion of Catholic students in prep departments is also quite low. Table 12.4 shows the data for pupils in postprimary schools, comprising the academically selective grammar schools or the secondary schools. Religious differences are also quite stark here: 55 per cent of the students in secondary schools are Catholic, but while they comprise 98 per cent in maintained schools, they only comprise 2 per cent in controlled schools. As with the primary schools, there is a difference in profile between the two types of integrated schools, with grant-maintained integrated schools having a higher proportion of Catholics in their enrolment in comparison with controlled integrated schools. The pattern for grammar schools deviates only slightly from this: while Catholics comprise 48 per cent of all grammar pupils, they comprise 98 per cent in voluntary Catholic schools, but only 8 per cent in controlled grammar schools and 12 per cent in other voluntary grammar schools. The slightly higher proportion of Catholic students in other voluntary grammar schools relates to the popularity of schools which are perceived to be socially elite in their overall intake. Table 12.5 shows the data for special schools where the majority of provision is though controlled schools. The most noteworthy feature here, however, is that the proportion of Catholic pupils in controlled special schools is higher in comparison with primary, secondary or grammar schools. The data on the tables above provide a sense of the scale and profile of schools in Northern Ireland, and underpin the important social fissure based

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on religion that has been a key aspect of the history of education there, and remains a key component of current provision. We will consider some of the ways this has been addressed in recent years below, but before doing so it is worth pointing out a further social division that arises from the profile above. In the post–Second World War period, many European countries adopted differentiated organization of secondary education, partly on the basis of psychological evidence which cast intelligence as innate, immutable and predictable, and partly as a consequence of the need to ration access to the limited number of places in academically oriented schools. Apart from German-speaking countries, in most jurisdictions the use of differentiated arrangements after primary education was abandoned in the 1960s and 1970s in favour of largely unitary systems, at least until the end of the compulsory period of schooling. One of the main factors behind this change was the finding that the outcomes of selective tests and instruments were socially mediated and had, in fact, contributed little in promoting equal opportunity. In Northern Ireland there was no shift away from selective arrangements, for reasons we will examine in more detail below, but the social divisions between the school types remain evident. The main measure of social disadvantage in schools lies in the proportion of pupils entitled to free school meals. In 2012/13 the average proportion for Protestant grammar schools was 5.4 per cent, while the average proportion for Catholic grammar schools was 9.9 per cent. By contrast, the average proportion for Protestant secondary schools was 23.9 per cent, for Catholic secondary schools it was 32.6 per cent and for integrated schools it was 25.2 per cent. We will examine some of the issues related to these religious and social differences among schools in Northern Ireland in the next two sections of this chapter.

Dealing with divisions: Religious and political divides What we have seen thus far, then, is a long history of the pattern of denominational provision in education in Ireland and Northern Ireland. Even the attempt to create more secular control of schools in postpartition Northern Ireland faltered in the face of the unwillingness of the Catholic Church to engage with the new Northern Ireland authorities, and pressure by the Protestant churches to retain privileges and influence over schools even after they had transferred these to local authority ownership. There have been alterations to the pattern of provision in recent decades, most notably the establishment of a small, but

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secure, sector of religiously integrated schools, although this period has also seen the growth of a smaller Irish-medium sector of schools. It is also worth noting that few schools use direct religious tests for admissions, although many use parish boundaries as their geographical units. Thus, unlike a situation where schools might be properly thought of as segregated, on the basis that a category of student is legally proscribed from attending a particular type of school, schools in Northern Ireland are religiously separate in that the patterns of religious differentiation are based on a combination of community pressure and parental choice: cross-over between school types is possible, and while the tables above show it is atypical, it is not unknown. When violence broke out in Northern Ireland in the latter part of the 1960s, not surprisingly, many commentators suggested a link between the existence of separate denominational schools and the community division (Fraser, 1973; Heskin, 1980). Three analyses were offered on the consequences of separate schools, although no consensus emerged (Gallagher, 2004), each of which was to lead to interventions over the following years. One view was that separate schools, with distinctive curriculums, acted as a seedbed for community division and so should be addressed by developing new curriculums and common textbooks to be used across all schools. A second view was that the hidden curriculum of the schools reinforced the sense of division and so active attempts were needed to bring young people from the different communities into contact with one another, initially through joint holiday projects, later school contact programmes and later still the development of a fully integrated sector of schools. The third view was that the problems in Northern Ireland were unrelated to ignorance or misunderstanding, but rather were rooted in social injustice and inequality in a society where the Catholic minority suffered discrimination in access to certain jobs and opportunities (Conway, 1970). Gallagher (2010) has argued that this perspective sometimes was manifested in ‘reverse’ form in that the problem of separate schools is attributed to Catholic obduracy; that is, since controlled or voluntary schools are open to all students, regardless of religion, if Catholics choose not to send their children to these schools then they must be prepared to live with the consequences (Ulster Unionist Party, 1968). Despite no consensus on the diagnosis of the problems arising from separate schools, a variety of interventions were put in place over the next thirty years to promote reconciliation and tolerance, mainly taking one of three forms: curriculum interventions to develop new common programmes and textbooks; contact programmes, to bring young Protestants and Catholics together on joint

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projects and activities; and the development of the third sector of integrated schools. From the 1980s onwards a fourth intervention developed from an equality agenda and focused on the consequences of official support for separate schools, particularly in relation to educational outcomes and labour market opportunity. Early curriculum projects focused on the teaching of history (Darby, 1974; Magee, 1970), religious education (Francis and Greer, 1999; Greer, 1972, 1983) and more broadly based pedagogical programmes (Malone, 1973; O’Connor, 1980; Skilbeck, 1973). Later an entirely new subject, education for mutual understanding (EMU) (CCEA, 1997), was developed. The 1989 Education Order established a statutory curriculum for students in compulsory education (aged four to sixteen years), including two cross-curricular themes, EMU and cultural heritage, which directly addressed community relations issues. There was much good work carried out under these themes (ETI, 2000; Richardson, 1990), but the evaluation of their impact was generally negative (Leitch and Kilpatrick, 1999; Smith and Robinson, 1992, 1996). Within schools, one of the main constraints was a tendency by teachers to focus work on safe and unchallenging themes, and schools tended not to provide opportunities for young people to build on past experience to move towards more challenging issue (Arlow, 2004). All of these constraints reflected the relatively low status this work was accorded within schools and the wider education system, although there were significant pedagogical developments and learning derived from the period (Richardson and Gallagher, 2010). An intervention in early years settings highlighted the need for early intervention and high-quality training for teachers and trainers, the value of multidisciplinary teams in the development and implementation of initiatives and the importance of rigorous evaluation in order to fine-tune the intervention (Connolly et al., 2002, 2006). More recently the revised NI curriculum introduced ‘Learning for Life and Work’, which included a component on ‘Local and Global Citizenship’ (LGC) (Smith, 2003). Unlike most countries, where citizenship education focuses on those factors which help to promote a sense of commonality – the national flag or anthem, the system of government or a shared history – all of these features are contested in Northern Ireland, so citizenship education has to be about something other than the ‘stuff of normal politics’. What developed was an innovative focus on the processes of citizenship, centred round four main themes: democracy and participation; diversity and inclusion; justice and equality; and rights and responsibilities. The programme has been made compulsory in schools since 2007 and early reviews suggest there might still

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be problems in dealing with the difficult and controversial aspects of the issues (Niens and McIlrath, 2010). Although an impressively large number of schools were involved in contact projects – by the early 2000s some 42 per cent of primary schools and 59 per cent of postprimary schools were running schemes – in practice, relatively few pupils were involved (20 per cent and 10 per cent, respectively) as a joint project could involve as few as twenty-five pupils from either schools (Matchett, 2004). Furthermore, discussions were generally not used to address issues related to conflict or division, and often did not even begin to broach themes which would encourage movement towards these issues. O’Connor et al. (2002) were damning in their criticism of the limitations and lack of ambition in many programmes. Hughes and Knox (1996, 1997) reviewed ten years of initiatives supported by the Community Relations Council in Northern Ireland, most of which had been based on some form of contact. They found that the least successful categories of initiatives were those within education or ones established to react to particular events. The development of integrated schools represented a particularly strong commitment to a contact approach, but the background and development of this is considered in another chapter of the book (in the following chapter by Hansson). Research reviewed by Gallagher et al. (1994) and Osborne et al. (1993) suggested that less favourable funding arrangements for Catholic schools, both capital and recurrent funding, had operated to their disadvantage and had probably contributed to an achievement gap such that leavers from Catholic schools had, on average, lower grades than leavers from Protestant schools. This research prompted concerns that Catholic schools should be funded at the same levels as Protestant schools as part of a wider equality agenda and the government eventually agreed to this. This could be seen as a positive example of a mature pluralism and the acceptance by the government of a commitment to equality, although some criticized the decision on the basis that it further entrenched separate schools. However, the right of minorities to their own schools is endorsed by international conventions and an important differentiation is made between separate schools by choice and segregated schools by requirement (Caportorti, 1991; Churchill, 1996; Coulby, 1997; Craft, 1996; see also Minority Rights Group, 1994). In regard to achievement gaps, current patterns now show that leavers from Catholic schools achieve, on average, higher performance in comparison with leavers from Protestant schools. In other words, to the extent that an achievement gap currently exists in the system, the ones who lose out are mainly Protestant working-class boys.

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In the period of the peace process from 1997 onwards, work started on another approach using school collaboration. This had been used in other jurisdictions to support school improvement, but there was little evidence of its use to promote social cohesion (Atkinson et al., 2007). The experience of jointfaith schools in England and Scotland had emphasized the need to go beyond mere colocation and encourage dialogic engagement (O’Sullivan et al., 2008). A study of multiagency working in Northern Ireland, based on social activity theory and including a network of five collaborating schools as one of its research sites, concluded that while trust among school leaders was crucial to their cooperation, challenges remained in mainstreaming collaboration throughout the schools (Daniels et al., 2009; Edwards et al., 2009; Gallagher and Carlisle, 2009; Kilpatrick et al., 2009). The Sharing Education Programme emerged from this and sought to promote collaborative networks of schools in which teachers and pupils moved between schools to take classes. Between 2007 and 2013, a little over 130 schools were involved in sharing education work and a body of evidence on its impact is now beginning to emerge (Duffy and Gallagher, 2012a, 2012b, 2014; Hughes et al. 2012, 2013; Knox, 2010).

Dealing with social divisions: The debate over academic selection When Northern Ireland was established in 1922–1923, the period of compulsory education ended at age fourteen years and most young people attended elementary schools. A small number attended fee-paying grammar schools or were able to gain one of a limited number of scholarships to cover the cost. Throughout the 1920s and 1930s, the UK engaged in a debate on the future direction of education, with an increasing consensus that the period of compulsory education ought to be extended and the methods of education delivery reformed. The changes were not to come into place until towards the end of the Second World War, with the passing of the 1944 Education Act for England and Wales, the 1945 Education Act for Scotland and the 1947 Education Act for Northern Ireland. All of the regions of the UK adopted a broadly similar approach. Education was now divided in primary and secondary stages; compulsory education was extended to age fifteen years, with the intention that it should be extended further to age sixteen years at the earliest opportunity; and postprimary education would be provided along three routes, each matched to the attributes to different

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types of pupils. Most pupils would attend secondary modern schools in which they would largely be prepared for a lifetime in the burgeoning factories of the UK, or, if girls, marriage and domestic responsibility. Pupils who showed an affinity with technical skills would be directed towards technical colleges, while those able to deal with abstract thought would be directed towards grammar schools and the academic curriculum which they provided. The age of transfer from primary to postprimary school would be at eleven years, and access to the selective options (academic or technical) would be on the basis of a competitive test designed to identify those most able for either route, irrespective of family background: the intention was that the inability to pay for a selective option would not act as a barrier to participation. The approach adopted in Northern Ireland differed to the extent that entry to technical colleges was taken at age fourteen years. The legislation establishing free postprimary education was to remain contingent on the availability of places, and, as can be seen from Table 12.6, a significant number of pupils remained in unreformed elementary schools for a considerable time. It was not until the early 1960s that the number of pupils in these schools fell significantly as the newly built secondary schools started to establish themselves. The most comprehensive account of the operation of the selective system of secondary education between 1947 and 1988 in Northern Ireland can be found in Sutherland (1990). Between 1948 and 1965 a qualifying examination was used as the selective instrument, involving tests in English and arithmetic, and a measure of intelligence quotient (IQ). In 1966 a selection procedure based on verbal reasoning tests was introduced. A report of the Advisory Commission on Table 12.6  Total number of pupils aged twelve years or more in Northern Ireland by school type and year Year

Unreformed elementary schools

Secondary Technical Grammar schools schools schools

Total

1949–1950

31,849

5904

4529

21,479

1954–1955

30,276

10,652

6069

25,422

72,419

1959–1960

23,545

42,364

5517

31,473

102,899

1964–1965

7667

61,673

3405

37,634

110,379

1969–1970

1188

80,876

905

45,135

128,104

1974–1975

23

100,418

0

48,374

148,815

Source: Calculated from Ministry of Education annual reports.

63,761

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Education in 1973 recommended that academic selection should be abolished, and interim moves in this direction were put in place between 1975 and 1979 by the direct rule Labour government. When Margaret Thatcher’s first government was elected in 1979 the direct rule minister in Northern Ireland ended this policy shift and restored a selection procedure using verbal reasoning-type tests which included items linked to maths and English. A series of studies of the effects of academic selection were carried out through the 1980s (Gallagher, 1988; Sutherland and Gallagher, 1987, 1988; Teare and Sutherland, 1988; Wilson, 1985, 1986), but the direct rule Conservative ministers were not inclined towards significant change. Change, when it came, was based on a variation of the 1988 Education Reform Act in England and Wales. The 1989 Education Reform Order in Northern Ireland introduced a statutory curriculum and new assessment system, provided a basis for greater market competition between schools by enhancing pupil choice and gave greater administrative and financial autonomy to schools. Some of the early predictions of its effects were that it would provide an entirely different relationship between grammar and secondary schools, thus obviating the need for selective tests at all, but this prediction provided to be untrue (Sutherland, 1990). By the time the Blair Labour government was elected in 1997, the selective system of grammar and secondary schools remained intact, but, as we can see from Table 12.7, the system of open enrolment had increased the proportion of pupils attending the grammar schools: in the early years of academic selection only about 15 per cent of pupils transferred to grammar schools, but over time this crept up to a little over one-in-five of pupils. By the early 1980s the official assumption was that about a quarter of an age cohort would gain a place in grammar schools through the selection tests or via fee-paying, and because a small proportion of pupils were now engaged in alternative systems (delayed selection at fourteen in the Craigavon area, or entry to one of a small number of ‘all ability’ schools), the overall proportion gaining places in grammar schools had drifted up to a little under three-in-ten. Once open enrolment was established by the 1989 Education Reform Order, the proportion entering grammar schools rose again to about a third, and in the 2000s this increased still further as grammar schools continued to fill all their available places in a context of falling rolls generally. The new direct rule Labour minister for education commissioned research on the effects of the selective system of secondary education (Department of Education, 2000a, 2000b; Gallagher and Smith, 2000). The research concluded that the operation of academic selection had a negative backwash

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Table 12.7  Estimated proportion of pupils transferring to grammar schools by year Year

Grammar schools

1955

15

1960

15

1965

23

1970

22

1975

22

1981

28

1982

28

1983

29

1991

33

1992

34

1993

35

2001

41

2002

41

2003

41

2010

45

2011

45

Source: 1955–1975: Sutherland, 1990; 1981–1983: Wilson, 1986; 1991–2011: Calculated from Department of Education data.

effect on the curriculum of the upper primary school; it created a bipolar distribution in the performance of postprimary schools in which grammar schools achieved generally very high levels of performance, but this sat alongside a long tail of low achievement among some secondary schools; and it was socially divisive in its effects, and created difference of opinions between parents, pupils and teachers depending on their experience of the system. The research was followed by the establishment of the Post Primary Review Body (PPRB), which was asked to consult widely on the research evidence and bring forward recommendations on the future organization of postprimary education. The report (PPRB, 2001) recommended the end of academic selection at the end of primary school; the creation of a pupil profile based on formative, rather than summative, assessment in primary school to inform parental choice; and the establishment of collaborative networks of postprimary schools in collegiates.

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The Department of Education carried out a public consultation on the recommendations of the PPRB report which attracted a very high level of interest. A consultation response booklet was sent to schools, institutes of higher and further education, training organizations and community groups and received almost 600 responses: this included response from 40 per cent of all schools, with grammar (82 per cent) and secondary (62 per cent) schools providing higher response rates in comparison with primary (37 per cent) and special (14 per cent) schools. In addition, there were returns from 59 per cent of the institutes of higher and further education, 15 per cent from training organizations and 4 per cent from community groups. A response form was distributed to 683,853 households in Northern Ireland and 200,551 completed forms were returned: this comprised about 16 per cent of the adult population in Northern Ireland. The respondents comprised 56 per cent women and 44 per cent men, 81 per cent were parents and 42 per cent had children of school age. Of those with a present or past link to postprimary schools, 35 per cent had children attending, or recently attending, grammar schools, while 25 per cent had children attending, or recently attending, secondary schools. Some questions related to the recommendations were also included in the Northern Ireland Omnibus Survey (sample size = 2232). Ten focus groups with a total of 116 young people aged between fourteen and nineteen years were held. The public were invited to send written submissions on the issues and 268 were received, most from schools. Finally, the minister of education held meetings with twenty-eight education and other interests to hear their views on the recommendations. A detailed account of the results of the consultation can be found in Gallagher (2002), but the main themes were as follows. There was widespread agreement that the eleven-plus transfer tests should be abolished, that a pupil profile based on formative assessment should be developed to provide more information to help parents make choices for their children and that all postprimary schools should be required to use the same admissions criteria to admit pupils. There were four main areas of disagreement: views on some of the proposed admissions criteria, the idea of collegiates of collaborating schools, organizations’ views on the procedures to be followed at the point of transfer from primary to postprimary school and attitudes to academic selection. There was disagreement over the use of a distance measure as a criterion for entry to postprimary schools: grammar and primary schools did not agree with this, as was the case for parents from more affluent areas; parents from

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disadvantaged areas did agree with this criterion, as did secondary schools. Grammar and primary schools disagreed with the idea of collegiate, while secondary schools were evenly split; parents were also evenly split on this issue, though many remained undecided. In relation to transfer, a majority of secondary and primary schools felt that there should be no academic selection at age eleven years, that the pupil profile should not be used as an alternative selective instrument and that parental choice should be given statutory priority, but the grammar schools disagreed on the basis that some form of academic selection at age eleven years should still occur. On the opinion survey and household surveys, the majority disagreed that academic selection should be abolished, but this was mediated by social background: there was a fairly direct correlation between attitudes on this issue and the social status of residence, with respondents in more affluent wards tending to support the retention of academic selection. The assessment of the consultation evidence was complicated by a rapidly changing political context: when the research was originally commissioned the direct rule arrangements were still in place, but by the time the results of the research, and the recommendations of the PPRB, were published a locally elected assembly had been established. Following the publication of the consultation results, the Sinn Fein minister of education announced that the eleven-plus tests would be abolished from 2005 onwards, but the assembly collapsed shortly afterwards, not to be restored until 2007. In the interim, political negotiations involving the Northern Ireland political parties and the British and Irish governments had resulted in a compromise measure contained within the 2006 Education Order: this order included a clause to abolish academic selection, but this provision would only come into force if it were to be endorsed by a subsequently elected Northern Ireland Assembly. After assembly elections in 2007 Sinn Fein once again took on the portfolio of the Ministry of Education, but they did not have a majority in the assembly to confirm the abolition of academic selection. The use of the official eleven-plus tests was stopped, but two consortia of grammar schools established their own unofficial test procedures, which continue to be used till today. The debate over the future of academic selection in Northern Ireland is now in abeyance, with political stalemate in the assembly and only sporadic public comment on the issue. As enrolments have fallen overall the proportion of pupils entering grammar schools has continued to rise and the

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ability of their pupils has widened. The marked social differentiation in entry to grammar, as compared to secondary, schools continues, and in repeated administrations of the PISA tests, Northern Ireland emerges as one of the regions with the highest level of variance in outcomes. Far from being close to resolution, the political stand-off over academic selection has, if anything, infected a range of other educational policy issues, and many of them have also run into a cul-de-sac.

Conclusion Unfortunately the political stand-off over academic selection is not the only major educational issue to be caught between the main political parties in Northern Ireland. The school curriculum was revised, but there has yet to emerge an agreed means of assessment. The ‘entitlement framework’ was an attempt to ensure that all pupils had access to a wide range of curriculum choice by requiring postprimary schools to provide access to a designated range of vocational and academic subjects for GCSE and GCE students, but many, particularly in grammar schools, remain sceptical. Area Learning Communities (ALC) were established to promote curricular collaboration, but despite official optimism the track record of the ALCs remains somewhat patchy. But the most spectacular failure to date has been Education and Skills Authority (ESA). Designed as a single strategic authority, including the diverse educational interests in the school system, ESA was to replace the Education and Library Boards and herald an era of unified strategic planning. It has proved impossible to achieve political agreement on ESA’s powers and responsibilities, so while existing capacity has been downsized, nothing has been established to replace it, and negotiations to date have eviscerated the model to the extent that it would lack the powers to promote unified planning, as originally intended. This chapter began by suggesting that one key test of the devolved assembly in Northern Ireland lies in its capacity to deal with educational debates and, in particular, the thorny issues of denominationalism and academic selection. There is some evidence that efforts to address some of the issues related to denominationalism have been taken, but the evidence of success remains elusive. The debate over academic selection, on the other hand, has run into a political cul-de-sac, with little prospect, at the time of writing, of any consensus way forward. On this test the politicians continue to fail.

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References Akenson, D.H. (1970) The Irish Educational Experiment: The National System of Education in the Nineteenth Century, e-book, Open Library. Arlow, M. (2004) ‘Citizenship education in a divided society: the case of Northern Ireland’ in: Tawil, S. and Harley, A. (eds) Education, Conflict and Social Cohesion, Geneva, International Bureau of Education. Atkinson, M., Springate, I., Jonhson, F. and Halsey, K. (2007) Inter-School Collaboration: A Literature Review, Slough, NFER. Buckland, P. (1979) The Factory of Grievances: Devolved Government in Northern Ireland 1921–1939, Dublin, Gill and Macmillan. Caportorti, F. (1991) Study on the Rights of Persons Belonging to Ethnic, Religious and Linguistic Minorities, New York, United Nations. CCEA (1997) Mutual Understanding and Cultural Understanding: Cross-curricular Guidance Material, Belfast, Council for the Curriculum, Examinations and Assessment. Churchill, S. (1996) The decline of the nation-state and the education of national minorities, International Review of Education 42:4, pp. 265–290. Connolly, P., Fitzpatrick, S., Gallagher, T. and Harris, P. (2006) ‘Addressing diversity and inclusion in the early years in conflict-affected societies: a case study of the Media Initiative for Children – Northern Ireland’, International Journal of Early Years Education, 14:3, pp. 263–278. Connolly, P., Smith, A. and Kelly, B. (2002) Too Young to Notice? The Cultural and Political Awareness of 3–6 Year Olds in Northern Ireland, Belfast, Community Relations Council. Conway, W. and Catholic Communications Institute. (1970). Catholic Schools, Dublin, Catholic Communications Institute. Coolahan, J. (1981) Irish Education: Its History and Structure, Dublin, Institute of Public Administration. Coulby, J. (1997) ‘Educational responses to diversity within the state’, in Coulby, J. et al. (eds) Intercultural Education: World Yearbook of Education, 1977, London, Kogan Page. Craft, M. (ed.) (1996) Teacher Education in Plural Societies: An International Review, London, Falmer. Daniels, H., Edwards, A., Engestrom, U., Gallagher, T. and Ludvigsen, S.R. (eds) (2009) Activity Theory in Practice: Promoting Learning across Boundaries and Agencies, London, Routledge. Darby, J. (1974) ‘History in the schools: a review article’. Community Forum, 4:2, pp. 37–42. Department of Education (2000a) The effects of the selective system of secondary education in Northern Ireland, Research Papers volume 1, Bangor, Department of Education.

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——— (2000b) The effects of the selective system of secondary education in Northern Ireland, Research Papers Volume 2, Bangor, Department of Education. Duffy, G. and Gallagher, T. (2012a) Sustaining cross-sector collaboration: An examination of schools involved in the first cohort of the Sharing Education Programme. Available at: http://www.schoolsworkingtogether.co.uk/ ——— (2012b) Collaborative evolution: The context of sharing and collaboration in contested space. Available at: http://www.schoolsworkingtogether.co.uk/ ——— (2014) ‘Collaborative evolution: the context surrounding the formation and the effectiveness of a school partnership in a divided community in Northern Ireland’, Research Papers in Education, DOI. 10.1080/2671522.2014.880731. Dunn, S. (1990) ‘A short history of education in Northern Ireland, 1920–1990, Annex B’, in: Fifteenth Report of the Standing Advisory Commission on Human Rights, HC 459, London, HMSO. Edwards, A., Daniels, H., Gallagher, T., Leadbetter, J. and Warmington, P. (2009). Improving Inter-Professional Collaborations: Multi-Agency Working for Children’s Wellbeing, London, Routledge. ETI (2000) Report on a Survey of Provision for Education for Mutual Understanding (EMU) in Post-Primary Schools, Bangor, Department of Education. Farren, S. (1995) The Politics of Irish Education 1920–65, Belfast, Queen’s University Institute of Irish Studies. Francis, L.J., and Greer, J.E. (1999) ‘Religious experience and attitude toward Christianity among Protestant and Catholic adolescents in Northern Ireland’, Research in Education, 61, pp. 1–7. Fraser, M. (1973) Children in Conflict, Harmondsworth, Penguin. Gallagher, A.M. (1988) Transfer Pupils at Sixteen. Report No. 4 from the NICER Transfer Procedure Project, Belfast, Northern Ireland Council for Educational Research. Gallagher, T. (2002) Results of the consultation on the Burns Report: Seminar paper to the Graduate School of Education, Queen’s University Belfast, December 6, 2002. Available at: http://www.leeds.ac.uk/bei/COLN/COLN_default.html [Accessed 11, February 2014] ——— (2004) Education in Divided Societies, Basingstoke, Palgrave Macmillan. ——— (2010) ‘Building a shared future from a divided past: promoting peace through education in Northern Ireland’, in: Salomon, G. and Cairns, E. (eds) Handbook of Peace Education, New York, Psychology Press. Gallagher, A.M., Cormack, R.J. and Osborne, R.D. (1994) ‘Religion, equity and education in Northern Ireland’. British Educational Research Journal, 20:5, pp. 507–518. Gallagher, T. and Carlisle, K (2009) ‘Breaking through silence: tackling controversial barriers through inter-professional engagement’, in: Daniels, H. et al. (eds) Activity Theory in Practice: Promoting Learning across Boundaries and Agencies, London, Routledge.

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Gallagher, T. and Smith, A. (2000) The Effects of the Selective System of Secondary Education in Northern Ireland: Main Report, Bangor, Department of Education. Greer, J.E. (1972) A Questioning Generation, Belfast, Church of Ireland Board of Education. ——— (1983) ‘The county school in Northern Ireland’, The Northern Teacher, 14:1, pp. 6–11. Heskin, K. (1980) Northern Ireland: A Psychological Analysis, Dublin, Gill and Macmillan. Hughes, J., Lolliot, S., Hewstone, M., Schmid, K. and Carlisle, K. (2012) ‘Sharing classes between separate schools: a mechanism for improving inter-group relations in Northern Ireland?’ Policy Futures in Education, 10:5, pp. 528–539. Hughes, J. and Knox, C. (1997) ‘For better or worse? Community relations initiatives in Northern Ireland’, Peace and Change, 22:3, pp. 330–355. Hughes, J., Hewstone, M., Campbell, A., Lolliot, S. and Gallagher, T. (2013) Inter-group contact at school and social attitudes: Evidence from Northern Ireland, Oxford Review of Education forthcoming. Kilpatrick, R., Gallagher, T. and Carlisle, K. (2009) ‘Agency vs. constraint: the role of external agencies in inter-professional engagement’, in: Daniels, H. et al. (eds) Activity Theory in Practice: Promoting Learning across Boundaries and Agencies, London, Routledge. Knox, C. (2010) Sharing Education Programme: Views from the Whiteboard, Jordanstown, University of Ulster. Knox, C. and Hughes, J. (1996). ‘Crossing the divide: Community relations in Northern Ireland’. Journal of Peace Research, 33:1, pp. 83–98. Leitch, R. and Kilpatrick, R. (1999) Beyond the School Gates: Strategies for Supporting Children’s Learning in Primary and Secondary Schools: Responding to Cultures of Political Conflict, Belfast, Save the Children Fund. Magee, J. (1970) ‘The teaching of Irish history in Irish schools’, The Northern Teacher, 10:1, pp. 15–21. Malone, J. (1973) ‘Schools and community relations’, The Northern Teacher, 11:1, pp. 19–30. Matchett, M. (2004) Education for Pluralism in Northern Ireland, presentation to the North of England Education Conference, Belfast. Minority Rights Group (1994) Education Rights and Minorities, London, Minority Rights Group. Moffatt, C. (1993) Education Together for a Change, Belfast, Fortnight Educational Trust. Niens, U. and McIlrath, L. (2010) ‘Understandings of citizenship education in Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland: public discourses among stakeholders in the public and private sectors’, Education, Citizenship and Social Justice, 5:1, pp. 73–87.

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O’Connor, S. (1980) Reports – ‘Chocolate cream soldiers: evaluating an experiment in non-sectarian education in Northern Ireland’, Curriculum Studies, 12:3, pp. 263–270. O’Connor, U., Hartop, B. and McCully, A. (2002) A Review of the Schools Community Relations Programme, Northern Ireland, Department of Education. Osborne, R.D., Gallagher, A.M. and Cormack, R.J. (1993). ‘The funding of Northern Ireland’s segregated education system’, Administration [Dublin], 40:4, pp. 316–332. Post Primary Review Body (2001) Education for the 21st Century: Report of the Post Primary Review Body, Bangor, Department of Education. Richardson, N. (1990) Religious Education as if EMU Really Mattered, Belfast, Christian Education Movement. Richardson, N. and Gallagher, T. (2010) Education for Diversity and Mutual Understanding: The Experience of Northern Ireland, Oxford, Bern/Peter Lang. Skilbeck, M. (1973) ‘The School and cultural development’, The Northern Teacher, 11:1, pp. 13–18. Smith, A. (2003) ‘Citizenship education in Northern Ireland: beyond national identity?’ Cambridge Journal of Education, 33:1, pp. 15–31. Smith, A. and Robinson, A. (1992) Education for Mutual Understanding: Perceptions and Policy, Coleraine: University of Ulster. ——— (1996) EMU: The Initial Statutory Years, Coleraine, University of Ulster. ——— (1987) Pupils in the Border Band. Report No.3 from the NICER Transfer Project, Belfast, Northern Ireland Council for Educational Research. Teare, S.M. and Sutherland, A.E. (1988) At Sixes and Sevens: A Study of the Curriculum in the Upper Primary School. Report No. 5 of the NICER Transfer Procedure Project, Belfast, Northern Ireland Council for Educational Research. Sutherland, A.E. (1990) ‘Selection in Northern Ireland: from the 1947 Act to 1989 order’, Research Papers in Education, 5: 1, pp. 29–48. Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) (1968) Northern Ireland Fact and Falsehood: A Frank Look at the Present and the Past, Belfast, Ulster Unionist Party (UUP). Wilson, J.A. (1985) Secondary School Organisation and Pupil Progress, Belfast, Northern Ireland Council for Educational Research. ——— (1986) Transfer and the Structure of Secondary Education. Report No. 2 from the NICER Transfer Procedure Project, Belfast, Northern Ireland Council for Educational Research.

Further Resources www.deni.gov.uk/index/facts-and-figures-new/education-statistics.htm

13

Northern Ireland: Integrated Schools Ulf Hansson

Introduction In this chapter the focus is set on integrated education in Northern Ireland, an area which has attracted considerable attention in the light of attracting pupils from the two main communities in Northern Ireland and educating them together. The first section of the chapter provides an overview of the background of Northern Ireland. The second section briefly discusses the promotion of mutual understanding in education, with a focus on integrated education. The third section looks at the benefits of integrated education and challenges for the integrated movement. The last two sections look at popular support for integrated education and political support, respectively. Northern Ireland is part of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, but it is also geographically a part of the island of Ireland, and has a land border with the larger Republic of Ireland. Northern Ireland has a population of just over 1.8 million people; this includes a majority Protestant community of 875,717 people (48 per cent of the population) and a minority Catholic community of 817,385 people (45 per cent of the population). There is also a diverse and growing mixture of minority ethnic, faith and national communities, which accounts for some 1.8 per cent of the population. The conflict in Northern Ireland has essentially been over the political status of the region and the competing claims and aspirations of the two main communities. These competing political identities derive from the close geographical proximity of Britain and Ireland, their entwined histories and the political influence and dominance that Britain has exercised over Ireland for much of the last millennium. A sustained but peaceful campaign for independence or

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‘Home Rule’, beginning in the 1870s, was overshadowed by the First World War and superseded by an armed republican uprising against British rule in 1916. This event provided the impetus for the Irish War of Independence and the division (partition) of Ireland into two political entities, the Irish Free State and Northern Ireland, in 1921. The partition led to a Protestant and Unionist government being established in Northern Ireland, in which the Ulster Unionist Party was to rule without interruption from 1921 to 1972. In the aftermath of the partition in 1921, and an inability to agree on the way forward, the Education Act (Northern Ireland) was adopted in 1923. It was clear from early on that reaching a consensus between various stakeholders, such as churches and state, proved difficult. Catholic authorities early on made it clear that they would not participate in any deliberations, while the Protestant churches were critical of the Act as they felt it meant an introduction of a secular system. As a result, and with the introduction of the Education Act (Northern Ireland) 1930, Protestant churches were guaranteed rights of access and inspection of religious education in schools. By the middle of the decade, the Protestant churches had transferred control of their schools to the state, whereas Catholic churches maintained control of theirs. As a result, there are two ‘separate’ systems of education, between what has been called Protestant schools (state controlled) or Catholic schools (maintained), a division which remains to this day. In the partitioned Northern Ireland, tensions over discrimination of Catholics reached a peak in the 1960s when the Northern Ireland Civil Rights Movement began to demand equality. In 1969 increasing tensions between supporters of the civil rights campaign and the Unionist establishment led to widespread rioting and the British government sent troops to restore order. Within a few months the violence escalated and was transformed into an armed conflict, while the focus shifted from civil rights to a resurgence of republican demands for a united Ireland. As the situation became ever more serious the British government suspended the devolved Northern Ireland institutions and replaced them with direct rule of the region from London. The Troubles lasted for some twenty-five years before the Irish Republican Army (IRA) declared a ceasefire in August 1994, which was followed by Loyalist paramilitary groups. The ceasefires paved the way for discussions involving the local political parties, the British and Irish governments, as well as the American government. An extended period of negotiations led to the signing of the Good Friday Agreement of 1998, which was overwhelmingly endorsed in referendums in both Northern Ireland and the Republic. The agreement

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addressed the ‘totality of relationships’ and included provision for a Northern Ireland Assembly – a devolved administration with legislative powers – within the United Kingdom, alongside North/South (all Ireland) institutions and East/West (British Irish) bodies. Further suspensions of devolved government and rounds of negotiation eventually led to the formation of a stable devolved government in 2007. Education is now a completely devolved matter administered centrally by the Department of Education and five local authorities, known as Education and Library Boards,1 and caters for approximately 325,000 pupils in 832 primary schools, 147 secondary schools and sixty-eight grammar schools.2 In addition there are eight Irish language schools supported by Comhairle na Gaelscolaíochta, most grant-aided from the government, and ten independent Christian schools associated with the Free Presbyterian Church which do not receive government funds. Most children attend state-controlled (nominally Protestant) and statemaintained (nominally Catholic) sectors, and a third category attend integrated schools. During thirty years of violent conflict, over 3600 people had been killed, many thousands more injured, and thousands imprisoned. After more than a decade of transition, Northern Ireland remains a deeply divided society, with an ever-more diverse population and a strong and vibrant civil society. Problems of criminal and intercommunal violence remain but the paramilitary organizations are less important notwithstanding the threat from dissident republicanism, and Northern Ireland enjoys political stability. Evidence, however, suggests that in the transition from conflict, Northern Ireland has become a more polarized society. In Northern Ireland, a significant part of the policy discourse since the peace agreement concerns how social policies might address divisions within society and movement towards ‘a shared future’ (OFMDFM, 2010, 2005). The extent to which such social cohesion has been achieved is subject to some debate. Research (e.g. Bell et al., 2010; Hamilton et al., 2008) has highlighted the enduring segregated nature of Northern Ireland, with an increase in the number of ‘peace walls’ between 1998 and 2012 (from 22 to 28) and predominantly segregated social housing (90 per cent) (Nolan, 2013, 2012). Arguably, the term ‘shared society’ is characterized by ambiguity, referring equally to agreement on living apart as well as ‘living together but differently’ (Graham and Nash, 2006), and it is acknowledged that vestiges of the conflict continue to filter through to the day-to-day life of Northern Ireland. One area in which this manifests itself is in education. Figures from the Department of Education show that just over 90 per cent of pupils

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attend religiously separate schools and that almost half of Northern Ireland’s schoolchildren are still being taught in schools where 95 per cent or more of the pupils are of the same religion. Indeed 91% of Protestant primary children attended controlled (mainly Protestant) schools and 88 per cent of Catholic primary pupils are enrolled in Catholic maintained primary schools. With regard to postprimary education, 88 per cent of Catholic postprimary pupils attended Catholic maintained or Catholic managed voluntary schools and 89 per cent of Protestant postprimary children attended controlled schools. While this parallel arrangement does not legally restrict the entry of pupils to any school type, the exercise of parental choice follows the pattern of ownership, and as such separate schools have become the norm. In the light of the situation in Northern Ireland, there has been an extensive discussion surrounding the role played by education and conflict: commentators (e.g. Hansson, 2005; Leonard and McKnight, 2010; Roche, 2008) found that segregation has impacted the lives of children and young people and research studies refer to the potentially detrimental effect of separate schooling on social attitudes (Brocklehurst, 2006; Hayes and McAllister, 2009; Hughes, 2011; Murray, 1985). Elsewhere, Niens and Cairns (2005) reported that segregation contributed to the formation of negative intergroup attitudes and perpetuation of intergroup hostility, arguing that the separate nature of the education system prevented the development of intercommunal friendship. Previous research, such as that of Gallagher (1995), has stated that a segregated system not only maintained divisiveness but also fostered mutual ignorance and suspicion. An often referred to approach in this context has been the thinking formulated around the contact hypothesis, particularly the role of intergroup contact in fostering good relations. The contact hypothesis (Allport, 1954) is based on the premise that bringing conflicted groups together under the right circumstances (e.g. in the form of cross-group friendships) can reduce negative assumptions and stereotypes and strengthen positive perceptions. However, attempting to promote mutual understanding and tolerance between schools and pupils from different backgrounds in a context where very often they have little or nothing in common is, to put it mildly, challenging and problematic. During the Troubles a range of initiatives, ranging from common textbooks and cross-community contacts, were launched and introduced to facilitate and improve relationships between pupils from the controlled and maintained sectors. While programmes and initiatives have been welcomed and acknowledged and allowed for some meaningful engagement, there have also been concerns that partial and tokenistic delivery has limited the opportunity for proper integration between

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pupils from diverse backgrounds (O’Connor et al., 2009; Wardlow, 2003). Various programmes have also been seen as somewhat tokenistic and being of low priority (Hughes et al., 2012). However, perhaps the most significant and most noticeable approach has been the introduction of integrated schools and integrated education. By the 1970s parents from different community backgrounds and traditions came together to campaign for the introduction of ‘integrated’ schools, where Catholic and Protestant children could be taught together in a classroom setting, as a means to break the cycle of separation and animosity. The first integrated school, Lagan College, opened in 1981 and was followed by further schools throughout the decade. This process can best be described as parents from different traditions working towards a common goal, with moral and financial support from a great many external charitable institutions (O’Connor, 2002; Wardlow, 2006). As seen above, the establishment of integrated schools came about as a strong commitment and willingness of parents, rather than the state, or the churches, to fully engage or partake in the set-up of these schools. Macaulay (2009) found that none of the churches had played a formal role in the setting up of these schools. Although there has been opposition from the main churches, there is evidence that relationships have improved over the years – for example, the Presbyterian Church has publicly encouraged its ministers to play a full part within local integrated schools. Separate representative school bodies have publicly challenged the view that their schools feed prejudices and promote sectarian tension and have referred to their role in improving community relations through the promotion of reconciliation, healing and better understanding between divided communities. With the adoption of the Education Reform (NI) Order 1989, an order was placed on the Department of Education ‘to encourage and facilitate the development of integrated education’. This included statutory funding for integrated schools and supported by the Northern Ireland Council for Integrated Education (NICIE). The order also transferred responsibility for all Catholic maintained schools to a statutory body, the Council for Catholic Maintained Schools (CCMS), which exercises certain responsibilities in relation to Catholic maintained schools, including providing advice in matters relating to this sector and the employment of teaching staff.3 The legislation also provided for two new categories of integrated school – grant-maintained integrated school (GMIS) and controlled integrated schools (CIS), the latter also known as transformed integrated schools.4 By the mid-1990s, there were

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Table 13.1  Integrated schools by management type (a) Type of school

(b) Primary

(c) Postprimary

Grant maintained

23

15

Controlled

19

5

Total

42

20

twenty-one integrated schools (seventeen primary and four postprimary) and by the millennium there were forty-three integrated schools, twenty-nine GMIS and fourteen CIS. At the time of writing, there are at present sixty-two grantaided integrated schools in Northern Ireland (with a total enrolment of 21,500 pupils, or 7 per cent of total pupils in 2012/2013), made up of thirty-eight grant-maintained integrated schools and twenty-four controlled integrated schools (Table 13.1). Figures compiled by Northern Ireland Council for Integrated Education show there has been a relatively steady incline over the last ten years and the largest number of cases involving transformation of existing schools and opening of new integrated schools since 1984, most markedly between 1994 and 1998. However, since 2000 the emphasis has moved from building new schools to the conversion of existing schools to integrated status, the most recent being Parkhall Integrated School in Antrim in 2009. It is, however, worth noticing that all of the ‘transformed’ schools come from the status of controlled schools and, as highlighted above, are schools seen as associated with the Protestant community. This might be seen as a sense of loss of ownership, sometimes characterized by politicized campaigns directed at parents in the period leading up to the ballot and in wider political discussions on integrated education.

What is integrated education? The literature characterizes integrated schools as places that provide ‘ …  constitutional and structural safeguards to encourage joint ownership by the two main traditions in Northern Ireland’ (Kilpatrick and Leitch, 2004, p. 564); places where Catholic and Protestant students come together in settings that promote mutual understanding, respect and cooperation (Pickett, 2008); and places that grant opportunities for student exploration of personal and group identities in a nonthreatening environment (McGlynn, 2004).

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Integrated education can best be summarized as Christian schools providing an opportunity for Catholic and Protestant children to be educated together while also developing respect and understanding for alternative cultures and perspectives, and workable procedures for the teaching of religion. NICIE describes integrated schools as places where children from diverse backgrounds are educated together on a daily basis in the same classrooms. An overarching goal of integrated schools is to foster an understanding of the two dominant traditions and to overcome negative stereotypes, underlining the definition of integrated education as, ‘Education together in a school of children and young people drawn mainly from the Protestant and Catholic traditions, with the aim of providing for them an excellent education that gives recognition to and promotes the expression of these two main traditions’. The NICIE Statement of Principles identifies four core principles for an integrated school ethos, namely equality, faith and values, social responsibility and parental involvement, with an emphasis on ‘ …  equality in sharing between and within the diverse groups that compose the school community’. There is in integrated schools an emphasis on the religious balance, so the constitution of new integrated schools commits them to maintain roughly equal numbers of pupils from the two main cultural traditions in Northern Ireland. To achieve this, schools try to operate within a broad band whereby the enrolment of pupils from either tradition does not fall below 40 per cent, or rise above 60 per cent of the overall pupil population. Thus the school can also accommodate children who do not come from either cultural tradition in Northern Ireland, do not subscribe to a Christian denomination or have no religious faith. As highlighted above, integrated schools can either be established as new integrated schools or become an integrated school either through a resolution proposed by the school Board of Governors or a written request by at least 20 per cent of parents of pupils registered at the school, followed by a ballot of all registered parents. If a simple majority of votes cast is in favour of the change, then the Board of Governors submits a proposal to the Department of Education and, following a period of public consultation, the minister may approve or decline the proposed change in status. This meant that those schools seeking to transform to integrated status should enrol at least 10 per cent of pupils from the minority religion in year one while working towards an overall balance in the school of at least 70:30. A transformation means more than a simple change in name and some structural adjustments to management, staffing and enrolment; the school must address other issues, such as practical decisions surrounding the display

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of religious and cultural symbols, the identification of holidays, celebrations and commemorations reflecting the diversity within the school community and the implications of developing a more diverse and inclusive curriculum. There is in integrated schools an emphasis on the religious balance of staff and governors, so, for example, a Board of Governors need to comprise at least 40 per cent members from a perceived Catholic background and 40 per cent from a perceived Protestant background and the active recruitment of teachers whose cultural or traditional background reflects that of existing or potential pupils. It is also worth adding that integrated schools are also ‘all ability’ in their intake – from nursery to college for which reason there are no integrated grammar schools (although there is no legal impediment to a grammar school seeking to transform to integrated status).

Contribution of integrated education While parents’ political attitudes and religious group membership remain factors in shaping children’s attitudes, research by Niens and Cairns (2005) reported that segregation contributed to the formation of negative intergroup attitudes and perpetuation of intergroup hostility, arguing that an education system with separate schools prevented the development of intercommunal friendship and fostered mutual ignorance and suspicion. Hayes et al. (2007, 2013) found that individuals who had attended either a formally or informally integrated school were significantly more likely than their religiously segregated counterparts to occupy the centre ground in identity politics and to disavow bipartisan territorial allegiances. This conclusion is also reflected in other research where sustained and positive contact between pupils and opportunities to explore personal and group identities through formal and informal means fostered tolerance and critical thinking and hence long-term contact rather than one-off events has been seen as crucial for the success of cross-community initiatives. Research by Stringer et al. (2009) has indicated that pupils from mixed and integrated schools reported higher levels of contact both within and outside school than their segregated counterparts. Other research has similarly established that opportunities for contact in integrated or mixed school settings were associated with higher numbers of intergroup friendships and willingness to mix with others (Al Ramiah et al., 2011; Hargie et al., 2008; Montgomery et al., 2003; Niens et al., 2003). Successive research has confirmed an increase in the number of intercommunity friendships among those attending or

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having attended integrated schools (Irwin, 1991; McClenahan, 1995; Niens et al., 2003) and significant long-term positive impact on cross-community friendships (McGlynn, 2003, 2001). Research evidence (Stringer et al., 2009, 2000) has also found that the intergroup contact of integrated or mixed schools can influence social attitudes, with pupils adopting a more positive position on key social issues such as politics, religion, identity, mixed marriages and integrated education and a less positive position on separate education. Other studies (e.g. McGlynn, 2003; Montgomery et al., 2003) lend further support to these findings where respective cohorts of past pupils felt that integrated education had a significant positive impact on their lives. The findings of these two studies provide complementary perspectives – in the former, some past pupils considered that opportunities to discuss religion and politics at school had nurtured respect for diversity and comfort in a plural environment, while, in the latter, and where half of the respondents reported having a partner from a different religious and cultural background compared to about 10 per cent of the adult population overall. Similarly, Hayes et al. (2006, 2007) found that pupils attending integrated schools expressed a less sectarian stance on national identity and constitutional preferences. The authors concluded that pupils from a ‘non-segregated’ school were more likely to adopt a neutral political position and reject traditional identities and allegiances, positing that ‘ …  integrated schools can and do have an impact on the outlooks of the pupils who attend them’ engendering positive attitudes that extended into later life’ (Hayes et al., 2006, p. 4). These findings were reinforced in a subsequent study (Hayes and McAllister, 2009, p. 444), which established that pupils who had attended a formally integrated school tended to have friends and neighbours from across the religious divide compared to those who attended a segregated school. Their research also found that attending a formally integrated school pre-empted positive cross-community contact. Elsewhere, O’Connor et al. (2009) found that pupils from integrated schools reported most optimism about future relationships between Protestants and Catholics. Collectively, the evidence suggests that pupils within integrated education ‘ …  have more consistent and meaningful patterns of contact with peers of the other religion both within and outside school and are arguably more likely in their adult life to adopt more accommodating approaches to issues that have divided the two religious groups within Northern Ireland’ (Stringer et al., 2000, p. 11). The Community Relations Council and Equality Commission (2010) have also highlighted the role played by integrated education by ‘ … enabling and promoting continued engagement with children from different backgrounds’ (2010, p. 23).

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Integrated education has been criticized for failing to explore cultural differences in schools and minimizing differences – practices that ‘are likely to impede rather than facilitate the progress of good inter-community relations’ (Donnelly, 2008, p. 187). Critics have also referred to an avoidance culture (Niens and Cairns, 2008) that has permeated across all school sectors (Abbott, 2010; Donnelly and Hughes, 2006; O’Connor, 2002; Russell, 2006). However, research by Montgomery et al. (2003) and Niens et al. (2003) found that attendance at an integrated school is considered important in shaping identity without a loss of community or social identity. Similarly, Wardlow (2006) refers to McGlynn’s (2001, p. 5) study which highlights the opportunities for pupils to ‘ …  explore self-perceptions in a tolerant environment’ that ‘ …  provides a wider and more complex choice of personal and group components than the traditionally restrictive and mutually exclusive categories’. Subsequent studies have similarly shown that pupils from integrated schools considered themselves to be more tolerant (Montgomery et al., 2003), to show greater sensitivity to religious categories somewhat earlier in their development than children attending other schools and to exhibit a relatively high propensity towards forgiveness (Niens et al., 2003). While the benefits of integrated education have been acknowledged, research has also highlighted the difficulties for the integrated movement on occasion to present, what can best be described as a common vision with regard to the interpretation and implementation of integration. Various pieces of research found that schools tended to adopt what can best be described as diverse and where different approaches by which integrated schools approached the concept of integration (Montgomery et al., 2003). As a result, it is suggested that lack of consensus meant that integrated schools have tended to adopt a combination of approaches, ranging from doing nothing via being reactive to adopting a more proactive approach (Gallagher et al., 2003; Loughrey et al., 2003). This has led to a call for greater debate among the integrated schools on the meaning and objectives of integration in order to establish ‘ …  a coherent and recognizable integrated brand with independently measurable indicators of success’. Critics of integrated education have highlighted that there is varied classroom practice (Montgomery et al., 2003). This includes decisions about practical issues such as securing diversity of staff, policies regarding the display of symbols and the development of a more inclusive curriculum (Gallagher et al., 2003; Smith, 2001). Research also suggests that integration within schools often relies on the interpersonal contact that arises from sharing classrooms, rather than intergroup contact and a proactive approach (Montgomery et al.,

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2003; Niens and Cairns, 2008). Religious authorities, for example, the Catholic Church, suggest that they are just as well placed as integrated schools to promote reconciliation. Others have referred to integrated education as a ‘niche sector’ and, with reference to falling rolls, as having limited uptake, and they also consider adopting integrated schools for all children as ‘unrealistic’ (Booroah and Knox 2013; Hughes, 2011; Hughes et al., 2012).

Public and political support While only 18,000 children (6 per cent of all pupils) attend integrated schools, social attitudes and public opinion data in Northern Ireland have repeatedly indicated that preference for integrated schools has remained consistently high, rising from 82 per cent in 2003 to 88 per cent in 2011 and 79 per cent in 2013 (Ipsos Mori, 2011; Lucid Talk, 2013; Millward Brown Ulster, 2003). Further, public support for formally integrated schools remains very high in terms of its contribution to peace and reconciliation, promoting a shared future, and mutual respect and understanding. In addition, respondents in various surveys have also viewed integrated education as a ‘vital part of a shared future’ (Millward Brown, 2003). Surveys have also indicated that parents of school-aged children are in favour of change – for example, parents have indicated a support to form increased number of integrated places or have supported a request for their child’s school to become integrated (Lucid Talk, 2013). The most striking feature in surveys is that respondents repeatedly have stated that they have not sent their children to an integrated school because there was no integrated school in the surrounding locale. Findings do suggest that parents are in favour of structural change, with the majority unsupportive of retaining the status quo in the education system. Attitudinal data indicate that support and preference for integrated schools remains high with only slightly different levels of support between the two communities. However, even though a majority of respondents in various surveys support the overall integrated education concept as a final goal, the results from further specific poll questions show that there are many different opinions and ideas as to how to get there. This is also reflected in the political and policy dimension. The main political parties in Northern Ireland have, to various degrees, individually outlined their approach to integrated education in successive manifestos which highlight a shift in policies over the last decade. Of the parties in the local assembly, the Alliance Party has been the strongest

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advocate of integrated education in Northern Ireland, and has recurrently placed integrated education at the centre of its policy platform, not just as a driver in education policy but also as a means of promoting social and cultural cohesion in Northern Ireland – something also echoed by the Green Party. Collectively, it can be argued that the manifestos reflect a wider trend to promote the idea of shared education while putting less emphasis on the concept of integrated education. Collectively, the manifestos reflect a wider trend among Northern Ireland’s political parties to promote the idea of shared education while putting less emphasis on the notion of structural reform and integrated education. Although it is difficult to be certain how this change occurred, the evidence suggests that it has accelerated since the end of direct rule, the establishment of local devolved institutions and the publication of the Bain Review. More recently, the stringencies of the economic climate have lent weight to the view that increased sharing of resources among and between schools in Northern Ireland will save money, ensuring that shared and integrated education has acquired greater educational, political and social impetus.

Integrated education and education policies In the Belfast (Good Friday) Agreement (1998), reference to integrated education is made in the context of reconciliation whereby ‘An essential aspect of the reconciliation process is the promotion of a culture of tolerance at every level of society, including initiatives to facilitate and encourage integrated education and mixed housing’. The subsequent introduction of a Policy and Strategic Framework for Good Relations in Northern Ireland, A Shared Future (2005), was intended to provide direction to address community segregation and sectarianism. Overall, the framework advocated for ‘sharing over separation’ and ‘cultural variety’ rather than the existence of a range of separated cultures. In relation to education, the framework referred to the promotion of ‘shared’ and ‘inter-cultural education’ at all levels and for schools to ensure ‘ …  through their policies, structures and curricula, that pupils are consciously prepared for life in a diverse and inter-cultural society and world’. Although A Shared Future recognized the potential of integrated education, it also referred to the need for ‘greater sharing in education’. While parental choice is acknowledged, there is a cautionary caveat of the need to strike a balance between ‘ …  the exercise of this choice and the significant additional costs and potential diseconomies that

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this diversity of provision generates, particularly in a period of demographic downturn and falling rolls’. The subsequent publication of the Programme for Cohesion, Sharing and Integration (CSI) Consultation Document in 2010 represented the development of a new strategy which would replace A Shared Future. It is noteworthy that the document, while acknowledging that integrated schools provide ‘ …  equal recognition to, and promotes equal expression of, the two main traditions and other cultures’, is almost devoid of any additional references to integrated education. Reflecting a shift in emphasis away from integrated education, the strategy instead advocated the duty of schools to promote good relations, regardless of sector, highlighting the responsibility of the Department of Education to better promote the wider use of school premises. In this regard, acknowledgement is given to the International Fund for Ireland’s (IFI) Sharing in Education Programme (2009), for which the DE was the managing agent. Most recently, the Northern Ireland Draft Programme for Government (2011–2015) contains no reference to integrated education; instead, it states a commitment to develop the Lisanelly Shared Education campus in Omagh as a key regeneration project. The document also identified the establishment of a Ministerial Advisory Group tasked with exploring and bringing forward recommendations to the minister of education to advance shared education so that by 2015 all children would have the opportunity to participate in shared education programmes. The group recommended, among other things, that a statutory duty be placed on the Department of Education and the new Education and Skills Authority (ESA) to encourage and facilitate shared education. Further recommendations also included the establishment of a central unit, to take the lead responsibility for encouraging and facilitating shared education as well as developing a strategy for advancing shared education. With regard to integrated education, the report stated that integrated schools/education should not be viewed and actively promoted as the ‘preferred option’ in relation to plans to advance shared education and viewed integrated education as a sector, rather than as a model of shared education. The shift in wider policy has been similarly reflected within education. As highlighted above, under the 1989 Education Reform (Northern Ireland) Order, the government has a duty to meet the needs of parents requesting the establishment of integrated schools where it is feasible; as such, the order placed a statutory duty on the DE to encourage and facilitate the development of integrated education. The Independent Strategic Review of Education (the Bain Review) made a series of arguments for a more inclusive education system by adopting a broad perspective, making clear that its particular focus

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was not solely on limiting integration to parental choice but to ‘ …  focus attention on developing thinking about new ways of working together, and of envisaging approaches to schooling that share resources’ (2006: p. 3). However, it is of interest to note that a distinction is made between integrated education and integrated schools and the Review advocated ‘ …  a more pervasive and inclusive approach, focused on the dynamic process of integrating education across the school system, in which sharing and collaboration are key features’ (2006: p. 147). A role is also identified for the DE to explore ways in which it could better facilitate and encourage ‘integrating education’. In contrast with the original expectations of DE in the Good Friday Agreement, this implied that the department should not only support existing integrated schools but also find alternative ways of integrating education. A statistic frequently cited from the Bain Review was the large number of surplus places in schools and recurrent calls for rationalization of the schools estate, increased sharing and area-based planning. In the light of this, the DE made a number of recommendations in documents, such as Schools for the Future: A Policy for Sustainable Schools, by referring to, among other things, the role played by the DE in ‘ … encouraging a variety of approaches to integrating education within a framework of sustainable schools’ (2009: p. 17). Referencing the Bain Review, it reiterated the recommendation that the DE should discharge its legislative duty to integrated education and that it ‘ …  should explain that it is committed to facilitating and encouraging a variety of approaches to integrating education within a framework of sustainable schools’ (2009, p. 17). Although the concept of integrated education was advocated in the agreement and in ‘A Shared Future’, it receives little, if any, direct references in subsequent broad policy and specific education documents. In its place, there is an increased emphasis on ‘shared education’, something also reflected in documents starting with the Bain Report where – while acknowledged – integrated education seems to have been superseded by an emphasis on sharing in education with references to ‘integrating education’ rather than integrated schools becoming more prevalent. Politically, this is also the case, where the political parties in Northern Ireland have shifted from ‘integrated’ education (either positively or negatively) to that of ‘shared’ education. The evidence suggests that discourse on shared education represents a movement by political parties towards education policies that plan for separate development rather than structural change and a unified system of common schools. This is now also reflected in key education policy documents.

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Conclusion As stated above, research has highlighted that pupils educated in integrated schools tend to have more positive attitudes and tend to express less sectarian attitudes which extended into adulthood. Research has also highlighted the enduring opportunities for pupils attending integrated schools to explore diverse and alternative views and opinions in the safety of this environment. Needless to say, there are challenges for the integrated movement, some of which are easier to overcome than others and cannot be tackled in isolation. Social attitudes and public opinion data in Northern Ireland reveal that public support for formally integrated schools remains very high in terms of its contribution to peace and reconciliation, promoting a shared future, and mutual respect and understanding. This public support, however, has failed to translate into increased enrolment and demand, and the integrated movement has and will remain, according to some, a ‘niche sector’. However, there also seem to be an issue with regard to access to an integrated school within their vicinity, perhaps highlighting the issue surrounding demand. Another challenge is the fact that politically and also within policy, there has been a shift, as key policy documents and political parties now make no explicit reference to integrated education, despite a statutory responsibility to support and facilitate integrated education. It would be a shame to disregard integrated education as it has proven to be beneficial and crucial in addressing issues within a divided society like Northern Ireland. It is clear that integrated education alone can bring about positive change with regard to community relations and divisions, but it is, however, a useful and important part of a wider approach to tackling such issues.

Notes 1 A centralized department, the Education and Skills Authority, was introduced in 2006 by direct rule ministers and was meant to be responsible for all the functions performed by the Education and Library Boards, except libraries, plus the functions of a number of other boards, the Council for Curriculum Examinations and Assessment, the Regional Training Unit, the Council for Catholic Maintained Schools, the Northern Ireland Council for Integrated Education and the Irish Language Schools Body. The ESA has, however, yet to be implemented. (For a better overview on policies and education in Northern Ireland, see Birrell and Heenan (2013).)

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2 Academic selection, or eleven-plus testing, as a way of determining what school pupils enter after primary school, remains in Northern Ireland. As it stands, selection is not prohibited and some postprimary schools continue to select pupils academically by using tests from other providers. As a result, some primary schools recognize the tests, while others simply ignore them. 3 Teacher training in Northern Ireland remains separate and all schools in Northern Ireland continue to be exempt from Fair Employment legislation. 4 Grant-maintained integrated schools are funded directly by the Department of Education and are managed by Board of Governors, which consist of persons appointed in line with each school’s scheme of management (usually trustees or foundation governors) along with representatives of parents, teachers and members appointed by the department. The Board of Governors of a GMI school is the employing authority, and, as therefore, responsible for the employment of all staff (both teaching and non-teaching) in its school. Six parents are entitled to sit on the Board of Governors. Controlled integrated schools are schools that have transformed to integrated status and are under the management of the schools’ Board of Governors, and the Employing Authority is the local Education and Library Boards. These schools receive their budget allocation from an Education and Library Board, which also employs the school staff. Four parents sit on the board in a controlled integrated school. Grant-maintained integrated schools are owned and managed by Boards of Governors, supported by NICIE and funded directly by the DE.

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Niens, U., Cairns, E. and Hewstone, M. (2003) ‘Contact and conflict in Northern Ireland’, in: Hargie, O. and Dickson, D. (eds) Researching the Troubles: Social Science Perspectives on the Northern Ireland Conflict, Edinburgh, Mainstream, pp. 123–140. Niens, U. and Cairns, E. (2005) ‘Lessons learnt: peace education’, Theory into Practice, 44:4, pp. 337–344. ——— (2008) ‘Integrated education in Northern Ireland: a review’, In: Berliner, D. and Kupermintz, H. (eds) Fostering Change in Institutions, Environments, and People: A Festschriff in Honour of Gavriel Salomon, Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum, pp. 193–210. Nolan, P. (2012) Northern Ireland Peace Monitoring Report: Number One, Belfast, Community Relations Council. ——— (2013) Northern Ireland Peace Monitoring Report: Number Two, Belfast, Community Relations Council. Northern Ireland Community Relations Council and Equality Commission for Northern Ireland (2010). Ensuring the Good Relations Work in Our Schools Counts: A Strategy to Meet Our Needs for the 21st Century, Belfast, Community Relations Council. Northern Ireland Council for Integrated Education (NICIE) Statement of Principles. Available at: http://www.nicie.org/wp-content/uploads/2012/08/Statement-ofPrinciples1.pdf ——— What Is Integrated Education? Available at: http://www.nicie.org/about-us/ integrated-education/what-is-integrated-education/ [Accessed]. ——— (2008a) ABC: Promoting an Antibias Approach to Education in Northern Ireland, Belfast, Northern Ireland Council for Integrated Education. ——— (2008b) Annual Report 07–08. Integrated Education: ‘An Eye to the Future’, Belfast, Northern Ireland Council for Integrated Education. Northern Ireland Executive (2011) Draft Programme for Government 2011–15 – Building a Better Future, Belfast, OFMDFM. O’Connor, F. (2002) A Shared Childhood: The Story of the Integrated Schools in Northern Ireland, Belfast, Blackstaff Press. O’Connor, U., Beattie, K. and Niens, U. (2009) An Evaluation of the Introduction of Local and Global Citizenship to the Northern Ireland Curriculum, Belfast, CCEA. O’Connor, U., Hartop, B. and McCully, A. (2002) A Review of the Schools Community Relations Programme 2002, Bangor, Department of Education. Office of the First Minister and Deputy First Minister (2005) Shared Future. Policy and Strategic Framework for Good Relations in Northern Ireland, Belfast, OFMDFM. ——— (2010) Programme for Cohesion, Sharing and Integration: Consultation Document, Belfast, OFMDFM. Pickett, L. (2008) ‘Integrated Schools in Northern Ireland: education for peace and reconciliation’, Childhood Education 84 (6) pp. 351–356.

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Russell, D. (2006) A Shared Future: Policy and Strategic Framework for Good Relations in Northern Ireland, Belfast, Northern Ireland Council for Integrated Education. Roche, R. (2008) Facts, Fears and Feelings Project: Sectarianism and Segregation in Urban Northern Ireland: Northern Irish Youth Post-Agreement, Belfast, School of History and Anthropology, Queen’s University Belfast. Schubotz, D. and Devine, P. (2011) Segregation Preferences of 16-Year-Olds in Northern Ireland. What Difference Does Urban Living Make? Conflict in Cities and the Contested State: Everyday Life and the Possibilities for Transformation in Belfast, Jerusalem and Other Divided Cities. Working Paper No. 22. Schubotz, D. and Robinson, G. (2006) Cross-Community Integration and Mixing: Does It Make a Difference? ARK Research Update. Nr. 43. Smith, A. (2001) ‘Religious segregation and the emergence of integrated schools in Northern Ireland’, Oxford Review of Education, 27:4, pp. 559–575. Smith, A. and Dunn, S. (1990) Extending Inter School Links: An Evaluation of Contact between Catholic and Protestant Pupils in Northern Ireland, Coleraine, Centre for the study of Conflict, University of Ulster. Available at: http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/csc/reports/ extend.htm Smyth, K., Coley, J. and Niens, U. (2012) The Inductive Potential of Religion Categories in Northern Ireland. CogSci 2012 Proceedings. Stringer, M., Irwing, P., Giles, M., McClenahan, C., Wilson, R. and Hunter, J. (2010) ‘Parental and school effects on children’s political attitudes in Northern Ireland’, British Journal of Educational Psychology, 80, pp. 223–240. DOI: 10.1348/000709909X477233. Stringer, M., Irwing, P., Giles, M., McClenahan, C., Wilson, R. and Hunter, J.A. (2009) ‘Intergroup contact, friendship quality and political attitudes in integrated and segregated schools in Northern Ireland’, British Journal of Educational Psychology, 79, pp. 239–257. Stringer, M., Wilson, R., Irwing, P., Giles, M., McClenahan, C. and Curtis, L. (2000) The Impact of Schooling on the Social Attitudes of Children, Belfast, The Integrated Education Fund. The Agreement (1998). Agreement Reached in the Multi-Party Negotiations (Belfast/ Good Friday Agreement). Wardlow, M. (2003) In Support of Integrated Education, Belfast, Northern Ireland Council for Integrated Education. ——— (2006) Sharing Not Separation, Belfast, Northern Ireland Council for Integrated Education.

Part Five

Crown Dependencies and British Overseas Territories

14

Isle of Man: An Overview John Robert Cain

Introduction Situated in the Irish Sea and surrounded by Ireland, Scotland, England and Wales, the Isle of Man is about 34 miles long and 13 miles wide. It is 16 miles from the nearest point of Scotland, 34 miles from that of England and 40 miles from Strangford Lough. The island is 227 square miles in area, and a range of rugged, high ground in the centre separates the north from the south. A central valley bisects this high ground and runs east–west, linking the town of Douglas and the city of Peel. The early inhabitants were Celtic and they were invaded and settled by Vikings who ruled the island for over 300 years. One of their legacies was the ‘Keys’ – twenty-four worthiest men from the whole of the Sudreys or Southern Islands – who formed the ‘Tynwald’ or parliament. These names persist today but refer only to the Isle of Man. For a further 200 years the Island was fought over by England and Scotland, and was subject to raids by Irish and even French forces. In 1405, King Henry IV awarded the Isle of Man to the Stanley family as Kings or Lords of Man. Their family ruled the island for 300 years. In 1736 the direct Stanley line failed and the Lordship of Man passed to James, duke of Athol. The island’s House of Keys fought bitterly against the duke’s attempts to enforce the remaining manorial rights and claimed that surplus revenue should stay on the island and not go to the duke. However, in 1765, the English government bought the island, having been exasperated by the use of the island for smuggling. There followed a long period of rule through governors, appointed by England, and a Council, the official holders of lay and ecclesiastical positions

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on the Island. Until 1921, the governor and his Council could, and did, veto the wishes of the House of Keys who, since 1866, had been elected by popular mandate. Nowadays, the governor’s powers are very limited and the two chambers of the House of Keys and Legislative Council meet together on a regular basis to form Tynwald Court to legislate on behalf of the 80,000 or so islanders. The Isle of Man is a thriving finance and international business centre, and although the United Kingdom represents the island for many of its international affairs, the aim of Tynwald, declared in 1981, is full self-governing status.

A selective overview of the history of education in the Isle of Man Little is known in detail about education in the Isle of Man before the second half of the seventeenth century. However, Bishop Barrow (1663–1669) put into practice many of the educational ideas of the Puritans in England. His appointment to the See of Sodor and Man was followed by his appointment as the governor of the Island, and this put the powers of both church and state under one man. In 1669, he instituted a system of education which included, in each parish and the four towns, an elementary school, known as a ‘petty’ school, where the teaching was through the medium of English, a free grammar school in Castletown and an academic school for higher education. Part of the purpose of the system was to make the Island self-sufficient in training its own clergy to the level required. Schools were established in the church buildings and the clergy received an increased stipend to carry out their teaching. A duty was imposed on both parents and clergyman to ensure that children attended the schools with fees expected from those who could afford to pay. The Lord of Man Earl Charles strongly supported the efforts of his governorbishop and in 1672 repeated the demands for parents to send their children to school and stated that all positions of trust would be closed to those who had not attended schools. The clergy were required to operate the schools for a prescribed amount of time and to secure the official licence to teach from the bishop or his delegated officers. The system of Petty schools had been successfully launched, but the provision of separate Grammar and Academic schools had never really been achieved. Bishop Wilson (1693–1755) undoubtedly reinvigorated the systematic provision of education and translated the threats to parents for not sending their children to school into hefty fines. He drew up ecclesiastical and educational

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regulations concerning the enforcement of compulsory education and these were passed as Acts of Tynwald in June 1704. A child’s attendance at Petty school was to be until he could read English distinctly. Bishop Wilson retained the principle of universal education by allowing free education to those who could not afford to pay and allowed time off school at busy periods in the summer and at harvest. He saw the educational role of the clergy not as teachers but as overseers of the teaching. For the long-term success of education, this was probably a mistake. A lay schoolteacher’s income was so poor that there was nothing to encourage any person of skill or learning to undertake the role of parish schoolteacher. Despite all their limitations, the clergy were men of far greater learning than the lay masters who replaced them. Wilson also disliked schools in churches and did everything in his power to provide other secular buildings for use as schools. By the time of his death in 1755, the Petty schools were in a poor state and schoolteachers’ salaries were very low, but there was a separate Grammar School and an Academic School in Castletown, a Grammar School each in Douglas, Peel and Ramsey and a theology school at Bishopscourt, near Kirk Michael. In the late eighteenth century, the ideal of a sound education at the basic level ceased to be regarded as the norm. School attendance, compulsory for every child, was not enforced. Schoolteachers’ pay was still so poor that they were often drawn from the ranks of the worst of their trade. However, by 1800, every parish and town had its own official school housed generally in buildings built for the purpose. The towns and some parishes had extra schools too. The legal right to raise money for repairing or building schools was well established, and many of the schools, especially the Grammar Schools, were endowed. However, by the mid-1800s, the endowed Grammar Schools had virtually failed through a combination of extremely poor teachers, incompetent trustees and, in some cases, collapse of the endowment. This situation was redeemed to some extent by the opening in 1833 of King William’s College, a largely residential school providing a broad curriculum at the postelementary level. Former pupils won a number of scholarships at Oxford and Cambridge, and the provision by the College of Foundation Scholarships went some way to giving access to boys from less wealthy families. Academic students training for the ministry were able once again to receive their third level of education on the island itself. The other major factor leading to overall educational progress was an explosion in the growth of private schools, mirroring what was taking place in England. There was fierce market competition and proprietors could not afford

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to indulge in the complacency characterized by so many endowed schools. The curriculum, accommodation and staffing all improved, as did provision for girls. For the poor, there was little scope beyond elementary education, but for those who could afford to pay modest or even high fees, there was a wide variety of choice of schools especially in Douglas. Adding to this diversity of provision of schools in this period were the building of National Schools, Schools of Industry and Methodist Schools and the moving of the long-established Phillip Christian Clothworkers School to its new premises, modelled on current Whitehall specifications in 1842. There continued to be much ‘filling in the gaps’ in the provision of schools so that they were geographically accessible to the scattered populations of the rural parishes. Bishop Short (1841–1847) encouraged teachers to go beyond the monitorial method to the continual asking of questions to ensure that the knowledge imparted had been fully understood. While there was still no model school to train teachers, many had begun to use the class books of the Christian Knowledge Society and most used maps and slates. The clergy were to visit regularly and ensure that teachers set down their lesson plans on paper, carried them out and kept proper records. The island had greatly benefitted from grants given by the English Treasury for the building of schools, but poor salaries still failed to attract teachers of ability and talent to teach in Manx schools. The links with England were developing rapidly at this time, and the Moseley inspection report of 1847 increased the focus on the quality of teaching and on teachers’ remuneration through the introduction of a scheme for the assessment and certification of teachers and the tying of the results of this to teachers’ pay, which could increase enormously compared to current levels. This was followed in 1851 by the Act of Tynwald that permitted rateassisted education where local areas so desired. It also introduced minimum wage levels for teachers. Funding for the enlargement or building of new schools came from a system of grants (including from the English Treasury directly) and from the rates. As a consequence, the old parochial schools transformed in most cases into church schools through affiliation to the National Society, an active educational body of the day. Assessment of the island’s standards of education compared to those in England became routine through the visits of inspectors. However, large numbers of children only attended school for two years or less and many did not attend at all. For instance, the school at Kirk Michael had seventy-three pupils on roll but its master estimated that a further 200 in the locality did not attend any school.

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The decades of the mid-nineteenth century in the island were a time of relative prosperity because of tourism and mining. The period also saw important constitutional changes, with Tynwald being given a degree of control of surplus revenues that had previously gone to the English Treasury. As a condition for this control of its surplus revenue, Tynwald was required to pass an Act in 1866 which for the first time made the House of Keys (the Lower House) elected by popular vote instead of being self-selecting and self-perpetuating. The census of 1871 revealed that of the age range of children between five and twelve years, only 6135 out of a total of 10,744 were on school registers. Therefore over 4000 children of this age range were still not being educated. The 1872 Act, aimed to provide a public elementary education, was similar in many respects to England’s 1870 Education Act, but differed in that it made education compulsory for all children. A total of 250 attendances per year were required and an Island Education Committee and individual School Committees were established. Nonetheless, the 1872 Act made very little practical difference: school attendance was not enforced by the school committees, whose duty it was to do so. The only exception to this was the School Committee for Douglas. Most Committees did not want to increase the education rate and therefore avoided any expenditure if at all possible. This included tackling poor attendance, increasing the number of teachers, educating infants and building maintenance. As early as 1879, HMI Oakley proposed to abolish the school committees and to replace them with a strong central board. However, it took forty years for this to happen, although six school attendance enforcement officers were appointed in 1884 and their work led to marked improvements in attendance, up to an average of 87 per cent by 1897. By the end of the nineteenth century, private schools and voluntary schools began to decline partly because of inadequate accommodation, partly because of their refusal to admit the waifs and strays and partly because of concerns by the Education Committee about the propriety of using ratepayers’ money to pay voluntary school fees. By 1901, less than 2000 pupils were being educated in voluntary and private schools compared to over 6000 in board schools. The Board of Education’s policy was to refuse funding for the voluntary sector and to let the private and voluntary schools wither on the vine. The advent of free universal elementary education together with raised standards and increased expectations led to board schools being built that met English specifications. The system of ‘Payment by Results’ was relaxed, and the fixed days for examination and inspection were replaced by inspections without notice. The school-leaving age was raised to fourteen, or thirteen if Standard

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VI had already been reached. Teachers were given fixed salaries to replace the individual deals that had been the custom and the English Superannuation Act was extended to the island in 1901. The provision of secondary education (in the sense of postelementary education) had largely failed by 1900. Notable exceptions were King William’s College and the Douglas Higher Grade School. Despite the setting up of the Manx Commission on Secondary Education, no vigorous plan was established to expand secondary education other than through the introduction of additional classes in the elementary schools, the beginning of evening classes and the creation in 1880 of a School of Art that was to be the provider of technical education within the reach of every artisan. Indeed it took until the 1920 Act for an expansion of secondary education provision. The renamed Douglas School needed modernizing and many more places were needed. An additional school was built in Douglas in 1927 and one in Ramsey in 1931. The south of the island was catered for by a number of schools and it was felt that the west of the island’s numbers did not justify extra provision; this remained the case until the mid-1970s. The old grammar schools had either closed or had been absorbed into the state system, and the idea formulated at the beginning of the twentieth century that grammar schools could coexist with secondary education schools, each catering for different social classes, had long faded away. The School of Art had been taken into state control and special services (medical inspections, school meals and the education of disabled children) had begun. The prospect of the implications of the English Fisher Act of 1918 had stimulated the island education authorities to review comprehensively their system of education. Probably most important of all was the abolition of the local School Boards and Higher Education Boards with their parsimony and pettiness by an island-wide body in charge of the administration of education. For the next thirty years there remained a curious dual system of the Education Authority and the Council of Education. The latter performed the role of Whitehall, while the Education Authority carried out the functions of an English LEA. The interwar years were a period of quite dynamic leadership by the Education Council and the Education Authority. There was considerable rationalization of provision for elementary schools not just for cost savings but also for educational gains to the children. The English Hadow Report of 1926 galvanized the Isle of Man authorities into expensive action, and by the time of the outbreak of the Second World War, much had been achieved. There was a national policy for primary education and for secondary education. Many new

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schools were built and extensions to schools carried out. Ramsey was to have a new block, as was Castletown. In Douglas, land was bought for the school at Ballakermeen, which was due to open in 1939. As early as 1931, the raising of the school-leaving age to fifteen had been mooted together with lowering the minimum school-starting age to five years. Ironically, the HMI report of 1932 complained that the island was trying to provide secondary education on too lavish a scale and noted ‘the very high proportion from elementary schools’. In 1938, only two pupils applied for scholarships to university and this was an obvious weakness in the system at that time, especially compared to the successes of King William’s College in this respect. However, nearly all of the hundred or so going on to higher education were trainee teachers. Further education for those who had left school had expanded too. Agricultural scholarships were available, and from 1922 a college for domestic science began operating. Courses for the unemployed were established in 1929 and evening classes were expanded but mainly held in Douglas. In terms of its recent history and buildings, the island was by the end of the Second World War ideally set up to have secondary modern schools and grammar schools for its secondary education provision. However, the Education Authority and Education Council, in 1946, decided on the ‘multi-lateral’ route as its future policy for secondary education as enthusiastically advocated by its Director of Education, H.L. Fletcher. This seemed to gain general approval on the island and rapidly led to the creation of Castle Rushen High School in the south on the site of a former Fleet Air Arm camp, the reorganization of the Douglas schools and the merger of Ramsey’s Grammar School in its recently built premises with the brand new building completed just before the Second World War. Peel, in the west, was again ruled out for secondary education provision because of declining school numbers in the area. In reality, the schools were comprehensive in their intakes, and because there was very little technical education provision on the curricula, the Education Authority correctly referred to its schools for the next decade as ‘bi-lateral’. As hinted in the last paragraph, the decision to create comprehensive schools was a bold one especially given the school building stock and the total absence of comprehensive schools anywhere else in England and Wales at that time. Consequently, the island attracted quite a lot of interest in educational circles because of what was seen by others as its exciting experiment. By 1971, the two Douglas High Schools were amalgamated and became coeducational. In the 1980s, the structure was unpicked, and the two separate schools of Ballakermeen High School and St Ninian’s High School were established. In 1971, 55 per

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cent stayed on at school past the age of fifteen and only 230 out of about 3000 secondary-aged pupils stayed on in the island’s sixth forms. A new secondary school at Peel was at last planned in the 1970s and built in 1979 mainly in response to the rising population. A further secondary school was planned for Onchan (just outside Douglas) shortly after, but the plans were shelved in the island’s times of austerity and stable pupil numbers in the 1980s. Interestingly, the plans were revived eventually and the school was built and opened in 2011 keeping the total of secondary schools at five because the new building at Onchan replaced the original lower school building of St Ninian’s High School. Postwar primary school provision was dominated by the quite large swings in population and an overall increase in the island’s population from about 50,000 to 80,000. This at times led to massive building programmes and at other times to closure and amalgamation of schools. From the late 1980s onwards replacement buildings or large extensions were built at Jurby, Foxdale, Sulby, Ramsey (Infant and Junior), Dhoon, Laxey, Peel, St John’s, Marown, Kewaigue, Castletown and Onchan. Completely new schools included Ballacottier, Cronk-y-Berry, Scoill Vallajeelt (all on the outskirts of Douglas) and Scoill Phurt le Moirrey (Port St Mary). Schools at Bride, Patrick and St Mark’s have closed. Generally, the primary schools are larger than had been the case historically, and there are now only five schools out of the thirty-three primary schools with fewer than 100 pupils and, interestingly, one of them is the island’s school for Manx-medium education in the St John’s old school building, which could not accommodate more pupils in any case. The education of disabled children was established at Glencrutchery Special School in 1973, but by the end of the century, all such children were being educated in mainstream schools where special facilities or support had been provided through specialist teachers and psychologists. The long-established Youth Service continues to make dual use of school buildings in the evenings and weekends for its Youth Clubs and operates a number of specialist centres as well as the Mobile Library and Children’s Library Services. Recent constraints have led to the latter services being funded privately. The Island’s Music Service began in 1970, and by 1975, each secondary school had its own orchestra and subsequently three island orchestras have been formed each at different age levels. A Manx Youth Choir enables singers from all parts of the island to perform together. Work Experience programmes have been in place in each of the secondary schools since the early 1980s.

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A Manx Government Act in 1987 abolished the old system of boards and created government departments, each with its own minister. However, the Department of Education retained its own directly elected Board of Education, although its numbers were reduced and it was accountable to the minister instead of to Tynwald. More than twenty years elapsed before the directly elected board was replaced by a non-elected council. During the 1990s, schemes for teaching Manx language and French to primary school children using peripatetic teachers were initiated, and the Manx scheme, together with support for the Manx culture and heritage curriculum, has survived the current financial cutbacks. From the same time, the department expanded its nursery provision and has recently privatized it and introduced a system of vouchers to assist families. The extensive use of ICT in schools has been a major feature of the island’s education over the past twenty years and pupils are increasingly being equipped with tablet computers. A life education programme operated from the late 1980s and has been integrated into the schools’ curricula with support from the centre. Although the creation of a truly comprehensive system of secondary schools is often acclaimed to be the island’s biggest achievement in education, it is probably matched by the quiet success of the College of Further and Higher Education. It began its days as the School of Art and developed into the School of Technology, Arts and Crafts operating alongside the separate College of Domestic Science. In the 1940s and 1950s, numbers of students ran at around the 1000 mark and the vast majority were part-timers. In 1972 the merged colleges relocated to its present seven-acre site in Willaston on the fringe of Douglas. Since then it has provided a huge range of courses despite being a relatively small college of its type. More recently, the college has expanded its range of higher education degree-level courses and has subsumed the short-lived International Business School, formed in 2001. In 2013 the college had nearly 6000 enrolled students, of whom almost 1000 were full-timers. In addition, the department supports about 350 students attending UK and worldwide universities each year through part payment of fees, grants and loans. Without doubt, Bishop Barrow’s vision of an education system comprising an elementary stage followed by second and higher stages has been accomplished over the 350 or so years that have ensued. There will, of course, be further developments to come and challenges to meet to make the system continue to meet the needs of the island’s children.

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The present system The Department of Education and Children, its schools, college and other services The island system is so small that it can be encapsulated in a single table, as below. Primary schools

District

Anagh Coar

Douglas

130

Andreas

Andreas

110

Arbory

Ballabeg

163

Ashley Hill

Onchan

318

Ballacloan Infants

Douglas

102

Ballacottier

Douglas

272

Ballasalla

Ballasalla

91

Ballaugh

Ballaugh

77

Braddan

Braddan

151

Bunscoill Gaelgagh

St Johns

69

Bunscoill Rhumsaa

Ramsey

472

Cronk-y-Berry

Douglas

359

Maughold

102

Fairfield Junior

Douglas

135

Foxdale

Foxdale

55

Jurby

58

Douglas

140

Dhoon

Jurby Kewaigue Laxey

Student numbers

Laxey

218

Douglas

107

Marown

Glen Vine

207

Michael

Kirk Michael

112

Onchan

Onchan

415

Peel

355

Port St Mary

129

Rushen

Port Erin

250

Scoill yn Jubilee

Douglas

386

Manor Park

Peel Clothworkers Phurt le Moirrey

(Continued)

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St John’s

St John’s

184

St Mary’s RC

Douglas

293

St Thomas’ C of E

Douglas

73

Sulby Village

161

Douglas

182

Castletown

217

Douglas

180

Ballakermeen High School

Douglas

1500

Castle Rushen High School

Castletown

840

Peel

855

Sulby Vallajeelt Victoria Rd Willaston Secondary schools

Queen Elizabeth 11 High School Ramsey Grammar School

Ramsey

985

St Ninian’s High School

Douglas

1343

College IOM College of Further and Higher Education

Douglas

University Centre

Douglas

Assessment centre Pre-school Assessment Centre

Douglas

Education support centre Cronk Souree and Ynnyd Whallid

Douglas

Services for children Hamilton House and Glencrutchery School

Douglas

Sensory support service Glencrutchery School

Douglas

Education improvement service Hamilton House

Douglas

Play and youth services Hamilton House

Douglas (Continued)

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Music services St Ninian’s Lower School

Douglas

Professional development centre Santon

Santon

Manx language Manx Language Unit

Peel

Information, communication technology service Hamilton House

Douglas

Corporate services, finance, human resources, student awards and pupil attendance Hamilton House

Douglas

Curriculum issues The Isle of Man has its own National Curriculum that is legally defined. The following principles apply for all pupils of compulsory school age: 1. All pupils shall follow a broad and balanced curriculum. 2. Any choices available should be clear and explicit. 3. The content of all subjects shall include references to Manx culture and history. 4. Teaching shall promote the personal, moral, social and cultural development of pupils and contribute to their education in the areas of health, careers, citizenship, numeracy, literacy and creative thinking. 5. Religious education shall be in accordance with Section 12 of the 2001 Education Act. For pupils aged up to five years the curriculum includes: ●●

●●

●●

●●

●●

●●

personal, social and emotional development communication, language and literacy mathematical development knowledge and understanding of the world physical development creative development

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For pupils aged between five to fourteen years the curriculum includes: ●●

●●

●●

●●

●●

●●

●●

●●

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●●

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English mathematics science religious education physical education design technology information and communication technology history geography art and design music Manx culture and history (which may be taught through other subjects)

For pupils aged seven to eleven, the curriculum also includes: ●●

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French Manx language, as an option

For pupils aged eleven to fourteen, the curriculum includes: ●●

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French citizenship Manx language, as an option

For pupils aged fourteen to sixteen, the following principles apply: 1. All courses must lead to recognized external accreditation at the highest level achievable by the pupil. 2. There has to be a degree of choice and pupils are to be encouraged to choose on the basis of what will allow them to achieve success. 3. The curriculum must be relevant to the world of work. The curriculum includes: ●●

●●

●●

●●

●●

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English mathematics science (single, dual or three separate sciences) religious education physical education Manx culture and history (which may be taught through other subjects)

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Choices from the following: ●●

●●

●●

●●

●●

●●

●●

●●

a modern foreign language a humanities course, one or more from: history, geography, economics, politics information and communication technology design technology art and design music Manx language vocational options

The IOM College of Further and Higher Education The IOM College of Further and Higher Education provides education and training in three broad groupings: ●●

●●

●●

general education in the form of GCSEs and A-levels in a wide range of subjects; vocational education and training in conjunction with industries and employment opportunities; higher education in partnership with the Universities of Chester and Liverpool John Moores.

There are vocational education courses in business, information technology, office administration, engineering, construction studies (including apprenticeships), art, design, multimedia production, hairdressing, beauty therapy, health and social care, hospitality and catering. Courses are open to young people and adults on either a full-time or part-time basis. Nearly 30 per cent of pupils leaving school at the age of sixteen choose to take courses at the college, and about 60 per cent stay on at one of the five secondary schools into the sixth form. A large range of adult education courses are offered at the college’s main base in Douglas or at a large number of other locations across the island with nearly 2000 enrolments. Twenty-four higher education courses are currently on offer, most of them well subscribed.

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The Department of Education and Children’s Corporate Strategy There are five specific objectives within the Department of Education and Children’s Corporate Strategy that throw light on the current thinking in the island’ education system: To deliver consistent high quality, creative inspirational and innovative teaching and learning via delivery models which ensure learning pathways; To equip learners with the skills for life and the workplace; To protect the vulnerable and ensure that individual needs are met in an inclusive setting as possible; To meet the present and future skills needs of public-, private- and third-sector employers, including the skills required to enable new business to develop in the island; To recruit, retain and develop a high-performing workforce delivering highquality teaching, learning and education support services. In addition to these objectives being highly aspirational, there is a strong emphasis on teaching, on children achieving, on attending to individuals, on seeing education in the context of employment and on realizing that the key factor in achieving any of the objectives is the quality of the staff.

Monitoring standards The Department’s Education Improvement Service (EIS) monitors a range of information about the success of its schools. This information includes pupil progress in internal and external assessments, with an emphasis on previous attainment and value-added judgements; pupil attendance and pupil suspension data; success with the inclusion of pupils with defined special educational needs; evidence of participation in community-based schemes such as sport, music and drama; and reports from half-termly visits to schools by Link Advisers. In terms of pupil attainment in external examination results at GCSE and A level, the island’s comprehensive schools perform above the average for England’s ‘all schools’ measures. Attendance levels are high, pupil suspensions are usually short term and exclusions very rarely occur. Virtually all pupils with defined special educational needs are educated in their local school and it is extremely rare for a child to have his or her needs met off-island. But for most

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aspects of education, the advantages of territorial and demographic smallness clearly overcome the disadvantages. Perhaps the most important and successful policy the department has implemented for maintaining the standards of its schools is the process of School Self-Review and Evaluation (SSRE), which was introduced in 2005. This is an ongoing process whereby the head teacher works with members of staff, parents, pupils and governors to evaluate the school’s strengths and weaknesses with the production of a written statement. This process is supported by Link Advisers from the EIS and by School Improvement Partners and is subject to external validation. Evaluation involves considering evidence of school operations and relating it to defined criteria as to whether the school is believed to be: Outstanding (1); Good (2); Satisfactory (3); Inadequate (4) in relation to the entire range of aspects of its work, a selection of the key criteria being from value for money, to the satisfaction of the parents with the school, to pupil achievements, academic and skills progress, to how well the school enriches the curriculum, to the care, welfare, health and safety of pupils, to advice and guidance, to the quality of links with the community and links with other institutions (including in mainland Britain). The SSRE process is a sustainable and effective way of promoting the professionalism of teachers through their involvement in the monitoring and evaluation of standards. Under the Education Act (2001), the Department of Education and Children also has the responsibility to ‘ …  cause inspections to be made of every school and college … ’. Generally these are carried out under very particular circumstances. The SSRE process is sufficiently robust to maintain standards, together with an occasional inspection, and should provide the mainstay in securing a high-quality education for the children of the Isle of Man into the future.

Bibliography The historical section of this chapter relies heavily on the following excellent publications: Bird, H. (1995) An Island that Led: The History of Manx Education, Vol. 1 and 2. Ely, R.S. (2003) Manx Schools – Past, Present and Proposed.

All other sources of information are taken from the Department of Education and Children’s publications.

15

Guernsey: An Overview Danielle Cassell and Richard Taylor

Location The Channel Islands are situated in the Bay of St Malo; to the east lies Normandy and to the south Brittany. Jersey is the most southerly and largest of the islands, Alderney the most northerly, while Guernsey, the second largest, which lies roughly seventy miles from the southern coast of England, is the most westerly.

Guernsey legislation Guernsey’s current constitutional, semi-autonomous position stems from around 1204, when King John lost his Norman mainland possessions to King Philip of France. The Channel Islands remained loyal to, and in the personal possession of, the English King, but were never incorporated into the Kingdom of England. In return for their loyalty a succession of monarchs granted charters to the islands conferring on them the right to establish their own judiciaries, freedom from the process of English courts and immunity of insular produce from customs duties on entering the United Kingdom. They also built castles garrisoned by royal troops to defend their domain. The monarch still retains responsibility for the defence of the islands and foreign representation. The right to hold a Royal Court in Guernsey evolved into a right to initiate legislation and its execution. However, the historical link with the Duchy of Normandy has always been respected and the islands have always maintained close trading, judicial and cultural links with France. For example, when a legislature evolved it took the French form, being known as ‘the States

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of Guernsey’ that represents the three ‘estates of the realm’; hence Guernsey lawyers train at the Caen University to be admitted as ‘Advocates of the Royal Court of Guernsey’, because of the affinity of certain aspects of Guernsey law with Norman law.

Legal and political control The current law with certain amendments is the ‘Education (Guernsey) Law, 1970’, which itself is based largely on the 1944 Education Law of England and Wales. Proposals for changes to the law are laid before the States of Guernsey as a ‘Project de Loi’ (A Bill) by the department minister, and if approved they are transmitted by the lieutenant governor to the Queen-in-Council via, at present, the Justice Ministry. If it receives the royal assent it returns to the bailiff as an Order-in-Council who then passes it to the Royal Court for inscription in the Guernsey Register. In the opinion of the authors a new law is urgently required. The Board of Education provides the political control and overall accountability. It comprises a minister, appointed by the States of Guernsey and four other states’ deputies, and is responsible for implementing the Education Law, drafting amendments and initiating new laws, as well as setting policy within the law. The board’s annual revenue budget in 2013 was £75,436,000. In addition to this is a rolling budget for major capital works. A major difficulty for past and present boards is that the island’s population of around 62,000 people militates against running a world-class service in a totally cost-effective way.

The Department of Education and the structure of provision As a department of government, the Education Department comprises a team of civil servants who implement the board’s policies and provide professional advice. It fulfils its responsibilities through a structure of four directorates: Finance and Resources; Strategy and Performance; Inclusion and Support Services; Communications. In 2014 the service catered for approximately 8900 children and young people in three phases: Primary, Secondary and Tertiary.

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The Primary Phase focuses on one infant school and twelve primary schools. Proposals have been approved to close the infant school and one of the primary schools as part of the department’s efficiency drive to reduce excessive capacity in favour of two- form entry schools. A primary unit serves the tiny island of Herm, two and a half miles east of St Peter Port. There is also a primary unit at five years to sixteen years all age school on Alderney, a Bailiwick island, some seventeen miles north of St Peter Port. Two of the primary schools have ‘ voluntary aided status and are run in conjunction with the Roman Catholic Church’. Le Rondin School was built as part of the Inclusion Policy at the Primary Phase, the school motto encapsulating its mission ‘Being the Best We Can Be’. The Secondary Phase provides a selective system where pupils are allocated to schools deemed suitable for their ability and potential needs by a process of selection at eleven years of age. This phase comprises an elevento-eighteen grammar school and three non-selective eleven-to-sixteen high schools, two of which are in newly built accommodation, while plans are being drawn for rebuilding the remaining one. As part of the Secondary Phase response to its Social Inclusion Policy, the department created Le Murier School, attached to the newly built St Sampson’s High School, which offers a curriculum focused on life and work skills. The Tertiary Phase comprises an eleven-to-sixteen grammar school plus a postsixteen sixth form centre, aimed at students wishing to undertake an academic programme leading to ‘A’ level examinations and recently the European Baccalaureate. Entry to the sixth form centre is open to all postsixteen students provided they gain sufficient GCSE passes at grades A–C. Students wishing to pursue more applied or vocational courses attend the College of Further Education and largely study for NVQ or GNVQ qualifications. The programme includes full-time courses, day release and part-time courses. The College of Further Education supports employers in the running of a States Registered Apprenticeship Scheme. The college is a very catholic institution, which provides a wide range of programmes to support the community in response to rapidly changing circumstances; these include an adult education programme, courses leading to professional qualifications and learning support. In addition to the above provision, the States of Guernsey funds twenty-three annual scholarships to the Secondary Phase of Elizabeth College and the Ladies’ College, and six to Blanchelande College, a Roman Catholic foundation; all three are independent schools.

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The reader or first-time visitor could be forgiven for thinking that there is little difference between the island and some communities in Southern England. However, a closer examination reveals a community that has developed its institutions from different and unique historical, economic, political, judicial and cultural circumstances that have been influenced by the proximity to France as much as its connections with England. The unique character of the islands has led their education services to develop along idiosyncratic lines, sometimes looking towards their neighbours but always distinct and individual. Nor can assumptions be made about the other Channel Isles, even those within the Bailiwick of Guernsey (Alderney, Sark and the Dependencies of Herm and Jethou). The term ‘Bailiwick’, mentioned above, refers to the Bailiff, who is Guernsey’s chief citizen appointed by the Sovereign and acts as the president of the States of Guernsey and the Royal Court. The Bailiwick of Guernsey comprises Guernsey, Alderney, Herm and Sark: Sark is a tenancy of the Crown and has control over it own civil affairs. The islanders themselves present a paradox best understood in a paraphrase derived from Victor Hugo ‘the Guernsey man either walks his field or walks the world’. From earliest times the economy of Guernsey has been driven by the interaction of land and sea: the inhabitants initially survived by farming or fishing. These two resources have generated the island’s wealth, for they provided not only sustenance but also access to the world of trade, exploited through the ages until the present when trade in communicating knowledge reigns supreme.

Early history of education There is no written evidence for any organized provision of schools until 1563. However, the existence of monasteries, increasing trade that generated income through customs duty and a formal process for enacting and administering law would certainly have established a demand for some of the islanders to be literate and numerate. The Reformation was a watershed in the history of England and the Channel Isles. Queen Elizabeth I was increasingly isolated, her crown dependent on the break from Rome, yet opposed to the extreme forms of Protestantism of Northern Europe, while threatened by her Catholic neighbours, Spain and France. As a result, Guernsey became of strategic importance as a constant

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source of intelligence gained by her merchants. This resulted in the foundation of Guernsey’s first school: Elizabeth College. Elizabeth College was founded by Royal Charter to train gentlemen for priesthood and for the maintenance of the ‘right form’ of Protestant religion (i.e. conservative) on the island. Dr Adrian Seravia, a cultured product of the English Court, much influenced by Renaissance learning, and a friend of William Cecil, Lord Burghley, was dispatched to be its first principal. It is little wonder that his arrival in a rough seaport full of fishermen, sailors and peasant market traders, all of whom spoke a strange language that he would have deemed coarse, left him unimpressed. He wrote, ‘this barbarous people hate letters’, which does seem to have some degree of truth, because the recruitment of students was either slow or non-existent, and Seravia returned to England, thwarted. Things didn’t improve much after his departure, as on occasion the principal had no students at all. Although trade brought increasing prosperity during the eighteenth century, the gentry tended to send their sons to school in England until 1826, when Elizabeth College was revitalized and rechartered, after which it became a serious seat of learning and prepared students for top universities. As the nineteenth century progressed, pressure mounted for largely middle-class girls to be educated to the same standard as boys, and in 1872 the Ladies College was founded, modelled on the Cheltenham Ladies’ College. Each of these fee-paying schools was managed by an independent board of governors.

Parish schools The Parish system was created in Guernsey by the Normans in the 10th century by the establishment of ten parishes. Each parish council or douzaine wielded considerable power and was the main contact for most people with the administration of government, taxation and the law in general. There must have been those in every parish who saw the value of educating all young people, because by 1720, some 150 years before England, there was a school in every parish and the logs of some schools exist from the seventeenth century. Funding for these schools came from endowments made by well-off parishioners or from the parish rates. No doubt the parish rectors also had influence in the schools, although in three parishes subsidiary schools were endowed by the Elizabeth College. Each douzanine set up a committee to oversee the school’s running, appoint teachers and establish the curriculum, which was very basic,

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being reading, writing and arithmetic and in some needlework for the girls. Attendance was not compulsory until 1900 and a fee of a penny a week was charged by some. As the nineteenth century progressed the States of Guernsey became increasingly concerned about the quality of education in parish schools, particularly as few could afford the salary of English-trained teachers. The reports of English inspectors brought in by the States of Guernsey made uncomfortable reading for parochial school managers and were scathing about the level of knowledge of many teachers, rating their teaching as poor. Nevertheless, the States of Guernsey did not establish full control over parish schools until 1935, following publication of the Hadow Report by the UK government in 1931.

Towards a modern system of education As the Victorian age evolved into the Edwardian era, the States of Guernsey were increasingly influenced by the wealth and power being generated by modern industry. As the island’s economy prospered, the demand for locally educated, professional and managerial staff grew and the States of Guernsey responded by funding a selective secondary school for boys in 1883 and one for girls in 1895. Purpose-built accommodation was not created until 1895 and 1928, respectively, but they both offered proper secondary curricula leading to the ‘School Certificate and matriculation’. Boys could then gain a scholarship to the sixth form of Elizabeth College for progression to higher education, but girls were ineligible for grant aid to progress to the Ladies College, and so without private funding, their education ended at sixteen years. Following the 1902 Education Act in England, which enabled local authorities to set up secondary schools paid for from local taxes, Guernsey’s two schools were renamed ‘Intermediate Schools’, presumably because they did not offer a postsixteen curriculum. Those pupils (the majority) who did not attain the required grade remained in their ‘all-age’ parish schools until they reached the age of thirteen, raised to fourteen years in 1923, fifteen years in 1963 and subsequently sixteen years in 2008. Therefore, by 1935 the island had moved to centrally controlled education for all pupils from the age of five years until they were fourteen years old. The outbreak of the Second World War in 1939 resulted in the infrastructure of the education service being devastated by enemy occupation. It is difficult to overestimate the profound consequences of both wars on the population of the island. In the First World War the local defence force,

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the Guernsey Militia, was converted into a regiment of the British army, ‘the Royal Guernsey Light Infantry’, which suffered huge casualties on the Western Front. The impact of the sudden loss of a large proportion of the most economic productive section of the workforce of this small island inhibited its economic and social development after the armistice. During the Second World War the impact on the workforce was less severe as Guernseymen volunteering for service were distributed throughout the whole of the armed forces. Nevertheless, the German Occupation had a far greater deleterious impact on every aspect of the island’s life, making postwar recovery slower and more difficult. The evacuation of whole families and absence for five years fractured relationships, some never to recover. Following the Liberation in 1945, the return of those islanders who had been evacuated caused considerable social difficulties, with many families encountering problems in rebuilding relationships and attempting to reclaim property and possessions. The effect of the occupation on schooling was profound and in most cases detrimental to the individual child. The parents of primary-aged pupils were given the option to allow their children to evacuate with their schools en bloc, in the hope that they will be able rejoin them later. The secondary schools and colleges evacuated en bloc and relocated to redundant school buildings on the mainland, which may have been uncomfortable but enabled them to preserve their corporate identities; nevertheless, finding suitable learning materials tested the ingenuity of teachers to their limits. For those who chose to remain on the island the next five years were to prove bleak. The occupying military authorities could appropriate any building at will and with immediate effect. Some schools had to combine and find buildings and equipment where they could; many teachers had left and qualified replacements were non-existent. The rump of the Boys’ Intermediate School had to move on at least seven occasions and all schools found extreme difficulties in replacing learning materials. After the fall of Normandy to the allies in 1944, external supplies of food ceased and all the islanders suffered from malnutrition.

From 1945 to the present The war had some beneficial consequences, in that the past had gone and everything, including the Education Service, had to be re-created from an

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almost clean slate, although some books had to be scavenged from premises that had been appropriated by the Germans. The new 1944 Education Law provided a modern basis on which to rebuild the service. The two colleges and intermediate schools returned to the homes they had left, and the Education Council commenced plans to provide full secondary education for every young person. St Peter Port and St Sampson’s new Secondary Modern Schools were created at existing sites, and plans were made to build a brand new secondary school for the country parishes by 1949. However, these were not realized until 1958/1959. The postwar ‘baby boom’ created the need for a fourth secondary school that was built in the mid-1970s. A further education college was constructed in the same decade. After the Second World War came the return of those evacuated to, and educated in, England, with the 1944 Education Law having been enacted. Only English-qualified teachers were employed by the Education Council, and the flow of local students to benefit from higher education increased dramatically, particularly as grant aid for both tuition fees and maintenance grants was made available as the island’s economy recovered. This especially opened up the opportunity of education for the young from poorer families. Some influence of the past remained and remains to this day. The private schools continue to benefit from state funding and the admission to secondary school is still determined by a selection process. Improving the quality of education for all children and access to it was the benign intention of the authorities and the bipartite structure was considered to be in the best interests of children, a view supported by at least half of the teaching profession and a majority of people, until very recently. However, as an unforeseen consequence of secondary selection, it has come to be seen as a social divide between middle and working classes, resulting in some underexpectation of number of children attending secondary modern schools, despite the schools being recently redesignated as high schools and their accommodation being vastly improved. Further developments have led to a unified and accessible educational provision. These included the adoption of a modified form of the National Curriculum (1990), the establishment of single end of statutory education at sixteen, introduction of the General Certificate of Secondary Education, access to tertiary education for all through the college of further education and a highly regarded traditional apprenticeship scheme run as a joint venture between employers and the board and a recently created sixth form centre at the Grammar School. The current Education Board is wrestling with the traditional

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conservative psyche of many Guernsey people, who still regard an institution that offers a largely academic curriculum as of greater worth than one that appears to them vocational in character.

Future challenges Within a matter of fifty years the local economy of the States of Guernsey has passed from an extended subsistence economy based on horticulture and a mass tourist market into a global economy dependent on the acquisition and manipulation of knowledge demanding advanced skills in information technology. Currently this is exemplified by being engaged in finance-related business. The slimmed-down tourist industry now looks towards niche markets to support the finance sector. Technological knowledge-based enterprise suits Guernsey admirably as it requires a relatively small footprint and little in the way of resources apart from a ready supply of highly educated workers and adequate connectivity. Future workers will need to develop flexible attitudes and be capable of working independently, while learning new skills, if they are to survive in this brave new world. This poses an interesting question: ‘Do we still need to build large, expensive, factory-like buildings to educate tomorrow’s workforce?’ Architects currently are considering how to design workplaces to suit a very different workforce. That also is the challenge for those devising education programmes and buildings to accommodate them. The question Guernsey people must ask themselves is whether their inherent conservatism and suspicion of change will inhibit them, or will they emulate the Victorians and embrace change.

Bibliography Cruikshank, C. (1975) The German Occupation of the Channel Islands, Guernsey, Guernsey Press/Imperial War Museum. Curtis, S.J. (1953) History of Education in Great Britain, London, University Tutorial Press. Education Department (2014) Education Matters 2012–2013: Annual Report of the Education Department, Education Department, Guernsey. Feiling, K. (1950) History of England, London, Macmillan. Huray Le, C.P. (1963) The Bailiwick of Guernsey, London, Hodder & Stoughton. Jacobs, J. (1830) Annals of the Norman Islands, Paris, Self-Published.

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Jamieson, A.G. (1986) A People of the Sea, London, Methuen. Johnson, P. (1976) Short History of Guernsey, Guernsey, Self-Published. Loveridge, Sir J. (1975) The Constitution and Law of Guernsey, Guernsey, La Societe Guernesiase. Marr, J. (1982) History of the Bailiwick of Guernsey, Chichester, Phillimore & Co. Mulkerrin, D. (1981) Development of Elementary Education in the Island of Guernsey, Masters Dissertation, University of London. Order in Council (1970) The Education Law (Guernsey), Guernsey, Greffier. Regan, G. (1988) Elizabeth Ist, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. Sennet, R. (2008) The Craftsman, London, Allen-Lane/Penguin. Uttley, J. (1966) The Story of the Channel Isles, London, Faber & Faber.

Further Resources www.education.gg/annualreport

16

Jersey: An Overview Roy le Herissier

Introduction This overview will commence with brief descriptions of Jersey’s geographical position and size followed by a summary of its system of government in order that the reader can better understand what Jersey’s status as a Crown Dependency entails. It is then followed by a history, albeit condensed, of the development of educational provision and concludes with an analysis of recent developments and what are currently seen as the crucial issues. The complex nature of the system can be better understood in terms of its history. Jersey, officially the States of Jersey, is one of two Bailiwicks which form the Channel Islands, the other consisting of Guernsey, Alderney and Sark. Although there is increasing cooperation, essentially each Bailiwick is a freestanding entity. Jersey is forty-five square miles in area: fourteen miles from the nearest point in France and eighty-five miles from the nearest point in England. For reasons contained in its constitutional development, it is closer in most respects – economically, culturally and historically – to the United Kingdom.

Government The central government of the island is called the States of Jersey, or ‘Les Etats’. There are twelve parishes who administer municipal affairs and who initially administered most government services and they played a key role in education up to the beginning of the twentieth century.

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Jersey’s unusual constitutional status dates back to 1204, when King John lost Normandy to France. To that point, Jersey was part of Normandy and to this day there are reminders of this affiliation, particularly with respect to law. The Channel Islands were the only part of King John’s possessions which opted to remain as part of his possession, and this was the genesis of their status as Crown possessions, and as such explains why they did not and do not fall under the authority of parliament. The island was granted the right to set up its own court and from that court, the Royal Court, developed a legislative assembly, ‘the States’. It was not to separate out from the court until 1771 and, indeed because the island’s chief civil officer, the Bailiff, remains president of the States, the separation is not complete to this day. Essentially, Jersey’s constitutional status has remained that of a Crown Dependency which possesses internal autonomy, with defence and foreign affairs the ultimate responsibility of the British government. This explains the fact that Jersey is able to set its own educational policy.

History Until the nineteenth century, Jersey was an agrarian society. The considerable immigration in that century was from Great Britain and Ireland. Most of these immigrants settled in the urban areas – a development which was ultimately to change the basis of Jersey’s French-speaking and conservative rural society. There was a major exception which had an impact on the nature and pace of educational reform, namely the continuing immigration of French people to the countryside and of French people escaping France for political reasons. Victor Hugo was the most celebrated of these. The Jersey economy became more diverse, with tourism, the settlement of the ‘half pay’ officers retiring from the British army as well as the remarkable development by a Channel Island settler community of the Cod Fish Banks in the Gaspe in Canada. The latter part of the century was also marked by some dramatic bank failures and political infighting between town and country. Concurrent with this were ongoing attempts to extend the range of the States’ competence over matters like education. There still existed a rather messy situation where competence was shared between the parishes, the States and the Crown, usually through the Privy Council. Gradually, French lost its hegemony

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as the dominant language, although its influence was to linger on through the Customary Law, the language of law, and by the publication of French language newspapers until just after the Second World War and through a large if diminishing number of Catholic schools. Jersey was occupied by the Germans during the Second World War. Hence, after the war, like the UK itself, it had a pent-up demand for political change. As a result, major reforms were made in 1948 to the composition of the States Assembly. Then Jersey experienced an economic renaissance. Mass tourism took off and agriculture built up a large export base beyond the traditional Jersey Royal potato crop. As has been the case during similar periods, this growth was accompanied by large-scale immigration. Like the UK mainland, this has grown into a controversial political issue, particularly in respect to EU provisions for free movement of labour, which has impacted education provision. However, the most dramatic changes in the economy occurred in the early 1960s, when, because of a simple move related to interest rates, Jersey became an international finance centre – or, as labelled by its detractors, a ‘tax haven’. The presence of such a wealthy and dominant sector has had both positive and negative impacts. Positively, it has enabled the island, until recently, to provide good public services on a low personal tax base. The impact on educational provision has been direct in that the greater numbers of professionals on the island have helped expend the fee-paying school sector. The opening of EU immigration has helped families of immigrants to settle, although with some restrictions, and this has greatly increased school numbers. Lastly, private and public providers have had to provide greatly increased training, partly to meet the political demand that local people should be employed and partly to ensure that the industry has a skilled labour force. With specific reference to education, Jersey’s journey to its current system has been tortuous and, to this day, there are major traditionalist and historical reasons as to why rational reform is very difficult. By 1820 Jersey had sixty-two independent schools. There were two medieval foundations, St Anastase and St Mannelier, which could be loosely called grammar schools and were in a state of decline. The Privy Council set up a Committee of Education after 1839 and began to channel funding to primary education. However, there was an aversion to central control, despite no legal requirement to do so. By 1861 eight of the twelve parishes were providing their

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own primary schools. There were clearly concerns about educational quality, as in 1872 the Privy Council withdrew its funding to force compliance with the 1870 Elementary Education Act via external inspections. Meanwhile, the increasing French population looked to the Catholic Church to provide schooling – a matter of considerable controversy. The rise of Anglicization was symbolized by the opening of Victoria College in 1852 by no less a person than Queen Victoria herself. It was modelled on an English public school, although the appointment of the first principal was influenced by the States who insisted that he had to be French speaking. The setting up of an equivalent school for girls, Jersey Ladies College, was to follow much later in the 1880s. In 1911 a law was passed making it mandatory to teach in English. This had a major impact upon the French Catholic schools, who had to recruit Englishqualified teachers. It was at this time that full control of primary education passed to the States and was directly controlled by the grandly named Comite D’Instruction Publique. We may now ‘fast forward’ to the post–Second World War period. Free secondary education, such as that always existed, was provided by the intermediate school. A few students went away to higher education, mainly to teacher training and via scholarships to universities. The two colleges operated as fee-paying school, albeit with a significant proportion of places provided by scholarships, dependent on passing an entrance examination. There were three major catholic schools, all fee paying, which covered primary and secondary education. However, the most significant development of the period was the opening in 1952 of Hautlieu School, a boys’ grammar school. At long last there existed a school to provide full secondary education to ‘the sons of artisans’. A similar school for girls opened in 1956. Both were amalgamated on the Hautlieu site in the mid-1960s. In addition, two secondary modern schools were established to cater for non-academic and vocationally inclined students, later joined by a third serving the west of the island (Les Quennevais). When one of the last French institutions, Bon Secours College, decided to sell up, the States bought the site in the early 1970s for conversion to a further education college, named Highlands College. Concurrent with these developments was a massive expansion of the primary sector. By 1973 the Education Committee was concerned by the questions of how the varied schools related to each other and the methods of selection which then existed, namely eleven-plus and scholarship examinations for those

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seeking free entry to the two colleges. What was the role of Hautlieu, given the existence of the eleven to sixteen schools? How could sixth form education be best organized? Should the eleven plus survive? Were there equitable and educationally sound ways of transferring between the schools, particularly moving from the eleven to sixteen schools to Hautlieu? The ‘elephant in the room’ question also arose of the role and extent of the fee-paying sector. Much of the debate centred on the selection at eleven and, what has become a dominant issue, the segregation of students between two types of schools. After considerable debate, it seems the committee of the day was faced with four options: (a) maintain the existing system with the elevenplus exam, (b) introduce a middle school system, (c) introduce a sixth form college or (d) provide all-ability schools for the eleven to sixteen group with optional transfer at fourteen plus and sixteen plus. Ultimately, it opted in 1978 for the removal of the eleven plus, the provision of eleven-to-sixteen all-ability schools and the option for the eleven to sixteen students to transfer at fourteen plus and sixteen plus to Hautlieu – all within the context of a large and growing fee-paying sector. Hautlieu would take students at fourteen plus or at sixteen plus and, most controversially, parents of eleven to sixteen students would be given a right to override academic recommendations and request that their children be transferred to Hautlieu. It should be borne in mind that the fee-paying sector (essentially, some primary schools, two of which focused on entry to UK public schools, the two colleges and the Catholic schools) would continue to run concurrently, although, in an attempt to improve educational mobility, a concession was granted in that the two college sixth forms dropped their fees. This was not to lead to the opening up of the system. Increasingly the eleven to sixteen schools (now four) thought they were taking on the lion’s share of special needs, of students who had English as a second language, and were losing their academically gifted students to Hautlieu at fourteen. Furthermore, the feepaying sector was growing: 30 per cent of secondary students were at fee-paying schools in 1990 and the current figure is 43 per cent. Hautlieu School continued to function as a grammar school. However, questions began to be asked about its performance and, in the light of UK developments and the increasing role of Highlands College as a vocational provider via NVQs and GNVQs, once more the issue was that of whether greater collaboration was needed or, indeed, more fundamental reform.

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Before the debate was again reprised, in 1990 the Education Committee proposed a major series of capital investments largely focused upon the two colleges, which at that point could be compared to Direct Grant grammar schools. Although much play was made of the need for the principal of Victoria College to be and remain a member of the Headmaster’s Conference, both were state schools whose capital needs were met by the States, in contrast to the requirements of the Catholic schools. Recently, capital funds have been made available to one Catholic school, but this has been on an ad hoc and loan basis. The renewed debate was instigated by a report by two consultants who were convinced that the island could ‘no longer muddle through’. They considered four options: (a) that academic and vocational provision be offered separately at sixteen plus by separate institutions; (b) Hautlieu become a sixth form college; (c) Hautlieu and Highlands be merged to form a tertiary college; (d) that an island-wide tertiary college be established for all non-feepaying sixteen-plus students. They supported either options (b) or (c) with a preference for (c). A further study by HMI focused on the specifics of academic performance, and concluded that GSCE performance on the island was not ‘as high as it could be’, particularly in A grades obtained. Similar criticisms were made of GCE A-level performance, particularly in regard to the proportion of students obtaining A grades. They maintained that these issues were not a direct consequence of the fourteen-plus transfer system. While the HMIs did not support a particular option, they thought, overall, that the fourteen-plus system lacked consistency and rigour. They did not think the overall standards of achievement were as high as they could be, and that the needs of all pupils of all abilities are not always appropriately identified and catered for by schools. These were wake-up calls to a system which had become fragmented and segregated, and was struggling, in the light of vested interests, to confront issues like the roles of and the relationships between academic and vocational education. However, Jersey chose not to follow the preoccupation in England with League Tables and was much more limited in its use of SATS. A vigorous debate began but foundered, as groups and schools defended their own interests. For example, although the colleges were not key players in the run-up to the debate, it was obvious that if a proposal such as a sixth form college gained traction, then the notion of a sixth form as the apex of their school was under threat. In the event the Education Committee was roundly

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defeated in its attempts at reform and a subsequent committee, led by a former principal of the Jersey College for Girls (formerly Ladies College), fell quickly, despite the mildness of its proposals. The subsequent committee accepted the view that Hautlieu had suffered from inadequate facilities and obtained approval for a new school, though, as already noted, parents lost the right in 1997 to insist on the transfer of their children to Hautlieu, irrespective of their academic performance. Organizationally, there have been major changes in that in 2005 the committee system of political oversight was changed to a ministerial system. As a result of earlier reorganizations, the Education Ministry assumed additional responsibility for sports and culture, both very active and, at times, controversial parts of its portfolio. The Department of Education had, however in 1995, lost responsibility for children’s services. It still has responsibility for library and youth services, though careers services are now more integrated with those of the Social Security Department. This summary illustrates how, in a small jurisdiction, departments have much more extensive and varied portfolios with the challenges that these bring.

The current position The island held its first census in ten years in 2011. It found out that 20 per cent of the population of 97,857 had no educational qualifications compared to 12 per cent in the UK. This compared with 34 per cent in 2001 – a downward trend attributed to the ageing of the population, as well as to the increasing number of Portuguese immigrants, where 60 per cent possessed no formal qualifications. On the other hand, 30 per cent of the population possessed higher education qualifications compared to 13 per cent in 2001. There is now a major emphasis on raising the general educational levels and, more specifically, on raising skill levels to allow sectors like the digital industry to flourish. It is strongly believed that this must be accompanied by long overdue structural reform, in response to which the system has embarked upon a further re-examination of secondary provision. This resulted from an aborted attempt to cut funding to fee-paying schools, which would have inevitably resulted in marked increases in school fees. Parental pressure forced the minister of the day to abandon these plans.

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Essentially, the system faces the same issues that have prevailed for several decades. There is a high retention rates of students at sixteen plus. Approximately 90 per cent stay on, and of this cohort, 50 per cent move to higher education. Approximately 15 per cent of fourteen-year-old students from the all-ability schools move to Hautlieu, but generally there is little interschool movement. Meanwhile the percentage at fee-paying secondary schools remains high, at approximately 43 per cent. Increasing concerns have been raised as to the GSCE performance of some of the eleven to sixteen schools. The education minister was accused of trying to downplay the results but responded that it was an almost inevitable feature of a system where students were segregated and where, as previously noted, a small number of schools handled major issues like special needs, English as a second language students, and lost many of their exemplar students at age fourteen. The structural situation remains in that there is a patchwork quilt of secondary schools with varying degrees of cooperation at A levels, an everexpanding further education college which offers a variety of vocational course with more involvement with the eleven to sixteen schools and a very active higher education programme. Increased immigration into the island is leading to an expansion of facilities. The Catholic schools are under increased pressure to help provide for this growing immigration, and they now receive some States funding for capital projects. However, this is not on a regular basis, and it is likely that the States will need to regularize the situation. The Education Department, in concert with the Council of Ministers, is developing proposals which will undoubtedly include some which have aroused strong feelings, pro and con, over many years.

5900 1355 4858 1022

6005 1381 4708 1007

States primary

Private primary

States secondary

Private secondary

72

72

Percentage of UK students staying in full-time education postsixteen

53

50

Percentage of UK students achieving 5 or more GCSEs at A* to Cs

Source: Jersey in figures, 2012, statistical section, ESC

67

66

Percentage of Jersey students achieving 5 or more GCSEs at A* to Cs

Performance in GCSEs Jersey and UK

91

86

Percentage of Jersey students staying in full-time education postsixteen

Nos. attending full-time ed – Jersey and UK

2003

2002

Nos. attending schools – all sectors

Performance and numerical data

Appendix (States of Jersey)

53

67

74

88

1014

5024

1322

5842

2004

54

63

76

87

1076

5155

1297

5713

2005

59

68

78

86

1064

5220

1293

5679

2006

62

68

79

86

1078

5196

1330

5675

2007

64

66

82

89

1137

5191

1351

5629

2008

70

71

86

90

1177

5138

1334

5622

2009

75

69

88

92

1176

5189

1294

5602

2010

79

68

92

90

1163

5117

1302

5698

2011

81

69

94

1159

5128

1304

5674

2012

Jersey: An Overview 335

Education in the United Kingdom

336 7000

Number of pupils

6000

6005 5900

5000 4000

5842

5713

5679

5675

5629

5622

5602

5698 5674

5138

5189

5117 5128

4858

5024

5155

5220

5196

5191

1381

1355

1322

1297

1293

1330

1351

1007

1022

1076

1064

1078

2002

2003

2005

2006

2007

4708

3000 2000 1000 0

1014 2004

1334 1177

1137 2008

1294

1302

1176 1163

2009

2010

States primary

Private primary

States secondary

Private secondary

2011

1304 1159 2012

Number of pupils in primary and secondary education, 2002–2012

100

91 86

88

87

86

Percentage

80

60

72

72

74

76

78

86 79

89 82

90 86

92

92

88

90

94

40

20

0

2002

2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011

2012

Jersey

Percentage of students staying on in full-time education at seventeen years of age, 2002–2012

Jersey: An Overview

337

Summary of GCSE Results 2007–2013/2009–2013 Percentage of GCSE examinations passed with grades A*–C 2007

2008

2009

2010

2011

2012

2013

Jersey

71.7

73.8

75.3

75.0

73.6

74.8

76.6

England & Wales

62.7

64.9

65.7

69.1

69.4

69.5

67.9

Percentage of students achieving five or more grades A*–G 2007

2008

2009

2010

2011

2012

2013

Jersey

92.3

95.6

94.7

94.4

96.2

94.9

92.2

England & Wales

89.9

91.6

92.5

92.7

93.6

94.1

93.9

Percentage of students achieving five or more grades A*–C 2007

2008

2009

2010

2011

2012

2013

Jersey

68.2

68.0

70.6

68.8

68.9

68.6

67.6

England & Wales

61.5

64.1

69.7

75.4

79.6

81.8

81.1

Percentage of students achieving five or more grades A*–C including English and mathematics 2009

2010

2011

2012

2013

Jersey

58.7

55.0

57.1

53.4

54.0

England & Wales

49.6

53.4

59.0

58.6

59.4

Summary of A-Level Results 2007–2013/2009–2013 Percentage of entries achieving grades A–C 2007

2008

2009

2010

2011

2012

2013

Jersey

85.3

84.2

80.6

85.3

85.7

83.9

81.2

England & Wales

72.5

71.8

75.2

75.6

76.2

76.6

77.0

Difference

12.8

12.4

5.4

9.7

9.5

7.3

4.2

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Education in the United Kingdom

A-level point scores 2009–2013 2009

2010

2011

2012

2013

Jersey

774.6

814.6

819.8

798.6

797.4

UK

731.1

744.8

746.0

733.3

709.1

Bibliography Cottrill, D. (1977) Victoria College, Jersey 1852–1872, London, Phillimore. Education, Sport and Culture (2011) Learning for Tomorrow’s World: The Future of Education in Jersey, St Helier. ——— (2012) Learning for Tomorrow’s World: The Future of Education in Jersey, Consultation Responses, St Helier. Institute of Education, University of London (1993) The Future of Post-16 Education in Jersey, London. Jersey Curriculum Council (1994) The Future of Post-16 Education in Jersey, St Helier. Jersey Teachers Association (1970) Education Report, St Helier. Kelleher, J. (1994) The Triumph of the Country, St Helier, John Appleby Publishing. Le Marquand, J. (1993, 1997 and 1999) ‘Education in Jersey Parts 1, 2 and 3’, in: Societe Jersiaise Annual Buletins, Part 1, pp. 80–90, Part 2, pp. 72–78, Part 3, pp. 476–490, St Helier. Moore, D. (2007) Deo Gratias: A History of the French Catholic Church in Jersey 1790–2007, St Helier, Les Amitiers Franco-Britannique de Jersey. Nicolle, E. (2000) A History of Highlands College, Highlands College, Jersey. OFSTED (1994) The Effectiveness of Jersey’s System of Non-Fee Paying Education for Pupils and Students between the Ages of 14 and 19, London, OFSTED. States Greffe (1973) Report and Proposition Regarding the Re-organisation of Secondary Eduycation, St Helier, The Government of Jersey, p. 113. ——— (1991) The Future of Secondary Education, St Helier, The Government of Jersey, p. 1. ——— (1997) Secondary Education Re-organisation, St Helier, The Government of Jersey, p. 151. ——— (1999) Education (Jersey) Law 1999, St Helier, The Government of Jersey. ——— (2002) Day Care of Children Law (Jersey), St Helier, The Government of Jersey.

Jersey: An Overview Statistics Unit (2012a) Report on the 2011 Jersey Census, R104, St Helier, The Government of Jersey. ——— (2012b) Jersey Economic Trends, 2012, St Helier, The Government of Jersey. ——— (2013) Jersey in Figures, 2012, St Helier, The Government of Jersey.

Further Resources www.gov.je/Education/Pages/default/aspx

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17

British Overseas Territories: Gibraltar, the Caribbean Territories, the Overseas Territory of St Helena, Ascension and Tristan da Cuhna Graham Fisher, Joey Britto and Emel Thomas

Introduction For some reason the remaining overseas territories, that is to say colonies, of the United Kingdom are usually referred to as BOTs (British Overseas Territories). This is an anachronism in that Britain is not a country since it comprises only England, Scotland and Wales. Nonetheless, we will have to use the term ‘BOTs’. Three of the fourteen BOTs have no permanent population, the British Antarctic Territories, South Georgia and South Sandwich Islands (both have research stations) and the British Indian Ocean Territories (with a US and UK military presence). The Sovereign Base Areas of Akrotiri and Dhekelia (SBA), in Cyprus, is a military base with 7500 UK personnel and their families and 10,000 Cypriots (Sovereign Base Areas Administration, 2014). Gibraltar is the only European territory; Anguilla, the British Virgin Islands, the Cayman Islands, Montserrat and Turks and Caicos are all in the Caribbean; Bermuda, the Falkland Islands and the Overseas Territory of St Helena, Ascension Island and Tristan da Cunha, in the Atlantic; and the Pitcairn Islands, in the Pacific. The total permanent population of the territories is around a quarter of a million.

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The section on Gibraltar has been authored by Joey Britto, and that on the Caribbean overseas territories by Emel Thomas; the majority remainder of the text has been authored by Graham Fisher, who also oversaw the whole chapter. All BOTs provide their own education system bar SBA, where the UK Service Children’s Education, part of the UK Ministry of Defence, operates two secondary and four primary schools for ages four to eighteen years, following the UK National Curriculum (Service Children’s Education, 2013). Micro-populations mean that all of the territories lack the human resources needed to provide complete education systems. At uppersecondary level they depend heavily on specialist expatriate staff, and at postcompulsory level local opportunities for further and higher education and training are limited and many students have to pursue their education and training overseas. Yet a scarcity of human resources requires a greater proportion of the population to go on to postcompulsory education than in larger countries. The UK government sees the relationship with the territories as a partnership and is committed to meeting the basic needs of the people in the territories and helping them towards political self-determination and more diverse and sustainable economies (Foreign and Commonwealth Office, 2012, p. 11). The UK government provides security, defence, political stability and technical support, and maintains communication and transport links to and from the territories. The Overseas Territories are required to do everything possible to reduce public deficits, ensure good governance and support the UK in complying with international commitments and agreements on, for example, regulation of international finance business, environmental issues (several of them are home to precious environmental assets), human rights, drug and crime controls. A Joint Ministerial Council representing all the territories meets annually to discuss politics, constitutions and priorities and review development plans. The Overseas Territories also have first call on UK aid for ‘reasonable assistance needs’, emergencies and major development projects (Foreign and Commonwealth Office, 2012, p. 13). Currently only Montserrat, St Helena and Pitcairn receive annual budgetary aid, while Tristan da Cunha is ‘largely’ self-sufficient (Foreign and Commonwealth Office, 2012, p. 11). Major UK project aid is illustrated in the help given to rebuild Montserrat after Hurricane Hugo in 1989 and again after the volcanic eruption of 1995, and in building

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an airport on St Helena. The territories also benefit from favourable trade agreements with the UK and her allies and in receiving a disproportionate voice internationally via British membership of organizations such as the United Nations and the Commonwealth Secretariat. The European Union also provides aid to the UK territories, for example, to help to repair the harbour in Tristan da Cunha and build the new airport in St Helena, and it provides preferential access to European markets for the Falkland Islands fishing industry (Foreign and Commonwealth Office, 2012, p. 81). The UK government and the Overseas Territories recognize that education is central to achieving their political and economic aims and the UK provides aid to improve and expand education provision in several of the territories; currently, for example, support has been extended for the major development projects in St Helena and Montserrat (Foreign and Commonwealth Office, 2012, p. 65). They also provide technical support in education with many expatriate staff filling posts in upper-secondary and postcompulsory education and training and have helped to establish support links between the territories and education bodies in the UK. The Overseas Territories face limitations imposed by scale, but scale also has advantages. Numbers are small and change can be brought about quickly and there can be greater scope for innovation in education provision. Using the full range of distance learning options now available, it should be possible for the territories, in the near future, to provide access for every person in their community to further and higher education and training courses, tuition and qualifications that they and their territory need.

Education in Gibraltar The context Gibraltar is a British Overseas Territory of the United Kingdom. It is selfgoverning except in matters of defence, internal security and foreign affairs, where it defers authority to Britain. Gibraltar entered the European Union together with the United Kingdom in 1973. The ‘Rock’ of Gibraltar is a Jurassic limestone peninsula running from north to south for a length of nearly 4.8 km, an area of 7–8 sq km. Its highest point is approximately 470 m. The whole upper length of the eastern face is inaccessible, while the steep upper

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half of the western slopes is uninhabited and has been designated a nature reserve. The population is concentrated on the western side of the Rock, resulting in a densely populated town area, and in slightly more spacious residential estates to the north of the town. All buildings and institutions are also situated on the western side. Extensive harbour reclamation has permitted further land to be developed for housing projects. The natural features of Gibraltar preclude any possibilities of agriculture and major industrial production. Gibraltar’s name comes from a Berber chief, Tarik-ibn-Ziyad, who invaded Spain in the eighth century. The Rock remained in Muslim hands until an unexpected attack by the Spanish in 1309. This brief occupation was interrupted in 1333 and Gibraltar again reverted to Moorish control. Finally, in 1462, it was captured by the Kingdom of Castile and it remained under Spanish control for more than 200 years. During this time they developed Gibraltar as an important military and naval base. Gibraltar was seized from Spain by a combined Anglo-Dutch fleet under Admiral Rooke in 1704, with British sovereignty formally ceded to the British Crown in 1713 by the Treaty of Utrecht. The present population (approximately 30,000) is made up of people who were attracted to the territory by the presence of the British garrison and the promise of commerce or employment that this represented. They are from extractions as diverse as Spanish, English, Welsh, Irish, Scottish, Sephardic Jews, Maltese, Italian and Genoese. Gibraltar became a British Garrison and in 1830 was declared a Crown Colony. Spain, the Treaty of Utrecht notwithstanding, has, nonetheless, attempted to regain the rocky promontory by force on several occasions. More recent years have seen the closing of the frontier with Spain between 1969 and 1985, and there are still border restrictions imposed by Spain. Most Gibraltarians are functionally bilingual (English-Spanish). English is the official language and is used in government, education, in all public institutions and most businesses. Spanish, along with the local dialect or patois – an admixture of English and Spanish, has become the vernacular language and is used for most colloquial situations. Language code-switching between English and Spanish is common practice among native Gibraltarians. Different speakers of different ages will include in their idiolects varying proportions of the linguistic elements making up this vernacular. The judicial system and all of Gibraltar’s public institutions, including the education system, are derived entirely from their respective English counterparts.

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The economy is diversified, relying on tourism, financial services, shipping and the online gaming industry. A very high percentage of established Gibraltarians form a professional cadre of lawyers, doctors, teachers and civil servants.

Education The Education system in Gibraltar is completely autonomous and separate to that of England. It has, however, adhered very closely to the British model. It is based, primarily, on the 1974 Education Act (Government of Gibraltar, 1974) and the Education (National Curriculum) Regulations (Government of Gibraltar, 1991). The latter effectively determines what every pupil is entitled to learn at school, irrespective of the school attended. All curricula in the schools are governed by the local National Curriculum Regulations. The subjects taught are, in the main, derived from the National Curriculum for England. English is the language of instruction throughout. Under certain circumstances, relating to special needs and work with children in the reception year, Spanish may be used in first schools. The core subjects are English, mathematics, science and ICT. Religious education is also included. The foundation subjects are design and technology, information and communications technology, physical education, Spanish, art, music, history, geography and a modern foreign language other than Spanish (this is normally French). There is no foreign language provision at Key Stage 1. Spanish is included in schools from Year 4 but it is taught as a ‘foreign’ language. The possible inclusion of Spanish at Key Stage 1 is currently (2014) being explored. There are no higher education institutions in Gibraltar. All teacher-training takes place in UK universities and colleges. In addition, teachers must have gained Qualified Teacher Status before they are allowed to practice in any government-run school in Gibraltar. Teachers have parity of pay and, where it is deemed applicable, working conditions with the UK. The majority of teachers are members of one of the larger British teacher unions (NASUWT). There are fourteen government schools and one college of further education in the territory. These cater for a total population of some 5000 children and full-time students. The local education system tends to adopt and adapt many of the initiatives and practices found in English schools, although it is not bound to do so. All schools carry out internal analyses of individual and group standards. Gibraltar ‘national’ standards compare favourably with the UK, with pass rates

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at GCSE and at AS and A levels being similar to those of England. Standards in England are used as a comparative measure and are generally perceived to be a point of reference, but there is no statutory testing. The minister for education is responsible for the Department of Education and the director of education is responsible for the management of education. The director, subject to the directions of the minister, has a duty to promote the education of the people of Gibraltar generally, to control and direct educational policy, to administer and inspect all schools and to ensure the due administration of the provisions of the relevant legislation. The Department of Education is a Civil Service Department. All teachers are civil servants, subject to the rules and regulations of the local Civil Service. Pupil enrolments, budgets, maintenance, utilities, cleansing, procurement and staffing in schools are managed centrally. There are currently 380 teachers employed in local schools, allowing for generous pupil-to-teacher ratios. The Department of Education also manages and deploys special needs learning assistants to schools, as and when required. A team of education advisers act as inspectors for the director of education. They also take on an advisory role and lead on INSET within schools, provide professional development opportunities for teachers and advise on training needs and general curriculum matters. There is a generous budget available for teachers wishing to further their studies to enhance their professional development. This is also managed centrally by the Department of Education. The Gibraltar government provides a number of places in nursery units for children of preschool age and registration is voluntary with the provision being non-statutory. Apart from government provision, there are a number of privately run playgroups and nurseries. The primary sector is made up of six first schools, four middle schools and a Hebrew primary school. Primary education is free, full time and compulsory for Gibraltar residents between the ages of four and seven years in first school (Years R to 3) and in middle schools for those aged between eight and twelve (Years 4 to 7). All these schools are coeducational. English is the language of instruction in all schools. Spanish is introduced formally as a subject in the middle school (Year 4). Entry to formal education in the first schools takes place at the start of the autumn term each year. This is organized in such a way that all children who will attain the age of five during that academic year are enrolled at the beginning of the year. To ease the transition into schooling morning sessions only are attended at first, full attendance (morning and afternoon sessions) following

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later in the year. Schools are free to determine when and how often children start attending afternoon sessions. Secondary schooling is not coeducational. There are two secondary schools, one for boys and one for girls. Both schools operate an informal consortium system with the local college. Secondary education is free, full time and compulsory for Gibraltar residents between the ages twelve and fifteen years. They offer joint provision for a number of postsixteen subjects. There is also limited private secondary provision. As is the case at primary level, the secondary curriculum is defined by National Curriculum legislation. In the first two years (Years 8 and 9), both secondary schools offer a broad compulsory curriculum which includes English, mathematics, science, French, Spanish, history, geography, art, music, religious education, physical education, design and technology, and information and communications technology. In Years 10 and 11 pupils opt for a number of subjects from a range of disciplines, always keeping to National Curriculum requirements, to enable them to study a reduced number in greater detail for public examination purposes. Public examinations are mainly GCSE and A levels. All Gibraltar students sit the same examinations as English ‘home’ students and schools tend to use English awarding bodies and examination boards. In addition, all pupils take the core subjects (English, mathematics and science), religious education and physical education. Gibraltar also has one independent primary school and two small privately run ‘high’ schools. There is a special school catering for a wide range of complex special needs for children between the ages of five and sixteen. A statutory, multidisciplinary panel advises the director of education on special needs. There are a number of learning support facilities (LSFs) in the system. These LSFs cater for children whose special needs are best met in the mainstream classroom. Special needs provision at secondary level is enhanced by providing an LSF at each secondary school. Further education provision for Gibraltar residents is primarily centred on intermediate and advanced courses in information technology, business and finance and built environment studies. An area of rapid growth is for courses leading to professional qualifications. The college provides tutorial support for bodies such as ACCA and ACA, ILEX, ICSA, AAT and the Institute of Bankers. There are also a large number of qualifications ranging from GCSE to AS/A levels being offered to full-time students in partnership with the two secondary schools as well as part-time courses in the evenings.

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Degree courses are mainly undertaken at UK universities, ranging from undergraduate through master’s to doctoral opportunities. There are also a limited number of undergraduate and postgraduate courses being delivered locally in partnership with established UK universities and professional bodies. Gibraltar operates a system of government grants and scholarships for entitled students wishing to further their education at recognized institutions.

Education in the British Overseas Territories of the Caribbean Introduction Countries within the Caribbean region, also known as the West Indies, were subjected to the growth of the British Empire from as early as the sixteenth century. European superpowers such as the British, Dutch, French, Portuguese and Spanish fought over locations within the Caribbean Sea and across the mainland of Central and Southern America. Consequently, as control and ownership of countries transferred in the region, so too did conditions of politics, economics and social identity (including the names of certain countries and places within them). It is apt to acknowledge that for many centuries locations within the Caribbean were exposed to a system of external dominance, thus becoming colonies. The practice of formal colonization does not exist today, but a legacy of colonialism that can be considered to still function within systems, institutions and cultural practices (Thomas, 2012, 2013, 2014), that is to say, neocolonialism, persists. The Caribbean region is regularly visited by tourists. Within the Caribbean expanse are the BOTs of Anguilla, the British Virgin Islands, the Cayman Islands, Montserrat and the Turks and Caicos Islands. Bermuda, approximately 1352 km to the north, is an associate member of the Caribbean Community, shares a similar history and has many links with the Caribbean region. All six countries are dependent territories and under the jurisdiction and the sovereignty of the UK government and their queen. Each BOT has a separate constitution and distinctive legal relationship with the UK. Consequently, the UK can significantly intervene in BOT countries, though it rarely does.

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The Caribbean context and historical legacy The geographical location and terrain of the Caribbean has an immense influence on local populations. Single island states such as Anguilla and Montserrat are susceptible to many challenges linked to climate, population size, international financial markets, migration patterns and increased globalization (Bacchus, 2008; Crossley et al., 2011). Additionally, the British Virgin Islands, Cayman Islands and the Turks and Caicos Islands also have to contend with providing for a widespread population on multiple island sites. With such geographical conditions aligned with ‘smallness’, it is unsurprising that BOT countries remained under the guardianship of the UK long after the expiration of the British Empire (Bray and Packer, 1993; Crossley et al., 2011; Smawfield, 1990). For example, support from the motherland was deemed invaluable when in 1995 the Soufriere Hills volcano began erupting in Montserrat. The UK government provided assistance to relocate a substantial number of the population during this natural disaster (Clay et al., 1999; Shotte, 2006, 2007, 2010). Although Montserrat has a unique relationship with the UK, it also recognizes the importance of its location in the Caribbean Sea (Fergus, 1994). Montserrat is the only BOT country that is a full member of the Caribbean Community and Common Market (CARICOM) and thus is able to participate fully with its Caribbean neighbours, in particular to gain from educational support systems and networks. The remaining BOTs are associate CARICOM members. When considering issues of proximity, it is worth noting that the British Virgin Islands, the Cayman Islands and the Turks and Caicos Islands have managed to utilize physical closeness to the United States of America and other international accounting markets for their own economic and trade advantage, thus obtaining recognition as ‘Caribbean tax havens’ (Butkiewicz and Gordon, 2013; OUSTR, 2013). Being in the ‘backyard’ of the USA has also resulted in a diverse curriculum offering within the region as well as the migration of students to various US states (particularly across the secondary and tertiary levels of education). It is, therefore, most apparent that BOTs are influenced by being geographically near to the USA in addition to the longstanding legacy of the British Empire and contemporary UK connections. It is impossible to disregard the legacy of slavery upon the Caribbean region. The suppression of slavery in the British Caribbean was enacted through the Slavery Abolition Act of 1833. However, inequality persisted as some perceived that without effective education and instruction it was possible

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that populations would slip into malevolent practices (Tinker, 1974). At this time missionaries from around the world brought to the Caribbean region educational practices aligned with religious instruction. Therefore, slavery, through enhanced segregation and subjugation, and the missionary movement, increased religious and racial diversity, cultural norms and economic practices within all the BOTs of the Caribbean. Consequently, decades after the abolition of slavery, the UK and other superpowers still contend with voices seeking reparation (Beckles, 2013; Draper, 2010; Leonard and Tomlinson, 2013). In more recent times BOTs have found themselves grappling with international development priorities and interventions (UNESCO, 2000, 2007). For example, the global concern of education for development and enhanced knowledge to further employment and therefore productivity, although commendable, can be perceived as a contemporary form of cultural imperialism. As a consequence, policy-makers are often persuaded to adopt and borrow inappropriate education models and practices. Students may be stirred to migrate to seemingly more ‘developed’ countries (Altbach and Kelly, 1978; Escobar, 1995; Jules, 2008; Mishra, 2006).

Education from early childhood to tertiary levels It is believed that missionaries introduced a system of primary education to many countries within the Caribbean region. For example, in the British Virgin Islands Methodist missionaries made efforts to educate slaves from as early as 1789 (Harrigan and Varlack, 1975). Education systems are broadly founded on the British educational model. Each BOT has a ministry of education that operates as the central unit for the dissemination of policies across the territory. Mostly children enter primary school at the age of five and then progress to secondary-level education at eleven or twelve years of age. By the age of sixteen, the majority of pupils sit a school-leaver’s examination in order to proceed to further study at tertiary level or enter the world of work. This three-tiered education system has since been extended to include provision for early childhood care and education (ECCE) (catering for the child from birth to school entrance age).This is an improvement on earlier preprimary provision that began to emerge in BOTs in the 1950s. For example, in Montserrat the government took control of the Nursery School Association and responsibility for early childhood education in 2000. This coincided with the launch of UNESCO’s Millennium Development Goals and the associated Education for All targets (UNESCO, 2000) that all Caribbean countries and territories are

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committed to meet. Hence, the training of staff working in ECCE organizations is a key concern of BOT ministries of education (see Government of Montserrat, 2012). Caribbean BOTs are often subjected to environmental disasters such as hurricanes. UNICEF has been proactive in offering Caribbean BOTs training and support (UNICEF, 2012) particularly for child protection services in the British Virgin Islands, preschool teachers in Montserrat and social services teams in the Turks and Caicos Islands (UNICEF, 2014). With respect to primary-level education, children in BOTs are required to enter formal schooling at the age of five for a period of approximately six years. The curriculum followed by primary schools seeks to provide children with a broad range of subject knowledge including the core skills of numeracy and literacy. The subject areas are very similar to those in primary schools in the UK. For example, Montserrat teachers in primary schools use two primary curriculum programmes: the Isle of Wight curriculum and the OECS (Organisation of Eastern Caribbean States) curriculum (Government of Montserrat, 2011). Through this coexistence of these curricula, there emerges a sense of ambivalence regarding training, development and implementation at primary education level. Ensuring high pupil attendance from an early age has long been an important issue for small Caribbean systems that aim for early education and continued education to translate into economic value for their communities (Ozturk, 2001). Improved teacher quality is associated with this. In the Turks and Caicos Islands, the government aimed for all teaching staff to be graduate and trained (KAIRI, 2006). Similarly, the Government of Anguilla acknowledged that more varied types of training were needed in order to develop highly skilled professionals. Recruitment and retention of teachers was a priority in the mid-2000s along with improving teacher working conditions and associated student performance (Government of Anguilla, 2005, 2006). Issues associated with the articulation between primary and secondary schooling are also key for the Caribbean BOTs (Christopher, 2014). The exit assessment still has to do with selection between a grammar or less academic school, another colonial legacy from Britain, especially England, that they could well do without (Atkinson et al., 2006; Woods et al., 1998). In more recent times primary pupils in the Caribbean have taken a Common Entrance Examination (CEE) or Grade 6 examinations. It is also worth noting that the Caribbean Examination Council (CXC) offers primary schools the option of participating in the Caribbean Primary Exit Assessment (CPEA) (CXC, 2011b). However, grammar-styled schools still hold much academic prestige in the Caribbean and therefore parents and pupils are keen to attend these institutions. The inequities emerging

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from this were recently highlighted in Bermuda through a commissioned review of the Bermuda public school system (Hopkins et al., 2007). Given the major causes for concern raised in the Hopkins et al. (2007) report, it is unsurprising that in some BOTs a range of private secondary-level institutions have emerged, especially in the British Virgin Islands, the Cayman Islands and the Turks and Caicos Islands. These are, of course, unlike Montserrat or Anguilla, relatively wealthy tax havens. At secondary level, state schools in BOTs of the Caribbean follow a standard UK-type curriculum with significant tests at eleven and sixteen. In Anguilla throughout the mid-1980s the government sought to create secondary schools that were comprehensive in style, as was happening in the UK at that time. However, in the late 1980s and early 1990s the more affluent territories such as the British Virgin Islands, the Cayman Islands and the Turks and Caicos Islands were seeking to tap into situations more congruent with the North American model of schooling especially concerning assessment practices (even utilizing staff from Educational Testing Service (ETS) in the USA). In Bermuda 35 per cent of the student population in Bermuda attend private schools (Department of Statistics, 2010). By contrast, in Montserrat and Anguilla, the use of CXC curricula ensured greater links with their regional Caribbean neighbours. Many BOT students leave school with national school-leaver’s certification, regional CXC certification, GCSE certification or International Baccalaureate certification, depending on which system their school had adopted. Another feature in common with larger independent Commonwealth Caribbean countries is that the achievement of girls surpasses that of boys across a whole range of subject areas (Kutnick, 2000). This is in fact another legacy of slavery and related kinship arrangements (Brock and Cammish, 1997), but enhances a regional view that there needs to be greater representation of male teachers in BOT secondary schools. For Anguilla this issue is a great challenge as teacher appointments are not contextually driven, or even decided by a local head teacher (Edwards-Gumbs, 2014). The attractiveness of the teaching profession in general is a concern, given that the financial and social benefits of working in the tourism or finance sectors often far outweigh those in education. At the upper-end of the secondary sector there are opportunities to gain qualifications for a two-year period after obtaining school-leaver certification at the age of sixteen. Similar to sixth forms in the UK, students in BOTs are able to gain vocational and academic qualifications through, for example, the Caribbean Advanced Proficiency Examination (CAPE), or Cambridge

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Advanced Level (GCE A level), which can usually then lead to other highereducation opportunities (CXC, 2011a). The tertiary education sector in the BOTs of the Caribbean is growing at a rapid pace. There exists both a variety of private further education institutions as well as community colleges (for those age sixteen plus) and university sites or open campus locations (for those aged eighteen and above). The influence of the American education system is again evident throughout this sector. For example, at tertiary level in the Cayman Islands the Community College of the Cayman Islands (CCCC) and the University College of the Cayman Islands (UCCI) and St Matthew’s University (SMU) offer associate degree programmes validated by American universities. For example, for students in the British Virgin Islands the nearby University of the Virgin Islands in the US Virgin Islands is a significant provider of higher education. The University of the West Indies (UWI) is the largest regional university accessible to all BOTs, with its three main campuses in Barbados, Jamaica and Trinidad plus small off-campus facilities in smaller islands. With the advent of ICT and distance education provision, the UWI has widened access to all states and territories throughout the region (UWI, 2011).This expansion in operations enabled the enrolment of more students into tertiary education. Enrolment in UWI open campus sites rose from 1283 students in 2008–2009 to 2004 students by 2010–2011 (UWI, 2011). Interestingly the Cayman Islands is the only BOT where there has been a steady growth in student enrolment, but it has those USA connections already mentioned. Elsewhere the challenge exists for BOTs to retain young students who are otherwise likely to migrate for any or all of their postschool education (Brock, 2009). There is evidence within the tertiary sector that more females are represented in programmes of study than males. For example, at the UWI there has been a ratio of 1:2 of male to female students within the institution (UWI, 2012). This is a direct consequence of the aforementioned higher achievements of girls over boys at school level.

Conclusion The education system operating in BOTs grew from missionary instruction and colonial legacy, both restrictive. Nowadays, modern communications and information systems are mitigating the disadvantages of smallness and insularity. The localized complexities and idiosyncrasies of the Caribbean BOTs are now moving beyond the boundaries of contextual ‘smallness’.

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The overseas territory of St Helena, Ascension and Tristan da Cunha Previously the United Kingdom government had referred to Ascension Island and Tristan da Cunha as dependencies of St Helena, but following a revision of their constitution in 2009 all three are now referred to as equal partners in the Overseas Territory of St Helena, Ascension and Tristan da Cunha (United Kingdom Government, 2009).

St Helena St Helena’s Directorate of Education and Employment (DEE) faces greater constraints of distance, remoteness, scale and dependency than most of the UK Overseas Territories. The island is 7526 km from the UK, 1125 km from Ascension and 3183 km from Cape Town. An airport is scheduled to open in 2016, but meanwhile the island remains dependent upon thirty-four visits a year from a Royal Mail Ship (RMS) shuttling between Ascension and Cape Town. These factors, along with a population of only 3800 (2013), an area of just 122 sq km, limited natural resources and dependency on the UK for two-thirds of its annual budget, make the work of the DEE particularly difficult. The DEE has a staff of 148 and a two-tier coeducational system caters for about 800 children plus day-release and further education students. Education is free and compulsory from five to sixteen years. Three primary schools provide for ages four to eleven years and the Prince Andrew School (PAS), opened in 1989, provides for ages eleven to eighteen years. All schools and the general public use the well-equipped PAS facilities. The UK National Curriculum is adapted for local needs and students work towards the International General Certificate for Secondary Education. Students obtaining five A*–C grades at IGCSE may enter the sixth form to study for GCE Advanced Levels, or the Certificate of Vocational Studies, or a mix of the two. Work experience is arranged with local employers, and there is also a Youth Training Scheme. A limited number of scholarships are available for further study or training overseas. A learning support unit caters for students with severe learning difficulties, literacy, numeracy, speech and language problems, and there is access to a clinical/educational psychologist, an emotional and behavioural coordinator and an Special Educational Needs (SEN) officer.

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Sixth form classes are small and the need for more viable student–teacher ratios and better use of resources in general led, in 2008, to the reorganization of the education system from a three- to a two-tier system. Improvements in communications now enable distance learning, online correspondence courses and video conferencing for sixth formers, and in recent years numbers staying on for sixth form study and overseas training have been maintained (Francis, 2013). Priorities for the DEE are to see all staff trained to international level (currently only 10 per cent are) and that attainments are progressed. The number of primary students achieving KS4 increased from the current 53 per cent to 80 per cent; and the number of secondary students achieving five GCSE grades C or higher (including mathematics and English) increased from the current 35 per cent to 65 per cent (Francis, 2013). A teacher education centre delivers initial and in-service training by local or visiting trainers. Entry is open to graduates, school-leavers and mature students and a diploma is awarded after two years of training and two years of teaching. Teachers can go to the UK for further study and training, funded by the UK Department for International Development (DfID). Though loss of teachers to better-paid posts offshore, or locally, may have slowed in recent years, it is still difficult to recruit new teachers (Francis, 2013). Teacher shortage is expected to become a greater problem if the new airport creates more alternative and lucrative employment opportunities (European Development Fund, 2011). There is a dependency upon expatriate support teachers at uppersecondary level and there is a need to recruit, train and reward more specialist teachers (St Helena Government, 2006). The Adult and Vocational Education Service (AVES) promotes lifelong learning and oversees training for the public and private sectors (St. Helena Government, 2012b). However, the island’s population has almost halved in twenty-five years and a continued fall in school rolls is predicted beyond 2016 (Department for International Development, 2010, p. 4). The DEE and AVES now have to find and train a workforce to service outcomes from the new airport: a predicted 30,000 tourists annually within a decade and the other employment opportunities that will come with it. Providing that workforce is crucial to the success of DfID’s plans for an airport and making the island economically selfsufficient. It is hoped that some of the 1700 St Helenians working on Ascension, the Falklands or in the UK will be attracted back to the island (Foreign and Commonwealth Office, 2010d). To provide the workforce needed, it seems essential that full use is made of all the distance education options available to

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exploit the skills of every islander. Women carry a heavier social and economic burden than men on St Helena and this issue needs to be addressed (Department for International Development, 2010, p. 3). St Helenians are descendents from colonial employees and from slaves, Boer prisoners of war and Chinese and African servants, with a few UK settlers. The language is English. In 1834 St Helena became a Crown Colony under UK control. The constitution gives Her Majesty’s Governor (HMG) executive authority, advised by an Executive Council and an elected Legislative Council (UK Government, 2009). UK aid to the Overseas Territories is not discretionary, as it is to other countries, but it comes with a Memorandum of Understanding that they will, ‘ … implement the reforms needed to open up the island’s economy to inward investment … ’ (St. Helena Government, 2012a). The UK government’s responsibility to the UK taxpayer and to the world community can conflict with the interests of the islanders. St Helena’s dependency on UK aid leaves her vulnerable not just to changes in UK policy towards St Helena but also to changes in UK policy towards Ascension or the Falklands, affecting the number of St Helenians leaving, or returning, to St Helena, and the new airport (Foreign and Commonwealth Office, 2012).

Ascension Island The Ascension Island Government (AIG) faces an unusual situation in providing an education service in that the island has no permanent population. The 1000 (2012) population (75 per cent St Helenians) have no right of abode on Ascension when their employment contracts expire. They are employed by, for example, the Royal Air Force, the United States Air Force (USAF), the European Space Energy Tracking Station, Cable and Wireless and the British Broadcasting Corporation. These companies generate most of the island’s income and the education service provides for the children of their employees and helps provide the workforce they need. In recent years there have not been enough students leaving school to fill the vacancies available (Ascension Island Government, 2013). Since 1964 the AIG has provided free compulsory education for three- to sixteen-year-old students. Two Boats School has a staff of twenty, mostly St Helenians, with some expatriate staff and there are about one hundred St Helenian and thirty UK students. Years 1–8 are combined into four classes and Years 9–11 taught in single classes. There is regular in-service training from visiting specialists.

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The UK National Curriculum is adapted for local needs and Years 10 and 11 study core and optional subjects to IGCSE level. Companies on the island offer work experience, training and apprenticeship programmes. Students may return to St Helena or the UK for postsixteen education and St Helenian students are entitled to the same funding as students on St Helena. The education service has to prepare students for local employment, or further study or training when they have to leave the island. The AIG’s priorities are to improve secondary teaching, expand the curriculum, make studies more challenging, develop greater initiative, share good teaching practice and have greater accountability (Ascension Island Government, 2010). Covering 90 sq km in the South Atlantic and 6758 km from the UK, an airport and frequent shipping make Ascension less remote than some Overseas Territories. Wideawake Airport is used by the USAF and the UK Ministry of Defence (MoD) for twice-weekly flights from the UK to the Falklands via Ascension. Commercial tickets are now possible on MoD flights and charter flights may use the airport. Although discovered by the Portuguese in 1501, a British garrison was the first settlement in 1816. Administered first by the navy, then by the companies on the island, the responsibility passed to the UK government in 2001. A 2002 plebiscite showed 95 per cent of the population opting for an Island Council, elected in 2005. HMG, based on St Helena and represented locally by an administrator, holds executive power and is advised by the council (UK Government, 2009). The lack of a permanent population leaves Ascension particularly vulnerable to any change in UK government policy on the future of the island. The exit of any of the organizations on the island, or events on St Helena, or the impact of either on UK policy towards Ascension might necessitate a major rethink on education for the island.

Tristan da Cunha Tristan da Cunha, population 261 (2012), is the most remote inhabited island in the world, situated 2445 km from St Helena, 2400 km from Cape Town and 9936 km from the UK. Tristan covers 98 sq km and there are three uninhabited islands: Inaccessible, Nightingale and Gough. There is no airport and South African ships call nine times a year. All these factors severely constrain education provision on the island.

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St Mary’s School has seven local teachers and thirty students aged three to sixteen studying courses leading to a limited range of UK GCSEs. The early years are combined in classes of three to five students and Years 13 to 16 form one class of about ten students. Students may go on to a Youth Training Scheme for local employment or to St Helena for postsixteen schooling, work experience or teacher training. In January 2013, the Tristan da Cunha Education Trust Fund enabled two fourteen-year-old girls to start at the Silvermine Academy, Cape Town, working towards South Africa’s Grade 12, which is UK GCE A-level equivalent (Tristan da Cunha Government, 2013b). Education on the island has to prepare students for life locally and for further study or training in St Helena, the UK or Cape Town. Expansion of the secondary curriculum is seen as a priority. Tristan students achieve half the success of UK students at GCSE level and are four years behind them in reading ability (European Development Fund, 2011). To improve reading ability DfID have contracted an education advisor to the island for two years (Foreign and Commonwealth Office, 2012). A declining and ageing population aggravates education planning, and any expansion of education seems likely to have to come through the full use of distance education options for every islander. Tristan is mostly self-sufficient, with 80 per cent of its income coming from fishing and fishing licences. Ovenstone, a South African company, has an onshore fish processing factory and provides support ships for the fishing. Most of the population work in the fishing industry and the school timetable is designed around fishing activities; adverse weather restricts fishing to about seventy days a year. The population is largely of UK origin or descendents of shipwrecked sailors and the language is English. HMG on St Helena (represented locally by an administrator) has executive power and is advised by an Island Council (UK Government, 2009). Tristan da Cunha, partly dependent upon UK aid, is vulnerable to changes in UK government policy towards the island, and also to developments in St Helena and South Africa. Further depopulation is a real concern (European Development Fund, 2011). The territory is also subject to fluctuation in the sale of fishing licences and demand for lobster or the withdrawal from Tristan of the Ovenstone Company. The UK government has committed to developing a sustainable long-term fishing industry (Foreign and Commonwealth office,

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2012). Expansion of education on Tristan will remain a challenge, and recent economic setbacks mean less funding for study overseas at a time when technology has increased the need for high-level skills among local leaders (Tristan da Cunha Government, 2013).

The Falkland Islands The islands cover 12,173 sq km and are 12,701 km from the United Kingdom and 480 km from the South American coast. Only nine of the 700 islands are inhabited and 2115 of the 2995 (2012) population live in the capital, Stanley. Twice-weekly flights to the UK and weekly flights to Chile from the military airport at Mount Pleasant and a healthy economy ease problems of distance and remoteness, and the Falkland Islands Government (FIG) is able to provide a more advanced education service than most UK Overseas Territories. Nevertheless, education of children in remote areas, local postsixteen education and training, limited human resources, some economic uncertainties and political issues still challenge the Education Department. The population is largely of UK origin (many tracing their families back to the 1833 settlers) and a few of Chilean descent. Additionally, there are 534 contract workers and 1700 military personnel. The language is English. The Education Department provides free compulsory education for five- to sixteen-year-old students. Local teachers are supported by contract staff from the UK, Australia and New Zealand. The National Curriculum for England and Wales is adapted appropriate to the history and environment of the islands. There is a team of learning support assistants, a special needs coordinator, a speech and language therapist and a psychology service provided from the UK with twice-yearly visits. The Infant Junior School provides for 260 students aged three to eleven years and has twelve teachers, plus eight support staff (Falkland Islands Government., 2013a). The Falkland Islands Community School (FICS) has about 160 eleven- to sixteen-year-old students and twenty-four teaching staff, plus support staff. Years 10 and 11 study a common core curriculum and six further GCSE courses chosen from a range of options. At the end of their first term in Year 10, students have local work experience (Falkland Islands Government, 2013b). Opened in 1992 the FICS’s swimming pool, sports hall and library are used by the other schools and the general public.

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Students meeting the required residential and academic criteria of five GCSE passes at Grades A–C are funded to study for GCE A levels, or NVQs at Peter Symonds Sixth Form College, or Chichester College, in the UK. Further and higher education overseas is funded by FIG. A Camp Education Unit (CEU), in Stanley, works with small schools at Fox Bay, Goose Green and North Arm to provide education for students in Camp (the area outside Stanley, including east and west Falkland and smaller populated islands). They provide daily telephone, radio and internet support for about twenty-five students under ten years of age. Travelling teachers use fourwheel drives, horseback, motorcycles, small aircraft and boats to reach their students. Older Camp students attend the FICS in Stanley, living with relatives or in a purpose-built boarding house, currently housing sixty-five students aged nine to sixteen. Depopulation of Camp has led the CEU to review the provision of education for an increasingly unviable number of students (Falkland Islands Government, 2013a). In recent years local postsixteen education and training has expanded and there is a day-release programme, vocational, academic and recreational classes and a further education programme for the general public. There is also a Young Apprenticeship Scheme, and a Training and Development Centre offers a range of accredited courses and apprenticeships in, for example, management, accountancy, computer literacy and construction. The FICS has been an Open University Centre since 1996. A South Atlantic Environmental Research Unit is also being established on the islands (Foreign and Commonwealth Office, 2012, p. 33). However, the Falklands depend significantly on expatriate staff in secondary teaching and key government posts. Funding postsixteen education and training in the UK may not be the answer for some local employees and others aspiring to secondary teaching or key government posts. The Falklands have a long history of using distance education techniques, but there may be a need to explore even more the full range of distance education options to make courses of study and training available to everyone and fully exploit the skills of their scarce human resources, both in Stanley and Camp. Fishing licences, worth over £20 million yearly, provide half the island’s revenue. Fishing, agriculture, an onshore abattoir, wool and tourism make the Falklands self-sufficient. There has been exploratory off-shore oil drilling since the 1990s (Falkland Islands Government, 2010). The Falklands have a healthy economy, but international concern over the preservation of fish stocks in the South Atlantic, or a decline in the sale of fishing licenses, could impact upon

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the Falklands, and development of a full-blown oil industry is not assured. Also, the UK government spends £70 million a year on defence costs, plus the cost of naval deployment in the South Atlantic and the air service to the islands. Commitments to the UK taxpayer and the international community could lead to shifts in UK government policy towards the Falklands which could impact adversely upon education priorities for the islands. Supreme authority is vested in Her Majesty’s Governor, advised by elected Executive and Legislative Councils in accord with the 2009 constitution (United Kingdom Government, 2008). Argentina claimed the islands before 1833 and in 1982 invaded but were ejected in June the same year. The 2009 constitution guarantees Falklanders self-determination (United Kingdom Government, 2013). However, any change in UK foreign policy in the region could necessitate a major rethink on education policy for the Falklands.

Bermuda Bermuda covers 53.2 sq km and is an archipelago of 138 islands in the Atlantic, 984 km from the coast of America and 5561 km from the United Kingdom. The eight main islands form a chain about 36 km long linked by bridges and causeways. The main island is Great Bermuda and the capital is Hamilton. The population of 66,000 (2012) is 61 per cent of African descent and 39 per cent of European descent. The language is English, but there is a small Portuguesespeaking community. Less remote than other Atlantic BOTs, a larger population and a healthier economy enables the Bermuda government (BG) to provide a more developed education system than most of the UK Overseas Territories. However, they face competition from private schools, a need to balance the influence of UK and North American education systems, a shortage of human resources and strong criticism from a 2008 review of the education system. The BG provides free and compulsory education for five- to sixteen-yearold students. There are ten preprimary schools for children under five years of age (optional); eighteen primary schools (for children five to ten years of age); five middle schools (eleven to fourteen years of age); two senior schools (eleven to eighteen years of age); Bermuda College; the Educational Centre, for students with severe behavioural problems; and the Dame Marjorie Bean Hope Academy, for students with multiple physical and cognitive challenges. Bermuda’s public schools have about 700 staff and 6000 students, about 60 per

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cent of school-age students. Five academic and vocational pathways are offered and students attaining the required points graduate with the Bermuda School Certificate. Bermuda College, the only postsecondary education institution on the islands, is a community college with around 1400 students and over fifty staff. Since 2008 tuition has been free for all Bermudians. The college offers two- and one-year associate degree programmes (GCE A-level equivalent), enabling students to transfer to degree courses in North American universities. Certificate and diploma courses, academic, technical and professional are available (Bermuda Government, 2013c). There is a faculty of adult education, a further education programme, a community education and development programme and non-credit courses for lifelong learners. Teacher training is also undertaken at the college. BG scholarships fund overseas study and students can also study with the University of the West Indies. The other 40 per cent of students attend seven private schools, including the Bermuda High School for Girls (the only non-coeducational school) and Warwick Academy, founded in 1662. They offer UK and North American examinations and the International Baccalaureate. In 1994 the public school intake was 7487 and 6754 in 2008, while private school intake rose from 2519 to 3669. The BG’s aim is to make public schooling the number one choice for parents (Bermuda Government, 2013b). This inevitably requires an improvement in the quality of teaching and end-of-schooling outcomes in the public schools. The BG school curriculum is influenced by UK, North American and regional models. Since 2009 the UK National Curriculum has been followed more, and students work towards the IGCSE examinations. As British citizens these favour Bermudians and make it easier for them to go on to higher education in the UK with lower fees and better employment opportunities. Bermuda’s strong links with North America and the UK mean there is a need to balance the influence of the two education systems appropriate to the needs of the islanders. Banking, financial and insurance services provide a large part of Bermuda’s revenue with concrete products, paints, perfumes, pharmaceuticals, ship repairs, agricultural products and tourism – all contributing to the economy. Bermuda receives no budgetary aid from the UK. However, government departments and private organizations on the islands depend significantly on expatriate staff, and the National Training Board needs to ensure that the product of the education system meets the needs of all employment sectors on Bermuda (Department for International Development, 2010, p. 212). To fully harness the skills of the whole

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adult population, there is a need to make the full range of distance education options available to them and to present them as a valued option to face-to-face education. In 2008 the BG education system received an unfavourable review. Only just over a third of public schools were said to be good or better in terms of effectiveness, 25 per cent of lessons were said to be inadequate and end-ofschooling standards were said to compare unfavourably with Bermuda’s private schools and public schools in England and the USA. Despite, ‘ … a system better resourced than any public education system known to us’, the review team described it as, ‘ … on the brink of meltdown’. The Ministry of Education was said to, ‘ … have lost the trust and confidence of the schools and the public’ and to ‘lack strategic vision’ (University of London, 2008, p. 31). The review’s recommendations included improved training and recruitment of teachers; reform of the Ministry of Education; raising the school-leaving age to eighteen years; and the harnessing of parent, business and community power. The Bermuda Government System Strategic Plan (2010– 2015) aims to address these issues (Bermuda Government, 2010). Increased input from business, parents and the community needs careful handling if education outcomes are not to favour the business sector and leave the public sector even more short of a workforce. Her Majesty’s Governor retains responsibility for external affairs, defence, internal security and the police. A 2007 opinion poll showed 63 per cent of the population against independence from the UK (Foreign and Commonwealth Office, 2010a). The 1968 constitution gives Bermuda more control over her affairs than most of the UK territories but still leaves her vulnerable to shifts in UK policy; for example, financial irregularities, misgovernment or economic setbacks might lead to greater UK government intervention. The finance sector and its support professions might then be less attractive to parents and students and there might be a need to reconsider education priorities in Bermuda.

The Pitcairn Islands Providing a meaningful education service in the Pitcairn Islands poses greater problems than for any of the other UK Overseas Territories. Pitcairn, in the South Pacific, is 14,733 km from the UK. Her Majesty’s Governor of Pitcairn is non-resident and is the British high commissioner in Wellington, New Zealand (NZ). HMG is assisted by an Island Council and a commissioner responsible

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for the general administration of Pitcairn based in Auckland, 5544 km away (UK Government, 2010). Representation via NZ makes Pitcairn’s constitutional relationship with the UK and the provision of education on the island more complex. A still greater constraint is a population of just fifty-four (2012), all of whom reside on one of the four islands. Since 1958, the government has provided free and compulsory education for those aged between five and fifteen years. A limited curriculum based on the NZ education system is taught by a NZ teacher on a two-year contract. A school roll of ten means any plan to expand education is unlikely to pass the test of economic viability. There is funding for Pitcairn students to continue secondary education in NZ and two students are currently doing so (Foreign and Commonwealth Office, 2012, p. 66). Any expansion of educational opportunity seems likely to have to come through full use of distance education options to maximize the skills of the whole population. The population are descendents of the mutineers from the British ship HMS Bounty who settled there in 1790. Their language is English and Pitkern. The British Settlement Act of 1887 recognized them as British citizens. Some islanders are dual British and NZ nationals and links have developed with Polynesia and the Pacific Community. Education in Pitcairn requires a balance between British, New Zealand and Pacific influences and needs. Only 4.7 sq km in area, with three uninhabited islands (Henderson, Duice and Oeno), no airport, no easy access from the sea and few natural resources, Pitcairn needs budgetary aid from the UK. The island’s income comes from fishing, horticulture, handicrafts, honey, increasing tourism and the sale of domain names; goods are sold online and to passing ships. All islanders between fifteen and sixty-five years of age do monthly public work for the government. Pitcairn has a declining and ageing population (Foreign and Commonwealth Office, 2012), and unless a viable economy can be found the future seems uncertain. The UK government sees Pitcairn as having limited revenue potential and major investment is unlikely (Department for International Development, 2010, p. 3). The issue of the continued occupation of the islands seems likely to be raised again. Meanwhile, the education system still has to meet a variety of public, private and individual needs. Pitcairn’s vulnerability to UK government intervention is illustrated over the incidents in recent years of child abuse on Pitcairn. The Department for International Development has committed to bringing about a ‘ … fundamental shift in behaviour … ’ on the island.

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References Altbach, P.G. and Kelly, G.P. (eds) (1978) Education and Colonialism, New York, Longman. Ascension Island Government (2010) Education Policy (Update 2013). George Town, Ascension Island Government. ——— (2013) Two Boats School. Available at: www.ascension-island.gov.ac/government/ sevices/school [Accessed 17 June 2013]. Atkinson, A., Gregg, P. and McConnell, B. (2006) The Result of 11+ Selection: An Investigation into Opportunities and Outcomes for Pupils in Selective LEAs, Bristol, The Centre for Market and Public Organisation (CMPO). Bacchus, K.M. (2008) ‘The education challenges facing small nation states in the increasingly competitive global economy of the twenty-first century’, Comparative Education, 44:2, pp. 127–145. Beckles, H. (2013) Britain’s Black Debt: Reparations for Caribbean Slavery and Native Genocide. Kingston, Jamaica, University of the West Indies Press. Bermuda Government (2010) Blueprint for Reform in Education: Bermuda Public Schools System Strategic Plan (2010–2015), Hamilton, Bermuda Government. ——— (2013b) Education in Public and Private Schools, Hamilton, Bermuda Government. ——— (2013c) Bermuda College. Available at: www.bercol.bm/programmes [Accessed 23 June 2013]. Bray, M. and Packer, S. (1993) Education in Small States: Concepts, Challenges and Strategies, Oxford, Pergamon Press. Britto, J. (1993) An examination of Attitudes towards the Use of Spanish in the Education of Bilingual Students in Bayside Comprehensive School, M.Ed Thesis, University of Hull. ——— (2007) A Study of Young People’s use of ICT in Domestic Environments: An Activity Theory Perspective, Ed.D. Thesis, University of Sheffield. Brock, C. (2009) ‘Perspectives on higher education in the Anglophone Caribbean’, in: Segrera, F.L., Brock, C. and Sobrinho, J.D. (eds) Higher Education in Latin America and the Caribbean, 2008, Caracas, IESALC/UNESCO, pp. 93–112. Brock, C. and Cammish, N.K. (2009) Factors Affecting Female Participation in Education in Seven Developing Countries, London, DfID. Butkiewicz, J.L. and Gordon, L.C. (2013) ‘The economic growth effect of offshore banking in host territories: Evidence from the Caribbean’, World Development, 44, pp. 165–179. Christopher, J. (2014) ‘Bermuda: The history of the education system’, in: Thomas, E. (ed) Education in the Commonwealth Caribbean and Netherlands Antilles, London, Bloomsbury, pp. 120–130. Clay, E., Barrow, C., Benson, C., Dempster, J., Kokelaar, P., Pillai, N. and Seaman, J. (1999) An Evaluation of HMG’s Response to the Montserrat Volcanic Emergency. Evaluation Report EV635, London, DFID (The Department for International Development).

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Crossley, M., Bray, M. and Packer, S. (2011) Education in Small States: Policies and Priorities, London, Commonwealth Secretariat. CXC (Caribbean Examinations Council) (2011a) ‘CAPE: The Caribbean Advanced Proficiency Examination’. Available at: http://www.cxc.org/examinations/exams/cape [Accessed 7 March 2014]. ——— (2011b) ‘CPEA’. Available at: http://www.cxc.org/?q=examinations/cpea [Accessed 7 March 2014]. Department for International Development (2010) Overseas Territories Operational Plan (2011–15) (Update 2012), London, Department for International Development. Department of Statistics (2011) Bermuda Digest of Statistics 2011, Hamilton, Bermuda, Government of Bermuda, Cabinet Office. Draper, N. (2010) The Price of Emancipation: Slave-ownership, Compensation and British Society at the End of Slavery, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. Edwards-Gumbs, O. (2014) ‘Anguilla: the challenges of teacher recruitment’, in: Thomas, E. (ed.), Education in the Commonwealth Caribbean and Netherlands Antilles, London, Bloomsbury, pp. 11–25. Escobar, A. (1995) Encountering Development: The Making and Unmaking of the Third World. (Princeton Studies in Culture, Power and History), Princeton, NJ, Princeton University Press. European Development Fund (2011). Single Programming Document: St. Helena, Ascension and Tristan da Cunha, Brussels, European Commission. Falkland Islands Government (2010) Falkland Islands Economic Plan, 2010–2015. Available at: www.falklands.gov/fk [Accessed 13 July 2013]. ——— (2013a) Education in the Falkland Islands, Stanley, Falkland Islands Government. ——— (2013b) Falkland Islands Community School, Stanley, Falkland Islands Government. Fergus, H. (1994) Montserrat: History of a Caribbean Colony, London, Macmillan. Foreign and Commonwealth Office (2010a) Countries and Regions, Country Profiles: Bermuda, London, Foreign and Commonwealth Office. ——— (2010b) Countries and Regions, Country Profiles: Falkland Islands, London, Foreign and Commonwealth Office. ——— (2010c) Countries and Regions, Country Profiles: Ascension Island, London, Foreign and Commonwealth Office. ——— (2010d) Countries and Regions, Country Profiles: St. Helena, London, Foreign and Commonwealth Office. ——— (2010e) Countries and Regions, Country Profiles: Tristan da Cunha, London, Foreign and Commonwealth Office. ——— (2010f) Countries and Regions, Country Profiles: Pitcairn Islands. London, Foreign and Commonwealth Office. ——— (2012) The Overseas Territories: Security, Success and Sustainability (White Paper), London, Foreign and Commonwealth Office.

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——— (2012) The Overseas Territories: Security, Success and Sustainability (White Paper), London, HMSO. Francis, B. (2013) General Information and Thoughts. [email] Message to Graham Fisher [[email protected]]. Sent 13 November, 2013, 10.10 am. Government of Anguilla (2005) Five Year Development Plan for Education (2005–2010), The Valley, The Anguilla Education Department. ——— (2006). Comprehensive Review of the Education Sector, The Valley, The Anguilla Education Department. Government of Gibraltar (1974) Education and Training Act. Available at: www. gibraltarlaws.gov.gi [Accessed 07 March 2011]. ——— (1991) Education (National Curriculum) Regulations. Available at: www. gibraltarlaws.gov.gi [Accessed 07 March 2011]. ——— (2014) Education Department. Available at: www.gibraltar.gov.gi [Accessed 18 January 2014]. Government of Montserrat (2011) Montserrat Primary Education: Review Report. Ministry of Education and Youth Affairs. Available at: http://www.gov.ms/ wp-content/uploads/2011/02/MONTSERRAT-PRIMARY-EDUCATION.pdf [Accessed 6 March 2014]. ——— (2012) Montserrat National Policy Framework on Early Childhood Education. Montserrat: Ministry of Education and Youth Affairs. Available at: http://www.gov.ms/ wp-content/uploads/2012/06/Montserrat-ECD-Policy.pdf [Accessed 6 March 2014]. Harrigan, N.E. and Varlack, P. (1975) The Virgin Islands Story, Epping, Caribbean Universities Press in association with Bowker Publishing. Hopkins, D., Matthews, P., Matthews, L., Woods-Smith, R., Olajide, F. and Smith, P. (2007) Review of Public Education in Bermuda, London, London Centre for Leadership and Learning, Institute of Education. Howes, H.W. (1952). The Gibraltarian, London, Jonathan Cape. ———(1982) The Gibraltarian, Gibraltar, Medsun. Jules, D. (2008) ‘Rethinking education for the Caribbean: A radical approach’, Comparative Education, 44:2, pp. 203–214. KAIRI (2006) Draft Five Year Education Plan. Tunapuna, KAIRI Consultants Ltd. Kutnick, P. (2000) ‘Girls, boys and school achievement. Critical comments on who achieves in schools and under what economic and social conditions achievement takes place – a Caribbean perspective’, International Journal of Educational Development, 20, pp. 65–84. Leonard, T. and Tomlinson, S. (2013) ‘14 Caribbean nations sue Britain, Holland and France for slavery reparations that could cost hundreds of billions of pounds’. Available at: http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-2451891/14-Caribbeannations-sue-Britain-Holland-France-slavery-reparations.html [Accessed 16 January 2014]. Mishra, P. (2006) Emigration and Brain Drain: Evidence from the Caribbean IMF Working Paper 06/25, Washington, DC, International Monetary Fund.

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OUSTR (Office of the United States Trade Representative) (2013) ‘Preference programs: Caribbean Basin Initiative (CBI)’. Office of the United States Trade Representative. Available at: http://www.ustr.gov/trade-topics/trade-development/preferenceprograms/caribbean-basin-initative-cbi [Accessed 30 July 2013]. Ozturk, I. (2001) ‘The role of education in economic development: a theoretical perspective’, Journal of Rural Development and Administration, 33, pp. 39 – 47. Pacific Union College: Pitcairn Island Study Centre (2013) Education on Pitcairn Island Available at: www.library.puc.edu/pitcairn/education.shtml (Accessed 20 May, 2013). Service Children’s Education (2013) Schools – Cyprus Consortium. Available at: www. sceschools.com [Accessed 18 February 2014]. Shotte, G. (2006) ‘Identity, ethnicity and school experiences: Relocated Montserratian students in British schools’, Refuge 23:1, pp. 27–39. ——— (2007) ‘Diasporic transnationalism: Relocated Montserratians in the UK’, Caribbean Quarterly, 53:3, pp. 41–69. ——— (2010) ‘Pre and post 1995 trends and patterns of teacher migration from Montserrat: shifting and competing identities’, in: Manik S. and Singh A. (eds) Global Mobility and Migration of Teachers: Issues, Identities and Infringements, Delhi, Kamla-Raj Enterprises, pp. 109–121. Smawfield, D. (1990) ‘Education in the British virgin islands: a case study of a Caribbean microstate’, in: Brock, C. and Clarkson, D. (eds) Education in Central America and the Caribbean. London, Routledge, pp. 138– 173. Sovereign Base Areas Administration (2014).Sovereign Base Areas Administration. Available at: www.sbaadministration.org [Accessed 18 February 2014]. St. Helena Government (2006) Mission Statement of the Education Department, Jamestown, St. Helena Government. ——— (2012a) St. Helena Sustainable Economic Development Plan 2012/13 – 2021/22, Jamestown, St. Helena Government. ——— (2012b) Adult and Vocational Education Service: Learning is for Life. Available at: www.aves.gov.sh [Accessed 16 June 2013]. ——— (2013a) Education and Employment, Jamestown, St. Helena Government. ——— (2013b) Prince Andrew School. Available at: www.princeandrewschool.edu.sh [Accessed 16 June 2013]. Thomas, E. (2012) ‘Beyond the culture of exclusion: using Critical Race Theory to examine the perceptions of British “minority ethnic” and Eastern European “immigrant” young people in English schools’, Intercultural Education, 23:6, pp. 501–511. ——— (2013) Race, Migration and Education: Examining the Perceptions of British born ‘Minority Ethnic’ and Eastern European ‘Immigrant’ Youth in Buckinghamshire, unpublished PhD thesis, The University of Cambridge. ——— (ed.) (2014) Education in the Commonwealth Caribbean and Netherlands Antilles, London, Bloomsbury.

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Tinker, H. (1974) A New System of Slavery: The Export of Indian Labour Overseas, 1830–1920, London, Oxford University Press. Tristan da Cunha Government (2013) Less Funding for Overseas Training. Available at: www.tristandc.com/index/gov/education [Accessed 10 July 2013]. ——— (2013a) St. Mary’s School. Available at: www.tristandc.com/index/education/ school [Accessed 18 June 2013]. ——— (2013b) Education Trust Fund. Available at: www.tristandc.com/index/ education/educationtrustfund [Accessed 18 June 2013]. UNESCO (2000) The Dakar Framework for Action: Education for All – Meeting our Collective Commitments. World Education Forum, Dakar, Paris, UNESCO. ——— (2007) EFA Global Monitoring Report 2008: Education for All by 2015, Will We Make It? Paris, UNESCO. UNICEF (2012) ‘Grenada – recovering from Ivan: puppets, stories and songs help children cope’ Available at: http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/grenada_23364. html [Accessed 16 January 2014]. ——— (2014) ‘Eastern Caribbean: Resources – Montserrat’. Available at: http://www. unicef.org/barbados/resources_5089.htm [Accessed 6 March 2014]. United Kingdom Government, (1967) Bermuda Constitution Act,1967 (Amendments, 1989, 2001 & 2005), London, HMSO. ——— (2008) The Falkland Islands Constitution, Order 2008, No: 2846, London, HMSO. ——— (2009) The St. Helena, Ascension and Tristan da Cunha Constitution, Order 2009 (No. 1751), London, HMSO. ——— (2010) Pitcairn Constitution, Order No: 2010, London, HMSO. ——— (2013) The Falkland Islands Vote to Remain a British Overseas Territory (Press Release, 12 March 2013). Available at: www.gov.uk/government/world/falklandislands [Accessed 15 September, 2013]. United Kingdom Government: Ministry of Defence (2013) Overseas Territories; The Ministry of Defence’s Contribution (Map: The British Overseas Territories), London, HMSO. University of London Institute of Education (2008) Review of Public Education in Bermuda (Hopkins Report), London, University of London. University of the West Indies (2011) The University of the West Indies Open Campus Annual Report 2010/2011: A Campus for the Times …  A Campus for the Future. Barbados, UWI. Available at: http://www.open.uwi.edu/sites/default/files/ UWIOpenCampusAnnualReport2010_2011.pdf [Accessed 10 December 2012]. ——— (2012) The University of the West Indies, Cave Hill Campus: Annual Report to Council 2011–2012, Cave Hill Campus, Barbados, UWI. Available at: http://www. cavehill.uwi.edu/resources/documents/reports/cavehillreport-2011-2012.pdf [Accessed 5 June 2013]. Woods, P., Bagley, C. and Glatter, R. (1998) School Choice and Competition: Markets in the Public Interest?, London, Routledge.

Index Academies Act (2010) 48 academy status 3–4, 5, 25, 26, 28, 41, 47–48, 49, 50, 62, 122, 138 Alderney 320 apprenticeships 119, 120 Ascension Island 356–357 company non-formal education 357 government 356, 357 two boats school 356–357 Wideawake Airport 357 assessment 23, 148 Bedford College London (for girls) (1849) 66 Beloe Committee (1960) 37–38 Bermuda 361–363 Bermuda College (FE) 361 Dame Marjorie Bean Hope Academy 361 Education Review (2008) 363 High School for Girls 362 Warwick Academy 362 bilingualism 199, 231–233, 239–240, 344 Bishop Barrow 302 Bishop Wilson 302–303 Black Papers 11, 31, 39, 40 British Overseas Territories (BOTS) (education in) 341–368 Sovereign Base Areas in Cyprus 341 UK Service Children’s Education 342 Bryce Commission (1895) 67 Buckingham University (1973) 90 Building Schools for the Future (BSF) 48 Butler Education Act (1944) 35, 36–37, 44, 62 Cambridge 63, 69, 74, 87, 97, 98, 133 Cambridge Review 24, 25 Caribbean British Overseas Territories 341–353 Caribbean Advanced Proficiency Examination (CAPE) 352

Caribbean Examinations Council (CXC) 351, 352 CARICOM 359 girl’s achievements 352 selective secondary education 351 slavery legacy 349–350 tertiary sector 353 Centre for Evaluating and Monitoring (CEM) Durham University 73 Certificate of Secondary Education (CSE) (1986) 40 Cheltenham College for Young Ladies (1853) 66 City Technology Colleges 44, 45, 47, 49 Clarendon Commission (1868) 66 Coalition Government (2010–2015) 48, 56 Common Entrance Examination 68 comprehensive schools 37–39, 40, 69, 200, 218, 309 cultural identity 177, 178, 202–204 Curriculum Cymreig (Wales) 207 Curriculum for Excellence (Scotland) 177 Curriculum Isle of Man 312–314 Dearing Report (1993) 18–19 Dearing Report (1998) 100 Department for Business, Innovation and Skills (BIS) 85, 110 Department for Education 45, 48, 49 Department for Work and Pensions (DWP) 113 dialogic engagement 268 Direct Grant Grammar Schools 68, 69 economy 64, 99, 146, 147, 149, 150, 174 Education Act (1902) 67, 68 Education Act (1918) 306 Education Act (1944) 35, 36–37, 44, 62 Education Reform Act (1988) 3, 10, 11, 12, 13–14, 21, 23, 35, 42–44, 98, 99 endowed grammar schools 66

Index England (Education in) 107–130 further and adult education 107–130 higher education 83–106 independent secondary schooling 61–82 maintained secondary schooling 35–60 primary schooling 9–34 European Union 36, 84, 91, 95, 124, 343 faith schools 138 Falkland Islands 359–361 Camp Education Unit 360 Community School (FICS) 359, 360 Constitution (2009) 361 Young Apprenticeship Scheme 360 Finland 26, 163, 167 Fleming Report (1944) 68, 69 foundation degrees 114, 118 free schools 4, 5, 25, 28, 35, 36, 48, 49, 50, 53, 54, 62, 122, 138 Further and Higher Education Act (1992) 110 Further Education (Wales) 222 Gaelic 2 gender 216, 220, 352, 353 General Certificate of Education (GCE) 36 geography 12, 17, 76, 116 Gibraltar 343–348 Education Act (1974) 345 Education (National Curriculum) Regulations (Government of Gibraltar) (1991) 345 further education 347 primary schooling 346–347 single-sex secondary schools 347 teacher training 345 Treaty of Utrecht (1713) 344 Government of Ireland Act (1920) 256 grammar schools 35, 36, 37, 38, 39, 62, 63, 64, 66 grammar schools (Wales) 218 grant maintained schools 21–22, 25, 43, 44, 46 Guernsey (States of) 317–326 Department of Education 318–320 Education Law (1944) 324 Education (Guernsey) Law (1970) 318 Elizabeth College 321 intermediate schools (1902) 322

371 National Curriculum (1990) 324 Parish Schools 321–322 Second World War Impact (German Occupation) 322–323 selective secondary boy’s school (1883) 322 selective secondary girl’s school (1885) 322

Headmasters Conference 68, 71 Headmasters and Headmistresses Conference (1996) 66 Henley-on Thames Grammar School (1604) 63 Higher and Further Education Act (1992) 83 Higher Education Policy Institute (HEPI) 96 Higher Education Statistics Agency (HESA) 84 history 12, 17, 76, 116, 167 Hull Grammar School 63 Human Capital Theory 214 Hymers College, Hull 61, 70–79 Iaith Pawb (National Action Plan for Bilingual Wales) 231 Independent Review of Early Reading (Rose Review) 23, 24, 25 Irish Free State 256 Isle of Man 301–316 Bishop S 304 children’s corporate strategy 315 college of further and higher education 309, 314 curriculum 312–314 Douglas Higher Grade School 306 Education Act (1872) 305 House of Keys 302 King Williams College 303, 306, 307 Legislative Council 302 Manx Culture and language scheme 309 Manx Government Act (1987) 309 petty schools 302–303 Tynwald Court 302 Jersey (States of) 327–339 Bailiff 328 Bailiwick 327

372

Index

Committee of Education (1839) 329 english language (from 1911) 330 french language 328–329 Hautlieu School (1952) 330, 331, 333 non-selective secondary education (1978) 331 Second World War Occupation (German) 329 Victoria College (1852) 330, 332 Jethou 320

marketization of schooling 12, 14–15, 19, 20, 78, 124 Massive Open On-Line Courses (MOOCS) 91 mathematics 9, 11, 16, 17, 40, 43, 47, 49, 52, 64, 74, 76, 116, 117, 120, 149, 207 middle schools 38, 39 Millennium Cohort Study (MCS) 206–207, 208 music 17, 47, 76, 138, 145

knowledge 16, 18, 24, 108, 126, 167 knowledge-based economy 214, 221–222, 223, 227, 325

National Careers Council Report 117 National Curriculum 10, 14, 15, 16–19, 20, 21, 25, 36, 39, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 48, 49, 50 National Institute for Adult and Continuing Education (NIACE) Survey 120 National Literacy Trust, (2012) 118, 119 NEETS (not in education, employment or training) 118, 120 NIACE Adult Participation and Learning Survey (2013) 121 Northern Ireland (education in) 255–298 an overview 255–278 Area Learning Communities 274 Community Relations Council and Equalisation Commission (2010) 267, 287 Council for Catholic Maintained schools 260 Education Act (Northern Ireland 1921) 280 Education Act (1947) 257 Education and Library Boards (equivalent to LEAs) 260 Education Reform Order (1989) 266, 270, 283 first integrated school (1981) 258 Good Friday Agreement (1998) 258, 290 Independent Strategic Review of Education (The Bain Review) 291–292 Integrated Education Fund 258 integrated schools 279–298 Irish language primary school 258 Lagan College 283

Labour Government Plans (1997) Disband grant maintained schools 46 Early Years priority in inner cities 46 ‘Every Child Matters’ White paper (2003) 46 language Silos 189 languages 2, 3, 18, 24, 45, 52, 107, 116, 119, 125, 149, 152, 167 British Sign Language (BSL) 177, 182–183 Celtic 2 english 42, 43, 49, 74, 95, 116, 120, 152 Gaelic 2, 152, 177, 178–180 Latin 184 Mandarin 185 modern foreign languages 76, 183 Scots 178–179, 180–182 Welsh 2, 202–204, 231–252 languages of migrants 177, 186–188 league tables of schools 44, 206 Leitch Report (2006) 222 lifelong learning 95, 108, 112, 123, 125, 135, 147 linguistic capital 188 literacy 22, 23, 24, 28, 63, 107, 118–119, 149 local education authorities (LEAs) 5, 10, 12, 19, 20–21, 22, 25, 26, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 46, 47, 49, 200 local management of schools 12, 19–20, 46 Lord Londonderry 256

Index Northern Ireland Council for Integrated Education (NICIE) 258, 284 religion 255–298 Norwood Report (1944) 36 numeracy 22, 23, 107, 116, 118, 149 NVQs (National Vocational Qualifications) 116, 117 Office of Fair Access (OFFA) (2004) 101 Office for Standards in Education (OFSTED) 3, 9, 21, 24, 26, 27–28, 43–44, 51, 70 Open College Network 116 Open University 8, 9, 88, 89, 91, 110, 145 Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) 11, 70, 118, 149 Overseas Territory of St Helena, Ascension and Tristan da Cunha 354–359 St Helena 354–356 Adult and Vocational Education Service 355–356 airport 356 Department of Education and Employment (DEE) 354 teacher education centre 355 Oxford 40, 63, 69, 87, 133, 163 Pitcairn Islands 363–364 plurilingual citizenship 185 preparatory schools 66, 67, 68 Presbyterian (Scotland) 133 private higher education institutions 90 Programme of International Student Assessment (PISA) 52, 53, 158, 223 Programme for Sharing and Integration (PS1) 291 Progress in International Reading Literacy Study (PIRLS) 26, 27 public schools 5, 64, 65, 66, 67, 69 Committee on Public Schools (1942) 68 Quality Assurance Agency 83, 84 Qualified Teacher Status (QTS) 49 Queen’s College London (for girls) (1848) 66

373

religion 108, 133, 138 religion and education (in Northern Ireland) 255–298 Republic of Ireland 1, 256 research 53, 54, 55, 85, 87, 88, 89, 98, 99, 102, 103, 123, 125, 145, 152 Research Assessment Exercise (RAE) (1986) 102 Research Excellence Framework (REF) (2014) 103 Research Funding and Assessment (2009) 102 Robbins Report (1963) 96, 97, 100, 134, 145, 218 Rugby School 64 Rutlish School 66 Sark 320 science 12, 16, 17, 18, 21, 28, 40, 43, 47, 52, 66, 76, 85, 89, 117, 149, 150 science schools (from 1872) 66 Scotland (education in) 131–194 Ancient Universities 133 curriculum for excellence 136, 139, 148, 149, 150 Early Years Framework (2008) 143 Educational Institute of Scotland (EIS) (1847) 136 Fettes 141 General Teaching Council for Scotland 136, 156 Getting it Right for Every Child (2008) 144 Glasgow West Teacher Education Initiative 168, 170, 171 Gordonstoun 141 language education 177–194 languages (Gaelic, Scots, English) 152 local authorities (32) 135 an overview 133–154 Post 16 Education (Scotland) Act (2013) 146 pre-school education 142, 143 Scottish Council for Independent Schools (SCIS) 141 Scottish Parliament (1999) 134

374 Scottish Qualifications Authority (SQA) 136 Scottish Rural Schools Network 138 Skills Development Scotland (2008) 150 teacher education 155–176 Teaching Scotland’s Future (TSF) (2011) 160 Universities (21) 162, 164–168 social justice 198–202 Standardised Education Tests (SATS) 14, 16, 21, 26 student loans 85 systematic synthetic phonics 23, 24 Taunton Committee (1864) 66 Teachers Standards (2012) 24 teacher training 8, 23, 26, 27, 28, 37, 88, 145, 158, 161 Technical and Vocational Education Initiative (TVEI) 5, 41–42 technology 17, 18, 45, 75, 76, 78, 85, 99, 103, 119, 126, 149, 150, 174 TIMSS (Third International Mathematics and Science Study) 158 Tristan da Cunha 357–359 depopulation 358 St Mary’s School 358 Silvermine Academy 358 Tristan da Cunha Education Trust Fund 358 UK Commission for Employment and Skills (UKCES) 124, 135 United Kingdom Crown Dependencies (Guernsey, Isle of Man, Jersey) (education in) 299–340 Universities and Colleges Admissions Service (UCAS) 83 Universities Funding Council 98 Universities UK 86 Million+ Group 88 1994 Group 87 Russell Group 87, 88 University Alliance 88 Urdu 184

Index Vocational education and training (VET) 108, 124, 125, 126 voluntary aided schools 44, 46 Wales (education in) 195–252 CILT Cymru (Centre for Languages , Wales) 246 Child Poverty Action Strategy 245 Devolution Vote (1997) 198 education and economy 213–230 Estyn (Inspection for Education and Training in Wales) 222, 224 Independent Review of the Mission and Purpose of Further Education in Wales (2007) 222 local authorities 200 mandatory schools councils 202 Mudied Meithrin 241 National Assembly (1998) 197, 199 National Eisteddfod 199 an overview 197–212 PISA (Programme for International Student Assessment (WALES) (2009) 223 Skills that Work for Wales (2008) 224 TwF (Transferring Welsh Across Families) 241 University of the heads of the Valleys Initiative (UHOVI) 226 Wales Foundation Phase Programme 201 Web-based learning 112 Welsh Baccalaurate 210, 225 Welsh Language 2, 180, 202–204, 231–252 Welsh language issues 231–252 Welsh Language Strategy Evaluation Framework 232 Welsh Medium Education Strategy 247, 248 Welsh medium schools 233, 235, 236, 239–240 Welsh Second Language Review Group 207 Welsh teacher training 242–244