Dress and Personal Appearance in Late Antiquity 9004343954, 9789004343955

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DRESS AND PERSONAL APPEARANCE IN LATE ANTIQUITY

LATE ANTIQUE ARCHAEOLOGY (SUPPLEMENTARY SERIES) SERIES EDITOR

LUKE LAVAN MANAGING EDITOR

MICHAEL MULRYAN VOLUME 1

The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/laax

DRESS AND PERSONAL APPEARANCE IN LATE ANTIQUITY THE CLOTHING OF THE MIDDLE AND LOWER CLASSES BY

FAITH PENNICK MORGAN

LEIDEN | BOSTON

Cover illustration: Child’s wool tunic, front, Whitworth T.8549 (cat. no.71), picture credit: © The Whitworth, University of Manchester. Cover illustration (background): Mosaic of Ananeosis (renewal), Antakya, 5th c. A.D. Antakya Archaeological Museum. Photo courtesy of Dick Osseman (http://www.pbase.com/dosseman). Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Morgan, Faith Pennick, author. Title: Dress and personal appearance in late antiquity : the clothing of the  middle and lower classes / by Faith Pennick Morgan. Description: Leiden ; Boston : Brill, 2018. | Series: Late antique  archaeology | Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifiers: LCCN 2017032757 (print) | LCCN 2017040718 (ebook) | ISBN  9789004353466 (E-book) | ISBN 9789004343955 (pbk. : alk. paper) Subjects: LCSH: Clothing and dress—Mediterranean Region—History. | Clothing  and dress—Social aspects—Mediterranean Region. | Beauty,  Personal—Mediterranean Region—History. | Mediterranean  Region—Antiquities. Classification: LCC GT560 (ebook) | LCC GT560 .M67 2018 (print) | DDC  391.009182/2—dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2017032757

Brill has made all reasonable efforts to trace all rights holders to any copyrighted material used in this work. In cases where these efforts have not been successful the publisher welcomes communications from copyright holders, so that the appropriate acknowledgements can be made in future editions, and to settle other permission matters. Typeface for the Latin, Greek, and Cyrillic scripts: “Brill”. See and download: brill.com/brill-typeface. issn 2352-5177 isbn 978-90-04-34395-5 (paperback) isbn 978-90-04-35346-6 (e-book) Copyright 2018 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands. Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill, Brill Hes & De Graaf, Brill Nijhoff, Brill Rodopi, Brill Sense and Hotei Publishing. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Koninklijke Brill NV provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910, Danvers, MA 01923, USA. Fees are subject to change. This book is printed on acid-free paper and produced in a sustainable manner.

Contents Foreword ix List of Illustrations X List of Abbreviations xvI Introduction: Methodology and Sources 1 Sources 1 Written Sources 1 Archaeological Sources 3 Art Historical Sources 5 Methodology 6 What Did the Clothes Look Like? 6 What is the Purpose of the Embellishments on Clothing? 6 How Were the Clothes Made? 7 An Overview of Dress Studies 8 Clothing as Message 9 Object ‘Biography’ 11 Conclusion 13 1 Current Research on Roman Dress 14 Clothing and Personal Adornment 14 The Toga 14 Mantles and Cloaks 14 The Tunic 16 Trousers and Undergarments 17 Belts, Brooches, Bags and Footwear 18 Hats and Headgear 20 Hair and Cosmetics 20 Tattoos, Branding, Mutilation and Other Body Modifications 21 Thematic Studies: An Overview and New Research 22 Textile Production and Dress 22 Regional Variation in Clothing 23 Social Status and Dress 24 Religion and Dress 25 Professional Costumes 26 Colour 26 Conclusion 27 2 Late Antique Society 29 Clothing in Late Antiquity 29 Apotropaism and Clothing: Magical Practice in Late Antiquity 32 Conclusion 36 3 Cultural Values in Clothing: Apotropaic Practices 38 The Evil Eye 38 Knots and Interlace Patterns 39 Coins 42 Pictures on Clothing 44 Apotropaic Use of Colour 50 Apotropaic Words, Signs and Letters on Garments 57 Conclusion 63

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4 ‘The Life of Clothes’ in Late Antiquity 65 Introduction 65 Tunics 65 Square Tunics: Catalogue Numbers 1–21 65 Short Sleeved Tunics: Catalogue Numbers 22–42 67 Wide Sleeved Tunics: Catalogue Numbers 43–55 68 Tailored Tunics: Catalogue Numbers 56–72 68 Narrow Sleeved Tunics: Catalogue Numbers 73–187 70 Tunic Embellishment and Dating 72 Mantles, Cloaks, Trousers and Accessories 75 Sewing and Making and the Textile Industry 77 Mending, Darning and Patching 80 Cleaning 85 Reuse 88 Child’s Blue Wool Tailored Tunic: Whitworth Art Gallery no. T.8549 (Catalogue no. 71) ( figs. 56a–b) 89 Other Examples 91 Hats 91 Other Forms of Reuse 92 Kentrônes and the Second-Hand Clothing Trade 94 Conclusion 96 5 Experimental Knowledge of the Wear and Wearing of Garments 98 Methodology 99 Tunics 100 1  Square Tunic: Catalogue no. 5: British Museum reg.no. 2004,0910.5 100 2  Narrow Sleeved Tunic in Plain Linen, Catalogue no. 106: KTN inv. no. 476 104 3 Narrow Sleeved Tunic in Red Wool 105 4 Narrow Sleeved Tunic in Blue Wool, Catalogue no. 184; Whitworth Art Gallery, no. T.8360 108 5  Linen Dalmatic, Catalogue no. 54: Whitworth Art Gallery, no. T.1995.145 112 6  Child’s Red Wool Narrow Sleeved Tunic with Hood, Catalogue no. 120: Louvre E26525 116 7 Child’s Natural Linen Tunic, Catalogue no. 116: Louvre E26248 117 8 Child’s Narrow Sleeved Tunic in Wool, Catalogue no. 187: Whitworth Art Gallery, no. T.8374 119 9 Child’s Tailored Tunic in Red Wool, Catalogue no. 72: Whitworth Art Gallery, no. T.9885 124 10  Child’s Blue Wool Capped Sleeve Tunic, Catalogue no. 38: Whitworth Art Gallery, no. T.8377 126 11 Child’s Sleeveless Linen Tunic with Hood, Catalogue no. 2: Ashmolean Museum acc. no. AN1888.1109 126 Cloaks 130 1 Adult’s Hooded Cloak 130 2 Child’s Hooded Cloak 132 3 Hoodless Cloaks 132 Making the Clothes 139 Conclusion 139

contents

Contents

Conclusion 143 Status 144 Religion 144 Profession 144 Ethnicity 145 Embellishments 145 Manufacture 147 Problems and Final Thoughts 148 Catalogue of Tunics in Museums and Archaeological Collections 149 Glossary 167 Clothing Terms 167 Textile Terms 169 Bibliography 173 Ancient Textual Editions and Inscriptions 173 Modern Sources 176 Appendix A 188 A.1 Evidence of Mending, Patching, Darning and/or Reused Fabric on Tunics and Cloaks 188 A.2 Evidence of Mending, Patching, Darning and/or Reused Fabric on Clothing Fragments 193 A.3 Evidence of Mending, Patching, Darning and/or Reused Fabric on Hats and Bonnets 199 A.4 Evidence of Mending, Patching, Darning and/or Reused Fabric on Socks and Footwear 202 A.5 Patchworks: Evidence of the Reuse of Fabric 203 A.6 Evidence of Mending, Patching, Darning and/or Reused Fabric on Accessories, Toys and Trousers 203 Appendix B: Figured Tapestry Panels from Tunics in the Collection of Textiles from the Burial Grounds in Egypt, in the V&A Museum 205 B.1 Wool Tapestry with Figures 205 B.2 Silk Embroideries with Figures 216 B.3 Silk Weavings with Figures 217 Appendix C.1: Apotropiac Elements in Children’s Garments from Museum Collections and Archaeological Excavations 218 Appendix C.2: Apotropiac Elements in Adult Garments from Museum Collections and Archaeological Excavations 220 Appendix D: Papyri References to Cloth and Clothing Manufacture 223 D.1 Wool and Flax Preparation 223 D.2 Cloth and Clothing Manufacture 223 D.3 Apprenticing Weavers/Tailors 227 D.4 Associations to Do with Cloth and Clothing Manufacture 229 D.5 Mending 229

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D.6 Other Professions Related to Textile and Clothing Manufacture and Care 230 D.7 Inventories Including Clothing 230

Appendix E: References to Clothing in Late Antiquity 233 Index 241

Foreword This book is based on a thesis produced at the University of Kent as part of Research Project F/00 236/AF The Visualisation of the Late Antique City (2011-2014), funded by the Leverhulme Trust, for which Dr Luke Lavan was ‘Principal investigator’ and Dr Ellen Swift ‘Co-investigator’. The thesis was supervised by Ellen Swift (first supervisor), assisted by Luke Lavan (second supervisor). I am very grateful to the Trust for providing a grant to Kent which supported a doctoral scholarship for three years. I would also like to thank the Society for the Promotion of Roman Studies for their generous financial contribution towards publication costs, and the many researchers and museum curators and conservators who have been generous in sharing both their time and their knowledge. Finally, my thanks go to the many friends and relatives, who with varying amounts of enthusiasm and patience (and sometimes chocolate) agreed to model my clothing reconstructions.

List of Illustrations Figures 1 Eye-shaped tapestry fragment 38 2 Child’s tunic 40 3 Child’s tunic 40 4 Tapestry orbiculus 41 5 Tapestry tabula 42 6 Tapestry tabula 42 7a Appliquéd clavi 43 7b Appliquéd shoulder orbiculus 43 7c Appliquéd knee orbiculus 43 8 Wool tapestry orbiculus of the ‘triumphant rider’ 6th–7th c. AD 48 9 Amulet with the holy rider on one side, and the ‘much suffering’ eye on the other 49 10 Hematite amulet showing a rider spearing a prostate female demon 49 11 Rider identified as St. Sissinios killing the demon Alabasdria, watercolour by Jean Cledat of a 6th–7th c. fresco at the Baouît Monastery 49 12 Child’s red wool tunic 54 13 Child’s tunic. Note the addition of red wool tapestry trim around the neckline on a tunic with purple clavi and orbiculi 55 14 Child’s tunic. Red wool trim and tassels have been added at the neckline 56 15 Child’s tunic. Note the addition of red tapestry trim around the neckline and at the cuff 56 16 Child’s tunic. Red wool trim has been added around the neck and at the underarm openings 56 17 Child’s hooded tunic. Red wool fringe has been added around the front edge of the hood 56 18 Tapestry fragment, Egypt, 5th–6th c. (MMA 90.5.355) 60 19 Tapestry fragment, Egypt, 4th c. (MMA 90.5.502) 60 20 Tapestry fragment, Egypt, 4th c. (MMA 90.5.617) 60 21 Tapestry fragment, Egypt 6th–7th c. (BM EA72463) 60 22 Woven textile fragment, Egypt, 7th–9th c. (MAK T 10020) 60 23 Woven textile fragment, Egypt, 7th–9th c. (MAK T 10020) 60 24 Woven textile fragment, Egypt, 7th–8th c. (MAK T 51–2) 60 25 Woven textile fragment, Egypt, 7th–9th c. (MAK T 10019) 60 26 Bronze amulet, dated to 7th–8th c., showing magical ‘charaktêres’ 61 27 Reverse side of a bronze ‘holy rider’ amulet, showing Christ enthroned, and including magical ‘charaktêres’ 61 28 Front of child’s tunic, showing inscription cut to insert on yoke 62 29 Back of child’s tunic, showing unusual letter forms 62 30 Scale drawing of a square tunic, being worn by a man 5” 8” tall (see n.648) 66 31 Adult wool tunic 66 32 Detail of patching on square tunic found at Kellis 66 33 Heavily patched linen tunic from Kellis 66 34 3rd c. mosaic from Saint Romain-en-Gal, France 67 35 Child’s undyed wool tunic 67 36 Scale drawing of child’s cap sleeved tunic 68 37 Child’s red wool dress 68

List Of Illustrations

38 39 40 41 42 43 44a–b 45 46 47.1–2 48.1–2 49 50 51a–b 52 53 54a–b 55 56a 56b 57a 57b 58a 58b 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 66 67 68 69 70

A 4th c. mosaic showing a family group with servants 68 Scale drawing of a woman 5’2” tall wearing a dalmatic 69 Scale drawing of a man 5’8” tall wearing a dalmatic 69 Child’s tailored tunic in wool check 69 Child’s tailored tunic, showing details of side gores 69 Detail of fragments from the underarm section of a child’s wool tunic, showing inset sides gores; variation in weave type and direction suggests the use of recycled cloth 70 Scale drawing showing that Whitworth Art Gallery tunic no. T 9885 (cat. no. 72) could have been worn by a 5-year old or a 10-year old; the dotted lines indicate seams 70 Sasanian Riding Coat 71 Detail of a tapestry in the Brooklyn Museum, showing sleeves worn hanging over hands 71 Scale drawings of male and female figures wearing the same tapered-sleeve tunic 72 Scale drawing of male and female figures wearing the same straight-sleeve tunic 72 This fragment from the neck opening of a tunic, on display at the Ashmolean has been very skilfully darned in three different colours carefully matched to the underlying fabric 81 This adult’s wool tunic, has been reinforced at the armpit opening 81 This child’s red wool tunic, has been skilfully darned in a number of places in closely matching wool 81 The darning on this clavus from a child’s tunic, is roughly done in un-matching wool 82 Rough darning in un-matched wool covers most of this child’s tunic 82 These details from the wool tapestry clavi and tassels from a tunic at the Louvre show signs of felting 86 This detail from a wool tunic at the Louvre, shows the brushed ‘nap’ which has been raised on the fabric 86 Child’s wool tunic, front 89 Child’s wool tunic, back 89 Short trousers 90 Short trousers 90 Line drawing of a child’s tunic, the dotted lines represent the seams between patched pieces 90 A child’s tunic made from recycled cloth 90 Tri-coloured hat from Mons Claudianus 91 Line drawing of Mons Claudianus patchwork hat 91 Patchwork bonnet 92 Patchwork bonnet 92 Child’s hooded linen tunic 93 Fragment from the neck and shoulders of a child’s linen tunic 93 Scale drawing of tunic 100 Wool tunic 100 Scale drawing of a man of 5’8” wearing a square tunic (same as fig. 30) 101 Replica tunic being worn belted 101 Calendar floor mosaic from Sousse, Tunisia, ‘April’, showing square tunic being worn unbelted 101 Mosaic, Rome 4th c. AD, showing gladiators wearing belted square tunics 101

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71 72 73 74 75 76 77 78 79 80 81 82 83 84a–b 85a 85b 86 87 88 89 90 91 92 93 94 95 96 97 98 99 100 101 102 103

list of illustrations

Reproduction of belted square tunic, being worn by a young woman 102 Reproduction of square tunic, being worn by a young woman; this view shows how belting the garment creates sleeves 102 A 4th c. mosaic showing a family group with servants (same as fig. 38) 103 Reproduction of dalmatic with belt threaded through sleeve openings and tied at the front 103 Reproduction of dalmatic with belt threaded through sleeve openings; this view shows the awkward length and shape of the resultant sleeves 103 The Projecta casket 103 Wall painting from the monastery at Baouît, showing monks with their sleeves slipped off 105 Mosaic from Hippolytus Hall, Mabada, Jordan 105 Original tunic 106 Scale drawing of replica tunic (cat no. 106) 106 Reproduction narrow sleeved tunic with sleeves pushed up, showing the resultant blousing at the shoulders 106 Reproduction narrow sleeved tunic, worn with the arms pushed out of the underarm openings and the sleeves hanging loose 106 Scale drawing showing the relative dimensions of the five narrow sleeved tunics described in chart 7 107 Replica tunic, showing details of sleeve and waist tuck 108 Replica tunic being worn unbelted; this view shows the extreme blousing at the shoulder created by pushing the sleeves up 109 Replica tunic being worn unbelted; this shows the garment being worn with the arms pushed out the underarm opening and the sleeves left hanging loose 109 Stilicho diptych 109 Original tunic 110 Scale drawing of tunic 110 Replica garment 110 Reproduction of tunic being worn unbelted; making the waist tuck wider at the sides brings the sides up, making the hem of the garment sit straight 111 A 4th c. mosaic from Piazza Armerina, Sicily: sacrifice to Artemis 111 Reproduction of tunic being worn by a man of 6’ in height; the poor fit of the sleeves indicates that this garment was probably made for someone much smaller 111 Original tunic 112 Replica tunic 112 Scale drawing showing measurements of tunic (cat. no. 54) 113 Scale drawing showing male figure of 5’8’ in height wearing tunic (same as fig. 39) 113 Scale drawing showing female figure of 5’2” in height wearing tunic (same as fig. 40) 113 Reproduction of tunic being worn by a man of 6’ in height 114 Reproduction of tunic being worn by a woman of 5’6” in height 114 Detail from the doors at the church of Santa Sabina, Rome 114 Fragmentary relief carving with St. Mark and his successors, ivory 114 Scale drawing of Louvre tunic 117 Original tunic in Louvre collection 117

List Of Illustrations

104 105 106a–b 107 108 109 110 111 112a–b 113 114 115 116 117 118 119 120a 120b 120c 121 122 123 124 125 126 127 128 129 130 131 132 133 134 135 136 137 138 139 140 141 142 143 144 145

Replica tunic 117 Reproduction of Louvre tunic being worn with the hood up 117 Details of the open arm seam and wrist ties on Louvre tunic 118 Scale drawing of Louvre tunic 118 Child’s tunic 118 Replica tunic 119 Neckline trim on original tunic (back view) 119 Neckline trim on replica tunic 119 Details of the sleeve and underarm opening on replica tunic 120 Replica tunic with sleeves loosely tied at the front 120 Replica tunic with sleeves criss-crossed at the front and tied at the back 120 Replica tunic worn with sleeves being left loose 121 Scale drawing of tunic (cat. no. 187) 121 Original tunic (same as fig. 16) 121 Replica of tunic 121 Replica of tunic being worn by a five-year old child 122 Replica tunic worn with underarm and side seams completely open 122 Replica tunic worn with side seams open and sleeves loosely tied at the front 122 Replica tunic worn with underarm seams open, but side seam stitched together 122 Detail from mosaic ‘massacre of the innocents’ at the Basilica of S. Maria Maggiore, Rome 123 ‘Joseph’s departure’, from the Vienna Genesis 123 ‘Entry of Christ into Jerusalem’ from the 6th c. Rossano Gospels 123 Kimbros mosaic 123 Scale drawing of tunic (cat. no. 72) 124 Original tunic (same as fig. 41) 124 Replica tunic 124 Replica of tunic being worn by an eight-year old child 124 One possible cutting layout for tunic (drawn to scale). Red dotted lines are cuts and black lines indicate seams; the hatched areas are the only waste 125 Replica tunic being worn by a three-year old child 125 Replica tunic being worn by a five-year old child 125 Replica tunic being worn by an eight-year old child 125 Scale drawing of tunic (cat. no. 38) 127 Original tunic (same as fig. 37) 127 Replica tunic 127 Replica of tunic being worn by a three-year old child 127 Embroidered detail on original garment 128 Embroidered detail on replica garment 128 Scale drawing of tunic (cat. no. 2) 128 Original tunic 128 Replica tunic 129 Replica tunic shown unbelted with arms pushed through sleeve openings 129 Replica tunic shown belted with arms pushed through sleeve openings 129 Child ‘wrapped’ in wide tunic, prior to swaddling 129 Swaddling bands tied over wrapped tunic 129

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list of illustrations

146 147

Limestone relief showing the birth of Christ 129 Detail of swaddled infant from the left side of the late 4th c., Brescia casket 129 148 Scale drawing of cloak inv. no. E16803, University of Pennsylvania Museum 131 149a Replica of cloak shown with the hood up 131 149b ‘V’ shaped fold created at the front of the replica cloak when the hood is down 131 150 A 6th c. wall painting from the monastic complex at Wadi Sarga 132 151 Mosaic of the Pharisee and the Sadducee, San Apollinare Nuovo 132 152 Replica of hooded cloak, showing the arms uncovered 132 153 ‘Archdeacon Claudius’ apse mosaic from Euphrasius Basilica 133 154 Replica of hooded cloak shown with hands in use, but still inside cloak 133 155a–c The same reproduction of a hooded cloak or casula being modelled by a man and a woman, showing the versatility of fit 133 156 Scale drawing of cloak 134 157 Bronze statue of a figure wearing a casula 134 158a Replica child’s cloak being worn by a three-year old child 134 158b Replica child’s cloak being worn by ten-year old child 134 159 Scale drawing showing the relative measurements of the three hoodless cloaks being reproduced 135 160a–d Four views of replica cloak 3a 135 161 David’s marriage to Michal, 7th c. silver plate 136 162 Detail from the column of Marcus Aurelius 136 163 Replica cloak no. 3b 136 164 Orans figure, church of SS. Cosmas and Damianos, Jerash, Jordan 136 165 Panel of an ivory diptych on display at the Bargello, Florence 137 166 Statue of governor Oecumenius, from the north agora, Aphrodisias 138 167 Replica cloak no. 3c 138 168 A 5th c, ivory consular diptych in the Biblioteca Capitolare of the Cathedral of Novara 138 169 Replica cloak no. 3c 138 170a Blackthorn branch 140 170b Blackthorns of various natural lengths 140 170c Blackthorn ‘pins’ in use 140 171 ‘Rhodia’ figure 141 172 Replica of narrow sleeved tunic being worn with the sleeves off the arms and tucked into the belt 141 173 Mosaic panel from the Villa of the Falconer in Argos 145 174 Sarcophagus of the hunt (first half of the 4th c. AD) 146 175 The Good Shepherd, AD 280–90. Marble statuette from Asia Minor: overall: 49.50 × 26.00 cm 146 176 Detail from a 4th c. sarcophagus 146 177 A 6th c. mosaic from the domus del tappeti di pietra, Ravenna 147 178 A 4th c. mosaic, Fondo Cossar, Aquileia 147 Glossary Illustrations 1 2

Warp weighted loom 170 Horizontal loom 170

List Of Illustrations

3 Two-beam vertical loom 170 4 Drawloom 170 5 Two variations of loop pile 171 6 Soumak 171 7 ‘S’ and ‘Z’ spinning directions 171 8 Weft-faced tabby (left), tabby (centre), warp-faced tabby (right) 171 9 Tablet loom 172 10 Tapestry weave 172 11 Twill weave 172 Charts 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

Iconography found on tunics 53 Incidence of red on children’s tunics 55 Incidence of red on adult tunics 55 Incidence of embellishment on tunics 57 Charaktêres in the Greek Magical Papyri 61 Incidence of waist tucks on tunics 104 Details of the basic measurements of the exemplars and the replica 107 Head circumference-for-age BOYS 115 Head circumference-for-age GIRLS 115

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List of Abbreviations Abbreviations are those used by the American Journal of Archaeology for periodicals, and the Oxford Classical Dictionary (3rd edn. 1999), A. H. M. Jones, Later Roman Empire (Oxford 1964), G.W.H. Lampe, A Patristic Greek Lexicon (Oxford, 1961) for ancient sources. Other abbreviations used are listed below: BGU

Aegyptische Urkunden aus den Königlichen (later Staatlichen) Museen zu Berlin, Griechische. BM British Museum. BMAG Birmingham Museum and Art Gallery. BMQ British Museum Quarterly. IFAO Institut français d’archéologie orientale. IGR R. Cagnat et al. edd., Inscriptiones graecae ad res romanas pertinentes, 3 vols (Paris 1901–27). ILA R. Cagnat ed., Inscriptions latines d’Afrique (Paris 1923). KTN Katoen Natie, art storage and vaults, Antwerp. MAK Museum für angewandte Kunst, Vienna. MAMA Monumenta Asiae Minoris Antiqua, 11 vols so far, various edd. (1928–2013). MBAH Münstersche Beiträge zur antiken Handels­geschichte (periodical). MMA Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. P.Brem. U. Wilcken ed., Die Bremer Papyri (Berlin 1936). P.Cair.Isid. A. E. R. Boak and H. C. Youtie edd. The Archive of Aurelius Isidorus in the Egyptian Museum, Cairo, and University of Michigan (Ann Arbor 1960). P. Col. W. L. Westerman, C. W. Keyes et al. edd., Columbia Papyri, 11 vols. (New York-Atlanta 1929–98). P. Coll. Youtie Collectanea Papyrologica: texts published in honour of H. C. Youtie, edd. by numerous contributors under the direction of A. E. Hanson (Bonn 1979). P.CtYBR Papyri held at the Beinecke Library at Yale University. P.Duk. Duke University Special Collections Library. P.Hib. B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt edd., The Hibeh Papyri, vol. 1 (GraecoRoman Memoirs 7) (London 1906); vol. 2, edd. E. G. Turner and M.-Th. Lenger (Graeco-Roman Memoirs 32) (London 1955). P.Kell.Copt. I. Gardner, A. Alcock and W-P. Funk edd., Coptic Documentary Texts from Kellis, vol. 1 (Oxford 1999). P.Mich. Papyri Michiganensis, Papyri in the University of Michigan Collection, 20 vols so far (1931–2011). P.Osl. S. Eitrem and L. Amundsen edd., Papyri Osloenses, 3 vols, (Magical Papyri) (Oslo 1925–36). P.Oxy. P. B. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt et al. edd. and transl., The Oxyrhynchus Papyri, 82 vols. to present (London 1898–). P.Phil. J. Scherer ed., Payprus de Philadelphie (Cairo 1947). P.Pisentius E. Revillout ed., Textes Copte. Extraits de la correspondence de St. Pésunthius, évêque de Coptos, et de plusiers documents analogues ( juridiques et économiques) (Paris 1900). P.Princ. A. C. Johnson and H. B. Van Hoesen edd., Papyri in the Princeton University Collections, vol. 1 (Baltimore 1931); vol. 2, ed. E. H.

List Of Abbreviations

P.Teb. P.Wisc. P.Yale

PDM PG PGM PO SPP Tab.Vindol. 3 TAM V&A

Krase Jr. (Princeton 1936); vol. 3, edd. A. C. Johnson and S. P. Goodrich (Princeton 1942). B. P. Grenfell and A. S Hunt et al. edd., The Tebtunis Papyri, 5 vols. (London-Leiden-Boston 1902–2005). P. J. Sijpesteijn ed. The Wisconsin Papyri, 2 vols (Leiden-Zutpehn 1967–77). J. F. Oates, A. E. Samuel and C. B. Welles edd., Yale Papyri in the Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, vol. 1 (New Haven, Connecticut-Toronto 1967); vol. 2, ed. S. Stephens (Chico 1985); vol. 3, ed. P. Schubert (Oakville 2001). Papyri Demoticae Magicae, in H. D. Betz ed. and transl., The Greek Magical Papyri in Translation (Chicago 1992). J.-P. Migne ed., Patrologiae cursus completus. Series Graeca, 17 vols (Paris 1860–94). K. Preisendanz et al. edd., Papyri Graecae Magicae, Die Griechichen Zauberpapyri, 2 vols (Stuttgart 1973–74). Patrologia Orientalis, 43 vols (Paris-Turnhout 1907–86). C. Wessely ed., Studien zur Palaeographie und Papyruskunde (Leipzig 1901). A. K. Bowman and J. D. Thomas edd., The Vindolanda Writing Tablets, vol. 3 (London 2003). Tituli Asiae Minoris, 5 vols so far (1901–2007). Victoria and Albert Museum.

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Introduction: Methodology and Sources Late Antiquity, roughly the period between AD 250 and 800,1 saw great changes in both the physical boundaries and the social and military hierarchies of the Roman empire. Once considered, almost dismissively, as a period of decline, the ‘dark ages’ that presaged (or perhaps simply preceded) the Medieval, recently the late antique period has been the subject of more intense research. Much of this research has been made possible by current archaeological fieldwork, which is providing physical evidence not just for the alteration and continued use of urban spaces, but also for the everyday objects used by the people of the time. The Leverhume funded project ‘Visualising the Late Antique City’, at the University of Kent, of which this book is a product, aims to use this archaeological evidence, together with written and art historical sources, to reconstruct, in both text and image, everyday urban life in the East Mediterranean during Late Antiquity. These written and visual sources range from the 3rd through the 8th c., and like the archaeological evidence, are drawn from prosperous provincial cities from across the central and eastern Mediterranean. The project aims to recreate neglected urban spaces, such as porticoes, shops and markets, together with their inhabitants and furnishings, showing people engaged in ‘everyday’ behaviour. As part of this, knowledge of the clothing and personal appearance of people from all classes is vital if we are to create credible visual reconstructions of daily life in the late antique city. Past research in this area has tended to concentrate on military and elite dress; my research therefore focuses on the less explored clothing of the middle and lower classes, providing evidence of the specifics of dress and personal appearance during the late antique period. Sources There are three main sources for information about clothing in Late Antiquity: literary/documentary; artistic and archaeological. The initial problem we are faced with when assessing these sources is of course one of the ‘accident’ of survival and discovery. Putting it very generally, different materials survive in different contexts, and people explore, excavate, copy, collect and keep for all kinds of reasons; this applies as much to literary and art historical sources as it does to archaeological material. Here I will look at these sources in some detail, first 1  Brown (1971).

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defining what is included in each category, and then assessing its usefulness in light of the difficulties presented by each. Written Sources Written sources for clothing include classical literature, handbooks, laws and histories, as well as panegyrics and letters that have survived to the present day by being saved and transcribed in the intervening years. Their continued survival has depended not only on the physical conditions they have endured during their existence, but also on decisions made, for whatever reasons, by those who did the transcribing. During the late antique period, schools and scriptoria came to be centred at monasteries; it is reasonable to assume that most of what they decided to copy for purposes of dissemination had a Christian bias.2 When looking at literary, textual evidence it is therefore vital to consider not only the source, but also the intended audience. A text may describe the clothing of a particular group or member of society, however these descriptions were rarely simply observational, but rather were written for a particular purpose, usually to define, praise, proscribe or criticise. Nor can all written sources be taken at ‘face value’: literary works often had a purpose or bias that may be obscure to us, but might have affected the way people were portrayed or described. For example, the names of certain garments, such as the pallium, the toga, the sagum and bracae3 also came to be used metaphorically to define certain political, social or religious roles. Roman satirists such as Juvenal and Martial exaggerated the negative aspects of the toga to highlight the socially humiliating role of the client,4 and many patristic texts used hyperbolic descriptions of the quality and quantity of the clothing worn by the wealthy in order to criticise their excesses.5 In her article The Appearance of the Young Roman Girl, Olson points out the discrepancy between artistic depictions and literary descriptions of young women during the Roman period. She suggests that the descriptions/depictions of dress in both were intended to define and display her status, and that neither reflected reality.6 However, although these 2  Bowerstock et al. (1999) 544. 3  See Harlow (2004a). 4  George (2008). 5  Cyprian Ep. 1.3 (PL 4.198-200); Jer. Ep. 22 (To Eustochium); 38 (to Marcella on Blaesilla); 117 and 217; see also Allen and Meyer (1993) for homilies and the everyday life of early Christians. 6  Olson (2008b) 149–50.

2 d­ escriptions of clothing did not necessarily represent everyday dress, they must have had some basis in reality in order to be recognised and understood by the intended audience. Panegyric literature was also based on reality, but was written to very specific structural rules, with the express purpose of praising emperors, generals and government dignitaries. Essentially imperial propaganda, over time the focus of these texts changed from the virtues and deeds of great men to include the description of the imperial ceremony and ritual in which they took part.7 Often including descriptions of the dress and regalia of the participants, they can help in both interpreting and dating some of the artistic renditions of imperial ceremonies.8 Understanding the purpose of these various texts can help us to assess the value of the descriptions they contain, however, regardless of their intended purpose, these vibrant descriptions—the under-dressed and over made-up women, laden with jewels and with wardrobes crammed with dresses,9 the excessively light fabric, overlong fringes and multi-coloured embellishments on the clothes worn by wealthy, ostentatious men sweating in their cloaks in 4th c. Rome,10 and the tightsleeved, wide shouldered tunics and ‘Hunnish’ haircuts favoured by fashionable members of the blue faction in 6th c. Constantinople11—certainly help to bring the more static artistic renditions to life. It must also be considered that many ancient texts, particularly some of the lengthy histories, encyclopaedias and etymologies, relied on the works of previous writers, particularly for descriptions of things of which the writer did not have first-hand knowledge, such as the clothing and appearance of different ethnic groups. These descriptions may have been centuries out of date, but like some visual depictions, particularly of barbarian groups, they became a sort of ‘stock’ description to be used as needed; they cannot therefore be depended upon to be chronologically correct.12 Similarly, aspects of textile production, such as weaving and dyeing, are also sometimes described in both classical literature and ancient hand-books, however, these cannot be relied upon to be technically correct, as the writer may not have really understood the process he was describing.13

7  MacCormack (1981) 6. 8  MacCormack (1981) 10. 9  Jer. Ep. 22 (to Eustochium). 10  Amm. Marc. 14.6, 28.4. 11  Procop. HA 2.7. 12  Rothe (2009). 13  Wild (2000) 210–11.

Introduction: Methodology and Sources

Other important written and epigraphic sources include inscriptions on stone and pottery, and documents such as letters, wills, contracts and goods lists written on papyrus and wood. Inscriptions on stone are found throughout the Roman empire; unrelated to the prevalence of literacy, this ‘epigraphic habit’ reached its apogee in the late 2nd c. AD, going into sharp decline in the 3rd.14 While the majority of these inscriptions are therefore outside our period of study, they can still provide us with useful details, particularly about the textile trade. A number of inscriptions published in the Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, have words that pertain to cloth or clothing; most often found on gravestones, they usually refer to the profession of the deceased.15 These inscriptions are useful in helping us to understand both the importance and the geographical spread of the many professions associated with cloth and clothing. Because gravestones are usually found, if not actually in situ, at least in the region in which they were used, they can sometimes be closely dated. They are also very useful in helping to interpret words whose meaning seems to have changed over time and/or place. This ‘semantic shift’ often makes it very difficult to know exactly what garment, design, and/or sewing technique is being referred to in ancient texts. Tracking the use of ‘loan words’ that pertain to garments, such as birrus and caracalla might also help in providing more information on when and where both the word and the garment it refers to were used.16 Written evidence also exists in the form of personal letters, wills, sales contracts, goods lists, tax receipts, census lists, petitions and so on, written variously on wood, papyri and ostraca. Dated from the 1st to the 8th c. AD these documents include dowry lists,17 letters requesting or acknowledging receipt of clothing,18 inventories of property,19 and even lists for the pawnbroker.20 They also often include details such as the name, colour, fabric, condition and sometimes the cost and provenance of different garments. Although these papyri and tablets are of limited use in identifying the specifics of gar14  See MacMullen (1982). 15  Kaufman (1932). Under consideration here are inscriptions that do not include portraits. Those that include figurative artwork are dealt with in art historical sources. 16  Wild (2000) 209–10. 17  For example: P.Mich. inv. 719; P.Mich. inv. 2217; the Dowry of Geminia Januarilla (5th c: ed. Courtois (1952) 215), quoted in Maas (2010) 251–52. 18  For example: P.Mich. inv. 8. 467; Bowman and Thomas (1983) tablet 346. 19  For example: P.Teb. 2. 405; P.Teb. 2.406; P.Mich. inv. 3552; P.Mich. inv.1050. 20   P.Mich. inv. 3163; P.Mich. inv. 478.

3

Introduction: Methodology and Sources

ment design, they are a valuable source of information about the clothing of ordinary people, what was available to them and what was most valued. There are some ­collections of such documents from around the empire, notably the Vindolanda tablets, but by far the majority of this kind of written and epigraphic evidence comes from a few sites in Egypt. Whilst some of the information in them may be pertinent to the empire as a whole, such as dyeing, weaving and sewing techniques, it must be remembered that details about such things as availability, colour, fabric and decoration, and indeed what different garments are called, may be highly regional.21 Survival of the more pragmatic written evidence, such as burial inscriptions, contracts, letters, wills and tax receipts, has depended not only on the archaeological conditions in which they were deposited, but also on the actions of the ultimate ‘finders’. This “capricious pattern of survival”22 means that such documents and inscriptions can be difficult to use for demographic studies. However, these personal documents are important for their propinquity; they were written by or for the people concerned and do not have to be assessed through the filter of bias that affects most written and art historical evidence. Like many museum collections, a great many of these are now available online and so are an accessible and valuable resource for information about the clothing of ordinary people in Late Antiquity. Archaeological Sources It must be remembered that almost everything the archaeologist finds was once thrown away, deliberately hidden and then forgotten, or accidentally lost.23 The ‘accident’ of survival must also be taken into account when considering any archaeological evidence for clothing. The factors that have determined what evidence is available to us is not only soil type, or geographic and climatic conditions, but also the actions of people both in the past and in more recent times. This is perhaps especially the case with clothing; the fragile nature of most textiles has meant that the little that has survived is often fragmentary and/or badly degraded. Organic materials such as textiles and leather can survive in a number of conditions: through being frozen, carbonised by burning, waterlogged, desiccated or even salted,24 however, not all fibres survive in all conditions. 21  See Linscheid (2006). 22  Everett (1999) 544. 23  Adams (2006) 198. 24  Andersson Strand et al. (2010) 150; Ramaroli et al. (2010).

For example, anaerobic bog conditions preserve animal fibres like wool, hair and vegetable tanned leather: the assemblages of shoes found at several waterlogged sites on the north-western frontier have facilitated a number of valuable studies. These have added greatly to our knowledge of the styles worn at different times and in different places, and of the ways shoes and boots were made.25 A number of ‘bog bodies’ have also been found in north-west Europe, many of which can be securely dated to between the 3rd and 8th c. AD.26 The many garments preserved with these bodies include skirts, tunics, leg wraps, trousers and cloaks, and provide much information on both the construction techniques used, and the styles worn at different times on the edge of the Roman empire. Bog conditions however do not preserve all fibre types: plant fibres such as hemp and flax do not survive in these conditions,27 and although these fibres are generally well-preserved in dry desert conditions, the lighter weaves often are not.28 This is further complicated by the fact that it can be difficult to differentiate between plant fibres such as flax, hemp, nettle and cotton, particularly if they are degraded.29 This differential survival must be taken into account when studying textile assemblages. There are some useful collections of textiles from waterlogged sites in the north-west of Europe, for example in Scandinavia,30 in Mainz on the Rhine frontier,31 and at Vindolanda near Hadrian’s Wall.32 However, most of the surviving textiles from this period come from hot, dry parts of the empire such as Syria and Egypt. This geographic imbalance is not just because of the superior survival of textiles in this environment, but also because the lure, particularly of Egyptian archaeology, to early collectors and academics meant that time and resources were available to explore and excavate these sites. Unfortunately, this early interest also meant that much potentially important and useful information was lost when many plain or badly degraded garments were simply discarded, and the more ornate and colourful pieces often cut up to be dispersed among both private and public collections.33 The majority of these early assemblages come from burial contexts, however the clothes used to dress or shroud bodies may not be 25  Van Driel-Murray (2007). 26  Van der Plicht et al. (2004). 27  Wild (2002) 12. 28  Pritchard (2006) 79. 29  Andersson Strand et al. (2010) 152. 30  Hald (1980); Moller-Wiering (2011). 31  Bohme-Schonberger (2009). 32  Wild (2016). 33  Pritchard (2006) 117 and plate 1; Kajitani (2006) 97.

4 a true indication of the everyday clothing of the time: they may have been saved or made especially for use in the burial, or have some special significance of which we are unaware.34 The high proportion of children’s clothes in collections is probably a reflection of the high mortality rate among children during Late Antiquity,35 but it may also be an indication of the preferences of the late Victorian collector. A few early assemblages come from urban rather than cemetery sites. Unfortunately, the not uncommon practice of separating find assemblages into collections organised by material, such as was done with the finds from Karanis in Egypt, meant that much contextual information was lost.36 This practice, together with selective conservation and wide dispersal—not only of textile artefacts, but also of other artefacts found with the textiles—makes it virtually impossible to use most of these early assemblages to provide demographic information about the communities in which they were found.37 These difficulties notwithstanding, the archaeological evidence is different from the rest in one very important way: unlike the clothing described or depicted in other sources, it is ‘real’. Although we do not always know why a particular garment was chosen to dress a body, or indeed if it had originally belonged to the person wearing it, these garments are undeniably the actual clothes worn at the time. Even though many are in a poor state of preservation, they carry the evidence of their use: they are woven, stitched, decorated, patched, mended and re-used. How and why these tasks were undertaken, were choices made by their owners. Recently, better excavation and preservation methods have enabled more thorough examination of complete assemblages of textiles, and the contexts in which they are found. These improved techniques, together with prompt publication and better access to research reports, mean that excavations such as those at Berenike, Mons Claudianus, Abu Sha’ar and Quseir al-Qadim, are providing us with timely and valuable information about the people who lived at these places in Late Antiquity. They are telling us not just what they wore, how it was made and what it looked like, but how this might be a reflection of their occupation, social status, cultural contacts or e­ thnic background.38 Importantly, the scientific dating techniques that are also being used

34  Fluck (2006) 30. 35  Pritchard (2006) 34. 36  Thomas (2006) 137. 37  Kajitani (2006) 97. 38  Bender Jorgenson (2000), (2004), (2006); Mannering (2000a); Peacock and Blue (2011); Wild (2006).

Introduction: Methodology and Sources

on these assemblages are helping to build up a useful chronology of clothing design and decoration.39 More rigorous excavation techniques and timely publishing of fieldwork during the past 20 years, has contributed to a considerable increase in available research in the fields of textile and clothing studies. Recent interdisciplinary research projects such as ‘DressID’40 and Purpureae Vestes41 have been using modern scientific techniques in order to more closely determine the date and provenance of many extant textiles, and discover the sources of raw materials and dyestuffs. The majority of these textiles are fragmentary; the Edict of Diocletian lists bed linens, towels and lengths of cloth as well as clothing, so unless a textile fragment has a recognisable shape, it is not always clear what it was a part of. However, study of these fragments can help in determining what fabrics, weaving techniques and colours were available for clothing manufacture during this period: what was commonly used, and what was rare. This information in turn is valuable in assessing the date, origin and purpose of many extant garments, the provenance of which is less than clear. These scientific techniques are also being applied to finds from the periphery of the empire, such as the many bog bodies found in Scandinavia and near the north-west frontier. A number of these bodies have been found fully clothed with hair and accessories intact. Better understanding of the circumstances of their deposition, as well as closer dating of the remains, may help us to understand the economic and cultural affiliations of the time, and how they affected dress and personal appearance during Late Antiquity. These modern scientific techniques are also being used to re-examine some museum collections of textiles. Radiocarbon dating, together with textile and dye analysis, is being used in conjunction with the more traditional methods of dating, based on iconography, to more securely place and date many textiles whose provenance is not clear. The use of various forms of photography and microscopy is also proving valuable in the study of textiles. Even minute fragments of textiles can often be exactly identified when examined using optical light microscopy;42 this is particularly useful with plant fibres. Examination with a scanning electron microscope is also gleaning useful information from minute textile fragments. This scientific method can not only discover the structure of different threads, but by identifying areas of wear and tear, can help in estimating 39  De Moor et al. (2007). 40  http://ctr.hum.ku.dk/economy/dress/ (accessed 15.3.17). 41  see Alfaro (2011), Alfaro and Karali (2008), and Alfaro, Wild and Costa (2004). 42  Raeder Knudsen (2007) 104.

5

Introduction: Methodology and Sources

how long a garment was worn before being discarded.43 Archaeological research is also being done into fulleries and dyeworks,44 better enabling us to picture clothing by understanding how both the fabric and the garments were prepared, cleaned and maintained. Art Historical Sources The scarce and often fragmentary nature of the archaeological evidence, and the inherent difficulties of the literary sources mean that we have to rely on art-historical sources to help us interpret both extant textile fragments and written descriptions. This category includes figural painting and mosaics, book illustration, figural graffiti, sculpture, sculptural reliefs, funerary art and ivories. However, reliance on these sources brings its own set of problems: statues and sculptures were rarely made to celebrate and illustrate the ordinary man in the street. Most of the visual representations of people from the period are of elite groups, whether imperial, administrative, military or religious; depictions of ordinary people are peripheral at best. The type of media used also affects the quality and detail of a depiction of clothing: drapery, such as the folds of a toga, can be easily rendered in a sculpture or a painting, but not a mosaic. On the other hand, details of pattern and colour, which may have been added to sculptures and reliefs, have all but disappeared, but remain vibrant on most mosaics and are still present, if often faded, on paintings.45 Recent studies explore the way that clothing and personal attributes, as shown in artistic depictions, were used as a kind of code, recognisable to the viewer to signify wealth, rank, gender or profession. Developing out of the strict dress code of the earlier Roman empire, this is particularly obvious in late imperial and high status portraits, which show very few signs of individuality, but rather depend on the insignia of power to show status.46 This practice, known as eikonismos, used clothing, hair and even physiognomic details to describe specific people. Used in the later Byzantine period, especially in artistic depictions and written descriptions of saints and holy men, it enabled the easy recognition of specific people or types.47 However, a study of later medieval paintings has shown that even in such depictions, the artist reflects current fashion in some way; whether this also applies to the art of the late antique period is not proved, but cannot be dismissed.48 Rules of status that applied to Roman 43  Raeder Knudsen (2007)104; Wild (2008) 25. 44  Bradley (2002); Wilson (2004). 45  Croom (2000) 12; Harlow (2004b) 205. 46  Reece (1983) 235–37; St. Clair (1996) 147. 47  Grotowski (2010) 138, 142; Fleischer (2001) 64. 48  Pearce (1953) 8.

society generally also seem to have applied to visual imagery. For example, during the imperial period, Roman children were rarely shown on non-funerary reliefs in a family unit that included a mother, rather they were shown only with their fathers, perhaps a political statement about the importance of patrilinity in Roman society. Barbarian children, on the other hand, were almost invariably shown with their mothers, often in scenes of submission, further illustrating the subservient role of women in Roman society.49 Even on funerary reliefs, children were often shown with adult clothing and attributes, perhaps to emphasise what they might have been, had they not died prematurely.50 Such depictions make it difficult to deduce what they actually wore. However, even given these caveats, much information can be gathered about clothing from public visual representations: some honorific and funerary portraiture, especially relatively early, less hieratic examples, may show people in their own recognisable clothing.51 Later, more formal portraits, often enable the linking of specific dress behaviour with occupation, status, wealth, gender and/or ethnicity.52 This change to more formal portraiture may indicate a change in focus, particularly in the official art of a Christian emperor. Showing the individuality of an office holder was an illustration of human weakness, whereas showing him as ‘office personified’ emphasised his strength.53 The trend from naturalistic to more stylised portrayals and compositions is a characteristic of late antique artistic expression, however this was not a linear progression over time and place. So while such stylistic elements can often be helpful in placing difficult to date artefacts, they cannot be seen as a “rigid rule” of late antique art.54 Indeed, this formality was not as apparent on many of the examples of what might be described as ‘private’ art, such as paintings, mosaics, statuettes, glass and metal work, book illustrations and even textiles.55 Created for the enjoyment of a limited audience, such as a family or religious group, or even a single person, many of these items included figural representations, not only of classical, mythological, or later, biblical scenes, but also of sporting, hunting or banqueting scenes, and often included portraits of named individuals.56 These paintings and mosaics often included the women of the house in family scenes, 49  Uzzi (2007) 62–64. 50  Huskinson (2007) 331. 51  Reece (1983) 234; Rothe (2009) 18. 52  Rothe (2009) 18. 53  Reece (1983) 248. 54  Reece (1983) 239; Bonanno (1983) 80. 55  Weitzman (1977) 5–6. 56  Smith (1983) 133.

6 something that was not done in more public depictions of non-imperial families, which might include goddesses, but rarely if ever included mortal women such as wives or mothers.57 A number of 4th c. mosaics from domestic buildings are a particularly rich source of information about clothing, especially colour and decorative detail. For example, mosaics from the Villa of Hercules in Piazza Armerina, Sicily, illustrate a variety of domestic and leisure activities, and include depictions not only of the wealthy owners of the villa but also their children and servants.58 Similarly, calendar mosaics from various parts of the empire show seasonal and regional variations in clothing,59 as well as the different clothing worn at festivals.60 By the 3rd c., followers of various cults were decorating their temples with paintings and mosaics that showed aspects of their religious ritual. For example, paintings in a mithraeum in Rome show figures representing the seven Mithraic grades, and a 4th c. mosaic from Trier shows named devotees participating in the ritual of a Graeco-Roman cult.61 Wall paintings found at a variety of temples in Dura Europos also show aspects of religious ritual or initiate mythologies. Dating from no later than the mid 3rd c., these paintings were found in temples dedicated to local deities, as well as Mithraic, Jewish and Christian places of worship. Seen as a “self-defining statements of cult identity within the Roman world”,62 these images are a valuable source of information about the way that clothing was used to help define religious and cultural differences. This same definition might well be applied to what is probably a depiction of a late 3rd c. imperial adventus found on the walls of the imperial chamber at Luxor.63 It should also be noted, however, that although these depictions come from distant parts of the empire (Sicily, North Africa, Egypt and Syria), and may show what might be regional variations in style, they all showed the same “vestimentary markers” for status.64 A number of the paintings at Dura Europos include portraits of actual people who are identified by an inscription.65 This practice of including pictures of named people can also be seen on more 57  Uzzi (2007) 63. 58  Wilson (1982), (1983). 59  See Akerstrom-Hougen (1974); Parish (1979). 60  See Kondoleon (1999). 61  Liversidge (1983) 109 n. 42; Smith (1983) 133. 62  Elsner (2001) 270. 63  Kalavrezou-Maxeiner (1975) 242. 64  Pohl uses this expression when describing regional clothing variation: Pohl (1998) 42. I think it also usefully describes the sort of clothing ‘signals’ that might appear in the depictions under discussion. 65  Elsner (2001) 276.

Introduction: Methodology and Sources

secular late antique mosaics, particularly those showing huntsmen and athletes. In such cases it can perhaps be assumed that they are shown wearing their own clothes. Methodology The parameters of this study are wide, both geographically and chronologically; this means that the sources under consideration are equally wide, and further hampered by the problems of survival and bias. The disparate nature of the many artistic depictions means that most should be interpreted with the caveat ‘in this specific place, at this specific time’, even before the further complication of ‘purpose’ is tackled; the same of course might be said for archaeological evidence. While this precludes making sweeping statements about the clothing of specific regional, social or religious groups in general, these sources provide a wealth of information which, when considered together, can help us to both picture and interpret the clothing of the ordinary people of Late Antiquity. Using the information collected from written, artistic and archaeological sources, I will address the following questions about the clothing of the middle and lower classes during the late antique period: What Did the Clothes Look Like? Clothing is rarely described in any meaningful way in late antique written sources, and while there are artistic depictions of members of the lower classes, these are not only geographically and chronologically disparate, but restricted by the constraints of the media in which they have been made. Archaeological evidence in the form of extant garments and textile fragments, while helping to answer questions about size, shape and fabric type, also prompt further questions about aspects of clothing construction that are not noted or illustrated in other sources. While the question ‘what did the clothes look like?’ is perhaps simplistic, it is the starting point from which more detailed questions can be posed. How did clothing change during the late antique period? Did children’s clothes differ from those of adults? How did the clothing of different status, religious or ethnic groups differ during the late antique period? Or, put another way: can we identify status / religion / profession / ethnicity from clothing alone, and can our sources tell us if these differences existed in reality, or were they just literary or visual tropes? What is the Purpose of the Embellishments on Clothing? Art historical sources suggest that clothing became more colourful and ornate during the late antique

7

Introduction: Methodology and Sources

period; examination of garments and garment fragments from archaeological and museum collections shows that many also include designs that were supernaturally meaningful. Is the apparently frequent use of specific patterns and colours, particularly on children’s garments, a result of the sparse and disparate nature of the evidence, or can a correlation be made between purpose and design? How Were the Clothes Made? This question focuses specifically on the archaeological evidence to examine the ways in which clothing was sewn, patched, mended and assembled. Examining the ways that garments were put together and exploring the different reasons why such work might have been carried out, will enable me to answer more specific questions. These are not only about who might have worn the clothes, and the circumstances in which they were worn, but also about who made and maintained them. Limited publication of relevant information about the textiles and clothing of the late antique period has necessitated the collection of a substantial body of data from a variety of sources. Fortunately, the advent of the internet has made much of this information almost instantly available, and crucially for my own research, it has also made many important museum collections of late antique clothing available online. This includes those at The British Museum, The Victoria and Albert Museum, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, The Brooklyn Museum and the Museum für angewandte Kunst in Vienna, among others. These online collections include examples of late antique art, as well as clothing and textiles from the period, however they do not always include adequate descriptions, particularly of the textiles. I have therefore personally examined over 70 garments and garment fragments from a number of textile collections,66 in addition to gathering information from archaeological reports, museum catalogues, and from direct correspondence with museum curators and textile conservators. It is this archaeological evidence that forms the core of my research. This information has been organised into two groups: a catalogue listing 187 individual tunics, and an appendix that details over 100 clothing and textile fragments that show evidence of mending, patching, darning, and/ or reuse.67 The catalogue lists tunics according to style; 66  The Louvre, The British Museum, The Victoria and Albert Museum, The Whitworth Art Gallery in Manchester, The Archaeological Museum in Florence, the Katoen Natie collection in Antwerp, and The Ashmolean Museum in Oxford. 67   Catalogue of Tunics in Museum and Archaeological Collections, and appendix A.

each of the garments that was personally examined was sketched and described in detail, noting the type of fabric used and the style and base colour of the garment. Also noted is the type, colour, layout and pattern (if present) of any trim, whether or not a waist tuck or underarm opening was present, and the overall condition of the garment, including details of any visible mending or patching. More specific information such as weave, thread count and source of dyestuffs, although available in some archaeological reports, was rarely provided in museum catalogues. This information is not vital in order to assess the style, size or general look of the garment, and as it could not easily be obtained for all the garments, I did not note it for those items I personally examined. The following measurements were taken:

• • • • • • • • • •

width across shoulder from sleeve end to sleeve end width at hem length from shoulder to hem width of sleeve, both at cuff and at underarm width of garment at chest level (if different from hem) width of neck opening width of any tapestry trim appliquéd on to garment measurement of underarm opening width and placement of waist tuck width, length and format of clavi (if present) Also noted was the design of the neck opening, the design, colour and layout of any embellishments, details of stitching, any evidence of reused textiles, and the date range, if given. I have endeavoured to obtain the same information for the tunics I was unable to examine, however it was not always available. If this was the case, it is noted in the catalogue entry for the garment. All but one of the tunics in the catalogue is described as either child or adult sized,68 this determination having been made in the relevant archaeological report or museum catalogue/ online listing.69 Appendix A lists 144 garments and textile fragments. Organised by garment type, each entry describes any visible mending or evidence of reuse, detailing the work, and noting the date range and find spot (if known). Tunics listed in this section are cross referenced with the catalogue. This archaeological evidence provides us with the basic information about the fabric and structure of 68  Catalogue no. 9 is not complete enough to estimate size. 69  This is probably based mainly on the size of the garment, however it is possible that some of the larger tunics categorised as children’s may have belonged to young women, and the smaller ‘adult’ tunics to adolescents.

8 various garments, although it cannot provide us with ­information about who made or wore the clothes, or indeed what these garments might have meant to the wearers or those around them. However, there are a number of theoretical approaches that can be usefully applied when trying to interpret the clothing of this period. For example, recent research in the field of dress studies is exploring the ways in which cultural meaning is invested in clothing.70 The majority of studies in this field have dealt with periods and social groups for which there is good evidence, which is not the case for Late Antiquity. However, even though the conclusions drawn in these studies are necessarily culturally specific, insights into the reasons why people dress as they do are perhaps less so. An Overview of Dress Studies As consumers, what we choose to own and keep (and indeed, what is available to us to choose from) reflects the cultural, social, religious, and/or ethnic group to which we belong. This can be used to construct group or personal identity and signal social change: “consumption is shaped, driven and constrained at every point by cultural considerations”.71 Of all the personal objects that might be so culturally loaded, clothing is perhaps the most visible, and is a public statement about the wearer. Expensive clothes, in the first instance, may be prima facie evidence of wealth,72 but clothing can also be used to express political, religious or status messages, some of which might be dangerous to express more overtly.73 The codes that govern the interpretation of these messages are determined by the society that produced them, however, these things are not fixed. Not only do societies change and evolve over time, but research suggests that, even in small communities, different age-groups and classes will “decode clothing messages in a strikingly disparate manner, and with a low degree of mutual intelligibility”.74 The interpretation of clothing messages is therefore culturally, temporally and socially specific.75 70  Edmondson and Keith (2008) 1–4. 71  McCracken (1988) introduction, xi. 72  Veblen (1899) 103: “our apparel is always in evidence and affords an indication of our pecuniary standing to all observers at first glance”. 73  McCracken (1988) 69. 74  McCracken (1988) 69. 75  “In any case, ‘styles’ vary at so many different levels: the institutional, the geographical, and the technological, as well as at the level of the individual maker and patron; and all variously in response to different historical developments such as conquest, trade, isolation, craft group exclusiveness, and so forth”

Introduction: Methodology and Sources

Research in the relatively recent field of dress s­tudies attempts not only to determine how these ‘codes’ ­ ­change over time and place, but also to understand why, in the light of this information, people choose to dress as they do, and what this tells us about the society that they are a part of. Evolving out of both consumer studies and the more pragmatic study of ‘costume ­history’— which focused on the ‘who, what, where, and when’ of clothing—dress studies combines a variety of methodological approaches. These include not just historical and art-historical approaches, but also anthropological, sociological and psychological ones, in order to better ­answer the question ‘why?’. Since the 1960s there has been a proliferation of books and specialist journals dealing with dress studies, however a quick perusal of the contents of these works suggests that the majority of the published research deals with the modern period.76 The obvious reason for this, at least initially, must be the increase in the quantity and quality of source material since the later medieval period, enabling more thorough research, although even in these cases, the majority of the historical studies have dealt with elite dress.77 A great many of the theoretical studies on the clothing of any period tend to focus on how clothing is used as a tool for self-identification, which is of course only relevant for those who have a choice about what they wear. Even in most modern societies, some individuals do not have that choice, the dead being the most obvious, but also including (to varying degrees) children and prisoners, and the many people who wear recognisable work uniforms.78 In Roman and late antique society however, this would also include not only the very poor, who might rely completely on charity for all of their clothing,79 but also the approxi(from a review of Hodder’s ‘Symbols in Action’): Picton (1985) 422. 76  A search of the table of contents of the journals Textile History, Fashion Theory, Costume: The Clothing and Textile Research Journal and Textiles: Journal of Cloth and Culture, for the period 2007–11 shows that 92% of the articles deal with the 18th–20th c., 7% with the 14th–17th c., with only the remaining 1% (two articles) dealing with earlier periods, one with the Bronze Age, and one with a biblical text. 77  Edmondson and Keith (2008) 3. 78  Although it can of course be argued that they have a choice about what profession they choose. 79   P.Wisc. 2. 64 (5th c.) “The holy church to Petros, oeconomos (of the church of) Kosmas. Give the widow Sophia from the coats which you have for good use one coat, total 1 coat only. Greetings. Year 156=125, Mecheir 1 of the 3rd indiction.” See also the inventory of a church in Cirta, North Africa, which included 82 women’s tunics and 47 pairs of women’s shoes, all most likely intended for charitable distribution (Optatus Appendix 1.3; as quoted in Serfass (2008) 95).

Introduction: Methodology and Sources

mately 30% of the population who were slaves, most of whom would have had little or no choice in what they wore.80 The 11 essays in Fashioning the Body Politic: Dress, Gender, Citizenship edited by Wendy Parkins, describe how clothing has been used by groups as socially and politically disparate as Russian nationalists, French revolutionaries, Italian fascists and English suffragists to help define a collective identity.81 Other essays describe how clothing has been used by individuals to indicate a rejection of societal conventions,82 by governments to manipulate the way a society is perceived by others,83 and even how specific decorative motifs were used to convey particular personal and political messages.84 As varied as these works are, they all make it clear that dress and personal appearance are powerful communicative tools. However, they also make it clear that the messages being sent, and the way these messages are interpreted, rely on the social context in which they are created.85 This is further complicated by the fact that some messages may have been intentionally contradictory and ambiguous, as a way of avoiding political controversy or protest.86 Disentangling this ‘nest’ of purpose and meaning is often difficult for relatively recent periods, even those for which empirical evidence is available.87 It would be difficult to apply the conclusions drawn by such studies to past societies, particularly those of Late Antiquity, which are not only fundamentally different politically, demographically, and in terms of belief structures, but are also limited by the restrictions of pre-industrial technologies. Study of the clothing of Late Antiquity is further hampered by the limitations of the sources: with the possible exception of some archaeological remains, we cannot see the actual clothing that was worn ‘day-to-day’,88 we 80  There is some debate about this percentage, with estimates varying from 16%–35%, see Harris (1999) 65; Scheidel (2005) 65. 81  Parkins (2002). 82  Wilson (1998) describes the way in which clothing has been used in Europe since the French Revolution as both a rejection of the norm and an artistic statement; Jorae (2010) describes how American born Chinese youth wear western styles to disassociate themselves from the Chinese community. 83  O’Neil (2010) 65–81. 84  Hayward (2010). 85  See for example, the change in perception and meaning of the same traditional Russian clothing between the 18th–19th c. in Ruane (2002). 86  Weissner (1985) 164. 87  For example, the flower imagery discussed in Hayward’s 2010 article (see above) is really not clearly understood. 88  Most archaeological remains come from grave contexts, and cannot be assumed to represent normal day-to-day wear.

9 can only see or read about how people chose to portray themselves and those around them. That being said, there is still something to be learned from both consumer and dress studies about the relationship between human behaviour and material culture that can be useful in researching the clothing of Late Antiquity. The synthetic research techniques developed for dress studies in general have been put to good use in a number of recent articles on aspects of dress and adornment in both the Roman and late antique periods. By taking a “ ‘mosaicist’ approach”,89 and looking at what are often chronologically disparate literary, artistic and archaeological sources, authors such as Olson, Rothe and Pitarakis are helping us to better imagine the people of the time.90 Clothing as Message Clothing is a statement; it says something about the wearer, not just their taste and how they want to be perceived by others, but it can also be a sign of their wealth or lack of it, their profession, or their ethnic, religious or political affiliation. Roman society was strongly hierarchical; clothing was used as a way of signalling differences in age, gender and social status. This was usually a matter of social convention, however, by the late antique period, the advent of Christianity, as well as prolonged exposure to ‘barbarians’ of the non-Mediterranean world, had brought about profound changes both in styles and in attitudes to clothing and dress. In his book Art and Agency, Gell describes artefacts as “social agents” which are employed by people to give ideas and intentions a material presence,91 and clothing by its very nature is perhaps the most direct of these. Through this ‘agency’, a ‘thing’ such as a garment can “embody and objectify, as well as produce social consequences”.92 However, the way this process takes place, in both the production and reception of the artefact, while culturally determined, is not necessarily fixed or exclusive. Nor should all ‘things’ be considered to be invested with conscious ‘agency’; whilst some clothing was designed to be a highly visible statement to other people about the wearer, and was consciously chosen for the message it presented, it cannot be assumed that this was always the case. In his study on style variation in lithic archaeology, Sackett defined two approaches to style choice which can be usefully applied to the study of dress: ‘iconological’, in which objects are purposely 89  Olson (2008b) 141. 90  Rothe (2009); Olson (2008b); Pitarakis (2009). 91  Gell (1998) 21. For a detailed interpretation of Gell’s theory, see Marshall (2008) 60–63. 92  Knappett and Malafouris (2008) introduction, x.

10

Introduction: Methodology and Sources

invested “with symbolic content reflecting selfconscious social groups”,93 and ‘isochrestic’, in which style choices are made from the full range of available possibilities. These decisions were made more by habit than conscious choice, and not with a view to making any sort of symbolic or identifying statement or comparison.94 So while wealth might be shown by the use of expensive dyes and fabrics, and status by very specific a­ rticles of clothing (such as the toga, the stola, the clavate tunic, the pilleus, and later the belts and clothes of office), things were not always so straightforward. Even when a message was intended, both the messages ­invested in clothing and style and their interpretation were ‘culturally, temporally and socially specific’ (see above ‘Dress Studies’), and so the possibility certainly existed for confusion and misinterpretation. The following 1st c. AD legislation highlights this possibility, by showing that clothing ‘messages’ may not have been as easy to understand or interpret as many literary sources imply: If someone accost virgins, even those in slaves’ garb, his offense is regarded as minor, even more [minor] if women are in prostitutes’ dress and not that of matrons. Still, if a woman is not in the dress of a matron and someone accosts her or abducts her attendant, he will be liable to the action for insult.95 So, although assumptions may have been made about status based on clothing alone, there was clearly room for both intentional and unintentional ‘misreading’. For example, Cicero alleges that, following Caesar’s death in 44 BC a certain Asinius usurped the rank of pater conscriptus to which he was not entitled, simply by ‘changing his shoes’.96 In another example, Simon, one of the leaders of the Jewish rebellion, fools some Roman soldiers by covering his own clothes with a purple clavate tunic.97 ‘Dressing down’ was also used as a disguise by those in high status positions, perhaps to gather in93  Sackett (1982) abstract. 94  Weissner (1985)161: “While isochrestic behaviour functions to make life predictable and orderly, stylistic behaviour presents information about similarities and differences that can help reproduce, alter, disrupt or create social relationships”; see also Sackett (1982); Shennan (1994) 19. 95  M. Antistius Labeo (d. AD 10–22), from Dig. 47.10.15.15 (where Mommsen gives it as Ulpian), as quoted in Olson (2008) 51. 96  Cic. Phil.13.13.28, as quoted in Edmondson (2008) 27. 97  Pseudo-Hegesippus, On the Ruin of the City of Jerusalem, 5.49: “suddenly he crept out above ground covered with a white and purple garment over his clothing, that he might strike fear into

formation or escape from dangerous situations,98 or in the case of Nero to ‘make a round of the taverns, or prowl the streets in search of mischief”.99 The possibility of misinterpreting clothing continued into the late antique period, particularly in a Christian context, when high status converts might be intentionally dressed in poor clothing: Many of the great and eminent men of the city, having put off their apparel and clothed themselves in poor men’s apparel and hoods that concealed their heads and faces, would thus put straps on their necks and carry the chairs of the sick and poor, and old men and women …100 And having arrested her he threw her into prison, ignorant that she was a lady. But she told him: For my part, I am So-and-So’s daughter and So-and-So’s wife, but I am Christ’s slave. And do not despise the cheapness of my clothing. For I am able to exalt myself if I like and you cannot terrify me in this way or take any of my goods.101 Nor were all clothing ‘messages’ meant only for other people to see and understand. Some were more esoteric, perhaps only intended to be understood by others in the same social or religious group, or even solely by certain deities or supernatural powers. Such clothing embellishments were not meant to convey social rank or status but were “weapons in a war against invisible enemies those seeing him, who first orders the a­ stounded Roman soldiers that they should take him to their leader.” 98  George (2002) 41 gives a number of examples of high status Romans including Julius Caesar, Mark Anthony and Sulpicia being disguised as slaves. 99  Suet. Ner. 26, translation from Graves (1957). 100  From Paul of Antioch by in Joh. Eph. V. SS. Or. 46 (PO 18.673). 101  Pall. Hist. Laus., 46 (Melania the Elder, see appendix E.13). See also the 5th c. writer Nestorius (Nest. Heracl. 1.1.27), explaining that a king retains his status even if he is not dressed in ‘royal purple’: “Just as purple is the clothing of royalty but not of soldierhood and as the clothing of soldiers is the equipment which belongs to soldiers and not to kings, when / therefore a king wishes to put on the clothing, that is the equipment, of soldiers and to lay aside the purple of royalty, though [clothed] in the schema of a soldier of which he has made use without descending from his royal dignity, he then remains in majesty and authority over everything, even in this schema. But when he wishes to condescend and to become one of the soldiers, [wearing] the clothing of one of these soldiers, as if he had become a soldier, and not [that] of royalty, and concealing himself in it and talking with them on equal terms and persuading them without constraining them, he so performs the duties of royalty in the schema of a soldier.”

Introduction: Methodology and Sources

whose power was everywhere”,102 and could be found on the clothing of people from all social levels throughout the Roman and late antique periods. The high infant mortality rate of the time meant that children were seen as being particularly in need of protection, and their clothes frequently included designs or devices intended to be apotropaic. The purple border on the child’s toga praetexta may have been meant to be protective; this may also explain the use of red for the tie cords and decorative fringing and details on children’s tunics from the 4th and 5th c.103 The decorative panels and roundels that were a common embellishment on tunics during the late antique period frequently included scenes from the bible; certain images seem to have been particularly popular, and may have been chosen for reasons of sympathetic or mimetic magic. In other words, the strength and power illustrated would be drawn to the wearer and provide divine protection or assistance, particularly if the wearer were in a situation that was echoed in the one illustrated. Other Christian motifs, particularly crosses, were commonly used as part of the decorative designs on clothing,104 as were knots and interlace patterns, which had powerful pre-Christian magical connotations. Although ostensibly a Christian society, the protection given by such non-Christian symbols was not easily discarded, and many of the amuletic and apotropaic signs, symbols and images that were used on clothing and in phylacteries, were highly syncretic. In addition, the wearing of protective amulets was widespread, both to attract good health and fortune, and to protect the wearer from harm, including that caused by the curses of others. During the Roman republican and early imperial eras, the children of citizens wore protective amulets. Called bullae or lunulae, these pendants were removed and dedicated to the household gods when the child came of age.105 Other amulets were also worn on the body: these could be bits of cord, twisted metal bracelets, or pieces of inscribed papyrus or metal that were folded or rolled and worn around the neck in a pouch or a tubular container. There are a number of recipes in the Greek Magical Papyri for such amulets, for both protective and medicinal

102  Maguire (1990) 215. 103  Pitarakis (2009) 181; see also Pritchard (2006) fig 4.43a. The use of red as a protective colour is explored in depth in chapter 3: Cultural Values in Clothing: Apotropaic Practices. 104  Maguire (1990) 218–19; see also Pitarakis (2009) 183–84 for examples of children’s caps and socks decorated with crosses. 105  Edmondson (2008) 26; Olson (2008b)144: for a girl, this may have been at marriage.

11 purposes.106 Some of these recipes include instructions to inscribe magical words or letters on the amulet. This may have been the purpose of the cryptic inscriptions embroidered on a child’s tunic found in Egypt,107 and a 6th c. veil now in the Victoria and Albert museum.108 To summarise, while studies clearly show that clothing can be a statement about the wearer, they also indicate that what is being said, and how it is interpreted, is often narrowly culturally specific. This includes clothing ‘messages’ that may have been intended to have apotropaic or amuletic properties. Furthermore, the majority of such studies apply to the clothing that people have themselves chosen to wear, whereas the evidence we have from Late Antiquity is one step back from this, consisting either of artistic depictions or grave goods. In neither case can it be assumed that the clothing was chosen by the wearer. Although many of the ‘vestimentary markers’ found in late antique artworks indicating wealth and status are recognisable, we cannot know if they are a reflection of reality or of aspiration, or indeed if they were received by the intended audience with respect and understanding or the opposite. Equally, obvious markers indicating ethnic origin may have been used as a visual ‘shorthand’ (in much the same way we use kilts and saris today), and may not have reflected the actual everyday reality of the era. Archaeological evidence, on the other hand, does provide examples of the actual clothing worn at the time, however the majority of these items are from historical collections, and so lack the depositional data that might provide a chronological, social and/or geographical context. Nonetheless, even without this information, by using a ‘biographical approach’ to interrogate particular garments, it is possible to learn something not only about their manufacture and purpose, but also about the society in which they were made. Object ‘Biography’ The biography of an object, like that of a person, seeks to create a history by following the progression from ‘birth/ creation’ through ‘life/use’ to ‘death/destruction’.109 The ‘biography’ is created by accumulating information over time; in the case of a garment, not only the circumstances and method of its creation and destruction, but also the wear, repair, use and reuse it undergoes through its 106  Some examples, as listed in Betz (1992), include: PGM 7.186– 90, 206–207, 213–14 and 218–21; PGM 86.1–2; PGM 48.1–21 includes Christian elements. 107  Pritchard (2006) 34, figs. 3.10a and b. 108  Museum number 2075–1900. 109  Joy (2009) 540.

12

Introduction: Methodology and Sources

lifetime, and the relationships that are created through these processes. This quotation from the Tosefta provides a kind of chaîne opératoire of clothing manufacture, with each process representing a possible point of social contact:

For the ‘used’ garment, such as is most often found in archaeological contexts, further changes in the physical condition of a garment can be ‘mapped’. These changes also mark points of contact between the maker/seller/ purchaser/user etc., and all can be structured as part of a ‘biography’. There are different types of object biography: economic, social and technical, all of which “may or may not be culturally informed”.111 An ‘informed’ object would be “endowed with culturally specific meanings”,112 such as the toga, stola, clavate tunic and pilleus. However, if the ‘life/use’ context of such items is unknown, a great deal of information becomes difficult to interpret. This is perhaps especially the case for clothing because of its personal and highly visible nature; for example, what was a closely controlled way of showing rank and status in the 1st and 2nd c., becomes just a striped tunic by the 4th. In a Christian context, a fragment from the garment of a saint, without the context and designation of ‘holy relic’, would simply be perceived as a scrap of cloth. In defining the ways that an object can exercise agency, Marshall differentiates between ‘inscribed’ and ‘lived’ objects; ‘lived’ objects “acquire meaning in the context of social action”,113 their potency is only evident through the effects they produce. In other words, like the unlabelled saint’s relic, without close cultural context the meaning is lost. This category includes heirlooms, the importance of which has more to do with the way they are perceived by the owners, rather than any intrinsic quality or value.114 ‘Inscribed’ objects on the other hand “have meaning incorporated into their body in the course of their making”.115 This might include such things as clavate tunics and garments that include interlace patterns or biblical scenes. The significance of the ‘lived’ object could be missed or misconstrued if both use and depositional data are lacking, which is precisely

the case for most extant late antique garments. Also, while knowledge of the wider cultural context in which such things were produced might enable us to recognise an ‘inscribed’ object, without the contextual data it is not possible to be sure what the ‘incorporated’ meaning was, or how it may have changed over time. This lack of information on the progressive stages of a garment’s ‘life’ makes it impossible to create a linear ‘birth-life-death’ biography, however as Joy has pointed out, biographies can also be constructed from the “clusters of social relationships”, such as are described above.116 These can be identified through examination of the object itself. Using the ‘birth-life-death’ progression as a framework, there are a number of basic questions that can be posed when examining a garment, or perhaps more usefully, an assemblage of garments. First, and most obviously: what is it made of and what does it look like? What sort of embellishments does it have? Where and when was it made? How is it made? In the first instance, the type and quality of the fabric, workmanship and style can indicate the economic, and sometimes social, status of the original owner. Similarly, the type and quality of embellishments, and the presence of amuletic and/or apotropaic designs on them may give us clues to the everyday concerns of the person who wore the garment. Recent scientific methods are also providing information not only on the date but also the provenance of some fibres.117 By thus ‘placing’ the different styles of clothing both chronologically and regionally, we can begin to build up a scientifically correct database, which is essential for future comparative research. Moving on to how the garment was made, a number of details can be noted: is it in its original form, or has it been altered or been made from something else? Are the embellishments original or have they been ‘recycled’? What is the quality of the workmanship, and what can these things tell us about who might have made, altered or worn the garment? Finally, what can we learn from the way in which the functional life of a garment came to an end. Detailed examination of the condition of the garment allows us to build up a picture of its ‘life’, and assessing these details, particularly as part of a distinct stylistic, geographic or chronological assemblage, may help us to discern a purpose beyond the purely pragmatic.

110   Jerusalem Berakhot 9:8 (transl. Zahavy (1989) 331). 111  Kopytoff (1986) 68. 112  Kopytoff (1986) 68. 113  Marshall (2008) 60–61. 114  See Lillios (1999) 241–44. 115  Marshall (2008) 61.

116  Joy (2009) 544. 117  See De Moor et al. (2007); Frei et al. (2009); De Moor et al. (2010).

See how hard Adam toiled before he had a shirt to wear. He sheared, bleached, separated, dyed, spun, wove, washed, sewed and only then did he have a shirt to wear.110

Introduction: Methodology and Sources

Conclusion ‘Interpreting’ the clothing of Late Antiquity is beset with difficulties, particularly when dealing with the clothing of the middle and lower classes. The initial dichotomy here is between the reality, as represented by the archaeological sources, and the intention or purpose, as indicated in the literary and artistic sources. The use of ‘vestimentary markers’ in literary and art historical sources to indicate wealth, status and/or origin should be seen as intentional, however; the same is not necessarily the case for the archaeological evidence. While the condition of an extant ‘late antique’ garment, might appear to provide evidence of wealth or poverty, and possibly status, examination of the garment alone cannot enable us to differentiate in the first instance between clothing whose form was a matter of ‘purposeful’ choice, and that in which such choice was either not available or not a concern. This is further complicated by the

13 presence of apotropaic or amuletic features which are not always easy to recognise or decipher. Although the majority of extant garments lack the depositional data necessary to provide information about the social context of their use, much can be learned by using a ‘biographical’ approach when assessing their condition. Most of this information is of the practical sort: what the garment was made of, how it was made, and, perhaps, by extrapolation, who it was made by, who wore it and how long it was used. Although answering the ‘why’ is not as easy, there is much to be learned from both consumer and dress studies about the relationship between human behaviour and material culture that can be useful in researching the clothing of Late Antiquity. In general terms, understanding the way in which cultural meaning is invested in clothing and personal appearance may help us to understand why the people of Late Antiquity portrayed themselves as they did.

CHAPTER 1

Current Research on Roman Dress Clothing and Personal Adornment The Toga The toga, probably the most well-known item of Roman clothing, is a rounded woollen garment adapted from the semi-circular Etruscan mantle.1 Literary and art historical evidence describes and depicts the toga as an expensive and cumbersome garment made from a voluminous amount of cloth, which was draped across the body in a complicated manner. It was not fastened with a brooch, and so had to be held in place by the wearer, a clear indication of both his wealth and status as a member of the ‘leisure class’.2 The many depictions of togate figures from the Roman period attest to the symbolic importance of this ‘national’ garment, with variations in the method of drapery sometimes used to identify specific roles or achievements, both public and private.3 There are references to prostitutes and/or adulteresses having to wear a toga as a symbol of their rejection of the moral code it represented, however there is no evidence that they were legally compelled to do so, and in fact there is considerable literary evidence that they wore a wide range of clothing.4 In spite of being the most well-known and perhaps most often depicted Roman garment, there are no togas among the few surviving garments from the Roman period. This has led Vout to question whether the toga was worn as habitually as artistic depictions suggest.5 However, the absence of extant examples does not mean that its depiction was purely symbolic, or that it did not reflect the reality of elite dress at the time.6 A number of possible reasons 1  Stone (1994) 13. 2  Veblen (1899): the clothing of the leisure class should be “conspicuously expensive and inconvenient”, and “make it plain to all observers that the wearer is not engaged in any kind of productive labour” by not showing any signs of soil or wear. 3  For example, on the 3rd c. ‘brother sarcophagus’, the same man is shown four times in variations of the toga and the pallium (Metraux (2008), fig.14.8) to signify the different roles he assumed in his life time. 4  Olson (2008a) 49–50 deals with this in some detail. 5  Vout (1996). 6  The toga was unlikely to have been worn as an everyday garment, particularly by members of the lower classes whose movement, and therefore ability to participate in physical work, would have been restricted by its complicated deportment. By far the majority of extant textiles from Late Antiquity are fragmentary, so it is certainly possible that some come from togas, such

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for this absence should be considered: as a large, all enveloping expanse of un-seamed cloth, the toga was ideal to be used as a shroud during a time when cremation was the norm.7 It could also very easily have been made into something else; certainly there is considerable evidence for the recycling of textiles, as I discuss in later chapters. Furthermore, the majority of extant garments come from a later period when inhumation was more common, by which time a narrow-sleeved tunic and cloak was the more usual ensemble of the Roman official.8 Togas were still worn during this period, but were increasingly reserved for ceremonial or official occasions.9 These later togas appear often to have been made with patterned tapestry fabric, fragments of which exist in the archaeological record, but may not be recognised for what they are.10 Mantles and Cloaks Like the toga, the Roman mantle was a large cloth that was draped across the body; considerably smaller and straight edged, it was easier both to make and to handle. There are many names used to describe such mantles, however the differences between mantles and cloaks are not always clear, and there is some variation in the way the different names are translated and/or interpreted. The most common name for a mantle is palla/ pallium, which appears to be an almost generic term for any straight edged outer wrap.11 Worn by both men and women, it was sometimes the same colour as the tunic worn with it, suggesting that they might have been

as a fragment of white weft faced wool tabby with a curved edge, found at Didymoi (inv. no. D99.3329.8), Cardon et al. (2012) 330–31. 7  It would also indicate the status of the deceased; Juv. 3.171–72: “To tell you the truth, in most of Italy, no one wears a toga unless they’re dead”. 8  Smith (1999) 177. 9  Smith (1999) 178–81. 10  The togas depicted in a number of consular diptychs show overall patterning, for example, the diptych of Consul Baldricus (Harvard Art Museum BR22.91), the diptych of Anastasius (Harvard Art Museum BR22.99), and the consular diptych showing Amalasuntha and Athalaric (V&A 139.1866). A number of such patterned textiles have recently been dated to between the 3rd–7th c., however all are too fragmentary to determine their original purpose: De Moor (2007). 11  See Wilson (1938) 78–84, 148–50.

Current Research on Roman Dress

made or purchased as a set.12 Palla/pallium is not found in the Edict of Diocletian, where αναβολαια is translated as ‘wraps’.13 This might be understood as a pallium, however the word is very similar to abolla, which the literary evidence prompts Wilson to categorise as a cloak.14 There is also literary evidence for other wraps, including the ricinium: initially known specifically as a veil to be worn by women in mourning,15 by the late 4th c. it was defined simply as a little pallium worn by women. This was also the definition given by Wilson for the mafortium,16 however, this word is translated in the Edict of Diocletian as a hood.17 This particular translation may have been made to indicate that the mafortium was often drawn over the head of the wearer, however equating it to the caracalla, which is also translated in the Edict as a hood,18 creates a confusion about the shape and design of both garments. Like the palla/pallium, a cloak in its simplest form was a rectangle of cloth that was wrapped around the body, however the cloak was fastened, either by a brooch, generally on the right shoulder, or sometimes by being sewn together along varying lengths at the front seam. Cloaks varied in length, design and weight, and were worn for the most part by men, although there is some evidence that women wore them, particularly in the colder northwestern parts of the empire. Primary source material provides many names for cloaks and outer garments.19 This use of different names may indicate differences in the form, fabric, use, or place of origin of the garment, or may simply indicate a lack of knowledge or interest on the part of the original writer. A number of garments will be discussed here to illustrate this problem. The sagum is usually described as a square or perhaps rectangular cloak of thick, coarse wool.20 Probably of Gallic origin, it came to be associated specifically with the military, however there is evidence that the word was also used to describe any cloak worn by country folk and foreigners.21 The hooded cloak known as a birrus, was

12  See for example Walker and Bierbrier (1997) nos. 19, 33, 34, 77, 79, 90 and 91. 13   Ed. Diocl. 26.78–98. 14  Wilson (1938) 84–86. 15  Sebesta (1994) 50. 16  Wilson (1938) 151. 17   Ed. Diocl. 29.44–48. 18   Ed. Diocl. 26.120–39. 19  See ‘Cloaks’ in Cleland, Davies and Llewellyn-Jones (2007) for an extensive list of names. 20  Isid. Etym. 19.24.13. 21   Wilson (1938) 104–106; see also Ed. Diocl. 7.60: σαγου η ρακανησ (soldier’s cloak); 19.60: σαγοσ Γαλλικοσ (cloak, Gallic); 19.61:σαγοσ Αφροσ (cloak, African).

15 described by Isidore of Seville as a rain cloak.22 There are at least 21 listings for the birrus in the Edict of Diocletian, and in 18 of these the garment is further described by the addition of a place name. However, it is not clear whether this variation indicated a difference in the design of the garment or the source of the raw material and/or the finished product.23 The casula, paenula and bardocucculus can also be found described as hooded cloaks,24 although again the differences between them are not clear. Wilson’s study of primary source material has led her to classify the pallium, the paenula and the paludamentum as distinctly different types of cloaks,25 and to further suggest that paludamentum and chlamys were words that described the same garment.26 Isidore of Seville on the other hand, uses the word pallium more generally, and describes both the paenula and the paludamentum as types of pallium. He also lists the chlamys and the paludamentum separately, suggesting that they were sufficiently different in design to warrant this.27 The chlamys is listed a few times in the Edict of Diocletian, where it is translated as ‘mantle’,28 however paludamentum does not appear, although fibulatorium or ‘cloak with clasp’ is listed a number of times.29 Unfortunately, there is not enough descriptive information provided in the Edict to determine whether this cloak is what Wilson would classify as a paludamentum, paenula, laena, or lacerna, all of which she describes as cloaks held together with pins or clasps, and only one of which is listed by name in the Edict of Diocletian.30 There are a number of textiles both in museum collections and from more recent archaeological research that have been determined by comparative research to 22  Isid. Etym. 19.24.18. It may have been made out of lanolin rich natural wool, which, together with a dense weave, would have afforded some protection against rain and snow; although it is also possible that grease or lanolin was added to the fabric to increase water-resistance. For evidence of the birrus being hooded (which Isidore does not mention), see Wilson (1938) 126. 23   Ed. Diocl. 7.42–43; 19.26,27,32–42; 22.21–26. 24  For casula see Isid. Etym. 19.24.17; for bardocucculus, see Mart. Epigrams 14.128; for the paenula as a hooded cloak see Wilson (1938) 87–88; although Isidore describes it only as a ‘cloak with long fringes’ (Isid. Etym. 19.24.14), the two need not be mutually exclusive. The words paradromax, aliklion, and koukoullon have also been used to describe outer garments (Cardon and Cuvigny (2011) 21–22). 25  Wilson (1938) 77–95. 26  Wilson (1938) 100–103. 27  Isid. Etym. 19.24: men’s outer garments (de palliis virorum). 28   Ed. Diocl. χλαμυσ (19.1, 58, 59); also found is the very similar χλανισ (20.3; 22.20) which is translated as ‘light cloak’. 29   Ed. Diocl. φιβουλατωριον at 19.15,16; φιβλατωριον at 19.5356. 30   Ed. Diocl. paenula 19.51–52.

16 come from cloaks and mantles.31 Although these garments and garment fragments vary in quality, fabric, size, shape, and/or colour, identifying and differentiating between the various different names used for cloaks and outer garments is clearly often impossible, making it unwise to attempt to match up exact names with either the artistic or the archaeological evidence. Although this confusion about garment names may seem unimportant, the lack of clarity can have an effect on the interpretation of extant garments and textile assemblages. For example, according to Wilson, the paludamentum had a shaped hem,32 however Cardon describes it as a rectangular cloak. This leads her to dismiss the possibility that a curved fragment of high quality white textile found at the praesidia at Didymoi could be from the paludamentum of a senior member of the military, although she does suggest that it might come from a toga.33 By the 4th c., most high officials were shown wearing an ankle length cloak over a belted narrow sleeved tunic and boots, which made up the characteristic ‘uniform’ of the late antique period. Although the cloak had military connotations,34 this ensemble was worn not only by high ranking members of the court and the military, but also by members of the civilian administration throughout the empire.35 This cloak is now generally called a chlamys, and by extension, figures wearing this ensemble called chlamydatus by modern researchers, however it is entirely possible that some of the cloaks being depicted were called something else at the time, perhaps differentiated by colour, decoration, fabric type, or status of wearer. The Tunic The tunic, or tunica, was the basic article of clothing worn by men, women and children of all ranks throughout the Late Roman period. Often worn alone with no other covering for the legs, the length of the tunic varied, but it generally came at least to the knees. In its simplest form, the tunic was formed from two rectangles of cloth seamed on the sides and/or shoulders, with holes left for the arms and the head; when belted, the excess fabric 31  Granger-Taylor (2008); Cardon and Cuvigny (2011); Cardon, Granger-Taylor and Nowik (2012) 308–41. 32  Wilson (1938) 76–129, describes the birrus, the paenula, the laena, the lacerna, the casula, the cucculus, the paludamentum and the chlamys as having curved or shaped hems. 33  Cardon, Granger-Taylor and Nowik (2012) 330. 34   Cod. Theod. 14.10.1 (dated AD 382): ‘no senator shall vindicate for himself a military garb, even without the exception of the early morning hours, provided that he resides within the walls, but he shall lay aside the awe-inspiring military cloak’ (sed chlamydis terrore deposito). 35  Smith (1999) 176–78.

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on the sides formed sleeves. This simple form was the most common in the first two centuries AD, and was decorated sometimes by the addition of vertical stripes called clavi. These tunics were usually made in plain undyed fabric, commonly wool or linen, and usually worn belted when in public. Although Croom suggests that the lower classes are often shown wearing unbelted tunics during this period, as an indication of either their poverty or their low status,36 there are also illustrations of working men with tunics tightly belted, presumably to keep their clothing out of the way of their work.37 Variations on this simple form include: the tunica exomis, worn by working people and slaves; the tunica recta, a long, straight sleeveless tunic often worn for ceremonies; and the gap-sleeved tunic, a long sleeved tunic tied at intervals down the arm, worn by women. An outer tunic known as a stola was worn exclusively by women, often over a gap-sleeved tunic; long enough to cover the feet, it was attached at the shoulders by bands or ties. Although it fell out of use as everyday wear by the 2nd c. AD, it continued to be used on portraits and in literature as a symbol of female modesty for centuries afterwards. Variations in rank were also denoted by the different widths and colours of the clavi on a tunic, however, archaeological evidence suggests that this practice was dying out by the end of the 2nd c., the distinctions no longer being obvious in later periods.38 By the beginning of the 3rd c., tunics with tight fitting, wrist length sleeves became more common. The garments listed in the Edict of Diocletian as stichon,39 singilio,40 and strictoria41 may have been variations of this tunic. Usually ‘woven to shape’, most commonly in one piece but sometimes in three,42 these ‘narrow sleeved tunics’ did not require a belt to shape the sleeves, and so could be worn with or without one. Decoration became more elaborate, with the addition of coloured tapestry-woven bands and panels, most frequently in geometric or interlace patterns, which might be placed on the front, back or upper shoulders. Archaeological evidence shows that these tunics usually had an opening under the armpit, which can sometimes be seen on artistic renditions, and wide stitched-in waist 36  Croom (2000) 34–35. 37   See for example: the agricultural workers depicted on a mosaic panel from Saint-Romain-en-Gal, now in the Museé d’Archéologie National in Saint-Germain-en-Laye, and the fullonica frescoes from Pompeii, now in the National Archaeological Museum in Naples. 38  Yadin (1963) 207. 39   Ed. Diocl. στιχη/στιχην at 19.2, 10, 11; 20.1, 2; 27.13–33. 40   Ed. Diocl. στινγιλιων at 19.47–50. 41   Ed. Diocl. στρικτωριασ at 19.62; 22.7. 42  Granger-Taylor (1982).

Current Research on Roman Dress

tucks,43 which I have never found illustrated; nor have I found any evidence of either detail being noted in any literary or epigraphic texts. The dalmatica, a tunic type originating in Dalmatia, became common during the 3rd c. Worn unbelted, it was often wider at the hem than the standard tunic, allowing for ease of movement; it was also noted for its extremely wide sleeves. During the 4th to 7th c. AD, the decorations on tunics became more complex, often featuring all-over decoration, or including multi-coloured panels or roundels with complicated scenes of human figures, plants and animals. Tunics were often worn layered, with a lighter undertunic under a heavier or more ornate outer tunic, toga or mantle; this might be for reasons of fashion, modesty or warmth. Many images of children show them in what appears to be smaller versions of the adult square, narrow sleeved or wide sleeved tunic, and examples of child-sized versions of all of these styles have been found, as have tunics that are flared and have additional underarm gussets to allow for more comfortable movement.44 The archaeological evidence suggests that this latter style was more common for children than adults, although this may be a result of differential survival or selective collecting. On the other hand, hooded tunics were noted by John Cassian as children’s garments,45 and all of the ten examples included in the appended catalogue are child sized.46 Trousers and Undergarments During the 1st and 2nd c. AD, most Romans would have been bare-legged under their tunics, although it is probable that short breeches were worn by the military, particularly the cavalry.47 If extra warmth or protection was required, leg wrappings were used; like puttees, these would be wrapped around and/or tied to either the upper or the lower part of the leg. However, evidence shows that by the 4th c., trousers known as bracae, which were traditionally associated with ‘barbarians’,48

43  See appended catalogue. 44  See appended catalogue. 45  John Cassian, The Institutes 1.3 (On the Dress of Monks: see appendix E.5): “For they constantly use both by day and by night very small hoods coming down to the end of the neck and shoulders, which only cover the head, in order that they may constantly be moved to preserve the simplicity and innocence of little children by imitating their actual dress.” 46  Catalogue nos. 1, 47, 77, 78, 79, 121, 137, 157, 158, 159. 47  A 1st c. AD letter from soldier Claudius Terentianus to his father Claudius Tiberianus requests a number of articles of clothing including trousers: P.Mich. inv. 8.467. 48  See Wild (1985) 377–78, and 411, n. 192.

17 had become part of normal male dress.49 It is also possible that with the increasing popularity of the decorated long-sleeved tunic and the dalmatica, many Roman men began to wear something more akin to leggings, such as the pair shown on one of the panels in the 4th c. Silistra tomb paintings.50 These tight fitting trousers have an integral foot, and may have been similar in design and construction to the trousers found in Thorsberg, northern Germany, which have been tentatively dated to the first half of the 3rd c AD.51 Close examination of the Thorsberg trousers shows the leg seams to be open at the back between the top of the heel and the back of the knee, with the addition of tying cords at regular intervals.52 The legs of these trousers were very narrow, and being cut on the straight grain of the fabric had little or no give; this opening makes it possible to get the foot through the trouser leg to the sock; once on, the opening could be overlapped and tied snugly.53 The feet of the Thorsberg trousers were cut separately and sewn on to the legs; in this case, the fabric was cut on the bias, giving the sock some stretch, and allowing it to fit more comfortably.54

49  See Harlow (2004a) 64–66 for a discussion of the transition of bracae from a military to a mainstream garment. There is a reference in the Edict of Diocletian (AD 301) to the pay given to a tailor for breeches (7.46: βρακιων) however, this is the only reference to breeches in a document which deals at length with the prices to be charged for the making, buying and cleaning of a huge variety of clothing, suggesting that at this time they were still relatively rare. A 4th c. list of accounts from Oxyrhynchus includes payment to a Βρακαριων (trouser maker) (P.Oxy 1341). 50  This series of paintings shows servants bringing articles of clothing to their master; see Dimitrov (1962) 35–52. There is a reference in the Edict of Diocletian to ‘felt leggings’ (7.47: ουδωνιων (Graser (1940) 343), however, the price quoted for making them is a fifth of that quoted in the same section for making trousers, suggesting an item of clothing smaller and less time consuming to make. It is therefore probably better understood as socks (see, for example, Mart. Epigrams 14.140: udones cilicii is translated as ‘Cilician socks’). 51  Möller-Wiering (2011) 41. 52  Möller-Wiering (2011) 49–51. 53  See Kwaspen and De Moor (2013) for reproductions of a number of linen trousers dated to the late antique period: of the three pairs that are full length, two are similarly open at the back from knee to ankle (see appendix A.6.9: KTN 1733; and A.6.11: Louvre inv. AF6093), and the other open from mid-calf to ankle (the Halabiya trousers, National Museum Damascus). 54  Two sock/slippers have been found in quite different contexts, both of which were cut so that the fabric was on the bias across the front of the foot, presumably to allow the sock to stretch and so fit more comfortably. (see appendix A.4.3: Dios 4635.1, and A.4.8: Vindolanda T/316).

18

CHAPTER 1

Literary evidence suggests that a loincloth (subligaculum, licium, campestre) was worn only by actors, workers, slaves and athletes, singly or sometimes under a short tunic; it was not thought to be regular underwear for most Roman men.55 Coverings for the thighs (feminalia, fascia/fasciola) either in the form of bandages wrapped around the upper leg56 or as knee-length trousers, were worn for either warmth or modesty.57 As is the case with other articles of clothing named in literary sources, the different names may indicate a difference in the origin, form or use of the garment, or a change in the meaning of the word over time and place.58 Similarly, there are written references to a number of undergarments worn by women, such as indusium or intusium, subucula, supparus or supparum, caltula and camisia. Most terms probably refer to some sort of under-tunic, although the differences between them are not clear.59 Women bound their breasts with bands known as strophium, or latterly as fascia; this may have been for reasons of support or modesty,60 and although there is no direct evidence that they regularly wore any sort of ‘under-drawers’, logic suggests that some sort of undergarment would have been worn by women when menstruating. There is pictorial and archaeological evidence for the existence of a kind of ‘brief’, which may have been worn by women while in the bathhouse, or by female athletes often in conjunction with a breast-band.61 In both Roman and Byzantine times, babies were swaddled in soft woollen bands for the first few months of their lives, although there is little information on what sort of undergarments or ‘nappies’ might have been used. However, knee-length trousers can be glimpsed under the short tunics being worn the children in the ‘children’s circus’ mosaic at the Villa Herculania in Piazza Armerina,62 and reconstructions of trousers from extant examples show that a number of them were probably child sized.63

Belts, Brooches, Bags and Footwear Belts, in the first instance, were simply practical items used to help shape a tunic, hold up breeches or leggings and carry articles such as bags, tools and weapons. Originally made of thin cord tied at the front, by the 4th to 5th c. AD women’s belts became wider and more elaborate, sometimes made of leather and often with the addition of gold and jewels. However, simpler belts no doubt continued to be worn, for example a knitted belt in the collection of the Louvre, dated to the 5th–6th c., is made from a patchwork of multi-coloured pieces of wool.64 Belts worn by men might also be made of textile, leather or metal, and were often very ornate, especially with regard to buckles and strap ends; such distinctive belts could serve as insignia for high military or civil status.65 Studies of this hardware, particularly in a military context, have been very important in tracking the movement and influence of the Roman army in the late antique period. A money pouch, or marsuppium, might have been hung from a belt or carried, and larger pouches called crumina may have been worn around the neck;66 there is also pictorial evidence of shoulder bags and baskets being carried by slaves.67 Smaller objects may have been carried in the folds of a toga or mantle,68 although this would seem to be a particularly awkward and insecure way of safeguarding something; however, there is no evidence as yet that Roman garments had pockets in them. Literary sources name and describe many different styles of footwear for this period. Leather soled sandals were called sandalia, with wooden soled versions called sculponeae. Perones were simple boots or shoes, perhaps also wooden soled, worn by country people; Isidore of Seville describes them as ‘fur-lined boots’, and also describes sculponeae as ‘country shoes’.69 Boots known as caligae had uppers that were cut from one piece of leather, usually with a cut-out pattern, and thick hobnailed soles; laced at the front, they covered the ankle

55  Olson (2003) 206. 56  Wilson (1938) 73. 57  Isid. Etym. 19.20.8 describes them as “knee length breeches with which the private parts of the priest would be hidden”. 58   The different names used for undergarments during the Roman period is explored at length in Olson (2003). 59  Olson (2003) 202–203. See also Wilson (1938) 164–66. 60  Olson (2008a) 53. 61  Croom (2000) 111. See for example the mosaic of the women’s gymnasium at the Villa Herculania at Piazza Armerina: Gentili (1959). A leather pair similar to those illustrated has been found in Roman levels at Shadwell in London, see Croom (2000) 111, colour plate 17. 62  Gentili (1959) fig. XVII. 63  Kwaspen and De Moor (2013).

64  Louvre inv. AF 6027: measuring 178 cm × 2 cm, the belt is in tubular form and was probably made in one-needle knitting technique. There is no symmetry or discernible pattern to the stripes, suggesting that it was made from the bits left over from other textile projects: Benazeth (2011) 29, fig.19. 65  Bowerstock et al. (1999) 339. 66  Linschied (2011) 189–92 details a number of extant bags, some of which show signs either of having been hung on a belt, or designed so that they could be tied around the waist or hung around the neck. 67  For example, the servant on the far right of the family group pictured at the Villa Herculania in Piazza Armerina is carrying both a square basket and a shoulder bag: see fig. 38. 68  Croom (2000) 23–24. 69  Isid. Etym. 19.34.13.

Current Research on Roman Dress

and foot, leaving the toes bare. These were the standard military boot during the early empire, however there is some evidence that they were eventually replaced by a more substantial shoe-boot, especially on the northern frontier.70 Single-piece shoes were known as carbatinae; they were also often made with an open, cut-work pattern, and may have been worn with coloured socks or linings,71 whereas shoes known as calcei completely enclosed the foot. The soccus was either a soft slipper or a sock, and might have been made with soft leather or cloth. There are a considerable number of examples of shoes and shoe soles still extant from this period. However, as is the case with many other articles of clothing, it is not always possible to marry up the names and/ or descriptions in ancient texts with the archaeological remains.72 Croom divides footwear into three basic types. Sandals, in which the shoe sole is held on to the foot with straps of various thicknesses and designs; one piece shoes, which also varied considerably in design and decoration, and multi-piece shoes, in which the uppers and soles were made of separate pieces attached to each other. These included shoes and boots, and could have soles made of leather or wood attached to the uppers by a leather thong or hobnails.73 Although such categories are helpful in understanding the manufacturing methods of the time, it is information on the variations in fabric, quality and colour that is more useful in determining status, and possibly gender or profession.74 Most shoes seem to have been made of leather, however, this may be an impression reinforced by the accident of survival: it is possible that shoes, shoe linings and slippers were also made of felt or plant fibres.75 The leathers most commonly used came from goat, sheep, cow, bull, oxen or deer, although there is evidence of the use of exotic skins such as crocodile being used in Egypt; there is however no evidence for the use of either pig or horse hide.76 The skins could be processed in a variety of ways, such as with alum for white shoes, or with oils to produce a soft, luxury item, but they were most commonly tanned with a combination of vegetable products and mineral salts. Shoes were usually left in the natural brown colour of the tanned leather, but the more expensive, ­luxurious 70  Goldman (1994) 122. 71  Croom (2000) 73. 72  Goldman (1994a) 105. 73  Croom (2000) 68. 74  See Greene (2014) for a study of the way in which the quality of children’s shoes at Vindolanda reflected the status of their parents. 75  Goldman (1994a) 124; Kajitani (2006) 111. 76  Van Driel-Murray (2007).

19 examples might be dyed or decorated with gilding or stamping. There is evidence that, as was the case with clothing, there were social conventions that determined where and when certain styles of shoe should be worn, and by whom.77 Shoes worn by senators and patricians, known as mullei, may have been so named because they were the distinctive colour of the red mullet.78 The calcei patriceii, senatorii and equestres were also distinguished by the straps that were tied up the calf; this style continued to be used to distinguish rank on portrait sculptures into the late antique period.79 Then as now, shoes varied over time, with different styles going in and out of use often simply for reasons of fashion. By Byzantine times, a closed, or latchet shoe, sometimes known as a campagus, became more common; with uppers that could be solid or perforated leather, the sole was attached to the upper by sewing rather than nailing.80 There is pictorial evidence of both men and women wearing socks, for example, two full-length portraits painted on cloth, both of which were used to wrap the mummified bodies of women, clearly show the subjects wearing short ankle socks.81 There are many examples of needle knitted socks of various sizes in museum collections; most have a separate section knitted for the big toe, indicating that it was usual to wear such socks with sandals.82 There are also images of men wearing socks, such as many of the figures in the mosaic panels from the Villa of the Falconer in Argos, who appear to be wearing white socks inside high-laced sandals.83 Unfortunately, details of the footwear are not always clear in artistic depictions; it is often not possible to tell the difference between a knitted sock, a cloth sock or slipper, and a short leather boot.84 77  Croom (2000) 68. 78  Isid. Etym. 19. 34.10. 79  Smith (1999) 179. 80  Goldman (1994a) 126. 81  Vatican Museum inv. no. T.53: Renner-Volbach (1982); MMA acc. no. 09.181.8 http://www.metmuseum.org/art/collection/ search/547334 (last accessed 15.3.17). 82  See, for example, the beautiful red wool pair in the V&A (2085&A-1900), and a children’s pair of striped socks, along with a single striped child’s sock at the Archaeological Museum in Florence (inv. no. 12920 & 12917). 83  Akerstrom-Hougen (1974) panel 2, and the panels depicting Nov/Dec, Sept/October, July/Aug, and March/April. 84  For example, panel 4 from the Villa of the Falconer in Argos shows a man wearing what might be either loose dark socks with laced sandals or short leather boots. The figure on the right in the September/October panel might also be wearing a short leather boot, however the roll top suggests that it might be a cloth (perhaps felt?) slipper: see Akerstrom-Hougen (1974).

20 Hats and Headgear There were a number of hats worn by Roman men. Some had religious or symbolic significance, such as the special headgear worn by the priests of various cults, or the brimless, conical cloth hat worn by freed slaves during the 1st and 2nd c. AD. This hat was not unlike the Phrygian cap, which came to be used iconographically to mark the wearer as part of an alien group. By early medieval times, Josephus was often depicted wearing a Phrygian cap to mark him as a Jew.85 Although it is not clear when this conflation first occurred, a felt cap is among the essential garments listed in the Babylonian Talmud.86 Other hats were purely practical, such as hoods to protect against the rain, or wide-brimmed straw hats to keep the sun off; tight fitting protective hats made of leather or fur were also worn by sportsmen.87 By the late 3rd c., there are depictions of men wearing a pillbox hat known as a pilleus Pannonicus; this hat could have been made of felt, fur or leather, and has military connotations, possibly being used as padding when worn under a military helmet. There are a number of hats in museum collections that are clearly made from recycled fabric.88 Statius refers to them: “… were there no more felt caps stitched together from rags of tunics, no towels or faded napkins?”89 The designs of the extant examples vary considerably, and almost all appear to be child sized, however this may be the result of the ‘accident’ of survival. There is little doubt that hats continued to be worn into the late antique period for practical purposes; it also appears that, as with the Phrygian cap, they also continued to be used in artistic renditions to signify status, religious affiliation and/or ethnic origin.90 However, it is unclear whether this was visual rhetoric or a reflection of reality. The elaborate hairstyles worn by Roman women in the first few centuries AD precluded the wearing of hats, so the modest Roman woman would drape her mantle over her head when outside the home. Jewish women were also required to have their heads covered when going out. However, while the custom gradually disappeared with Roman women, it was maintained throughout the late antique period by Jews.91 As with many aspects of dress, hairstyles and head coverings 85  Schreckenberg (1992) 94. 86  Roussin (1994) 183. 87  Croom (2000) 79–80. 88  See appendix A.3:1, 4, 5, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15 and 17. 89  Stat. Silv. 4.9.23–25: “… usque adeone defuerunt caesis pillea suta de lacernis vel mantelia luridaeve mappae, chartae …?”. 90  For example, Isidore of Seville describes the priestly headdress known as a pilleum: Isid. Etym. 19.21.3. 91  Roussin (1994) 186.

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changed with fashion. Hairnets, which had been popular in the 1st c. AD, went out of fashion and then made a comeback in the 3rd; examples from the 4th and 5th c. were more solid, less ‘net-like’, and covered more of the head. There are examples of these hairnets, or ‘sprang’ hats in museum collections, some of which were found in situ on the heads of buried women. They were made in either wool or linen thread, and vary in design from delicate and lacy to heavy and felted.92 There are a number of depictions showing this design of head covering, for example two of the women in the Hippolytus Hall Mosaic in Mabada are wearing striped sprang hats,93 as is the shepherdess in a mosaic from Tabarka, Jordan.94 Recent research carried out by Petra Linschied into the find spots of these head coverings, suggests that they were exclusively female garments.95 By the mid 4th c., women in imperial portraits were shown with their hair covered, either by simple head-dresses or elaborate diadems, and respectable Christian women were expected to keep their heads covered.96 This trend for covering the head continued into the 6th c., with women being shown hooded or veiled, or wearing tight fitting caps made out of cloth or sprang-work.97 Hair and Cosmetics Information about the composition and use of cosmetics during this period comes mainly from literary ­sources, many of which were either satirical or moralistic texts, and therefore often critical, particularly about the use of products which artificially improved looks, rather than just preserving natural beauty.98 However, regardless of the bias shown by these sources, what is clear is that cosmetics were known and used during this period. A pale complexion was desired, and a variety of bleaching agents were used to achieve this; some of these, like white lead, were highly toxic. Other products were also used: rouge, to add blush and colour the lips, and kohl to outline eyes and enhance the eyebrows. Archaeological evidence provides us with many examples of objects described as cosmetic containers or sets, but they might just as easily have been used in conjunction with medicinal creams and products; very few examples of the actual product have been found. Recently, however, improved scientific methods have enabled researchers 92  See, for example, Benazeth (2011) 21–23, figs. 9–12. 93  Piccirillo (1993). 94  Unesco (1964). 95  Linschied (2006) 211–20. 96  Croom (2000) 121–22. 97  Croom (2000) 124. 98  Olson (2008a) 59; see also Olson (2009) for a comprehensive list of ancient literary sources.

Current Research on Roman Dress

to investigate the chemical composition of some of the few examples of surviving creams, oils and powders. In two cases in particular, the studies have confirmed that the product tested would have been unlikely to have had a medicinal purpose, and so were probably for cosmetic purposes alone.99 Although a number of Roman writers condemned the use of cosmetics, suggesting that such activities were repugnant and should be kept hidden,100 there are a number of art historical sources that do show women at their toilet.101 The majority of depictions are of high status women being ministered to by their servants, the purpose generally being to show the great wealth possessed by the sitter. However, they are useful in showing the various containers and utensils used for the application of cosmetics. In contrast to cosmetics, the art historical and numismatic sources for hairstyles during this period are both plentiful and useful, although it must be remembered that generally depictions of style (particularly on imperial and high status portraits), do not necessarily depict reality but may be antiquarian or derivative as a statement of status. However, some general trends in style can be recognized: Roman men tended to wear their hair short, with the fashion for beards, first noted on Hadrian, continuing into the 4th c. This fashion continued through the Tetrarchy, changing only when Constantine became sole ruler, at which point he began to be depicted as clean-shaven, possibly so that he would be associated with the Augustan ideal of the past.102 Apart from the pagan emperor Julian, who wore a beard perhaps to distinguish himself as a non-Christian,103 this short-haired, clean-shaven style continued into the 7th c. The exceptions to this were priests, who from the 6th c. onwards tended to be shown bearded; again, this may have become a method of identification, both pictorially and in reality.104 Women’s hair, as shown mainly on portrait busts and statues, also went through various changes in styles over this period, but generally it was worn long and pinned up, often with elaborate curling and/or plaiting. A number of portrait busts from the late 2nd and early 3rd c. have detachable hairpieces. It is not clear whether this was a way of ensuring that the sculptures had up-to-date hairstyles, or if it was a realistic depiction of the use of 99  Evershed (2004); Perez-Arantegui et al. (2009). 100  Olson (2008a) 66. 101  Rose (2008). 102  Croom (2000) 78. 103  Croom (2000) 78: suggests that the pagan Julian may have resumed his beard when he became emperor in order to distinguish his image from that of his Christian predecessors. 104  Croom (2000) 79.

21 wigs and hairpieces by the wealthy. However, there are references in ancient texts for the use of both hairpieces and wigs, either for the purposes of vanity or disguise.105 There are also references to the use of dyes to cover grey, and to darken, lighten, or redden the hair.106 Most of the depictions of ornate hairstyles are on pictures or sculptures of high status women, or those who aspired to this position. Those lower down the social scale, including slaves and servants, are generally shown with their hair done in a simple way, often pulled back and tied in a bun at the neck. Tattoos, Branding, Mutilation and Other Body Modifications During the Roman and late antique periods, the word stigma was used to describe tattoos, however, when used during the Byzantine period, the word seems to refer more often to branding rather than tattooing. This shift in meaning has led to some confusion in the translation of ancient texts, however, it is clear that some form of physical marking was often used to identify slaves, criminals and prisoners of war at this time.107 There is little evidence of tattooing being used by the Romans for decorative purposes, as this was associated with ‘barbarian’ tribes such as the Picts.108 However, it is possible that tattooing or branding was used for religious reasons, although the use of the word stigma in some cases may have been metaphorical.109 One form of body modification that did occur in Late Antiquity was the physical alteration or mutilation of the male genitals. Not originally allowed by the Romans, the practice was declared illegal in the 1st c. AD by Domitian. However, the influx of eastern religions in the 2nd and 3rd c., such as the cult of Cybele, whose priests were castrated, and the asceticism preached by Christians, may have made the existence of the asexual eunuch more socially acceptable.110 By the 4th c. many eunuchs held positions of power at court.111 Another type of body alteration that was known during this period was the artificial modification of the 105  Reinach (1896) for a list of ancient literary references. 106  Olson (2008a) 72–73. 107  Jones (1987) 153–55. 108  From Claud. de bello Getico 26. 426–419: “… next the legion that had been left to guard Britain, the legion that kept the fierce Scots in check, whose men had scanned the strange devices tattooed on the faces of the dying Picts.” 109  Jones (1987) 150–51. However, the 1300 year old mummy of a Sudanese woman, now at the British Museum, has recently been found to have a tattoo of the monogram of St. Michael on her thigh: BM reg. no. 2008, 1005.1. 110  Stephenson (1995) 506. 111  Stephenson (1995) 508.

22 skull. Individuals with the elongated skulls that this practice produced, have been found in burial contexts from the 1st through to the 6th c., in both eastern and western parts of the empire. It was originally thought that this practice was brought to central Europe by the Huns, however, recent studies of cemeteries in Pannonia shows that it pre-dates their arrival.112 Both men and women with this modification are present in large numbers in 2nd and 3rd c. AD graves in the Carpathian basin; many of the cemeteries are associated with Roman forts and settlements, suggesting social and cultural integration.113 Examples from western parts of the empire, including central Germany, the Rhine valley, southern France and Italy, are later, most often late 5th c., and are most often female. These women were, for the most part, buried according to local custom, the cranial modification being the only thing that marked them out from other burials. This may suggest a practice of exogamy, possibly for political reasons.114

CHAPTER 1

Textile Production and Dress Recent find assemblages suggest that wool was the fabric most often used for making clothes during Late Antiquity.115 This usually came from sheep, but goat and camel hair was also used, particularly for coarse, hard wearing textiles.116 The next most commonly used fabric for clothing was linen made from flax; other plant fibres, such as hemp and nettle were also used, however differentiating between these in the archaeological record can be difficult.117 There is some evidence that cotton was being imported into the Roman empire by the early 3rd c. AD,118 and that it was being grown and used in Egypt.119 The few finds that can be positively identified as cotton are mainly from the Red Sea coast of Egypt; the particular thread spin used in many of these garments suggests an Indian origin.120 Clothing was also made from or embellished with silk, which was being imported into the Roman empire in some quantity by the 1st c. AD, however, its beauty and relative rarity meant that it remained an expensive luxury fabric even after sericulture was

introduced into Byzantium, probably in the 6th c.121 It is therefore unlikely to be found in any great quantities on the clothing of the poorer classes. There has been considerable research done on the weaving and spinning techniques used during this period, and we know from the different categories in the Edict of Diocletian that there were a great many different qualities and weights of fabric and clothing available.122 Archaeological evidence also suggests that there was quite a variation in skill shown in the weaving and making of garments.123 Knowledge of the methods used in fabric and garment manufacture not only provides information on day to day activities in the typical household, but it also enables us to better picture the garments of the time, and thereby create more realistic reproductions. Unfortunately, there are very few sites at which the textile finds can be closely dated, however, the use of radiocarbon dating techniques, in combination with contextual analysis, is proving to be very useful in helping to track stylistic changes and differences over time and place.124 A recent study that compared the finds assemblages from a number of different sites in Egypt, has found that twill weaves were more frequently used for military clothing, and that civilian clothing was more often made using a simpler tabby weave. It also concluded that clavate tunics were going out of fashion by the end of the 4th c.125 Sophisticated chemical analysis techniques are also helping to identify the original colours of many of the textile fragments that have only survived in the archaeological record as brown rags. Research into the use and derivation of dyes, particularly purple, and of decorative techniques such as resist dyeing, is also helping us to ‘colour in’ the clothes of people from all levels of society. There is also evidence that clothing was wellused before being discarded; garments and textile fragments found at a number of sites show frayed edges, darns, mending, patching and sometimes complete reworking.126 Professional fullers washed and prepared new cloth and cleaned garments; there are archaeological remains of fulleries in many different parts of the empire,127 and the Edict of Diocletian provides a price list for their services.128 However, mending, cleaning and

112  Hakenbeck (2009) 71. 113  Hakenbeck (2009) 71. 114  Hakenbeck (2009) 77. 115  Linscheid (2001); Bender Jorgensen (2004). 116  Handley (2011) 322. 117  Andersson Strand et al. (2010) 152. 118  Parker (2002) 42. 119  Raschke (1978) 651. 120  Handley (2011) 321.

121  Muthesius (1989) 136. 122   Ed. Diocl. 25–29. 123  Yadin (1963). 124  Andersson Strand et al. (2010) 158. 125  Bender Jorgensen (2007) 32. 126  Bender Jorgensen (2004) 72; Yadin (1963); Mannering (2000a) 283, 286; Granger-Taylor (2000) 160. 127  Bradley (2002); Wilson (2004). 128   Ed. Diocl. 22.

Thematic Studies: An Overview and New Research

Current Research on Roman Dress

remaking, particularly among the poor, was most likely carried out by the owner of the garment, or perhaps a member of the family. Regional Variation in Clothing Both written and art historical evidence indicates that clothing styles varied across the Roman empire, and recent studies by Ursula Rothe on Rome’s north-western provinces have explored the way that these variations could be used to express cultural identity.129 However, the reasons for using clothing in this way can be narrowly culturally specific, and are not always clear.130 Nor is there necessarily any deeper meaning intended; expansion of the empire during the imperial period introduced new textiles and clothing styles, and although many of these are described by a regional name, it is not clear whether this refers to the place of origin of the textile, the garment or the design.131 The widespread availability of these new styles provided people of all classes and in all regions with more choice. Apparent regional variation in clothing could therefore have been a selfconscious declaration of cultural orientation (regardless of ethnicity), a reflection of local fashion and availability, or simply an indication of individual taste.132 However, certain garments came to be associated with specific national groups, and may have been used to depict them in visual representations and written descriptions. This was particularly the case for so-called ‘barbarian’ groups. All were generally shown long-haired and bearded, with those from the East wearing a tunic and loose fitting trousers, and those from the north-west shown wearing tight fitting trousers or bracae, and often bare-chested.133 Hats were also sometimes used to represent certain national types, for example Dacians in Phrygian caps, and Armenians in round caps.134 There is little doubt that these styles had some basis in reality, however, much like the stola, they may have been used iconographically to represent ‘barbarian’ groups long after those particular styles had evolved or spread beyond that group. Although clothing was often used to indicate ‘foreigners’ in contemporary depictions, there is little evidence that similar ‘vestimentary markers’ were used in contemporary texts. The evidence from these suggests that while descriptions of dress were used to signal social distinctions, they were not used to signal ethnic variations.135 129  See Rothe (2013) and (2012). 130  Rothe (2012) 246. 131  See the Ed. Diocl. 19. 132  Rothe (2013) 243. 133  Gergel (1994) 195, 199; Harlow (2004b) 204. 134  Gergel (1994) 195. 135  Pohl (1998) 42.

23 The vast majority of extant late antique garments come from Egypt, and although they vary considerably in style and design, it is not possible to determine whether these differences came about because of the ethnic or regional origin of the wearer. It is telling that the clothing listed in the dowry of Geminia Januarilla, a young woman who lived in North Africa during the Vandal period, is not very different in its essentials from that of any wealthy Roman woman of the time, in that it indicates status rather than ethnicity.136 Also, the clothing worn in Rome seems to have been influenced by provincial styles; the Edict of Diocletian lists Gallic, Phoenician and Babylonian sandals,137 as well as hooded cloaks described as Dacian, Britannic, Numidian and Phrygian, among others.138 Presumably all were available to anyone who had the necessary money. Equally, the Sasanian riding coats found in Antinopolis at the turn of the 20th c. are thought to have belonged not to Persian incomers, but to wealthy high-ranking Byzantine administrators.139 Similarly, Procopius describes young rebels who usurped Persian and Hunnish hair and clothing styles as a way of asserting both their wealth and their individuality.140Although trousers continued to be associated with ‘barbarians’, and, together with boots, were outlawed in Rome at the end of the 4th c.,141 artistic depictions suggest that by the 5th c. most men were ­wearing a form of tight trouser or leggings under their tunics.142 Weather of course varied from season to season, and place to place, so it is reasonable to expect that there were clothes to deal with these variations. There is reference to “clothes, both winter and summer” in a will from Egypt,143 and John Cassian allows the monk’s dress to take into account the variation in the climate.144 Straw hats or parasols were used in summer to keep the sun off,145 and hooded capes made of leather or heavy natural wool, possibly with added grease, were worn to repel 136  The Dowry of Geminia Januarilla (ed. Courtois (1952) act. 1, 1:215; Conant (2012) 281 says that her clothes “do not seem to have been remarkably out of place for a woman of notable status in the late Roman countryside”. 137   Ed. Diocl. 9. 138   Ed. Diocl. 19. 139  Knauer (2004) 12 and n. 22. 140  Procop. HA 7 (Outrages of the Blues: written between AD 500– 65) (see chapter 4, n.18). 141   Cod. Theod. 14.11.2–3; this may have been because of their military connotations, see Harlow (2004a) 65. 142  Croom (2000) 62. 143   P.Oxy 16. 1901 (translation from Croom (2000) 22). 144  John Cassian, The Institutes 1.10 (On the Dress of Monks: see appendix E.5). 145  Croom (2000) 80, 126.

24 rain, as was the reno, a covering made shaggy with a twisted nap, referred to by Isidore of Seville.146 There is evidence for the use of bitumen and petroleum for waterproofing in antiquity,147 so it is possible that grease was added to leather shoes and boots for this purpose. Goldman says that a shoemaker was sometimes referred to as a pissyrgos (pitch worker) because they used tar or pitch to blacken boots, but its purpose may also have been to improve waterproofing.148

CHAPTER 1

Social Status and Dress Roman society was strongly hierarchical; variations in the form, colour and deportment of garments such as the toga, the stola and the pallium, were used to indicate the differences in gender, rank and status among citizens. In the 1st and 2nd c. AD, the width of the clavi on a man’s tunic was used to denote his class,149 although this practice had largely died out by the 4th c. A woman’s status was judged by her clothing: respectable Roman matrons were shown wearing a long tunic, stola and palla, which would be drawn over her head when she was outside the home.150 The names of certain garments often became synonymous with the status or role they represented, sometimes long after the particular garment was habitually worn. Roman citizens were known as the ‘gens togata’, or ‘togate people’, meaning of high moral standards;151 likewise, describing a woman as stolate would tell you immediately that she was a Roman matron of good moral character, whether she was actually wearing one or not.152 Clothing was also used metaphorically to describe certain activities: ‘changing one’s shoes’ came to mean ‘becoming a senator’;153 ‘being summoned to the pilleus’ meant being given one’s freedom;154 and ‘toga work’, or opera togata, came to represent the subservient role of the client.155 It is important to stress that the rules governing clothing applied only to the elite; there is no evidence that the lower or working classes had to indicate their status by particular garments, although

this might have been apparent from what they were not wearing. Also, in the case of slaves, there is positive evidence that the introduction of uniforms was rejected as being potentially dangerous.156 Clothing was also used symbolically to mark the transition from one social category to another, such as coming of age, marriage and manumission. On reaching sexual maturity, a boy exchanged his toga praetexta for the toga virilis or toga pura of a man, ritually dedicating his childish toga and protective bulla to the household gods. It is likely that girls also went through a similar ritual, exchanging their toga praetexta for the stola once married.157 On the day they were given their freedom, slaves had their hair shorn and wore a special hat called a pilleus.158 Not unlike today, there were also special, symbolic garments to be worn by the bride at her wedding,159 and by the priests and priestesses of various cults during religious ceremonies. For example, Josephus describes the cosmic significance of each piece of clothing worn by the Jewish high priest.160 By the late 4th c., belts were used as the insignia of high military or civil status.161 The practice of the marking and conferring of an administrative rank by the presentation of specific insignia continued and expanded into the Byzantine era. At the end of the 9th c., Philotheos detailed the insignia presented to the top 18 ranks at court; most are such things as gold chains, staffs, tablets or swords, but for the three highest positions they included tunic/mantle and belt sets in red, purple and white with gold.162 Then, as now, wealthy people could often be recognised by the quantity and quality of their clothes and accessories. Jerome speaks disparagingly of wealthy women “cramming their wardrobes with dresses”,163 and with clothes of “silken fabrics, Chinese fleeces and gold brocade”.164 Slaves were not necessarily distinguishable by the poor quality of their clothes; in fact many were wealthy in their own right,165 and others might be well-dressed as an advertisement of the wealth of their owners.166 However, there is certainly

146  Isid. Etym. 19.23.4. 147  Forbes (1993) 74–80. 148  Goldman (1994a) 104. 149  Croom (2000) 33. 150  Olson (2008a) 25. 151  Verg. Aen. 1.282 (…gentemque togatam); see also Cassiod. Var. 3.17.1, Theodoric to all the Gaulish provinces: “clothe yourselves with the morals of the toga.” 152  Edmondson (2008) 24. 153  Cic. Phil. 13.13.28, cited in Edmondson (2008) 27. 154  Livy 24.32, cited in Edmondson (2008) 42, n24. The pilleus was also worn symbolically to illustrate freedom from a particular political situation, for example at the death of Nero: “citizens ran through the streets wearing caps of liberty”: Suet. Ner. 57. 155  Mart. Epigrams 3.46.1, cited in George (2008) 103.

156  See Sen. Clem. 1.24.1; SHA Alex. Sev. 27.4. 157  Olson (2008b) 143: the relative scarcity of references to this ritual in the sources “could reflect either ‘its relative insignificance in the female life cycle’…. or its unimportance to male authors”. 158  Polyb. 30.18.3. 159  See La Follette (1994) for a full description of the clothing of a Roman bride. 160  Edwards (1994) 157, quoting from Joseph. AJ 3.181–86. 161  Bowerstock et al. (1999) 339; Cod. Theod. 14.10.1.1.0. 162  Bury (1911) 22. 163  Jer. Ep. 22.32. 164  Jer. Ep. 107.10. 165  Croom (2000) 21. 166  Ball (2005) 1; Olson (2008a) 43–44; Rose (2008) 44–46.

Current Research on Roman Dress

evidence that members of the lower classes had fewer and simpler clothes. By the late Republic there was a guild of centonarii, who may have been second-hand clothing dealers, making new garments out of cast-off tunics and cloaks.167 Also, the Edict of Diocletian lists three qualities of coarse linen garments that are “suitable for common people or slaves”,168 and archaeological evidence from a number of what might be described as ‘lower status’ sites in Egypt, show clothes to have been well-used before being discarded. Religion and Dress There are a number of literary references from the 2nd and 3rd c. AD that mention the clothing worn by members of Roman cults. Aulus Gellius describes some of the clothing requirements and restrictions of the priests and priestesses of Jupiter,169 and Tertullian briefly describes the clothing of followers of Ceres, Bellona and Saturn.170 Apuleius also gives a detailed description of the followers of Isis.171 By the 4th c., Christians were being exhorted to give up luxurious clothing and dress simply in plain white garments,172 without using silk or dyes.173 Also women were told to go without jewellery or makeup174 and cover their heads.175 These instructions notwithstanding, there is considerable archaeological evidence for clothing with ornately woven and dyed clavi and roundels depicting biblical scenes. Found mostly in Egypt, and dating from the 5th to the 8th c., these garments may have been worn on pilgrimage, and then used as protective burial robes.176 This use of apotropaic images on clothing predates the advent of Christianity, but continued into the Christian era, often simply combining both pagan and Christian devices. For example, knots, long considered amuletic pagan symbols, are often incorporated into the designs on later textiles and clothes.177 Another, more obvious use of such knots on a garment, can be found on the child’s shirt found in the Cave of Letters in Israel, which had small pouches tied into it, possibly for holding herbs

167  Sebesta (1994b) 67; see also Liu (2009); this is dealt with in chapter 4: ‘Kentrônes and the Second Hand Clothing Business’. 168   Ed. Diocl. 26. 169  Gell. NA 10.15. 170  Tert. De Pallio 4.10. 171  Apul. Met. 11. 172  Cyprian Ep. 1.3 (PL 4.198-200). 173  Clem. Al., Paed. 2.11 (PG 8.536-40). 174  Jer. Ep. 22 (To Eustochium), 38 (To Marcella on Blaesilla), 127 (To Principia). 175  1 Corinthians 11:2–16. 176  Davis (2005) 348–51. 177  Maguire (1990) 216; Croom (2000) 37, illustration 7.

25 or stones; it clearly had a prophylactic or apotropaic purpose.178 In the 4th c., John Cassian described and detailed the symbolism of each garment of a monk’s dress.179 However, what constituted correct dress for monks during this period was not as uniform as Cassian suggests,180 there were different opinions of what ‘monastic dress’ should be.181 Written descriptions of the monk dressed in ragged, drab, cheap clothing might have been used symbolically to indicate his liminal status: of the world and yet rejecting its norms.182 Similarly, depictions of a holy person dressed magnificently in beautiful jewelled garments might represent what they gave up in life, and so were rewarded with in heaven.183 Not only can such descriptions not be accepted as reliable indications of what was really being worn, but without the visual or descriptive context, such garments might easily be misinterpreted.184 Although certain items of clothing (specifically the schema, a leather apron given to the new monk to wear for work,185 the melote, a sheepskin worn over both shoulders and knotted in the middle,186 and the hood) are all noted as articles of monastic clothing, none are consistently or exclusively found on depictions of monks or abbots.187 There has also been some research into the Jewish clothing of the period that suggests that the restrictions and requirements of Jewish law made their costume distinctive. Many of the restrictions had to do with fibre content and weaving /making techniques, and archaeological evidence suggests that these were conformed to.188 Other requirements, including that for tassels on 178  Yadin (1963) 256–58. 179  John Cassian, The Institutes 1 (On the Dress of Monks: see appendix E.5). 180  See especially Krawiec (2009). 181  Krawiec (2009) 128. 182   Krawiec (2009) 131. However, there have been examples of extremely worn, patched and ragged clothing found in monastic settings, such as el-Kom el-Ahmar (Huber (2007)), and al-Naqlun (Godlewski (2006) 35). 183  Dauterman Maguire (2003) 2 and 4: “… most orans figures are dressed for heaven, not earth”. 184  Krawiec (2009) 128: “because the meaning of the clothing lies in how it is decoded, misunderstandings could lead to a mistaken identity- something the writers needed to guard against”; see for example Pall. Hist. Laus. 46 (Melania the Elder, see appendix E.13). See also Krawiec (2014). 185  Dauterman Maguire (2003) 43 nn. 25 and 26. 186  Dauterman Maguire (2003) 49. 187  Dauterman Maguire (2003) 50: “For clothing in general, the images we have indicate considerable variation from one monastery or from one region or from one chronological moment to another”. 188  Yadin (1963).

26 the corners of a man’s mantle, would not necessarily have made the garments appear very different from any others of the time,189 however they may have made the wearers identifiable to other Jews. People in mourning, both men and women, wore dark clothes. These items are described using words that could also mean dirty or undyed,190 the clothes might also have been torn in grief.191 Women in mourning were expected to go without cosmetics and jewellery, and were often shown with their hair loose.192

CHAPTER 1

Colour It is clear from a number of literary references that clothes came in a great variety of colours.194 While poor people might only be able to afford clothes made in the natural browns, blacks, greys and whites of wool and linen, the wealthy and fashionable could choose from the many shades of blue, green, red, purple and yellow that were increasingly available at the time.195 New garish colours such as cersinus (bright red), prasinus (strong green/blue), and galbinus (bright green/yellow), chosen because of their expense and novelty, were a visible declaration of the wealth of the wearer.196 Some dyes,

and therefore some coloured textiles, were considerably rarer and more expensive than others; this was particularly the case with dyes such as Tyrian purple, made from shellfish, and the brilliant scarlet made from the kermes insect. The beauty and rarity of these colours meant that they came to represent wealth; purple was also associated with high status, possibly because of its historical association with kingship.197 However, the popularity of dark reds and purples may not have been simply for reasons of fashion or status; as the colours of blood, they symbolised life and were seen as protective against evil forces, particularly for the young and defenceless.198 There are many examples of red and purple cloth in the archaeological record, with purple in fact being the colour most commonly used on clothing embellishments at Mons Claudianus, which was a working community.199 This may have been because of the perceived association between purple and high status or because of its apotropaic properties.200 These ‘lesser’ purples were usually made from a combination of indigo and madder, and may not have been as bright or vibrant as those made from shellfish. However, when trying to reconstruct a ‘snapshot’ of the people of Late Antiquity, it would seem that purple was more common than the literary sources might suggest. Purple did eventually come to be associated specifically with the imperial family, although its use by others was never completely curbed.201 However, by the mid 4th c. certain grades of purple dye and clothing were restricted to imperial use.202 Other colours were also used symbolically. White was for religious or virginal purity, such as with the priests and priestesses of Isis,203 and the costume of the Roman bride, who also wore a special flame coloured mantle.204 Black was seen as the colour of mourning (see above ‘mourning clothes’), and thereby was sometimes also seen as the precursor to bad luck.205 The Jewish high priest wore blue robes to echo the colour of the sky;206 this use of blue as a ‘celestial’ colour was also used on later depictions of Christ, Mary and the angels, and as

189  Roussin (1994) 188, 190 n. 57. 190  Croom (2000) 84. 191  Levy (1947). 192  Croom (2000) 136; Olson (2008a) 42. For a description of a mourning procession, see Prudent. Cath. 7 (appendix E.3). 193  Gilliver (2007) 5. 194  See Sebesta (1994b) for a discussion of the names and sources of the colours used during the Roman period. There are references in papyri dated between the 1st–6th c., to garments of various colours. 195  Ov. Ars am. 3.3: Ovid says that there are as many dyes for wool as there are flowers in spring. 196  Sebesta (1994b) 70–71. When describing the household of Trimalchio, a wealthy 1st c. AD parvenu, Petronius has both

Fortunata and Trimalchio’s porter wearing bright green and cherry red (Petron. Sat. 5.28). 197  Reinhold (1970) 43. 198  Sebesta (1994a) 47; see also Betz (1992) PGM VII.201–2 (p. 121) and PGM 61.100–105 (p.292): both specify using a red cloth. 199  Bender Jorgensen (2000) 257. 200  Sebesta (1994a) 47, see also ‘The Apotropaic Use of Colour’ in chapter 3 ‘Cultural Values in Clothing’. 201  Reinhold (1970) 62. 202  Croom (2000) 26. 203  Apul. Met. 11. 204  Sebesta (1994a) 48. 205  Gilliver (2007) 12. 206  Edwards (1994) 157.

Professional Costumes During this period, some groups or professions might have been recognised by their dress. Members of the administration may have worn insignia of office (see above ‘social status and dress’), and priests or followers of different religions might have dressed in specific ways (see above ‘religion and dress’). Many trades, particularly those to do with the annona, were structured in professional bodies called corpora, however there is no evidence that they wore any sort of prescribed garment or uniform. The same seems to have been the case with the army; although soldiers might have worn similar clothing, and been recognisable because of their insignia or equipment, there is no evidence that they wore uniformly identical clothing, either in design or colour.193

Current Research on Roman Dress

a ‘sexless’ colour, was also sometimes used to represent eunuchs.207 Colour could also be used to show affiliations, such as with the different chariot racing groups at the circus. Originally divided into red, white, green and blue factions, by the 5th c., blue and green predom­ inated. Charioteers were shown wearing the colours of their faction,208 and it is probable that followers also showed their support by wearing the appropriate colour. As was the case with purple, use of specific colours to represent a status or a particular role did not preclude their use in other circumstances or by other people. But, like the depiction of trousers on ‘barbarians’, or the stola on respectable Roman matrons, they often came to be used iconographically as a kind of ‘code’ or shorthand understood by the viewers of the time. Conclusion The sources detailed here have often been used to describe Roman dress. Books such as The Clothing of the Ancient Romans by Lillian Wilson, and Roman Clothing and Fashion by Alexandra Croom, have predominantly used visual and literary evidence to categorise, illustrate and reproduce various items of clothing. However, although their work is comprehensive, it must be remembered this evidence is not only sparse and often difficult to closely date, but widely spread, both chronologically and geographically. Attempting to order chronologically different clothing styles, such as Croom has done, may therefore be mistakenly turning what could have been very local variations into general stylistic ‘trends’.209 Similarly, the disparate nature of the written sources can lead to the misidentification of garments; similar clothes are often called by different names. This may be because they are actually different in some physical way, or because the name of the same garment varied over time and place. Defining or depicting specifically named articles of clothing based on these sources is often impossible. For example, although Isidore of Seville lists paludamentum and chlamys as different garments, Wilson gives examples of both words being used to describe the same garment.210 This does not necessarily mean that they were the same, but rather that the original writers perhaps lacked either understanding of, or interest in, the specifics of clothing design and nomenclature. 207  Jones and Tougher (2005) 160. 208  See Dunbabin (1982). 209  Croom (2000) is divided into separate chapters for women’s, men’s and children’s clothes, which are then further separated and organised by date. 210  Wilson (1938) 101.

27 This lack of knowledge of the details of clothing design appears to extend to modern translators too. The Edict of Diocletian, issued in AD 301, was an attempt to control the prices of goods and services in a time of increasing inflation. Of the over 1000 items listed, just under half pertain to cloth and clothing; these include not only raw materials, dyed fabrics, and those who wove, stitched and cleaned them, but also a great variety of specific garments, differentiated by colour, decoration, quality, and/or place of origin. The translation of this document, which is included with the 1940 edition of An Economic Survey of Ancient Rome,211 separately lists garments called stichon,212 singilio,213 and strictoria.214 However, all are simply translated as ‘shirt’, not a garment (by today’s definition) generally understood to be part of the late antique wardrobe. Similarly, caracalla/e is ­translated as both ‘cloak’, and ‘hoods’,215 and δελματικομαφερτιον (not given in Latin, but roughly dalmaticomafortium) is translated as ‘dalmatic with hood’,216 whereas in a more recently translated papyrus from the 3rd c. AD, the same word is interpreted as a ‘Dalmatian veil’,217 quite a different garment. Recent studies which concentrate on the socio-­ political aspects of dress in antiquity,218 also use literary and art historical evidence to determine what the clothing described or depicted reveals about social, religious and ethnic affiliations, as well as the status, profession, age and/or gender of the wearer. However, the nature of this evidence has meant that most of these studies have dealt with the elite and how they see and depict themselves and others; depictions/descriptions of non-elite dress are rare.219 It has been suggested that many artistic depictions made use of what might have been long standing ‘stock images’, particularly to depict the lower classes,220 however it is possible that non-elites were depicted in recognisable garments in order to make the pictures more relevant and understandable to viewers. 211  Graser (1940) 305–421. 212   Ed. Diocl. στιχη/στιχην (19.2, 10, 11; 20.1, 2; 27.13–33). 213   Ed. Diocl. στινγιλιων (19.47–50). 214   Ed. Diocl. στρικτωριασ (19.62; 22.7). 215   Ed. Diocl. καρακαλλου ‘cloak’ (7.44–45); καρακαλλων ‘hoods’ (26.120–39). 216   Ed. Diocl. 19.12, 13; 19.31; δελματικομαφολτου (22.11, 13). 217   P.Oxy.1273: the word used here is δελματικομαφορτησ; this interpretation is more likely to be correct, as examination of the extant physical evidence shows hooded dalmatics to be rare (see catalogue, nos. 43–55). 218   Such as Edmondson and Keith (2008) and Sebesta and Bonfante (1994). 219  As Wilson points out, clothing was usually only “casually mentioned” in Roman literature: Wilson (1938) 77. 220  Ball (2005) 79.

28 Whilst these studies can therefore be useful for identifying different styles of dress, it must also be kept in mind that the pictorial and literary evidence on which they are based might have been intended to be both didactic and prescriptive; neither should therefore be seen as providing a ‘snapshot’ of reality as far as clothing is concerned. This reliance on literary and art historical sources in the research of dress during the Roman period has not only meant that the clothing of certain groups has been poorly investigated, but it has also created problems in the identification and interpretation of clothing generally. For example, the identification of particular ensem­bles or garments as representing specific social/ regional/ religious/ professional dress in a particular illustration has often lead to the assumption that such garments were always indicative of these categories. Similarly, ­stylistic ‘trends’ might be assumed based on

CHAPTER 1

visual sources that are too disparate to be meaningfully compared and assessed. And while confusion over the names and designs of particular garments may seem unimportant, it often means that written evidence is misunderstood, and archaeological and visual evidence misinterpreted, making it virtually impossible to correctly marry up specific names with the visual or archaeological evidence. The archaeological evidence itself, while sometimes used to illustrate styles and trends identified in other research, is often neglected because of poor condition, inaccessibility, inadequate cataloguing, or lack of clear provenance. Further, the desire to ‘categorise’ items of clothing according to design alone, puts undue emphasis on this one aspect of their structure or composition, rather than quality, fabric, colour, size or condition, any or all of which might have a bearing on the gender, age, status, religion, origin or profession of the wearer.

CHAPTER 2

Late Antique Society Clothing in Late Antiquity The period of Late Antiquity, roughly covering the end of the 3rd to the beginning of the 8th c., was a period of great change in the Roman empire. Citizenship, and with it the right to wear the toga, was granted to all freeborn inhabitants of the empire at the beginning of the 3rd c., however, because of the increasing popularity of ‘un-Roman’ garments such as trousers, leggings, capes and hooded cloaks, the traditional toga eventually became a symbolic garment to be worn only on civic occasions.1 Trade with other nations brought new products; cotton was imported from India in increasingly large amounts,2 as was silk from Persia. By the 6th c., silk was itself being produced in Byzantium.3 New techniques, such as resist dyeing and drawloom weaving were also introduced, both of which facilitated the production of more ornately patterned fabrics,4 not only changing the look of textiles during this period, but also providing new ways of expressing wealth and/or status. The advent of Christianity also brought changes in personal style. Converts, particularly those who were wealthy, were exhorted to reject the ostentation often shown by those of their class, and to simplify their clothing.5 According to MacMullen, if Cicero or Marcus Aurelius had ‘stepped into’ the 4th c. world of Ammianus Marcellinus, what would have made the most impact on them would have been the change in the way people dressed.6 With the expansion of the empire, the dress codes that had applied in the past were much more difficult to enforce; in his plea for the people of Carthage to return to wearing the pallium, Tertullian says: [You see] freedmen in the attire of knights, slaves loaded with floggings in that of nobility, captives in that of the freeborn, bumpkins in that of city dwellers, buffoons in that of men of the forum, citizens in that of soldiers. The corpse-bearer, the pimp, and the trainer of gladiators: they dress like you.7 1  MacMullen (1964) 451. 2  Wild (2006) 179. 3  Muthesius (1989) 136. 4  Trilling (1982a), (1982b). 5  Cyprian Ep. 1.3 (PL 4.198–200); Jer. Ep. 22.27 (To Eustochium). 6  MacMullen (1964) 450. 7  Tert. De Pallio 4.8.4.

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Recognised as the clothing of the Greeks and of the philosopher, the pallium had also become a symbol of Christian humility.8 Tertullian’s appeal may have been a veiled attempt to convert the people of Carthage to Christianity, however, his words make it clear that the dress codes that applied to the elite in republican and early imperial Rome no longer held. Variations in clothing still represented variations in status, but now they became much more specific, as did the laws that governed them.9 A ‘new costume’ of boots, sleeved tunic and long cloak now known as a chlamys, became the distinctive costume of the late antique period; the chlamys, a garment closely associated initially with the military, came to represent both civil and military authority. A form of toga continued to be worn by those of senatorial rank, but was now shorter, coming only to the knees, and was usually worn over a long sleeved tunic. The new shorter length allowed the strapped boots that indicated senatorial rank to be clearly seen.10 Apart perhaps from the senatorial toga and shoes, Smith suggests that there was probably not an “automatic or necessary equation between dress-types and offices”;11 but rather that specific details of rank and office would have been indicated by the addition to these two basic dress types of particular colours, segmenta, shoes, belts and/ or buckles. The bestowal of ‘belts’ of office is referred to often in the Theodosian Code; these appear to be particular to specific administrative positions.12 There is also evidence that higher ranks were presented with complete robes of office. For instance, in AD 379, the Emperor Gratian presented Ausonius with an ornately

8  Brennan (2008) 264. 9  Arce (2005) 34. 10  Smith (1999) 179. 11  Smith (1999) 182. 12  For example, Cod. Theod. 1.12.4 (AD 393) refers to ‘official cincture of an inferior rank’; 6.30.8 and 6.30.9 (AD 383) refers to ‘official cincture’ of imperial messengers; 6.30.18: says that one cannot assume the ‘official cincture’ of imperial service unless permitted by the emperor; 8.1.11 (AD 365) refers to official cincture of accountants; 8.4.16: refers to official cinctures of special investigators and apparitors ordinary, which were both compulsory public service positions; 8.4.23 (AD 412) and 8.4.29 (AD 428) both refer to the ‘official cincture’ of imperial service; 12.1.147 (AD 416) refers to ‘official military cincture’ of a Decurion.

30 embellished garment on his entering the consulship,13 and the Theodosian Code refers to the giving of a consulship as the “bestowal of royal vestments”.14 These ornate costumes were greatly valued, used both as payment to soldiers and as gifts exchanged between the emperor and foreign representatives.15 They also played an important part in the increasingly elaborate, almost theatrical ceremonies that pervaded all levels of social interaction,16 by making it possible for a person’s specific rank and/or profession to be distinguished by his garments and accessories.17 Fashion and clothing design was further influenced by regional wear, that was either introduced by foreign incomers to the cities or by soldiers and merchants who had travelled to distant lands.18 For example, the dalmatic, a wide sleeved tunic originating in Dalmatia, became particularly popular with both men and women.19 However, the clothing worn by ‘foreigners’ was still recognisably different, although it is probable that such clothing was only worn on ceremonial occasions.20 During this period, the shape of the tunic underwent a gradual change, becoming narrower. Sleeves, which in the past had been formed largely by the extra width of the tunic, were now shaped and included during the weaving process.21 Probably as a result of improved weaving and dyeing techniques, the decoration on the tunic also became more elaborate, with the addition of tapestry woven roundels at the shoulders and/or knees, and decorative bands variously at the wrists, the neckline and/or on the sides. Originally done in simple geo13  Auson. Grat. act. 11. 14   Cod. Theod. 8.11.4 (AD 383); also 6.26.18 refers to specific vestments given ‘in accordance with the rank of counts of the second order which had been conferred on them’; 6.30.11 (AD 386) refers to gifts and robes as ‘Customary emoluments’. 15  MacMullen (1964) 447. 16  MacCormack (1981): at the beginning of the period, during the Tetrarchy, ceremonies were incidental, but eventually they became more elaborate; artistic and literary descriptions of late antique ceremonial were part of the “splendid theatre,” at the centre of which was the emperor. 17  MacMullen (1964) 448. 18  The Edict of Diocletian (19) lists such garments as Britannic, Numidian, Dacian, and Nervian cloaks, African and Dardanian mantles, and Gallic, Numidian and Phrygian shirts; also trousers, historically worn only by barbarians, were now commonly worn by auxiliary units in both the West and the East of the empire: MacMullen (1964) 446. 19  Croom (2000) 62. 20   S HA Gallieni Duo 8.7: “There marched, furthermore, men dressed to represent foreign nations, as Goths and Sarmatians, Franks and Persians, and no fewer than two hundred paraded in a single group”. 21  See chapter 4: ‘Tunics’ and ‘Tunic Embellishment and Dating’.

CHAPTER 2

metric patterns, by the 5th c., these roundels and bands often included elaborate depictions of human figures, animals and plants.22 This trend for pattern and decoration continued throughout the period, with some tunics and togae, particularly those worn by the very wealthy, being made with overall-patterned fabric.23 Women’s clothing also changed, with the fashion for two tunics, a simple long sleeved tunic under a more elaborate outer version, becoming more common. These were often worn with ornately decorated belts tied high under the bust.24 They continued to wear a mantle, but these were usually smaller, more colourful and more heavily decorated than they had been in the past.25 This love of colour, pattern and display was evident everywhere, and was not confined to members of the elite; paintings and mosaics show both family members and their servants wearing brightly coloured garments.26 In an attempt to regain control over the use of luxury items such as silk, fine linen and purple murex dyes, many aspects of their production and distribution were taken over by imperial workshops, however, the frequent reiteration of the many laws dealing with such things is surely an indication of how difficult it was to maintain exclusivity.27 There were also attempts to legally control what different classes of people could wear; existence of these laws indicates not only how important clothing still was in indicating status, but also how difficult it had become to control this.28 While a number of these laws

22  See for example Auson. Grat. act. 11, which includes a description of the consular robe sent to Ausonius by Gratian, decorated with a picture of Gratian’s father Constantius. 23  Croom (2000) 52. 24  Croom (2000) 101–102. 25  Croom (2000) 105–107. 26  MacMullen (1964) 440. See for example the 4th c. mosaic from Piazza Armerina in Sicily which pictures a family group accompanied by their servants (fig.38), and the ‘Estate of Lord Julius’ mosaic in the Bardo Museum: Blanchard-Lemee et al. (1996) fig. 121. 27  For example: Cod. Theod. 10.20.18 deals with the illegal use of purple dye, and there are a number of laws controlling the workers who collected and processed this dye (10.20.14– 17). There are also a number of laws concerning the theft of imperial linen weavers (10.20.1.6–9); 10.21.1 (AD 369) forbids the manufacture of gold /silk borders anywhere but in imperial workshops. This was reissued in 10.21.2 (AD 383) and 10.21.3 (AD 424); 15.9.1 states that no private person can distribute silk clothing at games. 28   Cod. Theod. 14.10.1–3 (AD 382 and 399) deals with the way senators should (and should not) dress; 14.10.2–4 (AD 396 and AD 412) restricts the wearing of trousers, boots, long hair, and garments made of skins (essentially ‘barbarian’ clothes) within the city; 13.3.7 punishes the ‘usurping’ of the ‘garb of philos-

Late Antique Society

made reference to the clothing of the poor or enslaved,29 the majority were only pertinent to those who had a choice about what they wore. While these people were not all necessarily of high status, they were almost certainly all freedmen and women, and all would have had enough wealth to have the luxury of choice. Although we may never know the exact level of poverty, it is telling that during difficult times such as famine or failed harvest, it was ‘commonplace’ for people to willingly give themselves or members of their families up to slavery, either to provide money, or so that they would be fed and clothed.30 Friesen’s study of four early Christian texts has led him to suggest that as much as 68% of the population may have lived at or below subsistence level during the Roman period,31 and there is no reason to think that this would have changed appreciably during the late antique period. There are many references to ‘the poor’ in early Christian writings, however this might refer to either economic or spiritual poverty: ‘the other’ in a rhetorical Christian sense.32 Later patristic texts further differentiate between the economic poverty of the street beggar and working poor, and the morally superior ‘voluntary’ poverty of the Christian ascetic: … his dress [was] hideous through the patching together of unsightly and ill-matched rags differing from one another, and fastenings whereby they were joined together by unsightly cords of hair and wool.33

ophers’ by those not approved to wear it; 15.7.11 dictates what sort of clothes actresses are not allowed to wear. 29   Cod. Theod. 14.10.2 (AD 382) allows slaves to wear ‘shaggy coats or hoods’ within the city, depending on who their owner was; 14.11.4 regarding barbarian clothing, metes out different punishments for freedmen and slaves; 13.3.7 the ‘usurper of the garb of the philosopher’ was unlikely to have been wealthy. 30  Harris (1999) 73. See also Cassiod. Var. 8.33: “There stand ready boys and girls, with the attractions which belong to their respective sexes and ages, whom not captivity but freedom sets a price upon. These are with good reason sold by their parents, since they themselves gain by their very servitude. For one cannot doubt that they are benefited even as slaves, by being transferred from the toil of the fields to the service of cities.” P.Mich. inv.10.587 (1st c. A.D), and P.coll. youtie. 2.92 (6th c.) are both contracts in which a father sells his daughter into servitude. 31  Friesen (2008) 20–21; The four texts, all dated to the 1st–2nd c. AD, are: The Revelation of John, The Letter of Jacob, The Acts of the Apostles (all from the New Testament) and The Shepherd of Hermas (transl. K. Lake (1917). 32  See Buell (2008) for a discussion of the language of poverty in early Christian texts. 33  Joh. Eph. V. SS. Or. 36 (PO 18.625).

31 The above quotation describes a monk, the decrepit state of his clothes probably exaggerated to better illustrate his asceticism and piety. There is archaeological evidence of monk’s ‘rags’: fragments of wool found in hermitage no. 44 at Al-Naqlun, probably from the monk’s winter garment, had been repaired many times before being made into a cushion,34 and many of the clothing fragments found in a monastic burial context at Al-Kom al-Ahmar are worn and roughly mended.35 However, while it is possible that these monks wore rags by choice, it may equally have been an indication of real economic poverty. Certainly, cloth and clothing were relatively expensive in antiquity, and there is evidence that the ‘working poor’ had fewer, more practical clothes; ‘working’ tunics were shorter, and designed in such a way as to allow for ease of movement and versatility of wear.36 Archaeological evidence shows that these garments were often much mended and patched, and sometimes worn until literally ‘worn out’.37 In the winter, they would be augmented by the addition of puttees and/or leggings for warmth, whereas in the summer, many workers would simply have worn a loincloth.38 Some workers, particularly those employed in farm labour, probably wore a simple foot covering, although it is likely that many poor people, both in the city and in the country, went barefoot.39 The lower classes were not generally represented in art except peripherally, sometimes as a contrast to better show the wealth of the commissioner of the work. It is possible that some articles of clothing may have been used in these depictions as a kind of ‘visual shorthand’ to represent low status roles, such as servant or agricultural worker. As was the case with high status garments— such as the toga and stola, ‘barbarian’ garments such as bracae, or the rags and nakedness of the beggar— the garments worn by the working class became part of the visual rhetoric used by artists and writers to represent certain social or ethnic categories, possibly long after such clothing was commonly worn.40 There are a number of references to the clothing of working people in the Theodosian Code. For example, passage 34  Godlewski (2006) 35. 35  Huber (2007) 62. 36  Croom (2000) 41–42; Dio Chrys. Or. 72 talks about different professions being recognised by their clothing: shepherds and farmers wearing the exomis, which is a tunic worn with the right shoulder bared, tavern keepers wearing their tunics ­belted high, and sailors wearing only a tunic. See chapter 4: ‘The Life of Clothes’: ‘Tunics’. 37  This is dealt with at length in chapter 4: ‘The Life of Clothes’. 38  Croom (2000) 63–65. 39  Goldman (1994a) 105. 40  See Ball (2005); Rothe (2009).

32 14.10.2 states that the “slaves of all men” are permitted to wear shaggy coats or hoods in the city, and passage 8.5.31 and 8.5.50 both describe the punishments to be meted out to those who tear or steal the cloak of a groom. Passage 8.5.48 of the code instructs that the escorts of carriages should have “cloaks whereby they should be properly protected”, and another law states that mule-drivers, wagoneers and veterinarians should receive subsistence allowances and clothing by public regulation.41 All of these laws point out the necessity and use of good protective clothing for the working man; they also confirm its value and relative expense: if it had to be supplied by the state, it might not have been something that the ordinary man could normally afford. The existence of ‘state supplied’ garments also suggest the intriguing possibility that some professions may have had a ‘uniform’. A law of AD 374, dealing with the transportation of military clothing, not only suggests the possible use of ‘uniform’ clothing, at least for soldiers, but also verifies the relative value of this clothing. This law deals with the issuing of post warrants, ensuring that clothing is transported with the same level of protection afforded to gold and silver, it also specifies that the clothing is taken all the way to the places where the soldiers are stationed, presumably to prevent theft in transit.42 Clothing was clearly a commodity that stored value,43 and was often found in lists of personal property, perhaps as part of a dowry or will, or in payment of a debt.44 It was also regularly used as payment of taxes.45 As well as showing us how valued everyday garments were, these clothing lists also give us a good idea of how ordinary people dressed. While their clothes may not have been made with ornately woven fabrics or covered in jewels like those of the very wealthy of the time, they were still varied and colourful. There are references to green, purple, and ‘mulberry’ coloured tunics, a ‘leontine’ mantle, and scarlet and purple veils,46 an ‘Antiochan’ cloak and

41   Cod. Theod. 8.5.31. 42   Cod. Theod. 8.5.33. 43  Understanding why an object ‘stores value’ in a particular society is complicated. It may have a religious, social or personal importance that is only very narrowly relevant, or may of course simply be a reflection of its relative cost; see Graebar (2001). 44  See appendix D.7 for excerpts from a number of relevant papyri. 45   Cod. Theod. 11.9.1–2 (AD 323); 13.5.14 (AD 371). 46   P.Teb. 2.405 R (3rd c.).

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hood,47 and a ‘honey-coloured’ Dalmatic.48 The description of these garments as ‘half worn-out’,49 or ‘used’,50 confirms that people continued to wear their old clothing for a long time, and that it held its value. This can also be seen in the archaeological evidence which includes children’s clothing ‘made down’ from worn adult garments,51 and the existence of garments that have been greatly mended and patched.52 Apotropaism and Clothing: Magical Practice in Late Antiquity In order to understand the use of apotropaic symbols on clothing, we need to understand the beliefs behind these features, and their importance in the ancient world. To the people of antiquity, the world was controlled by unseen forces that could bring good fortune and health, or cause illness and misfortune. This worldview of course predates the advent of Christianity, but in an increasingly Christian world, the forces of good came to include saints, holy men and angels; they simply joined the multitude of invisible powers, both good and evil, that controlled the lives of men. However, it was also believed that these forces could be invoked and manipulated by anyone by the use of signs, symbols and/ or actions.53 This belief in the ability of man to manipulate these unseen powers is perhaps best illustrated by the use of curse tablets, which was common during this period. Most often inscribed on thin metal sheets,54 curse tablets and binding spells, or ‘defixiones’ as they were known in Greek, were often intended to do harm to others, but might also have been made to attract a lover 47   P.Mich.inv. 14.684 (5th–6th c.); the words used are φαιλονια (phailonia translated as ‘cloak’), and καρακαλλιον (Latin caracalla, translated as ‘hood’); see the section ‘Mantles and Cloaks’ in the chapter ‘Current Research on Roman Dress’, for more on the names of outer garments. 48   P.Princ. 2. 82 (5th c.). 49   P.Teb. 2. 406 (3rd c.); SB 8. 9834 (4th c.). 50   P.Mich. inv. 5157. 51  Pritchard (2006) 37, fig.3.15. See the section ‘Reuse’ in the chapter ‘The Life of Clothes’. 52  Pritchard (2006) 37, figs. 3.14a-b illustrate a child’s tunic that has been ‘decoratively’ darned with at least ten different threads; Mannering (2000a) 283, describes a tunic from Mons Claudianus that had been patched and mended several times during its lifetime. See the section ‘Mending, Darning and Patching’ in the chapter ‘The Life of Clothes’. 53  Dauterman Maguire et al. (1989) 2. 54  Gager (1992) 3: the vast majority are inscribed on lead, however they have also been found on ostraca, gemstones and papyrus.

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or seek justice for an unacknowledged wrong. Usually invoking numerous deities or spirits, defixiones often employed a variation of the similia … similibus formula. Also known as a ‘persuasive analogy’ this formula expressed the wish that the named victim take on the characteristics of something mentioned in the spell.55 For example, a curse tablet found in Carthage targets the racing team of the blues: “Just as this rooster has been bound by its feet, hands, and head, so bind the legs and hands and heart of Victorius the charioteer”.56 Wax or clay figurines used in curses also employed similar ‘sympathetic magic’ in order to do harm; a figurine representing the intended victim would be subjected to damage or destruction, resulting in the same being suffered by the victim. In explaining the mechanisms of what he describes as ‘volt sorcery’, in which an image is used to cause harm to an individual from a distance, Gell characterises these figurines and curse tablets as ‘prototypes’ of the original, which in the case of curse tablets, is the intended victim. Creating an image of the intended victim by naming or depicting him on an object ‘binds’ the victim to the object; this binding of image to original enables the image to exercise a causal effect over the person.57 Events were seen as being caused by the “intentions or acts of willing or wishing” of oneself or others,58 and the curse tablet was the physical representation of the maker’s intentions; already causally linked to the victim; it was used to mediate between the world of man and the spiritual world. This mediation was aided by the deposition of the curse tablet in places believed to be close to the spiritual world, such as bodies of water, sanctuaries associated with chthonic deities, or the graves of the untimely dead, such as those who died violently or too young.59 Curse tablets worked, but not in ways that could be controlled by the social, legal, religious or political centres of ancient societies;60 this was a form of power that was available to all. Defixiones were made and used by ordinary individuals, allowing them to assume some control over what happened in their own lives and the lives of others.61 During the early empire, the use of defixiones was universal, and virtually everyone it seems 55  Faraone (1991) 5–8; Gager (1992) 13. 56  Gager (1992) 66; the tablet was dated to between 1st–3rd c. AD. 57  Gell (1998) 103. 58  Gell (1998) 99–102. 59  Gager (1992) 18–21: it was believed that the souls of those who died young remained in a restless condition near their graves until they reached a normal life-span; they were expected to act as agents in ensuring that the curse was carried out. 60  Gager (1992) 24. 61  By 1992, over 1500 curse tablets had been found: Gager (1992) 3.

33 believed in their efficacy. According to Tacitus, Tiberius’s adopted son Germanicus believed a curse had brought about the illness that ultimately killed him;62 Tacitus also describes other situations in which members of the emperor’s family used, or were accused of using spells and curses.63 The use of curse tablets was not confined to the ruling elite: according to Pliny the Elder, “there is no one who does not fear to be spellbound by curse tablets”.64 A burial inscription from Numidia describes how the wife of a tribune, ‘cursed by spells’ was made mute and eventually died.65 Another inscription, dated to the 2nd c. AD, is a ‘confession text’, in which a woman accused of placing curses tries to vindicate herself with the gods.66 This belief in the efficacy of curse tablets continued into Late Antiquity, for example, Sophronius (patriarch of Jerusalem in the 6th c. AD) relates a number of episodes in which the power exerted by pagan cursed figurines is overcome by the superior power of the saints.67 In the 8th c. AD, the Homily on Sacriligious Practices sought to define which common practices excluded you from being a Christian; these included the use of inscribed tablets on lead and other materials.68 Personal misfortune was also still generally attributed either to the use of spells or charms,69 or to the evil eye, which could also cause illness, misfortune or death: “What is this, Calasiris? What is the indisposition that has attacked my little girl?” “Do not wonder” said I, “if, being exhibited to such a multitude, she has attracted some evil eye.” He smiled ironically and said, “So you, along with the common herd, believe in the evil eye?” “As I believe in anything which is manifestly true”, I said. “This is how it works. The air by which we are surrounded and 62  Tac. Ann. 2.69: “...explorations in the floor and walls brought to light the remains of human bodies, spells, curses, leaden tablets engraved with the name Germanicus, charred and bloodsmeared ashes, and others of the implements of witchcraft by which it is believed the living soul can be devoted to the powers of the grave.” (transl. Jackson (1931-37)). 63  Tac. Ann. 4.52; 16.32; 12.65. 64  Plin. HN 28.4.19. 65   C IL 8. 2756; no date is given, but probably post AD 212 when soldiers were given official permission to take wives: Gager (1992) 246. 66  Gager (1992) 246, no. 137. 67  Sophron. v. m. Cyr. et Jo. in PG 87.3541–48, 3652 (transl. Gager (1992) 262–63). 68  Pseudo-Augustine, Homily on Sacrilegious Practices 5–6 (transl. from the German (Caspari (1886)) by Gager (1992) 263–64). 69  Gager (1992) 247.

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which reaches our inward parts through the eyes, nostrils, breath, and other passages, brings with it qualities it has received outside and implants in the person receiving it whatever affectations it has acquired. Thus when one looks upon a beautiful object with envy he fills the surrounding air with this malignant quality and transmits his own pernicious breath to whatever is near. Being thin and subtle, this breath penetrates to the bones and marrow, and thus envy under its commonly accepted designation of ‘evil eye’ is a disease which affects many people. Consider also, Charicles, how many people are infected with eye disease or other contagions when they have never touched anyone suffering from the disease or his bed or his table; the air itself is infectious”.70 Caused by the envious glances of those less fortunate, the evil eye could be blamed not only for ill health, but also infertility, damage to livestock and crops, or any unexpected ill that a family might encounter.71 Belief in its power was widespread in antiquity, and persists to this day in many Mediterranean regions.72 This belief may have been strengthened by a cultural acceptance of the concept of ‘limited good’. Particularly evident in insular societies, this concept holds that all ‘good’, both material and non-material, is finite, and that one individual can only gain at the expense of another.73 Characterised in the 5th c. by Heliodorus (above) as a sort of poisonous miasma, the evil eye was more frequently described as darts or arrows: Sorrow, covetousness, or jealousy makes us change colour, and destroys the habit of the body; and envy more than any passion, when fixed in the soul, fills the body full of ill humours, and makes it pale and ugly; which deformities good painters in their pictures of envy endeavour to represent. Now, when men thus perverted by envy fix their eyes upon another, and these, being nearest to the soul, easily draw the venom from it, and send out as it were poisoned darts, it is no wonder, in my mind, if he that is looked upon is hurt. Thus the biting of a dog when mad is most dangerous; and then the seed of a man is most prolific, when he embraces one that he loves; and in general the affections of the mind strengthen and invigorate the powers 70  Heliod. Aeth. 3.7.3 (transl. Hadas (1957) 74–75). 71  Russell (1995) 37. 72  Yamauchi (1983) 187. For a comprehensive study of evil eye belief and practice in the ancient world, see Elliott (2016). 73  Foster (1965).

of the body. And therefore people imagine that those amulets that are preservative against witchcraft are likewise good and efficacious against envy; the sight by the strangeness of the spectacle being diverted, so that it cannot make so strong an impression upon the patient.74 It had to be guarded against at all times, but especially during happy occasions such as weddings and births, which attracted envy, as did obvious wealth and success. Perhaps because of the high rate of child mortality at the time, children were believed to be especially susceptible to the evil eye:75 And why too that other farce, ashes, and soot, and salt? and the old woman again brought in? A farce truly, and a shame! And then, “an eye,” say they, “hath caught the child”.76 Recent research, which takes into account osteo­ archaeological evidence from excavations in Byzantine cemeteries, suggests an infant mortality rate of 25%– 30%, with the percentage of children growing to early adulthood less than 50%.77 This high rate of child mortality has led some researchers to suggest that people in antiquity were less emotionally tied to their children than modern parents; that they were more resigned to the premature death of their children and so better able to bear the loss.78 However, more recent scholarship, including the study of archaeological and primary source material, shows this not to be the case, but rather that the loss of children, no matter how frequent, was as deeply mourned then as it is now.79 Greetings on private letters often included an appeal for the health of the 74  Plut. Quaest. conv. 5.7.3 (2nd c. AD). This description is part of a dinner discussion concerning those with the ‘bewitching eye’ (5.7.1–6); although the idea is initially laughed at by most of the diners (5.7.1), it soon becomes clear that many of the guests believe in its force. 75  Pitarakis (2009) 198. 76  Joh. Chrys. (AD 347–407), Homily 8, on Colossians 3.15 (PG 62.358). This quotation is not intended to indicate the church’s condemnation of the evil eye, but rather to illustrate the ubiquity of belief in its power, particularly with regard to harming children. The opinions of the Church fathers on what constituted the evil eye, how it manifested itself and how it should be combatted or condemned, varied considerably during the late antique period, and are discussed in depth in Dickie (1995). 77  Todman (2007) 84; Talbot (2009) 283–86 (esp. nn. 8 and 12), 291. 78  Pitarkis (2009) 171, refers to the work of Phillipe Ariès. 79  See Pitarkis (2009) 171–77; Talbot (2009) 291–301.

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recipient, and protection from the evil eye is often specifically requested for the children: [- - -] to his brother Panesneous(?), very many greetings. Before all else I pray for your health and make obeisance for you daily in the presence of our lord Sarapis. I wish you to know, brother, that I wrote to you about the toparch and you have written me no reply. Even if he is unwilling make him inform me about all the things that concern me. I send many salutations to my mother and to Thais your wife and to your children—may the evil eye not touch them.80 … I received, then, from the wife of Attion the cloak and a spathion of garum. Do everything to buy and send me ten litres of flax. Greetings to my lady sister … rion, Heraklea, Mia and their children who may remain unharmed by the evil eye. Greet on my behalf your brother and father. I wish you continuing health, my lady mother.; I sent you along with this letter the cheirographon.81 A corollary to the belief that one could cause harm by the use of curse tablets, is the belief that this harm, or the harm caused by the evil eye, could be diverted or protected against by the use of amulets. Certainly, the prescribed use of amulets would indicate that parents were very concerned with keeping their children alive and well,82 and the wearing of amulets by both children and adults was widespread in antiquity. Also known as phylacteries, or periammata (literally ‘things tied around’), amulets were usually worn or carried on the body. They included such things as inscribed rings or bracelets, pieces of inscribed papyrus or metal worn around the neck in a pouch or a tubular container, and even bits of twisted cord or cloth that were simply tied on to the person or their clothing. The general purpose of these varied objects is usually self-evident, however even such mundane objects as coins, stones, bells, nails and bits of twisted cord or cloth, were often imbued with amuletic properties.83 The Greek Magical Papyri, a collection of written texts from Greco-Roman Egypt, dating from the 2nd c. BC to the 5th c. AD, includes a 80   P.Mich.inv. 3.208 (2nd c. AD). 81   P.Osl. 3.161 (3rd–4th c.). 82  For example, see Naveh (1997) 33–38 and Babylonian Talmud, Mishnah, Shabbath 6:9 (see n. 422 below). A child’s linen shirt, found in the Cave of Letters in present day Israel, (appendix C no.13) and dated to the 2nd c., had a number of small pouches tied into it. These contained such varied objects as shells, salt crystals and seeds, and were almost certainly intended to be ‘medico-magical’: Yadin (1963) 122. 83  Bohak (2008) 121.

35 number of instructions for making such protective amulets and lamellae, as well as a variety of spells, diagrams, formulae and rituals intended to bestow health, wealth and success.84 There are also references in Rabbinic literature to the production, use and efficacy of amulets.85 A number of the mummy portraits from this era show people wearing amulets,86 as do depictions in other media.87 While we cannot be sure of the exact purpose of these illustrated amulets, a great many extant examples in museum collections include iconography that identify them as what we might now call ‘medicomagical’ amulets, part of what Vikan describes as the “Early Byzantine medicine chest”.88 These include amulets intended to aid fertility and to ensure the health of the womb and aid a woman during pregnancy and birth. Childbirth in antiquity was associated not only with high risk to the infant, as is evidenced by the high rate of infant mortality, but also danger to the mother, with maternal mortality estimated at approximately 2.5%.89 It is therefore not surprising to find that much of the magical practice for which we have evidence during this period relates to fertility, pregnancy and childbirth. Also known as ‘uterine magic’, it was usually intended to ease pregnancy and birth, but might also be used to aid or hinder conception, or to cause abortion, either as 84  For example, PGM 3. 410–23 (Betz (1992) 28); PGM 4.89–83 (Betz (1992) 39); PGM 4. 2240, 2695–2704, 2897–2900 (Betz (1992) 78, 88 and 93); PGM 7.186–90, 206–207, 213–14, 218–21, 359–69 (Betz (1992) 120–22 and 127). 85  See Babylonian Talmud, Shabbath chapter 6 for a description of different types of amulets and how and when they can be worn. See esp. Shabbath, folio 66b (transl. Freedman (1936)): “MISHNAH: Boys (or ‘children’: Roussin (1994) 188) may go out with garlands (kesharim), and royal children may go out with bells, and all people (may do likewise), but that the sages spoke of the usual practice. GEMARA: What is kesharim?— Said Adda Mari in the name of R. Nahman b. Baruch in the name of R. Ashi b. Abin in Rab Judah’s name: Garlands of pu’ah (dyer’s madder). (Abaye said, Mother told me: Three (garlands) arrest (illness), five cure (it), seven are efficacious even against witchcraft.”: http://halakhah.com/shabbath/ shabbath_66.html-PARTb (accessed 19.3.17). 86  See for example a 3rd c. mummy portrait of a young boy wearing a lunula; he also has a knotted metal bracelet on each wrist (Brooklyn Museum acc.no. 54.197). A 3rd c. mummy portrait, now in the National Museum of Ireland, shows a boy with an amulet case suspended on a cord around his neck, as does a similar 2nd c. example, now in the J. P. Getty Museum in California: Walker and Bierbrier (1997) nos. 94 and 109. 87  For example, one of the servants depicted on the wall painting in a Late Roman tomb in Silistra is wearing a lunula (Dorigo (1971)), as are the servants depicted on a mosaic from the House of Bacchus in Complutum (Dunbabin (1999)). 88  Vikan (1984) 85. 89  Todman (2007) 84.

36 a method of birth control or to bring harm to another woman. As was the case with most ill health or bad luck, difficulties at any stage of the reproductive process were generally attributed to the evil eye or to the malevolent intentions of others, human or divine. The considerable amount of surviving evidence for the practice of uterine magic, including amulets, lamellae, spells and prophylactic material,90 certainly suggests that there was a “belief that the uterus was the target of recurrent supernatural actions”.91 A number of designs and motifs were believed to be particularly useful for guarding and ensuring the reproductive health of a woman, and were frequently found on womb amulets. For example, ‘Chnoubis’, a magical creature whose domain was the abdomen, was often depicted,92 either as a rayed serpent or symbolised by three parallel ‘S’ or ‘Z’ figures crossed by a single line.93 Keys were also found on womb amulets, symbolising control of the opening of the womb to allow conception and pregnancy, and the locking of the womb to prevent miscarriage.94 These devices were not generally found on clothing, however a number of the motifs often included on garments, such as the holy rider, and scenes from the life of Mary and Jesus, were also seen to have the express purpose of providing protection during pregnancy and childbirth. Conclusion Dauterman Maguire describes the late antique world as one that functioned simultaneously on both the physical and spiritual levels: the ‘visible’ world of man, and the ‘invisible’ world of the spirits. This description is helpful in understanding the use and popularity not just of curse tablets and amulets, but of amuletic and apotropaic designs and symbols on everyday objects such as lamps, kitchen utensils, jewellery and clothing.95 In a world where misfortune and harm were seen to be caused by the unknowable intentions and actions of others, their use was an essential method of self-protection. A papyrus dated to the late 3rd c. AD lists a number 90  See especially Aubert (1989) for a comprehensive discussion and a great many examples. 91  Aubert (1989) 426. 92  Vikan (1984) 77; Dauterman Maguire et al. (1989) 7–8. 93  See for example nos. 84, 85, 92, 97, 103, 131, 132, 134, 135, 138, 139 and 141 in the amulet collection of the Taubman Medical Library at the University of Michigan: http://www-personal .umich.edu/~mchaffee/amulets/amtitle.html (last accessed 18.3.17). 94  Dauterman Maguire et al. (1989) 8–9; Aubert (1989) 446; Vikan (1984) 80, and fig 16. 95  Dauterman Maguire et al. (1989) 2.

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of questions addressed to an oracle. Included with more general questions about the enquirer’s circumstances, such as “shall I remain where I am going?”, “shall I get the money?”, and “am I to be sold up?”, is the question “am I under a spell?”,96 suggesting that this was very much an everyday concern. This use of amuletic and apotropaic motifs and symbols might be (or have been) defined as ‘magic’, however such a definition is difficult.97 Often used to describe activities that were in opposition to religious practice, ‘magic’ is defined by Aune as “that form of religious deviance whereby individual or social goals are sought by means alternate to those normally sanctioned by the dominant religious institutions”,98 however this varied over place and time, particularly in the Early Byzantine period when what constituted orthodox Christian practice was still being defined.99 In fact, during the late antique era a number of well-known churchmen were charged with practising sorcery, notably Symeon Stylites the Younger, Paulinus and Athanasius of Alexandria.100 While some of these charges may have come about because of doctrinal differences and personal jealousies, the fact that they were brought and considered at all is an indication of how difficult it was even for the Church to define and differentiate between pagan ‘magic’ and Christian ‘miracle’. Although many of the symbols and motifs used amuletically in Late Antiquity were overtly Christian, the traditional use of amulets was criticised by the Church.101 However, Frankfurter 96  Gager (1992) 220: P.Oxy 12.1477: the word used is πεφαρμακωμια, which Gager translates as ‘under a spell’, however, in Grenfell and Hunt (1916) it is translated as ‘have I been poisoned’; this variation may be an indication of the negative attitude at the beginning of the last century to anything associating the study of Classical Greece and Rome with ‘magic’: see Gager (1992) 3. 97  This difficulty was not confined to the Late Roman or Early Byzantine periods; see Greenfield (1995) for a discussion of the meaning of the word ‘magic’ in the Palaeologan age. 98  Aune (1980) 1515; however, as Kotansky (1991) 123 n. 1 points out, this definition is only valid “for the social-political and historical context in which such dichotomies between ‘dominant religious institutions’ and ‘religious deviance’ can flourish. The definition does not address the phenomenon of ‘magic’ as a religious expression from the believer’s perspective (nor of ‘religion’ being an expression of magic)”. See also Otto and Stausberg (2013) for a wide ranging discussion on the concept and interpretation of ‘magic-science-religion’ both in the ancient world and among more recent scholars. 99  Frankfurter (2000) 340. 100  Dickie (2001) 275–77, nn. 3–4. 101  See Appendix A 1.1; 1.2; 1.3 and 3.3; also Basil. Hom. Psalm 45 (PG 29.417): “Is the child sick? You look around everywhere for a spell or else you place useless charms around the innocent child’s neck.” (PG 29.417 and see also Limberis (1991)163.

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suggests that this criticism was aimed more specifically at the secretive ritual acts associated with their use and manufacture rather than at the objects themselves.102 Many of the ‘amulet’ recipes in the Greek Magical Papyri do indeed include instructions for some sort of performative ritual,103 often including the addition of specific letters, letter strings, images and/ or charaktêres.104 According to the 5th c. Neoplatonic philosopher Hermeias, it was these marks and symbols, rather than the ritual alone, that linked the image to the gods, and gave it the power to harm or protect: We have explained how the soul is inspired. But how is an image inspired? The thing itself cannot respond to the divine, since it is lifeless; but the art of consecration purifies its matter and, by attracting certain marks and symbols to the image, first gives it a soul by these means and makes it capable of receiving a kind of life from the universe, thereby preparing it to receive illumination from the divine.105 Thus, the ‘marks and symbols’ became the objects that were linked to the spiritual realm, becoming (as did curse tablets) a conduit for the intentions of man. Invoking powers from pagan, Christian and/or magical

102  Frankfurter (2000) 340. 103  Most of the recipes in the ‘Greek Magical Papyri’ include ‘magical’ incantations and are to be made at specific times of day or night, for example: PGM 7. 317–18 “to be said to the moon”; PDM 14.1003–14: “incantation to be done when the moon is in Leo” (Betz (1992) 219). 104   Charaktêres are ‘knotted’ letters, that are used on magical phylacteries; in Arabic, ‘charaktere’ is ‘kalaqtiraia’, from ‘kol’ = ‘all’, and ‘qtiraia’ = ‘knots’: see Bohak (2008) 272. 105  From his commentary on Plato’s Phaedrus, as quoted in Gager (1992) 219.

37 elements,106 these designs often mixed depictions of ‘healing’ saints with mythical heroes and triumphant riders, or images of the ‘much suffering eye’ with c­ rosses, the pentalpha, the symbol for chnoubis and magical charaktêres,107 becoming “devices that were powerful in and of themselves”.108 Regardless of their highly syncretic nature, Frankfurter suggests that the preparation of amulets ultimately became a function of “Christian shrines, holy men and ecclesiastical scribes throughout the Roman empire”.109 Broadly speaking, there were two categories of amulets. The first were those described as apotropaic (from the Greek αποτροεπω ‘to turn away’) that protected the wearer by ‘turning away’ evil and misfortune, including that caused by curses or the envious glances of others. The second were those that attracted good health and fortune to the wearer. This second type most often employed a form of sympathetic magic not unlike the similia … similibus formula used on curse tablets. This visual form of sympathetic magic presents a picture, such as the depiction of a triumphant hero, a Nilotic scene of plenty, or a biblical scene of healing. Gell describes such images as a “dispersed part” of the prototype, through which the power of the original can be accessed; this power can then be attracted mimetically to the owner.110 These categories were not mutually exclusive; an amulet or ‘amuletically’ protected object might have images, designs, symbols or other features that were intended to both repel evil and attract good.

106  Lazaridou (2011) 47; see also Vikan (1984) 85. 107  See especially the amuletic armbands detailed in Vikan (1984) 74–75, and Vikan (1984) figs. 8–9. 108  Maguire (1995) 64. 109  Frankfurter (2000) 340. 110  Gell (1998) 96–101.

CHAPTER 3

Cultural Values in Clothing: Apotropaic Practices As discussed in the previous chapter, the use of amulets and amuletic symbols and patterns was clearly an important and integral part of life in Late Antiquity, allowing the ordinary man and woman to influence the invisible powers that affected his/her life. The many amuletic objects excavated in domestic levels of the late antique settlement at Anemurium in Turkey, indicate that, although clearly Christian, the inhabitants here relied on traditional methods to control the unseen ­forces of the evil eye, and that such measures were a normal and necessary part of everyday life.1 It is within this religio-cultural worldview that we must try to interpret and understand the designs found on many of the functional and everyday items from that time, including clothing.

Variations of this design can often be found on both amulets and floor mosaics.5 On most such depictions the eye is usually seen being attacked by weapons and/ or animals, however the eye shape alone is also sometimes found as an apotropaic symbol, particularly on clothing.6 There are many tapestry fragments in museum collections that include this shape, usually filled with interlace patterns (see fig. 1).7 Identified variously as coming from cushions (de Moor et al. (1993) cat no.25), curtains or blankets (MAK T 603; Louvre E12580) and garments (de Moor et al. (1993) cat. no. 137; Dauterman Maguire (1999) cat. no. A13) the popularity of the device is evident.

The Evil Eye The evil eye was greatly feared during antiquity; this fear was based on the conviction that good fortune could attract the envy not just of other men, but also of the gods, fortune or the fates.2 The eyes of the envious could, like ‘poisonous darts’ inflict damage directly or could be used by supernatural forces to cause harm. The evil eye could be overpowered or ‘diverted’ in a number of ways, for example by the use of interlace and knot patterns, or with bells, a practice condemned by John Chrysostom.3 However according to the Testament of Solomon which was a popular magic treatise in early Byzantium, the image of the ‘much suffering eye’ was the best deterrent: The 35th spirit: I am called Phthenoth. I cast the evil eye on every man. Therefore, the eye, much suffering, if it be drawn, frustrates me.4

1  Russell (1995) 50. 2  Dickie (1995) 12–13. 3  Joh. Chrys. Hom. in Ep. I ad Cor. 12.13 (PG 61.105). (see appendix E.4.1). A golden bell found at Rome is inscribed in Greek with ‘I am set against eyes’ (Prentice (1906) 141: IG 14 no. 409, 5). See also Daremberg and Saglio (1873–1919) 341–44 for a number of examples of bells being used as protection against the evil eye. 4  Testament of Solomon, no. 105 (transl. Conybeare (1898) 38).

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Figure 1

Eye-shaped tapestry fragment, MAK inv. no. T 603. photo: ©MAK.

5  See for example the mosaic of the ‘much suffering eye’ in the Antakya Museum in Antioch. A 2nd c. gold amulet, now in the Johns Hopkins Museum (no. FIC.07.225), shows an eye being attacked by several animals, as does a bronze amulet in the Kelsey Museum (no. 26115), and a 6th/7th c. bronze amulet in The Art Museum, Princeton University (Y1931–34, Kalavrezou (2003) 167) (see fig. 9). A bronze amulet with the ‘much suffering eye’ on one side and the holy rider on the other was found at Anemurium in Turkey (Russell (1995) figs. 5–6). 6  A single eye is also found on the floor mosaic on the western walk of the Tri-conch house in Butrint; it is surrounded by crosses and Solomon’s knots: Mitchell (2007) 281–82. 7  M MA acc. nos. 89.18.277; 89.18.275, 89.18.115; MAKT9835, T603, T608; De Moor (1993) catalogue nos. 137 and 25.

Cultural Values in Clothing: Apotropaic Practices

39

We cannot be sure how many of these fragments come from clothing, however, two of the tunics I examined from the collection at Katoen Natie in Antwerp clearly include the protective eye in their decoration. Both are children’s tunics and have clavi made up of variously coloured eyes; in both cases, the ‘eye’ pattern is interspersed with crosses (see figs. 2–3).8 Amulets to be worn as jewellery or attached to clothing might have been intended to provide protection or a cure in specific circumstances, for example when the child was ill, or participating in an activity that might invite the envy of others; these were both situations that could be identified by the parent. However, the ‘evil eye’ could also bring misfortune and harm at any time through the unknowable intentions of others, and had to be constantly guarded against. The inclusion of such amuletic and apotropaic designs on children’s clothing was a way of ‘enveloping’ the child in a layer of constant and ongoing protection.

Considered to provide protection in battle, it was also used to tie the sash of Roman military commanders. The knot of Solomon was a pentalpha or pentagram; according to the Testament of Solomon, this was the device that was inscribed on Solomon’s ring giving him power over demons. Variations on these knots, as well as more complicated interlace patterns are found on garments long into the Christian era. These complex interlace patterns were most often arranged symmetrically within the clavi, or on the tapestry panels found on the shoulders and lower hem of the tunic. These patterned panels, round orbiculi and square or rectangular tabulae, may have been so placed to provide supernatural protection for the knees and shoulder joints.13 According to Gell, the protective nature of such patterns is a result of the mathematical intricacy and ‘interconnectedness’ of the design; the repetitive and/or interlocking nature of the pattern creates what he describes as a “mindtrap” that hooks and holds the viewer. The “unfinished business”14 of such patterns creates and maintains an ongoing relationship between two people in a social context.15 When used apotropaically, they become “demon-traps, in effect, demonic fly-paper, in which demons become hopelessly stuck and are thus rendered harmless”.16 Another interlace figure that is often found on textiles, or sometimes placed inside an orbiculus, is the eight-sided star made up of two squares interwoven with each other, a figure that is meaningful in a number of ways. This device can be seen on the mantle worn by the woman standing to the left of the empress Theodora on the mosaic in San Vitale in Ravenna. The double square could be interpreted as a symbol of the universe: a ‘cosmogram’, with one square representing the world of man, and the other representing the divine.17 In a more specifically Christian context, eight came to symbolise the resurrection and salvation through baptism,18 and a number of early baptistries and baptismal fonts were octagonal in shape, notably the 4th c. Lateran Baptistry in Rome, and the 5th c. Baptistry of Neon in Ravenna.

Knots and Interlace Patterns The Greek word ‘katadeo’ (χστσδεω) means to bind, not only physically as with knots, but also with spells.9 Knots and knot patterns had powerful pre-Christian magical connotations, and were believed to provide protection from harm. Simple knots, such as the knot of Hercules and the knot of Solomon were both believed to have apotropaic powers, and can be found on everyday items as well as amulets.10 They are also often found on floor mosaics, particularly near entrances, in order to prevent evil spirits from entering.11 The knot of Hercules was a simple reef knot; the belt worn by the Roman bride was tied with it, both as a protective device and possibly also mimetically, to attract the fertility demonstrated by Hercules, who had purportedly fathered 70 children.12 8  KTN 789–01 (cat. no. 10) is unpublished; KTN 789–03 (cat. no. 12), published in Kwaspen and Verhecken-Lammens (2016). 9  Maguire (1990) 216. 10  Dauterman Maguire et al. (1989) 5. 11  Dauterman Maguire et al. (1989) 4. Evil spirits could not penetrate solid walls; like people, they had to enter buildings through doors or windows: Prentice (1906) 138. Therefore, these entrances frequently included apotropaic designs on or around them, for example, the Insula del Soffito Dipinto at Ostia includes a Solomon’s knot in the entrance mosaic: Swift (2009) 41 n. 69. The mosaic at the western entrance to the Triconch house in Butrint includes Solomon’s knots as well as a number of other apotropaic symbols: Mitchell (2007) 283. 12  Dauterman Maguire et al. (1989) 3, paraphrasing Festus, De significatione verborum 63.

13  Dauterman-Maguire (2003) 26, n. 77. 14  Gell (1998) 80. 15  Gell (1998) 80–81. 16  Gell (1998) 84. 17  At its most basic level, the square represented the earth by marking the four cardinal points of the compass: North, South, East and West. It also represented the four ‘corners’ of time: the two solstices and two equinoxes; for a discussion of the double square as a cosmogram, see Schmidt-Colinet (1991) 21–25. 18  Isaac was circumcised when he was eight days old (Genesis 21.4); eight people were saved from the flood (1 Peter 3:18.22); and Christ rose from the tomb on the eighth day (John 20:24).

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Figure 2 Child’s tunic from collection Katoen Natie, inv.789 01 (cat. no. 10). Photo © The Phoebus Foundation.

Figure 3 Child’s tunic from collection Katoen Natie, inv. 789 03 (cat. no. 12). Photo © The Phoebus Foundation.

Cultural Values in Clothing: Apotropaic Practices

Figure 4 Tapestry orbiculus on display at the Florence Archaeological Museum. Photo: su concessione del Polo Museale Regionale della Toscana—Firenze.

Also, the 6th c. physician Alexander of Tralles prescribed an inscribed eight-sided ring as a treatment for colic: Take an iron ring and make its hoop eight-sided, and write thus on the octagon: “Flee, flee O bile, the lark is pursuing you.” Then engrave the following character on the head of the ring: N. I have used this method many times, and I thought it inappropriate not to draw your attention to it, since it has a power against illness. But I urge you not to communicate it to people you happen to meet, but to reserve it to those who are virtuous and capable of guarding it.19 There are a number of octagonal rings in museum collections dated to the Late Roman period, some of which are clearly amuletic.20 Whilst the others do not have overtly 19  Alexander of Tralles 8.2 (on colic) (transl. in Vikan (1984) n. 69); Kotansky (1991) 110 quotes a passage from the 4th c. BC poet Antiphanes, in which a ring is purchased for digestive pains. 20  Vikan (1984) lists two: the ‘Menil’ ring, Menil collection no. II.B24 (Vikan no. 13), and the Omonia ring in the British

41 amuletic inscriptions, it cannot be dismissed that the shape alone is what provides the protection/cure. This may also be the case with the octagonal or eight-sided star shapes that have been found on garments and garment fragments.21 Most of these octagonal tapestries are also filled with complex interlace patterns such as can also be found as ‘running’ patterns on clavi stripes, and as background fill on many other orbiculi and tabulae. In the vast majority of late antique interlace-filled tapestry panels, the patterns are clearly symmetrical, however I have noted a number of unusual panels in which one single square is especially marked out, offset in what is otherwise a predominantly symmetrical pattern. For example, an orbiculus on display at the Archaeological Museum in Florence has an overall ‘swastika’ interlace pattern with one offset square clearly picked out in white thread (fig. 4). Also, a purple tabula in the Museum für angewandte Kunst in Vienna has an asymmetrically placed square in an otherwise symmetrical interlace pattern (fig. 5), and a purple double square (eight sided star) tabula in the Cairo Coptic Museum contains a smaller double square offset within a central knot-work pattern (fig. 6).22 As Gell has pointed out, symmetry is an essential element of the patterns he describes as ‘demonic fly-paper’ because it encourages the ceaseless flow from one design component to another, thereby successfully distracting the demon from his evil intentions.23 The addition of an asymmetrically placed motif stops that flow; however, in the above examples it could be inter­preted as adding another layer of protection to the design. The square shape of the interpolated motif might be a visual reference to the inner house or ‘most holy place’ in the Temple of Solomon, which, according to the Bible, was a perfect cube. Should the evil eye manoeuvre its way

Museum (BM no. AF.231; Vikan no. 25), as well as a ‘reliquary locket’ that is octagonal. (Vikan no. 27). Other octagonal rings include another two in the British Museum: reg. nos. 1917,0501.573 and 1933,0405.7 (neither of which is obviously apotropaic); V&A 469–1871 (not obviously apotropaic) and V&A 465–1871, a child’s octagonal gold ring with the relief of a phallus on the bezel. A bronze ring with an eight-sided star engraved on the bezel was found at Anemurium in Turkey: Russell (1995) fig. 12. 21  For example: MMA nos. 2002,494,824 and 89.18.95; V&A 635.1886; British Museum nos. 1955,0206.11 and 1955,0206.8; Coptic Museum Cairo inv. 4783; Arch. Museum, Munich no. 410 (most of these are fragmentary, but are considered to come from clothing). 22  Vienna: MAK no. T621; Cairo Coptic Museum: inv. no. 4783 (illustrated in Gabra and Eaton-Krauss (2005) 275. 23  Gell (1998) 77–84.

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Figure 5 Tapestry tabula, Osterreichisches Museum für angewandte Kunst inv. T 621. photo: ©MAK.

through the maze-like patterns of the tapestry, it would be defeated by this image of the ‘holy of holies’.24 A tunic fragment, now in Brussels, is decorated with appliquéd tapestry panels; it includes the front and back of an adult tunic in natural linen, but is missing the sleeves.25 The tapestry panels include short clavi, and knee and shoulder orbiculi that are decorated with interlace and knot designs, including an eight-sided star (see figs. 7a–c).26 Radiocarbon testing shows that these embellishments are considerably older than the tunic.27 Examination of a number of other tunics shows that this sort of recycling was not uncommon, however the wide variation in dates appears to indicate that the embellishments on this tunic were recycled more than once, suggesting that they were particularly valuable. Even though the exact find context of this garment is not known, my research on the purpose and importance of knots and interlace patterns suggests that these par-

24  “He prepared an inner shrine in the furthest recesses of the house to receive the Ark of the Covenant of the Lord. This inner shrine was twenty cubits square and it stood twenty cubits high”: Kings 6:19–20. 25  Royal Museums for Art and History, Brussels, no. ACO.Tx2472. 26  De Moor et al. (2010) 40, fig 2. 27  De Moor et al. (2010) 36–37: testing puts the tunic at AD 320–90 (43.3% probability) and the decorations at AD 130–250 (68.2% probability).

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Figure 6 Tapestry tabula, Cairo Coptic museum, inv. no. 4783, published on website: http://www.coptic-cairo.com/ museum/selection/textile/textile/files/page48-1003full .html.

ticular embellishments were kept and repeatedly reused because of their perceived protective nature. Coins And what is one to say about them who use charms and amulets, and encircle their heads and feet with golden coins of Alexander of Macedon. Are these our hopes, tell me, that after the cross and death of our Master, we should place our hopes of salvation on an image of a Greek king?28 The amuletic properties of coins, which were frequently used in jewellery and sometimes actually sewn onto clothing,29 came from both their precious gold content and also from the protective nature of the emperor’s portrait.30 They did not have to be current or real, and in fact imitation coins were produced with a sort of ‘generic’ imperial portrait, possibly meant to represent heroic rulers such as Constantine or Alexander the Great.31 There are many examples of wearable coins from the late antique period, either pierced or with 28  Joh. Chrys. ad illuminandos catechesis 2.5 (PG 49.240). 29  Bruhn (1993) 30–35. 30  Maguire (1997) 1039. 31  For example, a late 6th c. medallion, now in the collection at Dumbarton Oaks (acc.no.58.26), contains an error in the

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Cultural Values in Clothing: Apotropaic Practices

Figure 7a Appliquéd clavi, tunic no. ACO Tx2472. photo: ©Royal Museums of Art and History, Brussels.

Figure 7b Appliquéd shoulder orbiculus, tunic no. ACO Tx2472. photo: ©Royal Museums of Art and History, Brussels.

suspension rings attached to them so they can be worn as necklaces or attached to clothing.32 A great many of these coins have settings that include the eight-point star motif, discussed above,33 and it is probable that the addition of this ‘cosmogram’ was intended to increase the protective nature of the item. The apotropaic nature of these pseudo-coin medallions is further confirmed by the frequent addition of protective inscriptions. For example, a gold pectoral, now in Berlin, and dated to the 6th c., includes 14 real gold coins and a large imitation coin medallion inscribed in Greek with “LORD PROTECT HER WHO WEARS [THIS PIECE]”, and a gold medallion now in the Louvre, dated to the 4th/ 5th c. includes the inscription “USE WITH GOOD FORTUNE”. This last piece has small holes along its inscription and other odd features, which suggest that it is an imitation: Bruhn (1993) 48. 32   For example, a number of pierced coins were found at Anemurium (Russell (1995) 47–48), and coins found in the early Byzantine tombs at Beth-Yerath were all pierced (Delougaz and Haines (1960) 50); see also Maguire (1997) 1039–44. 33  For example, a necklace now at the Louvre includes three gold aurei of Postumus that are set in octagonal openwork frames, and a 5th c. gold medallion of Honorius, now in the Staatliche Museen Preußischer Kulturbesitz in Berlin, has an interwoven eight-sided star as part of the openwork setting (Bruhn (1993) 14, 22–23, figs. 10 and 16).

Figure 7c Appliquéd knee orbiculus, tunic no. ACO Tx2472. photo: ©Royal Museums of Art and History, Brussels.

outer edge suggesting that it was made to be sewn onto a garment.34 Woven portrait medallions are also found on textiles, including household items such as wall hangings and pillows, as well as clothing. Representations of the emperor on clothing may have been a sign of imperial favour, or even delegated authority:35 You are not content that the officials of your largess should perform their ordinary duties: you chose one robe out of many with your own hands, and having chosen it, follow up your gift with words of compliment. You say: I have sent you a palm decorated robe in which is worked a figure of the sainted Constantius my ancestor. Happy am I that such pains should be bestowed upon my vestments! It is, it most surely is, an embellished robe, as you say; but embellished more richly with your words than with its own threads of gold. But, since it is you who have invested me, I perceive that its enrichment means far more. For the light which flashes from this single garment bespeaks two imperial personages: Constantius is woven into the

34  Maguire (1997) 1041–42. 35  See Woodfin (2013) 38–47 for a discussion of imperial portraits on clothing.

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actual fabric of the robe; but in the complimentary nature of the gift, I feel the presence of Gratian.36 In Late Antiquity, dependant rulers and high court officials often wore portraits of the emperor either woven into their clothing or as part of their jewellery, both as a physical and explicit sign of the emperor’s overlordship, and in a supernatural sense, as a channel of his protection.37 The addition of imperial regalia and/ or insignia to tapestry representations usually makes it possible to identify those intended as imperial portraits. Other, simpler male portrait heads may be best understood simply as images of successful young men,38 pictured as a form of mimetic or sympathetic magic to attract luck and success to the wearer. The placement of such portrait tapestries in small roundels, often placed within larger panels, makes their similarity to coins undeniable,39 and, like coins, they may also have been intended as protective images. A group of silk medallions, now held in museums in New Haven, Berlin and Lyons, but believed to have come from the same garment, include tapestry woven ‘coins’ as well as four portraits of the earth personified as a crowned woman. These very likely had amuletic significance,40 as did a shoulder tabula showing a right facing portrait roundel surrounded by 12 smaller roundels, four of which appear to contain Solomon’s knots.41 Female portrait busts, such as those found on the garment described above, can also be found on many domestic artefacts. Often dressed sumptuously or surrounded by the bounty of the earth, these images, like portraits of ‘successful young men’ were also intended mimetically to attract the health, wealth and fertility they illustrated.42

36  Auson. Grat. act. 11: “nec satis habes, ut largitionum ministry ex more fugantur: elegis ipse de multis et, cum elegeris, munera tua verbotum honore prosequeris. palmatum, inquis, tibi misi, in qua divis Constantius parens noster intextus est. me, beatum, cuius insignibus talis cura praestatur! haec plane, haec est picta, ut dicitur, vestis, non magis auro suo quam tuis verbis. sed multo plura sunt in eius ornatu, quae per te instructus intellego. geminum quipped in uno habitu radiat nomen Augusti. Constantius in argumento vestis intexitur, Gratianus in muneris honore sentitur.” 37  Maguire (1997) 1039. 38  Swift (2009) 165. 39  There are a number illustrated in Dauterman Maguire (1999) 158–65, figs. C16-C24. 40  Maguire (1997) 1043. 41  Dauterman Maguire (1999) figs. C21, 162. 42  Dauterman Maguire et al. (1989) n. 13.

Pictures on Clothing The decorative tapestry panels on clothing were frequently embellished with designs or patterns that were intended to offer protection to the wearer by repelling the evil eye, as we have said, whereas portrait tapestries were often intended as sympathetic magic to attract success, health and/or wealth to the wearer. Similarly, episodes from the Bible were also illustrated on garments, especially heroic episodes from the David and the Joseph cycles.43 Specific scenes from these cycles may have been chosen for a garment tapestry in order to indicate what sort of divine protection or intervention the wearer was seeking. The David cycle might include scenes of David killing the lion and/or saving the lamb, or David defeating Goliath, suggesting a theme of protection from great peril. In a purely Christian context, Joseph’s story has an overall theme of forgiveness, however, it can also be interpreted as a triumph over envy, or the evil eye. There are a number of such scenes on tunic fragments that come from children’s garments.44 Joseph’s story is one of triumph over the wrong caused to him by the envy of his brothers; as his story began when he was a child, the inclusion of these scenes on children’s garments can be seen as a kind of ‘sympathetic magic’, to draw to the child the power demonstrated by Joseph to defeat the ‘evil eye’ of envy.45 Miracle scenes of healing, such as described by Asterius of Amaseia in the 4th c., were also often illustrated: When, therefore, they dress themselves and appear in public, they look like pictured walls in the eyes of those that meet them. And perhaps even the children surround them, smiling to one another and pointing out with the finger the picture on the garment; and walk along after them, following them for a long time. On these garments are lions and leopards; bears and bulls and dogs; woods and rocks and hunters; and all attempts to imitate nature by painting. For it was necessary, as it seems, to adorn not only their houses, but finally also their tunics and their mantles. But such rich men and women as are more pious, have gathered 43  For examples of the David cycle, see O’Connell (2008) n. 54; tapestry panels with scenes from the Joseph cycle include tunic orbiculi, sleeve bands or clavi from the Whitworth Art Gallery T.8441.1, the Metropolitan Museum of Art acc. no. 63.178.2, the Städtisches Museum Simeonstift (Maguire (1990) fig. 33), MAK T.691 and 689, KTN inv. no. 625, and the BM 1886,0723.5. For a comprehensive list of Joseph tapestries see Abdel-Malek (1980) and Nauerth (1978). 44  Maguire (1990) 222, n. 63. 45  Maguire (1990) 223.

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up the gospel history and turned it over to the weavers; I mean Christ himself with all the disciples, and each of the miracles, as recorded in the Gospel. You may see the wedding of Galilee, and the water-pots; the paralytic carrying his bed on his shoulders; the blind man being healed with the clay; the woman with the bloody issue, taking hold of the border of the garment; the sinful woman falling at the feet of Jesus; Lazarus returning to life from the grave. In doing this they consider that they are acting piously and are clad in garments pleasing to God.46

repetition of the same scene on one garment.52 This repetition, together with the frequent use of certain recognisable scenes, and the obscurity of others, prompted Frankfurter to liken these tapestries to the historiola, which he defines as “an abbreviated narrative that is incorporated into a magic spell”.53 Used for the most part in healing spells, it was the exact and frequent repetition of the story that held and maintained the power.54 Although some historiolae refer back to known myths or traditional stories, others seem to have existed only in magical spells or for use in ritual applications;55 this may account for the obscurity of some of the tapestry scenes. Many extant garment fragments include repeated patterns of nimbate figures,56 and although these saints are not usually specifically recognisable to us, they may have been portraits of popular ‘healing’ saints. These could include Cosmas and Damian, Abbacyrus, or Panteleimon, who were often depicted on medical boxes and manuscripts at the time with the equipment and attributes of physicians.57 This use of repetition to enhance amuletic power can also be seen on garments with non-figurative protective designs, such as crosses,58 ankhs,59 and eyes.60 Clothing decorated with repeating and often obscure figurative Christian imagery could be commissioned or bought by anyone with the necessary money. However, the depiction of scenes and symbols that were not unambiguously Christian made such garments suspect to the Church, who did not sanction their use.61

In the first instance, such beautiful and ostentatiously ornate garments allowed the wearer to declare his wealth, status and piety to onlookers in the physical world,47 but as ‘garments pleasing to God’ they also functioned in the spiritual world, providing divine protection or assistance. Possibly chosen to mirror situations in which the wearer found himself, illustrations of healing miracles might be intended to cure or prevent illness, and illustrations of Joseph’s journey or the journey of the magi to provide protection on a journey such as a pilgrimage, or even the journey after death to paradise.48 Likewise, scenes of the Annunciation, the birth and baptism of Christ, and the Virgin and child are found both on clothing and in other media,49 and were probably intended to aid fertility and provide protection in childbirth. Many of these scenes were well-known and so recognisable, however other popular biblical motifs were often so abbreviated that they would not have been easily recognised by casual viewers.50 The placement of such images in not easy to see places on garments, like the knees and the tops of the shoulders, further suggests that their purpose wasn’t didactic, but amuletic.51 Directed as they were to unseen, all-knowing powers, this obscurity was not considered to lessen their magical efficacy, which was also enhanced by the frequent

46  Asterius Amas. Hom. 1 (The Rich Man and Lazarus) (PG 40.165–68). (see appendix E.8 for the full homily) see also Amm. Marc. 14.6.9 (appendix E.2). 47  See Swift (2009) 140–42 for the role of clothing and clothing accessories in status display during the Roman period. 48  A depiction of the three Magi can be seen on the hem of Theodora’s robe in the 6th c. mosaic in San Vitale in Ravenna. 49  Marinis (2007) 97–101 describes a number of specific textiles. 50  Pritchard (2006) 73; Maguire (1995) 57; see also Kendrick (1922) 70. 51  Dauterman Maguire (2003) 26, n. 77 suggests that these amuletic tapestries are placed in such a way as to protect the knee and shoulder joints.

52  Maguire (1990) 220; see for example a 7th c. tunic fragment in the British Museum (inv. no. 1901,0314.1) on which the adoration of the Magi is repeated numerous times (as referenced in Maguire (1990) 221, n. 56). 53  Frankfurter (1995) 458. 54  For the use of repetition in magical charms generally, see Versnel (2001) 130–38. 55  Frankfurter (1995) 472. 56  For example, MAK T689 is the neck and shoulder fragment of a tunic; both the clavi and­ orbiculus include repeated nimbate figures, as do the clavi on a tunic fragment at the Brooklyn Museum (acc. no. 38.748). 57  Vikan (1984) 65, and n. 3. The difficulty of showing detail may have precluded the addition of such ‘paraphernalia’ in small tapestries, however, recognition by casual observers was not necessarily important, since such depictions were intended for higher powers. 58  For example, a child’s red wool tunic in the Whitworth Art Gallery has a number of white crosses embroidered along its hem (no. T.8375); a child’s tunic at Katoen Natie (KTN 789–03, cat. no.10) alternates ‘eyes’ with crosses (see fig. 3). 59  For example, a tunic fragment in the Pushkin Museum (inv. 331) (Shurinova (1967)). 60  For example, KTN 789–01 and 789–03; see figs. 2 and 3. 61  This is dealt with in depth in Maguire (1995).

46 Pattern repetition can also be found on garments worn by the consuls depicted on a number of late antique ivory diptychs.62 Decorated with an overall pattern of symmetrically arranged roundels and/or geometric shapes, these garments were associated with high status individuals, and were probably made from silk.63 There are examples of fine wool fabrics woven with complex taqueté designs dated to as early as the mid 4th c.,64 however the complex medallion designs visible on these illustrated garments suggests that they were made on a drawloom. Thought to have originated with wool weavers in Syria in the 3rd c. AD, this technique was further developed by the Sasanians for use on fine silks.65 Although the earliest extant wool drawloom textiles are generally dated to the 5th c.,66 there are silk examples more recently dated, by C14 testing, to as early as the second half of the 3rd c. AD, all of which come from clothing.67 Whilst there is no clear indication that such exquisite textiles were being produced by Roman or Egyptian weavers this early, the evidence does suggest that they were available, most likely through trade with the Persians. Making such beautiful and unique fabrics required a technical virtuosity that was difficult for the ordinary man to comprehend; this gave such items what Gell describes as an “aura of enchantment” which was transferred to the patron who commissioned the work.68 62  For example, Lampadius (Harvard Art Museum BR22.99); Baldricus (Harvard Art Museum BR22.91), Anastasius (Harvard Art Museum BR22.24), Aerobindus (Zurich: Schweizerisches Nationalmuseum, inv. A-3564); and the diptych portrait of Stilicho and Serena, now in Monza Cathedral; according to Woodfin (2013) 40–41, in this representation, Stilicho’s tunic carries an overall pattern of imperial busts as a badge of imperial authority. Dating anomalies may appear to be an issue here; both the Lampadius and Stilicho ivories are usually dated to the late 4th c., whilst the availability and use of drawloom silks are generally placed in the late 5th c. (Flanagan (1919) 167); Trilling (1982a) 96). However, more recent research has not only shown some extant drawloom silks to be of an earlier date (see De Moor (2007) 105–106) but brought into question the dates ascribed to some ivories (see Christ (2015)). It is therefore completely plausible for these ivories to be depicting drawloom silks. 63  There are a number of examples of silk drawloom textiles with similar designs, most of which unfortunately are fragmentary and lack clear context information: see for example Verhecken-Lammens et al. (2006); De Moor et al. (2006). 64  See Verhecken-Lammens (2007). 65  Forbes (1971) 215–17. 66  Trilling (1982a) 96. 67  De Moor (2007). 68  For a discussion of the concept of the ‘enchantment of technology’ see Gell (1992) 43–46.

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When the repeated pattern included an imperial portrait such as on Stilicho’s tunic (see note 62, below and fig. 86), the repeated images may have been intended not only to visually emphasise imperial authority and power,69 but also to reinforce the concepts of ‘overlordship’ and protection that a single imperial portrait embodied. After the iconoclastic dispute, drawloom silks with repeated patterns featured secular designs such as plants and animals; biblical scenes and images of Christian subjects continued to be found on clothing, but only on ecclesiastical garments and not as part of an exactly repeated pattern. By this time, Christian images were more codified, and were either labelled or recognisable based on specific facial expressions, attributes or contexts,70 so the suspicious ambiguity of earlier depictions no longer existed.71 In the Post Byzantine period, the sacred image of Christ can once again be found repeated on drawloom silks.72 Like the imperial portraits on Stilicho’s cloak, these images may have been intended to illustrate the source of the wearer’s authority, and, in a Christian sense, to symbolise eternity; they also acted as a ‘conduit of God’s protection’ in the way that the imperial portrait had in the past. Other designs frequently found on clothing tapestries include illustrations of natural abundance and plenty. Categorised as ‘Nilotic’, with reference to the abundance brought by the Nile, these pictures of plants, flowers and animals were intended as a kind of ‘sympathetic magic’ to attract good fortune, fertility and prosperity to the wearer.73 In his study of the Ara Pacis, Castriota suggests that some of the plant and animal motifs used in such decoration should also be understood as “visual analogues” intended to invoke the power of the pagan deity with which they were associated.74 This interpretation does assume a knowledge on the part of the viewer of the complex symbolic meanings of much classical imagery, however it may help in understanding the continued popularity of certain floral and animal motifs on late antique garments and their frequent conflation with Christian symbols. For example, the frog, appearing before the rising of the Nile out of the mud warmed by the spring sun, was a pagan symbol of the miracle of creation and life. Also the peacock, which 69  Woodfin (2013) 54. 70  Maguire (1995) 57. 71  Maguire (1990) 58–59. 72  Woodfin (2013) 50–55. 73  See Joh. Chrys. Homily 8, on Colossians 3.15 (PG 62.358). “Other women again tie about them the names of rivers, and venture numberless things of like nature”, he later refers to “stitched charms” which suggests textile amulets (appendix E.4.2). 74  Castriota (1995) 26.

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shed its beautiful tail in the winter and renewed it every spring, was linked in Roman times to immortality and eternal life; both became Christian symbols of the resurrection.75 Ducks also represented the Nile and therefore fertility, and were often shown as one of the gifts of the Magi.76 Images of the pagan goddess Ge or Gaia, sometimes holding a crescent shaped scarf full of fruits as a sign of her bounty, were also frequently found on textiles; representing the abundance of the earth, she became a Christian symbol for divine providence.77 Gaia’s force was also medicinal; as the personification of earth’s bounty, she was responsible for plants and herbs and their medical efficacy.78 Mythological scenes were also popular, as were images such as Dionysian dancing figures. Ostensibly pagan, such depictions increasingly included Christian symbols,79 and might also be considered as examples of ‘sympathetic magic’ intended to attract the good fortune, happiness and prosperity they illustrated. There are a number of museum collections of tapestries from the late antique period; most were excavated or purchased in the late 19th and early 20th c., either in Egypt or from Egyptian sources.80 The collectors of the time were generally only interested in the most beautiful or interesting pieces, and so it can perhaps be assumed that any such collection will contain a reasonable selection of all available examples, regardless of theme and/ or colour. I looked at the collection at the V&A, all of which was itemised by A. F. Kendrick in the 1920s and published in three volumes.81 The information given for each item includes a detailed description of the design or scenes depicted, and the fabric and colours used; as this was adequate for my purpose, it was not necessary to personally examine the pieces. Of the 856 items in the collection, 216 of those designated as tunic decorations are figurative, and either have animal figures,

human figures, or a combination of both (see appendix B). Although the identity of the scenes depicted is not always clear, my research suggests that most if not all will have some amuletic purpose. In this appendix, 43 of the textiles listed feature lions;82 29 of these picture a hunt, two include nimbate figures, and 12 have iconography that is unclear. Traditionally the ‘king’ of the animal kingdom, the lion had long associations with kingship in both Christian and non-Christian contexts.83 However, when the lion is shown being hunted and/or defeated, it is more likely that the scenes were intended as ‘sympathetic magic’, possibly referring to the bravery and heroism of Hercules who slew the Nemean lion, a popular theme during the Byzantine period.84 When worn, such scenes would be intended to attract to the wearer the supreme strength and power that was required for a man to defeat the most ferocious of beasts, for example there are instructions in the Sephir Ha-Razim (a magical handbook from the 3rd/4th c.) for making a protective ring to be inscribed with a man and a lion and worn “when you want it to appear that a large and powerful company is with you, so that all who see you will be afraid of you”.85 Of the two ‘lion’ tapestries that include what appears to be Christian iconography, one has a crouched, nimbate figure with a lion,86 and the other has a nimbate orans figure with a lion.87 These could refer to either St Jerome or Daniel, and may have been intended to provide God’s protection to the wearer. Scenes of the hunt were also popular: of the 216 figurative tunic decorations at the V&A, 52 have a hunt theme (see appendix B); these scenes were probably also intended mimetically to attract both the abundance of the hunt and the strength and bravery embodied by

75  See Dauterman Maguire et al. (1989) 9–13 for a full discussion of the history of the symbolic use of these various animals and birds; peacocks may also have been popular because their ‘eyes’ would deflect the evil eye. 76  Marinis (2007) 103. 77  See Dauterman Maguire et al. (1989) 13. 78  Maguire (1990) 217. 79  Pritchard (2006) 73. 80  Pritchard (2006) chapter 1. 81  Kendrick (1920), (1921), (1922). The appendix includes the date range for each piece as given by Kendrick, however they were dated in a linear fashion on iconographic grounds: mythological—transitional—Christian. The reality was of course more complex, with pagan and Christian iconography being used and accepted not only at the same time, but often on the same garment; the date ranges therefore cannot be completely trusted.

82  See appendix B, nos. 15, 16, 22, 23, 24, 56, 59, 67, 70, 71, 72, 79, 101, 126, 127, 137, 140, 141, 150, 181, 197, 210, 211, 212, 213, 214. 83  Aesop refers to the lion as king of the beasts, see also Morrison (2012) 269; In the Book of Revelations, Jesus is referred to as ‘The Lion of Judah’ (Revelations 5.5) In Babylonian imagery, the king was often portrayed battling a lion, who, as king of the animal kingdom, was considered to be a worthy and equal opponent (Ehrenberg (2012) 107–109). Similar scenes can also be found in Sasanian art, such as on a 5th/7th c. silver plate, now at the British Museum (reg. no. 1897,1231.187); both horses and lions, as ‘old solar symbols’ were frequently associated with royal portraits (Kitzinger (1946) 20, n. 64). 84  Durand (2009) 165. 85   Sephir Ha-Razim 6. 25–30 (transl. Morgan (1983) 78–79). 86  Appendix B, no.137. However, presence of a halo does not always denote a Christian saint; as a “general symbol for all divinity” it also appears on kings and emperors: KalavrezouMaxeiner (1975) 245–46. 87  Appendix B, no.181.

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Wool tapestry orbiculus of the ‘triumphant rider’ 6th–7th c. AD, Smithsonian inv. no. 1902-1-71. picture credit: Cooper Hewitt, Smithsonian Design Museum / Art Resource, NY.

the hunter.88 Many of the hunters depicted on clothing embellishments were mounted, which is the case for 35 of the 52 V&A examples; a further 26 of the V&A tunic decorations also show mounted horsemen, some of which might be considered ‘holy’ riders. Often depicted trampling an enemy under the hooves of his horse, the ‘holy’ or ‘triumphant’ rider was seen as a generic emblem of victory in both Christian and pre-Christian contexts (see figs. 8 and 9).89 Sometimes specifically identified as Alexander the Macedonian,90 Solomon,91 or St Sisinnios,92 he is often seen killing a prone female foe, who is identified variously as Alabasdria, Abyzou, Gillou or Lillith (among other names) (see figs. 10 and 11).93 According to the Testament of Solomon, she was the demon who visited women in childbirth to kill the

88  Dauterman Maguire et al. (1989) 10–11. 89  See Dauterman Maguire et al. (1989) 25–26, and Maguire (1990) 216–17, for a discussion of these various interpretations. Of the 61 ‘rider’ depictions on the V&A examples, only eight have overtly Christian connotations. 90  The Textile Museum inv. 11.18. 91  Russell (1995) 40, n. 18 refers to an amulet from Smyrna in which the rider is identified as Solomon; also figs. 19 and 20 in Vikan (1984). 92  In a wall painting at the monastery of Baouît, the holy rider, identified as St. Sisinnios, is killing the demon identified as Alabasdria (see fig. 11). 93  See Russell (1995) 40–41; Dauterman Maguire et al. (1989) 26–27.

newborn infant.94 The rider motif might therefore have been seen not only as offering the protection of all or any “victorious horsemen”95 in any situation, but could also guard a woman from demonic interference during childbirth.96 Its importance as a uterine amulet is perhaps why the holy rider was one of the most popular amuletic motifs in Late Antiquity, and can be found on jewellery, wall paintings, mosaics and stone reliefs,97 as well as on household textiles and clothing long into the Christian era.98 Specific biblical scenes that centred around the life of the Virgin and the birth of Christ, such as the Visitation, the Nativity and baptism of Jesus and the Adoration of the Magi, are also found on garments. Like the healing scenes discussed previously, they were probably also intended to function as ‘sympathetic magic’ in order to promote pregnancy or ensure a safe delivery and a healthy child. There is also evidence for the practice of a similar form of sympathetic magic, by which the power inherent in a holy object (rather than an image) was transferred to a cloth or garment. It was seen as common practice to combat barrenness or ease delivery by wrapping a woman’s loins in a cloth belt that had been in contact with a miraculous icon.99 Pitarakis gives the example of St Theophano, whose mother’s labour was eased when her father “removed a belt that was hanging from a column in the church of the Theotokos Bassou in Constantinople and tied it around the loins of his wife”.100 St Melania also helped a woman to deliver a child after a prolonged labour by taking off her own belt and giving it to the woman to hold.101 Similarly, relics connected to a saint’s point of death 94   Testament of Solomon, no. 58 (transl. Conybeare (1898) 30). 95  Dauterman Maguire et al. (1989) 28. 96  See Pitarakis (2009) 198–200 for the use of the ‘holy rider’ motif on childbirth amulets. 97  Amuletic coins sometimes show the emperor mounted, and the rider is often found on inscribed ‘magical amulets’ (see Russell (1995) 40 n. 17 for a list of ‘rider’ amulets); the ‘triumphant rider’ is a common motif on Roman cavalry tombstones from the western frontier (Mackintosh (1986)). A number of mosaics show hunters (for example Villa de las Tiendas in Spain, and Piazza Armerina in Sicily); these depictions should perhaps be considered amuletic rather than apotropaic, in the same way that Nilotic scenes are: as attracting the plenty and prosperity associated with the hunt. 98  Tapestry panels depicting horsemen include: MAK inv. T417; Smithsonian Museum nos. 1902-1-71 (see fig. 8), 1946-103-1 and 1902-1-31; the textile museum, Washington no. 11.17; Whitworth Art Gallery T.8570. 99  Pitarakis (2009) 196. 100  Pitarakis (2009) 196, n. 107. 101  Pall. Hist. Laus. 61 (Melania the Younger) (quoted in Clark (1993) 81–82).

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Figure 9

Amulet with the holy rider on one side, and the ‘much suffering’ eye on the other, Princeton University Art Museum inv. no. Y1931–34.

Figure 10 Hematite amulet showing a rider spearing a prostate female demon, KM inv. no 2.6092, Kelsey Museum of Archaeology, University of Michigan.

Figure 11

Rider identified as st. Sissinios killing the demon Alabasdria, watercolour by Jean Cledat of a 6th–7th c. fresco at the Baouît Monastery. © IFAO.

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became imbued with his holiness and were therefore considered powerful amulets.102 These relics included such things as bones, drops of blood, and bits of shrouds or clothing, but could also include the water used to wash the saint’s body or any of his relics: … you see that the miracles of old time are renewed, when through the coming of the Lord Jesus grace was more largely shed forth upon the earth, and that many bodies are healed as it were by the shadow of the holy bodies. How many napkins are passed about! How many garments, laid upon the holy relics and endowed with healing power, are claimed! All are glad to touch even the outside thread, and whosoever touches will be made whole.103 In the Life of Caesarius, the patrician Liberius is healed by placing Caesarius’ cloak on his wound.104 Likewise, Liberius’ wife, who was “troubled by the same affliction as the woman who touched the bottom fringes of the Lord’s clothing”,105 was cured by a piece of the saint’s clothing that had been left overnight under the altar in the basilica of St Stephen.106 More specifically relating to childbirth, is the miracle attributed to the peplos of St Ignatio, a piece of which caused a breech baby to turn and be born safely.107 Apotropaic Use of Colour Clothing was a highly visible element of self-representation and could convey important biographical information to people about the wearer’s status, gender and morality. We have seen that designs and motifs on clothing were also used to communicate with the ‘realm of invisible powers’: colour played a vital role in this communication.

102  S. Wilson (1983)10. These holy men earned their sanctity by denying their bodies; death was the ultimate denial, and therefore the point at which the saint was most holy. 103  Amb. Ep. 22.9 to his sister Marcellina. 104   V. Caes. 2.12. 105  Matthew 9.20: “Then a woman who had suffered from haemorrhages for twelve years came up from behind, and touched the edge of his cloak: for she said to herself, ‘if only I can touch his cloak, I shall be cured.’ But Jesus turned and saw her and said, ‘Take heart my daughter; your faith has cured you.’ And from that moment she recovered…”. 106   V. Caes. 2.13–15. 107   Vita Ignati (PG 105.564B–C) as quoted in Talbot (2002) 161, n. 44.

Plato describes colour as a product of light; envisaged on a linear scale, he placed white or ‘light’ at one end and black or ‘dark’ at the other, with red and ‘bright’ (or ‘shining’) being the other two primaries; all other colours were made by mixing various amounts of these four elements. Although there were philosophical differences over time about how various secondary colours were made, the role of ‘brightness’ and ‘darkness’ in the perception of colour remained of paramount importance, certainly into the Byzantine age.108 Furthermore, ‘light’ was seen as a quality of divinity; the manipulation of light through colour as a way to make forms visible and “bridge the gap between the human and the divine”.109 The opposing pairings of light/dark, white/ black became conflated with the good/evil dichotomy: Now of the horses we say one is good and the other bad; but we did not define what the goodness of the one and the badness of the other was. That we must now do. The horse that stands at the right hand is upright and has clean limbs; he carries his neck high, has an aquiline nose, is white in colour, and has dark eyes; he is a friend of honour joined with temperance and modesty, and a follower of true glory; he needs no whip, but is guided only by the word of command and by reason. The other, however, is crooked, heavy, ill put together, his neck is short and thick, his nose flat, his colour dark, his eyes grey and bloodshot; he is the friend of insolence and pride, is shaggy-eared and deaf, hardly obedient to whip and spurs.110 White came to represent goodness, and religious and political purity, such as when worn by the Roman priest and political candidate,111 whereas black was associated with death and mourning: … whoever is at my rites, speak your words of mourning, and with wet cheeks begin your weeping for Ibis: and run with every ill, and on stumbling feet, and cloak all your bodies with black garments! 108  Both Rowe (1974) 341–49 and James (1996) 52–58 give comprehensive explanations of various classical theories of colour; for the Byzantine concept of a light to dark colour scale, see Pseudo-Dionysius, Celestial Hierarchy, 15.1 (PG 3.336C); Joh. Chrys. ad Theodorum Lapsum, 1.11 (PG 47.292); Jo. D. f.o. 1.4 (PG 94.797B-88C) references from James (1996) 100, n. 51. 109  James (2003) 232. 110  Pl. Phdr. 253d–e. 111  Croom (2000) 27; see also Apul. Met. 18 says the initiates of Isis all wear white linen robes; Jer. Ep. 120 (To Hebedia) (appendix E.9), and Gregory of Tours, Hist. 2.29 (appendix E.11.1).

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You too, why hesitate to don the fatal bands? Now your funeral altar’s ready, as you yourself can see.112

shade,120 and the following excerpt from the 2nd c. ‘Attic Nights’ by Aulus Gellius details some of the many names for red:

Purple, one of the most popular colours in Late Antiquity, had long been associated with eastern kingship,113 and was used symbolically on the tunic clavi of Roman senators and the hems of priests and underage citizens: In Asia the best purple is that of Tyre, in Africa that of Meninx and the parts of Gætulia that border on the Ocean, and in Europe that of Laconia. It is for this colour that the fasces and the axes of Rome make way in the crowd; it is this that asserts the majesty of childhood; it is this that distinguishes the senator from the man of equestrian rank; by persons arrayed in this colour are prayers addressed to propitiate the gods; on every garment it sheds a lustre, and in the triumphal vestment it is to be seen mingled with gold.114 Although purple was eventually associated particularly with the emperor, this association was never exclusive, and in fact its use and popularity was widespread in Late Antiquity.115 Because of the expense of the best purple dyes, the colour also became associated with wealth, luxury and decadence. There were many shades of purple, and it is probable that ‘the trained eye’ could differentiate between them.116 However, as James points out, the symbolic meaning of the colour depended less on the exact ‘hue’ than on the context of its use.117 Hence purple could represent either power and prestige or decadence and excess, depending on who was wearing it and where and when it was being worn.118 Some of the shades of purple popular in Late Antiquity are closer to what we might now describe as maroon or dark red, and although some translators seem to have difficulty differentiating the two,119 I believe that the confusion is of our making. Evidence suggests that red and purple were considered as separate colours in antiquity, and that there were many names to describe the variations. The Edict of Diocletian lists at least ten different purples according to source and 112  Ov. Ib. 99–104; see also Prudent. Cath. 7 (appendix E.3), Josh. Styl. 36 (appendix E.10) and Gregory of Tours, Hist. 3.29 (appendix E.11.2). 113  Reinhold (1970) 43; Bradley (2009) 198. 114  Plin. HN 9.60. 115  Reinhold (1970) 62. 116  Bradley (2009) 197–98 suggests that by the Late Republic different shades of purple denoted different political affiliations. 117  James (1996) 102–104. 118  James (1996) 103–104; see also Bradley (2009) 189–208. 119  Croom (2000) 27.

When the philosopher Favorinus was on his way to visit the exconsul Marcus Fronto, who was ill with the gout, he wished me also to go with him. And when there at Fronto’s, where a number of learned men were present, a discussion took place about colours and their names, to the effect that the shades of colours are manifold, but the names for them are few and indefinite, Favorinus said: “More distinctions of colour are detected by the eye than are expressed by words and terms. For leaving out of account other incongruities, your simple colours, red [rufus] and green [viridis], have single names, but many different shades. And that poverty in names I find more pronounced in Latin than in Greek. For the colour red [rufus] does in fact get its name from redness, but although fire is one kind of red, blood another, purple another, saffron another, and gold still another, yet the Latin tongue does not indicate these special varieties of red by separate and individual words, but includes them all under the one term rubor, except in so far as it borrows names from the things themselves, and calls anything ‘fiery’, ‘flaming’, ‘blood-red’, ‘saffron’, ‘purple’ and ‘golden’. For russus and ruber are no doubt derived from rufus, and do not indicate all its special varieties, but ξανθός and ἐρυθρός and πυρρός and κιρρός and φοῖνιξ seem to mark certain differences in the colour red, either intensifying it or making it lighter, or qualifying it by the admixture of some shade.” Then Fronto, replying to Favorinus, said: “I do not deny that the Greek language, which you seem to prefer, is richer and more copious than ours; but nevertheless in naming these colours of which you have just spoken we are not quite so badly off as you think. For russus and ruber, which you have just mentioned, are not the only words that denote the colour red, but we have others also, more numerous than those which you have quoted from the Greek. For fulvus, flavus, rubidus, poeniceus, rutilus, luteus and spadix are names of the colour red, which either brighten it (making it fiery, as it were), or combine it with green, or darken it with black, or make it luminous by a slight a­ ddition of gleaming white. For poeniceus, which you call φοῖνιξ 120   Ed. Diocl. 24.2–12 lists purple, lighter purple, Tyrian purple, two qualities of Milesian purple and four qualities of archil purple; see also section 29.

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in Greek, belongs to our language, and rutilus and spadix, a synonym of poeniceus which is taken over into Latin from the Greek, indicate a rich, gleaming shade of red like that of the fruit of the palmtree when it is not fully ripened by the sun. And from this spadix and poeniceus get their name; for spadix in Doric is applied to a branch torn from a palm-tree along with its fruit. But the colour fulvus seems to be a mixture of red and green, in which sometimes green predominates, sometimes red.121 Like purple, red had symbolic meaning, however its meaning also depended on the context in which it was used. As the colour of blood,122 it signified the power both of life and of death, and played an important role in performative ritual magic: Go at the sixth hour of the day, toward [the rising sun], to a deserted place, girt about with a [new] male palm-fibre basket, and on your head a scarlet cord as a head band …123 Write these things on a scarlet parchment: ABRAXSAX … (and add the usual). Place it, having made it into a plaster, on the side of the head …124 It was also important for magico-medical remedies: There have been authorities found to recommend one-and-twenty red flies-and those found dead, too!—taken in drink, the number being reduced where the patient is of a feeble habit.125 … the dust, for instance, in which a hawk has bathed itself, tied up in a linen cloth, with a red string, and attached to the body; … the muzzle of a mouse and the tips of its ears, wrapped in red cloth, the animal being set at liberty after they are removed …126 … poultry-dung, that of a red colour in particular, applied fresh with vinegar …127 And also in execration magic: 121  Gell. NA 2.26 (transl. Rolfe (1927) http://penelope.uchicago .edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/Gellius/2*.html (accessed 18.3.17). 122  Purple was also sometimes described as the colour of blood; this association may have added to its symbolic properties, however, there is nothing to suggest that the two colours were considered indistinguishable. 123  PGM 3.615–18 (Betz (1992) 34). 124  PGM 7.201–2 (Betz (1992) 121). 125  Plin. HN 30.27: remedies for epilepsy. 126  Plin. HN 30.30: remedies for fever. 127  Plin. HN 30.34: remedies for boils.

If it [psalm 78] is written with the blood of a Nile catfish from the well of a spring on a white piece of paper, and you wrap a red silk thread around it, and you place it in a pierced new red clay jug, and you put the end of a red thread through the hole, and you seal the mouth of the jug and you bury it under a watercourse [running] to the east and you write at the end of the psalm, “Run blood of 353” (meaning the name of the woman you want to haemorrhage) just as the waters run on this writing.” Then as a result she haemorrhages and it does not stop until the jug is removed from the canal. Psalm 103: If you have enemies that you fear, then take frogs equal in number to them and tie the frogs forelegs behind their back with a red silk thread. You read the psalm seven times over each one, and you write the name of the enemy on their backs before you read. After that, you put them in a new red earthenware vessel, write these letters [i.e., magical characters which follow in the manuscript] on the pot, seal it with white potter’s clay, and bury it in a forgotten tomb. You will see wonders, God willing.128 Red is also the colour of fire, and as fire and light were seen to be related concepts, the colour became associated with the divinity of light. One of the angels shown shepherding sheep at Sant’ Appollinare in Ravenna is red, as is the sky from which God’s hand emerges in the scene showing the prayer of Isaiah, in the Paris Psalter.129 Perhaps because of its association with both the blood of life and with divine light, the colour red was seen as protective against evil forces, particularly for the young and defenceless.130 It is red blood marked on the doorframes that protects the chosen from the plague of the firstborn in Exodus, and it is a red cord that marks the first of Tamar’s twin sons in Genesis.131 By the 4th c. the red cord was described by Epiphanius as providing protection:

128  These two recipes come from an Arabic Coptic Christian manuscript: see Hansen (2001) 432–33. 129  These examples are given in James (1996) 106. 130  Sebesta (1994a) 47. Red was also seen as being a ‘healing’ colour and protective against the evil eye: see Elliott (2016) 257–58. 131  Exodus 12.21; Genesis 38.28–30: “When her time was come, there were twins in her womb, and while she was in labour one of them put out a hand. The midwife took a scarlet thread and fastened it round the wrist, saying ‘This one appeared first’ ”.

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Chart 1 Iconography found on tunics.

And they swore an oath to her, and they gave her a sign, namely that she was to tie a red cord to her window whereby she helped them to escape, for her house was on the wall. Behold, oh ye who are listening, in what way the facts concerning these two women are similar, Rahab was a harlot, who received everyone into her house, and Thamar dressed herself in the garb of a whore. Likewise, Rahab tied a red cord to her window, and it became a protection for her, and a red thread was tied around the hand of the son of Thamar …132 According to the Mishnah, which was written in the early 3rd c. based on long-standing Jewish oral traditions, boys were allowed to go out with “garlands of pu’ah’ ” (translated as dyer’s madder, which is red) the apotropaic and medicinal uses of which were detailed: MISHNAH: Boys may go out with garlands (kesharim), and royal children may go out with bells, and all people (may do likewise), but that the sages spoke of the usual practice. GEMARA: What is kesharim?—Said Adda Mari in the name of R. Nahman b. Baruch in the name of R. Ashi b. Abin in Rab Judah’s name: Garlands of pu’ah. (Abaye said, Mother told me: Three (garlands)

132  From The Discourse of Apa Epiphanius on the Holy Virgin, Mary Theotokis (transl. Wallis Budge (1915) 706).

arrest (illness), five cure (it), seven are efficacious even against witchcraft.133 The popularity of this practice amongst Christians as well as Jews may be assumed by its specific condemnation by John Chrysostom: What shall we say about the amulets and the bells which are hung upon the hand, and the scarlet woof, and the other things full of such extreme folly; when they ought to invest the child with nothing else save the protection of the Cross. But now that is despised which has converted the whole world and given the sore wound to the devil and overthrown all his power: while the thread, and the woof, and the other amulets of that kind are entrusted with the child’s safety …134 Out of the total 216 figurative tunic decorations listed in appendix B, 185 have iconography that is clear enough to categorise under the following headings: mythological, portrait busts, Nilotic/rustic, hunt/rider, and overtly Christian. Of these, 68 have been woven on a red ground. Chart 1 shows how these break down as a proportion of the total in each category. The most frequently depicted image is that of the rider, which is 133  Babylonian Talmud, Tractate Shabbath, folio 66b (transl. Freedman (1936): http://halakhah.com/shabbath/shabbath_ 66.html—PARTb (last accessed 17.3.17). 134  Joh. Chrys. Hom. in Ep. I ad Cor. 12.13 (PG 61.105). Welters (1999) 65: in many parts of Greece, red strings are still tied around children’s wrists in order to protect them from the evil eye.

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Figure 12 Child’s red wool tunic, Whitworth Art Gallery T.8375 (cat. no. 69). picture credit: ©The Whitworth, University of Manchester.

included in some form on 61 of the 185 tapestry panels, a further illustration of the popularity of this image (see above). In the ‘hunt/rider’ category, there are 18 sole riders (six on a red ground), and 35 included in a hunt scene (nine on a red ground); there are a further eight (all on a red ground) included in the ‘overtly Christian’ category. While the choice of colour may have been a matter of fashion or convention, it does seem that red was the most popular ground colour for Christian scenes, and may have been deliberately chosen in order to increase the amuletic efficacy of the piece.135 Further research in this area might help us to elucidate ambiguous and ‘hard to interpret’ scenes, and understand their use and importance. As mentioned above, red was seen as particularly protective for children. In her article “The Material Culture of Childhood in Byzantium”, Pitarakis identified two children’s garments that incorporate red trim, suggesting that this trim may have had an apotropaic function. With this in mind, I have examined 209 items of clothing from the late antique period. Although this list is by no means exhaustive, it includes all substantially complete garments from 39 museum and archaeological collections, and is a representative enough sample to enable us to ascertain whether red was used more frequently on children’s clothing than on adult’s.

135  The six ‘Joseph’ tapestries detailed above (n. 490) all have a red ground; further research is required to discover whether all extant Joseph tapestries are woven on red grounds.

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Appendix C.1 lists 121 children’s garments, including 109 tunics and 12 hats from 30 different collections. Although I have not been able to examine every garment, whenever possible I have obtained either a coloured picture or detailed information about the item. Unfortunately this has not been possible with 11 of the tunics, and so I have left these out when assessing colour. Of the remaining 98 tunics, seven are wholly red (fig. 12), and a further 69 make use of red, either as part of the overall colour scheme in the decoration, or most commonly (42 tunics), as either red wool or red tapestry trim around the neckline (see figs. 13–16). This use of red around the face can also be observed on the majority of the 12 hats and hoods, seven of which make use of red either for the trim or in the body of the hat (fig. 17) (see chart 2). Appendix C.2 lists 87 adult garments from 23 museum and archaeological collections. As with the children’s group, coloured pictures or detailed descriptions were not available for 11 of these items, so I have discounted them when considering colour, leaving a total of 70 tunics and six hats or hoods. Of the 70 tunics, eight are wholly red, and 23 include red in some part of the decoration, with red trim at the neckline in only five of these. Three of the six hats have red on them, but none of them have red fringing specifically around the face, which is the case with two of the children’s hoods (see chart 3). While the presence of a small amount of red in an applied tapestry panel might have been incidental (although it may still have been chosen for its apotropaic function, particularly on a child’s garment made of ‘recycled’ cloth), this use of red tapestry, cord, blanket stitching, tassels, and/or fringing around the neckline or face of a child’s garment appears to have been deliberate and purposeful. Many of these tunics also include red trim at the cuffs and hem; protecting the ‘entrances’ of a garment in this way was very likely intended to protect the wearer from the incursion of evil spirits.136 Many of the 121 children’s garments listed in appendix C.1 also include other amuletic devices: 31 have Nilotic, figurative or interlace designs on the clavi and/or orbiculi, three include ‘eye’ motifs, and a further 14 have c­ rosses either in the tapestry decoration, or embroidered / appliquéd on to the garment. Seven of the tunics have topstitching or embroidery along the 136  In traditional Macedonian dress, the chemise was embroidered around the sleeves, at the hem and around the chest and neck openings; this embroidery “protected the wearer from penetration by evil spirits as well as giving strength to certain areas of the body such as the arms, the legs and the head”: Welters (1999) 103.

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Cultural Values in Clothing: Apotropaic Practices

Chart 2 Incidence of red on children’s tunics.

Chart 3 Incidence of red on adult tunics.

seams and/or hems in a colour or colours contrasting to the base colour of the garment, perhaps (like the red trim at neck, cuff and hem on many tunics), protecting these garment ‘entrances’ from incursion by the evil eye.137 These various elements and motifs are not mutually exclusive; many of the garments have a number of amuletic components. For example, a child’s tunic in the Archaeological Museum in Munich is embellished with embroidered crosses, eight-sided star shaped orbiculi decorated with pictures of ducks, and has red wool trim around the neckline.138 Of the 121 children’s garments listed, only 18 appear to have no amuletic features, however many of these items are in a deteriorated condition, and so the possibility that they may once have included such elements cannot be completely discounted. 137  Welters (1999) 7. 138  Appendix C1, no.84.

Figure 13 Child’s tunic, Louvre E26248 (cat.no. 116). Note the addition of red wool tapestry trim around the neckline on a tunic with purple clavi and orbiculi. Photo: F. Morgan.

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Figure 14 Child’s tunic KTN 2365 (cat. no. 113). Red wool trim and tassels have been added at the neckline. photo © The Phoebus Foundation.

Figure 15 Child’s tunic BM reg. no. 1990,0612.103a-b (cat. no.23). Note the addition of red tapestry trim around the neckline and at the cuff. photo: ©The Trustees of the British Museum.

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Figure 16 Child’s tunic, Whitworth Art Gallery no. T.8374 (cat. no. 187). Red wool trim has been added around the neck and at the underarm openings. picture credit: © The Whitworth, University of Manchester.

Figure 17 Child’s hooded tunic, MMA acc. no. 27.2389 (cat. no. 136). Red wool fringe has been added around the front edge of the hood.

57

Cultural Values in Clothing: Apotropaic Practices MUSEUM EXAMPLES:

size adult

undyed fabric 62

dyed fabric 18

total no. of tunics 80

plain 7

simple clavi embellished total no. of tunics 4 69 80

child TOTALS

63 125

26 44

89 169

6 13

4 8

79 148

89 169

EXAMPLES FROM RECENT ARCHAEOLOGICAL EXCAVATIONS:

size adult child

undyed fabric 6 11

dyed fabric 2

total no. of tunics 6 13

plain 4 4

simple clavi embellished total no. of tunics 1 1 6 1 8 13

TOTALS

17

2

19

8

2

Chart 4

9

19

Incidence of embellishment on tunics.

Of the 187 tunics included in the catalogue, 141 are made of undyed fabric and the remaining 46 of coloured or striped fabric. Of the total, 156 have some sort of embellishment, by which I mean interlace or figurative clavi, orbiculi or tabulae, and/or appliquéd or embroidered decorations, as opposed to tunics that are completely plain (19) or have simple undecorated clavi (12). This might suggest that ‘embellished’ tunics were normal everyday wear during this period, however the circumstances of their collection must be taken into account. Many of these garments were excavated at the turn of the 20th c. to be sold to European collectors, and it is probable that only the most beautiful examples were kept. It is also possible that some were altered or embellished to increase their saleability.139 When we separate the ‘museum’ garments from those found at more recent excavations, a different picture emerges: There are not many fully documented excavations of undisturbed burials from this period. The information in chart 4 comes from only six sites,140 however it appears to show that plain or simply decorated garments were more plentiful than the museum collections indicate. This is unsurprising considering the history of most museum garments, and is further corroborated by more recent excavations. For example, the body in burial 213 at Banat, excavated in 2008, was dressed in five tunics, none of which were decorated,141 and the burial clothing 139  See Cortopassi (2013). 140  El-Kom el-Ahbar: Huber (2007); Kellis: Livingstone (2013), Mons Claudianus: Mannering (2000a); el-Deir: LetellierWillemin (2008); Khirbet Qazone: Granger-Tylor (2000); and Antinopolis: Fluck (2013). 141  Orfinskaya et al. (2016): there were 23 textiles included in the burial, of which five were dressing the body; only the outer-

of mummy W14 from the Christian cemetery at el-Deir included at least one plain tunic.142 These two burial assemblages are not included in the catalogue or the above chart because they have not yet been fully published, however, the garments from two infant burials recently discovered at Antinopolis are. Contrary to what is indicated by the clothing from the adult burial assemblages, all but one of the seven garments from these two burials is embellished in some way, and all of these include the colour red in the decoration. The inclusion of such apotropaic signs, symbols and/or colours on so many children’s clothes not only confirms their vulnerability and the care and concern of their parents, but is also a poignant reminder of the high infant mortality rate of the time. Apotropaic Words, Signs and Letters on Garments In literate cultures, the invention of writing is often attributed to gods or heroes. In Babylonian culture, it is Nabu who invents writing in order to record the fates of men. According to Egyptian mythology, Thoth was “lord of the hieroglyph that symbolised ideas, acts, powers, and often consonants”,143 he was also the god of sorcery. This association between written words and letters and the gods also existed in Judaeo-Christian tradition, which equated ‘the word’ with ‘God’ at

most textile in the assemblage had tapestry decoration: Maya Naunton, pers. comm. 17.10.14. 142  Letellier-Willemin (2008) 144. 143  Frankfurter (1994) 189.

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the beginning of the gospel of St John: “In principio erat Verbum et Verbum erat apud Deum et Deus erat Verbum”.144 There are references in both the Old and New Testaments to chosen people being ‘marked’ by special signs, or having the name of God, probably in the form of the Tetragrammaton, written or possibly tattooed on their body as a protective device,145 and there are also references to the importance of wearing textual phylacteries.146 The apotropaic properties of words and symbols is spelled out in a long inscription on a bronze pendant found at the early Christian sanctuary at Beit She’an in Israel, which begins: Holy names and symbols and dread characters protect from all dangers the man or woman who carries your august divine powers.147 Textual amulets or phylacteries, also known as lamellae, usually consisted of protective magical texts written on thin pieces of metal which were rolled up and placed inside a metal case to be worn on the body, often as a necklace. These lamellae were used between the mid 1st c. BC, and the 6th c. AD, reaching the height of their popularity during the 2nd–3rd c. AD.148 The texts on them frequently included repetitive letter sequences, charaktêres and/or language that appeared to be intentionally nonsensical or unintelligible.149 Instructions for making lamellae can be found in the Greek Magical Papyri (see above), which contains a variety of magical spells and recipes, including some for making protective lamellae to be inscribed on silver,150 as well as on less expensive substances such as cloth and papyrus.151 144  Gospel According to St John, 1:1: “In the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God and the Word was God”. 145  Genesis 4.15; Ezekiel 9.4–6; Revelation 7.3, 14.1, 22 see appendix A5; see also Bohak (2008) 117–18. The Tetragrammaton, was the name of the Hebrew God rendered in the four letters YHWH; this was written on the golden plate or ziz which was carried on the forehead of the Jewish high priest, and Bohak calls it “the apotropaic mark par excellence”. 146  Deuteronomy 11.18–21 (appendix E.12). 147  Penn Museum no. 29–108–253; the translation comes from Bonner (1950) 215, as quoted in Dauterman Maguire et al. (1989) 8. 148  Kotansky (1994) xviii. 149  See for example, Kotansky (1994) nos. 6, 10, 12, 18, 23, 34 and 46. 150  PGM 4.2705–07 (Betz (1992) 88. 151  For example: PGM 7.206–207 (for coughs): “On hyena parchment write these charakteres…. Hang it around the neck as an amulet, but keep it dry while wearing.”: Betz (1992) 121; PGM 7.213–14 (for fever): “Wear an inscribed olive leaf as an amulet”: Betz (1992) 121; PGM 7.218–21: instructions for a wearable amulet inscribed on papyrus—against fever and shivering fits: Betz (1992) 122; PDM 14.1063–69: instructions for writing a formula on ‘byssus’ (sea-silk or shroud linen): Betz (1992)

There are also instructions in the Sephir Ha-Razim for making textual amulets, usually to be written on gold or silver. These had a variety of purposes, including healing (2.95), protection in childbirth (2.125), protection from violence (2.135), and even to deflect the bad intentions of others (2.55).152 A number of the Fayum mummy portraits show people wearing amulet cases,153 and examples of protective gold and silver lamellae have been found throughout the Roman world.154 There are also a number of extant inscribed textiles from the late antique period. These include household items such as wall hangings, blankets and pillow covers, as well as garments; usually veils or tunic decorations. Many of these inscriptions are what Durand calls “narrative”, in other words they help to tell the story that is illustrated figuratively on the textile, either by naming the characters or explaining the action, although this may not always have been their primary purpose. There are examples of popular, and therefore easily recognised, scenes and figures that are labelled, and other examples where particularly obscure subjects are not.155 Other inscriptions appear to have had a more pragmatic purpose, such as an owner/maker mark or formula.156 However, “in a literate society containing many illiterates”,157 all such inscriptions could also have been intended as an indication of status or, given the association of words and letters to the holy, as amuletic. Instructions for writing protective words on a garment can be found in the “Discourse on Michael the Archangel”, attributed to Timothy, Archbishop of Alexandria (late 4th c. AD): If thou wishest to make the name of Michael protect thee in every temptation, write the name of Michael upon the four corners of thy house, inside and outside. 246; PDM 14.1141–54: instructions for writing three names on byssus—‘place on head’: Betz (1992) 248. 152  Morgan (1983) 43–60. 153  See Parlasca (1969) nos. 35, 36, 62 and 96; Parlasca (1977) nos. 250, 257; Parlasca (1980) nos. 527, 533, 559, 621, 654, 669–72. 154  Kotansky (1994) details over 50 metal lamellae, dated between the 1st c. BC and the 5th c. AD from throughout the Roman empire. 155  Durand (2009) 65 notes particularly a tapestry square depicting Heracles fighting the Nemean lion, in which both Heracles and the lion (both of whom would be easily recognised) are labelled. 156   S HA Carus, Carinus et Numerianus 20.5: “inscriptum est adhuc in choraulae pallio tyrianthino, quo ille velut spolio nobilitatis exsultat, Messallae nomen uxoris.” (Indeed, the name of Messalla’s wife is still written on the violet mantle of a fluteplayer, who exults in it as the spoils of a noble house.). 157  Van der Vliet (2006) 26.

Cultural Values in Clothing: Apotropaic Practices

59

And also write it upon the edge of thy garment so that it may protect thee from every evil which shall rise up against thee, both that which is hidden and that which is manifest.158

He took me by the hand and led me courteously to the doors of the vast temple, and when he had opened them in the usual solemn way and performed the morning sacrifice he went to the sanctuary and took out two or three books written in characters unknown to me: some of them animal hieroglyphics, some of them ordinary letters protected against profane prying by having their tops and tails wreathed in knots or rounded like wheels or tangled together in spirals like vine tendrils …166

The recognition of letters both as high status indicators and as ‘magical’ symbols, may explain the presence on some late antique textiles of both meaningless letters and nonsense text.159 While the occasional orthographic error or letter misplacement and/or distortion might perhaps be blamed on the craftsman’s illiteracy or lack of skill, the use of nonsense words, or ‘pseudo-script’ suggests that meaning was not necessarily of paramount importance; the presence of words or letters in any form was enough.160 In fact, the perceived esoteric nature of the script may have enhanced its magical efficacy, as was the case with textual amulets.161 This was not unknown in other semi-literate societies, for example runic script developed magical connotations in AngloSaxon England as Roman letters became the more dominant script,162 and the swords of medieval knights were often inscribed with prayers or unusual letters and/or symbols.163 I spent a considerable amount of time searching museum databases for Coptic textiles, and noticed a number of small orbiculi that are decorated with single line scroll/vine patterns that are almost script like (figs. 18–25). Having also spent some time researching the magical charaktêres that are found in the Greek Magical Papyri and on protective lamellae, I was struck by the similarity between the two (see chart 5). The figures known as charaktêres were “seen as signs and sources of great power”,164 and can be found in magical recipes, on amulets (figs. 26 and 27) and curse tablets, and even on a public protective inscription on the wall of the theatre at Miletus.165 Study of the charaktêres in the Greek Magical Papyri suggests that their exact form was rarely repeated (see chart 5), however their general form, particularly the knotted ends, would have been easily recognised, as was their supernatural connotation:

158  Translation in Wallis Budge (1915) 1029–30. 159  Van der Vliet (2006) 27. 160  Durand (2009) 171–72. 161  For the use of ‘nonsense’ words such as ‘voces magicae’ and Ephesia grammatica in magical spells and inscriptions, see Versnel (2001). 162  See for example the inscription on the back of the 11th c. Sutton brooch (British Museum no. M&ME 1951 10–11,1) which includes Roman script and ‘pseudo’ runes. 163  Clanchy (1979) 334. 164  Gager (1992) 11. 165  Gager (1992) 11 and n. 53.

A similar format can be seen on many of the figures incorporated into the orbiculus designs; we cannot know if this similarity was originally intended, however I do think it is noteworthy. Durand details a number of late antique figurative tunic orbiculi depicting the Joseph cycle that include what appear to be randomly scattered letters, sometimes repeated and/or shown in reverse. He suggests that the use of reversed letters and captions on these and other late antique textile inscriptions was simply decorative, their use possibly a result of the influence of exposure to Arabic inscriptions.167 While there may be some truth in this, it should also be remembered that both repetition and letter and script reversal were common components of amuletic or magical inscriptions, as was nonsense text,168 and it is very likely that these devices were included on textiles in order to increase their amuletic power. Pritchard has suggested that a line of a nonsense script found on the sleeve of a child’s tunic in the collection of the Whitworth Art Gallery, most ­probably had an apotropaic function.169 The use of both red thread and letter repetition on the inscription embroidered on a textile fragment, now in the Musée des Beaux Arts in Dijon, suggests a similar purpose.170 When examining the tunic collection at the Katoen Natie in Antwerp, I found that one of the children’s tunics included bands of inscriptions on the front

166  Apul. Met. 18. 167  Durand (2009) 172. 168  For the use of reversed text in magical inscriptions, see Versnel (2001) 144, n. 98; see also Maguire (1990) 217 and fig. 10, for a gold phylactery from the 5th/6th c. which has an inscription written backwards, and a gem amulet in the collection of the Taubman Medical Library at the University of Michigan (no. 246) that has a retrograde inscription. 169  Pritchard (2006) 34, figs. 3.10 a–b. 170   Cauderlier (1986) no. 151, inv. no. S.55 OA.T: the inscription is of an abbreviated sacred name, repeated: XIĒXIĒXIĒXIĒXIĒXIĒIĒX. Whilst the textile fragment is too small to definitely determine its use, the presence of what appears to be a clavus or sleeve band near the inscription, does suggest that it comes from a garment.

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Figure 18 Tapestry fragment, Egypt, 5th–6th c. (MMA 90.5.355).

Figure 22 Woven textile fragment, Egypt, 7th–9th c. (MAK T 10020). Photo: © MAK.

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Figure 19 Tapestry fragment, Egypt, 4th c. (MMA 90.5.502).

Figure 23 Woven textile fragment, Egypt, 7th–9th c. (MAK T 59). Photo: © MAK.

and back yokes of the garment.171 The inscription on the back is quite deteriorated, but does seem to include unusual letter forms, and may be an example of ‘pseudo script’. The inscription on the front begins in the middle of a letter, suggesting that it was cut down from a larger piece, so while part of the inscription may once have been intelligible, the meaning is lost. The inclusion of this unreadable inscription on the garment further validates the supposition that these apparently nonsensical textual additions were apotropaic, and that their purpose was not to communicate with other people, but rather with the invisible powers that could protect the child from harm. There are also a number of late antique textiles with Christian inscriptions that are clearly readable and intended to be so. These became more popular in Egypt after the Arab conquest in AD 641, and were undoubtedly influenced by the spread of Islamic tiraz textiles.172 Islamic tiraz inscribed textiles were often given as gifts from the court, and identified the giver and recipient. Although they may also have included good luck w ­ ishes, 171  KTN 146 (cat. no. 101); it is unpublished. 172  Van der Vliet (2006) 30–31.

Figure 20 Tapestry fragment, Egypt, 4th c. (MMA 90.5.617).

Figure 24 Woven textile fragment, Egypt, 7th–8th c. (MAK T 51–2). Photo: © MAK.

Figure 21 Tapestry fragment, Egypt 6th–7th c. (BM EA72463). Photo: © The Trustees of the British Museum.

Figure 25 Woven textile fragment, Egypt, 7th–9th c. (MAK T 10019). Photo: © MAK.

their main purpose seems to have been to define and strengthen the system of political patronage that was an integral part of Islamic rule.173 The textiles with Christian tiraz inscriptions on the other hand, although they often included the name of the owner, appear to have had a primarily apotropaic or amuletic function. Many consisted of prayers for happiness, prosperity or divine protection, and frequently incorporated amuletic devices such as crosses,174 while others included Bible quotations. Although there is evidence for the existence of Jewish shawls inscribed with biblical quotations,175 the only extant examples come from Christian con173  Van der Vliet (2006) 30–31. 174  Van der Vliet (2006) 36. 175  Goitein (1983) 196–98. Goitein quotes a number of letters from the Cairo Geniza that request prayer shawls to be inscribed; in one case the inscription is the opening of the priestly blessing in the Old Testament (Numbers 6.24), which is still used in churches and synagogues. The Cairo Geniza is a collection of approximately 300,000 manuscript fragments that were found in the storeroom of the Ben Ezra Synagogue in Cairo. These documents cover the period from the 9th to the 19th c., and include religious writings and legal documents as well as personal letters.

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Cultural Values in Clothing: Apotropaic Practices

Figure 26 BM reg. no. 1938, 1010.1, Bronze amulet, dated to 7th–8th c., showing magical ‘charaktêres’. photo: © The Trustees of the British Museum.

Chart 5

Charaktêres in the Greek Magical Papyri.

Figure 27 Kelsey Museum of Archaeology inv. no. 2.6199, reverse side of a bronze ‘holy rider’ amulet, showing Christ enthroned, and including magical ‘charaktêres’.

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Figure 28 Front of child’s tunic KTN 146, showing inscription cut to insert on yoke. photo © The Phoebus Foundation.

Figure 29 Back of child’s tunic KTN 146, showing unusual letter forms. photo: © The Phoebus Foundation.

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Cultural Values in Clothing: Apotropaic Practices

63

texts, and they are all inscribed with quotations from the Psalms.176 Van der Vliet suggests that the psalms on these garments were specifically chosen to mimic the circumstances of their use, in a number of cases specifically identifying them as gifts. Although he only identifies one of the inscriptions as overtly apotropaic (psalm 26 beginning: “be thou my helper”177), he does conclude that all were intended to be amuletic to some degree.178 Indeed, Caesarius of Arles prescribed the psalms as protection against evil:

‘target’ specific ailments. Psalm 128, for example, which includes the lines: “Your wife shall be like a fruitful vine … Your sons shall be like olive shoots” (128.3) as well as “and live to see your children’s children” (128.6), was prescribed as a fertility amulet.184 This use of ‘targeted’ psalms continued as a part of Jewish magic, and is detailed in a medieval Jewish book called the Shimmush Tehillin, or ‘The Magical Book of the Psalms’, which gives instructions on which psalms to use, not only for curing specific ailments, but also for protection from dangers as diverse as highwaymen, wild animals, evil spirits and even imprisonment.185 Most of the inscribed textiles from this period have been discovered as grave goods, usually used as shrouds, but the absence of the usual funerary textual formulae on them suggests that this was probably not their primary purpose.186 As was the case with the scenes and motifs on clothing, the inscriptions on these garments may originally have had very specific protective or medicinal purposes, in the same way that many customised lamellae did. However, once they were made and put to use, most were probably seen as almost ‘allpurpose’ protective garments, or objects to be worn for the owner’s entire life and then into the grave.

The psalms are the weapons of the servants of God. The man who clings to the psalms does not fear the enemy, for our Lord says concerning this adversary: “Your adversary is the devil.” He suggests adverse thoughts, in order that he may kill us if he can; on the other hand we have right thoughts, if we read the psalms aloud quite frequently.179 There is also evidence for their use as divine protection throughout the early Christian world. For example, there are a number of Christian amulets, dated between the 4th–7th c. that include lines from psalm 91, presumably because of its overall theme of divine protection.180 The 7th c. Irish psalter known as the Cathach of St Columba was used as protection in battle,181 and the inscription found with the Staffordshire hoard comes from psalm 68.1: surge d[omi]ne [et] dispentur inimici tui et fugent qui oderunt te a facie tua: (rise up, o Lord, and may thy enemies be scattered and those who hate thee be driven from thy face).182 Like the Cathach, this may also have been intended as a textual shield; the sentiment expressed seems a most appropriate one to carry into battle.183 Psalms continued to be used in amulets long into the Christian era, notably in medical amulets, where they were chosen according to their subject in order to 176  Van der Vliet (2006) 44. 177  Van der Vliet (2006) 44, 50. 178  Van der Vliet (2006) 45–47. 179  Caesarius Serm. 238.2 (transl. Mueller (1972) 221). 180  For example, P.Vindob. 6.348, dated palaeographically to 6th– 7th c. (also published by Daniel (1983); he also details a number of other papyri that include this psalm, concluding that it is “the psalm most frequently used for Christian phylacteries” (Daniel (1983) 401). P.Oxy 16.1928, dated to the 5th–6th c.; a wooden amulet, dated to 5th–6th c. which includes parts of psalms 91, 120 and 8; and two gem amulets in the collection of the Kelsey Museum (nos. 26198 and 26119) both of which include excerpts from psalm 91. 181   Cathach translates as ‘battler’: see the Royal Irish Academy: https://www.ria.ie/cathach-psalter-st-columba (last accessed 17.3.17). 182   B MAG Accession number: 2010.0138K0550. 183  Leahy and Bland (2009) 18–19.

Conclusion Phileas to Zenon, greeting. Certain of my acquaintances have come to me in behalf of Metrodoros, the man who is handing this letter to you, requesting me to write to you. You will, therefore, do me a favor by making him a collective loan from yourself and your acquaintances. It will be clear to you what sort of man he is from his dress. Goodbye. [Verso:] To Zenon.187 As discussed in earlier chapters, economic, social and political transformations in the Roman empire brought about far-reaching changes in the way people dressed during the late antique period. The strict dress codes that signified variations in rank seem to have no longer applied, according to Tertullian at least.188 In the 4th c. AD, artistic depictions from sites in North Africa, Sicily and Bulgaria show people of all ranks including servants, 184  Davis (1992) details the prescribed purposes of over 35 psalms. 185  Trachtenberg (1939) 111, also n. 217. 186  Van der Vliet (2006) 39; however a tunic in the Louvre (E26798; cat. no. 123) has an inscription indicating that it belonged to a monk from the monastery at Naqlun, and may have been made especially for his burial. 187   P.Col. 3.41 (AD 254) (Arsinoite nome; letter of recommendation). 188  See chapter 1: ‘Social Status and Dress’.

64 hunters and farm workers dressed in colourful, embellished clothing.189 We cannot of course assume that these people are shown in their actual clothing, however it is clear that while members of the lower classes may be indicated in these artistic depictions by what they are doing, or in some cases because they are depicted as smaller in stature than those they are serving, they are not identified by the level of decoration on their clothing. It is unlikely, therefore, that the type or colour of the embellishments on his clothing are what made it clear ‘what sort of man’ Metrodoros was, from the papyrus quoted above. It is possible that Metrodorus’ status was signified more by the style of his clothes. For example, the ensemble of ‘knee-length tunic, bracae and chlamys’ was often used in representational art to indicate a man of civilian or military office, however this was never exclusive, nor was there a specific correlation between dress-type and rank.190 The evidence therefore suggests that during the late antique period, it was not the style or level of decoration on clothing alone that was used to signify rank or status, as had been the case in the past.191 What was more likely to have made it clear to Zenon that Metrodoros was a worthy man would have been the quality of his clothes. That is to say, the type of fabric and fineness of the weave, the use of expensive dyes in ground colour and trims, and the absence of patching and mending.192 This brings us directly then to one of the questions posed in chapter one: what is the purpose of the embellishments on clothing? The majority of the adult tunics listed in the ­appended catalogue are embellished (see chart 4, above), and the layout of the embellishments are very similar. In this they resemble the clothing depicted on contemporary visual sources. The used condition of these clothes suggests that they were worn during life, and not made especially as burial garments. The colours and embellishments were undoubtedly chosen in part because of their beauty, however they also fulfilled a much more important purpose. Many of the symbols and patterns included on clothing during the late antique period, such as eyes, knots, crosses and interlace patterns, are recognisably amuletic, as are many of the figurative designs included

189  The mosaics of the Villa Herculania in Piazza Armerina, Sicily, all of which are reproduced in Gentili (1959); ‘The Estate of Lord Julius’ mosaic in the Bardo Museum: Blanchard-Lemee et al. (1996) fig. 121; the Silistra tomb paintings, Durostorum (Silistra, Bulgaria): Dimitrov (1962) 35–52. 190  Smith (1999) 177. 191  Although of course the colour and quality of these decorations may have. 192  This undoubtedly caused confusion particularly for those who had chosen ‘voluntary poverty’; this is dealt with in more detail in chapter 2.

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in garment embellishments.193 However, I think that many less obvious features on clothing may also have had the same purpose. This appears to have been especially the case with children’s clothing, perhaps because the high rate of child mortality suggested that they were particularly susceptible to the evil eye. Like the amulets and lamellae that were commonly worn, the protective nature of these designs and figures would have been understood at the time. For example, use of the colour red, particularly for the trim around the neckline, was considerably more common on children’s garments than on adults. Given the amuletic nature of the colour, this should be considered as intentionally placed in order to provide supernatural protection for the child, in the same way that the garment itself provided physical protection. Similarly, red appears to be more common as a ground colour on tapestry panels with overtly Christian iconography, and may also have been intended to add apotropaic power to the image. Study of word and letter magic during the late antique period indicates that the often unintelligible words and letters included on garments, rather than being the product of an illiterate or unskilled workman, may have been made intentionally meaningless, and were therefore intended to be amuletically powerful. This may also be the case for the knotted scroll patterns on a number of tapestry orbiculi and tabulae, whose similarity to magical charaktêres is undeniable. These apotropaic and/or amuletic elements on clothing fit Sackett’s definition of “iconological style choice”, in that they are invested at the time of making with a symbolic meaning that is understood by the society in which they are used.194 The purposeful inclusion of such decorative elements on the clothing of the wealthy and powerful,195 as well as those of lower ranks,196 suggests that they all shared the same cares and concerns regardless of rank, status or gender, and that all felt able to have a direct relationship with the divine. 193  Maguire (1990) 215–19. 194  Sackett (1982) abstract. 195  For example, the gown worn by the Empress Theodora in the mosaic in the Basilica of San Vitale in Ravenna has an image of the three magi on the hem, and the gown worn by another woman in the same group is decorated with an eight-point star. The limestone stele of Pachomius at the British Museum shows his tunic to be decorated with clavi incorporating crosses (BM.1911,0617.16). 196  For example, the soldiers/hunters in the hunt mosaic at the Villa of Hercules in Piazza Armerina, Sicily, are wearing tunics decorated variously with crosses and eight-sided stars: Gentili (1959); a great many extant patched and mended garments that can be assumed to have belonged to people of limited means, include a variety of amuletic designs and colours (see appended catalogue and appendix C).

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‘The Life of Clothes’ in Late Antiquity Introduction The basic garments worn by both men and women during the late antique period were the tunic, mantle and cloak, sometimes with trousers or leggings. These varied somewhat over time and place in design and method of manufacture, but most, particularly tunics, were traditionally ‘woven to shape’, with the general outline, size and sometimes the decoration determined during the weaving process.1 There are many thousands of extant textiles from Late Antiquity, but unfortunately most of these are fragmentary. By far the majority of complete or nearly complete garments from this period are tunics. I have therefore decided to concentrate mainly on this garment in my work on the making, mending and reuse of clothing, although other items will be considered. I collected information on 187 tunics from 38 different archaeological, museum and private collections, all of which are detailed in the catalogue included with this book. When possible I examined the garment myself, otherwise I either contacted the researcher or conservator directly, or relied on written reports. As the physical condition of these garments is important for this research, I have excluded any for which reasonably detailed information was not available.2 These garments have been dated between the second half of the 1st c. AD and the end of the 10th c., which is a wider date range than defined for this study. However, most of these garments were given these dates in the first half of the 20th c. by comparative stylistic analysis, and recent scientific methods are now proving many of these dates to be inaccurate, often by as much as 500 years. For example, a group of Coptic tunics in the collection at Katoen Natie in Antwerp, originally dated to between 11th–12th c., have been C14 dated to between the late 5th and mid 8th c.3 Similarly, a number of garments in the Louvre collections have 1  Granger-Taylor (1982), (2007); see also Cardon et al. (2012) 282– 85 for a description of the different tunic shapes and weaving methods. 2  For example, the Penn Museum (University of Pennsylvania) lists ten items on their website under ‘Coptic tunic’; the listings do not include pictures, and although some very basic information about the item is provided, it does not include measurements or condition. 3  De Moor et al. (2007) 100.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���8 | doi ��.��63/9789004353466_006

recently been shown to be approximately 400 years older than Bourguet’s original estimate.4 I have therefore included all garments thought to have been made during the 1st millennium AD. The disparate nature of the evidence makes it unsound to draw sweeping conclusions from this dataset as a whole. For example, more than half of the tunics belonged to children; this could certainly be used as evidence for an especially high rate of child mortality during this period, however, as a great many of these garments were found at the turn of the last century, it could also be evidence for the preferences of the Late Victorian collector. Similarly, the ratio of wool to linen garments could indicate variations in the availability or popularity of these different materials at the time or place of making, or it could be a result of the physical variation in find-spot condition and context. Nonetheless, a great deal of useful information can be gleaned from this collection about how clothing was made, worn, cared for and used, and by extension, what this might tell us about the people to whom it belonged. This chapter will begin with a description of the different types of tunics, and how they were made and worn, describing first the general shape of the different garments and then the way that they were decorated and trimmed. These descriptions will be accompanied by scale drawings of the garments being worn to better illustrate the way they fit on the body.5 A discussion of other garments and clothing accessories will follow, followed by an overview of the textile industry during this period. The chapter will conclude with a discussion of the mending, cleaning and the reuse of clothing, ending with a section on kentrônes and the used clothing trade. Tunics Square Tunics: Catalogue Numbers 1–21 The catalogue includes information on 21 ‘square’ tunics, which are dated between the 1st–8th c. Seven of these 4  Schrenk (2004) 457. 5  All drawings are by the author unless otherwise specified; all figures and tunics are drawn to scale, with 1 cm equalling 15 cm: the male figure is 172.5 cm in height (ca.5 ft 8 in); the female is 157.5 cm in height (ca.5 ft 2); the ten year old is 129.5 cm in height (ca. 4 ft 3 in); and the 5 year old is 101.5 cm in height (ca.3 ft 4 in).

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Figure 30 Scale drawing of a square tunic, BM reg, no. 2004,0910.5 (cat. no. 5) being worn by a man 5” 8” tall (see n. 5, above).

Figure 32 Detail of patching on square tunic found at Kellis (cat. no. 15), drawing by Bruce Parr, 2013.

Figure 31 Adult wool tunic, Abegg-Stiftung, inv. no. 4219 (cat. no. 1). photo: © Abegg-Stiftung, CH 3132 Riggisberg, 2003. photo: Christoph von Viràg.

Figure 33 Heavily patched linen tunic from Kellis (cat. no. 15). photo: R. Livingstone 2012, C. A. Hope, Monash University, Melbourne.

‘ The Life of Clothes ’ in Late Antiquity

67 Short Sleeved Tunics: Catalogue Numbers 22–42 Twenty-one of the tunics in the catalogue are described as short sleeved; a number of these have inset or applied sleeves (fig. 35), while others have a shaped side seam which creates a short ‘cap’ sleeve over the shoulder (figs. 36 and 37). Only one of these tunics is adult sized; it has applied sleeves, and was wholly re-made from another garment, probably a mantle. In this case, it may have been the amount of available fabric rather than any design considerations that decided the size of the sleeves.8 Many of the children’s short-sleeved tunics also show signs of having been ‘made-down’ from another textile or textiles, perhaps a larger garment or a household furnishing of some kind.9

Figure 34 3rd c. mosaic from Saint Romain-en-Gal, France. photo: © Erich Lessing.

are adult size and 14 belonged to children, and, as the name implies, these are simple sleeveless tunics. They are either made from two pieces of fabric seamed at the shoulders and sides, or one piece folded over, usually at the shoulders, with the neck opening cut in; in some instances, the fold is along one side with seams on the other side and at the shoulders. Of the adult examples, six are either very simple or completely plain (fig. 31). Four show signs of particularly heavy wear and/or extensive patching, such as one excavated at Kellis (figs 32 and 33).6 Only one has ornate clavi and shoulder orbiculi (cat. no. 13), suggesting that this shape was most often used for simple working garb, and indeed there is pictorial evidence to support this (fig. 34). Three of the smallest children’s garments are quite plain and appear to be opened down the sides, suggesting that they might have been worn ‘poncho’ style over another garment.7 This might also have been the case with some of the more ornately decorated narrow sleeved children’s tunics, that also appear to be opened down the sides. The possibility that they were worn open sided is explored in chapter 5 below. However, close examination of a garment sometimes shows stitch holes, so it is equally possible that the garment was opened in order to more easily dress the body for burial.

6  The four showing signs of heavy wear are catalogue numbers 4, 8, 15 and 20. 7  Catalogue numbers 6, 18 and 19.

Figure 35 Child’s undyed wool tunic Whitworth Art Gallery no. T.8550 (cat. no. 42). picture credit: © The Whitworth, University of Manchester.

8  Catalogue no. 32 (MC 1101 in Mannering (2000a) 286–87). 9  The wear pattern on some of the fabric used in a pieced child’s blue wool garment in the Whitworth Art Gallery (T.8549; catalogue no. 70) indicates that it came from an adult garment (Pritchard (2006) 113), and a baby’s tunic from Khirbet Qazone appears to have been wholly made from a furnishing textile (Granger-Taylor (2000) 160). Children’s short sleeved tunics that show evidence of having been made from a larger textile include catalogue nos. 22, 23, 26, 37, 41, 42. I have examined four of these myself, and the other two are very well-­illustrated on the holding museums’ websites (links are included in the appended catalogue). Unfortunately, I have only been able to personally examine seven of the remaining 15 short sleeved tunics in the catalogue; it is certainly possible that some of the remaining tunics were also made from recycled cloth.

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Figure 38 A 4th c. mosaic showing a family group with servants. picture credit: fig. II in Gino Gentili, La Villa Erculia di Piazza Armerina: i mosaici figurati (Edizioni Mediterranee) (Rome 1959).

Figure 36 Scale drawing of child’s cap sleeved tunic, Louvre E26300 (cat. no. 25).

Figure 37 Child’s red wool dress, Whitworth Art Gallery no. T.8377 (cat. no 38). picture credit: © The Whitworth, University of Manchester.

Wide Sleeved Tunics: Catalogue Numbers 43–55 There are 13 wide sleeved tunics in the catalogue; originating in Dalmatia, this garment is also known as the dalmatic. Woven to shape in one piece, the sleeves of this style can often be as wide as the main body of the

tunic.10 There is pictorial evidence for this style of tunic being worn by men, women and children, both belted and unbelted (fig. 38).11 However, it is not always possible to determine who wore it by the size of the garment. For example, figs. 39 and 40 illustrate a tunic from the collection at the Whitworth Art Gallery being worn by both a male and female figure.12 On the male figure the tunic comes to the knee, which was not uncommon at the time, and although the tunic is not full length on the woman, which was usual, it might still have been worn as a belted over-tunic. Tailored Tunics: Catalogue Numbers 56–72 Of the 17 tunics in the catalogue described as ‘tailored’, 13 belonged to children (figs 41–43), and five of these show clear signs of being made-down from another textile.13 This may also have been the case with some of the others, but their deteriorated condition makes it difficult to determine. However, the ‘pieced’ nature of this style, particularly in children’s garments, would make it a useful design for using up the good sections from an otherwise worn-out adult garment or other textile (figs 42 and 43), while the style was still loose enough to be worn by the same child for some time (see figs. 44a– b). Of the four adult tailored tunics, three are opened down the front; known as Sasanian riding coats, these garments are tapered at the sides and have extremely 10  Pritchard (2006) 49. 11  Two women are wearing dalmatics in the family scene from the 4th c. mosaic at the Piazza Armerina, as is a child in the children’s hunt scene; the mosaic of Emperor Justinian at San Vitale (AD 546–48) shows men wearing white dalmatics. 12  T1995.145. 13  Catalogue nos. 58, 64, 66, 69, and 71; as is the case with the short sleeved tunics, closer examination of the other tailored tunics listed may show that some of them were also made from recycled cloth.

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Figure 39 Scale drawing of a woman 5’2” tall wearing a dalmatic (cat. no. 54).

Figure 40 Scale drawing of a man 5’8” tall wearing a dalmatic (cat. no. 54).

Figure 42 Child’s tailored tunic, showing details of side gores, MAK inv. no. T.9894. photo: © MAK.

Figure 41 Child’s tailored tunic in wool check, Whitworth Art Gallery T.9885 (cat. no. 72). picture credit: © The Whitworth, University of Manchester.

long sleeves (fig. 45). Most appear to lack the underarm opening common to many narrow sleeved tunics, and may have been worn draped over the shoulders with the sleeves left dangling.14 They may also have been worn with the arms in the sleeves, which then hang down over 14  Knauer (2004) 9.

the hands, as is shown in this detail from a late antique tapestry wall hanging in the Brooklyn Museum (fig. 46).15 Dated roughly to a period before the Sasanian rule of Egypt, these coats may have belonged to high-ranking administrators or visiting dignitaries, with the long sleeves covering the hands to indicate that the wearer did no manual labour.16

15  Brooklyn Museum acc. no. 46.128a–b. 16  Knauer (2004) 12; they need not have been Persian, but simply wealthy enough to have adopted what may have been ‘the latest fashion’.

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Figure 43 Detail of fragments from the underarm section of a child’s wool tunic, V&A inv.no. T.156–1976, showing inset sides gores; variation in weave type and direction suggests the use of recycled cloth. © Victoria and Albert Museum, London.

Figure 44a–b

garments come from burial contexts, and may have been ‘best’ clothes used for the burial of a loved one, while the everyday working clothes, often a square or short sleeved tunic, continued to be worn until virtually worn out.17 It should also be considered that virtually all of the extant examples come from Egypt, and the particular designs we have may represent the most popular styles and designs only in the areas in which they were found. Nonetheless, pictorial evidence does show that there were various different styles of narrow sleeved tunic, and that they were worn by men, women and children throughout the Roman empire during Late Antiquity. As the name implies, the sleeves of these tunics were very narrow along their full length; some were also further tapered at the wrist, as is described in this excerpt from the 6th c. Secret History by Procopius:

Scale drawing showing that Whitworth Art Gallery tunic no. T 9885 (cat. no. 72) could have been worn by a 5-year old or a 10-year old; the dotted lines indicate seams.

Narrow Sleeved Tunics: Catalogue Numbers 73–187 The tunic style most often found in museum collections is the narrow sleeved tunic; the catalogue includes 115 examples, of which 53 are for children. This may indicate that it was the most popular style during Late Antiquity, however, there could be many other reasons for the overwhelming dominance of this style in the limited archaeological record. Most of these

17  See for example, Ammonius, Report on the Slaughter of Monks of Sinai and Rhaithou 37: “Once all their remains had been gathered into one place, the Christ loving Obedianus and the rest of the headmen of Pharan brought bright, costly garments for their honour, and buried the holy men.”

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Figure 45 Sassanian Riding Coat, Berlin SBK inv. no. 9695 (cat. no. 65). picture credit: Antje Voigt, Skulpturensammlung und Museum für Byzantinische Kunst, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin.

First the rebels revolutionized the style of wearing their hair. For they had it cut differently from the rest of the Romans: not molesting the mustache or beard, which they allowed to keep on growing as long as it would, as the Persians do, but clipping the hair short on the front of the head down to the temples, and letting it hang down in great length and disorder in the back, as the Massageti do. This weird combination they called the Hun haircut. Next they decided to wear the purple stripe on their togas, and swaggered about in a dress indicating a rank above their station: for it was only by ill-gotten money they were able to buy this finery. And the sleeves of their tunics were cut tight about the wrists, while from there to the shoulders they were of an ineffable fullness; thus, whenever they moved their hands, as when applauding at the theatre or encouraging a driver in the hippodrome, these immense sleeves fluttered conspicuously, displaying to the simple public what beautiful and well-developed physiques were these that required such large garments to cover them. They did not consider that by the exaggeration of this dress the meagreness of their stunted bodies appeared all the more noticeable. Their cloaks, trousers, and boots were also different: and these too were called the Hun style, which they imitated.18

18  Procop. HA 7 (transl. Atwater (1927): http://sourcebooks.fordham.edu/halsall/basis/procop-anec.asp accessed 12.4.17).

Figure 46 Detail of a tapestry in the Brooklyn Museum, acc. no. 46.128a–b, showing sleeves worn hanging over hands. picture credit: Brooklyn Museum.

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Figure 47.1–2

Scale drawings of male and female figures wearing the same tapered-sleeve tunic.

Figure 48.1–2

Scale drawing of male and female figures wearing the same straight-sleeve tunic.

These scale drawings (fig. 47) show a narrow sleeved tunic with tapered sleeves from the Louvre collection (E31969) as it would appear on a woman of 5’2” and a man of 5’8”. The sleeves of the tunic were open at the wrists for a length of 20cm and then stitched along the sleeve, with the stitching ending before the underarm. The side seams were completely open, however this may have been done for burial. The waist tuck (which had been opened at the back) was wider near the side seams. Carbon dated to AD 540–650, this garment was found in a grave at Antinopolis dressing the body of a woman; her arms were not placed inside the sleeves, but rather emerged from the opening under the arm.

These scale drawings (fig. 48) show a narrow sleeved tunic with straight sleeves from the Louvre collection (E26296) as it would appear on a woman of 5’2” and a man of 5’8”. The sleeves are stitched together to the end of the cuff, which measures 28cm around. The tunic is open under the arm (above the waist tuck), along the side seam by 14cm, and along the underarm seam by 10cm; the waist tuck, which measures 16cm, had been opened, possibly for burial. Tunic Embellishment and Dating The decoration and trim on tunics varied considerably, from none at all through simple monochrome stripes, to ornate multi-coloured tapestry panels and ribbon,

‘ The Life of Clothes ’ in Late Antiquity

either woven in or appliquéd on. Decorative embroidery is also found on a number of garments, however it is rare. Of the 150 garments in the catalogue that are embellished with more than simple woven clavi, 138 have tapestry panels either woven in or appliquéd on; only 12 are decorated with embroidery alone. The embroidery on these garments most often consists of simple crossstitch or chain-stitch edging hems, necklines and/or seams, or more rarely, of words and/or symbols.19 Six of the garments embellished with tapestry ribbon or panels also include similar simple embroidered trim,20 but only one of the garments listed in the catalogue includes more extensive decorative embroidery.21 Although there are also a few extant tunic fragments that are embroidered, notably the yoke of a tunic found at the Kharga oasis,22 they are atypical of the usual embellished clothing of the late antique period.23 As both Wild and Letellier-Willemin have pointed out, the word plumarius is often used during this period when describing decorated textiles,24 and is generally translated as ‘embroidery’ or ‘embroiderer’.25 However, although there is a clear and obvious difference between embroidery and tapestry weaving, the writers of the time may not have possessed the technical knowledge (or

19  On two of these garments, the embroidery, although decorative, is intended primarily to mend or darn (catalogue nos. 70–71). Catalogue nos. 34, 40, 42, 56, 69 and 93 have necklines, seams and/or edges with simple stitching in a colour contrasting to the base colour of the garment; catalogue nos. 47 and 79 have clavi embroidered with simple chain or running stitch. Three garments have symbols embroidered on them: catalogue no. 154 appears to have crosses embroidered on the ends of the sleeve bands, catalogue no. 165 has a cross embroidered on the front of the neckband, and catalogue no. 159 has symbols embroidered on one side of the hem. 20  Catalogue nos. 38, 39 and 41 have embroidered edging at the hems or seams, and catalogue nos. 96, 83 and 123 have embroidered symbols or inscriptions. 21  Archäologische Staatssammlung München, inv. 1985.716 (catalogue no. 76). See Fluck (2011) for a list of embroidered clothing fragments. 22  Excavation inv. 1780, see Letellier-Willemin (2013). 23  For example, of the 296 clothing embellishments in the V&A collection, only six are embroideries (see appendix B2). Originating from three separate garments, all are figurative and illustrate clearly Christian subjects, and are dated on iconographic grounds by Kendrick to the 7th–8th c. (see chapter 3, n. 81), Kendrick (1922) 56–59. 24  Wild (2000) 210; Letellier-Willemin (2013) 32. 25  This translation is given in Lewis and Short (1958) 1388, and can be found used in Ed. Diocl. 19.6 and 25, 20.1, P. Mich inv.14.684 and P. Princ.2.82.

73 indeed the interest) to make the distinction.26 The relative rarity of embroidery on extant late antique textiles, in comparison to tapestry weaving, suggests that variations of this word may have been used to describe any patterned textile embellishments, or those who created them. This may also have been the case with other words and phrases that have been translated as ‘embroidered’, such as ab acu,27 perspicue,28 and intexitur,29 although in these cases it may be modern translators who are at fault. I will therefore note when these words are used in this sense in any primary source texts that I quote, and use the context of the work to better interpret the word. When ‘embroidered’ is used descriptively in this book, it will mean decorative stitching made with a needle, as opposed to a pattern or design made by weaving. The simplest decorations found on both square and sleeved tunics are the woven-in stripes known as clavi. Running vertically on either side of the neck opening, on square tunics they continued to the hem of the garment, whilst on sleeved tunics they often ended at chest or waist level, usually in some sort of finial. Often woven in a solid colour, the width and exact colour of the clavi originally indicated the rank of the wearer,30 however this practice was dying out by the end of the 2nd c. AD, and such distinctions were no longer obvious in later periods.31 By the late antique era, these stripes varied considerably in both length and width, and often included ornate interlace or figurative designs woven in polychrome wool tapestry, although the use of simpler designs also continued. Research on tunics from a number of sites indicates that the distances between these stripes seem to fall into similar ranges: a number of tunics have clavi which are between 27 cm and 29 cm apart, while others vary between 35 cm and 36 cm.32 Although this might be coincidental, it does suggest the production of a range of basic sizes that could then be adjusted in length either by use of a belt or a sash, or possibly more permanently by the stitched in waist-tuck, such as is visible on a great many of the tunics in museum and excavation collections. Close examination of textile fragments 26  Patera (2013) 127: as Patera points out, these writers were likely to be more interested in describing the result of the work, rather than explaining how it was done, and in any case may have been unfamiliar with the techniques and descriptive terms used by craftsmen. 27   Ed. Diocl. 6.53. 28  Amm. Marc. 14.6.9 (appendix E.2.1). 29  Auson. Grat. act. 11. 30  Edmondson (2008) 27. 31  Yadin (1963) 207. 32  Cardon et al. (2012) 286.

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from tunics and cloaks shows that the spacing of the warp threads was very similar for both; this suggests that there was some standardisation of practice in weaving workshops at the time.33 Eight looms were found at the monastery of Epiphanius at Thebes, a recognised centre of manufacture, which supplied its neighbours with garments and household textiles.34 The measurements (given in hand and finger breadths) for cloaks, and both small and large shirts, were written on the wall of one of the rooms. These instructions confirm the production here of garments in standard sizes; measurements based on parts of the body would account for small variations in the sizes of garments produced by different weavers: The instructions for the cloaks [λεβιτεἂὢν]: 10 handbreadths in width, 21 in length. The large shirts [θολις; usually ‘sack’]: 7 (?handbreadths) in width, 14 handbreadths and 2 fingers in length, and 10 fingers its neck opening [?ΚωΓγ]. The small shirts: 6 handbreadths and (?8) fingers in width, 13 handbreadths and 2 fingers in length and 9 fingers its neck opening …35 Many tunics have stitched-in waist tucks; these vary in width and exact placement on the garment, and may have been used to alter its length, to hide a waist seam or to support a belt. Another feature, almost exclusively found on narrow sleeved tunics is an opening under the arm.36 Running along the side seam from somewhere above the waist tuck and continuing along the sleeve to approximately the elbow, this opening is clearly visible on 29 of the narrow sleeved tunics in the catalogue. The purpose of these features is explored in more depth in chapter 5, below. As detailed above, tunics, particularly those with sleeves, were also frequently decorated with sleeve bands, and/or tapestry panels at the knee and shoulder; round panels are known as orbiculi and square or rectangular panels as tabulae. These were often woven into the tunic at the time of manufacture, although many extant tunics have clavi and/or orbiculi/tabulae that have been stitched on to the garment. These appliquéd panels may have been made separately for this purpose, or may 33  Pritchard (2006) 119. 34  Winlock and Crum (1926) 156. 35  Winlock and Crum (1926) 9. 36  Of the tunics I have studied, only one non narrow-sleeved tunic has shown evidence of an underarm opening: a child’s dalmatic at the Fitzwilliam Museum, no. E.T.27.

have been ‘recycled’ from worn garments or household textiles.37 Whether made as part of a garment, or woven as a separate piece, a pattern or ‘cartoon’ would have been indispensable for making these tapestry panels.38 Usually drawn on pieces of papyrus, these reusable patterns were placed behind the warp threads to guide the placing of the different coloured weft threads. Detailed study of the cartoons that have been dated to the late antique period is providing valuable information about the weaving techniques of the time.39 In her catalogue of clothing from Egypt in the Whitworth Art Gallery in Manchester, Pritchard provides a general style progression chart for the tunics from the 1st millennium AD, based on both C14 dating and stylistic considerations.40 She begins the sequence in the mid 3rd c. with the simplest dalmatic, moves on to straight-edge narrow sleeved tunics in the late 5th–6th c., and puts ‘cut and tailored’ tunics last, suggesting that this design was brought by the Persians in the 7th c. While there is little doubt that this design was influenced by eastern styles, recent C14 testing has put a much earlier date on its appearance than first thought, placing the two ‘riding coats’ in the Museum für Byzantinische Kunst in Berlin at between the mid 5th-early 6th c.41 A number of extant dalmatics have also been C14 dated, with the dates ranging from the mid 1st to the mid 6th c.,42 and there are dated depictions of people wearing this style well into the 6th c.43 Similarly, a number of narrow sleeved tunics have been scientifically dated, with two from the collection at Katoen Natie in Antwerp providing both the earliest and latest dates: a child’s brown wool tunic dated to AD 245–404,44 and another child’s tunic dated to AD 769–1000.45 Such evidence suggests that design changes may not be as ‘linear’ as the Whitworth evidence implies; certainly, pictorial evidence suggests that although new styles might appear, ‘old’ styles continued to be worn. For example, a 4th c. mosaic from Piazza Armerina in Sicily shows a family group with their servants, with three different types of tunics being worn: knee length narrow sleeved tunics on the men, wide sleeved dalmatics on two of the women, and a belted square tunic on 37  De Moor (1993) 38–39; see also the section on reuse, below. 38  Stauffer (1996) 223: the word ‘cartoon’ comes from the Italian cartone/carta = paper. 39  See esp. Stauffer (1996) and (2008). 40  Pritchard (2006) 114–15. 41  Benazeth (2007) 115–16. 42  De Moor et al. (2010) 34–47. 43  For example, the mosaic of Emperor Justinian at San Vitale (AD 546–48) shows men wearing white dalmatics. 44  KTN 382.06. 45  KTN 614.

‘ The Life of Clothes ’ in Late Antiquity

one of the female servants (see fig. 38). This depiction might prompt the assumption that the choice of style was gender specific or influenced by status, however other depictions show dalmatics being worn by men and boys,46 and narrow sleeved tunics being worn by high status women and female servants.47 Although it is likely that at different times and places, gender or status might decide the choice of garment, it might equally be an indication of ethnic background or religious affiliation, or simply a product of regional variation; all of these things must be taken into account when dating or placing a garment style. Although ‘linear’ dating, such as carried out at the Whitworth Gallery, can perhaps be helpful in interpreting a museum collection, the sum of physical archaeological evidence is both disparate and meagre; such information should therefore be used with caution in interpreting or dating other garments or contemporary depictions. Mantles, Cloaks, Trousers and Accessories Tunics were traditionally worn with mantles, which were large rectangular pieces of cloth.48 These were usually made of wool, and like tunics varied in weave, colour and level of design over time and place.49 All, however, were produced by a straightforward weaving process and did not require any sewing.50 This was also the case with many of the simpler rectangular cloaks, however hooded cloaks needed further skilful tailoring to fit well. Often woven with a curved selvedge edge hem,51 the hoods and shoulders of these garments had to be shaped and stitched; the Edict of Diocletian lists the wages to be paid to a tailor for this

46  The children’s hunt mosaic from Piazza Armerina shows boys in both narrow sleeved tunics and dalmatics. 47  As on the 5th c. mosaic ‘The Estate of Lord Julius’ in the Bardo Museum, Tunisia. 48  Textile 41 from Khirbet Qazone measured 232 cm by 119 cm; no.43 from the Cave of Letters measured 270 cm by 140 cm; another from Al-Tar measured 250 cm by 162 cm: Granger-Taylor (2006) 121. 49  Pritchard (2006) 123–27. 50  Although there is evidence of wraps or scarves that have been ‘re-made’ out of larger pieces. For example, an undyed linen mantle fragment at the Louvre (E299113) has appliquéd tabulae and an added red wool fringe, and may have been made down from something larger. 51  Granger-Taylor (1982), (2007), (2008); Cardon and Cuvigny (2011).

75 specific work.52 Very few complete examples of cloaks have survived, possibly because their relatively poor level of decoration made them less appealing to early collectors, or because they were less often used as burial cloths.53 There is a substantially complete hooded cloak from Antinopolis in the Archaeological Museum in Florence, which Del Francia has dated to the 6th– 8th c.,54 and fragments from woollen cloaks are held in the collections of a number of museums, including the University of Pennsylvania Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology in Philadelphia,55 and the Whitworth Art Gallery in Manchester.56 There is reference to a leather cloak in a late 3rd c. personal letter,57 and pictorial evidence for short capes with curved hems,58 but unfortunately none of these have survived. In a list of presents to be made to guests at feasts, written at the end of the 1st c. AD, Martial includes a number of different types of cloaks and hoods: CXXVI. [Endromis] A Warm Wrap This is a poor man’s gift, but not often a poor man’s wear. We send you this wrap in place of a cloak. CXXVII. [Canusinae fuscae] A Brown Cloak of Canusian Wool This Canusian cloak, in colour extremely like must, shall be our gift to you. Rejoice! it will not soon wear out. CXXVIII. [Bardocucullus] A Cowled Cloak Gaul clothes you with its Santonian cowled cloak: it was but recently that it clothed a monkey. 52   Ed. Diocl. 7.42: ‘tailor, for cutting and finishing a hooded cloak [birrus] of the first quality: den.60’; 7.43: ‘of the second quality: den.40’; 7.44: ‘for a cloak [caracalla], larger: den.25’; 7.45: ‘for a cloak, smaller: den.20’. A 2nd c. stone relief in the Musée Municipal in Sens shows the hand of a tailor cutting fabric, with a short hooded cape hanging up behind him. 53  Pritchard (2006) 117–18. 54  Archaeological Museum of Florence, inv. no. 12953. 55  E15235 is described as a fragment from a cloak with hood, made in yellow wool with long loops; E16803 is described as a circular cloak with hood made in yellow wool, and E16840 is described as a cloak with cowl, made in red wool. I have been unable to examine these. 56  T.9891, which, like E15235 in Pennsylvania, is made with long yellow loops; T.8500, T.9886 and T.9889, are all also dark yellow. 57   P.Mich.inv. 3.218. 58  See especially panel 2 from the Mosaic of the Falconer in Argos: Akerstrom-Hougen (1974).

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CXXIX. [Canusinae Rufae] Red Cloaks of Canusian Wool Rome more willingly wears brown cloaks; Gaul prefers red, a colour which pleases children and soldiers. CXXX. [Paenula Scortea] A Leather Cloak Although you begin your journey on the finest of days let this leather cloak be always at hand against sudden showers. CXXXI. [Lacernae Coccineae] A Scarlet Mantle If you favour the blue or the green, why will you assume scarlet? See that by this lot you do not become a deserter. CXXXIII. [Lacernae Baeticae] Baetic Mantles My wool is not deceitful, nor do I change my colour in the dyeing vat. Tyrian wool may please by such means; my colour is that of the sheep I clothed. CXXXVI. [Laena] A Woollen Cloak Fine smooth garments are of little use in winter. My shaggy covering will impart warmth to your under-dress. CXXXVII. [Lacernae albae] White Mantles We recommend ourselves for service in the amphitheatre when our white covering encompasses the chilly toga. CXXXIX. [Cuculli Liburnici] A Libernian Hood You did not know, simpleton, how to suit your cloak to me. You put on a white cloak; you have to take off a green one.59 The Edict of Diocletian, dated to AD 301, also lists 22 different types of cloaks as well as over 20 different types of hoods.60 As is the case with Martial’s list, the garment styles are often defined by a place name, although this may refer to the place of origin of the design of the garment, rather than where the actual garment came from. Pieces of curved selvedge edges have been found at a number of desert sites and have been determined by comparative research to be from cloaks,61 however 59  Mart. Epigrams 14, translation from Bohn 1897 edition; original Latin in square brackets. 60   Ed. Diocl.: cloaks: 19.32–42 and 22.16–25; hoods 26.121–39. 61  See especially Cardon and Cuvigny (2011); also Cardon et al. (2012) 319–22, and catalogue nos. D99.3327.1, D99.4319.5, D2000.1553.15, D99.1547.7A+B+C+D, D99.4415.1, D2000.1562.1.

the fragmentary nature of this archaeological evidence makes it difficult to positively marry these fragments to any of the names on either Diocletian’s or Martial’s lists. Nonetheless, research into these fragments has provided considerable information about the weight, design and even level of wear and tear on these garments, although there is much still to be learned, particularly about their exact dimensions (see Chapter 5: ‘Cloaks’). Items such as trousers, socks and hats—if not made by other methods such as needle knitting, sprang or felting62—in order to fit properly would also have been cut to shape and sewn. For example, a pair of linen knee breeches in the Louvre collection, dated to the 6th–7th c. is skilfully made from 12 separate pieces of fabric,63 and a slipper/sock found at Dios is made with four ­pieces of fabric that have been carefully cut and assembled to ensure a comfortable fit.64 Both such items are also listed in the Edict of Diocletian as work undertaken by the professional tailor.65 The uneven piecing of fabric on the linen knee breeches at the Louvre, and also on similar pairs at the Kunstmuseum in Dusseldorf,66 and the Katoen Natie in Antwerp,67 suggests that these items were commonly made from recycled fabric, however there is nothing to suggest that such ‘re-making’ might not have been undertaken by a professional. The section of the Edict that immediately follows that detailing tailoring charges, also refers to clothing, however the heading of this list is missing.68 Although the nature of the list led an early translator to suggest that it referred to the sale of used clothing,69 it is clearly in a part of the Edict that deals with payment for work rather than goods. The prices listed are between den.6-den.24, It is possible that one of the fragments found at Didymoi, D99.3329.8 (Cardon et al. (2012) 330), is part of a toga, although this is far from clear. 62  See the appended glossary of textile terms for definitions. 63  Benazeth (2011) 28–29. 64  Cardon and Cuvigny (2011) 48: the pieces are cut on the bias which gives the fabric a considerable amount of elasticity; a child’s sock found at Vindolanda (T/316), dated to between AD 85–120, is also cut on the bias and assembled in a similar way: van Driel-Murray et al. (1993) 83. 65   Ed. Diocl. 7.46: (listed under ‘tailor’) ‘for breeches: den. 20; 7.47: ‘for felt leggings: den.4’—this is from the Latin udones, more usually translated as felt socks or slippers; that the price is so much less than that charged for breeches also suggests an item of clothing smaller than what we might now think of as leggings. 66  Kunstmuseum inv. no. 12754. 67  KTN 1733. 68   Ed. Diocl. 7.54–63. 69  Leake (1826) assumed that the list detailed the prices of a ‘dealer in second hand clothes’.

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whereas the purchase price of even the lowest quality tunic, listed as “of coarse linen for the use of common people or slaves” (26.31)70 is den.500. The prices listed in the tailoring section for ‘cutting and finishing’ are considerably higher than those in this un-headed section, suggesting perhaps an activity that was less time consuming, such as mending. Most of the items listed are clothes, and prices are for ‘new’ or ‘used’; in one case instead of ‘new’, a man’s shirt is described as ‘from the loom’ (6.56).71 This list might therefore refer to the basic sewing, and/or maintenance of these garments, such as sewing up the side seams on new garments (‘from the loom’), altering the size of a garment by putting in a waist tuck, or re-hemming the ragged edges of a cloak.72 A fragment from an account found at Vindolanda, lists the repairs made to various items of clothing, and includes a charge for the re-hemming of a cloak.73 The ‘cost of mending the cloak of Coraxus’ is also included in household accounts found at Oxyrhynchus; this chronological account includes the purchase cost for the cloak shortly before the cost of mending, suggesting that the cloak was bought second-hand and in need of repair.74 The type and quality of stitching on garments found on a variety of archaeological sites certainly includes examples of highly skilled craftsmanship, such as might be expected from a professional tailor.75 There are also examples of rough and unskilled work,76 suggesting that familiarity “with scissors, needles and thread” was widespread during the Late Roman period.77 Before examining mending and recycling in detail, however, it is worth looking briefly at textile production during the late antique period. Sewing and Making and the Textile Industry And how much labour did Adam, the first man, have before he had a garment with which to clothe himself; he sheared the sheep, whitened the wool, dispersed it, spinned it, weaved, dyed and sewed;

70  Graser (1940) 388. 71  Graser (1940) 344. 72  It has also been suggested that this list might refer to the work of a colorator: see Bradley (2002) n. 64. 73   Tab.Vindol. 3.607 (appendix D.5.2). 74   P.Oxy.4.736 ( appendix D.5.1.) Grenfell and Hunt (1904) 232. 75  Mannering (2000b) 14. 76  Sheffer and Tidhar (1991) 27; see also appendix A for examples of mending. 77  Mannering (2000b) 14.

only after doing all these did he find garments to clothe himself.78 As the above quotation suggests, making clothing was a time consuming business and involved many processes. These were:

•

the preparation of raw materials: this includes shearing, cleaning, and combing or carding for wool, rippling, retting, scutching and hackling for flax,79 cleaning and carding for cotton, and unwinding and reeling for silk dyeing spinning or felting weaving, needle knitting or ‘netting’ (sprang) fulling, this might include washing, bleaching, napping or brushing, and/or folding making into garments; this includes cutting and assembling, stitching, adding decorations, fitting; this category might also include the recycling of used garments into ‘patch’ bundles or articles of clothing and accessories distribution

• • • • • •

Although all of these processes may not have been carried out in the home, there are a number of personal letters from this period that clearly indicate that making clothes was an activity regularly undertaken by members of the family in a domestic setting. For example, one letter dated to the early 2nd c. AD makes mention of someone being given “… a needle and linens”, the context of the letter suggesting that they are for making clothes.80 In another dated to the late 3rd c. AD, a man requests that his wife join him and tells her: “… if you have the materials for clothing bring and cut them here”.81 Another letter, dated to the 3rd–4th c. says: “All that is fitting for my mother I shall send her, if she wants anything. Have a cloak made for me by her so that I do not buy one again …”.82 A recent study of textile related artefacts found in the terraced houses at Ephesus, suggests that the domestic tasks of spinning, weaving and sewing were commonly carried out in these homes,83 and many cloth making and related tools have also been found at Karanis, including spindles and whorls, weavers 78  Babylonian Talmud, Mishnah Berakoth 9:8 (transl. Simon (1980) folio 58a). 79  For an explanation of this process, see http://joyofhandspin ning.com/flax/ (last accessed 18.3.17). 80   P.Mich.inv. 5393. Translation from www.papyri.info. 81   P.Mich.inv. 1365. Translation from www.papyri.info. 82   P.Mich.inv. 3164. Translation from www.papyri.info. 83  Trinkl (2007) 82.

78 combs, loom weights and even loom parts.84 It has been estimated that weaving a tunic, when done in the home alongside other necessary daily activities, could take as long as six months,85 further confirming the relative value of such garments, particularly to the lower classes. Evidence also suggests that garments of various qualities and prices were available to buy ‘ready-made’. The Edict Of Diocletian includes over 1000 items, of which well over 40% are cloth or clothing related.86 In the light of this, it is not surprising that it has been estimated that roughly 50% of the working population of Roman Egypt was involved in some aspect of the textile trade.87 There are numerous letters and financial accounts, dated between the 1st–6th c., that make reference to various aspects of cloth and clothing production,88 including the apprenticeships of weavers,89 the activ­ ities of weaver’s associations,90 and general business accounts.91 The breadth of this industry is further attested in the epigraphic and papyrological record, where there is evidence for most of the basic processes, such as spinning, dyeing, fulling and weaving. Although references specifically to spinning are few,92 it has been estimated that an average sized adult tunic would require approximately 5–6 km of thread,93 so spinning must have been a constant activity undertaken by all the women in the home, and might therefore have been too commonplace to be specifically mentioned.94 There are 84  Thomas (2006) 139, n. 13. 85  Letellier-Willemin (2010) 214. 86  Of the total 1081 items, there are 474 that relate directly to cloth/clothing; these include the raw materials, tools and wages needed for making and/or embellishing the cloth/ clothing, as well as the actual clothing itself. A further 30 items of footwear and leather clothing accessories are also listed. 87  Van Minnen (1987) 76. 88  Listed in appendix D.1 and D.2. 89  Listed in appendix D.3. 90  Listed in appendix D.4. 91   P.Mich. inv.1933 (2nd c.); P.Mich. inv.3731 (2nd–3rd c.); P.Oxy. 48.3403 (4th c.). 92  For example, inscriptions at Hierapolis referring to wool washers, purple dyers and weavers: IGR 4.816, 818, 821–22; referring to wool and/or linen weavers/workers at Carthage: ILA 396, at Gerasa: SEG 7.827, at Anazarbus: IGR 3.896, and at Ephesus: SEG 4.541. Papyrological evidence includes, for weavers: P.Duk. inv.75, P.Phil. 26, P.Phil. 10, P.Hib. 2.219; for fullers and dyers: P.Teb. 0287, P.Mich. inv.966. There are a number of papyrological references to obtaining wool which may be for spinning, for example: P.Mich. inv.1367, P.Mich. inv.497, SB. 5.7572, P.Kell. Copt. 47, P.Kell.Copt. 48. However, very few refer specifically to spinning: P..Oxy. 31.2593, and P.Kell.Copt. 44 refer to the cost of having wool spun, P.Mich. inv.430 requests two pounds of tow (flax) to spin. 93  Letellier-Willemin (pers. comm.). 94  Bagnall and Cribiore (2006) 78.

CHAPTER 4

also references to more specialised professions, such as felt-making,95 wool-carding or combing,96 bleaching,97 and specialised weaving,98 suggesting an extensive industry where even people with such exact and narrow skills were able to find gainful employment. It is probable that the majority of this work was done on a local level by independent workers or in small workshops,99 such as evidence suggests existed in Kellis, where a group of late 4th c. letters have been discovered that include financial accounts relating to a weaving, tailoring and trading business, possibly run by one family. These letters discuss many business related matters, including the prices of wool and dye, and the wages given for weaving,100 as well as the charges for cutting out individual garments.101 One of the letters appears to have been written by a woman, the contents indicating that she was fully involved in running the family business.102 The list of specifically sourced garments in the Edict of Diocletian suggests that there may also have been production centres for particular fabrics, dyes and/or clothing styles, and that they produced enough surplus to export to other parts of the empire.103 Although we cannot be sure that in every case the name of the item indicated the physical place of origin rather than the design or production method,104 there is also epigraphic, papyrological and written evidence for textile guilds in many of the named cities, including Tarsus, Scythopolis, Aphrodisias, Laodicea and Hierapolis.105 Saitta in Roman Lydia for example, was not known as a 95  S EG 29.1195 refers to a guild of felt-makers at Lydian Saittai. 96   P.Teb. 0322 and P.Mich. inv.1340 both refer to people who are described as ‘wool-carders’; P.Oxy. 2977 may be an apprenticeship agreement for a wool-comber, however, the meaning of the word is not clear: it may mean ‘hairdresser’; the length of the apprenticeship (five years) might favour the latter interpretation. 97  S B. 14.11588 refers to payment for the bleacher. 98   P.Mich. inv.3310 refers to a ‘weaver of Tarsian fabrics’. 99  Pleket (1984) 25–28. 100   P.Kell.Copt 44, 47. 101   P.Kell.Copt 46. 102  See appendix D, nos. D.2.22–25; also Gardner et al. (1999) 253–71. 103  The Edict of Diocletian sections 19–21 lists garments described as Ripesian, Noric, Numidian, Laodiceian, Britannic and Phrygian, among others; section 25 lists garments and cloth as being ‘from’ various places, including Byblus, Laodiceia, Scythopolis and Tarsus. 104   P.Mich. inv.478 (appendix D.7.12) refers to ‘a garment made in Egypt after the Tarsic fashion’. 105  For Tarsus and Scythopolis, see references in Jones (1960) 185; for Aphrodisias, Hieraopolis and Laodicea, see Pleket (1988) 31–33.

‘ The Life of Clothes ’ in Late Antiquity

producer of luxury goods, nor is it specifically mentioned as a textile source in the Edict, however epigraphic evidence of associations of fullers, weavers, woolworkers, feltmakers and linen weavers, attests to a thriving textile business.106 Similarly, a 3rd c. customs register found at Oxyrhynchus, suggests an annual output for the textile industry in the town of just over 100,000 items. Yet, like Saitta, Oxyrhynchus was not specifically mentioned in the Edict, possibly because the garments produced there were not especially noteworthy,107 but clearly the textile trade was an important part of the economy in the Late Roman East. Archaeological evidence is less plentiful. The nature of the equipment and raw materials used in cloth manufacture means that most obvious evidence of these activities has not survived, and unfortunately the little that has been found—items such as the textile implements found at both Karanis and Ephesus—are often poorly published and rarely studied.108 Nonetheless, there are some aspects of textile production that can be identified in the archaeological record. Substantial deposits of purple snail shells at Andriake in south-west Turkey show it to have been a centre for the production of purple dye,109 and therefore probably an exporter of dyed fleece;110 similar evidence has been found at a number of sites in North Africa.111 However, although such archaeological, epigraphic and papyrological evidence can indicate that cloth production took place in a particular region, it is not always clear just how this production was organised, or exactly what role the various guilds took.112 Our knowledge of the further processes of making and distributing clothing is also hampered by the paucity of primary source material. Although the above evidence shows that clothing was often made in the home, section 7.42–53 of the Edict of Diocletian (which gives the prices to be charged for tailoring), together with references in papyri to seamstresses and tailors, indicates that clothing was also made to order by professionals from purchased or supplied cloth. They may also have carried out alterations, or ‘made down’ worn adult garments for children. The Edict also lists many grades of 106  Van Nijf (1997) 233; SEG 29.1184,1191,1195; SEG 31.1026; SEG 32.1234; SEG 33.1017; TAM 5.1. 82–86. 107  Van Minnen (1986). 108  Wild (2008) 25; Wilson (2004) 155. 109  Forstenpointner et al. (2007); the shells here were mostly hexaplex trunculus. 110  In the Natural History, Pliny describes the method of purple dyeing in which the fleece is immersed in the dye (9.62). 111  See Wilson (2004). 112  See Pleket (1988) 30–36 and van Minnen (1987) 60–72 for a discussion of these issues.

79 clothing, including that for “the use of common people or slaves”113 implying that even the poor might buy ‘ready-made’ garments,114 and women’s letters from the time suggest that such items were easy to obtain and often purchased.115 Clothing could have been bought directly from the weaver or tailor, or perhaps from a market stall, such as one described by Pausanius in the late 2nd c.: … and on the next day the small traders make themselves booths of reeds and other improvised material. On the last of the three days they hold a panegyris, selling slaves, cattle of all kinds, clothes, silver and gold.116 There may even have been markets just for the sale of clothing, such as at Timgad where epigraphic evidence suggests the existence of two clothing markets.117 Luxury garments could be found at the shop of a vestiarius tenuiarius,118 and a variety of clothing might have been purchased from itinerant merchants, such as one described by Synesius of Cyrene in the 5th c.: They say that a fellow who sells boots has come from Athens. It is the same person, I think, from whom you bought for me last year some lacing shoes. Now, according to my information, he has extended the area of his trade; he has robes in the Attic style, he has light summer clothes which will become you, and mantles such as I like for the summer season. Before he sells all these goods, or at least the finest of them, invite the stranger here, for you must remember that the first purchaser will choose the best of everything, without troubling himself about those who come to buy after him, and buy for me three or four of these mantles. In any case, whatever you pay, I will repay you many times over.119 Whether clothing was bought from a market or itinerant merchant, made to order by a weaver/tailor, or made in 113  Graser (1940) 388, 391, 392, 393. 114   Ed. Diocl. 19; 26:13–139; 27:1–7; 29:44–49. See also Jones (1960) 184. 115  Bagnall and Cribiore (2006) 78. 116  Paus. 10.32.15. 117  MAMA 8.498 is an inscription from Aphrodisias attesting to a market with an overseer connected to the linen trade (see Reynolds (1987) 113); inscriptions for both a forum vestiarium and a forum vestiarium adiatricianum have been found at Timgad, see Wilson (2004) 156–57. 118  Liu (2009) 77–80. 119  Syn. Ep. 52.

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the home, papyrological evidence indicates that it held its value. There are a number of inventories dated between the 1st–6th c. that list specific articles of clothing, often as part of a dowry or bequest, or given as pledge for a loan or in settlement of a legal action. These lists usually specified the design, colour, and/or condition of the garment, all of which clearly affected the value.120 In view of this, it is not surprising to find that there is considerable archaeological evidence to show that, during this period, clothing was cleaned and cared for, mended or patched when necessary, and if that was no longer possible, recycled. Mending, Darning and Patching And he himself would after a short rest for his body go and stand all night in a corner and recite the service and take their clothes and give them changes, and would scald121 and wash and darn and repair them, and so he would give them to them …122 The above quotation refers to visitors to a 6th c. monastery in Amid (now Diyarbakir in south-west Turkey), most of whom it seems, would arrive with their clothes in need of both cleaning and mending. Certainly, there is evidence of darning, patching and mending on many of the late antique garments and garment fragments both in museum collections and, perhaps more significantly, from recent archaeological excavations. Pliny mentions wool that is particularly good for darning: There is a similar wool, too, found about Piscenæ, in the province of Narbonensis, as also in Egypt; a garment, when it has been worn for some time, is often darned with this wool, and will last for a considerable time.123

120  See appendix D.7: ‘Inventories including Clothing’. 121  Scalding with hot water would have been efficacious in ridding the clothing of lice. 122  Joh. Eph. V. SS. Or. 33 (PO 18.592). 123  Plin. HN 8.73.191: “similis circa Piscinas provinciae Narbonensis, similis et in Aegypto, ex qua vestis detrita usu pingitur rursusque aevo durat.” The Loeb edition translates the word pingitur (3rd sg. pres. ind. pass. pingo: to paint, to embroider) as ‘embroidered’. I have changed this to ‘darned’, which I think fits the sense of the phrase better than ‘embroider’, which implies decorative stitching, rather than the mending that Pliny describes.

Also, a ball of wool made up of remnant lengths, possibly intended for mending, was found at the cemetery of al-Bagawat in Egypt.124 Most museum collections date from the beginning of the last century, when ‘collecting Egypt’ became particularly popular. Unfortunately, this early interest also meant that much potentially important and useful information was lost when plain or badly degraded garments were simply discarded, and the more ornate and colourful pieces often cut up to be dispersed among both private and public collections.125 Not only did this practice mean that ordinary garments that were well-used, patched and mended may not have been saved, but it also ensured the loss of any contextual information that might have helped in dating the textiles. The majority of these early assemblages come from burial contexts, and as mentioned already, the clothes used to dress or shroud bodies might not be a true indication of the everyday clothing of the time. Even the very patched and mended pieces that look like worn-out clothing, being put to a final ‘good use’, may have some special significance of which we are unaware. Museum collections may also include items that were altered after being found, perhaps in order to make them more appealing to potential collectors, or by the collectors themselves in an attempt to fix or stop any deterioration. For example, a number of late antique tunics in the Louvre museum are part of the ‘collection Puy Haubert’, which was donated to the museum in 1960. Many of these are patched, darned and mended, however close examination of the stitching and thread type indicates that this work was not carried out in antiquity, but done at some point before being donated to the museum in order to maintain or enhance the physical integrity of the garment.126 The extensive textile collection at the Katoen Natie in Antwerp, like the ‘collection Puy Haubert’, was assembled from pieces bought on the open market. I examined a number of their tunics with the help of Chris Verhecken-Lammens, who is responsible for the textile collection. Most of the mended and patched holes are in the central sections of the tunics (sometimes even inside the opened waist-tuck), or otherwise placed where n ­ ormal wear-and-tear would be 124  MMA acc. no 33.0.33; see Kajitani (2006) 111; it may also have been intended for ‘needle knitting’ which is done with short lengths of wool which are joined during the making process. 125  Pritchard (2006) 1 and 117; Kajitani (2006) 97. 126  Dominique Benazeth, pers. comm. 7.12.12. Recent research by Roberta Cortopassi has confirmed that many items in this collection have been altered, suggesting that this work may have been organised by the collector, Dr. Alfred Puy-Haubert, to enhance the value of his collection: Cortopassi (2013) 174.

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‘ The Life of Clothes ’ in Late Antiquity

unlikely to occur. Holes such as these are often found in excavated garments, made by the fluids coming from the deteriorating body, which suggests that these patches and mends were made after the garment was excavated, probably to make it more appealing to the purchaser. However, many of the garments and garment fragments that I have examined at various other museums, including the Ashmolean in Oxford, The Victoria and Albert and British Museums in London and The Whitworth Art Gallery in Manchester, were clearly mended, patched and/or darned in antiquity. This work varies from the mending or re-enforcing at the neckline or armpit opening, to the darning and patching of holes, and varies considerably in level of skill and ability (see figs. 49–53).

Figure 49 This fragment from the neck opening of a tunic, on display at the Ashmolean (acc. no. 1956.702) has been very skilfully darned in three different colours carefully matched to the underlying fabric. photo: © Ashmolean Museum, University of Oxford.

Figure 50 This adult’s wool tunic, Whitworth T.8360, has been reinforced at the armpit opening (cat. no. 184). photo: F. Morgan.

Figure 51a–b This child’s red wool tunic, Whitworth T.8375, has been skilfully darned in a number of places in closely matching wool (cat. no. 69). photos: F. Morgan.

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Figure 52 The darning on this clavus from a child’s tunic, Whitworth T.8569, is roughly done in un-matching wool. picture credit: © The Whitworth, University of Manchester.

Figure 53 Rough darning in un-matched wool covers most of this child’s tunic (Whitworth T.1989.23) (cat. no. 36). picture credit: © The Whitworth, University of Manchester.

There are tens of thousands of Coptic textile fragments in museum collections, many of which come from clothing, however the desire to exhibit only the best or most interesting examples, in addition no doubt to the difficulties of funding, means that most of these pieces are often not conserved, adequately catalogued or displayed. For example, the Archaeological Museum in Florence, which has a collection of Coptic textiles numbering in the many hundreds, has only seven complete garments, including hats and socks, and only about 30 of the most interesting

fragments on display. The rest of the collection, most of which does not appear to have been conserved or catalogued, is stored in three large plan chests in a storeroom. Nonetheless, it is still possible to find evidence of mending, patching, darning and reuse not only on some of the full garments in museum collections, but also on many of the clothing fragments that are accessible.127 This evidence does suggest that clothing was very well-used; however, it is too selective an assemblage to constitute a dataset from which firm conclusions might be drawn. More useful in helping to picture the everyday wear of the middle and lower classes during Late Antiquity are the textiles that have been found more recently at a number of excavations in Egypt. These excavations look at wider aspects of settlement such as forts, quarries and monastic complexes, rather than concentrating only on cemeteries, many of which have been so disturbed that any useful stratigraphy has been destroyed. Many of the textile finds come from rubbish dumps, and so, while rarely complete, they can perhaps provide a more realistic view of the sort of cloth and clothing used in everyday life. For example, the textile fragments found at Karanis, and now in the collection of the Kelsey Museum of Archaeology in Michigan, show considerable variety in material, technique and quality, however most are quite worn and show signs either of repair or of reworking.128 The more thorough methods used at these archaeological excavations means that all textile fragments found are now properly catalogued and conserved, and are 127  Appendix A lists garments and garment fragments from museum and archaeological collections that show clear evidence of having been mended, patched, darned and/or made from reused fabric. 128  Thomas (2006) 140.

‘ The Life of Clothes ’ in Late Antiquity

therefore available for further study. Not only do these textiles provide detailed evidence of the heavy use many garments were subjected to, such as frayed edges, mending, patching, darning and re-hemming, but they can also help in determining demographic information about the communities being examined. The working community of Mons Claudianus was made up largely of quarrymen, imperial slaves and soldiers.129 The majority of the textiles found here are fragmentary, and although most cannot be identified with specific garments, it has been established that the fragments represent at least 200 clavate t­unics and 45 probable mantles;130 a third of all the re­corded textiles found here show evidence of some sort of mending.131 There are also two almost complete garments. The first, a sleeveless tunic, is greatly patched and mended, although care has been taken by the tailor to maintain the original shape and decoration of the garment. The purple clavi have been cut from the original worn textile and re-sewn onto the patched garment, suggesting that the status indicated by the clavi had to remain visible.132 The second almost complete garment is a sleeved tunic, which appears to have been wholly re-made from another textile, probably a mantle. The construction of this garment shows considerable skill, although there has been no attention paid to the placement of the geometric motifs that decorated the original mantle, which appear randomly on the tunic.133 In this case, it seems that durability was more important than appearance. A hole in the tunic has been skilfully patched in such a way as to ensure that it is closed on both sides.134 Both garments also show evidence of later mending and patching, suggesting that the original ‘re-fashioning’ was done by a professional or practiced hand, while subsequent patching was done by those with less skill, further confirming that clothing was valued and well-used. Five substantially complete tunics have been found in burial contexts at the site of ancient Kellis (now Ismant al-Kharab).135 One tunic is loosely dated to between 1st–3rd c.,136 the others can be more closely dated 129  Mannering (2000a) 283; Bender Jorgensen (2000) 255: an ostracon dated to the beginning of the 2nd c. AD puts the population at 920 men, of which 351 were quarrymen, 59 were soldiers and 388 were imperial workmen. 130  Mannering (2000a) 289. 131  Mannering (2006) 12. 132  Mannering (2000a) 283–84, MC 1100 (catalogue no. 20). 133  Mannering (2000a) 286. 134  Mannering (2000b) 15, fig. 21, tunic MC 1101 (catalogue no. 32). 135  Livingstone (2013) 317. 136  Livingstone (2013) 319; child’s square sleeveless tunic, reg. no. 31/420-C5-1/18 (catalogue no. 16).

83 by context finds to the late 3rd-early 4th c.; only one of these garments is adult size. The adult garment is a square cut, sleeveless tunic of coarse linen. Measuring 93 cm long by 95 cm wide, it is made from three pieces of fabric on the front and six on the back, and is very heavily mended and patched (see figs. 32–33).137 The patching is particularly extensive on the upper back, and may have resulted from the wearer carrying heavy burdens;138 this pattern of wear is also visible on a number of tunic fragments from el-Kom el-Ahmar.139 Dated to between the 4th–6th c., these fragments are among the textiles used as mummy wrappings in a secular burial; six linen tunics were identified in this textile assemblage. All had been extensively darned and/or repaired; in one case, the ground fabric was so worn and torn that parts of the garment were barely held together by ragged threads.140 Three of these tunics had a wear pattern similar to the Kellis tunic, with extensive patching and mending on one side of the upper back and shoulder, suggesting that heavy loads were carried here.141 These tunics, together with the example from Kellis, the much patched tunic from Mons Claudianus, and a similar example from Khirbet Qazone, now at the British Museum,142 are good examples of the wear and repair such working garments underwent before they were either discarded or recycled.143 Clearly it was not uncommon for clothing, particularly that of the working man, to be so patched and mended that it resembled rags: By all means send me by this shipment twenty drachmas worth of good cotton thread. See that you do not neglect it, since your brothers have no outer garments, now that their cotton ones are worn out, and they need them, as you know, inasmuch as they spend all their time in the field. Give my greeting individually to all your household.144

137  Reg.no. 31/-20-D6-1/NT16/14 (catalogue no.15). 138  Livingstone (2013) 317–19, pl.1, fig. 1; this is also the case on a tunic from el-Deir (cat. no. 93), Letellier-Willemin (2016) 31. 139  Huber (2007) 60–63. 140  Huber (2007) 63. 141  Huber (2007) nos. DQ00/11.3, DQ00/12.4, DQ00/16.6. 142  BM reg. no. 2004,0910.5; Granger-Taylor (2006) 119, textile 23. 143  The garment from Mons Claudianus was found in a rubbish dump: Bender Jorgenson (1991); Mannering (2000a). The tunic from Kellis was found in a 3rd–4th c. grave, covering a man’s body (Livingstone (2013)), and the Khirbet Qazone example, of which only half is extant, was wrapped around the interred body of an infant (Granger-Taylor (2006)). 144  Excerpt from a personal letter of the 2nd c.: P.Mich. inv.1648.

84 The remaining four tunics from Kellis were all made for children. Three were clearly cut down from larger garments, and the fourth, a clavate dalmatic of good quality, was itself dismantled and remade into a “roughly rectangular shaped textile”145 for a purpose that is not clear, but may have been associated with the burial.146 All except one also showed signs of wear and/or patching/ mending, the exception being the smallest tunic, which was found in the grave of an infant, and may have been made for the burial and never worn in life. A number of the garment fragments found at Kellis have also been darned or otherwise mended,147 as have similar examples found at a number of other sites, for example clothing fragments found at Mons Porphyrites have been darned (inv. nos. 373 and 639), patched (inv. no. 746–47) and mended (inv. no. 674).148 The majority of textile fragments from the north and north-east cemeteries at el-Deir show evidence of having been mended and/or patched,149 and mummy W14 found at the west cemetery at the same site was wearing two wool tunics, both of which were well-used, darned and/or patched.150 Fragments from a much repaired and patched tunic have been found at al-Naqlun in a context closely dated to the second half of the 5th-beginning of 6th c.,151 and textile fragments from Murabba’at, possibly the clothing of refugees from the 2nd c. Jewish revolt, are of excellent quality, but are much patched and mended.152 Patching has also been found on a number of textile fragments found at En-Boqeq, the majority of which date to the second quarter of the 7th c.153 Thorough examination of many of the clothing fragments found at Didymoi has contributed a great deal to our knowledge of the manufacture and use of cloth and clothing during the Late Roman period, and added considerably to our understanding of the lives of the people who lived at that time and place.154 A noteworthy example is a piece of what was probably a red twill cloak that had been carefully patched with a piece of textile chosen to match the original. It is probable that once patched, the cloak was re-dyed, both to re145  Livingstone (2013) 321. 146  I recently examined a ‘re-shaped’ garment at the V&A (inv. no. T.94–1924) which was clearly no longer useable as a garment, but could well have been used as a shroud of some sort. There is considerable evidence for the use of recycled clothing as burial cloths: see section below on reuse. 147  Rosanne Livingstone, pers. comm. 20.03.12. 148  Handley (2007). 149  Letellier-Willemin (2012b) 183–226. 150  Letellier-Willemin (2008) 144. 151  Godlewski (2006) 35. 152  Crowfoot and Crowfoot (1961). 153  Sheffer and Tidhar (1991) 28–29. 154  Cardon et al. (2012).

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vive the original red and to ‘unify’ the colours of the main textile and the patch.155 Such attention to detail suggests the work of a professional. This cloak, like the cloak of Coraxus at Oxyrhynchus,156 may have been bought second-hand, having been skilfully refurbished,157 or perhaps it was mended for the owner by a travelling tailor, such as the one described on an ostracon found at Mons Claudianus.158 There is a reference in the Talmud to ‘Alexandrian mending’, by which is meant the technique of what we would probably call ‘invisible mending’; this would make the garment look as good as new, something that only a skilled tailor would be able to do.159 This reference in the Talmud is a reminder that mending may not only have been done for purely pragmatic reasons, or that it always indicated poverty or low social status. In this case, the clothes were torn to indicate mourning, and the tear had to remain visible so that everyone could see that mourning had taken place. It is also possible of course that for reasons best known to the owner, a particular garment is a favourite and is patched and mended simply so that it can continue to be worn; perhaps it was a reminder of a happy occasion or a lost loved one.160 Certainly, clothing can be a repository of family information in the same way that the ‘memory quilt’ was to early North American settlers,161 and can become an heirloom to be kept and passed down, not 155  Cardon and Cuvigny (2011) 335: textile D98.1412.20. 156   P.Oxy.4.736 (appendix D.5.1). 157  In the Periplus Maris Eyrthraei (a 1st c. AD mariner’s handbook—see below), there are two examples of used clothing being offered for sale, in one case they are described as having been “cleaning by fulling” (7:3.17), in another case they are “cloaks from Arsinoe, cleaned and dyed” (8:3.27–28): transl. Casson (1989) 55. 158  Cardon et al. (2012): “a worker in the quarries asks for his monthly food allowance to be brought to him by ‘Ammonios the êpêtês (tailor, refurbisher) when he comes to the site’ ”. It is cited as from O.Claud.inv.5020 and is described as unpublished. 159  Babylonian Talmud, Mas.Mo’ed Katan 26b; it was forbidden to use ‘Alexandrian mending’ on clothes rent as an act of mourning. A fragment from the neckline of a clavate tunic, on display at the Ashmolean Museum in Oxford, is skilfully mended in three different colours of wool, which have been carefully matched to the underlying colours (see fig. 49), and may be an example of this type of mending. 160  On an official visit pictured in the Telegraph on July 4th 2013, Prince Charles was seen to be wearing a jacket with a neatly sewn patch on it: http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/uknews/ prince-charles/10159056/For-thrift-no-life-form-is-a-patchon-the-Prince-of-Wales.html (last accessed 19.3.17). 161  Such quilts were often given as parting gifts to women leaving on the westward migration, and might contain scraps of fabric from remembered garments or household textiles, as well as patches made and often signed by different members of the community as a remembrance: see Hughes (1993) 29.

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just because of its intrinsic value, but because of the memories that it holds: I should like this passage to be read by Junius Messalla, with whom I will dare to find fault frankly. For he has cut off his natural heirs and bestowed his ancestral fortune on players, giving a tunic of his mother’s to an actress and a cloak of his father’s to an actor—and rightly so, I suppose, if a gold and purple mantle of his grandmother’s could be used as a costume by a tragic actor! Indeed, the name of Messalla’s wife is still written on the violet mantle of a flute-player, who exults in it as the spoils of a noble house. Why, now, should I speak of those linen garments imported from Egypt? Why of those garments from Tyre and Sidon, so fine and transparent, of gleaming purple and famed for their embroidery-work?162 He has presented, besides, capes brought from the Atrabati and capes from Canusium and Africa, such splendour as never before was seen on the stage. All of this I have put into writing in order that future givers of spectacles may be touched by a sense of shame and so be deterred from cutting off their lawful heirs and squandering their inheritances on actors and mountebanks.163 In other cases, a garment or the decoration on a garment may have been perceived as having apotropaic or amuletic properties which the wearer would want to maintain. For example, a garment that had been in contact 162  Although translated here as ‘embroidery-work’, in this context the word plumandi is more likely to refer to some sort of tapestry weaving: see chapter 4: ‘Tunic Embellishment and Dating’. 163  S HA Carus et Carinus et Numerianus 20.4–5: “Legat hunc locum Iunius Messalla, quem ego libere culpare audeo. ille enim patrimonium suum scaenicis dedit, heredibus abnegavit, matris tunicam dedit mimae, lacernam patris mimo, et recte, si aviae pallio aurato atque purpureo pro syrmate tragoedus uteretur. inscriptum est adhuc in choraulae pallio tyrianthino, quo ille velut spolio nobilitatis exsultat, Messallae nomen uxoris. iam quid lineas petitas Aegypto loquar? quid Tyro et Sidone tenuitate perlucidas, micantes purpura, plumandi difficultate pernobiles? donati sunt ab Atrebatis birri petiti, donati birri Canusini, Africani, opes in scaena non prius visae.” The translation is based on that from the 1932 Loeb edition, which translates the word inscriptum as ‘embroidered’. Although there have been garments found with words embroidered on them (see for example Louvre E 26798; catalogue no. 124), there are also examples of text being drawn on with ink, or woven in to fabric (see Durand (2009)), and there is nothing in the quotation to suggest that in this case the name was actually embroidered onto the garment. I have therefore translated the word as ‘written’, which could be used to describe any of these methods.

with saintly relics may have been thought to have healing properties,164 and clothing which included Christian imagery may have been considered to provide divine protection to the wearer, particularly if it had been previously worn on pilgrimage.165 As well as the numerous individual tapestries with such imagery in museum collections, there are a number of complete or nearly complete garments which still include clavi and/or orbiculi with this sort of imagery. Three of these are children’s tunics which have figurative tapestries that have clearly been cut down from larger garments, in one case, the tapestries appear to be quite worn.166 Found in grave contexts, the rough sewing and lack of attention to pattern matching, suggest that these powerful images were put on the child to provide heavenly protection for this last journey.167 Cleaning One of the wool tunics that I examined at the Louvre was decorated with figurative wool tapestry clavi and sleeve bands that appeared to be slightly felted, probably the result of washing (figs 54a and 54b); unfortunately as this tunic is part of the ‘collection Puy Haubert’, it cannot be definitely determined if this occurred in antiquity.168 A number of other garments that I have examined showed signs of brushing or ‘napping’, which was part of the fulling process during the late antique period (fig. 55). Although it is not known exactly how this was done, traces of thorns have been found on a brushed cashmere coat from Antinopolis, which may 164  Amb. Ep. 77.9 (to his sister Marcellina): “You perceive how many have been healed by as it were the shadow of the bodies of the saints. How many handkerchiefs are being displayed, and how many garments covering the most holy relics are in demand as possessing healing in their very touch! All rejoice to touch even the outermost fringe, and whoever has touched it will be cured.”; see also V. Caes. 2.12–15. 165   See chapter 3 ‘Cultural Values in Clothing: Apotropiac Practices’. 166  Brooklyn Museum acc. no 38.748; Museum für Angewandte Kunst, Vienna, inv. T 689; Dauterman Maguire (1999) 168–69, cat. no C2: the shoulder orbiculus appears to be quite threadbare, and the clavi are of noticeably different lengths. 167  A fragmentary tunic in the collection at the Museum für Angewandte Kunst in Vienna has red clavi and tabulae of obviously different sizes, roughly and very unevenly stitched on to what appears to be the front of a child sized tunic; perhaps this tunic was decorated for the child’s final journey? (MAK inv. T 10028-1-2; without scientific examination, the possibility that these decorations were not added in antiquity cannot be dismissed). 168  E26296; catalogue no. 118 (see n. 126).

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Figure 54a–b

These details from the wool tapestry clavi and tassels from a tunic at the Louvre (E26296) show signs of felting. photo: F. Morgan.

indicate that some sort of thistle head or teasel was used to card the pile.169 Fulling consisted of three main processes: soaping, rinsing and finishing: this last stage might include bleaching, napping, and/or pressing; the obvious purpose was to clean existing clothing, not unlike the drycleaners of today. This pejorative description of Cicero ‘the fuller’ gives an idea of such an operation: How else, indeed, do you imagine, has he become rich, and how else has he become great? Certainly neither family nor wealth was bequeathed him by his father, the fuller, who was always trading in grapes and olives, a fellow who was glad enough to support himself by this and by his wash-tubs, who every day and every night defiled himself with the foulest filth. The son, reared amid these surroundings, not unnaturally tramples and souses his superiors, using a species of abuse practised in the workshops and on the street corners. Now when you yourself are of such a sort, and have grown up naked among naked companions, collecting clothes stained with sheep dung, pig manure, and human excrement, have you dared, most vile wretch, first to slander the youth of Antony, who had the advantage of attendant and teachers, as his rank demanded, and 169  Martiniani-Reber (1997) 47 and n. 10: described as traces of “épines de chardon”.

Figure 55 This detail from a wool tunic at the Louvre, inv. no. E26798, shows the brushed ‘nap’ which has been raised on the fabric. photo: F. Morgan.

then to reproach him because in celebrating the Lupercalia, that ancient festival, he came naked into the Forum?170 There is archaeological evidence from a number of sites for small ‘shop front’ fullonicae, many of which were associated with living quarters, suggesting the sort of family business described above;171 the majority of these appear to be neighbourhood establishments which dealt directly with the customer.172 This evidence usually includes permanent treading stalls and vats,173 however it is also possible that fullers set up business in less permanent settings, as this 2nd c. AD lease agreement suggests:

170  Dio Cass. 46.4.2–5.1. 171  See especially Flohr (2003) 447–48; Flohr (2011) 92. 172  Not all fullonicae in towns such as Ostia and Pompeii have been identified, so it is not possible to see if there is a particular pattern to the location of such establishments, however research in Timgad shows that of the 22 fullonicae in the city, 17 were located in the same quarter, suggesting that, in this town at least, there was an area “given over to textile production”, although it was still mixed with residential occupation: Wilson (2000) 280. 173  Although, as Wilson points out, there are other ‘vat-based’ manufacturing activities, so the presence of vats should not always be taken as indication of a fullonica: Wilson (2003) 445–46.

‘ The Life of Clothes ’ in Late Antiquity

[- - -] only for the coming 2nd year of the Imperator Caesar Nerva Trajan Augustus Germanicus at a total rent of forty drachmai of silver which I shall pay in equal installments in the month Phamenoth and in the month Kaisareios, the right resting with me to ply the fuller’s trade in the gate-way of the [house] and on the roof and, at the end of the period, I shall give back the house free from dirt of every kind with the doors intact and the keys, if you agree under all the above-mentioned (conditions) and without letting it to another or using it for your own purposes. [2nd hand] I, … kois, son of Pate…(?), have conceded it as stated. [3rd hand] In the 1st year of the Imperator Caesar Nerva Trajan Augustus Germanicus, the 24th of the month Kaisareios.174 There may also have been itinerant fullers that carried out their work in a client’s home: Hatres to Heras his brother, greeting. In accordance with your instructions concerning Serenus the fuller who is working with Phileas, if you have need of him send a servant for him today, the 19th. Do not neglect this, as I am keeping him. I pray for your health and prosperity. [Addressed] Deliver to Heras.175 A reference in the Mishnah prohibiting a ‘cloth cleaner’ from carrying a ‘spanning cord’ on the Sabbath also suggests that this could be a mobile profession.176 ‘Fulling’ is also used to describe the process that new fabric from the loom underwent in order to prepare it for use as clothing or household furnishings. This process would remove the natural fats from wool, and clean and soften both wool and linen, which might then be bleached, napped, felted and/or pressed. Many garments were woven to shape, and may have had any basic stitching (i.e. tying in ends, sewing up side seams) done by the weaver or a tailor prior to fulling, as is suggested by the Edict of Diocletian, which gives the prices for fulling, most of which specify new garments.177 Archaeological evidence suggests that this more industrial process was carried out in very large establishments that did not have a ‘shop front’, and so did not deal face 174   P.Mich. inv.14 678. 175   P.Oxy. 3 527 (2nd–3rd c.). 176  Babylonian Talmud, Tract Sabbath, chapter 1 (transl. Rodkinson (1903) 19): appendix E.7. 177   Ed. Diocl. 22.1–26, and possibly also section 7.56: see ‘Mantles, Cloaks, Trousers and Accessories’ above.

87 to face with individual customers.178 This was a process that all fabric would have undergone as part of the usual preparation process, whereas cleaning or stain-removal was part of the ongoing maintenance of good clothing. There are a number of papyrological references to fulling; either accounts which note the price of the work,179 or lists of clothing which specify whether they are fulled or not. As these lists appear to be for the purposes of noting the value of different items,180 it can be assumed that whether a garment was fulled or not had a bearing on its value. Then as now, too much washing can wear fabric out; the fulling methods used in Late Antiquity appear to have been quite harsh, and would have had a detrimental effect on most garments: Seleucus took up the tale and said: I do not wash every day; the bathman pulls you to pieces like a fuller, the water bites, and the heart of man melts away daily.181 Elagabalus thought that “washed linen was worn only by beggars,”182 and Trimalchio’s steward considered that his dinner dress of Tyrian purple had lost value because “it had already been washed once”.183 Garments that included wool tapestry on linen warps would have been especially difficult to clean without some damage. Colour fastness might have been a problem, as may have been shrinkage or felting of the wool sections, as can be seen in figures 54a and 54b. It is therefore probable that particularly ornate items were rarely cleaned (and possibly therefore, rarely worn), and even plain garments infrequently cleaned in case the value was diminished: “Yet I have given my friend”, say you, “five thousand sesterces, and a toga (O bounty!), not more than three or four times scoured.”184 Although there is some evidence of the fulling process on extant garments from Late Antiquity, such as the felting of fibres and the brushing mentioned above, the dirty and deteriorated condition of most 178  For example, a fullonica recently excavated in Rome has 97 stalls: see Flohr (2011) 92–93. 179  For example, P.Mich. inv.1933; P.Mich. inv.3731; P.Mich. inv.966 (see appendix D). 180  For example P.Mich. inv.3136 is a pawnbrokers account, and P.Teb. 0406 is a will. 181  Petron. Sat. 42.2. 182  S HA. Heliogab. 2.26. 183  Petron. Sat. 30. 184  Mart. Epigrams, 10.11 (To Calliodorus).

88 pieces makes it virtually impossible to assess the type or amount of cleaning these garments were subjected to before they were used as burial cloths. Reuse The method of weaving tapestry clavi, orbiculi and tabulae, such as described above, whether woven into the garment or made separately,185 meant that these panels were often more durable than the garment they were part of, and so often outlasted them, and were cut out to be reused. Panels woven separately for inclusion on textile items were often woven on plied warps.186 So the presence on a garment or garment fragment of appliquéd orbiculi or tabulae that have been woven on un-plied warps, might be an indication that the decoration was cut out of another garment or other item.187 This method of reuse has more recently been confirmed by the radiocarbon dating of a number of garments. For example, a tunic in the collection of the Royal Museums for Art and History in Brussels is decorated with ornate orbiculi which were shown to be at least 100 years older than the tunic they were attached to.188 Although a number of decorated garment fragments in the Louvre collection have shown similar dating anomalies, it is possible that these variations were caused by the way different materials (in this case silk and wool) react to the dating process. However, in one case, it is certain that the silk trim is anything from 10 to 270 years older than the wool garment it is applied to.189 Even plain clavi might have been reused if they were still in good condition; Roussin quotes passages from the Talmud giving 185   P.Mich. inv.1050 (appendix D.7.11, dated to 5th–6th c.) is a list of garments and includes ‘4 ταβλια προυμαρικ (πλουμαρια)’. Although translated as ‘embroidered panels’ the word πλουμαρια (ploumaria) is more likely to indicate tapestry woven panels, probably intended as garment embellishments (see chapter 4: ‘Tunic Embellishment and Dating’). These were probably intended as garment embellishments, as were the two identical medallions woven on a single strip of cloth, now in a private collection in Belgium (De Moor (1993) 39; 264–65 and cat. no. 149). 186  Schrenk (2004) 465. 187  For example, Berlin 23/86[11]; Cairo EM acc. nos. 65765; K5– 247; K1927–4: Kajitani (2006) 108, n. 48; The tunics clothing Thaias (now in the Louvre) were decorated with coloured stripes and bands “presumably recovered from older clothes”: Benazeth (2006) 80. 188  See chapter 3, n. 27, and figs 7a–7c; also chapter 3: ‘Knots and Interlace Patterns’. 189  C14 testing dates the ground fabric to AD 390–570, and the silk trim to AD 250–420 Benazeth (2007) 117–19.

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permission for the reuse of the purple clavi on a tunic that has a defect.190 Although there is evidence that some of the shrouds used to wrap bodies in Late Antiquity were made specifically for that purpose,191 recycled textiles were also used both to wrap the deceased and to pad out the burial assemblage. These textiles might include sheets, blankets or curtains.192 Wild quotes an episode from Epiphanius involving a painted curtain that the bishop took a dislike to: “I tore it and recommended the custodians of the place to wrap the body of some poor man in it and bury him”.193 Garments or parts of garments were also used; these were in addition to any the deceased might actually be dressed in,194 and were probably chosen more for their size than their original function. They include mantles, unstitched opened tunic panels and dalmatics.195 A papyri dated to the 2nd–3rd c. AD gives the price of “24 obols …” for “… an old cloak for burial …”.196 In view of the obvious value placed on textiles, it would not be unexpected to find smaller garments and accessories made out of recycled fabric, and indeed there are many, both in museum collections and more recent archaeological assemblages. Children’s clothes in particular, even those that look like miniature versions of the simple adult tunic and cloak, were very often cut down and pieced from recycled garments or other textiles. For example, a baby’s linen tunic found at Khirbet Qazone was made entirely from what was probably originally a furnishing textile.197 This may also have been the case with a child’s short sleeved wool tunic that I examined in the Whitworth Art Gallery; it has stripes on the front hem and back hem that do not match up at the sides, where they would have been seamed.198 A number of the children’s tunics found at Arsinoe were made from three or more pieces that were cut to shape and then sewn together, as were a number of the children’s tunics from the collections at the Museum für

190  Roussin (1994) 184 and n. 26. 191  Kajitani (2006) 106; Huber (2007) 52; Letellier-Willemin (2010) 214; also Orfinskaya et al. (2016). 192   Some of these had also been mended or darned: Fluck (2006) 28. 193  Epiphanius, Epistola ad Joannem Episcopum Jerosolymorum, 9 (PG 43.390); transl. from Wild (2012) 21. 194  It was not uncommon for the deceased to be dressed in four or five garments: Fluck (2006) 25; Benazeth (2006) 75. 195  Granger-Taylor (2006) 121–22; Fluck (2006) 25; Kajitani (2006) 107. 196  Papyrus inv. no. SPP. 22.56 (transl. Frank (1936) 329). 197  Granger-Taylor (2000) 160. 198  Whitworth T.2001.242 = catalogue no.37.

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Figure 56a–b

Child’s wool tunic, Whitworth T.8549 (cat. no.71). picture credit: © The Whitworth, University of Manchester.

Angewandte Kunst in Vienna,199 and the Whitworth Art Gallery in Manchester.200 The asymmetrical placement of embroidered crosses on another pieced tunic that I examined from this latter collection also suggests the re-making of a larger garment.201 This ‘piecing’ technique is usually assumed to be later than the 7th c.,202 however, garment fragments found at Fag el-Gamus, dated to between the 1st–5th c. AD show evidence of side slits, oval neck holes, gussets, and darts; all suggestive of pieced, fitted garments.203 Many of the children’s tunics in the Whitworth collection also show extensive and skilful darning, intended primarily as a way of extending the life of the garment, but also applied decoratively.204 Similar ‘decorative’ darning has been found on textiles from Arsinoe205 and a fragment from a mantle found at 199   M AK inv. nos. T 9776, T 9904, T 281 and T501 = catalogue nos. 58, 28, 26 and 57. 200  Fluck (2006) 27; also see: Pritchard (2006) figs. 3.13(a), 3.14(a) and 3.15(a). 201  Whitworth T.8375 = catalogue no. 69. 202  Pritchard dated the pieced, shaped children’s garments in the Whitworth Art Gallery Collection to between the 7th–10th c.: Pritchard (2006) 115. 203  South et al. (1998) 9–11; nine of the ten garments with “sewn edges, sleeves or other fitted detail” were found in children’s burials (p.10). 204  Pritchard (2006) 37, fig. 3.14(a–b) (Whitworth no. T.8505 = catalogue no. 70), and fig 3.15 (a–b) (Whitworth no. T.8549 = catalogue no. 71). 205  Fluck (2006) 22: two of the textile fragments found in a 5th c. rubbish heap, were patched with “very carefully executed darning that creates patterns”.

Didymoi.206 Unlike many of the garments from more recent excavations, the majority of examples from museum collections lack depositional data. However, much information can be inferred about the social milieu in which these reused garments were used by interpreting them using the theory of ‘object biography’ as described in the introduction. I will use a child’s blue wool tunic from the collection at the Whitworth Art Gallery as an example: Child’s Blue Wool Tailored Tunic: Whitworth Art Gallery no. T.8549 (Catalogue no. 71) ( figs. 56a–b) This tunic has been made out of 11 pieces of fabric that appear to come from three different cloths; close examination shows that at least one of these comes from an adult tunic.207 As blue was not a very common colour for clothing, and there is no evidence of over-dyeing, this suggests a source of ‘used’ fabric, perhaps from a market or an itinerant merchant.208 The tunic has a red tapestry trim added around the neckline and at the sleeve ends; the asymmetrical nature of the design placement suggests that this too was recycled from another item. The garment has been much mended and darned; in some areas it is skilfully ‘pattern darned’, and in other areas attempts have been made to match the ground colour. However, some of the work 206  Cardon et al (2012) 316: textile D98.2441.1. 207  According to the Whitworth Art Gallery object report, one piece of fabric shows evidence of ‘seating’. 208  See chapter 4: ‘Kentrônes and the Second Hand Clothing Business’.

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Figure 57A–B

Short trousers, Museum Kunstpalast, Dusseldorf, inv. no. 12754. photo: © Museum Kunstpalast – ARTOTHEK.

Figure 58a–b

Child’s tunic at the Victoria and Albert Museum, inv. no.157 1890 (cat.no.53); the dotted lines on the line drawing indicate the seams between patched pieces..

is very roughly done in a contrasting colour, sometimes mending already darned sections; this suggests the work of many hands over time.209 A number of conclusions might be drawn from studying this garment about the society in which it was used. Firstly, that fabrics were 209  This is also the case with a tunic from el-Deir (Cat. no. 93), see Letellier-Willemin (2016) 33–34.

reused and that these reused fabrics may have been commercially available. The careful piecing and patterned needlework suggests a skilled hand, so it is also possible that such recycled garments could be bought ‘ready-made’. The less skilled darning and mending of already mended sections shows such work might also be carried out in the home, and that this garment was well-used before being taken out of circulation, either

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by being discarded or used as a burial cloth, suggesting that it was a valuable commodity. While the presence of the red tapestry trim at the neckline appears to be simply decorative on this single garment, when assessed as part of an assemblage of children’s clothing, its meaning becomes more significant.210 Other Examples The linen knee breeches in the Louvre, The Dusseldorf Kunstmuseum (figs. 57a–b), and the Katoen Natie collections were all made from recycled fabric, but show considerable skill in the piecing and stitching, as does a child’s dalmatic in the collection of the Victoria and Albert Museum (figs. 58a–b). This garment has been beautifully made with pieces of matching linen which have been patched together, and then decorated with matching clavi and orbiculi, which have been skilfully appliquéd onto the garment; evidence perhaps of the work of a professional tailor or seamstress. Similar skill is evident in the assembly of a number of the hats listed in appendix A3. These hats are in a variety of shapes and sizes, and use a variety of fabrics and techniques, including patching, sewing and felting. Once again, I will use the ‘biographical’ approach to analyse one of these ‘patchwork’ hats: Hats Mons Claudianus MC 1100 (Appendix A3:11) (figs. 59 and 60) This hat is pieced from 15 triangular pieces of fabric: four yellow, three green and eight red. The pieces are not all exactly the same size, but care has been taken to position them in such a way that both colour and size are symmetrically placed.211 Unlike most extant garments from the Roman and late antique periods, the find context of this hat is known; it was found in a rubbish dump in a walled camp in Mons Claudianus, a Roman quarry in the Eastern Desert of Egypt. Most of the textiles that make up the hat are damask twills, which were unusual in the textile record at this site, and might therefore be considered to be ‘luxury’ fabrics.212 The use, particularly of such small pieces of luxury fabric, suggests that it was a valuable commodity at that time and place, and the variety of colours in the hat suggests either that these pieces, or ‘ready-made’ patchwork items such as this hat, were commercially available. 210  This is dealt with at length in chapter 3. 211  Mannering (2006) 155–57, includes a detailed description of the hat together with drawings and photographs (reproduced here). 212  Mannering (2006) 157.

Figure 59 Tri-coloured hat from Mons Claudianus, inv. no. MC1110. photo: Lise Bender Jørgensen.

Figure 60 Line drawing of Mons Claudianus patchwork hat, inv. no. MC1110. Drawing: U. Mannering 2006.

The hat was heavily felted; caused by the shrinking and matting of fibres when wool fabric is washed, this felting may have been part of the making process, however, it may also be an indication of repeated cleaning and therefore long-term use. Mannering suggests that the shape of this hat has obvious military associations,213 however further examination of the hat shows it to have an estimated circumference of 48 cm, which, according to studies on head size, is unlikely to have fit anyone over the age of five years.214 Recent research has shown that women and children were a significant part of some Roman military communities.215 The presence of children’s military boots in the barracks at Vindolanda216 may indicate that, like Caligula, the 213  Mannering (2006) 159: it is known that soldiers wore similar ‘helmet’ shaped hats under their helmets. 214  Zaki et al. (2008) 76; see also WHO head circumference growth charts: chapter 5, charts 7–8. 215  Greene (2011). 216  Greene (2013).

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Figure 61 Patchwork bonnet, the Louvre, no. AF13311. photo: © Musée du Louvre, dist. RMN-GP/ Georges Poncet.

Figure 62 Patchwork bonnet, Textile Museum of Canada, ID no. T88.043.

children were sometimes dressed in soldier’s garb.217 Perhaps the presence of this child’s ‘military style’ hat at Mons Claudianus could be interpreted in the same light.

have come from Antinopolis, (Montpellier and New Zealand), so this may have been a regional design or the work of one craftsperson. It may also have been, as is suggested by the analysis of the Mons Claudianus hat, an item that was purchased ‘ready-made’, perhaps from an itinerant merchant. Smaller items too were made from recycled textiles, including socks, slippers and insoles,223 bags and pouches,224 and even toys and doll’s clothes,225 suggesting that it was the customary practice to make full use of whatever was available.

Other Patchwork Hats A good use of even the smallest piece of cloth saved from a larger item, Statius describes such patchwork hats as cheap gifts: “were there no more felt caps stitched together from rags of tunics, no towels or faded napkins?”218 Close examination of an example in the Louvre shows a hat made from nine pieces of fabric of four different colours/weights, all of very fine quality, one possibly with a silk weft (fig. 61).219 This hat is made up of two half-moon sections joined by a long bar across the top, which ends in ‘earflaps’ on each side. Hats of the almost exact design can also be found in the Textile Museum of Canada (fig. 62),220 the Museum of Anatomy, Montpellier,221 and the Museum of New Zealand.222 At least two of these hats are known to 217  Suet. Calig. 9.1: “His surname Caligula he derived from a joke of the troops, because he was brought up in their midst in the dress of a common soldier.” 218  Stat. Silv. 9.23–25. 219  Louvre AF15311. 220  Textile Museum of Canada, no. T88.0043. 221  This hat is made up of seven different textiles, one of which has had bitumen added to it, possibly to improve waterproofing: Médard (2016) 46–47. 222  Livingstone (2005) this is only one panel of a hat.

Other Forms of Reuse Clothes might also have been ‘made down’ for reasons other than wear and tear, for example, John of Ephesus describes how John and Sosiana gave all their luxurious clothing to the church, with express instructions that “stitchers” be summoned to re-work the splendid garments into clothing for the poor: … when then this excellent John departed from the world, bearing this great testimony, and moreover, 223  Socks: Vindolanda T/316, Didymoi D98.2320.2A+B, V&A 1243– 1904; Slippers: Dios inv. 4635.1, Florence Museo Egizio 12912; Insoles: Vindolanda T/15. For references, see appendix A.4. 224  For example: Antinopolis 2009.01, Dura Europos 1933.516, elKom el-Ahmar DQ00/12.3. For references, see Appendix A.6. 225  For example: Berlin inv. 9987, MMA 90.5.627. For references, see appendix A.6.

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Figure 63 Child’s hooded linen tunic, Allard Pierson Museum inv. no. APM 16385 (cat. no. 100).

Figure 64 Fragment from the neck and shoulders of a child’s linen tunic (MMA acc, no. 90.5.858).

Caesaria the patrician also as well whom we mentioned above had gone out to the desert, i.e. first to Alexandria, this excellent blessed woman Sosiana therefore laded three of her slaves with all her husband’s splendid clothes, great cloaks [χλαινιδια] of pure silk [ολοσηριχον] and valuable raw silk garments [μεταζα], with colours and pictures [πιχτονρα], and the other clothes of high price, and sent them to our meanness, adjuring and beseeching us, “Let all these be cut into such sizes as you think fit, sir, and let handsome crosses and corners [γωνια] be put upon them, and let them be made into clothes and veils, and distributed among the holy altars as you shall decide, because I made this vow to the Lord God”.226

226  Joh. Eph. V. SS. Or. 55 (PO 19.190–92). This quotation is also a vivid illustration of the amount and quality of clothing that a wealthy person might own.

Gregory of Tours makes reference to a nun who was charged with making a dress out of an altar cloth, however she was exonerated after proving that the altar cloth had been made from a silk robe which had been donated to the church; she had only used the leftover scraps to trim a tunic: In answer to the charge about the altar cloth, she brought forward a nun of noble family who had given her as a gift a silk robe she had received from her relatives, and she had cut off a part of this to do what she wished with it, and from the rest, which was sufficient, she had made a suitable cloth to adorn the altar, and she used the scraps left over from the altar cloth to trim her niece’s tunic with purple; and she said she gave this to her niece when she was serving in the monastery. All this was confirmed by Didimia who had given the robe.227 227  Gregory of Tours, Hist. 10.16.

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Although many extant tunics are embellished with purpose-made or woven-in decorations, others appear to be decorated with what look like unmatched bits of tapestry or patterned cloth, perhaps “… the scraps left over” from some other beautiful textile.228 For example this child’s tunic in Amsterdam is decorated with appliquéd flowers from at least two different textiles (fig. 63), and the clavi and neckline decorations appliquéd onto this child’s garment (fig. 64) clearly come from two different sources. The textile fragments from Didymoi are a good illustration of this practice. They contain a surprising range of cloth types, qualities and conditions and thereby comprehensively illustrate the many stages in the ‘life’ of a garment. These include mending, patching and otherwise refurbishing, reuse in another garment or accessory, or inclusion in a ‘patch’ bundle.229 Such cloth bundles have been found at a number of desert sites, and are often described as rag blankets or saddle pads.230 Although made up of what might be described as rags, because of their worn and fragmentary conditions, these bundles frequently include pieces of very fine high quality textiles.231 They also often show considerable skill in their manufacture, clearly illustrating that even the smallest fragments of textile could be of use, and were therefore valuable and worth keeping.232 One of the textile fragments in a patch bundle found at Didymoi has been dated on stylistic grounds to approximately 100 years earlier than the context in which it was found, illustrating the extent of the lifetime of such textiles.233 Kentrônes and the Second-Hand Clothing Trade The majority [of kings], while ruling men, love gold and desire to be rich and think themselves so, 228  See for example Whitworth Collection T.8360 = catalogue no. 184); MMA 90.5.858; Louvre E26248 = catalogue no.116. 229  The stuffing in a pillow found at Didymoi included a patch bundle which was itself made up of used clothing fragments (Cardon, Granger-Taylor and Nowik (2012) 279–81. See appendix A for a list of textile fragments showing evidence of mending, patching or reuse. For ‘refurbished’ cloaks see Cardon, Granger-Taylor and Nowik (2012) 323–34 and Cardon and Cuvigny (2011). 230   Ismant-el-Kharab: Bowen (1999) 11; Kellis: Bowen (2002) and Livingstone (2013); Murabba’at: Crowfoot and Crowfoot (1961); Didymoi: Cardon et al. (2012) 275–78; Mons Porphyrites: Handley (2007); Mo’a: Shamir (2006) 193 and fig. 8; Karanis: Thomas (2006) 142 and fig. 5; Berenike: Wild (2006) 178. 231  Cardon et al. (2012). 232  Thomas (2006) 142. 233  Cardon et al. (2012) 276–77.

but they are more miserably poor than those who have not even small wealth. For while the latter often sell their clothes because of need, the former exchange a good name for silver.234 All of our sources indicate that clothing was available in a considerable range of qualities and prices. Good clothing clearly held its value, and was often pawned, used as surety for loans, or included among the valuables in dowry lists and wills.235 There is little doubt that much also made its way to the second-hand market, but little is known about how this was organised. Did the poor man who had to ‘sell his clothes because of need’ take them to the marketplace himself, like Encolpius and Asclytos in the Satyricon?236 Or did they sell them to a clothing dealer, such as the one referred to by Jerome in The Life of St Hilarion: At the end of three years he heard at Methona from a certain Jew, who dealt in old-clothes, that a Christian prophet had appeared in Sicily, and was working such miracles and signs, one might think him one of the ancient saints …237 There is also a reference in the Digest of Justinian to itinerant merchants, such as the one described by Synesius of Cyrene: It is also settled that those who are appointed by clothing merchants or weavers of linen to go about for the sale of clothing, whom we ordinarily call circitores, should also be designated as agents.238 Another also appears in the Jerusalem Berakhot, and is a peddler of infant’s clothes: [I] He [the Jew] went and sold his ox and sold his plow. And he became a peddler of infants’ clothes (diapers).239 And he went from place to place until he came to that very city. All of the women bought from him.240 234  Them. Or. 1 (On the Love of Mankind or Constantius), 12d. 235  See appendix D.7. 236  Petron. Sat. 14. 237  Jer. Life of Hilarion 38. 238   Dig. 14.3.5:4 (Ulpian) (transl. Monro (1909) 391). 239  This is a translation by Dr. Tzvee Zahavy. I contacted him to ask if the term ‘diaper’ implied scraps of (presumably used) fabric, to which he replied: “I cannot recall that level of detail as I translated that tractate over thirty years ago. I am confident that I had some reasonable degree of certainty about the translation of the term.” (3.2.14, by e-mail). 240   Jerusalem Berakhot 2:3 (5th c. AD), transl. Zahavy (1989) 99.

‘ The Life of Clothes ’ in Late Antiquity

The Digest also makes reference to institores, who are sarcinatores.241 Although these terms are sometimes translated simply as ‘tailors’, it has been suggested that in this context the word sarcinatores is more likely to refer to ‘tailors of old garments’.242 The Periplus Maris Erythraei, a merchant mariner’s handbook dated to the 1st c. AD,243 gives two examples of used clothing being offered for sale. In one case it is described as having been “cleaned by fulling”,244 and in the other the clothes are described as “cloaks from Arsinoe, cleaned and dyed”.245 The word centonarii is usually understood by modern scholars to refer to dealers in rags and second-hand textiles,246 and the existence of the collegia centonariorum across the empire, as evidence for a thriving business in reused clothing and textiles in antiquity.247 However, in her recent study on the subject, Lui has found that in antiquity the word ‘cento/centones’ (in Greek κεντρων/κεντρωνες) was used in a much broader sense, and included not only ‘patch’, or ‘patchwork’ (as opposed to rags248) but also heavy cloaks, blankets and protective clothing, particularly for agricultural workers and the military. It was also sometimes interpreted as ‘felt’ (more commonly known as coacta),249 which is generally understood to mean a fabric that is made by pressing rather than weaving wool, with the resultant fabric being too stiff to be used for most clothing. This occasional interpretation as felt might be better understood if we broaden the meaning of the word to include what we now know as ‘boiled’ wool. This is woven wool that is washed in hot water and an alkaline soap and then agitated while still wet, which causes the fibres of the wool to compress and shrink together, resulting in a drapable fabric that is windproof, highly water resistant and very warm (fitting well with Liu’s definition of 241   Dig. 14.3.5:6; 14.4.1:1 (Ulpian). 242   Institores are defined as “independent freedmen who were agents legally appointed to conduct small scale business on behalf of rich merchants”: Young (2000) 226. 243  Casson (1989) 6–7. 244   Periplus 7:3.17 (transl. Casson (1989) 55 and 118). 245   Periplus 8:3.29 (transl. Casson (1989) 55 and 120). 246  Mannering (2000b) 15. 247  There is an epigraphic reference to a vestiarius centonarius from Aquileia (CIL 5.50); although the authenticity of the inscription has been questioned, Liu considers it to be genuine: “Mommsen categorised it as falsa, while Calderini, followed by S. Panciera and A. Buonopane, was inclined to the opposite opinion.”: Liu (2009) 79, n. 97. 248  This is perhaps an example of ‘semantic shift’, as described by Wild (2000); there is a reference in Petronius to “a set of rags that would not make a decent patchwork [centones]” (Petron. Sat. 7), suggesting that ‘rags’ and ‘centones’ were not the same thing. 249  Liu (2009) 67–68.

95 cento/centones).250 This can be done to newly woven wool, but is also a good way of extending the usefulness of worn woollen garments and textiles, which can be ‘felted’ and cut into smaller pieces without losing shape or fraying. They can then be patched together and made into smaller items such as hats and helmet liners, like the tri-coloured hat found at Mons Claudianus discussed above, which was made from “heavily felted” second-hand materials.251 Liu’s research has led her to define the collegia centonariorum as an organisation for “tradesmen and/or manufacturers engaged in the production and distribution of low- or medium-quality woollen textiles and clothing, including felt and its products”.252 However, these two interpretations of cento/centones as either patch bundles or low quality textiles and clothing, need not be mutually exclusive: the relative value of cloth at the time would suggest that such trade could include not only new textiles and garments, but also used garments and/ or the reusable pieces cut from them. A number of the textile pieces found at Mons Claudianus had been cut into uniform 10–15 cm squares or rectangles, presumably ready to be reused perhaps by a tailor, as patches or patchwork;253 similar finds have been made in 4th c. contexts at Abu Sha’ar.254 Stitched together objects made up of less uniform patches, usually described as ‘saddle pads’ or ‘patchwork quilts’, have been identified by Dominique Cardon as kentrônes.255 Cento is also used to describe caps worn by soldiers under their helmets,256 which may have been made either from patchwork or from felted scraps of wool. It therefore might be more 250  Liu (2009) 68: centones, and coacta are listed together in Caes., B Civ. 3.44.7, suggesting that they are different fabrics. In the line: “… magnusque incesserat timor sagittarum, atque omnes fere milites aut ex coactis aut ex centonibus aut ex coriis tunicas aut tegimenta fecerant, quibus tela vitarent …” the words are translated as “hair cloths, tarpaulins” by McDevitte and Bohn: http://classics.mit.edu/Caesar/civil.3.3.html (last accessed 20.3.17), and “coats of danger” at http://www.perseus.tufts .edu/hopper/text?doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.02.0076%3 Abook%3D3%3Achapter%3D44 (last accessed 20.3.17). Both suggest a heavy, protective cloth, and would fit with an interpretation of centones as either felted woven wool, or thickly ‘patch-worked’ textiles, or indeed a combination of the two. 251   Mannering (2006) 157. A child’s bonnet at the Louvre (E29423) includes pieces of felted woven fabric. Two felt hats: Domitiane 2003.2101.4 and Whitworth T.8372 include fragments of woven textile in the felt (see appendix A.3 for references). 252  Liu (2009) 69. 253  Mannering (2000a) 283; Bender Jorgensen (1991) 94. 254  Bender Jorgensen (2006) 164. 255  Cardon et al. (2012) 275–78. 256  Cardon et al. (2012) 276.

96 correct to consider the word kentrôn to mean not just the stitched together article, but also the collection of pieces it was made from. This would certainly make more sense in the case of a 2nd c. wet-nurse contract from the Dakhleh Oasis, which includes provision for “two κεντρωνες a year for clothing”.257 Given the context, the word might be better understood not as patchwork quilts, but as patch or cloth bundles, which would surely be more useful in providing clothes (and perhaps nappies?) for an infant. Certainly, a society without disposable paper goods such as toilet paper, nappies, sanitary towels and cleaning rags, would have plenty of uses for even the smallest fragments of worn textiles.258 Of the 101 children’s tunics in the appended catalogue, 30 show clear signs of having been made down from something larger or incorporating recycled embellishments;259 a number of these make use of off-cuts from more than one source.260 Although it is possible that these remnants could be collected in the home from the worn out garments of family members, the careful matching of specific colours, or the inclusion of luxury fabrics, suggests that either the remnant pieces or the finished ‘patchwork’ item might also be purchased. This idea is also supported by the presence of ‘patch bundles’ in the archaeological record,261 as well as the possible reference to the cost of such bundles in the Edict of Diocletian.262 Both sections 7.52 and 7.53 in the Edict translate “centunculum” as ‘horse blanket’, although only section 7.52 describes it specifically as ‘centunculum equestrae’. In section 7.53 the centunculum is described as “primum ornatum ab acu” (‘first quality, decorated’),263 which seem unlikely necessities for a horse blanket. However, they would be considerations if 257   P. Mich. inv. 133; Heilporn and Worp (2007) 218. 258  A collection of a woman’s personal belongings found in the Cave of Letters includes a number of ‘ragged linen items’ that Granger-Taylor suggests are probably for use during her periods: Granger-Taylor (2006) 124. 259  This does not include the many tunics that have stitched on tapestry ribbon trim, which could have been new or been recycled from other garments. 260  Appendix A1, nos. 9, 30, 31, 37, 45; appendix A3 nos. 5, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16. I have been unable to examine or obtain detailed descriptions/photographs of all of the children’s tunics; it is highly probable that close examination would provide evidence of such reuse on many on the remaining 71 garments. 261  See appendix A5. 262   Ed. Diocl. 7.52–53; see chapter 4: ‘Kentrônes and the Second Hand Clothing Trade’. 263   Ed. Diocl. 7: “… ornatum ab acu…”, strictly ‘decorated by needle’ is often translated as ‘embroidered’, however the archaeological evidence suggests that these pieces were more likely

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one was purchasing a rag bundle for use as patching, or for making or embellishing garments. Both descriptions might therefore be interpreted as a statement of quality rather than use; these items are included in a section that deals with the services of a tailor, and who better to buy ‘off-cuts’ and ‘recycled’ cloth from? It is interesting to note that the off-cuts left from finishing the hood of a cloak or making a tailored garment are roughly triangular, which is the shape of the constituent parts of many of the fabric hats that have been found.264 ‘First quality, decorated’ suggests that these bundles could include recycled fragments of good quality tapestry panels. Certainly, evidence suggests not only that the tapestry decorations on some tunics came from different sources,265 but that they may have been recycled more than once.266 Conclusion Clothing in Late Antiquity was not the disposable commodity it has now become; it was valuable enough to be named in a will, used as surety for loans, or included in a dowry.267 While the evidence from literary sources suggests that wealthy and high status individuals had many and beautiful clothes,268 for the middle and lower classes clothing was a relatively expensive necessity that was not to be wasted. This included the majority of the population, and ranged from enslaved and poverty stricken workers to relatively prosperous members of the working middle class.269 While we might expect the former to have ragged and patched clothing, the evidence indicates that even members of the middle class might have had need of used or recycled clothing, and/ or the materials to properly embellish, mend and maintain their clothes, further confirming the relative value of cloth and clothing during this period. Examination of extant late antique garments, from both archaeological and museum collections, shows that even high quality garments were well-worn, and might be mended and/or patched. It also indicates that to have been tapestry woven: see Wild (2000) 210. See also Liu (2009) 68–70 for a discussion of the word centunculum. 264  See chapter 5 for the cutting layout of a tailored tunic, and the cutting layout of a hooded cloak. Patchwork hats with triangular sections include appendix A3 nos. 5, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15. 265  For example, appendix A1, nos. 15, 16, 26, 38; A2 nos. 1, 50, 51. 266  For example, appendix A2, no. 20. 267  See appendix D.7. 268  See for example Amm. Marc. 14.6.9 (appendix E.2.1) and 28.4.19 (appendix E.2.2). 269  Liu (2009) 74, n. 78.

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97

used or worn out garments were often cut up and the ‘good’ pieces recycled into other items. This is particularly evident in children’s clothes, which might be ‘madedown’ from adult garments or other recycled textiles, but can also be seen in the many smaller items which were made from re-cycled cloth. These include items such as hats, footwear and bags. Close examination of a number of these examples further shows that the recycling of tapestry clavi, orbiculi, tabulae and/or ribbon trim was common. For example, of the 187 tunics collected in the appended catalogue, 21 show clear signs of mending, darning or patching, and 26 were made from or incorporate recycled cloth.270 Although this only represents 23% of the collection, many of the remaining garments are either in too poor a condition to be reliably assessed for such evidence, or were unavailable for close examination, suggesting that the actual number is likely to be higher. The physical evidence, therefore, clearly shows that during Late Antiquity, clothing was well-used and often mended and/or recycled; the obvious reason for this being the practical need to make an expensive commodity last as long as possible. However, clothing is much more than the financial value of its constituent parts; clothing could represent status and position, hold memories and embody supernatural power, all important and valid reasons to mend, reuse and keep. Although the exact find contexts of most of these garments is unknown, they almost invariably came from graves, where they had been used either as packing or to dress the body of the deceased. Considering the value placed on textiles during this period, it would be reasonable to assume that these garments were used for this purpose because they were considered to be worn out, and certainly some of them, especially many of the plain

undecorated garments, appear to be in an extremely worn condition.271 However, by far the majority of extant garments from museum collections are not only embellished in some way,272 but even if mended and patched, were in ‘wearable’ condition when included in the burial assemblage. Although this appears to be a waste of a valuable commodity, my research into the meaning of many of the designs and patterns on clothing, suggests that these garments may have been included for amuletic purposes, and not because they were no longer in a good enough condition to wear. They were not being wasted, but rather put to good use. The quality of workmanship on the garments listed in the appended catalogue varies from rough and amateurish to highly skilled. This includes not only the weaving, initial stitching, and any mending and/or patching, but also the assembly of whole garments from recycled cloth. The majority of these ‘patchwork’ garments are skilfully made, however, as is the case with other textile work, the level of skill alone cannot determine whether a garment was made or mended in the home or by a professional seamstress or tailor. Certainly, the written evidence suggests that these garments could have been bought ‘ready-made’, perhaps from a tailor, market or itinerant salesman. However, the individuality of design and inclusion of unique, often apotropaic embellishments, particularly on children’s clothes, might also indicate the hand of a loving parent, suggesting that such work was commonly done in the home from saved or purchased materials.273 These materials could have included pieces from ‘patch bundles’ bought from a tailor, hand-me-downs from other members of the family, or worn, used garments bought from a second-hand clothing dealer, to be altered or cut up and re-fashioned.

270  A total of 43 tunics showed signs of mending, patching, darning and/or use of recycled cloth; this is detailed in appendix A1. As with the children’s tunics made from or incorporating recycled cloth, this total does not include all garments with tapestry ribbon trim (see n. 259, above), which could be new or recycled. Interestingly, three of the tunics in the catalogue are clearly missing ribbon trim: nos. 124 and 183 are missing trim from the necklines, and no. 161 is missing the broad hem trim. It is possible that these were removed prior to deposition in order to be reused on another garment.

271  For example, the tunics from el-Kom el-Ahmar (catalogue nos. 8–9), and Kellis (catalogue no. 15). 272  Recent archaeological evidence suggests that the inclusion of embellished clothing in burial assemblages may not be as common as the museum evidence indicates (see chart 4), although this would not have affected the reasons for its inclusion. 273  See for example, P.Mich. inv.1365: “So if you have the materials for clothing bring and cut them here. I send many salutations to my daughter and to your mother and those who love us, by name.”

CHAPTER 5

Experimental Knowledge of the Wear and Wearing of Garments While researching the clothing of Late Antiquity, I have found a great many depictions of clothed people in a number of different media. Unfortunately, the constraints of these various media, coupled with variable skill on the part of the artisans, means that many of the garments depicted are often hard to understand or interpret. Similarly, examination of extant garments and garment fragments brings up a number of questions. Many of the whole tunics are extremely large and wider than they are long, which is not always apparent in the contemporary depictions. Many also have details such as underarm openings and wide waist tucks, which are rarely, if ever, clearly depicted. There is also a huge variation in the size of tunic sleeves, from almost as wide as the garment itself, to so narrow that it would be impossible to fit around an arm. All these details would clearly have affected how the garment looked on the body. Understanding these aspects of dress is integral to the University of Kent project ‘Visualising the Late Antique City’, of which this research is a part. Reproducing garments based on actual archaeological finds is essential not only for enabling the correct interpretation of the depictions of the time, and thereby creating accurate illustrations, but may also help to answer questions about how, when, where and by whom various different garments were worn. Making accurate replicas of archaeological exemplars plays an important role in experimental archaeological research; used primarily in research into ancient tools, it has enabled functional experiments to be carried out into their use and purpose.1 Such ‘use and function’ experiments have been put to good use in the study of ancient textile tools, adding much to our knowledge of the methods of cloth manufacture by replicating the various production sequences involved.2 Whilst some of this work also includes the further construction of garments, the primary purpose is generally to understand the time and effort involved in making the item, rather than researching the way the resulting garment fitted, or who might have worn it. The production of replica Roman clothing as part of academic research has been undertaken in the past, 1  Reynolds (1999) 159–60. 2  See especially the research being done at the Centre for Textile Research at the University of Copenhagen which, although both geographically and historically wide-ranging, is still pertinent to the study of cloth and clothing manufacture in the late antique Mediterranean.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���8 | doi ��.��63/9789004353466_007

notably by Lillian Wilson in 19383 and Norma Goldman in 1994.4 Wilson’s extensively researched book looked at written sources for descriptions of different articles of clothing, and details about when and by whom they were worn, turning to visual sources, particularly sculpture, to find examples of these different garments. The resulting work is a valuable resource not only on the names, general shape and style of various garments, but also on the method of manufacture of some.5 However, the dimensions of her reconstructed garments were not based on actual archaeological evidence, but rather on the size of the person for whom they were being made. Goldman’s reconstructions, which relied heavily on Wilson’s methods and patterns, were also based on the sculpture, painting and mosaics from Roman antiquity.6 In both cases the researchers were attempting to make the clothing look like the illustrations of the time, without taking the measurements and other physical details of extant garments into consideration. This also appears to be the case with the majority of the reconstructions pictured in Croom’s book Roman Clothing and Fashion, published in 2000.7 Although undertaken for sound academic reasons, this sort of production and modelling of clothing reconstructions has often been dismissed as mere ‘dressing up’; a recreational pursuit that has more to do with theatre than research.8 While this may be the case with some historical ‘re-enacting’ groups, whose clothing designs rely mainly on art historical evidence and imagination, many museums also make use of clothing reconstructions, which are more accurately based on archaeological exemplars.9 These garments are made for use in static museum displays, as well as in experiential and experimental archaeology projects. These projects aim to

3  Wilson (1938). 4  Goldman (1994b) 213–37. 5  For example, Lillian Wilson recognised that both short and narrow sleeved tunics were ‘woven to shape’ from sleeve end to sleeve end, in one piece: Wilson (1938) 56 and 68. 6  Goldman (1994a) 213. 7  Croom (2000): only two of the garments pictured are noted as being copied from museum examples: the square tunic (plate 28), which is based on one found at Khirbet Qazone, and the leather briefs (plate 17), based on those found in London. 8  Reynolds, (1999) 156. 9  The way they are constructed is dependent on their ultimate purpose: see Demant (2009).

Experimental Knowledge of the Wear and Wearing of Garments

reconstruct historic or prehistoric environments with a view to understanding the day-to-day life of the time,10 and the replica garments are worn by the participants to add verisimilitude to the reconstructed environment. However, although these clothes are based on extant examples, in neither case are they part of an archaeological ‘use and function’ experiment in their own right. My research aims to turn the focus on to the garments themselves, making reconstructions of particular exemplars in order to address specific questions about their design, manufacture and wear; similar work has been done recently by Anne Kwaspen on linen trousers11 and, with Chris Verhecken-Lammens, on children’s tunics.12 As part of her research, Kwaspen has made copies (in plain fabrics only), of certain garments with a view to understanding how they were made and who wore them. My goals are similar to Kwaspen’s, however I have also tried to duplicate the overall look and feel of the garment by reproducing as closely as possible not only the dimensions, but also the fabric, design, weight, decoration, and if possible the colour of the extant examples.13 This will help not only in understanding the fit of the garments, but also how the various structural and decorative details looked when worn, and therefore when illustrated. Examining the replicas being worn will also enable the better understanding and interpretation of the patterns of wear found on many extant garments; this in turn can provide information on the circumstances of their use. Garments and tools made for research, which are based on archaeological exemplars are referred to variously as ‘reconstructions’, ‘reproductions’ and ‘replicas’, however there appears to be no technical differentiation between these three terms.14 For the most part, I refer to 10  For example, Butser Ancient Farm in Britain, which recreates an Iron Age/Roman era farm, the Lejre Experimental Centre in Denmark, which aims to recreate a Stone Age through Viking Age environment, and Guédelon Castle in France, which is a project to build a medieval castle using only original techniques and tools. 11  Kwaspen and De Moor (2013) 252–63. 12  Kwaspen and Verhecken-Lammens (2016). 13  A recent fashion show held at the Skulpturensammlung und Museum für Byzantinische Kunst in Berlin, featured similarly exact copies of late antique garments from the museum collection. Organised by the textile conservator at the museum, Kathrin Malck, who also made the clothes, the event was part of the annual ‘long night of the museums’ celebration in August 2013, and was intended primarily as a way of informing and engaging the public, rather than strictly for academic research. 14  Wilson, whose clothes are based only on art historical sources and are not made from authentic fabrics, refers to them as both ‘reconstructions’, and ‘reproductions’: Wilson (1938); Goldman also refers to her garments as ‘reconstructions’: Gold­man (1994b). Kwaspen, whose clothes are based on archaeologi-

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the garments I have made as replicas, however my occasional use of either ‘reconstruction’ or ‘reproduction’ to describe these clothes should not be seen as inferring any technical variation in their manufacture. Methodology As my intention in making these replica garments is to research their use and wear, it has not been necessary to use hand-spun or hand woven fabrics. I have however endeavoured, as far as possible, to duplicate the fabric, weight and colour of the exemplars. For the purposes of my investigations, it was sufficient to do this ‘by eye’, rather than more exactly by thread-count or closer scientific examination. Similarly, the fabric, colour and layout of any embellishments has been copied, although I have not attempted to exactly reproduce the designs on the tapestry ribbons and panels. Although much of the sewing has been done by machine, most of the garments are also hand-stitched to some degree. Ida Demant has usefully suggested a standard to be followed when making clothing reconstructions, ranging from A-standard for use in museum exhibitions,15 through B and C standards to be worn in reconstructed environments or as museum ‘dress-up’ clothes.16 My method of manufacture corresponds most closely to C-standard, except that I will not be using plant dyed fabrics. This work, together with the overall process of hand-making these garments, cal exemplars, calls her garments ‘replicas’: ­Kwaspen and De Moor (2013); whereas Demant, whose garments are also based on archaeological exemplars, refers to them as ‘reconstructions’: Demant (2009). In the wider context of experimental archaeology generally, all three terms can be found describing the same things: for example, Coles uses both ‘replica’ and ‘reproduction’ to describe reproduction tools, and ‘reconstruction’ to describe buildings: Coles (1966–67); whereas Reynolds uses both ‘replica’ and ‘reconstruction’ when referring to tools: Reynolds (1999). 15  Demant (2009) 147: “using fabric woven on the original type of loom in hand spun yarn, preferably spun on an original type of spinning tool. The wool-fleece (if the fabric is made of wool) is chosen to resemble the fleece used in the original as much as possible. The colours used are from plants and all hems are made by hand.” 16  Demant (2009) 144–45: B-standard garments “are made of fabric that is handwoven on the horizontal loom in machine spun yarn—though in a quality as close to the originals as possible and dyed with plants. All hems are made by hand …”. C-standard garment “… fabric is factory woven, but in quality as close to the original as possible. It is preferably dyed with plants. The hidden hems are machine made; however, the visible ones are made by hand to resemble original authentic hems or edgings.”

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Figure 65 Scale drawing of tunic, BM reg. no. 2004,0910.5 (cat. no. 5).

Figure 66 Wool tunic, BM reg. no. 2004,0910.5 (cat. no. 5). © The Trustees of the British Museum.

can help to pinpoint the practical problems that had to be dealt with by the original makers, and so be useful in directing future areas of research into the manufacturing processes of the time.

that is slightly shorter than the original (which is approximately 120 cm long), however this difference does not substantially alter the overall look of the garment (figs. 67–68). The size of this tunic suggests that it was a man’s garment, and indeed there are a number of illustrations of men wearing similar square tunics, both belted and unbelted (figs. 69–70). However, such a simple design would be extremely versatile, and one size might be worn by people of a variety of shapes and sizes. For example, here the same reconstruction shown in fig. 68 being worn by a man, is being worn by a petite young woman of approximately 5 ft. in height (figs. 71–72). The garments being worn by the servant on the extreme right of this Piazza Armerina mosaic (fig. 73), and the two female servants on the Projecta casket (fig. 76) are usually interpreted as dalmatics with the large sleeves tied in.17 I had the model try on and belt both a square tunic and a dalmatic; the only way the wide sleeves of the dalmatic could be tied out of the way without severely restricting the movement of the arms was to thread the belt around the back and through the armholes, emerging at the front of the garment. This created a wrist length sleeve that was less restrictive but awkward and overlong (figs. 74–75). Belting the square tunic on the other hand, created wide sleeves that draped to just below the elbow and did not restrict arm movement (see figs. 71–72), suggesting that it is more likely to have been this that is being worn by the three servants. Simplicity of design and versatility of fit meant that square tunics could be quickly and easily produced in

Tunics Examination of extant tunics suggests that there are five basic shapes: square, short sleeved, tailored, narrow sleeved, and wide sleeved, also known as a dalmatic. I have made 11 tunics: six narrow sleeved, two square, and one each of wide sleeved, short sleeved and tailored. One of these tunics is made up of an amalgam of extant examples of a similar type, but the others are all replicas of single tunics found in museum collections. My c­ hoices were made from the surviving garments for which I had the most complete measurements, and with a view to examining specific aspects of the garment design; two of these tunics were not available to examine, however I was able to examine and measure the remaining nine. 1 Square Tunic: Catalogue no. 5: British Museum reg.no. 2004,0910.5 Made of rough wool in a tabby weave, this reproduction is approximately 129 cm wide by 109 cm long, and has been completely hand-stitched. This replica tunic is based on one in the collection of the British Museum, which I have examined. Only one side of the original tunic has been preserved and this section has been heavily mended and patched (figs 65–66). I wanted to find fabric that was as close as possible to the original both in weight and texture, and so have used a wellworn pure wool blanket; this has resulted in a garment

17  Croom (2000) 97; Harlow (2004b) 207.

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Experimental Knowledge of the Wear and Wearing of Garments

Figure 67 Scale drawing of a square tunic, BM reg, no. 2004,0910.5 (cat. no. 5) being worn by a man 5” 8” tall. Figure 68 Replica tunic being worn belted.

Figure 69 Calendar floor mosaic from Sousse, Tunisia, ‘April’, showing square tunic being worn unbelted. photo: © Ad Meskins, Wikimedia CC BY-SA 3.0.

Figure 70 Mosaic, Rome 4th c. AD, Madrid National Archaeological Museum, showing gladiators wearing belted square tunics. photo: A. M. Felicísimo, Wikimedia CC BY 2.0.

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Figure 71 Reproduction of belted square tunic, being worn by a young woman.

a very limited range of sizes, almost ‘mass-produced’. For example, instructions on the wall at the monastery at Epiphanius only give directions for making large and small tunics for the residents.18 By the end of the 7th c., children over the age of 10 were allowed to enter a monastery,19 so the small sizes may well have been for them, and the large for everyone else. The following three tunics (nos. 2–4 below) all fit into the category of ‘narrow sleeved tunic’: the first one has sleeves that taper to the wrist, whilst on the following two they run straight for their complete length; the originals on which they are based all have stitched in waist tucks and are open at the armpit. Stitched in waist-tucks are found on the majority of narrow sleeved tunics (chart 6), and vary considerably in width; these would have been a simple and practical method for shortening a tunic, especially one that had a particularly ornate or fringed hem, which was often the case, however it is also found on many plain tunics where hemming at the bottom edge might have been an easier option.20 It has been suggested that the channel created by the tuck could have been used to carry a drawstring,21 however, 18  Winlock and Crum (1926) 9; also see chapter 4, n.35. 19  Hennessey (2008) 12–13. 20  For example: Louvre E.31.969; Whitworth T.1992.5. 21  Dauterman-Maguire (2003) 46; Schrenk (2004) 464.

Figure 72 Reproduction of square tunic, being worn by a young woman; this view shows how belting the garment creates sleeves.

in examining these tunics, I have found that many waist tucks have clavi sewn over them,22 or have side seams put in after the tuck,23 either of which would have made this impossible. On a number of these tunics the waist-tuck is visibly wider on the sides than in the centre.24 The tight sleeves of the tunic would have meant that when worn un­belted, the hem would have hung lower at the sides. This ‘shaped’ tuck would have brought the sides up and made the hem look straighter, as can be seen on Whitworth tunic no. T.8360 (no. 4, below); this may be an indication that a particular tunic was often worn without a belt.25 When worn belted, the tuck would have provided a useful guide and support 22  For example: catalogue nos. 164, 166 and 179. 23  For example: catalogue no. 179; this may also have been the case with other tunics, however many have been found with the side seams and/or the waist tuck opened, possibly for use as a shroud. 24  For example: catalogue nos. 124, 164, 171 and 184. 25  I would like to thank Chris Verhecken-Lammens for this suggestion.

Experimental Knowledge of the Wear and Wearing of Garments

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Figure 73 A 4th c. mosaic showing a family group with servants. Picture credit: Gino Gentili, La Villa Erculia di Paizza Armerina: i mosaici figurati (Edizioni Mediterranee) (Rome 1959): same as fig. 38.

Figure 74 Reproduction of dalmatic with belt threaded through sleeve openings and tied at the front. Figure 75 Reproduction of dalmatic with belt threaded through sleeve openings; this view shows the awkward length and shape of the resultant sleeves.

Figure 76 The Projecta casket, BM reg. no. 1866,1229.1. photo: © The Trustees of the British Museum.

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tunic type:

square

short-sleeved

wide-sleeved

tailored

narrow-sleeved

total waist-tuck no waist-tuck unclear* % with tucks

21 7 14 0 33%

21 1 18 2 5%

13 4 6 3 40%

17 0 17 0 0%

115 71 27 17 62%

Chart 6

Incidence of waist tucks on tunics. *Tunics are marked as ‘unclear’ if they are too deteriorated to enable examination of the mid-section, or if a clear picture or adequate description of the garment could not be obtained: these tunics are not included in the percentage calculations.

for the belt. Recent research by Chris VerheckenLammens and Anne Kwaspen has shown that the tuck works best for this purpose when the belt is placed just below it, and that the placement of the tuck may relate to the length of the garment.26 There are a number of tunics in the appended catalogue on which the waist tuck appears to have been very wide, and clearly meant to alter the length of the tunic by a considerable amount. This is unlikely to have had much to do with either supporting a belt or altering the drape of the garment, but is probably an indication that the garment was obtained second-hand or handed down and had to be altered to fit.27 The other feature that is included on these three tunics and is almost exclusively found on narrow sleeved tunics, is an opening at the armpit.28 In most cases this runs up the side seam from somewhere above the waist tuck, and continues down the sleeve, usually stopping before the elbow; the opening is frequently reinforced by a woven-in cord. Some of the narrow sleeved tunics listed in the catalogue have been completely opened up, possibly for burial, and others have side seams or sleeves that are somewhat deteriorated. Nonetheless, of the 115 narrow sleeved tunics in the catalogue, 29 are clearly open at the armpit, and 13 are open either down the complete length of the arm or down the arm and side seam. One of the few complete tunics that was found in situ in a grave is now in the Louvre (E31969); carbon dated to AD 540–650, this tunic was found in Antinopolis dressing the body of a woman. Her arms were not placed

26  Kwaspen and Verhecken-Lammens (2016). 27  For example, catalogue nos. 76, 83 and 92. 28  Of the 187 tunics I have studied, only one non narrow-sleeved tunic has shown evidence of an underarm opening: a child’s dalmatic at the Fitzwilliam Museum no. E.T.27 (catalogue no. 45).

inside the sleeves, but rather emerged from the opening under the arm.29 The shape of these tunics means that some easing would be required for a comfortable fit, especially around the tight long sleeves, and this armpit opening would certainly provide this. Pictorial evidence suggests that this opening was also used to allow the sleeve to be easily slipped off, perhaps to enable the wearer to work unencumbered by tight sleeves, or simply to cool off without removing the whole garment, as can be seen in the wall painting from the monastery at Baouît (fig. 77), and the figure labelled ‘ΑΓΡΟΙΚΙC’, or ‘peasant girl’ on a 6th c. mosaic from Mabada (fig. 78).30 Many of the tunics in the appended catalogue show signs of mending and/or reinforcing at the points where the seams open to create the underarm opening, indicating that the sleeves had been repeatedly removed and replaced, either to work without soiling them or because the garment had to be worn in all seasons.31 Narrow Sleeved Tunic in Plain Linen, Catalogue no. 106: KTN inv. no. 476 Made of natural washed linen, this replica tunic is a copy of a linen tunic from a private Flemish collection (fig. 79). I was not able to examine this tunic, however adequate measurements were provided in De Moor’s Coptic Textiles (fig 80).32 Measuring 188 cm across the shoulders, 120 cm from shoulder to hem, and 94 cm at the hem, the replica has sleeves that are 44 cm in length 2

29  Dominique Benazeth, pers. comm. (December 2012); see also catalogue no. 93. 30  For more information and depictions of this style, see especially Knauer (2004) 14–16, nn. 25–34; Dauterman-Maguire (2003) 16. 31  For example, catalogue nos. 93, 117, 155 and 184. 32  De Moor (1993).

Experimental Knowledge of the Wear and Wearing of Garments

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Figure 77 Wall painting from the monastery at Baouît, showing monks with their sleeves slipped off. ©IFAO.

Although very wide across the shoulders, the tight sleeves and very narrow cuffs of this garment suggest that it may have been worn by a woman. Figure 81 shows it being worn by a young woman of approximately 5 ft in height; the belt rests below the waist tuck, which helps to stop the fabric slipping down below the belt. The tight sleeves are pushed up into the underarm opening allowing the wide upper sleeve to blouse over the lower section, thus ensuring that there is no restriction of movement. In figure 82 the tunic is worn with arms pushed out through the underarm opening; the sleeves are left hanging, as is shown in figures 77–78. 3 Narrow Sleeved Tunic in Red Wool This replica tunic is based on the measurements of five straight-sleeved tunics from museum collections (chart 7 and fig. 83); I was able to examine and measure all except the example from the Textile Museum in Washington DC: Figure 78 Mosaic from Hippolytus Hall, Mabada Jordan (Picirillo (1993). picture courtesy of the Franciscan Custody of the Holy Land, Mt. Nebo, and the American Center of Oriental Research Amman.

and 35 cm wide at the shoulder, tapering to 23 cm at the wrists. The replica has been completely hand-stitched, has a stitched in a waist tuck of 7 cm and is open under the armpit.

Catalogue no. 117: Louvre E26296 Adult tunic of undyed wool, l. 114 cm by w. 220 cm across shoulders, 119 cm at hem. Full length polychrome wool tapestry clavi 9 cm wide, with figurative designs on a blue ground, 34.5 cm apart. Double sleeve bands, sleeves 28 cm around at cuff. Open under arms, with red wool cording on side seam part of opening; no evidence of waist tuck. Wool tassels and part of the wool tapestry appear to have felted.

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Figure 80 Scale drawing of replica tunic (cat no. 106).

Figure 79 Original tunic KTN inv. no. 476. photo: Hugo Maertens.

Figure 82 Reproduction narrow sleeved tunic, worn with the arms pushed out of the underarm openings and the sleeves hanging loose.

Figure 81 Reproduction narrow sleeved tunic with sleeves pushed up, showing the ­resultant blousing at the shoulders.

Catalogue no. 162: Textile Museum of Washington, no. 71.72 Adult tunic in undyed wool, l. 104 cm by w. 87.5cm at hem, sleeves 39 cm by 17 cm. Narrow, waist length clavi with undulating vine pattern, matching double sleeve bands. Small knee and shoulder orbiculi with figurative designs. Waist tuck unclear.

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Experimental Knowledge of the Wear and Wearing of Garments

1 2 3 4 5 6

tunic

around cuff

length

width at shoulder

width at hem

Whitworth T8359 (purple) Whitworth T8361 (blue) Whitworth T8362 (green) Louvre E26296 (orange) Washington 71.72 (red) reproduction (dotted line)

18 15 16 28 34 24

96 112.5 102 114 104 111

194 206 207 220 165.5 178

104 110 117 119 87.5 101

Chart 7

Details of the basic measurements of the exemplars and the replica.

Figure 83 Scale drawing showing the relative dimensions of the five narrow sleeved tunics described in chart 7.

Catalogue no. 183: Whitworth Art Gallery, no. T.8359 Adult tunic in green wool, l. 96 cm by w. 194 cm across shoulders, 104 cm at hem; sleeves 45 cm by 18 cm around cuff. Open under arms and for 9 cm up sleeve from cuff. Wide, full length clavi in dark red/purple wool tapestry, with matching double sleeve bands. 11 cm wide red tapestry ribbon at hem with extra patch of same at side seams; square neck opening, trim missing. Stitched in waist tuck of 10 cm. Fabric appears to be slightly felted and napped. C14 dated to AD 650–770. Catalogue no. 185: Whitworth Art Gallery, no. T.8361 Adult tunic in red wool, l. 112.5 cm by w. 206 cm, sleeves 48cm x 15cm around cuff. Narrow woven-in clavi, of white wool, ending at waist tuck. Three woven-in stripes of white wool running full length of garment just inside both side seams; single stripe at sleeve end. Wide blue wool tapestry ribbon at hemline, with extra square added at side seams; narrower blue tapestry trim added at scoop neckline and at cuff; neckline reinforced with blanket stitch at sides. Open under arms, stitched in waist tuck of 4 cm; side seams put in after tuck.

Catalogue no. 186: Whitworth Art Gallery, no. T.8362 Adult tunic in undyed wool, l. 102 cm by w. 207 cm across shoulders, 117 cm at hem; sleeves 45 cm by 16 cm around cuff. Wide tapestry clavi in purple and dark blue wool, ending at waist tuck in three equal sized square ended finials; five sleeve bands, made up of three wide and two narrow bands, with patterning matching clavi. Large shoulder and smaller knee orbiculi with interlace knot patterns. Undyed wool cord trim at neckline, crisscrossed at sides and running down inside of clavi for approximately one third of their length, ending in tassels. Stitched in waist tuck of 5 cm width, sewn over clavi finials. Open under arms. The layout of the yoke, clavi and sleeve bands on the replica, which are made of appliquéd block printed fabric, is a copy of the embellishments on a child’s tunic in the collection at Katoen Natie.33 Originally such trim would have been made of wool tapestry, either woven into the garment at the time of manufacture, or appliquéd on afterwards. All exemplars (with the possible 33  Inv. 768.01 = catalogue no. 110.

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Figure 84a–b

CHAPTER 5

Replica tunic, showing details of sleeve and waist tuck.

exception of Washington no. 71.72 for which detailed information is unavailable) are open under the arm and have waist tucks; the reconstruction has therefore been left open under the arms and a waist tuck has been sewn in by hand (figs. 84a and 84b). Although the sleeves on many of these tunics do seem to be too narrow to fit comfortably around the wrist of any but the smallest adult, the style of this garment does require a tight sleeve at the wrist in order to hold the ‘blousing’ of the upper sleeve (see fig. 85a). It is therefore possible that those with very narrow sleeves may in fact have been for small women or older children. The replica tunic is being modelled by a young woman of 5’ 2” in height (figs. 85a–b); when the sleeve is worn on the arm, the top part of the sleeve blouses over to the elbow. There are a number of tunics in the catalogue (including nos. 1–4 on the above chart) that have longer and/ or narrower sleeves, suggesting that this blousing was often more extreme. This would particularly have been the case on a tunic with large shoulder orbiculi which would stiffen the fabric and accentuate the shoulders. Although there was a fashion during Late Antiquity for ‘layering’ tunics,34 it is possible that some of the illustrations 34  Croom (2000) 97–101.

thought to show such layering, for example the 4th c. depiction of Serena on the Stilicho diptych (fig. 86), may actually show a long sleeved tunic with tight wrists and very long, blousing sleeves. The softer ‘drape’ of the fabric is what one would expect if the garment was made out of silk or very fine wool, which is certainly possible for a person of Serena’s status.35 Narrow Sleeved Tunic in Blue Wool, Catalogue no. 184; Whitworth Art Gallery, no. T.8360 This tunic is a copy of one in the collection at the Whitworth Art Gallery in Manchester, which I have examined (fig. 87). The fabric used for the reconstruction is a medium weight wool blend (figs.88–89). As with the previous reconstruction, the clavi and sleeve bands on this tunic have been appliquéd on, whereas on the original they were woven in at time of manufacture. On both the original and the reconstruction the hem and neck ribbon trim has been sewn on and the neck edging and tuck have been sewn by hand. As is the case with the previous tunic, this example has very narrow sleeves. The original was completely open along the arm seams, however evidence of stitch4

35  Harlow describes Serena in this illustration as wearing layered tunics: Harlow (2004b) 207–208.

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Experimental Knowledge of the Wear and Wearing of Garments

Figure 85a Replica tunic being worn unbelted; this view shows the extreme blousing at the shoulder created by pushing the sleeves up.

Figure 85b Replica tunic being worn unbelted; this shows the garment being worn with the arms pushed out the underarm opening and the sleeves left hanging loose.

Figure 86 Stilicho diptych, Monza cathedral treasury. photo: Pierce and Tyler (1932).

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Figure 87 Original tunic, Whitworth inv. no. T.8369. picture credit: © The Whitworth, University of Manchester.

Figure 88 Scale drawing of tunic inv. no. T.8360.

Figure 89 Replica garment.

Experimental Knowledge of the Wear and Wearing of Garments

111

Figure 91 A 4th c. mosaic from Piazza Armerina, Sicily, after fig, XVII: sacrifice to Artemis. Picture credit: Gino Gentili, La Villa Erculia di Piazza Armerina: i mosaici figurati (Edizioni Mediterranee) (Rome 1959).

Figure 90 Reproduction of Whitworth tunic inv. no. T-8369 being worn unbelted; making the waist tuck wider at the sides brings the sides up, making the hem of the garment sit straight.

ing on one side suggests that it was originally sewn up for part of its length. I have therefore sewn the sleeve seam from wrist to elbow; this opening continues 12 cm down the side seam as on the exemplar, ending at the top of the stitched-in waist tuck. I have made the waist tuck on this replica tunic wider at the sides than in the centre, which is the case on the original;36 this has had the effect of bringing up the sides, so that the hem sits straight when the tunic is worn unbelted (fig. 90). There are a number of illustrations of this style of tunic being worn, most frequently unbelted, by men and boys (fig 91). This is a very large tunic: when I first examined it, I assumed, both because of its size and design, that it was a large man’s garment. However, trying it on an adult man (fig. 92) and a slender adult woman of 5’6” in height (fig. 90; in lieu of an adolescent boy) shows that the neck would have been tight and the sleeves would have been too short for a large person. This particular garment was therefore probably worn by a small man or adolescent boy.

36  This is also the case with catalogue nos. 124, 164, 171 and 184.

Figure 92 Reproduction of Whitworth tunic inv. no. T-8369 being worn by a man of 6’ in height; the poor fit of the sleeves indicates that this garment was probably made for someone much smaller.

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Figure 93 Original tunic, Whitworth no. T.1995.145. picture credit: © The Whitworth, University of Manchester.

Figure 94 Replica tunic.

Linen Dalmatic, Catalogue no. 54: Whitworth Art Gallery, no. T.1995.145 This wide sleeved tunic is a copy of one in the collection at the Whitworth Art Gallery in Manchester, which I have examined (fig. 93). Made from washed natural linen, the wool clavi, orbiculi, sleeve and hem bands on the reproduction have been machine appliquéd on, whereas on the original they are woven in. The trim is close in colour to the original, which was probably a dark maroon/purple. The placement of the embellishments on the reproduction is the same as on the original, however no attempt has been made to duplicate the ornate interlace pattern found on the original tapestry panels (fig 94–95). The Edict of Diocletian lists many kinds of dalmatics, differentiated not only by the colour, the fabric and/or the place of origin of the garment or design, but also by the gender of the wearer, suggesting that there was some difference in design and/or size between the man’s and the woman’s garment.37 This replica garment will 5

37   Ed. Diocl. section 19, nos.8–14h; section 26, nos. 28–31 and 34–77.

clearly fit either a man or a woman (figs. 96–99), however the majority of illustrations we have of women wearing this type of garment show it ankle length, whereas this one would come at best to just below the knee (fig.99). On the other hand, we have many illustrations of men wearing knee length tunics, however, these are most commonly narrow sleeved tunics. There are a number of late antique depictions that appear to show a short tunic worn over an ankle length undertunic (see figs. 100 and 101).38 None of these depictions is particularly good in showing the details of the garments being worn, however all seem to show layered hemlines. It is not possible to see the upper sleeves of the tunics in figure 101, however the over tunics worn by the figures on the 5th c. relief carving from Santa Sabina in Rome, appear to have sleeves (fig. 100).

38  See also Fluck (2011) plate XIIIa, for a picture painted by John Gardner Wilkinson in 1855–56, of a fresco at Dayr Abu Hinnis quarry church in Egypt; the fresco shows a group of women wearing what appears to be short tunics with tabulae, worn over floor length garments.

Experimental Knowledge of the Wear and Wearing of Garments

Figure 95 Scale drawing showing measurements of Whitworth tunic no. T.1995.145 (cat. no. 54).

Figure 96 Scale drawing of a woman 5’2” tall wearing a dalmatic (cat. no. 54).

Figure 97 Scale drawing of a man 5’8” tall wearing a dalmatic (cat. no. 54).

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Figure 98 Reproduction of Whitworth tunic inv. no. T.1995.145 being worn by a man of 6’ in height.

Figure 100

Detail from the doors at the church of Santa Sabina, Rome. photo: Wikimedia, CC BY-SA 2.0.

Figure 99 Reproduction of Whitworth tunic inv. no. T.1995.145 being worn by a woman of 5’6” in height.

Figure 101

Fragmentary relief carving with St. Mark and his successors, ivory, Louvre inv. no. OA3317. photo: Marie-Lan Nguyen, Wikimedia CC BY 2.5.

Experimental Knowledge of the Wear and Wearing of Garments

Chart 8

Head circumference-for-age BOYS. chart © World Health Organization, child growth standards 2007.

Chart 9

Head circumference-for-age GIRLS. chart © World Health Organization, child growth standards 2007.

115

116 The following three narrow sleeved tunics (sections 6–8 below) were all made for children. I have attached charts for head circumference, produced by the World Health Organisation, to give us some idea of the size of child these garments may have been produced for (charts 8 and 9).39 There are many factors that influence human growth and final stature, including genetic makeup, nutritional status, environment and disease, any or all of which could have led to regional variation in the stature of the population of the eastern Mediterranean during Late Antiquity. For example, Rife’s study of the human remains from several sites around the Isthmian Sanctuary during the Late Roman to Early Byzantine periods, puts the range of men’s height in that area to between 160.6 cm-172.7 cm, with a mean of 166.8 (5’6”), and women’s to between 150.2cm—163.2cm, with a mean of 156.4 (5’1”).40 Although evidence shows that the average body size has increased somewhat during the past century, the study of human skeletal remains shows that the people of antiquity were not substantially different in stature to the people of today.41 Although perhaps on the small side, the above measurements certainly fit within the range for average stature between the Neolithic and the present periods.42 There is therefore no reason to think that the children of Late Antiquity would not have fit within modern size parameters for head circumference. The first two tunics have neck openings of 44 cm and 38 cm respectively. Even allowing for some space to pull the tunic comfortably over the child’s head, it is unlikely that either garment would fit a child over the age of one, in fact the second one is unlikely to have fit a child older than six-seven months at most. The third tunic has a neck opening of 54 cm, allowing it to be worn by a child up to the age of approximately five to six years.43 All of the tunics have sleeves that are too narrow to fit comfortably around the arm, and all were completely open along the side and sleeve seams when found. Child’s Red Wool Narrow Sleeved Tunic with Hood, Catalogue no. 120: Louvre E26525 This tunic is a replica of one which is presently on display at the Louvre Museum in Paris (figs. 102–104). I was able 6

39   W HO child growth standards: http://www.who.int/ childgrowth/en (last accessed 20.3.17). 40  Rife (2012) 288–89. 41  Roberts and Manchester (1983) 25–27. 42  Roberts and Manchester (1983) 27, table 2.1. 43  WHO growth charts gives a head circumference range of 46–54 cm for girls, and 48–53.5 cm for boys at five years.

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to view the garment, and was given the detailed measurements by conservator Dominique Benazeth. The original tunic is completely open under the arms and along the side seams, and was woven to shape beginning and ending at a cuff; the hood was separately woven and stitched on. It is decorated with woven-in clavi with figurative designs bordered by wave patterns. For the reproduction, which is made in a medium weight wool blend, a similar design has been drawn on the fabric, which has then been appliquéd onto the tunic. There are very similar tunics in the collection of the Benaki Museum in Athens (inv. no. 7160 = catalogue no. 86), and the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York (inv. no. 27.239 = catalogue no. 116).44 The clavi on the Benaki Museum example are very similar to those on the Louvre tunic and may have come from the same region or even workshop. This tunic also has vestiges of stitching along the side seam (as does the MMA example), suggesting that all three may have been opened for burial. The sleeves are very narrow, and although they may have been just wide enough at the cuff to go around the wrist of an infant, there is no evidence of stitching anywhere along the sleeve. However, there is evidence that the cord edging on the cuff extended beyond the end of the sleeve, and may have been used to tie the sleeves together at this point;45 I have therefore added these cords to the reconstruction. The neck opening on this tunic measures 44 cm; allowing for some space to easily pull the garment over a child’s head, this garment would be unlikely to have fit a child much over the age of one.46 The model I have used is a doll with a head circumference of 42 cm, approximately the size of a four to eight month old child. The red tunic, which has been stitched up the side seams to approximately 6 cm below the sleeve, has been put on over a plain linen tunic with a head opening measuring 19.5 cm in width (fig. 105). Copied from a child’s tunic in the Louvre,47 the neck opening of this under-tunic is ‘scooped’ both front and back, and has ties on both sides at 5 cm in from the outside edge, allowing it to fit snugly around the neck. The sleeves of the red tunic were tied at the wrists over the sleeve cuffs of the under-tunic (figs. 106a–b); although the sleeves were a little long, anything shorter might have restricted arm movement. The wide neck and open underarms and sleeves of this tunic made it easy to put on what would probably have 44  Pitarakis (2009) 182–83. 45  Benazeth et al. (2009) 98; Pitarakis (2009) 182–83. 46  W HO statistics for the head circumference of one year olds give a range of 43.5–48 cm for boys and 42.5–47 cm for girls. 47  Louvre no. E26300 = catalogue no.25.

Experimental Knowledge of the Wear and Wearing of Garments

Figure 102

Scale drawing of Louvre tunic. inv. no. E26525.

Figure 105

Figure 103

Original tunic in Louvre collection, inv. no. E26525. photo: © Musée du Louvre, dist. RMN-GP/ Georges Poncet.

Replica tunic.

Reproduction of Louvre tunic no. E26525 being worn with the hood up.

been a babe-in-arms; the width of the garment would have allowed it to fit comfortably over one or more undergarments. The hood was roomy, but did not fit snugly around the face, and would probably have been too small on a child much bigger than this; having a fold rather than a seam at the back of the hood meant that it would still have been comfortable when the child was lying down. Child’s Natural Linen Tunic, Catalogue no. 116: Louvre E26248 This tunic is a reproduction of one from the collection at the Louvre Museum in Paris, which I have examined (figs. 107–109). Made from fine wool, the original has a slit neckline that measures 14 cm across, with a scoop at the front measuring 7.5 cm across by 5 cm deep, giving an opening of approximately 42 cm. The sleeves are 21 cm long, 10 cm around the cuff and are open down the full length of the underarm seam. The sides are open but there is evidence of large stitching holes, suggesting 7

Figure 104

117

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Figure 106a–b

Figure 107

Details of the open arm seam and wrist ties on Louvre tunic no. E26525.

Scale drawing of Louvre tunic inv. no. E26248. Figure 108

that it was originally closed for part of the side seams. The original tunic has short clavi, with matching sleeve bands and small knee and shoulder orbiculi in maroon/ purple, all of which were decorated with an interlace pattern; these embellishments were woven into the garment when it was originally made. The neckline has been trimmed with red tapestry ribbon (see figs. 110 and 111). In lieu of fine wool, the reproduction is made of linen, which approximates the weight of the original fabric. As with the previous tunic, there is evidence that the original had tying cords at the wrist, so I have added these to the reproduction. Although the length and width of this tunic suggests that it could be worn by a child of two to three years, the very small neck opening means that it was unlikely to

Child’s tunic, Louvre inv. no. E26248. photo: © Musée du Louvre, dist. RMN-GP/Georges Poncet.

fit anyone older than six or seven months at most. The model I have used is a doll with a head circumference of 42 cm, approximately the size of a four to eight month old child. The tunic was quite difficult to pull on over the head; not surprisingly for an outer garment, it was quite loose through the body, however once on, it fit well at the neckline and shoulder. Not unlike many infants’ nightgowns today, the extra length would have been intended to cover the child’s feet while he is lying down or being carried. The sleeves on this tunic were the narrowest and longest of the three children’s narrow sleeved tunics I have reproduced, and although the original appeared to have

Experimental Knowledge of the Wear and Wearing of Garments

119

and tied at the back (fig. 114), both of which would have made a snugly fitting garment, however it is possible that the sleeves were simply intended to hang loose as a decorative detail (fig. 115). Child’s Narrow Sleeved Tunic in Wool, Catalogue no. 187: Whitworth Art Gallery, no. T.8374 This tunic is a copy of T.8374 from the collection at the Whitworth Art Gallery in Manchester, which I have examined. The original tunic has extremely narrow sleeves and very little sign of wear; there are no signs of it ever having been stitched along the side seams, although the placement of the red underarm edging cord does suggest that it might have been (figs. 116–117). With woven in clavi in what was probably originally a shade of purple but is now faded, the tunic is trimmed at the neckline, underarms, cuffs and side seams with red wool; the layout and colour of these embellishments has been duplicated on the reconstruction (fig. 118). Unlike the others in this group, this tunic showed no signs of ever having been seamed at the sides, nor was there evidence of tying cords at the wrist, and at 8 cm in width the sleeves are far too narrow to have been worn seamed. The possibility that this tunic was worn with both sleeves and sides open has therefore been explored. The model in these pictures is five years old (fig. 119); the tunic fit easily over her head, however, the lack of side seams or wrist-tying cords meant that the sleeves did not hang along the arms, and in fact, stopped the garment from hanging symmetrically (fig. 120a). The only way that the open-sided tunic could be worn usefully was with the sleeves tied at the front (fig. 120b), which allowed the garment to cover the shoulders, but still gave the arms some freedom of movement; however this would have been difficult to keep in place on an active child. Sewing the side seams together however, made the tunic sit correctly at the shoulders (fig. 120c), and the further addition of wrist ties, such as were present on examples 6 and 7 above, would have made the garment even more functional. Putting these three tunics on models shows that they would not be comfortable or practical to wear with the side seams open; this suggests that tunics no. 6 and 7, on which evidence of stitching was visible, were opened to more easily dress the child for burial. However, tunic no. 8 showed no signs of wear and tear, or evidence of wrist ties or stitching on the side seams. This suggests that it was either made for burial, or perhaps more ­probably (as the lack of both side seams and wrist ties makes it appear to be unfinished), made for a child who died before it was completely finished. 8

Figure 109

Replica tunic.

Figure 110

Neckline trim on original tunic (back view), Louvre inv. no. E26248. photo: F. Morgan

Figure 111

Neckline trim on replica tunic.

vestiges of tying cords (which have been added to the reconstruction), the sleeves were far too long to tie at the wrist of a child of six months (see figs. 112a–b). Other methods have been considered, such as tying the sleeves loosely at the front (fig. 113) or criss-crossed at the front

120

Figure 112a–b

Figure 113

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Details of the sleeve and underarm opening on replica tunic.

Replica tunic with sleeves loosely tied at the front.

Figure 114

Replica tunic with sleeves criss-crossed at the front and tied at the back.

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Experimental Knowledge of the Wear and Wearing of Garments

Figure 115

Replica tunic worn with sleeves being left loose.

Figure 117

Original tunic, Whitworth no. T.8384. picture credit: ©The Whitworth, University of Manchester (same as fig. 16).

Figure 116

Figure 118

Scale drawing of Whitworth tunic no. T.8374 (cat. no. 187).

Replica of Whitworth tunic T.8374.

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Straight sleeves, such as are found on this design of narrow sleeved tunic, would have been quite awkward to put on a baby or small child; however, leaving the sleeves and underarms completely open made the garment easy to slip on, with wrist ties such as those on tunic no. 6 (and possibly no. 8) providing a simple way of holding the sleeves in place if it was required. Wider sleeves would have been cumbersome if attached in this way, but even very narrow sleeves that only covered the top of the arm would have provided some warmth without restricting arm movement. The length of the sleeves on tunic no. 7 are less easy to explain; they may have been tied in a different way, or been left to hang loose. There are very few late antique depictions of dressed infants or small children, especially those that show the decorative details of their clothing in colour, however the pattern of the embellishments on these last two tunics can be found on children’s clothing in a number of illustrations. For example, one of the boys being held in his mother’s arms in the ‘massacre of the innocents’ mosaic in S. Maria Maggiore is wearing a similarly deco­ rated tunic (fig. 121), as is Joseph in the 5th c. Vienna Genesis (fig. 122). In two other depictions, boys appear to be wearing what is almost a ‘uniform’ (figs. 123–24); could this be the usual clothing of the male pupil or high status boy?

Figure 120a–c

Figure 119

Replica of Whitworth tunic T.8374 being worn by a five-year old child.

Replica tunic worn with underarm and side seams completely open (a), with sleeves tied at the front (b), and with side seams stitched together (c).

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Experimental Knowledge of the Wear and Wearing of Garments

Figure 121 Detail from mosaic ‘massacre of the innocents’ at the Basilica of S. Maria Maggiore, Rome. picture credit: MM, Wikimedia, CC-BY-SA 3.0.

Figure 122 ‘Joseph’s departure’ from the Vienna Genesis. picture credit: Public Domain, https://commons.wikimedia. org/w/index.php?curid=321999.

Figure 123 ‘Entry of Christ into Jerusalem’ from the 6th c. Rossano Gospels. picture credit: Wikimedia, PD-art.

Figure 124 Kimbros mosaic. picture credit: New York Private Collection.

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Figure 125

Scale drawing of Whitworth tunic no. T.9885 (cat. no. 72).

Figure 127

Replica tunic.

Child’s Tailored Tunic in Red Wool, Catalogue no. 72: Whitworth Art Gallery, no. T.9885 This tunic is a replica of a child’s tunic in the collection of the Whitworth Art Gallery, which I have examined (fig. 125). The original is in a beautifully woven check patterned wool (fig. 126), whereas the reproduction is in a plain red wool blend, which is similar to the weight of the original (figs. 127–28). 9

Figure 126

Original tunic, Whitworth T.9885. picture credit: © The Whitworth, University of Manchester.

Figure 128

Replica of Whitworth tunic no. T.9885 being worn by an eight-year old child.

The straight edged, geometric shapes of the eight sections of fabric that make up this garment can be cut out of a rectangular piece of fabric (in this case 75 cm × 175 cm) with few cuts and minimal waste (fig. 129). This economic design results in a comfortable, shaped garment that can be worn without a belt, which is much more practical for an active child. Although the original garment on which this reproduction is based appears either

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Experimental Knowledge of the Wear and Wearing of Garments

Figure 129

One possible cutting layout for Whitworth tunic no. T.9885 (drawn to scale). Red dotted lines are cuts and black lines indicate seams; the hatched areas are the only waste.

Figure 130 Replica tunic being worn by a three-year old child.

Figure 131

Replica tunic being worn by a five-year old child.

to have been made ‘new’, or at least made from one piece of fabric, the ‘pieced’ nature of the design means that it can also be made from cloth salvaged from more than one source. For example, another child’s tunic in the Whitworth collection (catalogue no. 71) has been made

Figure 132

Replica tunic being worn by an eightyear old child.

from 11 different pieces of fabric, probably from three different textiles.48 Also, a fragmentary child’s tunic in 48  Object report on T.8549, Whitworth Art Gallery. See chapter 4: ‘reuse’ for more in-depth assessment.

126 the V&A collection appears to have been made out of fabric from at least two different sources.49 As discussed in chapter four, although this style is more fitted than most square or narrow sleeved tunics, the style of the neckline, which incorporates a button closing side-placket, means that it can be comfortably worn by a range of sizes. Here the same tunic is being modelled by a three year old (fig. 130), a five year old (fig. 131) and an eight year old (figs. 128 and 132). Child’s Blue Wool Capped Sleeve Tunic, Catalogue no. 38: Whitworth Art Gallery, no. T.8377 This is a copy of a child’s red wool tunic in the Whitworth Art Gallery collection, which I have examined (figs. 133– 34). I have used blue wool because it was closest in weave and weight to the original fabric (figs. 135–36). I have substituted the blue wool tapestry trim appliquéd along the neck, shoulder line at sleeve end with a block dyed fabric. As on the original, this trim has been sewn on by hand, and the reproduction has been hand-embroidered along the hem, up both side seams and around the bottom edge of each cuff with the same pattern as is on the original; this took approximately three hours. (see figs. 137–38).50 This tunic has a neck opening that measures 23 cm across, giving an overall opening of approximately 46 cm, suggesting that it was made for a small child (see charts 8 and 9). In fig. 136, the tunic is being worn by a three-yearold child, however it was difficult to get the garment over his head; even allowing for some leeway in sizing, it is unlikely that this garment could have been worn by anyone older than five, suggesting that it was designed to be at least mid-calf length. The long slits on each side seam would therefore have been designed to enable the child to move more freely. 10

Child’s Sleeveless Linen Tunic with Hood, Catalogue no.2: Ashmolean Museum acc. no. AN1888.1109 This tunic is a copy of one from the collection of the Ashmolean Museum in Oxford, which I have examined (figs. 139–40). Clearly made from recycled cloth,51 the 11

49  V&A no. T.156–1976. 50  For the significance of embroidery on late antique clothing, see chapter 3, n. 136. 51  There are ‘self-bands’ asymmetrically placed on this tunic (see fig 141); such self-bands are usually found symmetrically placed on a tunic bordering side edges or clavi, their placement on this garment suggests that it was cut from a larger tunic.

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original tunic has wide clavi of plain blue wool running over the shoulders and down both sides of the garment for approximately one third of its length; these are very roughly stitched on. Although now open at the sides, close examination shows that the garment was originally closed on the side seams, leaving a sleeve opening of approximately 36 cm around. The neck opening is 40 cm around; according to the World Health Organisation, a head circumference of 40 cm in the present day can be expected for a girl between 2–6.5 months of age, and a boy between 1–5.5 months of age. Leaving some space so that the garment could be easily put on the child, the size of the neck opening of this garment suggests that it was made for a very small child or infant.52 The model I have used to display this garment is a doll with a head circumference of 34 cm, approximately the size of a newborn child. The garment was easy to put on, but the extreme width of the tunic meant that there was a lot of ‘bulk’ if I attempted to bring the arms through the arm holes (fig. 142). This would only have worked if it was then closely belted, and I imagine that this would have been very difficult to keep in place on a wriggling infant (fig. 143). Roman babies were usually swaddled for the first few weeks of their lives.53 Soranus describes the sort of swaddling cloth to be used: … take soft woollen bandages which are clean and not too worn out, some of them three fingers in breadth, others four fingers. “Woollen”, because of the smoothness of the material and because linen ones shrink from the sweat: “soft” so as not to cause bruises when covering the body which is still delicate; “clean” so that they may be light and not heavy, nor of evil smell, nor irritate the surface by containing natron; and “not worn out”: for whereas new ones are heavy, worn out ones are too cold, and sometimes rough as well and very easily torn. They must have neither hems not selvedges, otherwise they cut or compress unevenly: some parts more, others less. They must be of medium breadth, for the narrow ones cut, while the broad ones do not compress, but wrinkle; and “three as well as four fingers” wide in order that the former may fit the limbs, the latter the thorax …54

52  W HO child growth standards: http://www.who.int/child growth/standards/hc_for_age/en/ (last accessed 20.3.17). 53  Croom (2000) 142. 54  Sor. Gyn. 2.14 (transl. Temkin (1991) 84–85).

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Experimental Knowledge of the Wear and Wearing of Garments

Figure 133

Scale drawing of Whitworth tunic T.8377 (cat. no. 38).

Figure 134

Original tunic, Whitworth T.8377. picture credit: © The Whitworth, University of Manchester (same as fig. 37).

Figure 135

Replica tunic.

Figure 136

Replica of Whitworth tunic no. T.8377 being worn by a three-year old child.

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Figure 137

Embroidered detail on original garment.

Figure 138

Embroidered detail on replica garment.

Figure 139

Scale drawing of Ashmolean tunic no. AN1888. 1109 (cat. no. 2).

Figure 140

Original tunic, Ashmolean tunic no. AN1888.1109. photo: © Ashmoloean Museum, University of Oxford.

He goes on to describe a process by which each limb of the infant is wrapped separately; this was done specifically to the newborn in order to “return to its natural shape” any part of the child that was “twisted during the time of delivery”.55 A difficult and time-consuming process, this complete ‘wrapping’ of the child was probably only done once to deal with the aftermath of the birth. Soranus then goes on the describe how a child should be swaddled: It is also possible to first put a long broad cloth or piece of wool beneath the back; then after the swaddling mentioned before (omitting the one external bandage which all parts have in common) one must first fold the underlying cloth or piece of wool over the upper parts below the neck, then over the whole child except the head; afterwards one must wrap the whole newborn around with a broader bandage about five fingers in breadth, covering the head, however, as we have shown.56 A garment such as the one I have reproduced would have been very easy to use to swaddle the baby, with or without the prior ‘wrapping’ described by Soranus (figs 144–45). It could also have been used to wrap the baby once it was past the tight swaddling stage and was allowed more freedom of movement. Figures 146 and 147 illustrate two different ways of swaddling a baby; note the similarity between fig. 147 and the reconstruction pictured in fig. 145.

55  Sor. Gyn. 2.14 (transl. Temkin (1991) 84). 56  Sor. Gyn. 2.14 (transl. Temkin (1991) 86).

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Figure 142 Replica tunic shown unbelted with arms pushed through sleeve openings. Figure 141

Replica tunic.

Figure 143

Replica tunic shown belted with arms pushed through sleeve openings.

Figure 144

Child ‘wrapped’ in wide tunic, prior to swaddling.

Figure 147 Figure 146

Limestone relief showing the birth of Christ. picture credit: Byzantine and Christian Museum inv. no. BMX312, Hellenic Ministry of Culture.

Figure 145 Swaddling bands tied over wrapped tunic.

Detail of swaddled infant from the left side of the Brescia casket (late 4th c.). drawing: F. Pennick Morgan.

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Cloaks Evidence suggests that there were many styles of cloak; both Martial and the Edict of Diocletian list numerous types, variously named because of the place of origin of their manufacture, design or fabric.57 Isidore of Seville also describes a number of cloaks according to their origin, use or shape: 1. A cloak (pallium) is that which the shoulders of attendants are covered so that, while they are providing service, they may hurry unencumbered. 2. The mantle (chlamys) is a garment that is put on from one side, and not sewn together, but fastened with a brooch. 9. The paludamentum was a special kind of cloak of emperors, distinguished by its scarlet and purple, and its gold. 13. Sagum (i.e. a coarse woollen mantle) is a Gallic term. It is called the sagum quadrum because at first among the Gauls it used to be ‘square or fourfold’ [quadratus vel quadruplex]. 14. The paenula is a cloak with long fringes. The lacerna is a fringed cloak that at one time was only worn by soldiers. 17. The casula is a hooded garment, named as a diminutive of ‘hut’ [casa], because it covers the whole person, like a small hut. Whence also the ‘hood’ [cuculla], as if it were a smaller chamber [cella] 18. Birrus (i.e. a rain cloak) is taken from a Greek word, for they say a birrus as bibrus (‘Βιρροσ’, ‘cloak’).58 In her book The Clothing of the Ancient Romans, Wilson has divided cloaks into three main types: rectangular, semi-circular and hooded.59 She then goes on to list the many names used by ancient writers to describe cloaks and attempts to marry these names and descriptions to contemporary depictions.60 Unfortunately, the disparate and fragmentary nature of the evidence, especially the archaeological evidence, makes it difficult to categorically associate every illustrated cloak with a specific name.61 There are very few surviving examples of cloaks, and so I have been limited in my choice of exemplars from which 57  For Martial’s list, see appendix E.1; Ed. Diocl.: cloaks: 19.32–42 and 22.16–25; hoods: 26.121–39. 58  Isid. Etym. 19.24: Men’s outer garments (De palliis virorum) (transl. Barney et al. (2010) 386). 59  Wilson (1938) 77. 60  Wilson (1938) 87–129. 61  The difficulty of differentiating between a byrus and a caracalla is discussed in Hendzsel et al. (2008) 30–31.

to make reproductions. One of these rare complete cloaks is in the archaeological museum in Florence; found at Antinopolis, it is dated to the 6th–7th c. It was not possible to obtain detailed information about this item, however, there are detailed measurements for two other similar examples, both of which are in the collection of the University of Pennsylvania. I have made copies of both of these cloaks, using the measurements taken by Hero Granger-Taylor as a guide; one of them is child sized. 1 Adult’s Hooded Cloak This garment is based on one from the collection at the University of Pennsylvania Museum (E16803), which has been examined and measured by Hero Granger-Taylor.62 The original cloak, woven in yellow wool, is described by the museum as a “paenula worn by the army”. However, according to Granger-Taylor, the hooded cloak was originally fully seamed up the front, thus making it more likely to be what Isidore of Seville described as a casula, or ‘little house’.63 The fabric chosen for the replica cloak is a lightweight, closely woven wool, which approximates the fabric of the hooded cloak on display at the archaeological museum in Florence, which I was able to see but not examine in any detail. The ‘stepped’ shape at the top of the garment is a result of the weaving technique; the areas that are filled in on the drawing, although no longer present on the garment, are therefore presumed to have existed and been cut off before the cloak was made up (fig. 148).64 This method of making the garment means that the fabric across the shoulders is on the bias, giving it a natural stretch and making it close fitting and comfortable for people of various sizes without alteration. The curved hem is a selvedge edge; the dotted line across the hood indicates where the fabric was folded over, thus making it double thickness. The section between the hood and the body of the cloak is wider than the hood, creating extra width at the neckline of the garment; this not only makes the cloak warmer at the neck, but it takes the stress off the centre seam at that point, and creates a more ‘enclosing’ and so protective hood for the head and face. (see fig. 149a). When worn with the hood down, this section creates a natural ‘V’ shape (fig. 149b), such as can be seen in a number of late antique depictions (fig. 150); it is through making and wearing this garment that this detail can now be understood as a fold, rather than a seam. 62  Granger-Taylor (2007) 27, fig. 22. 63  Granger-Taylor (2007) 26. The cloak in Florence on the other hand, which has been conserved, has been left with the seam open up to the hood, however it is possible that this was not part of the original design. 64  Granger-Taylor (2007) 27.

Experimental Knowledge of the Wear and Wearing of Garments

There are depictions showing similar enclosed cloaks worn with one or both sides pulled up to free the arms (figs. 150 and 151; on replica: fig. 152), but the fullness of the garment also allowed the arms to be used even if

Figure 148

they were completely enveloped by the cloak (fig. 153; on replica: fig. 154). In Wilson’s book, the pattern layout for the hoods on the cucullus and the paenula (from which the casula

Scale drawing of cloak inv. no. E16803, University of Pennsylvania Museum.

Figure 149a Replica of cloak shown with the hood up.

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Figure 149b ‘V’ shaped fold created at the front of the replica cloak when the hood is down.

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Figure 150

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A 6th c. wall painting from the monastic complex at Wadi Sarga. photo: ©The Trustees of the British Museum.

d­ erives) were worked out from depictions. Both patterns are for curved/shaped pieces to be made separately, seamed along the top and all the way down the back and then attached to the cloak.65 Her assumption may have been that this shaping was required to create the pointed top to the hood, such as can be seen in fig. 157. However, making hooded cloaks from the measurements taken by Granger-Taylor, shows clearly that this was not the case (see figs. 155b & 158a).

Figure 151

Mosaic of the Pharisee and the Sadducee, San Apollinare Nuovo. picture credit: Renate Rosenthal-Heginbottom.

Figure 152

Replica of hooded cloak, showing the arms uncovered.

2 Child’s Hooded Cloak Based on a circular red wool cloak with a hood, which is in the collection of the museum at the University of Pennsylvania (no. E16840), this cloak is identified by the museum as a “paenula worn by the Roman army”.66 However, the detailed measurements, as taken by Hero Granger-Taylor,67 show that is more likely to have been a child’s cloak (fig. 156). The reproduction is made according to these measurements, in pale green wool in a tabby weave; the shape of the garment when made up fits Isidore’s description of a casula. As is the case with the adult cloak, the bias fabric across the shoulders ensures a close and comfortable fit for a number of sizes. Figures 158a-b show the same garment being comfortably worn by a three year old boy and a ten year old girl. 3 Hoodless Cloaks Using the measurements taken by Granger-Taylor of the two hooded cloaks at the University of Pennsylvania as 65  Wilson (1938) 97–98. 66  From the museum inventory card: with thanks to Jennifer Houser Wegner, associate curator, Egyptian Section, Penn Museum. 67  Granger-Taylor (2007) 28, fig. 24.

a guide, I have also made a number of hoodless cloaks with curved hems. I have varied the ratio between width and length on these garments to see what sort of difference this made to the drape, and therefore the look of the garment when worn. (see fig. 159)

Experimental Knowledge of the Wear and Wearing of Garments

Figure 153

‘Archdeacon Claudius’ apse mosaic from Euphrasius Basilica. Picture credit: Renco Kozinozic, MS.BZ.015, Henry Maguire and Ann Terry Poreč Archive, 1900s–2000s, Image Collections and Fieldwork Archives, Dumbarton Oaks, Trustees for Harvard University, Washington, DC.

Figure 155a–c

Figure 154 Replica of hooded cloak shown with hands in use, but still inside cloak.

The same reproduction of a hooded cloak or casula being modelled by a man and a woman, showing the versatility of fit.

133

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Figure 156

Scale drawing of cloak, inv. no. E16840, University of Pennsylvania Museum.

Figure 157

Bronze statue of a figure wearing a casula. KMH inv. no. VI 280. picture credit: KMH-Museumsverband.

Figure 158A Replica child’s cloak being worn by a threeyear old child.

Figure 158b

Replica child’s cloak being worn by ten-year old child.

Experimental Knowledge of the Wear and Wearing of Garments

135

380cm 300cm 222cm

Red 130cm

Blue 140cm

Green 150cm

Figure 159

Scale drawing showing the relative measurements of the three hoodless cloaks being reproduced.

Figure 160A–D

Four views of replica cloak 3a.

3a The first cloak (blue line on fig. 159) is made out of a heavy, slightly felted wool, and measures w. 222 cm by 140 cm at its longest point. This means that the length at the back is almost 30 cm more that the front opening from centre back to hem, so that when it is worn the graded curve of the drape is visible on both sides (figs. 160a–d).

This shape of the cloak can be seen being worn by the figure on the left on this 7th c. plate (fig. 161), and on the figure on the left in this group from the Column of Marcus Aurelius, which Wilson identifies as a lacerna (fig. 162).68 68  Wilson (1938) 120–21.

136

Figure 161

Figure 163

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David’s marriage to Michal 7th c. silver plate. picture permission: The Department of Antiquities, Cyprus.

Replica cloak no. 3b.

Figure 162

Detail from the column of Marcus Aurelius. picture credit: Wilson (1938) fig.75.

Figure 164

Orans figure, church of SS. Cosmas and Damianos, Jerash, Jordan (Picirillo (1993). picture credit: courtesy of the Franciscan Custody of the Holy Land, Mt. Nebo, and the American Center of Oriental Research Amman.

Experimental Knowledge of the Wear and Wearing of Garments

137

3b The second cloak (red line on fig. 159) is made with a medium weight wool cashmere blend, and measures w. 300 cm by 130 cm at its longest point, meaning that the length at the back is 20 cm more than the front opening from centre back to hem. Allowing approximately 40 cm for the head, this makes for a garment with a fairly even hem all around, as can be seen in fig. 163. This design is not dissimilar from the front closing cloak being worn by the orans figure in this 6th c. mosaic from the church of St. Cosmas and Damianos in Jordan (fig. 164), or the figures in the bottom register on this ivory diptych now at the Bargello in Florence (fig. 165) 3c The third cloak is similar in shape to the second but much larger, measuring w. 380 cm by 150 cm at its longest point (green line on fig. 159). Allowing 60 cm for the head, this also makes a garment that has an even hem but is considerably longer: floor length on this man of 6 ft in height (figs. 167 and 169). This style of cloak can be seen in a number of late antique depictions, such as the statue of governor Oecumenius at Aphrodisias (fig. 166), and a 5th c. consular diptych now in Novara (fig. 168). The replica in this case is made from a lightweight cotton, allowing the garment to be made in a single, un-seamed piece. As Granger-Taylor mentions in her discussion of the Ballana Cloak, there is some confusion about what different semi-circular cloaks were called, and the ways in which they differed.69 In the information provided by the Aphrodisias museum, governor Oecumenius (fig. 166) is described as wearing a chlamys; previously known as a paludamentum.70 This garment, as we have seen, had been described by Isidore of Seville as a “special kind of cloak of emperors, distinguished by its scarlet and purple, and its gold.”71 Wilson describes two semi-circular cloaks: the laena, which is described as a heavy, possibly double thick garment;72 and the lacerna, a light cloak available in different lengths. Her reproduction of the lacerna is very similar to the first reproduction I made (fig. 160), however she makes no mention of the fringes that Isidore of Seville noted as a feature of this garment 69  Granger-Taylor (2008) 12–13. 70  Wilson quotes Nonius (4th–5th c.) as defining the word paludamentum as: “a vestment that is now called the chlamys”: Wilson (1938) 103, (Non. 14 (ed. Lindsay (1903) 864)). 71  Isid. Etym. 19.24.9: The Paludamentum (transl. Barney (2010) 386). 72  Its description in ancient literature as ‘duplex’ has been variously interpreted as using twice the wool used in most cloaks, ‘double thick’ as in lined, or double as in circular and folded over: Wilson (1938) 112–14.

Figure 165

Panel of an ivory diptych on display at the Bargello, Florence. photo: F. Morgan. Permission: su concessione del Ministero dei bene e delle attività culturali e del turismo.

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Figure 166 Statue of governor Oecumenius, from the north agora, Aphrodisias. photo: New York University Excavations at Aphrodisias (G. Petruccioli).

Figure 168

A 5th c, ivory consular diptych in the Biblioteca Capitolare of the Cathedral of Novara. picture credit: Alinari Archives, Florence.

Figure 167

Replica cloak no. 3c.

Figure 169

Replica cloak no. 3c.

Experimental Knowledge of the Wear and Wearing of Garments

(see above). Wilson’s description and illustrations of a laena, show it to be the same shape as the paludamentum/chlamys (fig. 167). The different names may therefore have been an indication of a variation in weight or colour, or perhaps the status of the wearer. Making the Clothes While it is certainly true that much of the clothing during antiquity was woven to shape, with the finishing work being minimal,73 the archaeological evidence shows that clothing was often altered, mended and remade; all processes that required skill, space and specific tools. The warp threads on a tunic that was woven to shape ran horizontally across the garment, meaning that the warp had to be very wide; as much as 2.5 m for tunics,74 and considerably more for cloaks.75 The weaving could be done on a vertical loom, which would require a space with considerable width but not necessarily much depth, possibly even the outside wall of a building. On a new, ‘woven to shape’ garment, on which the clavi and orbiculi/tabulae were included in the initial weaving, some finishing work, such as side seams and perhaps ribbon or embroidered trim at neckline or sleeves, could be done with the garment simply held on the lap. However, my experience in making these reproductions suggests that this was unlikely to be the case with all stitching work. Although much of the stitching done on these reproductions was done by machine, I did endeavour to do some by hand; for example, tunics nos. 1 and 2 were completely handstitched, as were the waist tucks on tunics nos. 2, 3 and 4, and the clavi on tunic no. 11. Whilst I found seaming and stitching trim to be relatively easy, ‘portable’ jobs, the waist tucks were not; they were very difficult to stitch unless the garment was lying on a flat surface after the tuck was measured and pinned. Similarly, appliquéd embellishments needed not only to be placed, but also held in place before being stitched. This would especially be the case with clavi that might run the full length of the garment, over the shoulder from hem to hem. Laying out and pinning work such as this, particularly on a large adult tunic, would be best achieved on a large, flat, preferably clean surface. One of the tunics 73  Wilson (1938) 56 and 68; Granger-Taylor (1982). 74  De Moor (1993) 42–52 explains both the weaving and the making techniques for different tunics, as well as providing examples. 75  For example, replica no. 1 in this chapter (adult hooded cloak) has a total width of 3 m, and replica no. 3c, nearly 4 m.

139

described above (no. 11) is quite a small child’s tunic, and the clavi do not run the full length of the garment, however I found it impossible to stitch them on without pinning them first. Although there is written and archaeological evidence for sewing needles,76 there is no evidence of pins. This may have been because, unlike a needle, which had to have some method of holding thread, and so would have to be specially made, the work of a pin could be achieved by any small, sharp object. This could have been a fish-bone or a thorn, both of which were readily available, easily replaced, and unlikely to survive in the archaeological record in any meaningful way. I therefore used thorns from a blackthorn tree to pin the clavi on tunic no. 11 in preparation for sewing (figs. 170a–b).77 These only needed to be cut off the branch and have the bark and any small buds stripped off with a sharp blade. They then proved to be both strong and sharp enough to easily hold three thicknesses of closely woven fabric (fig. 170c). Conclusion Making reproductions of late antique clothing has enabled me to explore the reasons for a number of specific design details found on some of these garments. Namely, the unusual size and shape of both tunics and cloaks, the use of a waist tuck, the presence of underarm openings and the extremely long and narrow sleeves found on tunics. What has become apparent through modelling these garments is that all of these design details contribute to the versatility, and therefore usefulness, of what was an expensive commodity. All of the garments could be comfortably worn by a range of ages and sizes, and most of the tunics could be worn with or without the sleeves on, with or without a belt, and singly or with another tunic. As I have detailed in Chapter 4, making clothing was a time-consuming business; clothes were valuable and made to last. Evidence of patching and mending, as well as reinforcing stitches at stress points, such as the seams at necklines and bordering underarm openings, attests

76  For example, a 2nd c. papyrus makes mention of ‘a needle and linens’ (P.Mich inv. 5393), and a needle book was found a Dura Europos containing 17 iron needles (Pfister and Bellinger (1945), cat. no. 293 (reg. no.1938.5690). 77  There are a number of acacias that are native to the Middle East that possess similar long thorns.

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Figure 170a Blackthorn branch.

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Figure 170b Blackthorns of various natural lengths.

to the heavy use these garments were subject to.78 Most adult tunics were designed around basic squares or rectangles, without any shaping created by darts and/or cutting and stitching. These loose garments were not only relatively easy to make, but they had the advantage of fitting a range of sizes, thus not only extending the usefulness of the garment, possibly to more than one member of a family over time, but also maintaining its potential re-sale value. Wearing the reproduction tunics has shown that waist tucks provide a useful guide for the belt (see tunic no.2), and help in adjusting the ‘hang’ of a narrow sleeved tunic when worn without a belt (see tunic no.4). But the variety of waist tuck widths found on extant tunics shows that they were also used to adjust length. This could indicate that the tunic was bought as a ‘mass-produced’ item that was only available in a limited number of sizes and required alteration to fit, although belting the garment would have had much the same effect. I think it more likely that the waist tuck is often an indication that a garment was used for a long time, either by one individual over periods of growth (as with a child’s tunic), or by being handed down or sold on. The very long sleeves, combined with tight wrists on many adult narrow sleeved tunics, created a blousing effect at the shoulders. The amount of blousing would vary according to the size of the wearer, but the essential ‘style’ of the garment would be the same, thus allowing it to be worn by different people without al78  See appendix A: Evidence of Mending, Patching, Darning and/ or Reused Fabric on Garments and Garment Fragments.

Figure 170c Blackthorn ‘pins’ in use.

teration of the sleeves. The sleeves would have to be stitched for some distance up from the cuff in order to create this blousing effect, and although some extant tunics are now open completely down the length of the sleeve, none are so narrow at the cuff that they wouldn’t have fit around a wrist. Most adult narrow sleeved tunics are also open under the arm (see above); this opening usually begins above the elbow, runs along the sleeve toward the armpit, and continues for some distance down the side seam. This design detail not only provides the easing necessary on a garment with such tight sleeves, but it also allows the wearer to remove the sleeves while wearing the tunic, perhaps to cool off, or to protect the sleeves from becoming wet or dirty while working. Seeing the various different ways these sleeves might be worn will help in interpreting late antique depictions in which the tunic style is not clear. For example, the 5th c. stone relief of Rhodia (fig. 171; see also figs. 77 and 78), who appears to have her sleeves off her arms and tucked neatly into her belt, as has been duplicated on the model (fig. 172). Unlike the adult narrow sleeved tunics, a number of the children’s tunics do have sleeves that would not have fit comfortably around the wrist of even the smallest child.79 Two of these tunics, both of which I have reproduced (nos. 6 and 7), had vestiges of cording at the cuffs, suggesting that the sleeves were tied at the 79  I have detailed measurements for 18 children’s tunics, of these, five have extremely narrow sleeves. Four of these are complete garments (catalogue nos. 116, 120, 168 and 187), and one is a fragmentary garment that included a whole sleeve (Ashmolean inv. 1968.595).

141

Experimental Knowledge of the Wear and Wearing of Garments

Figure 171

‘Rhodia’, Skulpturensammlung und Museum für Byzantinische Kunst, Staatlich Museen zu Berlin. photo taken by Jürgen Liepe in 1992.

wrists. While this worked admirably with tunic no. 6 (figs. 106a–b), the sleeves of tunic no. 7 (figs. 112a and 115) were too long to make tying practical; this variation in design between adult and child tunics is an area that would benefit from more research. Both of these tunics were also completely opened down the side seams when found, however wearing them with open sides proved to be both uncomfortable and impractical; this may therefore have been done to more easily dress the body for burial. As is the case with many of the tunics, the replicas of hooded cloaks will fit a number of sizes without alteration. The wide necklines and large hoods of the cloaks will fit over most heads (within ‘adult’ and ‘child’ size ranges), and the bias cut of the fabric across the shoulders allows the garment to stretch when needed. These replica ‘casulae’ cloaks are based on extant exemplars, and so

Figure 172

Replica of narrow sleeved tunic being worn with the sleeves off the arms and tucked into the belt.

the measurements are those of actual garments from the time; u ­ nfortunately no such evidence exists for the hoodless cloaks I have reproduced. However, by basing measurements on extant hooded cloaks, and experimenting with the ratio of width to height on the replicas, I have been able to duplicate a number of the different cloak styles shown in late antique depictions. Making and wearing these cloaks has shown that the variations in the way they drape are an indication of substantial differences in design and cut. These differences, which are obvious in late antique depictions, might have been used to signify differences in the status of the wearer. As discussed in the chapter on sources, visual representations of clothed figures from the late antique period cannot be relied upon to depict actual day-to-day reality, particularly with regard to details on the construction

142 or condition of garments. Apart from the constraints imposed by both the chosen media and the craftsman’s ability, the intention of the artist and/or patron must also be considered, and this usually had little to do with showing details of the everyday dress of ordinary people, depictions of whom, if present at all, were periph-

CHAPTER 5

eral at best. Practical information about clothing such as measurements, fabric type, sewing techniques and level of wear and tear can be ascertained by studying archaeological remains, however, the only way we can really understand how these garments looked when being worn is to make copies and put them on.

Conclusion Because even the poor man, in his cheap and threadbare clothing, does not bear the scorching in time of heat any wise worse than yourself; nay, rather he bears it better, for clothes that are threadbare and worn single allow more ease to the body, but not so with those which are new made, though they be finer than the spider’s web. Besides, you, from your excessive self-importance, wear even two and often three inner garments, and a cloak and girdle, and breeches too, but no one blames him if he wears but a single inner garment; so that he is the man that endures most easily.1 While art historical sources provide many illustrations of clothing and can be a useful source of information about the styles worn during the late antique period, they do not (nor were they intended to) show what a number of written sources tell us what must often have been coarse, dirty, ragged, patched or mended clothing.2 By examining an extensive assemblage of garments and garment fragments from both museum and archaeological collections I have been able to establish not only that clothing was well-used, but also that it could be altered, and/or repurposed in order to extend its usefulness and maintain its value. Although much of this work was roughly done, there is also considerable evidence of very skilled workmanship, suggesting the hand of a professional;3 this includes not only darning and patching, but also the ‘making down’ of adult clothing into smaller items.4 The archaeological evidence therefore presents a working population whose clothing, most often made of un-dyed wool or linen,5 frequently showed signs of heavy wear and tear, alteration, patching and/or mending. Although often plain or simply decorated, perhaps with ribbon or woollen trim, they sometimes also included tapestry embellishments. These may not have matched each other and were often appliquéd on rather than woven-in, with the decorative program on these garments often imitating that found 1  Joh. Chrys. Homily 10, on Philippians (PG 62.259). 2  In literary sources, the clothing of the poor can be found variously described as ‘cheap and threadbare’ (above), ‘coarse and crudely dyed’ or ‘newly-patched’ (Juv. 3 and 9), and ‘ragged’ (PseudoNilus, Narrations 4: ‘Barbarian Raid and Slaughter of Monks’). 3  See, for example, two children’s tunics described in chapter 5: catalogue no. 178 (fig. 58b), and catalogue no. 100 (fig. 63). 4  See appendix A for a list of over 150 garments and garment fragments that show evidence of mending, darning, patching and/or reuse. 5  See chart 4.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���8 | doi ��.��63/9789004353466_008

on ‘high-status’ garments. While the program of decoration was almost invariably symmetrical, as was typical of the time, the patterns or designs on the appliquéd embellishments frequently were not, suggesting that they were made from recycled fabric.6 The condition of some clothes and clothing fragments shows that they were used until literally ‘worn out’ before being repurposed as burial cloths or actually discarded; this is the case with a number of simple square tunics that show a wear pattern indicating the repeated carrying of heavy burdens on the back.7 Many of these tunics also show signs of frequent mending and/or reinforcing at the seam edges on either side of the armpit opening, showing that the sleeves had been repeatedly removed and replaced.8 This could indicate that the wearer had to frequently remove their sleeves in order to work unencumbered, or that the garment had been worn over a long period and in many weathers and circumstances, ­either way suggesting that the wearer/wearers had lim­ ited wardrobe choices. I believe that the waist-tuck, which is commonly found on narrow sleeved tunics,9 if not concealing a seam or visibly shaped to alter the drape of the tunic (as discussed in chapter 5), is very often an indication that the garment was second-hand and had to be altered to fit. The very wide waist tucks on two of the children’s tunics in the appended catalogue suggest that they were handed down from older children.10 It is also clear from my examination of textiles at first hand, that children’s clothes are particularly likely to be made from recycled garments.11 However, my research suggests that unpatched children’s tunics that were clearly woven to size and shape, or made from new fabric, were more likely to be an indication of the economic status of the family than the relative social status of children in general.12 It is of course, unsurprising to find that in a society where clothing was clearly a valuable commodity, people of limited means mended, maintained and reused it. What is more significant is what the style and design of these ‘recycled’ garments can tell us about both the people who wore them and the society they were a part of. If we return to the first ques6  See, for example, the neck section of a child’s tunic described in chapter 5, MMA. acc.no. 90.5.858 (fig. 64). 7  For example, catalogue nos. 9 and 93. 8  See, for example, catalogue no. 184 (fig. 50). 9  See chart 6. 10  Catalogue nos. 76 and 83. 11  See chapter 4, n. 259. 12  For example, catalogue nos. 72, 120, 136 and 187.

144 tion posed in the introduction, we can ask: what did the clothes look like, and can we identify status, religion, profession or ethnicity from clothing alone? Status During the Republic and early Roman empire, specific variations in clothing design and embellishment were used to indicate differences in rank, gender and status among citizens. Although the details of style and design changed, the attempt to legally dictate and control the use of dress to indicate social status was ongoing during the late antique period, however the frequent reiteration of these laws shows how difficult this had become in an increasingly cosmopolitan society.13 This difficulty was further exacerbated by the advent of Christianity, whose followers were admonished to reject ostentatious display and adopt the simple clothing of the poorer classes.14 On the other hand, the availability to the lower classes of good quality and even luxury textiles, either via the second-hand market or through distribution by the Church, meant that they had access to high quality (if perhaps worn) garments and textile pieces with which they could add ornate decoration to their clothing.15 The archaeological evidence certainly suggests that during the late antique period the clothing of the middle and lower classes was not essentially different in style or type of decoration to that of the upper classes. However, wealthy and high status individuals, even those who chose to dress simply for religious reasons, might be identifiable by the accoutrements of civil or military office,16 or by the quality and/or quantity of their clothing. The quotation at the beginning of this chapter, and the papyrus quoted in the conclusion to chapter 3 illustrate this nicely.17 Religion No. 123 in the appended catalogue is a beautifully made wool tunic from the monastery at Naqlun; found with a 13  See Arce (2005). 14  See, for example: Asterius of Asterius Amas. Hom. 1 (The Rich Man and Lazarus) (PG 40.165-68), see appendix E.8; Pall. Hist. Laus. 46 (Melania the Elder); Gregory of Tours, Hist. 2.17. 15  See chapter 4, nn. 226–227 with regard to luxury garments being cut up to be made into clothing to be distributed to members of the Church. Two of the rags in a textile bundle found at Didymoi used true purple dye: Cardon et al. (2012) 278. 16  See chapter 1: ‘Social Status and Dress’. 17  See chapter 3, n. 187.

Conclusion

matching hood, it is inscribed with the names of both the monastery and the monk who wore it.18 Hoods such as this are noted by Cassian in the 4th c. as being part of the usual dress of the Egyptian monk,19 however, as is detailed in chapter 1, what constituted correct monastic dress during the late antique period was by no means uniform or consistent. On a more individual level, the presence of Christian images and symbols on clothing might be taken as an indication of the religious beliefs of the wearer, however the recognition of such images as apotropaic in their own right, and their use alongside pre-Christian symbols, suggests that their inclusion may often have had more to do with supernatural protection than a particular religious affiliation.20 Profession As stated above, the clothing of the middle and lower classes was not essentially different in design to that of the upper classes, although ‘working’ men are sometimes depicted wearing shorter, more practical clothing,21 with outdoor agricultural workers and hunters often shown in short, close fitting tunics with short capes (figs. 173– 174). However, these associations are not exclusive and may have had more to do with seasonal variation and/ or style difference over time and place. Certainly hunters and agricultural workers can also be found dressed in colourful narrow sleeved tunics and cloaks,22 as can men doing other physical work, who can also be found dressed in short cloaks.23 Others, perhaps most obviously gladiators and soldiers, might be dressed in recognisable ­clothing and/or accessories that are particular to their work or position, however this too varies considerably over time and place. Although these variations 18  Catalogue no. 123; Louvre E26798. 19  See appendix E.5. 20  This is dealt with at length in chapter 2: ‘Apotropaism and clothing: magical practice in Late Antiquity’. See also Maguire (1995). 21  See, for example, the workers depicted on the consular diptychs of Consul Baldricus (Harvard Art Museum BR22.91) and Probus (V&A 139–1866), who are wearing short, sleeveless, belted tunics. 22  For example, the hunters on the Piazza Armerina mosaic in Sicily (fig. 91); the tunics they are wearing are very like three in the collection of the Whitworth Art Gallery (catalogue nos. 183, 184 and 185), one of which I have reproduced, see chapter 5, no. 4. 23  For example, the builders depicted on a mosaic in the Bardo Museum in Tunisia, wear short, coloured narrow sleeved tunics with simple embellishments (Ben Khader (2000)) and a 4th c. wall painting in Rome depicts the mason Trebius Justus in a short, fringed cape with a hood (Weitzman (1979) no. 253).

145

Conclusion

Figure 173

Mosaic panel from the Villa of the Falconer in Argos (Åkerström-Hougen 1974) plate 4:2. picture credit: The Swedish Institute at Athens.

indicate that specific professions cannot always be identified by clothing alone, they do show that the clothes of working men by necessity were usually simpler, closer fitting and less cumbersome depending on the work in question. They also suggest that the clothing shown in these depictions may be a reflection of local styles, rather than just being archaic stock images. This regional/seasonal/temporal variation is wellillustrated by a series of depictions of the same figure: the good shepherd. We see him dressed variously in: a belted square tunic and short boots (fig. 175); a short, front-opening cape, plain narrow sleeved tunic and leg wraps (fig. 176); a closed front cape, narrow sleeved tunic with orbiculi, leg wraps and short boots (fig. 177); and an ornately embellished narrow sleeved tunic, leggings and long mantle (fig.178). In the biblical story, Jesus identifies himself as the good shepherd, who is known by his own flock.24 Dressing him in recognisable clothing would make the depictions more personal and meaningful for the intended viewer. Ethnicity The evidence suggests that although the status, profession or religion of an individual is sometimes recognisable in late antique artistic depictions, this is usually signalled by specific attributes or accessories, and/or the demeanour and actions of the individual and those around him. The use of clothing that was contemporary 24  John 10:14 (New King James Version): “I am the good shepherd; and I know My sheep, and am known by My own”.

in style to that worn by the intended viewer made these pictures more relevant and ‘inclusive’. Similarly, using what was recognised as ‘foreign’ clothing easily identified those in the depictions who were outsiders. While the former would be likely to reflect the clothing worn by ordinary people at the time the depiction was made, the latter was less likely to be current or correct, but simply had to be recognised as ‘other’. What this consisted of would certainly have varied over time and place, for example tight trousers, which were used in early Roman depictions to identify non-Romans, had, by the late antique period become a normal part of a man’s wardrobe. The clothing of various people might therefore be notable, but there was no direct correlation at this time between certain garments or clothing ensembles and a particular status, profession, religious affiliation and/or specific ethnicity that can be universally applied. However, some might have been identifiable within the context of a specific depiction, or more generally through knowledge of the date or provenance of the work. Embellishments Turning to the second question posed at the beginning of this book: what is the purpose of the embellishments on clothing? My research suggests that the presence or lack of embellishments on clothing during the late antique period does not necessarily relate to wealth or status, although the quality of the fabric, colour and/or workmanship may. However, many of the colours, motifs, and patterns often previously dismissed as simply decorative, and present on the clothing of people from all ranks and social strata, were very likely intended to be supernaturally protective. As most of the tunics in the catalogue come from grave contexts, it is possible that these devices were intended to identify or protect the wearer in the afterlife.25 However, the evidence of wear on these garments suggests that most had been well-used prior to their use as grave clothes; these designs were therefore intended initially to deflect illness and misfortune and attract health and prosperity during the lifetime of the wearer.26 This may have especially been the case for the young and defenceless, who, both archaeological and museum evidence suggests, were frequently dressed in clothing that included amuletic

25  See for example, the Naqlun tunic mentioned above (note 18) may have been made especially for burial. 26  Although their use as grave clothes /shrouds may have been intended to extend this protection to the afterlife.

146

Conclusion

Figure 174

Sarcophagus of the hunt (1st half of the 4th c. AD), n° inv. PAP.74.00.3/7, Musée départemental Arles antique. © M. Lacanaud.

Figure 175

The Good Shepherd, AD 280–90. Late Roman, Asia Minor, early Christian, 3rd c. Marble; overall: 49.50 × 26.00 cm. The Cleveland Museum of Art, John L. Severence Fund 1965.241.

features.27 As I have shown using the new evidence detailed in chapter three, even something as simple as the use of red tapestry or red woollen trim on children’s garments should be seen in this context, as intentionally placed in order to provide protection for the child. This use of apotropaic ‘bindings/garlands’ of red is pre­ 27  See chapter 3.

Figure 176

Detail from a 4th c. sarcophagus, inv. no. FAN.92.00.2521, Musée départemental Arles antique. © M. Lacanaud.

scribed in the Mishnah,28 and although specifically proscribed by John Chrysostom,29 continued long into 28  Babylonian Talmud, Tractate Shabbath, folio 66b (transl. Freedman (1936)): http://halakhah.com/shabbath/shabbath_ 66.html—PARTb (last accessed 17.04.17). See chapter 3, n. 133. 29  Joh. Chrys. Hom. in Ep. I ad Cor. 12.13 (PG. 61.105). (see Appendix E.4.1).

147

Conclusion

Figure 177

A 6th c. mosaic from the domus del tappeti di pietra, Ravenna. picture credit: Cristina Cumbo, Wikimedia CC BY-SA 4.0.

the Christian era. The use of amuletic magic was not a particular feature of late antique society, but was ongoing; however the increased use of ornate embellishments on clothing during this period presented a more permanent way of including it in everyday life.30 It is important to note that many of the amuletic devices used on clothing at this time were highly syncretic, although like the red trim on a child’s tunic and the ‘nonsense’ letters visible on some garments, they may also have been increasingly esoteric. This was both to enhance the magical efficacy of the motif and possibly, in an increasingly disapproving Christian society, to hide it.

Figure 178

A 4th c. mosaic, Fondo Cossar, Aquileia. PHOTO credit: http://www.fondazioneaquileia .it/.

professional ‘rag’ or ‘patchwork’ merchants, who might have sold both recycled textiles and re-made garments. Certainly some of the beautifully patched and stitched ‘recycled’ tunics included in the appended catalogue could have been professionally made.32 The clothing made from recycled cloth shows great variation, not only in manufacturing skill but also in the quality of the component textiles, which suggests an equally wide range of potential owners/buyers. This idea is further supported by what I believe is the listing of ‘patch bundles’ in the Edict of Diocletian, in a section that appears to deal with the mending (or re-making?) of clothes.33

Manufacture And finally, how were the clothes made? The basic design and method of manufacture of many late antique garments have been known for some time,31 however close examination of extant examples has allowed me to understand more exactly the way they were put together, particularly adult’s clothes that include recycled textiles, and those children’s clothes that were wholly made from recycled cloth. Many of these garments used a variety of textiles that clearly came from different sources, strongly suggesting the existence of 30  See chapter 1: ‘The Tunic’. 31  See chapter 5: ‘The Life of Clothes’.

32  It has been suggested that the collegia centonariorum, was a guild for craftsmen who made and sold recycled cloth and/or the clothing made from it (Mannering (2000b) 15), although this is far from clear (Liu (2009) 69–73). This is dealt with at length in chapter 4: ‘Kentrônes and the Second Hand Clothing Trade’. 33  See chapter 4: ‘Kentrônes and the Second Hand Clothing Trade’.

148 Examining these garments from a ‘biographical’ point of view—such as I have done with a child’s tunic in the Whitworth Art Gallery and a hat found at Mons Claudianus34—has proved to be particularly useful in understanding the life of a garment and how this might reflect the life of the owner. The theory of ‘object biography’ seeks to better understand a society by exploring the relationship between people and objects as revealed in its material culture.35 While a lack of contextual history precludes the building of a complete ‘life history’ for the majority of late antique textiles, close e­ xamination of individual items can not only show patterns of wear, but often makes it possible to chronologically order any alterations the garment has undergone. This in turn can provide insights not only into the lives of the people who owned them, but also into the society of which they were a part. The scientific study of textiles in general is providing information on weaving, dyeing and making techniques, and also on the sources of many of the raw materials used in these pieces. However, recognising both the technical skills and the time and spatial requirements necessary, not only for the construction of clothing, but also for its subsequent care, is vital if we are to understand what made up the day-to-day activities and concerns of ordinary people during the late antique period. Looking at the wider picture, the use and relative popularity of wool and linen has implications for regional agricultural practices and economies, as does the introduction of fibres such as cotton and silk. Knowledge of both the sources of these materials and the frequency of their use, is also helping to clarify trade routes and cultural affiliations during this period. Problems and Final Thoughts While access to museum collections has given me a unique opportunity to examine the actual clothing worn during Late Antiquity, this evidence has its limitations. The majority of the tunics in the appended catalogue come from these collections, and although most are embellished in some way,36 this might be a result of the propensity of early collectors to save only the most interesting or beautiful items. Lack of contextual information 34  See chapter 4: ‘Reuse’. 35  Gosden and Marshall (1999) 169. 36  See chart 4.

Conclusion

for the majority of these garments means that we do not know the make up of the grave assemblages that most were a part of: were these clothes worn or simply used as packing? If they were worn, was it singly or as one of many, and if the latter, how many were there, and how many were embellished? More recent excavations of complete grave assemblages seem to indicate that plain garments were more common than the catalogue suggests, but there are as yet too few examples to be able to determine whether variations in clothing or grave assemblages are a result of differences in the age, gender, status, religious affiliation or ethnic origin of the occupant. Lack of context has also made it extremely difficult to accurately date museum textiles, leaving many either undated, or with too wide a date range to be usefully included in a meaningful chronology. Whilst many museums are now using C14 testing to date textiles, we are still a very long way from being able to closely date the majority of these garments. It should also be taken into account that as most of these garments come from relatively few sites in Egypt, the specifics of their design and embellishment may be closely regional. These limitations notwithstanding, I have at­tempted to build a picture of the clothing worn by ordinary people in Late Antiquity by assessing archaeological evidence within the framework created by late antique depictions and descriptions. This image has been further enhanced by the knowledge gained in making and modelling reproductions of extant garments. Examining this evidence in the light of research into the social attitudes and belief structures of the time will contribute to our understanding of late antique society by highlighting the cares and concerns of ordinary people, and the importance of clothing in asserting and demonstrating those beliefs. In turn, this information can help to create a basis from which other garments and garment fragments, both from long standing museum collections and more recent excavations, can be better interpreted and understood. I have been fortunate both in the number of clothing collections that are available online, and also in being able to examine a number of them personally. However, there are hundreds, if not thousands, of garments and garment fragments in numerous museums that are not only inaccessible, but often inadequately conserved or catalogued. This is an underused resource for the study of late antique society that remains to be fully explored.

Catalogue of Tunics in Museum and Archaeological Collections 1

Square Tunics

1. Abegg-Stiftung inv. no. 4219 Adult tunic in undyed wool, with wide, full length dark blue clavi. l. 206.5 cm (hem to hem) by w. 125.5cm; waist tuck visible, opened. Dated by museum to AD 50–232. Schrenk (2004) no. 53. 2. Ashmolean Museum acc. no. AN1888.1109 Child’s hooded, sleeveless tunic in undyed linen, l. 71 cm by w. 76 cm. Two wide dark blue wool clavi appliquéd over shoulders on either side of the hood, ending approximately one third of tunic length up from hem. Nonsymmetrical placement of self-bands suggests use of recycled garment. No evidence of waist tuck; open down side seams; evidence of stitching for approx. 30 cm up from hem, leaving possible arm opening of 36 cm around. Examined 7.3.2014. 3. Bar Kokba Cave Child’s undyed linen tunic, l. 45 cm by w. 38 cm. No waist tuck visible. Numerous ‘sacs’ tied into the fabric containing assorted items, many organic; probably intended to be medicinal or amuletic. AD 150–250. Yadin (1963) shirt no. 65. 4.  British Museum reg. no. 1990,0612.110; museum no. EA72491 Adult undyed linen tunic, with plain purple/blue wool full length clavi. l. 158 cm by w. 155 cm; clavi 4.5 cm. Provenance unknown. Waist tuck visible but opened. C14 dated to AD 420–550. De Moor et al. (2010) 35, table 1 no. 1, p. 41 fig. 5; Walker and Bierbrier (1997) no. 223; De Moor et al. (2010) 35 fig. 5. 5. British Museum reg. no. 2004,0910.5 Half an adult tunic in undyed wool. l. 120 cm by w. 131 cm; plain purple full length clavi of 5 cm, 34/35 cm apart; no waist tuck visible. Large patch applied behind holes, stitched on with red thread; patched and mended, darts on lower sides; red pin stripes on sides, also fringed on sides. Excavated at Khirbet Qazone; 1st–3rd c.; found in situ wrapping the body of an infant. Khirbet Qazone textile number KQ 23. Examined 6.9.2012; Granger-Taylor (2000) 152 fig. 4. 6. British Museum reg. no. 2004,0910.1 Child’s tunic in undyed cotton, fringed at both ends. l. 82 cm (hem to hem not including fringe of 5/6 cm) by

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w. 38/39 cm. Neck slit opening of 19.5 cm with decorative stitching in purple thread; some tearing at one side. No evidence of stitching at side seams, or of waist tuck. Excavated at Khirbet Qazone; 1st–3rd c. Khirbet Qazone textile no. 8. Examined 6.9.2012; Granger-Taylor (2000) 155 fig. 10. 7. Private Flemish Collection Half of a child’s sleeveless tunic in pale pink wool, l. 72 cm by w. 77 cm, vestiges of fringe at hem. 12 cm wide full length, woven-in clavi in undyed wool on a purple wool ground; figurative design of mainly birds and animals. Slit neckline reinforced with red wool trim, which also runs down the inside of the clavi for about a quarter of their length. Evidence of opened waist tuck. Unknown provenance. De Moor (1993) cat. no. 123. 8. El-Kom el-Ahbar DQ00/11.2 Left back of a child’s sleeveless tunic in undyed linen; cut from two pieces of fabric, the tunic was seamed at the shoulders and down both sides; l. 60 cm from shoulder to hem. Evidence of a cord attachment on the shoulder, probably a tie to stop excess fabric falling over arms; tunic is very heavily patched and mended. No evidence of waist tuck. Dated to AD 380–560. Huber (2007) 59–60, p. 57 fig. 48. 9. El-Kom el-Ahmar DQ00/11.3 Sections of the left front and back of a sleeveless tunic in undyed linen, approximately one third of the garment. Fabric was folded over at one side with seam down other side and at the shoulders; heavily darned and mended on one side of arm opening, probably the back. No evidence of waist tuck. Dated to AD 380–560. Huber (2007) 60–61, p. 57 fig. 49. 10. Katoen Natie inv. no. 789–01 Child’s tunic in undyed wool, l. 76–79 cm by w. 80 cm, fringe at hem. Full length woven-in clavi and yoke: polychrome on red/purple ground with a pattern of eyes and some crosses; clavi 5 cm wide, 27 cm apart. Red wool trim at neck and yoke line. Opened waist tuck, 30 cm in width. Examined 7.10.2013. 11. Katoen Natie inv. no. 789–02 Child’s tunic in undyed wool, l. 50 cm by w. 60 cm, fringe at hem. Full length woven-in clavi in black and purple wool with foliate design; clavi 5.5 cm wide, 25 cm apart.

150

Catalogue of Tunics in Museum and Archaeological Collections

Red wool trim at neckline and down inside line of clavi to a quarter of their length. Opened waist tuck 5.5 cm in width. C14 dated to AD 410–560. Examined 7.10.2013. 12. Katoen Natie inv. 789–03 Child’s tunic in undyed wool, l. 37 cm by w. 55 cm; applied fringe in blue wool. Full length woven-in clavi with yellow and red eyes alternating with blue and white crosses on a blue ground with red borders; clavi 3 cm wide, 16/20 cm apart. Opened waist tuck 8.5 cm in width. C14 dated to AD 530–640. Examined 7.10.2013. 13. Katoen Natie inv. 741 Adult tunic in undyed wool, l. 103.5 cm by w. 178 cm. Wide full length woven-in clavi, large shoulder orbiculi and small knee orbiculi in purple wool tapestry, all with complex interlace patterning. Plain, narrow full length clavi just inside side selvedge edges, which are seamed up to arm openings; slit neck. Opened waist tuck 8.5 cm in width. C14 dated to AD 340–550 De Moor, Verhecken-Lammens and Verhecken (2008) 162–63. 14. Kellis 31/420-D6–1/NT 16/15 Child’s tunic in undyed cotton/linen, l. 44 cm by w. 42 cm. The fabric is folded over on one shoulder and seamed on the other, suggesting reused fabric; the bottom corners have been turned in and stitched, giving the garment a curved hemline. Excavated at Ismant al Kharab (ancient Kellis); context dated to between late 3rd-early 4th c. AD No evidence of waist tuck. Livingstone (2013) 319–21, plate 3 fig. 3. 15. Kellis 31–20-D6–1/NT 16/14 Adult tunic in undyed linen, l. 93 cm by w. 95 cm; front of tunic made from three pieces of fabric and the back from six; all have been further heavily patched and mended. Excavated at Ismant al-Kharab (ancient Kellis); context dated to between late 3rd-early 4th c. No evidence of waist tuck. Livingstone (2013) 318–19, plate 1 fig. 1. 16. Kellis 31/420-C5–1/18 Child’s tunic in light tan coloured linen, l. 61 cm by w. 71.5 cm. Direction of warp threads and placement of self bands suggests reuse of larger garment. Patched at front; patch and stitching thread are the same colour as main body of garment, suggesting that the tunic was re-dyed after being made. Excavated at Ismant alKharab (ancient Kellis); context dated to between late 3rd–early 4th c. No evidence of waist tuck. Livingstone (2013) 319, plate 2 fig. 2.

17. Metropolitan Museum of Art acc. no. 33.10.12 Child’s tunic in undyed linen, l. 60 cm by w. 65 cm. Wide, full length clavi; fringing at both sides. Kharga Oasis, dated to 4th c. No waist tuck visible. http://www.metmuseum.org/art/collection/ search/475080 18. Metropolitan Museum of Art acc. no. 33.10.30 Child’s tunic in undyed linen, l. 45 cm by w. 50 cm; fringing at both sides. Kharga Oasis, dated to 4th c. No waist tuck visible. http://www.metmuseum.org/Collections/search-thecollections/475098 19. Metropolitan Museum of Art acc. no. 33.10.39 Child’s tunic in undyed linen, l. 45 cm by w. 50 cm; fringing at both sides, which are open. Full length, narrow purple clavi; single weft entry in red wool along right edge. Wool clavi appear to have shrunk, pulling the hem up in places: this may be an indication of fulling at some point. Kharga Oasis, dated by museum to 4th–7th c. No waist tuck visible. http://www.metmuseum.org/art/collection/ search/475107 20. Mons Claudianus MC 1100 Adult tunic in undyed linen; l. 80 cm by w. 107 cm. Full length purple clavi stitched on; clavi 2 cm wide, 27 cm apart. Much patched and mended. Excavated at Mons Claudianus. No waist tuck visible. Mannering (2000a) 283–86, figs. 1–2. 21. Musée National du Moyen Age, inv. no. cl21901 Child’s tunic in undyed wool, l. 62 cm by w. 75.5 cm; 3 cm fringing at hem. Full length, wide clavi of polychrome wool tapestry in figurative medallion design; clavi 9 cm in width. Narrow dark blue clavi just inside selvedge edge on both sides. No waist tuck visible. Lorquin (1992) 60 no. 3. 2

Short Sleeved Tunics

22. Ashmolean Museum no. 1968.588 Child’s tunic of blue wool with cap sleeves, only half extant, l. 45 cm by w. 50 cm across shoulders. Double ‘keyhole’ neckline, with red/polychrome tapestry ribbon around neckline, along shoulders and at sleeve ends; selvedge edges apparent at both sleeve ends; garment probably folded over at shoulders. Side seams are flatfell, with decorative topstitching in red or blue wool. Two large patches of darning in lighter blue wool; two small decorative crosses/flowers at hem on one side of side seam. No evidence of waist tuck. Examined 7.3.2013.

Catalogue of Tunics in Museum and Archaeological Collections

23. British Museum reg. no.  1990,0612.103.a–b; museum no. EA72484 Child’s tunic in striped wool: body of tunic has horizontal stripes of green, orange, yellow, blue pink and purple; sleeves have vertical stripes of yellow, green, dark blue and red on sleeves, suggesting use of two different ‘recycled’ textiles, l. 54 cm by w. 60 cm. Sewn together with red thread; red tapestry trim around neckline and at sleeve ends. Dated by museum to 7th–8th c. No waist tuck visible. http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/collection_ online/collection_object_details.aspx?objectId= 118902&partId=1&searchText=child%27s+coptic+ tunic&page=1 (last accessed 18.3.17). 24. Louvre E26298 Child’s tunic in blue wool with shaped side seams and cap sleeves, l. 63 cm by w. 55.5 cm across shoulder, 57 cm at hem. Red wool trim at neckline, crossing at each shoulder and ending in tassels. Red/polychrome decoration across shoulders, at sleeve ands and along hem. No evidence of waist tuck. From ‘collection Puy Haubert’. Examined 5.12.2012; Bourguet (1964) catalogue L.8: AC 832 25. Louvre E26300 Child’s tunic in undyed wool with shaped side seams and cap sleeves, l. 59 cm by w. 55 cm across shoulders, width at hem: 57 cm front, 53.5 cm back. sleeve opening 15.5 cm (31 cm around). Scoop neckline slightly opened along both shoulders with ties on both sides of neck; trimmed with blue tapestry ribbon. red/blue trim at hem with red ‘petal’ design; patterns do not match back to front at side seams; 11 cm slits up from hem. Flat fell side seams in red wool. No visible waist tuck. From ‘collection Puy Haubert’. Examined 5.12.2012; Bourguet (1964) catalogue F.191: AC 334. 26. MAK Vienna, inv. no. T 281 Child’s tunic in undyed linen, with shaped side seams and applied sleeves; fabric has wool pinstripes in alternating red and green; possibly looped on inside, l. 48.5 cm by w. 60 cm. Two large red tapestry leaf shaped orbiculi appliquéd on front, tapestry trim at sleeve end and probably at neckline which has deteriorated; short slits on sides at hem. Sleeves made from different fabric than body of garment. No evidence of waist tuck. From Saqqara; dated by museum to 7th–8th c. Riegl (1889) 28; Noever (2005) no. 64. http://sammlung.mak.at/sammlung_ online?id=collect-107333 (last accessed 18.3.17).

151

27. MAK Vienna, inv. no. T 9777 Child’s tunic in undyed linen with shaped side seams and applied sleeves, l. 49.5 cm by w. 73 cm. Narrow blue tapestry ribbon trim at scoop neck and sleeve ends. No visible waist tuck, appears to be opened under arms. 28. MAK Vienna inv. no T 9904 Child’s tunic in brown wool with white pinstripes, with shaped side seams and applied sleeves tapering to wrist, l. 71 cm by w. 87 cm. Red tapestry ribbon trim at scoop neck and cuff ends. Open under arms, no visible waist tuck. Plain brown wool inset on underside of right sleeve suggests use of recycled fabric. Dated by museum to 7th–10th c. Noever (2005) no. 66. 29. MAK Vienna inv. no. T 9908 Child’s tunic of undyed linen, shaped side seams and applied sleeves, l. 44 cm by w. 55 cm. Scoop neck, slits at bottom of sides seams; open under arms, no visible waist tuck. Narrow blue tapestry trim at neckline and sleeve ends. Dated by museum to 8th–9th c. 30. Metropolitan Museum of Art acc. no. 89.18.317 Child’s tunic of undyed linen, shaped side seams, no decoration; no measurements available. Scoop neck with tie on left shoulder; no visible waist tuck. Dated by museum to 5th–9th c. http://www.metmuseum.org/art/collection/ search/443530 31. Metropolitan Museum of Art acc. no. 90.5.174 Child’s tunic of red wool, with shaped sides and applied sleeves, l. 52.1 cm by w. 64.9 cm. Wide blue tapestry ribbon trim around scoop neckline, on top of shoulders and at cuffs; narrow red tapestry trim on the outside edge of neckline and cuff; white wool double running stitch at hem; side slits. Probably from Akhmim; C14 dated to AD 660–880. http://www.metmuseum.org/art/collection/ search/443660 32. Mons Claudianus MC 1101 Adult tunic of undyed linen, l. 100 cm by w. 72 cm; short applied sleeves l. 18 cm by w. 14 cm each. Wholly made from another garment; random placement of woven-in motifs suggest the reuse of a mantle. Skilfully patched. Excavated at Mons Claudianus. No waist tuck visible. Mannering (2000a) 286–88 figs 3–4. 33. Röhsska Museum, Gothenburg (RKM) 263–35 Child’s tunic in undyed wool with shaped sides and cap sleeves, l. 42 cm (hem missing) by w. 51 cm, 53 cm

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Catalogue of Tunics in Museum and Archaeological Collections

at sleeves; sleeves 9/11 cm wide. Double keyhole neck opening, trimmed in wide red tapestry ribbon with red wool around neckline and button loops and both sides of neck; no evidence of waist tuck. Short red wool clavi ending in tassels. Red wool tapestry trim at sleeve ends, with red wool around edges. Erikson (1997) cat no. 3. 34. Victoria and Albert Museum T.194.1976 Child’s tunic of undyed wool with shaped side seams, l. 39cm by w. 45 cm; 9 cm slit up side seam from hem; decorative embroidery in blue, red brown and yellow wool at neckline, sleeve ends, hem and along seams. No visible waist tuck. Dated by museum to AD 300–599. Examined 27.11.2013. 35. Victoria and Albert Museum 2121.1900 Child’s sleeveless tunic of undyed linen, with shaped side seams, l. 61.5 cm by w. 23.5 cm; band of heart shaped blossoms along bottom edge. Narrow red tapestry braid trimming semi-circular scoop neck and sleeve ends. Waist tuck: unclear. Dated by museum to 5th–6th c. http://collections.vam.ac.uk/item/O368202/fragment/ 36. Whitworth Art Gallery no. 1989.23 Child’s tunic of undyed wool; seamed on both shoulders, applied sleeves tapering slightly to the wrist (one sleeve missing), l. 54 cm by w. 50 cm. Roughly and extensively darned in white wool on back and front; hemmed in undyed linen thread. No visible waist tuck. 37. Whitworth Art Gallery no. T.2001.242 Child’s tunic in blue wool, shaped side seams and cap sleeves, l. 104.5 cm (hem to hem) by w. 47 cm across shoulders, 46 cm at hem; sleeve 24 cm deep. Fabric has pale blue stripes at both hems that don’t match up at side seams, suggesting use of recycled fabric. No visible waist tuck. Examined 22.11.2012. 38. Whitworth Art Gallery T.8377 Child’s tunic of red wool, with shaped side seams and cap sleeves, l. 77 cm by w. 53 cm at chest, 61 cm at hem; sleeve opening 11.5 cm, neck slit opening 23 cm. Blue tapestry trim at neck and sleeve ends; decorative embroidery in blue, yellow, turquoise and orange wool along hem and up side seams. No visible waist tuck. C14 dated to AD 670–775. Examined 22.11.2012; Pritchard (2007) 182 fig.3; Pritchard (2006) 102–103 figs 4.46 (a–d). 39. Whitworth Art Gallery T.8378 Child’s wool tunic unevenly over-dyed in purple, with applied sleeves, l. 57 cm by w. 63 cm across shoulders,

52 cm at hem; sleeves l. 7.5cm by w. 8cm. Fabric appears to be slightly felted in places. Open underarm; no visible waist tuck. Red ribbon trim around scoop neck and at sleeve ends; ‘keyhole’ neckline with side placket on left shoulder with cloth button and loop. Decorative stitching along side seams in green and undyed wool. Examined 22.11.2012; Published on website www.whit worth.manchester.ac.uk (last accessed 14.03.2017). 40. Whitworth Art Gallery T.8380 Child’s tunic of brown wool with shaped side seams, and cap sleeves; body of tunic has lines of woven-in loops in natural wool, band of orange wool across shoulders and neckline, with orange/red wool loops (loops were worn on inside), l. 45 cm by w. 47 cm across shoulders, 45 cm at hem; 9 cm slit up side seam from hem. Loops appear to be slightly felted; stitching along hem and up side seams in red and white wool. No visible waist tuck. C14 dated to AD 660–780. Examined 22.11.2012; Pritchard (2007) 178 fig.  2; Pritchard (2006)105–107 figs 4.47 (a–c). 41. Whitworth Art Gallery T.8508 Child’s tunic of purple wool with applied sleeves, l. 52 cm by w. 60 cm; sleeves l. 8 cm by w. 7 cm. Red and polychrome tapestry trim at scoop neck and on sleeve ends; decorative embroidery in green and undyed wool along hem and on side seams. One sleeve ‘pieced’ in same colour wool, suggests reuse of recycled cloth and possible over-dying after making. No waist tuck visible. C14 dated to AD 650–780. Examined 22.11.2012; Pritchard (2007) 183 fig.  4; Pritchard (2006) 18–19, figs 2.4(a) and 2.4 (b). 42. Whitworth Art Gallery T.8550 Child’s tunic of undyed linen with applied sleeves, l. 42.4 cm by w. 41 cm across shoulders, 34 cm at hem; sleeves l. 10 cm by w. 9 cm. Fabric folded on right front side; seamed on left, suggesting use of recycled cloth. Decorative embroidery in red and green wool around seams, neckline, hem and cuff; waist tuck 1 cm wide; side seam sewn over tuck. Dated by gallery to AD 600–749. Examined 22.11.2012; Pritchard (2006) 39, figs 3.13(a) and 3.13 (b). 3

Wide Sleeved Tunics (Dalmatics)

43. Baginski Tidhar cat. no. 1 Adult tunic of undyed linen from private collection, l. 123 cm by w. 114 cm; sleeves missing. 4 cm wide clavi of purple wool; waist tuck unclear. Dated to 3rd–4th c. Baginski and Tidhar (1980) cat. no. 1.

Catalogue of Tunics in Museum and Archaeological Collections

44. Cairo Egyptian Museum acc. no. 65775 Adult tunic of undyed linen, l. 100 cm by w. 180 cm, wide clavi, double sleeve bands, found at Kharga Oasis. 45. Fitzwilliam Museum object no. E.T.27 Child’s tunic of undyed linen, l. 60 cm by w. 45 cm. Pattern of interlaced vines and leaves over shoulder and in triangular shape over top of sleeves; open underarms. Opened waist tuck evident. http://data.fitzmuseum.cam.ac.uk/id/object/49028; Vassilika (1998) 130–31 no. 63. 46. Kellis 31/420-C5-2/360 Child’s tunic in undyed linen. l. 50 cm by w. 55 cm; sleeves 25 cm wide; fringed on sides. 10 cm wide full length clavi of dark blue wool; two matching sleeve bands on each sleeve: 11 cm wide and 3 cm apart. Dated by design comparison to post 3rd c. No visible waist tuck. Patched at both ends of neck opening at the back; mended at front of garment at approximately knee level. Garment had been taken apart and reassembled into a rectangular piece of fabric. Livingstone (2013) 320–21 plate 4, fig. 4. 47. Kellis 31/420-C5-2/272 Child’s hooded tunic of yellowish-brown wool, possibly dyed. l. 29.5 cm by w. 44 cm across shoulders; sleeves approx. l. 65 cm by w. 31 cm. Full length clavi embroidered in purple wool laced running stitch; three progressively shorter lines extending on both sides over shoulders in yellow, red and green/blue wool. Two sleeve bands embroidered in purple wool. Embroidered orbiculi on both sides of hood, decorative embroidery around front of hood in red, orange, blue/green and yellow wool; five multi-coloured tassels along top seam. A small tuft of red wool is attached to the underarm seam at right front. Made from three pieces of fabric recycled from an adult tunic. No visible waist tuck. Dated to 3rd–4th c. Livingstone (2013) 321–22, plate 5 fig. 5. 48. Museum für angewandte Kunst, (MAK) Vienna, inv. no. T 2-1-4 Childs’ tunic of undyed wool, l. 57.5 cm by w. 80 cm across shoulders. Narrow polychrome tapestry clavi ending at waist tuck in leaf shaped finial; small shoulder tabulae. Red wool trim on inside of clavi on sleeve ends and down side seams; neckline missing. Waist tuck present. Excavated at Saqqara; dated by museum to 6th–8th c. Riegl (1889) 1 no. 2. 49. Metropolitan Museum of Art acc. no. 33.10.37 Child’s tunic of undyed linen, l. 100 cm by w. 55 cm. Vestiges of small shoulder and knee orbiculi and clavi; knee orbiculi with heart motif; black and white picture,

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no indication of colour. Garment appears to be fringed down side seams; waist tuck unclear. Excavated at Kharga Oasis, dated by museum to 4th c. http://www.metmuseum.org/art/collection/ search/475105 50. Metropolitan Museum of Art acc. no. 33.10.38 Child’s tunic of undyed linen, l. 70 cm by w. 100 cm; appears to be undecorated. Outline of opened waist tuck visible. Excavated at Kharga Oasis, dated by museum to 4th c. http://www.metmuseum.org/art/collection/ search/475106 51. Museum of Fine Arts Boston, acc. 01.8366 Adult tunic of undyed linen, l. 211.5 cm by w. 217.7 cm. Large shoulder orbiculi, small knee orbiculi, yoke and short narrow clavi ending in three circular finials, ‘U’ shaped matching tapestry trim at hem; double sleeve bands; evidence of waist tuck. Black and white picture; no indication of colour. Dated by museum to 1st–4th c. 52. Victoria and Albert Museum no. 361–1887 Adult tunic in undyed linen, l. 134.5 cm by W:216.5 cm including sleeves; 114.5 cm without. Full length dark purple clavi and matching double sleeve bands with interlace design; includes a small amount of gold thread. No evidence of waist tuck. Excavated at Akhmim. C14 dated to AD 50–220. http://collections.vam.ac.uk/item/O100912/tunic-unknown/; De Moor et al. (2010) 35 table 2 no. 1, p. 41, fig. 6; Walker and Bierbrier (1997) 178, no. 227; Kendrick (1920) 40, pl. 1. 53. Victoria and Albert Museum no. 257–1890 Child’s tunic of undyed linen, l. 35 cm by w. 69 cm across shoulders, 32 cm at hem. Large shoulder orbiculi, small knee orbiculi, narrow clavi ending below waist in leaf shaped finial, double sleeve bands; all in dark blue/purple wool tapestry, skilfully appliquéd to garment. Careful use of patched fabric suggests use of recycled cloth. No visible waist tuck. Excavated at Akhmim, dated by museum to 4th–5th c. Examined 27.11.2013. 54. Whitworth Art Gallery T.1995.145 Adult tunic in undyed linen, l. 93 cm by w. 176 cm across shoulders, 94 cm at hem. Sleeves l. 41 cm by w. 45.5 cm. Purple wool tapestry trim, made up of large shoulder orbiculi, small knee orbiculi, waist length clavi ending in leaf shaped finials; ‘U’ shaped matching trim at hem; double sleeve bands; all with interlace design. Evidence of wear and mending between neck opening and shoulder orbiculi; no visible waist tuck. C14 dated to AD 250–410.

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De Moor et al. (2010) 35 table 2 no. 2, p. 41 fig. 7; Pritchard (2006) 52–55 figs 4.4(a–c). 55. Whitworth Art Gallery T.1996.92 Adult tunic of undyed linen, l. 122 cm by w. 198 cm across shoulders, 110 cm at hem. Sleeves l. 44 cm by w. 55 cm. Full length narrow clavi stripes in purple wool; large shoulder orbiculi and small knee orbiculi in the shape of an eight-sided star with short narrow lines top and bottom ending in leaf shaped finials. No visible waist tuck. C14 dated to AD 400–540. De Moor et al. (2010) 35 table 2 no. 3; Pritchard (2006) 50–51. fig. 4.3 (a–c). 4

Tailored Garments

56. Antinopolis baby 1 Infant’s tailored dress of undyed linen, size approximate: l. 38–42 cm by w. 32–42 cm yellow and green ‘chain’ embroidery at neckline and cuffs, with centre front design of a cross inside a corona; red tie cord at neck. Fluck (2014). 57. MAK Vienna, inv. no. T 501 Child’s long sleeved tunic with side gores, in brown wool with natural wool trim at seams and sleeve ends, l. 62.5 cm by w. 103 cm across shoulders; sleeves taper to wrist where they are slit. Vestiges of blue tapestry panel at chest level; warp direction not uniform, suggesting reuse. From Saqqara, dated by museum to 7th–9th c. No visible waist tuck. Reigl (1889) 49 no. 501. 58. MAK Vienna, inv. T 9776 Child’s tunic in undyed linen with woollen single thread stripes, some looped on inside, l. 46.5 cm by w. 49 cm. Garment quite deteriorated; one side gore visible; vestiges of red tapestry trim visible on shoulder. Fabric of body and gusset have slightly different stripe patterns, suggesting use of recycled textile. No visible waist tuck. Dated by museum to 8th c. Noever (2005) no. 71. 59. MAK Vienna, inv. no. T 9894 Child’s dress with two inserted gores on both sides and applied sleeves, in undyed linen, l. 52 cm by w. 71 cm. Red and polychrome tapestry ribbon trim at neck and sleeve ends: quite deteriorated; no visible waist tuck. Dated by museum to 7th–9th c. 60. Metropolitan Museum of Art acc.no. 90.5.901 Adult long sleeved tunic of undyed linen, l. 102.9 cm by w. 157.5 cm. Shaped sides with gores, may have looped

pile on inside. Vestiges of narrow waist length clavi, double sleeve bands and small knee and shoulder orbiculi in red tapestry. Narrow blue trim at cuff and around keyhole shaped neck opening; trim may be silk. No visible waist tuck. From Akhmim, dated by museum to 6th–7th c. http://www.metmuseum.org/art/collection/ search/444374?img=1 61. Musée des tissus de Lyon, inv. No. 968.111.1 (34.872) Adult open fronted ‘riding coat’ in red wool; from Antinopolis. l. 135 cm, by w. 160 cm including sleeves. No visible waist tuck. C14 dated to AD 580–655. Benazeth (2011) 116; Martiniani-Reber (1986) 54–55 no. 22. 62. Musée Dobrée, Nantes, Inv. no. D.2001.2.1 Childs dress of undyed linen, l. 45 cm by w. (with sleeves) 51 cm. Shaped sides with gores and applied sleeves; heavily patched and mended. Round neck with side placket on left shoulder; trimmed with narrow blue ribbon with repeated white crosses. No visible waist tuck. Pitarakis (2009) 185 n. 60 fig. 5. 63. Skulpturensammlung und Museum für Byzan­ti­ni­ sche Kunst (SBK) Berlin, no. 9923 Adult open fronted ‘riding coat’ in blue/green cashmere and sheep’s wool; from Antinopolis. No visible waist tuck. C14 dated to AD 428–600. Benazeth (2007) 116; Fluck and Malck (2007) 161–62 fig. 16. 64. SBK Berlin, no. 9935 Child’s dress of undyed linen, l. 68 cm by w. 113 cm. Dress with inset gores on both sides and long sleeves, seamed at the shoulder, and tapering slightly to the wrist. ‘Keyhole’ neckline trimmed with narrow dark blue tapestry as are cuffs. Hem uneven and stitched before side seams, suggesting reuse of already hemmed garment. No visible waist tuck. Fluck et al. (2000) 203–204, cat. no. 132; Von Falck (1996) no. 315. 65. SBK Berlin, no. 9695 Adult open fronted ‘riding coat’ in green cashmere and sheep’s wool. Open under the arm; no visible waist tuck. From Antinopolis; C14 dated to AD 443–637. Benazeth (2007) 115; Fluck and Malck (2007) 161–62 fig. 15. 66. Victoria and Albert Museum T.156.1976 Child’s tunic of red/orange wool; front and one sleeve extant; two gores inset at side, measurement from armpit to hem 36 cm; sleeve 17 cm long at shoulder, 1 cm underarm seam, 18 cm around cuff end. Direction of warp/

Catalogue of Tunics in Museum and Archaeological Collections

weft varies on different pieces, as does the weave, suggesting the use of recycled fabric; no visible waist tuck. Dated by museum to AD 300– 500. Examined 27.11.2013. 67. Victoria and Albert Museum no. 1522–1899 Child’s tunic with shaped sides and applied sleeves, in resist dyed cotton or linen, l. 47 cm by w. 59.5 cm. Resist dyed with indigo in an overall diamond pattern with round flowers in the centre of each diamond. Side gores; loop and button closing at one side of neck. No visible waist tuck. Dated by museum to AD 500– 700. http://collections.vam.ac.uk/item/O115594/tunicunknown/; Vogelsang-Eastwood (1995) 89 fig. 151. 68. Whitworth Art Gallery no. T.1993.27 Child’s tunic of undyed linen, with side gores and applied sleeves (only half extant), l. 57.5 cm. Blue/red/ green tapestry ribbon trim around scoop neck and at sleeve end; no visible waist tuck. Examined 27.11.2012. 69. Whitworth Art Gallery no. T.8375 Child’s long sleeved tunic in red wool, l. 64c m by w. 71.5 cm; sleeves19 cm long tapering to wrist which is 11 cm wide. Straight sides with inset gores; scoop neck with overlapping placket at left side, closing with three cloth buttons/loops; decorative embroidery on shoulder side of placket in white and blue wool. Uneven distribution of white cross embroideries along hem, plus evidence of piecing and darning suggests use of recycled fabric. No visible waist tuck. C14 dated to AD 770–970. Examined 27.11.2012; Pritchard (2007) 184–85 figs. 5a and 5b; Pritchard (2006) 112–14 figs. 4.51 (a–c). 70. Whitworth Art Gallery no. T.8505 Child’s short sleeved tunic in undyed wool; made from one piece of fabric folded in two with gores added to both sides, l. 46 cm by w. 48 cm. Very heavily darned all over in at least ten different threads in a variety of colours; red ribbon trim at neckline and sleeve ends, decorative embroidery along hem and sides seams in red and green wool; no visible waist tuck. Pritchard (2006) 40–41 fig. 3.14 (a–b). 71. Whitworth Art Gallery no. T.8549 Child’s tunic in blue wool, with sides gores and applied sleeves, l. 45.5 cm by w. 51 cm. Made from 11 pieces of fabric from three different cloths; heavily darned for mending and with ‘decorative’ darning. Red tapestry trim around scoop neck, along shoulders and at sleeve ends; no visible waist tuck.

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72. Whitworth Art Gallery no. T.9885 Child’s tunic in blue/red/orange checked wool; sides gores and applied sleeves slightly tapering to the wrist, l. 75.5 cm by w. 77 cm. Square neck trimmed with plain red wool; overlapping placket at one side with button and loop closure; no visible waist tuck. C14 dated to AD 880–990. Examined 27.11.2012; Pritchard (2007) 186 fig.  6; Pritchard (2006) 20–22, fig. 2.5. 5

Narrow Sleeved Tunics

73. Abegg-Stiftung inv. no. 31 Adult tunic in undyed wool, l. 251 cm (hem to hem) by w. 273 cm. Full length red/purple clavi with scroll/interlace design; matching double sleeve bands. Hem rolled with addition of fringe on one side. Opened waist tuck. Dated to AD 422–607. Schrenk (2004) no. 51. 74. Abegg-Stiftung inv. no. 1111 Adult tunic in red wool, l. 257 cm (hem to hem) by w. 274.5 cm. Full length dark blue figurative clavi, yoke and double sleeve bands; narrow yellow stripe just inside side seams from bottom of sleeve to hem, same at cuff; appears to be open down side seams and sleeves; waist tuck unclear. Schrenk (2004) no. 52. 75. Ägyptisches Museum Berlin inv. 9943a Adult tunic in red wool, l. 125.5 cm by w. 177 cm. Narrow yellow wool stripe inside side seams from bottom of sleeve to hem, same at cuff ends; short polychrome tapestry clavi ending in round finials, vestiges of small polychrome tapestry knee and shoulder orbiculi. Stitched in waist tuck; garment appears to be open under arms. Fluck et al. (2000) 178–80 no. 112. 76.  Archäeologischen Staatssammlung München, inv. 1985.716 Child’s tunic in undyed linen, l. 49 cm by w. 23.5–32 cm without sleeve; sleeves 17 cm by 6/7 cm. Large polychrome wool tapestry shoulder tabulae. Extensive embroidery at yoke, leading to four appliqués of ducks placed in cross shape around a fifth; all in eight-sided star cartouches. Vestiges of three orbiculi at hem; embroidered trim at sleeve end, Red wool stitching at neck and over shoulders. Large opened waist tuck visible. Letellier-Willemin (2013) 30, fig. 12; Renner-Volbach (2010) cat. no. 410.

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Catalogue of Tunics in Museum and Archaeological Collections

77. Antinopolis baby 2 Infant’s hooded tunic in undyed linen; approximate size: l. 38–43 cm by 32–42 cm; made from six pieces of recycled cloth. Fluck (2013). 78. Antinopolis baby 3 Infant’s hooded tunic in undyed linen; approximate size: l. 38–43 cm by w. 32–42 cm; made from seven pieces of cloth. Hood decorated with red and black wool tassels. Fluck (2013). 79. Antinopolis baby 4 Infant’s hooded tunic in undyed linen; approximate size: l. 38–43 cm by w. 32–42 cm; sleeves missing. Brown and red clavi with stepped red stripes embroidered between them; red trim at neckline, hood decorated with red fringe around face and red wool orbiculi with crosses. Fluck (2013). 80. Antinopolis boy 1 Child’s linen tunic, approximate size: l. 38 cm; sleeves 16 cm long, neck opening 18 cm. Narrow red tapestry clavi; red geometric patterning at shoulders and hem. Fluck (2013). 81. Antinopolis boy 2 Child’s linen tunic, approximate size: l. 38 cm; sleeves 16 cm long, neck opening 18 cm. Clavi, sleeve bands and shoulder decorations of red, yellow, green leaf and blossom pattern woven in; waist tuck. Fluck (2013). 82. Antinopolis boy 3 Child’s linen tunic, approximate size: l. 38 cm; sleeves 16 cm long, neck opening 18 cm. Green and yellow wool clavi and tabulae at shoulder and hem; woven in cuff bands in red and green wool. Fluck (2013). 83. Baginski Tidhar no. 83 (private collection) Adult linen tunic, l. 133 cm by w. 91 cm at hem, sleeves 34 cm deep. Short, narrow tapestry clavi ending in leaf finial, yoke with four arches containing figures; double sleeve bands, small tapestry shoulder and knee tabulae. Red cross embroidered at front centre. Very large waist tuck, now opened up. Dated to 6th–7th c. Baginski and Tidhar (1980) no. 83. 84. Baginski Tidhar no. 110 (private collection) Child’s tunic in undyed wool fringed at hem, l. 172 cm (hem to hem) by w. 113 cm across shoulder, 91 cm at

hem. Full length, polychrome figurative clavi and yoke, with double sleeve bands. Waist tuck unclear. Baginski and Tidhar (1980) no. 110. 85. Baginski Tidhar no. 256 (collection Nir David) Adult tunic in undyed fabric, l. 207 cm by w. 265 cm. Full length polychrome figurative clavi and matching double sleeve bands; red wool trim along slit neck opening and over shoulder in ‘H’ shape. Opened waist tuck of 23 cm, 40 cm below neck opening, open at armpits 10 cm down side seams, 8 cm along sleeve. Baginski and Tidhar (1980) no. 256. 86. Benaki Museum, inv. no. 7160 Child’s narrow sleeved tunic in undyed wool with attached hood, l. 45 cm (without hood) by w. 45 cm; sleeves 20.5 cm long; hood 20 cm by 30 cm. Narrow, full length woven-in clavi in dark purple/brown wool with stylised animal bordered with wave meander borders; matching double sleeve bands and small orbiculi on each side of hood, which has long fringe at top seam. Roughly stitched together up side seams; no visible waist tuck. Pitarakis (2009) 182, n. 51 fig. 3; Georgoula (2005) no. 61. 87. British Museum, reg. no. 1887,0402.98; museum no. EA18202 Adult tunic of undyed linen, l. 120 cm by w. 196 cm across shoulders, 104 cm at hem. Narrow, full length clavi in dark purple wool with floral and figurative medallions; one medallion at left front chest level contains red circle. Waist tuck of 15 cm opened; dated by museum to 5th c. Examined 6.9.2012. 88. British Museum, reg. no. 1990,0612.112 a–c; museum no. EA72493 Child’s tunic in yellow and white striped wool, l. 85 cm by w. 152 cm. Wide red tapestry ribbon in ‘U’ along hem and sides; narrower red ribbon trim at scoop neck and cuff ends; stitched in waist tuck, open under arms. Kwaspen and Verhecken-Lammens (2015). 89. British Museum reg. no. 1901,0314.1 Adult tunic in undyed linen, l. 132 cm; sleeves missing. Short figurative polychrome tapestry clavi ending in round finials, square neck with tapestry ribbon yoke back and front; large tapestry knee and shoulder orbiculi; all stitched on. Hemming at underarm suggests opening; stitched in waist tuck; numerous mends on front of garment. Dalton (1901).

Catalogue of Tunics in Museum and Archaeological Collections

90. Brooklyn Museum no. 41.523 Adult tunic in undyed wool with fringed hem, l. 115 cm by w. 190.5 cm across shoulders. Full length figurative clavi in dark purple wool, with matching yoke and double sleeve bands. Evidence of waist tuck, now opened. Dated by museum to 7th c. https://www.brooklynmuseum.org/opencollection/ objects/51792 91. Brooklyn Museum no. 26.746 Adult tunic of undyed linen, l. 115 cm by w. 161 cm. Wide yoke band and short figurative clavi in dark wool; red wool trim around neck, two narrow lines either side of a small red cross embroidered in red wool at centre front of garment; left sleeve missing, right sleeve seamed at shoulder. Stitched in waist tuck; dated by museum to 5th–6th c. https://www.brooklynmuseum.org/opencollection/ objects/25413 92. Cooper Hewitt Design Museum, Washington acc. no. 1902-1-155 Child’s tunic of undyed linen, l. 61.8 cm (hem to hem) by w. 42 cm. Narrow clavi in red and blue/green wool, ending at opened waist tuck; red bordered shoulder orbiculi, and similar but smaller knee orbiculi, red trim around neck opening; vestiges of double sleeve bands. Large waist tuck opened on one side only; garment completely opened for display. Dated by museum to 9th c. https://collection.cooperhewitt.org/objects/18130307/ 93. El-Deir, textile no. W14 Adult tunic of undyed wool, l. 260 cm hem to hem, by w. 224 cm (including sleeves of 41 cm by 24 cm); neck slit 22 cm. No visible waist tuck; open under arms (arms through holes when body was found). Decorative embroidery on neck opening in red and blue wool, garment roughly darned on back of right shoulder and in other places, including at underarm; mends are often also mended. Letellier-Willemin (2008), (2016). 94. The Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge. no. E.T.26 Child’s tunic in undyed fabric, l. 83 cm by w. 73 cm (without sleeves). Short clavi made up of red buds with green stems, same pattern across yoke, at sleeve ends, along hem and half way up side seams. Slightly larger red bud with green stem placed on shoulders and knees; open under arms. Waist tuck unclear. Dated by museum to AD 200–500. Vassilika (1998) 130–31 no. 63.

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95. The Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge. no. E.T.98 Adult tunic of undyed linen, l. 1.16 cm by w. 71 cm (without sleeves). Waist length clavi of scattered bud/leaf pattern in red and green wool, with matching single sleeve bands. Stitched in waist tuck. Vassilika (1998) 130–31 no. 63. 96. Flemish Private Collection Adult tunic in undyed wool, only half extant. Short wide clavi in purple wool tapestry, ending in three elongated leaf shaped finials, remains of yoke with three leafed stems in centre; triple sleeve bands and knee and shoulder orbiculi. Noteworthy for unusual symbols at both ends of the three sleeve bands, and along the cuff of the extant sleeve; opened waist tuck. C14 testing gives a date range from second half of 7th c. to first half of 10th c. De Moor et al. (1993) 190–91 cat. no. 90. 97. Flemish Private Collection Adult tunic of undyed wool with fringed hem, sleeves missing, l. 130 cm. Full length clavi in polychrome, figurative wool tapestry; shoulder tabulae and smaller knee tabulae. Neck opening is reinforced with a sewn on cord; no visible waist tuck. C14 testing gives a date range from early 5th c. to mid 7th, however stylistic consideration suggests a date no earlier than the 7th c. De Moor et al. (1993) 225–26 cat. no. 119. 98. Florence Archaeological Museum ref. no. 12941 Child’s tunic of undyed linen, l. 51 cm by w. 92 cm. Narrow full length clavi made up of three pin stripes; same stripes also inside side seam from armhole to hem and at sleeve end. Double keyhole neck opening edged with narrow red tapestry ribbon with undyed linen ties. Red tapestry trim at cuff with white cross motif. Stitched in waist tuck, open under arms. Examined 11.3.2013. 99. Florence Archaeological Museum ref. no. 12945 Child’s tunic in undyed linen, l. 64 cm by w. 102 cm. Very short narrow clavi in red wool tapestry, matching single sleeve bands; red tapestry ribbon trim at scoop neck and at cuff; neck opening edged with blue. Narrow red tapestry ribbon trim at hem in ‘U’ shape; small knee and shoulder tabulae. Stitched in waist tuck; open under arm. Examined 11.3.2013. 100. Allard Piersen Museum, inv. no. APM 16385 Child’s tunic in undyed linen, l. 38 cm by w. 74 cm across shoulders. Hooded tunic with inset long sleeves, and appliqués of flower designs over both shoulders. Knee appliqués of red bud with green leaves, and

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narrow appliquéd sleeve bands. Appliqués of black and white flowers on each side of hood, hood with red and white fringing around face and red fringing across top seam. Direction of warp on different pieces suggests use of recycled garment. Red wool trim at neck, evidence of opened waist tuck. Possibly found at Akhmim, dated by museum to approx. AD 600. Gemeentemuseum (1982) no. 85. 101. Katoen Natie inv. 146 Child’s tunic of undyed wool, l. 61 cm by w. 99 cm across shoulders, 56/59 cm through body. Short, narrow clavi on polychrome tapestry, ending in round finials above waist tuck; tapestry yoke, includes sections of ‘pseudo’ script at back and front. Double sleeve bands, not the same on both sleeves; tapestry trim at hem in ‘U’ shape, with round finials; knee and shoulder tabulae. Opened waist tuck of 13 cm, seam inside. Examined 7.10.2013. 102. Katoen Natie inv. 147 Child’s tunic in yellow wool, l. 90 cm by w. 77 cm, with sleeves 33 cm by 27 cm. Narrow white woven-in clavi ending at waist in a tassel; double woven-in white clavi inside waist seam running from arm to hem; similar at sleeve ends. Wide navy blue sleeve bands with red stripes and red ‘target’ motif’, tapestry trim at hem in ‘U’ shape, with ‘target’ knee orbiculi appliquéd on; narrow polychrome tapestry trim up side seams. Blue and white tapestry ribbon at scoop neck and on cuff. Wide stitched in waist tuck; C14 testing give a range from mid 7th to early 8th c. Examined 7.10.2013; De Moor et al. (2008) 188–89. 103. Katoen Natie inv. 148 Adult tunic in red wool, l. 118 cm (hem to hem) by w. 98 cm, with sleeves 30 cm by 38 cm. Narrow waist length clavi in dark wool tapestry with interlace pattern, ending in elongated leaf shaped finial, matching single sleeve bands, and small knee and shoulder orbiculi. Narrow cream/yellow woven in clavi just inside side seam from armpit to hem; same on cuff end. Opened waist tuck, with seam inside; open under arm. C14 dated to AD 554–651. De Moor et al. (2008)182–83. 104. Katoen Natie inv. 382.06 Child’s tunic in undyed wool, l. 55 cm by w. 100 cm across shoulders, 54 cm at hem. Narrow, full length polychrome clavi and matching single sleeve bands. Open under arm, waist tuck of 6 cm opened. C14 dated to AD 245–404. Examined 7.10.2013.

105. Katoen Natie inv. 436 Adult tunic of undyed linen, l. 87 cm by w. 124 cm. Polychrome tapestry clavi on a red ground, waist length, ending in round finial; matching sleeve bands of double width. Wide blue and white tapestry ribbon trim at hem, with diamond pattern; narrower ribbon with same pattern at scoop neck and cuff end. Stitched in waist tuck concealing seam; wider on sides. C14 dated to AD 594–668. De Moor et al. (2008) 186–87. 106. Katoen Natie inv. 476 Adult tunic of undyed linen, l. 188 cm by w. 248 cm (includes sleeves of 44 cm by 35 cm, tapering to the wrist). No decoration, open under arms; narrow stitched in waist tuck. C14 dated to AD 323–638. De Moor et al. (1993) cat. no. 6; De Moor et al (2008) 70. 107. Katoen Natie inv. 587 Child’s tunic of undyed wool, l. 52/55 cm by w. 108 cm (including sleeves of 24 cm by 17 cm). Full length clavi of buds and leave in polychrome wool; matching pattern at sleeve end. Trimmed with dark purple tapestry ribbon at scoop neck and cuff, further embellished with red wool. Opened waist tuck; C14 testing gives a date range from second half of the 8th c. to the end of the 10th c. Examined 7.10.2013; De Moor et al. (1993) 217–18, cat. no. 113. 108. Katoen Natie inv. 614 Child’s tunic of undyed linen, l. 85.5 cm by w. 116 cm (including sleeves of 27 cm by 16 cm). Narrow waist length clavi of red, yellow white and black wool with floral/interlace design, ending in leaf shaped finial; very narrow sleeves, with matching single sleeve bands. Small shoulder orbiculi and leaf shaped knee tabulae. Slit neck and stitched in waist tuck incorporating seam; open under arms. C14 dated to AD 769–1000. Examined 7.10.2013; De Moor et al. (2008) 200–10; De Moor et al. (1993) 243 cat. no. 133, colour plate p. 44. 109. Katoen Natie inv. 682.01 Adult tunic in undyed wool with fringed hem, l. 85 cm by w. 120 cm at hem, 186 cm across shoulders. Full length clavi in dark purple wool figurative tapestry, matching double sleeve bands. Red wool trim around slit neck. Very patched and darned, probably not in antiquity: mends/darning apparent inside opened waist tuck; huge variation in type and weight of hem fringe. Opened waist tuck; open under arms. C14 dated to AD 532–680. Examined 7.10.2013.

Catalogue of Tunics in Museum and Archaeological Collections

110. Katoen Natie inv. 768.01 Child’s tunic of red wool, l. 83 cm by w. 72 cm, with sleeves 30 cm by 35.5 cm. Full length clavi in blue wool tapestry with floral/interlace design; matching double width sleeve bands and yoke. Narrow cream/yellow woven-in clavi of one wide and one narrow stripe, just inside the side seam from armpit to hem; same on cuff end. No visible waist tuck. C14 dated to AD 240–570. Examined 7.10.2013; De Moor et al. (2008) 160–61. 111. Katoen Natie inv. 862 Adult tunic in undyed linen, l. 180 cm by w. 93 cm (without sleeves). Narrow clavi of purple wool tapestry vine/ floral pattern ending at waist in small trefoil finial; matching double sleeve bands and large shoulder orbiculi. Rectangular knee tabulae of the same pattern; stitched in waist tuck. C14 dated to AD 615–85. De Moor et al. (2008) 184–85. 112. Katoen Natie inv. 984 Adult tunic of undyed linen, l. 123 cm by w. 86 cm (without sleeves); very lightly woven. Narrow waist length clavi in red wool in ‘bud’ pattern, ending in leaf shaped finial; matching sleeve bands. Very neatly patched in antiquity at centre front. Stitched in waist tuck; open under arms. C14 dated to AD 510–630. De Moor et al. (2008) 180–81. 113. Katoen Natie inv. 2365 Child’s tunic in undyed wool, l. approx. 58 cm by w. 100 cm across shoulders; 58 cm at hem. Blue and red tapestry ribbon trim at hem, slit neck opening and sleeve end. Open under arm, with reinforcing cord of red wool; red wool trim at neckline. Tasselled fringe at sleeve ends and down right side seam of garment only. Non-symmetrical arrangement of in-woven stripes and self bands suggests use of recycled fabric. Stitched in waist tuck. Examined 7.10.2013. 114. Louvre AF5903 Child’s tunic of undyed linen, l. 52 cm by w. 96 cm across shoulders; sleeves 22 cm around at cuff. Full length clavi of dark red/purple wool tapestry hearts, 26 cm apart, matching double sleeve bands; shoulder orbiculi and smaller knee orbiculi with interlace design. Opened waist tuck of 4 cm; different distance from hem on back and front, suggesting that tuck was put in before side seam, and/ or sides were worn open. Examined 5.12.2012; Bourguet (1964) cat. E1: X4585. 115. Louvre E26108 Child’s tunic of undyed linen, listed by Bourguet as 1 m by 1 m (does not include sleeves). Narrow, waist length

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clavi in dark red/purple wool tapestry, ending in small round finials; narrow double sleeve bands, large shoulder and small knee orbiculi, all appear to have interlace patterning. Opened waist tuck. Bourguet (1964) cat. B1: AC141. 116. Louvre E26248 Child’s tunic of undyed linen, l. 62 cm by w. 98 cm across shoulders, 52 cm at hem; sleeves 10 cm around at cuff. Short clavi of red/purple tapestry 15.5 cm apart, ending in round finials, with matching single sleeve bands. Small knee and shoulder orbiculi, all with ‘script’ like interlace patterns; red tapestry ribbon trim at neckline. Open down side seams and arms; no evidence of waist tuck. Examined 5.12.2012. 117. Louvre E26296 Adult tunic of undyed wool, l. 114 cm by w. 220 cm across shoulders, 119 cm at hem. Full length polychrome wool tapestry clavi 9 cm wide, with figurative designs on a blue ground; 34.5 cm apart. Double sleeve bands, sleeves 28 cm around at cuff. Open under arms with evidence of reinforcing; red wool cording on side seam part of opening; no evidence of waist tuck. Wool tassels and part of the wool tapestry appear to have felted. Much patched and mended but unlikely to have been done in antiquity (in collection Puy-Haubert). Examined 5.12.2012; Bourguet (1964) cat. G196: AC 330. 118. Louvre E26483 Adult tunic in purple/brown wool, l. 135 cm by w. 230 cm across shoulders, 118 cm at hem; sleeves 56 cm by 15 cm. Full length clavi, in dark purple tapestry, 17 cm wide; 11 cm apart, with decorative yoke and matching sleeve bands. Slit neck with same colour corded trim, crisscrossing at both sides. Narrow cream/yellow woven-in clavi of one wide and one narrow stripe, just inside the side seam from armpit to hem; same on cuff end. Waist tuck unclear. Examined 5.12.2012; Bourguet (1964) cat. H 207: AC 517. 119. Louvre E26484 Child’s tunic in undyed linen, l. 73 cm by w. 183 cm across shoulders. Narrow full length clavi of red crosses in cartouches, matching double sleeve bands; sleeves measure 15 cm around cuffs, which end in very long fringing. Open down side seams which are finished in looped fringing; open waist tuck of 12 cm in width. Examined 5.12.2012. 120. Louvre E26525 Child’s hooded tunic in red wool, l. 40 cm by w. 82 cm across shoulders, 48 cm at hem; sleeves 17 cm by

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Catalogue of Tunics in Museum and Archaeological Collections

12 cm around cuff, open along length of sleeve. Full length clavi of dark red/purple wool tapestry, matching double sleeve bands. Narrow yellow wool stripe just inside side seam from armpit to hem; same on sleeve end and at top seam of hood. Hood has red wool fringe along top seam with small tapestry orbiculi on both sides; no visible waist tuck. Examined 5.12.2012; Bourguet (1964) cat. H183: AC559.

125. MAK Vienna, inv. no. T 122 Child’s tunic in undyed linen, l. 73.5 cm by w. 116 cm. Long sleeves tapered to wrist; small red tapestry knee orbiculi appliquéd on, wide polychrome tapestry ribbon trim at neckline and cuff. Stitched in waist tuck. From Saqqara; dated by museum to 6th–8th c. http://sammlung.mak.at/sammlung_online?id= collect-107171

121. Louvre E26737 Adult tunic of undyed wool (?), l. 165 cm by w. 220 cm across shoulders. Short clavi ending in ornate leaf shaped finials, with matching double sleeve bands and knee and shoulder tabulae, all with interlace patterns. Narrow yellow wool stripe just inside side seam from armpit to hem; same on sleeve ends. Appears to have blanket stitching along hem; opened waist tuck. Bourguet (1964) cat. G34: AC 771.

126. MAK Vienna, inv. no. T 205 Child’s tunic in undyed linen, l. 48.5 cm by w. 93.5 cm. Short clavi of open petal design in red and dark wool; matching sleeve bands. Two small leaf shaped orbiculi appliquéd on shoulders and front at knee level. Narrow blue tapestry ribbon trim at wide slit neck and cuff. Open under arms; wide tuck still stitched in: tuck appears to incorporate underarm opening. From Saqqara, dated by museum to 6th–7th c. Reigl (1889) 23, http://sammlung.mak.at/sammlung_ online? id=collect-107258

122. Louvre E26738 Adult tunic in undyed wool with fringed hem, l. 165 cm by w. 240 cm. Wide yoke band with short clavi of polychrome wool tapestry, ending in large leaf shaped finials; matching double sleeve bands. Wide ‘U’ shaped trim at hem, with arms ending in matching leaf shaped finials. Large shoulder and knee tabulae; Opened waist tuck. Examined 5.12.2012; Bourguet (1964) cat. H 203: AC 772. 123. Louvre E26798 Adult tunic of undyed wool, l. 137 cm by w. 257 cm; fabric ‘napped’. Narrow blue, full length clavi, bordered by lines of red and blue crossed lines, with two more clavi with same pattern running full length down centre front; large cross embroidered centre front, and plain blue clavi running full length down side seam from shoulder to hem. Lines of embroidered words on each cuff. From monastery at Naqlun; inscription includes name of monastery and monk; very skilfully made. No visible waist tuck; open at armpit. Hood no. E26799 is made in same fabric and has matching decoration. Examined 5.12.2012; Bourguet (1964) cat. L8: AC 832. 124. Louvre E31969 Adult tunic of golden brown wool which is napped, l. 132 cm by w. 185 cm across shoulders. Sleeves tapered to wrist, which measures 18 cm around; underarm seam has 20 cm slit at wrist. Plain, woven in clavi stripes of natural wool running from armpit to hem. Scoop neck with raw edge, suggests missing trim. Open under arm. Waist tuck stitched in at front of garment, and open at back; tuck is wider at sides than in the middle of the garment. Examined 5.12.2012.

127. MAK Vienna, inv. no. T 448–1/2 Adult tunic in undyed linen, preserved in two parts, l. 131/33 cm by w. 95.5/106.5 cm. Body of garment lined with weft loops; stitched in waist tuck, open under arms. From Saqqara, no date given. Riegl (1889) 47 no. 448, http://sammlung.mak.at/sammlung _online?id=collect-107506. 128. MAK Vienna, inv. no. T 585 Adult tunic in undyed linen, l. 115 cm by w. 195 cm. Red/ purple interlace design tapestry waist length woven-in clavi ending in leaf shaped finial, double sleeve bands; shoulder and knee tabulae. Stitched in waist tuck. From Akhmim/Panopolis; dated by museum to 6th–7th c. Riegl (1889) 53, no. 585, http://sammlung.mak.at/ sammlung _online?id=collect-107643. 129. MAK Vienna inv. no. T 9902 Adult tunic in undyed linen, l. 78 cm by w. 130 cm. Full length narrow clavi in polychrome tapestry on a red ground, matching double sleeve bands; narrow blue tapestry ribbon at scoop neck and cuff. Seam at waist, opened waist tuck; dated by museum to 6th–8th c. http://sammlung.mak.at/sammlung_online?id= collect-108021 130. MAK Vienna, inv. no. T 10758-1-3 Adult tunic in orange wool, l. 130 cm by w. 175.5 cm; lightly woven wool with ‘crepe’ effect; three woven-in white stripes at side seams; fringed at sides. Vestiges of polychrome tapestry clavi and sleeve bands. Stitched in waist tuck; dated by museum to 7th–9th c.

Catalogue of Tunics in Museum and Archaeological Collections

http://sammlung.mak.at/sammlung_online?id= collect-108210 131. Metropolitan Museum of Art, no. 12.185.2 Adult tunic in undyed wool, l. 119.1 cm by w. 201 cm. Waist length polychrome wool tapestry clavi ending in elongated leaf shaped finials; matching wide single sleeve bands, small knee and shoulder orbiculi. Wide tapestry ribbon trim at hem and cuff end; stitched in waist tuck. From Tuna al-Gebel, Egypt. C14 dated to AD 660–870. http://www.metmuseum.org/Collections/search-thecollections/446258 132. Metropolitan Museum of Art, no. 12.185.3 Adult tunic in undyed wool, l. 154 cm by w. 104.1 cm at hem. Waist length polychrome wool tapestry clavi ending in leaf shaped finials; matching wide sleeve bands, small knee and shoulder orbiculi. Wide tapestry ribbon trim at hem, cuff end and around scoop neck. Stitched in waist tuck. From Eshmunein, Egypt; dated by museum to 6th–7th c. http://www.metmuseum.org/art/collection/ search/446259 133. Metropolitan Museum of Art, no. 26.9.6 Adult tunic in undyed linen with woven-in loops on inside, l. 169 cm by w. 140 cm. Narrow full length clavi in black wool with vine pattern interspersed with medallions of interlace cross pattern; double width sleeve bands with same pattern. Knee and shoulder figurative tabulae; stitched in waist tuck. From Akhmim, dated by museum to 5th c. http://www.metmuseum.org/art/collection/ search/447842 134. Metropolitan Museum of Art, no. 26.9.8 Adult tunic in undyed linen, l. 183 cm by w. 135 cm. Yoke and short clavi in dark wool tapestry; yoke has three large leaf shaped finials hanging from it, clavi end in slightly longer, smaller leaf shaped finials; matching double sleeve bands. ‘U’ shaped tapestry trim at hem, with same finial ends; large knee and shoulder orbiculi. Tapestries are figurative with Dionysian themes; evidence of opened waist tuck. From Akhmim, dated by museum to 5th c. http://www.metmuseum.org/art/collection/ search/447844 135. Metropolitan Museum of Art, no. 26.9.9 Adult tunic on undyed linen, l. 174.6 cm by w. 135 cm. Wide yoke and full length, narrow clavi in dark wool tapestry, with matching double sleeve bands. Tapestries are

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figurative with Dionysian themes. Stitched in waist tuck. From Akhmim, dated by museum to 5th c. http://www.metmuseum.org/art/collection/ search/447845 136. Metropolitan Museum of Art, no. 27.239 Child’s hooded tunic in green wool with fringed hem, l. 89.1 cm by w. 101 cm (including sleeves and hood). Wide, full length clavi in red wool figurative tapestry on a cream coloured ground, matching double sleeve bands. Narrow yellow/cream clavi just inside side seam running from bottom of sleeve to hem; same along cuff end and top seam of hood. Red/cream orbiculi on both sides of hood, which has red wool fringing around face; no visible waist tuck. Dated by museum to AD 430– 620. http://www.metmuseum.org/art/collection/ search/448173 137. Metropolitan Museum of Art, no. 33.10.48 Adult tunic in undyed linen, l. 136 cm by w. 104 cm. Appears to be undecorated; no visible waist tuck. From Kharga Oasis, dated by museum to 4th–7th c. http://www.metmuseum.org/art/collection/ search/475116 138. Metropolitan Museum of Art, no. 90.5.904 Adult tunic in undyed linen, l. 127 cm by w. 77.5 cm. Narrow waist length clavi in wool tapestry (black and white picture only), ending in small leaf shaped finials, matching double sleeve bands; small knee and shoulder orbiculi. Tapestries have figurative designs. Stitched in waist tuck visible. Dated by museum to 4th c. http://www.metmuseum.org/art/collection/ search/444377 139. Musée des Beaux-Arts de Dijon inv. E-16.1 Child’s tunic in undyed linen, l. 60 cm by w. 75 cm. Narrow waist length clavi with vine/floral design in dark purple wool, ending in leaf shaped finial, matching double sleeve bands; large polychrome wool tapestry shoulder orbiculi with central medallion of mounted horseman, surrounded by animals. No evidence of waist tuck. Cauderlier (1986) 109 no. 172. 140. Musée d’art et d’histoire, Fribourg, inv. No. S451 Child’s tunic of undyed wool, body of garment measures l. 50 cm by w. 55 cm; sleeves missing. Wide, full length clavi of polychrome wool tapestry; pattern made up of red and white crosses in yellow lozenges on a blue/green ground. Red wool trim around slit neck and cording over the shoulders on both sides, ending in tassels; red wool

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Catalogue of Tunics in Museum and Archaeological Collections

fringe added to hem. Opened waist tuck; dated by museum to 7th–9th c. Stauffer (1992) 176 cat. no. 81. 141. Musée d’art et d’histoire, Geneva, inv. 12 733 Adult tunic in undyed linen, l. 174 cm by w. 222 cm. Short tapestry clavi in red and brown wool, ending in leaf shaped finials, with large knee and shoulder tabulae, all with repeated geometric design interspersed with diagonal cross medallion. No visible waist tuck. Dated by museum to 5th c. Martiniani-Reber (1991) no. 42. 142. Musée d’art et d’histoire, Geneva, inv. 12 735 Adult tunic in undyed linen, l. 150 cm by w. 215 cm. Purple/brown tapestry clavi with square medallion pattern, ending above waist tuck in leaf shaped finial, matching yoke and ‘U’ shaped design on back and front hem; large shoulder and small knee tabulae with matching square medallion design. Stitched in waist tuck, dated by museum to 5th–6th c. Martiniani-Reber (1991) no. 59. 143. Musée d’art et d’histoire, Geneva, inv. AD7856 Adult tunic in linen with fringed hem, l. 160 cm by w. 210 cm. Short clavi in black and purple wool, ending above opened waist tuck in elongated leaf finial, matching double sleeve bands; same size shoulder and knee orbiculi, all with interlace design. Appears to be completely open down side seams and sleeves. Waist tuck unclear. From Fayoum. Martiniani-Reber (1991) no. 380. 144. Musée historique des tissus, Lyons. Inv. 28520.174 (907.1.80) Child’s tunic of undyed linen, l. 57 cm by w. 94 cm. Waist length clavi, ending in leaf shaped finials, matching yoke; no colour given in museum notes. Waist tuck unclear. From Antinopolis. Bourgon-Amir (1993) plate 62 no. 28 520/174. 145. Musée historique des tissus, Lyons. Inv. 28520.42 (907.1.179) Child’s tunic of undyed linen, l. 46 cm by w. 98 cm. Short, narrow clavi in polychrome wool tapestry ending at waist in small round finial. Slit neck with yoke decorated with three medallions, two with animal design, one with geometric design; large orbiculi at shoulders, with different interlace design on each, smaller knee orbiculi. Variation in designs on yoke and orbiculi suggests use of recycled fabric, remains of sleeve bands. Stitched in waist tuck. Bourgon-Amir (1993) plate 255, 28 520/41.

146. Museum of Fine Arts, Boston acc. no. 01.8365 Adult tunic in undyed linen, l. 113.5 cm by w. 163 cm. Narrow yoke bands, hem and cuff decoration and small shoulder orbiculi in polychrome wool tapestry; tufts of red wool in lines where clavi would normally be: two just below yoke, two on either side of the stitched in waist tuck, and four just above hem. Dated by museum to 4th–7th c. https://www.mfa.org/collections/object/tunic-73735 147. Museum of Fine Arts, Boston acc. no. 96.121 Child’s tunic of undyed wool, l. 87 cm by w. 87 cm. Narrow, full length dark purple clavi with vine pattern, matching double sleeve bands; leaf shaped knee tabulae. Flower shaped shoulder tabulae in dark purple wool with a central white cross surrounded by a circle of eight orange circles; no visible waist tuck. https://www.mfa.org/collections/object/child-stunic-71027 148. Röhsska Museum, Gothenburg, RKM 852–14 Adult tunic in undyed linen, l. 225 cm (hem to hem) by w. 181 cm; width of bodice: 90–96 cm, sleeve l. 41 cm by w. 34 cm. Narrow clavi ending just above hem, and double sleeve bands; both in simple purple wool stripe; shoulder orbiculi, plus one sewn on central front, probably not added in antiquity (sewn with machine spun thread). Stitched in waist tuck; garment opened up for display. Erikson (1997) no. 1. 149. Röhsska Museum, Gothenburg, RKM 157–35 Child’s tunic in undyed linen, only half extant, l. 63/65.5 cm (excluding fringe of 2–3 cm) by w. 93 cm (bodice); sleeve l. 29 cm by w. 15 cm. Full length, figurative clavi in polychrome wool; extant sleeve has narrow double sleeve bands. Narrow stripe of red wool just inside side seam and at sleeve end; reinforcing cord in red and black wool at underarm opening; evidence of similar red and black trim at neckline. No visible waist tuck. Vestiges of tapestry knee tabulae. Erikson (1997) no. 2. 150. State Pushkin Museum of Fine Arts, Moscow. Inv. 5151/5823 Adult undyed linen tunic, l. 84 cm by w. 129 cm. Full length figurative clavi and wide yoke with two rows of figures in arched niches; double sleeve bands. Waist tuck unclear; dated by museum to 4th c. Shurinova (1967) no. 2. 151. State Pushkin Museum of Fine Arts, Moscow. Inv. 5194 Adult tunic in undyed linen, l. 79.5 cm by w. 127.5 cm. Slit neck with yoke bands back and front; tapestry

Catalogue of Tunics in Museum and Archaeological Collections

decoration at hem and sleeve ends; orbiculi at shoulders only. Waist tuck visible; dated by museum to 4th–5th c. Shurinova (1967) no. 36. 152. Staatliche Museen zu Berlin (SMB), inv. no. 9.60 Adult tunic in red wool with fringed hem, l. 150 cm by w. 262 cm. Full length figurative tapestry clavi with matching yoke and double sleeve bands. Appears to be open down length of sleeve; no visible waist tuck. Von Falck (1996) no. 310. 153. Staatliche Museen zu Berlin (SMB), inv. no. 9916 Child’s tunic of undyed linen, l. 87 cm by w. 140 cm. Woven-in trim of stripe/flower pattern at sleeve ends, ending in tassels at both sides, suggesting that sleeves were worn unseamed. Similar pattern at bottom of each side seam, and line of flowers at sleeve/shoulder conjunction. Red wool trim at neckline and short clavi at both sides of neck, ending in three branches. Small tabula at centre front with cross hatch design. Mended rip in right sleeve, mended rip down full front of garment; no visible waist tuck. Fluck et al. (2000) 191–92 cat. no. 125. 154. Staatliche Museen zu Berlin (SMB), inv. no. 9917 Adult tunic in undyed wool, l. 116 cm by w. 210 cm. Full length narrow plain clavi in blue wool, same width clavi closer to side seam, running from bottom of sleeve to hem; same size band at sleeve end, with embroidered cross motif on both sides of stripe in red and blue wool. Open under arm, opening reinforced with blue wool; no visible waist tuck. C14 dated to AD 688–887. Fluck and Malck (2007) 150 fig. 19; Fluck et al. (2000) 200–201 cat no. 130; Von Falck (1996) cat. no. 311. 155. Staatliche Museen zu Berlin (SMB), inv. no. 9620 Adult tunic of undyed wool, l. 139 cm by w. 212 cm. Full length clavi in polychrome wool tapestry, with figurative design in square panels, matching single arm bands and knee and shoulder tabulae. Round neck opening trimmed with blue tapestry ribbon; narrow ribbon trim at sleeve ends. Garment now opened for display, red wool reinforcing where underarm opening would have been; waist tuck now opened. Fluck et al. (2000) 189–90 no. 124, plate 11. 156. Staatliche Museen zu Berlin (SMB), inv. no. 9661 Child’s hooded tunic of red wool, wide yoke band and full length clavi in polychrome tapestry, matching double sleeve bands; small orbiculi on both sides of hood with fringing around the face. Black and white photo, measurements for hood only: 1.30 cm by w. 15–18 cm; no visible waist tuck.

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Linscheid (2010) cat. no. 559; Wulff and Volback (1926) S.61. 157. Staatliche Museen zu Berlin (SMB), inv. no. 9662 Child’s hooded tunic in undyed linen, yoke band and full length clavi in black and red wool tapestry; matching double sleeve bands and small orbiculi on both sides of hood. Black and white photo, measurements for hood only: l. 28 cm by w. 21 cm; no visible waist tuck. Linschied (2010) cat. no. 554. 158. Staatliche Museen zu Berlin (SMB), inv. no. 9664 Child’s hooded tunic in yellow/brown wool, Narrow yoke band and full length clavi in red/purple wool tapestry; matching double sleeve bands and small orbiculi on both sides of hood; waist tuck unclear. Black and white photo, measurements for hood only: l. 26.5 cm by w. 20–23 cm. Linschied (2010) cat. no. 560. 159. Staatliche Museen zu Berlin (SMB), inv. no. 9928 (Berlin inv. 14249) Adult tunic of undyed wool, l. 138 cm by w. 175 cm. Garment very deteriorated, no visible clavi or other tapestry decoration; noteworthy for symbols embroidered on one side of hem: χΘ+. Waist tuck unclear. Fluck et al. (2000) 177–78 cat. no. 111. 160. Textile Museum of Canada, ID T88.0049 Child’s tunic in undyed wool, fringed at hem, l. 105 cm by w. 122 cm. Full length narrow clavi in dark red/purple wool tapestry with floral/vine design; matching single sleeve bands. Wide, opened waist tuck visible; dated by museum to 6th–7th c. http://collections.textilemuseum.ca/index. cfm?page=collection.detail&catId=4983&row=1 161. Textile Museum of Canada, ID T88.0057 Child’s tunic in blue wool, l. 74 cm by w. 60.5 cm at hem, 108 cm across shoulders. Wide, full length clavi in red/ purple wool tapestry, with matching sleeve bands. Full length, plain clavi just inside side seam from shoulder to hem, and below sleeve band. Red tapestry ribbon trim around scoop neck, at cuff and 12.6 cm up side seam from hem; stitching evidence suggests that this trim originally ran around the hem too. No visible waist tuck. Dated by museum to 7th–9th c. http://collections.textilemuseum.ca/index. cfm?page=collection.detail&catId=4993&row=1 162. Textile Museum of Washington, no. 71.72 Adult tunic in undyed wool, l. 104 cm by w. 87.5 cm at hem, sleeves 39 cm by 17 cm. Narrow, waist length clavi with undulating vine pattern, matching double sleeve

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bands. Small knee and shoulder orbiculi with figurative designs. Waist tuck unclear. Trilling (1982) no. 26. 163. Textile Museum of Washington, no. 711.8 Adult tunic in red wool, l. 122 cm by w. 105.5 cm at hem, sleeves 44 cm by 17 cm; slit neck opening 28 cm. Wide, full length clavi in dark wool tapestry with figurative /vine patterns, matching double sleeve bands. Woven in plain narrow yellow clavi just inside side seam, running from bottom of sleeve to hem, and at cuff. Stitched in waist tuck 53 cm below neck opening. Trilling (1982) no. 74. 164. Victoria and Albert Museum, no. 136–1891 Adult tunic of undyed linen, l. 120 cm by w. 104 cm at hem. Wide polychrome wool tapestry clavi ending at waist in large round finials, matching double sleeve bands and large shoulder and knee orbiculi; all appliquéd on. Tapestry ribbon trim at cuff and another piece making a yoke that connects clavi at neckline. Stitched in waist tuck, with clavi finials stitched over top. From Akhmim, dated to AD 600–800. http://collections.vam.ac.uk/item/O90760/tunicunknown/; Kendrick (1922) cat. no. 619. 165. Victoria and Albert Museum, no. 290–1887 Adult tunic of undyed linen, l. 125 cm by w. 181 cm. Wide red/purple wool tapestry yoke with narrow full length clavi; matching double sleeve bands. There is a small cross on the front of the neckband. No visible waist tuck. From Akhmim, dated by museum to 4th–5th c. http://collections.vam.ac.uk/item/O354865/tunic/; Kendrick (1920) cat. no. 3. 166. Victoria and Albert Museum, no. 291–1891 Adult tunic in red wool, l. 131 cm by w. 209 cm at shoulders, 124 cm at hem. Wide polychrome wool tapestry clavi ending at waist in large round finials, matching double sleeve bands and large shoulder and knee orbiculi; all appliquéd on. Woven-in stripes of undyed wool running just inside side seams from bottom of sleeve to hem; similar single line at sleeve end, and two similar lines centre front on inside edge of appliquéd clavi. Tapestry ribbon trim at cuff and another piece making a yoke that connects clavi at neckline. Open under arms; opened waist tuck. Dated by museum to AD 670–870. http://collections.vam.ac.uk/item/O119593/tunic -unknown/; Pritchard (2006) 92; King (2004) 246–67; Kendrick (1922) pl. IV, fig. 620. 167. Victoria and Albert Museum, no. 409–1890 Adult tunic in green wool, l. 119 cm by w. 171 cm across shoulder, 91 cm at hem. Sleeves 40 cm by 23 cm around

cuff. Wide, full length red/purple wool tapestry clavi, 28 cm apart, with matched double width sleeve bands. 9  cm wide red tapestry ribbon trim at hem, going 25  cm up at side seams, with narrower red ribbon trim at cuff and around scoop neck, which is reinforced with green wool blanket stitch at corners. Waist tuck unclear; open under arms. From Fayoum, dated by museum to 5th–6th c. Examined 27.11.2013; Kendrick (1921) cat. no. 337. 168. Victoria and Albert Museum, no. 463–1889 Child’s tunic of wool with multi-coloured stripes, l. 45.5 cm by w. 72 cm across shoulders, 50 cm at hem, sleeves 11 cm by 8.24 cm around cuff. Red and white corded trim at neck line and over both shoulders, same trim at underarm opening, open down length of sleeves. No visible waist tuck. From Fayoum, dated by museum to 5th–6th c. Examined 27.11.2013; Kendrick (1921) cat. no. 338. 169. Victoria and Albert Museum, no. 634–1886 Child’s tunic of undyed linen, l. 92 cm by w. 132 cm across shoulders. Full length woven-in clavi of floral/ bud design in red, yellow, green and purple wool tapestry, with matching sleeve bands. Stitched in waist tuck. From Akhmim, dated by museum to 5th c. http://collections.vam.ac.uk/item/O354873/tunic/; Kendrick (1921) cat.no. 336. 170. Victoria and Albert Museum, no. 632–1886 Adult tunic of undyed linen, l. 100 cm by w. 137 cm. Narrow waist length clavi in bright red wool tapestry, ending in small leaf shaped finials, matching double sleeve bands. Small knee and shoulder tabulae in red wool with white eight-petal flower motif. No visible waist tuck. Dated by museum to 5th c. http://collections.vam.ac.uk/item/O354875/tunic/; Kendrick (1921) cat. no. 334. 171. Victoria and Albert Museum, no. 820–1903 Adult tunic in undyed linen, l. 137.2 cm by w. 210.5 cm across shoulders, 110 cm at hem. Wide waist length clavi in polychrome silk tapestry, with matching double width sleeve bands and large knee orbiculi; figurative designs in tapestry includes inscription. Stitched in waist tuck wider at sides than in the middle. Dated by museum to AD 600–900. http://collections.vam.ac.uk/item/O248677/tunic -unknown/ ; Kendrick (1922) cat. no. 794. 172. Victoria and Albert Museum, no. 2071–1900 Adult tunic of undyed linen, l. 122.5 cm by w. 176 cm. Narrow waist length clavi in red wool tapestry, ending in small leaf shaped finials, matching double sleeve bands,

Catalogue of Tunics in Museum and Archaeological Collections

very small knee and shoulder orbiculi, all with floral/vine pattern. Four square purple tapestry tabulae with bird/ floral motifs applied down the centre front of the garment, probably after excavation. Very narrow stitched-in waist tuck, open under arms. Dated by museum to 5th c. http://collections.vam.ac.uk/item/O354859/tunic/; Kendrick (1921) cat. no. 335. 173. Victoria and Albert Museum, no. 2070–1900 Adult tunic in undyed linen, l. 137.5 cm by w. 107.5 cm at hem. Wide, full length clavi in polychrome wool tapestry with figurative designs on a red ground. Wide tapestry band trim along the hem, with a small piece of different tapestry connecting clavi at square neckline. Stitched in waist tuck with clavi sewn over it. Dated by museum to 6th–8th c. http://collections.vam.ac.uk/item/O354980/tunicand-decorative/; Kendrick (1922) cat no. 621. 174. Victoria and Albert Museum, no. T.7–1947 Child’s tunic of undyed wool, l. 62 cm by w. 104.5 cm across shoulders. Polychrome wool tapestry yoke in two parts, with the section nearest the neckline being on a red ground, and the rest on a dark blue ground, which continues into short clavi which end in round finials; matching double sleeve bands, one on red ground, and one on dark blue; all with figurative designs. Three further tapestry lines running parallel to clavi on the outside edge, ending in blue and red tassels, with two more tapestry lines running parallel to side seam just inside sleeve, also ending in tassels. ‘U’ shaped decoration at hem with upright stripes ending in same round finials. Small shoulder and knee tabulae; opened waist tuck. Dated by museum to AD 450–650. http://collections.vam.ac.uk/item/O119606/tunic -unknown/; King (2004) 246–67 fig.19. 175. Victoria and Albert Museum, no. T.93–1924 Adult tunic in undyed linen, l. 112 cm by w. 152.5 cm. Polychrome wool yoke with short clavi, ending above waist tuck in leaf shaped finials, with matching single sleeve bands. ‘U’ shaped trim at hem, with upright stripes ending in same finials; all with interlace designs. Large shoulder and smaller knee tabulae, with same interlace design around figurative medallions. Stitched in waist tuck. Dated by museum to 5th c. http://collections.vam.ac.uk/item/O125803/tunic -unknown/ 176. Victoria and Albert Museum, no. T.94–1924 Adult tunic of undyed linen, l. approx. 106 cm by w. 132 cm across shoulders. Narrow full length clavi of red wool tapestry in geometric design, keyhole neckline

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with red tapestry trim at opening and down front of garment; cloth buttons and loops. Garment is heavily patched and mended, and has been disassembled and re-sewn into another shape, possibly for use as a burial cloth. Dated by museum to 8th–9th c. Examined 27.11.2013. 177. Victoria and Albert Museum, no. T.163.1976 Adult tunic of red, yellow and white striped wool, with green fringing added along both sides and at cuffs, l. 134.5 cm by w. 150 cm across shoulders, 102 cm at hem; sleeves 46 cm by 24 cm around cuff. Garment is completely open down side seams and arms and has no opening for head; no visible waist tuck. Dated by museum to AD 300–500. Examined 27.11.2013. 178. Victoria and Albert Museum, no. 257–1890 Child’s tunic of undyed linen, l. 35 cm from front neck opening to hem, by w. 69 cm across shoulders, 32 cm at hem; sleeves 18/19 cm by 16 cm around cuff. Narrow clavi in very dark blue/purple wool tapestry extending to just below waist and ending in a leaf finial; matching double sleeve bands. Large shoulder and smaller knee orbiculi with animal figures surrounded by vine/floral border; all decorations have been skilfully appliquéd onto the garment, which itself shows signs of having been made from fabric which was first patched together. No visible waist tuck; garment completely opened for display. From Akhmim, dated by museum to 4th– 5th c. Examined 22.11.2013. 179. Whitworth Art Gallery, no. T1992.5 Child’s tunic in undyed linen, only half extant; l. 58 cm by w. 22 cm across extant sleeve, 21 cm neck opening, 22 cm between clavi. Full length wool tapestry clavi, 2 cm wide, with red and green crosses in dark yellow medallions on a red ground; matching single sleeve band. Clavi sewn over waist tuck, which is 4 cm deep; side seams sewn after waist tuck. Examined 22.11.2012; Pritchard (2006) 79–80 figs. 4.27 (a–b). 180. Whitworth Art Gallery, no. T.1994.130 Adult tunic of undyed linen, l. 104 cm by w. 208 cm, side seam 84 cm, sleeves tapered to wrist. Very narrow waist length clavi in dark purple/brown wool tapestry, ending in leaf shaped finial, Small shoulder tabulae of cross in white medallion; small knee tabulae with dark cross on white wool square. Some evidence of darning at neckline; no visible waist tuck. Pritchard (2006) 76–77, figs 4.25 (a–c).

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181.  Whitworth Art Gallery, no. T.1994.131/Royal Museums of Art and History, Brussels, ACO. Tx.2477 (each museum has half the garment) Adult tunic of undyed linen, l. 128 cm by w. 92 cm at hem. Narrow clavi in dark purple/brown wool, ending in round finials just above waist tuck, matching double sleeve bands; small shoulder and knee orbiculi all with interlace/geometric designs. Stitched in waist tuck concealing seam; some darning in thicker linen thread at neckline. C14 dated to AD 420–550. De Moor et al. (2010) 35 table 1, no. 4; VerheckenLammens (2010) 31–33; Pritchard (2006) 78–79 figs, 4.26 (a–b). 182. Whitworth Art Gallery, no. T.8358 Adult tunic of orange wool with fringed hem, l. 112.5 cm; sleeves 50 cm by 29 cm around cuff. Very ornate tapestry yoke in dark purple, red and green wool, with wide, full length clavi and matching double sleeve bands; clavi are 26 cm apart. Narrow yellow wool woven-in double stripe along slide seam from bottom of sleeve to hem, with same at cuff. Side seams overlapped and stitched together with large running stitches in turquoise and white wool thread; open under arms. Opened waist tuck, 9 cm deep. Examined 22.11.2012; Pritchard (2006) 83–87 figs. 4.32 (a–d). 183. Whitworth Art Gallery, no. T.8359 Adult tunic in green wool, l. 96 cm by w. 194 cm across shoulders, 104 cm at hem; sleeves 45 cm by 18 cm around cuff. Open under arms and for 9 cm up sleeve from cuff. Wide, full length clavi in dark red/purple wool tapestry, with matching double sleeve bands. 11 cm wide red tapestry ribbon at hem with extra patch of same at side seams; square neck opening, trim missing. Stitched in waist tuck of 10 cm. Fabric appears to be slightly felted and napped. C14 dated to AD 650–770. Examined 22.11.2012; Pritchard (2007) 187; Pritchard (2006) 5–7 fig. 1.5 (a–c). 184. Whitworth Art Gallery, no. T.8360 Adult tunic in dark blue wool, l. 88.5 cm by w. 163 cm across shoulders, 92 cm at hem; sleeves 35.5 cm by 25 cm around cuff. 11 cm wide red/purple full length clavi 25 cm apart, with matching double width sleeve bands. Wide, plain yellow wool clavi just inside side seam from shoulder to hem and also at cuff. Red tapestry ribbon trim at hemline, up-side seams for about a quarter of

their length, at cuff and around scoop neckline; neckline and underarm opening further reinforced with green wool blanket stitching. Open along underside of arm and at underarm; waist tuck of 8.8 cm in width stitched in green wool; waist tuck wider at sides of garment. Side seams overlapped and stitched after tuck. Examined 22.11.2012; Pritchard (2006) 88, fig. 4.33. 185. Whitworth Art Gallery, no. T.8361 Adult tunic in red wool, l. 112.5 cm by w. 206 cm, sleeves 48 cm by 15 cm around cuff. Narrow woven-in clavi, of white wool, ending at waist tuck; three woven-in stripes of white wool running full length of garment just inside both side seams; single stripe at sleeve end. Wide blue wool tapestry ribbon at hemline, with extra square added at side seams; narrower blue tapestry trim added at scoop neckline and at cuff; neckline reinforced with blanket stitch at sides. Open under arms, stitched in waist tuck of 4 cm; side seams put in after tuck. Pritchard (2006) 89–91 figs. 4.36 (b–c). 186. Whitworth Art Gallery, no. T.8362 Adult tunic in undyed wool, l. 102 cm by w. 207 cm across shoulders, 117 cm at hem; sleeves 45 cm by 16 cm around cuff. Wide tapestry clavi in purple and dark blue wool, ending at waist tuck in three equal sized square ended finials; five sleeve bands, made up of three wide and two narrow bands, with patterning matching clavi. Large shoulder and smaller knee orbiculi with interlace knot patterns. Undyed wool cord trim at neck line, criss-crossed at sides and running down inside of clavi for approximately one third of their length, ending in tassels. Stitched in waist tuck of 5 cm width, sewn over clavi finials. Open under arms. Examined 22.11.2012; Pritchard (2006) 99–100 figs. 4.44 (a–b). 187. Whitworth Art Gallery, no. T.8374 Child’s tunic of undyed wool, l. 125.5 cm (hem to hem) by w. 89 cm, sleeves 20 cm by 8 cm around cuff. Short faded purple clavi ending in three equal sized square ended finials, matching double sleeve bands; small shoulder orbiculi, and very small knee orbiculi. Red wool cord trim around slit neck, and over both shoulders, ending in three tassels; red cord trim also at underarm and along sleeve to beginning of sleeve band. Garment open down side seams and sleeves; no visible waist tuck. Examined 22.11.2012; Pritchard (2006) 98–99 figs. 4.43 (a–b).

Glossary Clothing Terms Amictus (latin, amicare, ‘to wrap’) generally, a covering. Amphimallium a cloak which was shaggy on both sides.1 Anaxarides Persian trousers. Balteus a term borrowed by modern scholars from Quint., Inst.11.3.140, where it is used to describe the appearance of the rolled cloth of the toga, which extended diagonally from the right armpit to the left shoulder, and which resembled a sword belt. The term was not used in antiquity.2 Bardocucullus (Celtic loan word) a very thick, heavy woollen cucullus which retained much of the natural lanolin, making it waterproof.3 Bracae Trousers. Bulla a boy’s rounded, convex locket enclosing an amulet, often phallic in nature. The bulla was adopted by the Romans from the Etruscans. It could be gold, silver, bronze or even leather.4 Calceus (calcei) Shoes that came up over the ankle; the term comes from the Latin calx, ‘heel’. Calcei were formal shoes worn with the toga outside the house, while sandals were worn with the tunic inside the house. Slaves were not allowed to wear calcei.5 Caligae army boots with hobnailed soles and cutwork straps. Carbatinae one piece shoes with soles and uppers cut from a single piece of leather. The edges were cut into loops through which a lacing pulled the uppers together.6 Casula a hooded cloak, more ample than the paenula and completely closed at the front, resembling a ‘little house’, hence the name.7 Chiton a Greek dress made of two rectangular lengths of cloth, which were sewn along the sides up to the arms forming a tube; they were then held together at intervals along the top, with a space left for the head and neck. Chlamys a long cloak with a curved hem, fastened on the right shoulder by means of a fibula so as to leave the right arm free. Cingulum a belt. Clavi the two vertical stripes on a tunic, beginning at each shoulder, and usually (but not always) extending to the hem; these could be woven in or stitched on.

1  Sebesta and Bonfante (1994) 242. 2  Sebesta and Bonfante 1994) 242. 3  Sebesta and Bonfante (1994) 242. 4  Sebesta and Bonfante (1994) 242. 5  Sebesta and Bonfante (1994) 242. 6  Sebesta and Bonfante (1994) 242. 7  Wilson (1938) 95–96.

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Colobium (Kolobion) a form of tunic particularly associated with the monks of Egypt; either sleeveless or short sleeved. More ample than a chiton.8 Contabulatio mantle worn across the chest in a thick band of folds. Cothurnus stage shoes or boots, usually with a very thick sole, possibly of wood, to add height. Crepidae Greek shoes that covered more of the foot than a sandal; they sometimes had straps, but most often were made with a complex network of cutwork designs that extended up the front of the foot. Cucullus a short hooded cape.9 Cuirass “defensive armour for the torso, consisting of a breastplate and backplate, and worn over a cloth, leather or padded vest. Originally they were made from leather, as the etymology of ‘cuirass’ (corium—skin layer; dermis) indicates, but Roman generals came to wear iron breastplates which were often moulded to replicate musculature; these are also called ‘classical’ or ‘anatomical’ cuirasses. Cuirasses of Roman generals, and especially Roman emperors, were also decorated with embossed historical, allegorical, or mythological figures and symbols of victory.”10 They were also often belted or sashed, with the sash tied in a knot of Hercules over the cuirass, as an apotropaic protection against danger in battle.11 Dalmatic a late form of wide sleeved tunic worn by both women and men. Ephod the jewelled breastplate worn by the Jewish high priest (Exodus 28.6). Its shape, and the kind and number of its jewels, like those of the other garments of the high priest, had cosmological, symbolic meaning.12 Essen the long robe worn by the Jewish high priest.13 Exomis tunic sometimes worn by working men; short and fastened on only one shoulder. Fasciae literally ‘bandages’ used to describe both the bands wrapped around the legs like puttees, and the breast bands worn by women. Feminalia a covering for the thighs; probably short trousers.14 Fibula a pin or brooch, fastening the cloak or chlamys. Beginning in the 3rd c. AD, the emperor wore a more elaborate jewelled brooch to signify his status over military tribunes, who began to be awarded jewelled brooches. Under 8  Kazhdan (1991) ‘colobium’; see also P.Kell.Copt 18. 9  Wilson (1938) 92–93. 10  Sebesta and Bonfante (1994) 243. 11  Dauterman Maguire, Maguire and Duncan-Flowers (1981) 1. 12  Sebesta and Bonfante (1994) 244. 13  Sebesta and Bonfante (1994) 244. 14  Wilson (1938) 75.

168 Constantine the Great, the emperor’s brooch became conspicuously larger, and by the reigns of his three sons, three pendant jewels hanging from the brooch were consistently part of the imperial insignia.15 Flammeum flame coloured mantle or veil worn by Roman brides; the colour was the same as the veil worn by the Flaminica Dialis, the Roman priestess who could not divorce her husband, and so it symbolised fidelity and constancy in marriage.16 Gammadia the ‘L’ shaped markings often found on the corners of mantles (like the Greek gamma: Γ). Guanaka/kaunaki a heavy cloak with deep pile inside.17 Himation Greek term for a palla/pallium. Horus lock a lock of plaited hair worn at the right side of the head; a distinguishing feature of Horus, the child of Isis, and therefore symbolising youth and indicating a follower of Isis; worn until puberty. Institia a band either woven into or sewn onto the hem of a woman’s tunic to ensure her modesty. Lacerna a type of cloak or mantle worn by both men and women. Laena a long, heavy mantle with a curved hemline, fastened on the right shoulder with a brooch. Often described as ‘double’, this garment may have been of two thicknesses of cloth, either by being folded in half or being lined, or it may have been double woven cloth.18 Loros “(from lorion, a strip of leather) a long scarf, esp. the heavy stole about 5 m long and studded with precious stones worn by both the emperor and empress. A vestige of the Roman trabea triumphalis (the toga of consuls), the loros was arranged in an X over the upper body; one section then fell straight down the front, while the other came from behind the right shoulder to cross the chest and drape over the left arm (as on the coins of Justinian II)”.19 Lunula an amuletic necklace worn by girls and women. The amulet was shaped like the crescent moon.20 Maphorion a garment covering the head and shoulders; “A distinguishing feature of the costume of noble women, the maphorion became the traditional attire given to the Virgin Mary and holy women in artistic representations. The Virgin’s maphorion or ‘veil’, usually blue, brown, or purple, may be decorated with gold dots or pellets in the form of a cross; the maphorion of Eve is generally red.”21

15  Sebesta and Bonfante (1994) 244. 16  Follette (1994) 55. 17  Przylosky (1931). 18  Wilson (1938) 112–15. 19  Kazhdan (1991) ‘loros’. 20  Sebesta and Bonfante (1994) 245. 21  Kazhdan (1991) ‘maphorion’.

Glossary Melote a sheepskin worn over both shoulders and knotted in the middle—may also refer to a ‘loop’ woven cloak (see Guanaka/kaunaki above). Mitra a turban. Modius term used to describe the flat topped cylindrical hat, often encircled by a wreath, worn by Palmyrene priests; called this because of its similarity to the Roman grain measure (the word was not used in this sense in antiquity). Mulleus a shoe dyed red; so named after the red mullet fish. Orbiculus a round tapestry-woven decoration on a tunic; usually found on the shoulders and/or the knees, these can be woven in or appliquéd on. Paenula a cloak of wool, leather or fur; possibly hooded. Palla/pallium a large rectangular mantle. Paludamentum a long woollen cloak or mantle worn by the military.22 Pero/perones probably a form of low shoe-boot, worn in the country.23 Pilleus a soft felt or wool hat that rises to a forward curving rounded point at the top. Worn by Phyrgians and Dacians; also worn by slaves on the day they were granted their freedom, and so came to symbolise manumission.24 Pilleus Pannonicus a soft felt ‘pillbox’ shaped hat.25 Pissyrgos pitch worker, a Greek slang word for ‘shoemaker’, who frequently used pitch to black, and probably to waterproof, shoes.26 Ricinium head veil. Sagum (Celtic loan word) A thick, rough cloak that originated in the western provinces; particularly worn by soldiers and country people. Sakkos “a form of tunic; the word originally meant coarse sackcloth. In the late Roman empire, the sakkos was a symbol of asceticism or penitence; Sakkophoroi, “those wearing sackcloth,” became the name of a group of heretics who practiced an extreme asceticism”.27 Schema a leather apron given to a new monk to wear for his work and as a sign of his vocation.28 Sinus an overfold of the diagonal top edge of the toga, running from beneath the right arm to the left shoulder. Soccus a cloth sock; may also refer to a soft cloth slipper or light shoe.29 22  Wilson (1938) 102–103. 23  See Goldman (1994) 101–32 on the difficulty of naming/identifying specific footwear types. 24  Edmondson (2008) 27. 25  Mannering (2006) 154. 26  Sebesta and Bonfante (1994) 245. 27  Kazhdan (1991) ‘sakkos’. 28  Dauterman Maguire (2003) 5, nn.25–26. However, this word may not have been used exclusively to indicate a monk’s garment: see note 101 in the Introduction for reference to the ‘schema’ of a soldier. 29  See Ed. Diocl. 9.17–23.

169

Glossary Solea a sandal fastened to the sole by straps; generally only worn inside the house. Stola the dress worn by married Roman women. It was an outer or over tunic; long enough to cover the feet, it included a band or ‘flounce’ sewn into the hem that would be visible when the rest of the gown was covered by the mantle.30 Strophium a band of cloth binding the breasts; worn as an undergarment by women. Subuculam an undertunic.31 Subligaculum/subligar a garment that covers the lower half of the body, possibly a loincloth.32 Tablion one of a pair of rectangular or trapezoidal panels sewn at right angles to the edges of a chlamys or other civilian cloak. Tabula/tabulae a square or rectangular tapestry-woven decoration on a tunic: usually found on the shoulders and/or the knees, these can be woven in or appliquéd on. Tibiale leg wraps; also called fasciae.33 Toga a woollen garment with a rounded edge, generally worn over a tunic by adult males. The method of draping the toga varied over time, and according to the role taken on by the wearer. They are often described in terms of their function:

• ing or by chalking, which was worn by political candidates. • Toga muliebris a term used by Cicero to denote the toga worn by the prostitute.34 • Toga praetexta a toga with a purple band woven along its Toga candida a toga specially whitened, either by bleach-

lower edge; it was worn by freeborn children, and by consuls and priests when presiding at official functions. Toga pulla a dark coloured toga worn during the mourning period Toga virilis the plain white toga worn by adult male citizens

• •

Tunic the basic garment worn by men, women and children during antiquity; its shape, length and decoration varied over time and place. Tzangion boot or sandal. “In the Late Roman period the word acquired the connotation of an elegant shoe…”35 Vittae woollen bands or ribbons tied into or onto the hair of Roman women, possibly only worn on ceremonial or religious occasions.36

30  Croom (2000) 89. 31  Wilson (1938) 71. 32  Wilson (1938) 72. 33  Wilson (1938) 74. 34  Cic., Phil. 2.18.44. 35  Kazhdan (1991) ‘tzangion’. 36  Olson (2008).

Textile Terms Byssus also known as ‘sea-silk’, a rare and beautiful fabric made from the filaments used by some bivalve molluscs to attach themselves to a hard surface; may also refer to very white, finely woven fabric, possibly cotton or linen, or fabric used for shrouds. Cartoon a ‘real-size’ template most often drawn on papyrus of a figural design or pattern; this is placed behind the warp threads of a tapestry panel to guide the weaver in placing the weft threads. Clavi the vertical stripes symmetrically placed on either side of the neckline on both the back and the front of a tunic: these vary in width, can run full or part of the length of the tunic, be plain or decorative, or be woven in or appliquéd on. Distaff the stick or spindle onto which wool or prepared flax is wound in readiness for spinning. Drawloom a handloom for weaving figured textiles, equipped with a figure harness that controls some or all of the warp threads and permits the automatic repeat of a pattern both horizontally and vertically.37 Embroidery a method of decorating fabric with stitching using a needle and thread or yarn. Felt a non-woven fabric produced by matting woollen fibres. Figure harness the harness that executes the pattern in figured textiles. It controls the warp as required for the formation of the pattern; it permits the mechanical repeat of the pattern in the width and the length of the fabric. Flax linum usitatissimum; the plant from which linen fibres are made. Fulling the tasks undertaken by the Roman fuller include the scouring, bleaching, nap-raising and laundering of fabric and garments. Ground the background fabric into which tapestry parts are woven. Loom a device for weaving cloth by holding warp threads taut in order to facilitate the interweaving of weft threads; types include the horizontal loom, the warp weighted loom, the two-beam vertical loom, the drawloom and the tablet loom.38 Looped pile a technique for adding texture and thickness to a textile by adding extra weft threads that extend out in a loop from the surface of the fabric.39 Mordant a substance used during the dyeing process to fix the dye; varying the proportion of mordant to dye can vary the depth of colour obtained. Common mordants include urine and various metal salts such as alum. 37  Verhecken-Lammens et al. (2006) 275. 38  The illustrations of looms are drawn by F. Pennick Morgan, from Rutschowscaya (1990) 31. 39  The drawings of weaving detail are done by Sonja Daemen, and were included in De Moor (1993).

170

Glossary

Figure G1 Warp weighted loom.

Figure G2 Horizontal loom.

Figure G3 Two-beam vertical loom.

Needle knitting (also known as ‘nalebinding’) a form of looped needle-netting done with an eyed needle; the resulting textile resembles knitted fabric. The two-needle knitting we are familiar with today was not known in antiquity. Orbiculus the circular decorative panels on a tunic, usually placed symmetrically on both shoulders and/or at the bottom front and back corners of the garment; these vary in

Figure G4 Drawloom.

size and level of decoration, and can be either woven in or appliquéd on. Pick one pass of one or a group of weft threads though the shed. Pile threads projecting from a ground fabric, created either by the addition of extra threads (see sehna knot and looped pile), or by brushing woven fabric.

171

Glossary

Figure G5 Two variations of loop pile.

Plying the twisting together of one or more single yarns. Resist dyeing a method of patterning fabric by which a design is painted onto undyed cloth using a combination of a substance impervious to dye (such as wax), and a mordant (which fixes dye), the cloth is then immersed in dye, most commonly indigo; when the resist is removed the pattern appears. Samite a weft-faced compound twill weave. Sehna knot a technique in which separate threads are individually tied to warp threads in order to add thickness and texture to fabric. Also known as the Persian knot. Self-band band of multiple picks in a single shed; usually does not continue from selvedge to selvedge, but is discontinuous; used variously as decoration, markers and/or reinforcement. Selvedge the longitudinal edge of a fabric, created by the turning of the weft threads. Sha’atnaz a term describing fabric made with two fibres, such as wool and linen, infringing the biblical law observed by Jews.40 Shed the opening made by raising or lowering a proportion of the warp threads to allow the passage of the weft thread.

Figure G8 Weft-faced tabby (left), tabby (centre), warp-faced tabby (right). 40  Deuteronomy 22.11; Leviticus 19.19.

Figure G6 Soumak.

Figure G7 ‘S’ and ‘Z’ spinning directions.

172

Glossary

Figure G10

Tapestry weave.

Figure G11

Twill weave.

Soumak a technique in which a weft thread is manually woven through the warp threads without opening the shed; often used for adding detail. Sprang a method of knotting used for making hats and hairnets. S-spun; Z-spun the letters S and Z are used to denote the direction of a yarn’s twist; the central stroke of the letter matches the direction of the twist created when the yarn is spun; this was usually a matter of convention rather than whim. Although often used by researchers to show place of manufacture (Z spun from the West and S spun from the East), this is no longer considered to be a reliable indicator of origin.41 Tabby a weave in which one weft thread passes over and under alternate warp threads; the next weft thread reverses the order. When the warp threads are tighter than the weft threads, it is a ‘warp faced’ tabby; when the weft threads are tighter than the warp threads, it is ‘weft faced’.

Tablet weaving a method of weaving used for making decorative bands. The warp is threaded through the holes in groups of tablets, which are rotated to create sheds through which the weft thread is passed, creating a pattern.42 Tabula the square or rectangular decorative panels on a tunic, usually placed symmetrically on both shoulders and/or at the bottom front and back corners of the garment; these vary in size and level of decoration, and can be either woven in or appliquéd on. Tapestry a variation of weaving in which the weft threads are worked back and forth only in the area where a particular colour is required. Taqueté a weft-faced compound tabby weave with two or more complementary wefts. The coloured pattern on one side of the cloth is in ‘negative’ on the other; requires a drawloom. Twill a weave in which successive picks are staggered in, passing over two ormore adjacent warp threads, thereby creating diagonal lines on the fabric. Warp the lengthwise threads that are held in tension on a loom. Weft the threads that are woven into the warp on a loom; also sometimes called the woof. Woof see weft.

41  Wild et al. (2016).

42  Illustration of the tablet loom from Bender Jorgenson (1991) 87, fig. 2.

Figure G9 Tablet loom.

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Appendix A A.1

Evidence of Mending, Patching, Darning and/or Reused Fabric on Tunics and Cloaks Museum / Site ID

Size

Garment

Reuse Mend Patch Darn Date (AD)

Find Spot

1

Antinopolis baby 2

2

Antinopolis baby 3

3

Ashmolean child square AN1888.1109 tunic

child tunic

x

Antinopolis made from 6 pieces of recycled cloth

child tunic

x

Antinopolis made from 7 pieces of recycled cloth

4

Ashmolean 1968.588

5

Ballana Cloak, adult cloak Art Inst. of Chicago

x

6

Berlin 9916

child narrow sleeved tunic

x

7

Berlin 9935

x child long sleeved, shaped side tunic

8

BM 1901,0314.1

adult narrow sleeved tunic

x

x

child cap sleeved tunic

x

1st– 4th

7th, 8th, 9th

x

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���8 | doi ��.��63/9789004353466_012

6th, 7th, 8th

Ballana

Notes

self bands asymmetrically placed on garment suggest reuse of larger tunic; reuse of blue wool strips as clavi 2 patches of darning, skilfully carried out in a shade of blue wool very similar to colour of garment skilfully refurbished during its lifetime; includes re-hemming and at least 7 areas of darning mended tear in right sleeve; mended tear down complete length of front may have been for burial natural linen, keyhole neck. Hem different lengths on either side of side seams; suggests use of previously hemmed textile sleeves missing, mend beneath underarm seam; mended tear down centre front may have been for burial; tapestry clavi and orbiculi appliquéd onto garment

Reference

catalogue no. 77; Fluck (2013) catalogue no. 78; Fluck (2013) catalogue no. 2; personal examination

catalogue no. 22; personal examination

Granger-Taylor (2008)

catalogue no. 153; Fluck, Linscheid and Merz (2000) catalogue no. 64; Von Falck (1996)

catalogue no. 89; museum display

189

Appendix A

9

Museum / Site ID

Size

Garment

BM 1990, 0612.103a-b

child short sleeved tunic

10 BM 2004, 0910.5 (Khirbet Qazone 23)

adult square tunic

11 el-Deir ED-W 14–1,3

adult long sleeved tunic

12 el-Deir ED-W 14–1,4

adult short woollen tunic

13 el-Kom el-Ahmar DQ00/11.2

child square tunic

14 el-Kom el-Ahmar DQ00/11.3

adult square tunic

Reuse Mend Patch Darn Date (AD)

x

1st, Khirbet 2nd, Qazone 3rd

x

x

x

x

x

child narrow sleeved tunic

x

16 Katoen Natie inv. 146

7th– 8th

x

15 Allard Pierson child narrow sleeved Museum inv. tunic no. APM 16385

Find Spot

x

4th– Dakhleh 5th Oasis

4th– Dakhleh 5th Oasis

x

post 3rd

el-Kom el-Ahmar

x

post 3rd

el-Kom el-Ahmar

6th

Achmim

Notes

Reference

striped fabric used for sleeves differs substantially from striped fabric in body of garment, suggesting 2 different sources natural wool tunic; large patch on front, applied from the back and stitched on with red thread; patch on hem, tucks at either side above hem; mended tear at hem roughly darned on back of right shoulder and at underarm; ‘mends’ also often mended roughly darned on back of right shoulder and other places; mends often re-mended suggesting long-term use left back half only; extensively mended, patched and darned before use in a burial part of left back and front, heavily darned, particularly on upper back, suggesting that the wearer habitually carried heavy loads (Huber (2007) 60) made from reused fabric; applied sleeve; appliquéd red flowers on shoulders and knee; appliquéd B&W patterned pieced on hood

catalogue no. 23; museum website

tapestry sleeve bands un-matching (possibly not done in antiquity?)

catalogue no. 101; personal examination

catalogue no. 5; personal examination

LetellierWillemin (2012a; 2016 catalogue no. 93; LetellierWillemin (2008) catalogue no. 8; Huber (2007) catalogue no.9; Huber (2007)

catalogue no. 101; Gemeenten­ museum (1982)

190

Appendix A

Appendix A.1 (cont.) Museum / Site ID

Size

Garment

17 Katoen Natie inv. 984

adult long sleeved tunic

18 Katoen Natie inv. 2365

child narrow sleeved tunic

19 Kellis 31/20-D6-1/ NT/16/14

adult square tunic

Reuse Mend Patch Darn Date (AD)

Find Spot

x

child square 21 Kellis tunic 31/420-D6-1/ NT16/15

x

22 Kellis 31/420- child dalmatic x C5-2/360

510– 630 (C14)

x

x

3rd, 4th

Kellis

x

x

1st– 3rd

Kellis

3rd, 4th

Kellis

3rd, 4th

Kellis

23 Kellis 31/420- child wide C5-2/272 sleeved, hooded tunic adult mantle 24 Khirbet Qazone textile 18 child tunic 25 Khirbet Qazone textile 9

x

3rd, 4th

Kellis

26 Lyons, Musée child tunic historique des tissus, inv. 28520.42 (907.1.179) 27 MAK (Museum child tunic für angewandte Kunst, Vienna) inv. T122

x

x

x

x

x

x

Reference

catalogue no. 112; De Moor et al. (2008) catalogue no. Non-symmetrical 113; arrangement of in-woven stripes and self personal examination bands suggests use of recycled fabric coarse linen, very catalogue no. heavily patched 15; Livingstone (2013) catalogue no. direction of warp 16; and location of selfbands suggest that this Livingstone (2013) garment was madedown from an adult tunic catalogue no. cotton/linen; fold on one shoulder, seam on 14; Livingstone other. Hem curved by (2013) folding inwards and stitching at both sides of side seam hem slit patched on sides of neck catalogue no. opening; mended at the 46; Livingstone knee (2013) catalogue made-down, probably no.47; from an adult narrow sleeved tunic; decorative Livingstone (2013) embroidery detail extensively pieced and Granger-Taylor patched (2000) lightly woven linen; very neatly patched in 5th–7th c.

x

x

20 Kellis 31/420- child square C5-1/18 tunic

Notes

Khirbet Qazone Khirbet Qazone

Saqqara

fragmentary; entirely made from another textile, possibly a furnishing variation in designs on yoke and orbiculi suggests use of recycled fabric

Granger-Taylor (2000)

small red tapestry orbiculi appliquéd at knee

catalogue no. 125; MAK website

catalogue no. 145; Bourgon-Amir (1993)

191

Appendix A

Museum / Site ID

Size

Garment

Reuse Mend Patch Darn Date (AD)

Find Spot

Notes

Reference

28 MAK inv. T 281 child tailored tunic

x

7th– Saqqara 8th

catalogue no. shaped side tunic; applied sleeves. Body of 26; garment striped fabric, MAK website sleeved plain; appliquéd leaf shaped knee tapestry panels, clearly cut from something else

29 MAK inv. T501 child tailored tunic

x

Saqqara

catalogue no. 57; MAK website

30 MAK inv. T9776 child tunic

x

31 MAK inv. T 9904

child tailored tunic

x

32 Mons Claudianus MC1100

adult tunic

x

33 Mons Claudianus

adult tunic

x

x

brown wool tunic with side gores, applied sleeves; narrow linen bands on seams and neck opening, blue tapestry trim. Warp direction not uniform, suggesting reuse child’s short sleeved tunic, striped fabric; appears to be some variation between distance between stripes on back and front, suggesting different textiles; some stripes have loops; small red orbiculi sewn on shoulder; vestiges of red tapestry trim on sleeve child’s shaped side tunic in brown wool; applied sleeves. Appears to be made from at least 3 different textiles; red tapestry trim at scoop neck, along shoulders and at cuff Mons full length purple clavi Claudianus stitched on; much patched and mended

x

x

catalogue no. 58; MAK website

catalogue no. 28; MAK website

catalogue no. 20; Mannering 2000a catalogue Mons wholly made from no. 32; Claudianus another garment; Mannering random placement of woven-in motifs suggest (2000a) the reuse of a mantle. Skilfully patched

192

Appendix A

Appendix A.1 (cont.) Museum / Site ID

Size

Garment

Reuse Mend Patch Darn Date (AD)

adult cloak 34 U of Pennsylvania Museum acc. no. E15235 35 Nantes, Musée child tailored tunic Dobrée, inv. no. D.2001.2.1

x

linen tunic, heavily patched and mended, ‘re-purposed’ into a large textile, possibly for use as a shroud? red wool tunic; only half extant; inset side pieces appear to be different weight/weave to body of garment, although care has been taken to match the colour tapestry hem band, clavi and neck band un-matching child’s linen tunic skilfully made from larger textile; evidence of patching and mending and reuse of decorative elements evidence of wear and mending between neck opening and shoulder orbiculi blue wool shaped tunic with stripes on hem; stripes differ on back / front—suggests reuse of textile red wool pieced tunic; uneven placement of embroidered crosses and use of unusually shaped pieces of textile suggests reuse. Skilled darning in same coloured wool

narrow x sleeved tunic dalmatic x

6th– 8th

42 Whitworth T.8375

child tailored tunic

x

x

3rd– Akhmim 4th

x

x

catalogue no. 62; Pitarakis (2009) personal examination

x

300– 500

child sleeveless x tailored tunic

Pritchard (2006) 118

x

x

41 Whitworth T.2001.242

yellow wool cloak “extensively repaired in antiquity” heavily patched and mended

child tailored 37 Victoria and tunic Albert Museum T.156.1976

adult dalmatic

Reference

x

x

40 Whitworth T.1995.145

Notes

x

child tunic 36 Victoria and Albert Museum T.94.1924

adult 38 Victoria and Albert Museum no. 2070–1900 child 39 Victoria and Albert Museum T.257.1890

Find Spot

x

3rd, 4th

x

catalogue no. 66; personal examination

catalogue no. 173; V&A website catalogue no. 53; personal examination

catalogue no. 54; Pritchard (2006) catalogue no. 37; personal examination catalogue no. 69; Pritchard (2006); personal examination

193

Appendix A

Museum / Site ID

Size

Garment

43 Whitworth T.8550

child short sleeved tunic

44 Whitworth T.8508

adult short sleeved tunic

45 Whitworth T.8549

adult tailored tunic

46 Whitworth T.1989.23

adult short sleeved tunic

A.2

Reuse Mend Patch Darn Date (AD)

x

7th, 8th

x

x

x

Find Spot

Notes

Reference

wool tunic with decorative stitching at sleeves, hem and seams; folded on one side, seamed on the other: suggests reuse of textile extensively darned in at least 10 different threads

catalogue no. 42; Pritchard (2006); personal examination catalogue no. 41; Pritchard (2006) catalogue no. 71; Pritchard (2006)

Made from 11 pieces of fabric from 3 different cloths; heavily darned for mending and with ‘decorative’ darning. linen tunic roughly darned all over in many places in white wool

x

catalogue no. 36; personal Examination

Evidence of Mending, Patching, Darning and/or Reused Fabric on Clothing Fragments Museum / Site ID

Size

Garment

Reuse Mend Patch Darn Date Find Spot (AD)

1

Berlin, cat no. 4/86

tunic sleeve x

2

Berlin inv. 11404

tunic fragment

x

x

3

Berlin inv. 11407

x

x

4

Berlin inv. 11440

tunic fragment? tunic fragment?

5

Berlin inv. 11423

tabula

6

Berlin inv. 23/86[11]

clavi detail x

x

Notes

Reference

sleeve band / cuff clearly from different sources; asymmetrical pattern suggests reused textile fragment showing patching/reinforcing at neck of finely woven wool tunic fragment showing patching, stitching fragment showing skilled self-coloured darning tabula stitched all around; possible reuse? mix-matched pattern on clavi suggest reuse

Fluck et al. (2000)

Fluck et al. (2000)

Fluck et al. (2000) Fluck et al. (2000) Fluck et al. (2000) Fluck et al. (2000)

194

Appendix A

Appendix A.2 (cont.) Museum / Site ID

Size

7

BM 1990,0612.59

8

BM 1990,0612.83

Garment

Reuse Mend Patch Darn Date (AD)

child tunic fragment

Find Spot

x

x

7th– 8th

x

2nd– 8th

10 BM 1990,0612.114 adult tunic fragment

x

7th– 8th

11 BM 1990,0612.43

adult tunic fragment

x

7th– 8th

12 BM 1990, 0612.63

clothing fragment

x

9

adult tapestry panel from tunic BM 1990,0612.67. adult 2 large a-b tunic fragments

13 BM 2004,0910.02

child possibly part of a child’s tunic 14 BM child fragment of x 1990,0612.116a–b tunic

x

x

x

x

Notes

Reference

area of hem, probably from child’s tunic, un-dyed wool, with hem stitched in blue, decorative stitching in red large tapestry square; repaired in red wool, darned in brown wool 2 pieces of thick woollen cloth with multi-coloured bands; both show traces of darning fragment from side/ shoulder of a tunic, includes part of multicoloured tapestry band; darned on edge fragment from the underarm of a tunic; darned in area of starting border corner of cream coloured textile small piece of linen with extensive mending and patching

15 BM 1990,0612.30 a–b

tapestry roundel

x

16 BM 1990,0612.50

tapestry roundel

x

17 BM 1990, 0612.41

textile fragment

x

7th– 8th

6th– 8th

part of the shoulder area of a child’s wool tunic with appliquéd tapestry; embroidered white cross partly obscured by tapestry: suggests reuse of textile purple tapestry roundel, patched with plain purple cloth; darned heavily and skilfully darned roundel from a tunic red wool tabby, darned with dark and light brown wool

British Museum website

British Museum website British Museum website

British Museum website

British Museum website British Museum website personal examination

personal examination

British Museum website British Museum website British Museum website

195

Appendix A

Museum / Site ID

Size

Garment

Reuse Mend Patch Darn Date (AD)

18 BM 1990, 0612.66 adult cloak fragment

x

19 Brooklyn Museum acc. No 38.748

fragment of x tunic

20 Brussels, no. ACO. Tx2472

adult tunic front x

21 Didymoi D2000.1550.2.A+ B+C+D

adult tunic fragments

x

22 Didymoi D98.2312.C

adult tunic fragment

x

23 Didymoi D99.2511.54

textile fragment

24 Didymoi D98.1412.20

textile fragment

25 Didymoi D99.1516.1A+B*

adult fragment from a hooded cloak

x

x

Find Spot

Notes

2nd– 8th

1st

Didymoi

1st

Didymoi

Didymoi

x

x

Didymoi

Didymoi

Reference

dark blue tabby; darned with lighter blue wool in 3 areas

British Museum website

fragment of green wool tunic, with red tapestry clavi; clavi appear to have been cut down and re-sewn from larger examples tunic embellish­ments considerably older than garment 4 fragments from 2-piece sleeveless tunic; fragment C patched and strengthened by darning part of a tunic with patched hole

Museum website

probably from the hood of a semi-circular cloak, evidence of top seam being mended, and undergoing “several successive refurbish­ments”

Cardon, GrangerTaylor and Nowik (2012)

DeMoor et al. (2010) Cardon, GrangerTaylor and Nowik (2012)

Cardon, GrangerTaylor and Nowik (2012) Cardon, 2 pieces of red wool, Grangerfrom same article, stitched together with Taylor and un-dyed linen thread Nowik to make unknown item (2012) Cardon, piece of red wool, Grangerprobably from the curved hem of a cloak, Taylor and patched with another Nowik (2012) piece of red wool; possibly ‘over-dyed’; unknown reuse

196

Appendix A

Appendix A.2 (cont.) Museum / Site ID

26 Didymoi D99.3321.2 *

27 Didymoi D99.3324.11.2 *

28 Dios.2720.1*

29 Dura Europos 1929.497

Size

Garment

Reuse Mend Patch Darn Date (AD)

x

Notes

2nd

Didymoi

x

2nd

Didymoi

fragment x from a hooded cloak tunic x fragments

2nd

Dios

adult fragment from a hooded cloak adult fragment from a hooded cloak

x

Find Spot

Dura Europos

30 Dura Europos 1929.489

child tunic fragment

x

Dura Europos

31 Dura Europos 1929.491

fragment, possibly from mantle

x

Dura Europos

32 Dura Europos 1938.5477

fragment from a tunic fragment from a tunic

x

Dura Europos

33 el-Deir ED-TNS 40

34 el-Deir ED-TNS 96

child tunic

x

x

x

Dakhleh Oasis

Dakhleh Oasis

Reference

large piece of cloak used to patch a similar piece of fabric; very rough stitching piece of a cloak, hemmed on 2 sides and stitched to another piece of fabric, for unknown use fragment from the top of a hooded cloak, hemmed for reuse in an unknown item 2 different pieces of fabric sewn together; possibly a reuse of clothing fabric or a mend 2 fragments from wool tunic; smaller fragment patched gamma shape patched onto another piece of fabric, possibly to insert or replace this significant symbol on a mended or remade mantle fragment from a wool tunic; patched

Cardon and Cuvigny (2011) Cardon and Cuvigny (2011)

Cardon and Cuvigny (2011) Pfister and Bellinger (1945)

Pfister and Bellinger (1945) Pfister and Bellinger (1945)

Pfister and Bellinger (1945) LetellierWillemin (2010)

tunic fragment, approx. 40 cm x 120 cm, mended in at least three places; quality of work varies considerably, suggesting use over a long period and mending by different hands Letelliervery fragmentary, longest section 42 cm; Willemin slit neckline opening (2010) extant, seamed at shoulder, garment made from larger tunic

197

Appendix A

Museum / Site ID

Size

35 el-Kom el-Ahmar DQ00/11.4 36 el-Kom el-Ahmar DQ00/11.6

37 el-Kom el-Ahmar DQ00/11.7

38 el-Kom el-Ahmar DQ00/12.4

Garment

Reuse Mend Patch Darn Date (AD)

adult fragment from square tunic adult fragment from a square tunic adult fragment from a square tunic adult fragment from a square tunic

39 el-Kom el-Ahmar DQ00/16.1

adult fragment from a square tunic

40 el-Kom el-Ahmar DQ00/16.2

adult fragment from a square tunic

41 Florence, museo Egizio 12851

round fragment

42 Jerusalem IAA, inv. No. 20/235

rectangular fragment

Notes

post el-Kom garment was darned 3rd el-Ahmar repeatedly

x

post el-Kom darned near side seam Huber 3rd el-Ahmar (2007)

x

post el-Kom heavily darned over 3rd el-Ahmar area decorated with pseudo-soumak stitches el-Kom fragment of the left el-Ahmar front and back of a sleeveless tunic, including shoulder, arm opening and side seam; tear on shoulder part along arm opening suggests wearer carried heavy loads; torn and mended at waistline— possibly from belt: Huber (2007) 62–63 el-Kom fragment from the el-Ahmar left front and back of a sleeveless tunic; patched on back where worn from carrying heavy loads (see DQ00/12.4; DQ00/11.1); heavily and repeatedly darned, very worn el-Kom fragment from the side el-Ahmar hem of a tunic; small spot of darning

x

x

x

x

Reference

x

x

x

Find Spot

en Rahel

round fragment, with red cross appliquéd on it; red tapestry possibly from a clavus strip fragment patched with a piece with a red band; one of 6 patched pieces found at en Rahel

Huber (2007)

Huber (2007)

Huber (2007)

Huber (2007)

Huber (2007)

del Francia Barocas (1998) Shamir (2006) 188, 189, fig 3

198

Appendix A

Appendix A.2 (cont.) Museum / Site ID

Size

43 Karanis 0000.01.1035

44 Karanis 24/136 c/o (35.13,14,16,18,19)

45 Karanis 0000.01.3995

Garment

Reuse Mend Patch Darn Date (AD)

child possible pieced sleeve

x

47 Kellis 31/420-D6/B/1 Test 1

tunic fragment?

48 MAK (Museum für angewandte Kunst, Vienna) inv. T 16

tunic fragment

49 MAK inv. T 689

x

Karanis

child small sleeve x

patchwork x

child neck section of a tunic

4th– Karanis 5th

x

Kellis

x

x

x

52 Mons Porphyrites TF373 53 Mons Porphyrites TF639 54 Mons Porphyrites TF647

wool fragment wool fragment wool fragment

Kellis

6th– Saqqara 7th

x

6th– Akhmim 7th

child tunic neck x 50 Metropolitan section Museum of Art no. 90.5.858 adult tunic 51 Metropolitan sleeve Museum of Art no. 90.5.191

Notes

4th– Karanis 5th

patchwork x

46 Kellis 31/420-D6– 1/D/1/214

Find Spot

7th

x

x x x

Reference

2 different pieces of textile stitched together: possible sleeve 5 pieces of heavy textile, with fragments of other textiles stitched to them

Wilson (1933)

yellow cloth with hem turned up and stitched in red wool; patch of blue tapestry added large piece of patchwork, padded and quilted; 800 x 800 cm[?]. Purpose not clear; possibly a garment or blanket possibly darned

Wilson (1933)

section of tunic between clavi, above visible waist tuck; appears to have very neat patch figurative clavi and orbiculi showing scenes of Joseph in the well and John the Baptist. Clavi cut down from larger garment clavi and neck surround clearly made from different cutdown tapestry pieces sleeve bands and cuff cut down from different tapestry pieces

MAK website

Mons Porphyrites Mons Porphyrites Mons mended seam Porphyrites

Wilson (1933)

Bowen (2002); e-mail: R. Livingstone, 29.03.13 e-mail: R. Livingstone, 29.03.13

MAK website

MMA website

MMA website

Handley (2007) Handley (2007) Handley (2007)

199

Appendix A

Museum / Site ID

Size

Garment

55 Mons Porphyrites TF746–747 56 Nahal Mishmar; IAA no. 1961–1278

57 Whitworth T.1992.8

Reuse Mend Patch Darn Date (AD)

wool fragment linen fragment

child part of child’s sleeveless tunic

x

x

x

x

Notes

Mons Porphyrites Nahal Mishmar

x

58 Whitworth T.8569 child tunic yoke

59 Whitworth T.1993.26

Find Spot

x

4th, 5th, 6th

adult tunic sleeve x

Reference

neatly sewn patch over a 3cm hole 2 pieces of linen stitched together; smaller one probably a patch garment made by folding on one side, seaming on the other; pattern of wear suggests reuse of textile clavi reattached to tunic with red wool blanket stitch in various places; rough darning in body of clavus strip blue and white check linen, probably recycled cloth

Handley (2007) IAA website; see also Bar-Adon (1980) personal examination

personal examination

Pritchard 2006

* These cloak fragments have been included in this database because they have obvious evidence either of mending/patching, or of being used for another purpose. However, there are a number of other cloak fragments that don’t show such obvious evidence, but clearly come from cloaks that were being refurbished: see Cardon, Granger-Taylor and Nowik (2012) 323–41; Cardon and Cuvigny (2011) 21–29.

A.3

Evidence of Mending, Patching, Darning and/or Reused Fabric on Hats and Bonnets Museum / Site ID

Size

Garment Reuse Mend Patch Darn Date Find (AD) Spot

1

Antinopolis 1914.623

child bonnet x with earflaps

2

BM 1902,1011.101 adult sprang hat

x

Notes

Antino­polis semi-circular hat made in the same way as examples from Louvre, Toronto and Montpellier; made with at least 2 different weights of undyed wool; red cross brocaded/ stitched on front 5th– Abydos red, yellow, green 8th sprang hairnet, darned with red wool

Reference

Pritchard (2013)

British Museum website

200

Appendix A

Appendix A.3 (cont.) Museum / Site ID

Size

Garment Reuse Mend Patch Darn Date Find (AD) Spot

3

BM 1887,0402.120 adult sprang hat

4

Didymoi D99.2511.4

hat

x

5

Didymoi D99.2436.17

circular cap

x

6

Domitiane 2003.2101.4

adult felt hat; pilos?

x

7

Florence inv. 9974 child cap

8

Florence inv. 12911 child linen cap x

9

Florence inv. 12910 child felt hat

10 Louvre AF13311

x

x

x

child bonnet x with earflaps

x

350– Akhmim 400 (C14) Didymoi

Notes

Reference

undyed linen, darned in same

British Museum website

helmet shaped hat, made with a patchwork of textiles, some of double-faced wool pile; red wool binding may be a later repair, possibly from a cloak (pers. comm. Granger-Taylor) Didymoi circular cap made up of triangular pieces of various types and colours of textiles, sewn together along the sides, and at the top to a circular piece of red wool; with binding all around Domitiane felt includes fragments of recycled textiles and yarns

Cardon, GrangerTaylor and Nowik (2012)

Cardon, GrangerTaylor and Nowik (2012)

Cardon, GrangerTaylor and Nowik (2012) del Francia Barocas (1998) person examination

child’s hat with tapestry trim at bottom edge; tubular shape drawn in at the top, possibly a recycled sleeve? pieced linen cap; del Francia possibly reused textile (1984); personal examination pieced felt hat in red, del Francia yellow and green (1984); personal examination personal shaped ‘patchwork’ examination bonnet, made from a number of different pieces of wool and linen; cross embroidered on front

201

Appendix A

Museum / Site ID

Size

Garment Reuse Mend Patch Darn Date Find (AD) Spot

11 Mons Claudianus MC 1110

adult pieced hat

x

12 Mons Claudianus MC 548

adult pieced, shaped hat

x

13 Montpellier; Musée child bonnet x d’anatomie with earflaps

14 Te Papa Tongarewa child half of child’s Museum, N.Z. inv. bonnet FE1731/12

x

15 Textile Museum child wool hat x Canada T88.0043 16 Whitworth T.8372 felt hat x

17 Whitworth T.1993.24

child bonnet x with earflaps

Notes

Mons made from 15 Claudianus triangular pieces of fabric plus neck/earpiece; see chapter 4: ‘hats’ Mons fragments of 4 Claudianus triangular pieces from a patchwork hat; one piece incorporates a red clavus stripe Antino­polis shaped ‘patchwork’ bonnet, made from a number of different pieces of wool and linen; cross embroidered on front; bitumen treated, twisted textile used to cover seams, possibly for waterproofing Antino­polis Half-moon shaped piece, identical in form to hats from Louvre, Montpellier and Toronto pieced hat in blue wool and natural linen pieced hat, made from 3 different colours of felt; inclusions suggests ‘recycled’ textile in felt pieced linen; one piece seamed in the middle to make up section—suggests reuse of textile

Reference

Mannering (2006)

Mannering (2006)

Médard (2016)

Livingstone (2005)

museum website personal examination

personal examination

202 A.4

Appendix A

Evidence of Mending, Patching, Darning and/or Reused Fabric on Socks and Footwear Museum / Site ID

Size

Garment

Reuse Mend Patch Darn Date (AD)

1

\1 1990, 0127.12

leather shoe

x

x

2

Didymoi D98.2320.2A+B

fragment of a sock

x

x

3

Dios 4635.1

x adult pieced woven wool sock or slipper

4

Florence, Museo Egizio 12912

child slippers

5

Karanis 0000.01.3795

child cloth shoe x

6

V&A 1243–1904 Vindolanda T/15

adult knitted wool sock x child woven wool insole

x

x

Vindolanda T/316

x child pieced woven wool sock or slipper

7

8

x

Find Spot

Notes

Reference

museum Left shoe of leather website stitched together with leather and flax thread. The surface is extensively patched. Didymoi “elaborately repaired” Cardon, GrangerTaylor and Nowik (2012) Cardon, Dios pieced wool sock Grangermade from woven Taylor and textile, bias cut for Nowik fit. Probably reused (2012) textile personal pair of slippers made from recycled examination wool and tapestry; probably a reused tunic sleeve 4th–5th Karanis linen cloth, drawn up Wilson by cords and woollen (1933) yarn to form a baby’s shoe; badly tattered. museum website 85–120 Vindolanda 16.5 x 7 cm; cut from Van DrielMurray et al. a piece of fabric (1993) that shows signs of considerable previous wear; possibly a cloak 85–120 Vindolanda 16 x 7 cm; cut on the Van DrielMurray et al. bias for better fit; (1993) signs of wear

203

Appendix A

A.5

Patchworks: Evidence of the Reuse of Fabric Museum / Site Id

1 2

3

Reuse

Mend

Patch

Didymoi, x D98.2511.2 x Karanis, Kelsey acc. no.10375 Kellis x D/1/214

Darn

Date (Ad)

Notes

Reference

Didymoi

part of a quilt or bundle of rags, used as filling for a pillow patchwork of numerous pieces of coloured wools

Cardon et al. (2012) Thomas (2006)

patchwork of various textiles; padded and quilted

Bowen (2002); Livingstone (2012) Shamir (2006)

Karanis

5th–7th Kellis

4

Mo’a

5

Murabba’at; x cat nos. 17, 18, 19

2nd

6

Murabba’at; x cat no. 50; IAA no. 490289

2nd

7

Murabba’at; x cat 5; IAA no. 490078

A.6

Find Spot

x

Mo’a

patchwork 50 cm x 50 cm; made up of 31 cut pieces of fabric: 23 wool, 8 linen, all stitched roughly together Murabba’at 3 pieces of textiles stitched together; all different colours/ weave

Murabba’at 4 textile pieces sewn together; all dual weave: brown x red; moss green x yellow green; brown x greenish blue; greenish blue x natural Murabba’at 2 wool textiles stitched together; one undyed, the other brown with a red/pink band

Crowfoot and Crowfoot (1961) Crowfoot and Crowfoot (1961) Israel Antiquities Authority website

Evidence of Mending, Patching, Darning and/or Reused Fabric on Accessories, Toys and Trousers Museum / Site Size Id

Item

Reuse Mend Patch Darn Date Find Spot

1

Al-Kom al Ahmar

bag

x

2

Antinopolis, tasche 2009.01

small pouch

x

3

Antinopolis, tasche 2009.01

small pouch

x

Notes

a bag with 2 handles made from a piece of used tunic Antinopolis small triangular pouch, reused linen, decorative stitching Antinopolis small square pouch made from small pieces of re-used linen and tapestry

Reference

Huber (2007) 67 Fluck and Froschauer (2011) Fluck and Froschauer, (2011)

204

Appendix A

Appendix A.6 (cont.)

Museum / Site Size Id

Item

Reuse Mend Patch Darn Date Find Spot

Notes

Reference

4

Berlin inv. 9987

doll’s dress

x

Fluck et al. (2000)

5

Dura Europos 1933.516

small pouch

x

6

x adult knee Dusseldorf, length Kunstmuseum breeches 12754

7

El-Deir cemetery; scarf

9

Katoen Natie inv. 1733

x adult knee length breeches

570– 665 (C14)

small (18 x28 cm) doll’s dress made out of reused woven natural linen and wool tapestry one side, wool with wide red and green bands, other side, purple tapestry on dark red warp pieced linen breeches, irregular sized pieces and presence of red stripes on one side of garment only suggest probable reuse of tunic light woven wool scarf, with heavier wool thread darning made from 5 pieces of linen; extra red weft thread at 2 places may indicate use of recycled fabric

10

Louvre E2911

shawl

4th– 6th

11

x Louvre AF6093 adult knee length breeches

12

MMA 90.5.627

doll’s dress

13

Qasr Ibrim QI.78T/461

shoulder x bag

14

Te Papa Tongarewa Museum, N.Z. inv. FE1731/15

double x square of fabric

wool scarf

Dura Europos

x

x

x

3rd– 6th

Kwaspen and DeMoor (2013)

LetellierWillemin, (2012) De Moor, VerheckenLammens and Verhecken (2008) 176 del Francia section of a linen Barocas mantle; appliquéd tapestry tabulae, applied (1998) red wool fringe. Made up of elements from recyled textiles pieced linen breeches, Kwaspen irregular shaped pieces and suggest use of recycled DeMoor (2013) textile small (16 cm x 12.9 cm) museum doll’s dress made out of website reused woven natural linen and tapestry bands Adams and Qasr Ibrim made from 5 separate Crowfoot pieces of fabric; very (2001) 31 worn Antinopolis double of layer of fabric, Livingstone (2005) blue and red stripes; evidence of stitch holes from previous use; purpose unknown el-Dier

x

Pfister and Bellinger (1945)

Appendix B: Figured Tapestry Panels from Tunics in the Collection of Textiles from the Burial Grounds in Egypt, in the V&A Museum (colour of script indicates ground colour of textile) B.1

Wool Tapestry with Figures Ref.

Date (AD) Colour

Shape

Scene

1

K.3; V&A 290–1887

4th–5th

purple / natural

2

K.4; V&A 257.1890

4th–5th

purple /natural

dancers / animals/lion attacking Christian an antelope; cross on neckband human figure / animals

3 4

4th–5th 3rd-4th

purple / natural purple / natural

animals / plants Vulcan/ Venus / mars

Nilotic mythological

4th–5th

red / natural

panel

Orpheus

mythological

3rd 3rd-4th

purple / natural purple / natural

panel panel

Bacchus Amazon

mythological mythological

4th–5th 4th–5th

purple / natural polychrome on natural linen purple / natural

roundel panels

2 figures in a chariot / centaurs Bacchus

mythological mythological

panel

Woman at toilet—Venus?

11 12

K.5; V&A 2143–1900 K.41; V&A 2140–1900 K.42; V&A 1290–1888 K.44; V&A 129–1896 K.45; V&A 2136–1900 K.46; V&A 784–1886 K.47; V&A 2141–1900 K.48; V&A 1280–1888 K.49; V&A 273–1889 K.52; V&A 651–1886

tunic ornaments shoulder orbiculi shoulder bands panel

panel panel

2 women at toilet Hermes

mythological

13

K.53; V&A 652–1886 4th–5th

panel

nimbate Apollo

mythological

14

K.54; V&A 653–1886 4th–5th

panel

Orpheus

mythological

15

K.55; V&A 760–1886 4th

purple / natural polychrome / purple ground polychrome/ purple ground polychrome / purple ground purple / natural

16

18

K.62; V&A 4th–5th 334/5–1887 K.63; V&A 4th–5th 2138–1900 K.65; V&A 439–1889 4th–5th

19

K.73; V&A 244–1887 4th–5th

20 21 22 23 24 25 26

K.75; V&A 287–1889 K.76; V&A 199–1891 K.77; V&A 201–1891 K.84; V&A 697–1886 K.85; V&A 705–1886 K.87; V&A 374–1895 K.88; V&A 2145–1900

5 6 7 8 9 10

17

4th 4th 4th–5th

5th 3rd-4th 3rd-4th 5th 5th 5th 5th

Theme

mythological

polychrome / green ground purple / natural

tunic Perseus / Medusa ornaments panel; shoulder mounted horseman / fish / birds band 2 panels hunters/ horsemen; lion hunt

purple / natural

panel

rider/hunt

polychrome on natural purple / natural purple / natural purple / natural purple / natural purple / natural purple / natural purple / natural

panel panel panel panel panel panel panel panel

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���8 | doi ��.��63/9789004353466_013

mounted huntsmen pursuing lions mounted huntsmen pursuing animals horseman / animals huntsmen / animals huntsmen / animals warrior / animals man spearing lion hunters / lion hunter / lion

rider/hunt rider/hunt

rider/hunt rider/hunt hunt hunt hunt hunt hunt hunt

206

Appendix B

Appendix B.1 (cont.)

27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37

38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51

Ref.

Date (AD) Colour

Shape

Scene

Theme

K.90; 1029/32–1900 K.91; V&A 2134–1900 K.92; V&A 1309–1888 K.93; V&A 200–1891 K 97; V&A 353–1890

3rd-4th 4th

purple / natural purple / natural

warriors on foot and horseback warriors; female figures / lions

rider mythological

4th–5th

purple / natural

panels tunic ornaments panel

running warrior

mythological

4th–5th 5th

purple / natural polychrome

panel panel

K.98; V&A 198–1891 K.100; V&A 1268–1904 K.101; V&A 1024/27–1901 K.102; V&A 1028–1901 K.104; V&A 204–1891 K.108; V&A 656–1886 K 109; V&A 791–1886 K.110; V&A 824–1886 K.113; V&A 766–1893 K 114; V&A 1279–1888 K.116; V&A 706–1886 K.117; V&A 411–1887 K.118; V&A 1281–1888 K.120; V&A 58–1897

5th 4th–5th

purple / natural purple / natural

3rd-4th

polychrome on natural purple / natural

K.121; V&A 698–1886 K.124; V&A 1300–1888 K.125; V&A 2141–1900 K.127; V&A 193–1891 K. 129; V&A 368–1887 K 130; V&A 111–1887 K 141; V&A 122–1891

3rd-4th

seated man running warrior with lance and shield neck band warriors / plants in baskets mythological panel equestrian figure being seized by rider warrior; seated female with child shoulder bands male and female dancing figures mythological shoulder band

hunters / leopard / lion

purple and red / natural purple and red / natural

shoulder band

running animals, dancing female with upraised hands boys with fruit / pruning hook rustic

roundel

boy with basket

rustic

5th

polychrome / natural polychrome

roundel

rustic

4th–5th

purple / natural

roundel

boys playing with birds and animals running boys / ducks / fishes

5th

purple / natural

rustic

5th

purple / natural

5th

red / natural

5th 5th

polychrome / natural purple / natural

panel; shoulder running boy band panel; shoulder boy with pruning hook band cuff band boys with ducks or baskets; animals and birds panel boy holding a bird; lions and hares panel standing male figure

4th–5th

purple / natural

shoulder band

portrait bust

4th

purple / natural

roundel

5th

oval panel

3rd-4th

red and green / natural purple natural

male and female busts, mostly helmeted bust of man with helmet and armour bust

band

a boar, a hare and other animals

hunt

4th

purple / natural

roundel

running hare

hunt

4th–5th

purple / natural

fragment

running lion

hunt

5th 4th–5th

5th

2 shoulder bands

hunt

rustic

rustic rustic rustic

portrait bust portrait bust

207

Appendix B

52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 66 67 68 69 70 71 72 73 74 75

Ref.

Date (AD) Colour

Shape

Scene

Theme

K 142; V&A 1328–1888 K 147; V&A 253–1887 K 149; V&A 255–1887 K 152; V&A 1282–1888 K 153; V&A 1311–1888 K 154; V&A 2154–1900 K 155; V&A 700–1886 K 156; V&A 356–1890 K 158; V&A 659–1886 K 159; V&A T.51–1917 K 160: V&A 717–1886 K 163; V&A 680–1886 K 166; V&A 675–1886 K 169; V&A 1332–1888 K 173; V&A 1268–1888 K 177; V&A 284–1891 K 180; V&A T.32–1917 K 181; V&A T.38–1917 K 182; V&A 1292–1888 K 185; V&A 197–1891 K.301; V&A 708–1886 K.303; V&A 691–1886 K.305; V&A 256/7–1887 K.307; V&A 1329–1888

5th

tabula

hare / bird / flowers / fruit

Nilotic

cuff band

5th

polychrome / natural purple and red / natural purple / natural

cuff band

running lions, hares, hounds and hunt antelopes running antelopes hunt

4th–5th

purple / natural

tabula

lion and plant forms

Nilotic

5th

purple / natural

tabula

lion and vines

Nilotic/rustic

5th

red and yellow on tabula green wool tunic purple / natural tabula

lion with another animal and birds hare with foliage

Nilotic/rustic

tabula

animals and vines

Nilotic

5th

polychrome / natural purple / natural

band

lions alternating with trees

5th

purple / natural

tabula

running hare

Nilotic / rustic hunt

5th

purple / natural

cuff band

sea monster

mythological

4th–5th

purple / natural

tabula

birds / vines

Nilotic

4th–5th

purple / natural

birds / blossoms / plants

Nilotic

4th–5th

purple / natural

shoulder band and panel roundel

birds / flowers / plants

Nilotic

5th

tabula

a quail with plants and animals

Nilotic

tabula

quail

Nilotic

4th

polychrome / natural polychrome on red ground purple / natural

cuff band

fish / water fowl / lotus

Nilotic

5th

polychrome

panel

parrot

Nilotic

5th

red / natural

cuff band

asps, birds, baskets, stems

Nilotic

5th

purple / natural

neck panel

fish and plants

Nilotic

4th–5th

purple / natural

4th–5th

purple / natural

Panel; shoulder mounted horseman; includes band cross Panel warrior with shield

rider; Christian

4th–5th

purple / natural

Shoulder band bust of man wearing a cross

Christian

5th

purple /yellow

cuff

Nilotic; Christian

4th–5th

5th 5th

4th–5th

plants and animals, with cross

Nilotic/rustic

208

Appendix B

Appendix B.1 (cont.) Ref.

76

K.308; V&A 355–1890 77 K.311; V&A 247–1887 78 K.312; V&A 245–1887 79 K.313; V&A 279–1891 80 K.333; V&A 270–1886 81 K.335; V&A 2071–1900 81 K.350; V&Q 1273–1904 83 K.351; V&A 1285/6–1904 84 K.352; V&A 281–1891 85 K.353; V&A279–1889 86 K.354; V&A 256–1890 87 K.355; V&A 1275–1888 88 K.356; V&A 375–1895 89 K.357; V&A 1265–1904 90 K.358; V&A 1271–1904 91 K.359; V&A 1272–1904 92 K.360; V&A 1275–1904 93 K.361; V&A 1334–1888 94 K.362; V&A 179A-1891 95 K.363; V&A 179–1891 96 K.364; V&A T.801–1919 97 K.365; V&A 1167–1900 98 K.366; V&A 1168–1900 99 K.367; V&A 1270–1904 100 K.368; V&A 1269–1904

Date (AD) Colour

Shape

Scene

Theme

4th–5th

purple / natural

tabula

birds and vines with cross

5th

roundel

birds; crosses

roundel

birds, vines

shoulder band

birds and cross

6th

polychrome / natural polychrome / natural polychrome / natural purple / natural

Nilotic; Christian Nilotic; Christian Nilotic

5th

purple / natural

tunic ornaments tabulae

human figures, seated and standing; animals and plants birds and flowers

6th

purple / natural

roundel

Diana

mythological

5th–6th

polychrome / natural purple / natural; green tunic purple / natural purple / natural

2 panels

2 female busts

Roundel

portrait busts rider/hunt

medallion panel

mounted huntsman with dog; boys mounted horseman with hare rider/hunt mounted huntsman with animal rider/hunt

panel

rider with wreath

rider

5th -6th

polychrome / natural purple / natural

panel

mounted huntsman with lion

rider/hunt

5th

purple / natural

panel

equestrian figure

rider

5th–6th

purple/ natural

panel

nude equestrian figure

rider

6th

purple / white

panel

mounted huntsman with lion

rider/hunt

6th

purple / white

oval panel

equestrian figure

rider

5th–6th

panel

horseman

rider

panel

warriors, mounted and on foot

rider

panel

running warrior

panel

marine monsters; standing figures Nilotic

5th–6th

polychrome / natural polychrome / natural polychrome / natural purple on blue/ yellow purple / yellow

sleeve panel

horseman; standing figures

6th

purple / yellow

shoulder band

5th–6th

purple / white

panel

standing female figure; mounted rider/hunt huntsman hunter killing lion hunt

5th -6th

purple / natural

panel

running figure; animals

5th 5th

5th 6th 5th–6th 5th–6th

5th 5th 5th–6th

Nilotic; Christian Nilotic Nilotic

rider

hunt

209

Appendix B

101 102 103 104 105 106 107 108 109 110 111 112 113 114 115 116 117 118 119 120 121 122 123 124

Ref.

Date (AD) Colour

Shape

Scene

K.369; V&A 704–1886 K.370; V&A 2135–1900 K.371; V&A 701–1886 K.372; V&A 785–1886 K.373; V&A 2157–1900 K.374; V&A 769–1886 K.375; V&A 1280–1904 K.376; V&A 1245–1904 K.378; V&A 790–1886 K.379; V&A 1274–1904 K.380; V&A 1276–1904 K.381; V&A 2159–1900 K.382; V&A 290–1891 K.383; V&A 787–1886 K.384; V&A 1267–1904 K.385; V&A 1308–1888 K.386; V&A 779–1886 K.387; V&A 282–1887 K.388; V&A 1340–1888 K.389; V&A 2149–1900 K.390; V&A 1349–1888 K.391; V&A T.49–1917 K.392; V&A 2139–1900 K.393; V&A 1266–1904

5th–6th

panel

warrior with shield

panel panel

man fighting lion; man on horseback standing figures / lions

rider/hunt

5th–6th

purple and red / natural polychrome / natural purple / natural

5th–6th

purple / natural

panel

male and female figures / lions

hunt

5th–6th

purple / yellow

cuff band

men and animals

rustic

5th–6th

tunic ornaments roundel

warriors

5th–6th

polychrome / natural purple / yellow

5th–6th

purple / yellow

panel

warrior with shield

5th–6th

purple / natural

band

dancing figures; marine monsters Nilotic

5th–6th

purple / natural

roundel

dancing figure

5th–6th

purple / natural

cuff band

dancing figures; lion

5th–6th

purple / brown

shoulder band

nude figures

5th–6th

purple / yellow

panel

boys / plants

rustic

5th–6th

purple / yellow

cuff band

man / plants

rustic

5th–6th

purple / natural

oblong panel

figures holding baskets

rustic

5th–6th

rustic

5th–6th

polychrome / neck band boys / baskets of fruit natural polychrome / red shoulder band boys / animals / plants ground red / natural tunic fragment boy / birds

5th–6th

purple / natural

rustic

5th–6th

boy holding bowl

5th–6th

polychrome / red roundel ground purple / natural shoulder band

boy / plants

rustic

5th–6th

purple / yellow

panel

boys / animals

rustic

5th–6th

purple / natural

panel

5th–6th

purple / natural

panel

winged boy / females busts / portrait bust animals boy with duck/ grotesque animals Nilotic

5th–6th

5th–6th

shoulder band

Theme

hunt

warrior with shield

winged boys / baskets / animals

rustic

rustic rustic

210

Appendix B

Appendix B.1 (cont.) Ref.

125

Date (AD) Colour

Shape

Scene

Theme

bust of youth in Phrygian cap

portrait bust

bust of youth

portrait bust

5th–6th

red and green on panel natural purple and red on panel natural purple / natural medallion

human bust

portrait bust

6th

purple / natural

shoulder band

human forms

5th–6th

black and purple on natural purple / natural

band

figure with stick / grotesque bird

panel

male and female figures

K.395; V&A 1307–1888 126 K.396; V&A 272–1889 127 K.397; V&A 1188–1904 128 K.400; V&A 210–1891 129 K.401; V&A 1247–1904 130 K.402; V&A 1282–1904 131 K.404; V&A 1281–1904

5th–6th

5th–6th

purple and yellow panel on natural

132

5th–6th

polychrome / natural red / natural

neck panel

crouching animals / human heads hunt / portrait busts birds and animals Nilotic

sleeve portion

antelope

hunt

tabula

hare

Nilotic

front portion

running animals

hunt

ornament

plant and birds

Nilotic

5th–6th

polychrome / natural polychrome / natural polychrome / natural purple / natural

tabula

duck inside an eight pointed star Nilotic

5th–6th

purple / natural

band

birds, marine monster, crosses

5th–6th

purple and red on natural polychrome / natural polychrome / natural polychrome / natural polychrome / natural polychrome / natural polychrome / natural red tunic/ multi tapestry purple tunic/ red ground on bands no note of colour

band

birds and fruit

Nilotic; Christian Nilotic

cuff band

plants, fishes and a duck

Nilotic

band

ducks and fish

Nilotic

ornament

plants and ducks

Nilotic

roundel

bird

Nilotic

cuff band

fish

Nilotic

front portion

birds and animals

Nilotic

clavi/orbculi bands

figures riding sea monsters/ red wool at neck riders, lion hunt/ floral

rider/hunt

clavi/orbiculi

figures/trees/animals

Nilotic

133 134 135 136 137 138 139 140 141 142 143 144 145 146 147 148

K.407; V&A 2144–1900 K.408; V&A 1291–1888 K.409; V&A 1263–1904 K.412; V&A T.250–1918 K.414; V&A 186–1891 K.417; V&A 1262–1904 K.418; V&A 1261–1904 K.419; V&A 206–1891 K.421; V&A 1248–1904 K.423; V&A 1256–1904 K.424; V&A 1194–1904 K.427; V&A 855–1886 K.431; V&A 442–1889 K.550; V&A 259–1887 K.617; V&A T.246–1917 K618; V&A T.240–1917 K619: V&A 136–1891

5th–6th

5th–6th

5th–6th 5th–6th 6th 5th–6th

5th–6th 5th–6th 5th–6th 6th 5th–6th 5th–6th 6th 6th 6th–8th

211

Appendix B

Ref.

Date (AD) Colour

Shape

K620; V&A 291–1891 K.621; V&A 2017–1900 151 K.622; V&A 2165–1900 152 K.623; V&A 271–1886 153 K624; V&A 272–1886

6th–8th 6th–8th

clavi/orbiculi nimbate figures/ floral patterns shoulder bands mounted huntsman

Christian hunt/rider

band

mounted huntsmen

rider/hunt

roundels

Joseph cycle

Christian

154

K.625; V&A 363–1887 K.626; V&A 2167–1900 K.628; V&A 276–1887 K.629; V&A 1287–1888 K.630; V&A 1284–1888 K.631; V&A 417–1887 K 632; V&A 743–1886 K 633; V&A 352–1887 K.634; V&A 2871891

6th–8th

red tunic polychrome/ natural polychrome /red ground polychrome /red ground polychrome/red ground polychrome /red ground polychrome /red ground polychrome/ red ground polychrome /red ground red and black on linen polychrome

163

K.635; V&A 862–1886

6th–7th

164

K.636; V&A 371–1887 K.637; V&A 667–1886 K.638; V&A 861–1886 K.639; V&A 669–1886 K 641; V&A 279–1887 K 642; V&A 181–1891 K 643; V&A 1163–1900 K 644; V&A 271–1887 K 646; V&A 180–1891

6th–7th

149 150

155 156 157 158 159 160 161 162

165 166 167 168 169 170 171 172

6th–8th 6th–8th 6th–8th

6th–8th 6th–7th 6th–7th 6th–7th 6th–7th 6th–7th 6th–7th 6th–7th

6th–7th 6th–7th 6th–7th 6th–7th 6th–7th 6th–7th 6th–7th 6th–7th

Scene

Theme

shoulder bands 2 riders facing each other

rider

bands / roundels roundel

Hunt/rider

horsemen attacking lions

mounted huntsman, plus other figures; possible Christian scenes circles in band 2 circles with mounted huntsmen shooting arrows circles in band same as 628; probably same tunic

rider/ hunt Christian hunt/rider

circles in band 2 mounted huntsmen

hunt/rider

band

includes 2 horsemen

hunt/rider

polychrome/red ground polychrome/red ground polychrome /dk green ground on red base polychrome /dk green ground on red base polychrome /red ground polychrome/ red ground red wool on natural polychrome/red ground red wool on linen warp red wool on a linen warp polychrome/red ground polychrome

band

Christian

band

3 nimbate figures, possible holy family human figures/animal/plants

square panel

2 mounted huntsmen with spears hunt/rider

square panel

same as 634; probably same tunic hunt/rider

roundel

2 mounted bowmen

hunt/rider

band band

standing female figures, holding rods and discs 2 ovals, 2 with 2 riders each

riders

roundel

lion and birds

2 panels

2 horses on either side of tree

roundel

2 horses

leaf shaped panel cuff panel

tree/ birds

Nilotic

animals inside a flowering plant

Nilotic

polychrome on green ground

shoulder band

tree with birds

Nilotic

hunt/rider

Nilotic

212

Appendix B

Appendix B.1 (cont.)

173 174 175 176 177 178 179 180 181 182 183

184 185 186 187 188 189 190 191 192 193 194 195 196

Ref.

Date (AD) Colour

Shape

Scene

Theme

K 647; V&A 273–1887 K.664; V&A 737–1886 K.665; V&A 737A-1886 K.666; V&A 741–1886 K.667; V&A 191–1891 K.668; V&A 369–1895 K.669; V&A T.794.1919 K.670; V&A 1656–1888 K.671; V&A 2074–1900 K.672; V&A 853/4–1886 K.673; V&A 190–1891

6th–7th

shoulder band

tree with birds

Nilotic

shoulder band shoulder band

man in chariot; other standing figures as 665; possibly from same tunic

band

mounted huntsman with lance

band

Same as 666; probably same tunic hunt/rider

roundel

horseman

rider

roundel

nimbate horseman holding sceptre and globe each square has nimbate horseman riders; prob. Joseph cycle

rider/ Christian rider/ Christian rider/ Christian rider/ Christian rider/ Christian

K 674; V&A 772–1886 K.675; V&A 2079–1900 K.676; V&A 739/40–1886 K.677; V&A 2070A-1900 K.678; V&A 722–1886 K.679; V&A T.227–1918 K.680; V&A 218–1887 K.681; V&A 668–1886 K.682; V&A 212–1891 K.683; V&A 866–1886 K.684; V&A 370–1895 K.685; V&A 670–1886 K.686; V&A 275–1889

6th–8th

polychrome on red ground polychrome / pink ground polychrome / pink ground polychrome /pink ground polychrome/ pink ground polychrome / red ground polychrome /red ground polychrome /red ground polychrome/ red ground polychrome / red ground purple and natural on red ground polychrome / pink ground polychrome /red ground purple / red ground polychrome/ buff polychrome / red ground polychrome/ red ground polychrome / red ground polychrome / red ground polychrome / green ground polychrome / pink ground polychrome / red ground polychrome / red ground polychrome / red ground

6th–8th 6th–8th 6th–7th 6th–7th 6th 6th–8th 6th–8th 6th–8th 6th–8th 6th–8th

6th–8th 6th–8th 6th 6th–8th 6th–8th 6th–7th 6th–7th 6th–8th 6th–8th 6th–7th 6th–7th 6th–7th

2 squares bands

shoulder bands riders; orans figure

hunt/rider

shoulder band

2 nimbate riders

shoulder band

men struggling with lions

hunt

roundel

horseman

rider

shoulder band

equestrian saint

shoulder band

men alternating with animals

Christian rider rustic

square panels

rider

panel

horseman; marine monsters; floral 2 horsemen; marine monsters; floral man attacking lion

panel

man fighting lion

hunt

panel

seated man with 2 animals

rustic

band

roundel

man in contest with animal; rustic repeated standing figures, alternating with rustic animals animal; seated figures rustic

roundel

figure riding sea monster

shoulder band

shoulder band

rider hunt

213

Appendix B

Ref.

197 198 199 200

201 202

203 204 205 206 207 208 209 210 211 212 213 214 215 215 216 217 218

Date (AD) Colour

Shape

Scene

Theme

polychrome/red ground no colour recorded polychrome / green ground polychrome / green ground

band

lion / floral device

rustic

sleeve panel

lions / birds

Nilotic

sleeve panel roundels

boy on green ground; animals on rustic red human figures/ birds / animals rustic

roundel

lion and other animals

Nilotic

roundel

animals/floral

Nilotic

roundel

bird/animal

Nilotic

roundel

lion seizing an ox

hunt

shoulder band

2 lions, 2 hares

hunt

shoulder band section sleeve panel

animal animals and plants

Nilotic

shoulder band section circular panel

animal/ blossoms

Nilotic

2 shoulder panels cuff band

birds and animals

6th–7th

polychrome / red ground polychrome on pick ground; red tunic polychrome/red ground polychrome/red ground red and blue/pink ground polychrome/pink ground polychrome / red ground polychrome / red ground red & white/ blue ground red wool on linen warp red/natural

6th–7th

red/natural

roundels

human bust / birds

portrait bust

6th–7th

polychrome / red ground polychrome / pink ground polychrome / dk blue ground polychrome / red ground polychrome / red ground polychrome / red ground red on dark blue ground

band

Christian

cuff band

crouched, nimbate figure with lion human bust in green circle

roundel

human bust; birds animals

portrait bust

roundel

human bust, surrounded by lions portrait bust

roundel

human bust; 2 lions, 2 flying boys portrait bust

2 roundels

human bust, surrounded by animals grotesque animals

K.688; V&A 6th–8th 1354–1888 K 689; V&A 57–1897 6th–8th K.690; V&A 277–1891 K.691; V&A 280– 1891 K.692; V&A 2076–1900 K 693; V&A 2987–1900 K 694; V&A 1304–1888

6th–8th

K 695; V&A 458–1889 K 696; V&A T.797–1919 K 697; V&A T.802–1919 K 698; V&A 856–1886 K 699; V&A 196–1891 K 700; V&A 280–1887 K 701; V&A 368–1895 K 702; V&A 721–1886 K.703; V&A 723–1886 K.704; V&A 830/2–1886 K.705; V&A 1663–1888 K.706; V&A 183–1891 K.707; V&A 858–1886 K.708; V&A 859–1886 K.709; V&A 56–1897

6th–8th

K.710; V&A 671–1886 K.711; V&A T.90–1919

6th–7th

6th–8th

6th–8th 6th–8th

6th–7th 6th–7th 6th–7th 6th–7th 6th–8th 6th–7th 6th–7th

6th–7th 6th–7th 6th–7th 6th–7th

6th–7th

border

grotesque animal / floral devices Nilotic

grotesque human figure / animals

portrait bust

portrait bust

214

Appendix B

Appendix B.1 (cont.) Ref.

Date (AD) Colour

Shape

Scene

K.712; V&A 278–1891 220 K.713; V&A 2084–1900 221 K.714; V&A 2088–1900 222 K.715; V&A 1283–1888 223 K.716; V&A 276–1891

6th–8th

sleeve panel

biblical miracle scenes—repeated Christian

shoulder band

biblical miracle scenes

Christian

roundel

biblical scene—possible salutation biblical scene—possibly salutation biblical—possible David cycle

Christian

224

K.717; V&A 367–1895

6th–8th

225

K.718; V&A 207–1891 K.719; V&A 1327–1903 K.720; V&A 367–1887 K.721; V&A 1274–1888 K.722; V&A 1297–1888 K.723; V&A 869–1886 K.724; V&A 829–1886 K.725; V&A 733–1886 K.726; V&A 742–1886

6th–8th

polychrome / red ground polychrome / red ground polychrome / red ground polychrome / red ground polychrome / yellow ovals on pink ground polychrome / yellow ovals on pink ground polychrome / dk blue ground polychrome / natural polychrome / blue ground polychrome / red ground polychrome / red ground polychrome / red ground colours perished

K.727; V&A 732–1886 K.728; V&A 863–1886 K.729; V&A 371–1895 K.730; V&A 213–1891 K.731; V&A 211–1891 K.732; V&A 1656B-1888 K.733; V&A 735–1886 K.734; V&A 372–1895

6th–8th

polychrome / red ground polychrome / blue and red grounds polychrome / red ground polychrome / pink ground polychrome / red ground polychrome / red ground polychrome / red ground polychrome / red ground polychrome / red ground polychrome / red ground

219

226 227 228 229 230 231 232 233

234 235 236 237 238 239 240 241

6th–8th 6th–8th 6th–8th 6th–8th

6th–8th 6th–8th 6th–8th 6th–8th 6th–8th 6th–8th 6th–8th 6th–8th

6th–8th 6th–8th 6th–8th 6th–8th 6th–8th 6th–8th 6th–8th

roundel shoulder band

Theme

Christian Christian

panel

2 figures—possibly David before Christian Saul

shoulder band

man vs Lion

hunt

roundel

named figures—possibly a blessing? Figure of a saint

Christian

Standing nimbate figure

Christian

tunic ornaments shoulder band shoulder band shoulder band

nimbate figure; other human and Christian animal figures, repeated nimbate figure Christian

shoulder band

4 nimbate figures

Christian

shoulder band

female orans figure / woman holding a scarf over her head 4 women holding scarves over their heads

Christian

shoulder band

2 nimbate figures

Christian

shoulder band

orans figure

Christian

shoulder band

standing nimbate figure

Christian

shoulder band

Christian

shoulder band

standing figure of saint and second figure figure of saint

shoulder band

figure of saint

Christian

shoulder band

figure of saint (orans)

Christian

shoulder band

number of figures, one nimbate

Christian

roundel

Christian

Christian

215

Appendix B

242 243 244 245 246 247 248 249 250 251 252 253 254 255 256 257 258 259 260 261 262 263 264 265

Ref.

Date (AD) Colour

Shape

Scene

Theme

K.735; V&A 736–1886 K.736; V&A 1662–1888 K.737; V&A T.89–1919 K.738; V&A T.91–1919 K.739; V&A 288–1891 K 740; V&A 849–1886 K.741; V&A 868–1886 K.742; V&A T.84–1919 K.743; V&A T.85–1919 K.744; V&A T.87–1919 K.746; V&A 1267–1888 K 747; V&A 922–1886 K.748; V&A 278–1887 K.749; V&A 188–1891 K.750; V&A T.795–1919 K.751; V&A 864–1886 K.752; V&A 302–1889 K.753; V&A 189–1891 K.754; V&A 851–1886 K.755; V&A 256–1889 K.756; V&A 2078–1900 K.757; V&A T.88–1919 K.759; V&A 1667–1888 K.760; V&A 288–1889

6th–8th

shoulder band

figure of saint

Christian

shoulder band

nimbate figure

Christian

6th–8th 6th–8th 6th–8th 6th–7th 6th–8th 6th–7th 6th–7th 6th–7th 6th–8th 6th–7th 6th–7th 6th–7th 6th–8th 6th–8th 6th–7th 6th–7th 6th 6th–8th 6th–8th 6th–8th 6th–8th 6th–7th 6th–7th

polychrome / red ground polychrome / red ground polychrome /red ground polychrome / green ground polychrome / red ground polychrome/ red ground purple wool on natural linen polychrome / red ground polychrome / red ground polychrome / red ground polychrome / red ground polychrome / red ground polychrome / red ground polychrome / red ground polychrome / red ground polychrome / red ground polychrome / red ground polychrome / yellow ground polychrome / yellow ground polychrome / red ground polychrome / red ground polychrome / red ground green and white on purple ground polychrome

shoulder bands figures of saints

Christian

shoulder bands figures of saints and roundels shoulder band 2 nimbate figures on horseback

Christian rider, Christian Christian

shoulder band

nimbate figure

shoulder band

human figures

2 roundels shoulder band

nude female figure holding scarf over head full length figure in green robe

3 roundels

3 human heads each in blue circle Christian

shoulder band

3 figures; 2 seated, one kneeling

Christian

shoulder band

Christian

shoulder band

nude male and female figures— possibly Adam and Eve group of figures

roundel

bust within a circle; seated figure

sleeve portion

Christian

cuff panel

half-length nimbate figure (orans)/ lions and animals bust / 2 mounted figures

roundel

man with 2 lions—Daniel?

Christian

shoulder band

nude figure, seated

shoulder band

series of human forms

shoulder band

series of human forms

shoulder band

3 nimbate figures

square panel

group of figures

cuff

standing figures

roundel

human figure/ plants and flowers Nilotic?

Christian

rider

Christian

216

Appendix B

Appendix B.1 (cont.) Ref.

Date (AD) Colour

Shape

Scene

K.761; V&A 187–1891 K 764; V&A 781–1886 K 765; V&A 167–1892

6th–7th

polychrome / green ground polychrome

roundel

human figure

tunic band

Christian

shoulder band

269

K 766; V&A 264–1889

6th

shoulder band

birds and plants

Nilotic

270

K 767; V&A 265–1889 K 774; V&A T.86–1919

6th–7th

polychrome on red and buff grounds polychrome on red and white grounds polychrome on white ground polychrome on red ground

floral and animal pattern; includes red crosses birds and flowers

tunic band

bird

Nilotic

roundel

stems / animal heads

Nilotic

266 267 268

271

B.2 272 273 274 275 276 277

6th–7th 6th–7th

6th–7th

Theme

Nilotic

Silk Embroideries with Figures K.777; V&A 814–1903 K.778; V&A 815–1903 K.779; V&A 816–1903 K.780; V&A 813–1903 K.781; V&A 124–1891 K.782; V&A 125–1891

7th–8th

polychrome/ green ground 7th–8th polychrome / green ground 7th=8th[?] polychrome / green ground 7th–8th polychrome/ straw coloured ground 7th–8th polychrome / red ground 7th–8th polychrome

roundel

Annunciation and salutation

Christian

roundel

Christian

roundel

Last Supper; probably same tunic as 777 angel; from same tunic as 777,778 Annunciation

Christian

roundel

Adoration of the Magi

Christian

roundel

shoulder band possible adoration of the shepherds

Christian

Christian

217

Appendix B

B.3

Silk Weavings with Figures

278

K.794; V&A 820–1903

6th

purple/drab

279

K.802; V&A 767–1893 K.803; V&A 248–1890 K.804; V&A2183–1900 K.806; V&A 768–1893 V&A 2150–1900 K.807; V&A2178–1900 K 808; V&A 412–1890 K.810; V&A 817–1903 K 818; V&A 770–1893 K.819; V&A T.34–1917 K.820; V&A 107–1887 K.821; V&A 558–1893 K.822; V&A 559–1893 K.823; V&A 560–1893 K.824; V&A2200–1900 K.825; V&A2063–1900 K.826; V&A2065–1900 K.829; V&A2182–1900 K.838; V&A 818–1903 K. 839; V&A 819–1903

6th

purple/drab

roundels/panels geometrics & floral designs; riders horseman identified as ZAXAPIOY shoulder band huntsman / lion & hare Hunt/rider

6th

purple/drab

shoulder band

crowned bust

portrait bust

6th

purple/drab

shoulder band

head of a warrior

portrait bust

6th

purple/drab

shoulder bands animals/hunters

6th

purple/drab

panel

animals; boys pruning trees rustic

6th

orange / buff

panel

6th

purple/drab

panels

antelope suckling its young Nilotic / floral forms mounted bowmen/lions rider/hunt

6th–7th

purple / drab

panel

birds / trees

6th

purple/drab

cuff panel

6th–7th

6th

polychrome / red ground polychrome / red ground polychrome / red ground polychrome / red panel ground polychrome /red ground sleeve panel

6th–7th

280 281 282

283 284 285 286 287 288 289 290 291 292 293 294 295 296

6th 6th 6th

St George spearing the dragon 2 squares mounted spearmen; lions, hounds 2 square panels mounted bowmen; lions, hounds panel mounted huntsman, lion *

hunt

Nilotic Christian Hunt/riders Hunt/riders Hunt/rider

mounted bowman, lion *

Hunt/rider

horseman / lion / eagle

Hunt/rider

polychrome/ red ground panel

Virgin and child

Christian

6th–7th

polychrome/ red ground roundel

orans figure

Christian

6th

polychrome on red ground polychrome on red ground

antelopes and leopards

Nilotic

6th–7th

panel

shoulder bands birds and flowers

Nilotic

Appendix C C.1 Apotropiac Elements in Children’s Garments from Museum Collections and Archaeological Excavations Garment type

Date (AD)

Reference number

Possible amuletic elements

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12

square tunic square tunic square tunic square tunic square tunic square tunic square tunic square tunic square tunic square tunic square tunic square tunic

1st–3rd 7th–9th 4th–6th

none apparent red cords at neckline; Nilotic tapestry none apparent (fragmentary; very patched and mended) red in tapestry; ‘eye’ motif red trim at neckline red in tapestry; ‘eye’ and cross motif repeated figurative tapestry unclear (black and white picture) unclear (black and white picture) single weft thread in red wool on one side none apparent none apparent (very deteriorated)

13 14 15

square tunic short sleeved tunic short sleeved tunic

16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27

short sleeved tunic short sleeved tunic short sleeved tunic short sleeved tunic short sleeved tunic short sleeved tunic short sleeved tunic short sleeved tunic short sleeved tunic short sleeved tunic short sleeved tunic short sleeved tunic

bm 1 2003,0910.1 DeMoor 1993, cat 123 DQ00/11.2 KTN 789–01 KTN 789–02 KTN 789–03 Lorquin 1992; cl.21901 MMA 33.10.12 MMA 33.10.30 MMA 33.10.39 K 31/420-C5–1/18 K 31/420-D6–1/ NT16/15 Bar Kokba no. 65 AN1968.588 bm 1 1990,0612.103a&b Whitworth T 8550 Whitworth T 8508 Whitworth T 8378 Louvre E26298 Louvre E26300 MAK T281 MAK T9904 MAK 9908 MAK T9777 MMA 89.18.317 MMA 90.5.174 V&A T.194.1976

28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35

short sleeved tunic short sleeved tunic short sleeved tunic short sleeved tunic short sleeved tunic short sleeved tunic short sleeved tunic short sleeved tunic

36 37 38 39 40

dalmatic dalmatic dalmatic dalmatic dalmatic

4th–5th 6th–7th 8th 4th 4th 4th–7th 1st–3rd 3rd–4th

7th–8th

7th–8th 6th–7th 9th 7th–8th 7th–8th 8th–9th 7th–9th 5th–7th 7th–8th 4th–6th 5th–6th

7th–8th 7th–8th

6th–8th 4th 4th 5th

V&A 2121.1900 Whitworth 1989.23 Whitworth T.2001.242 Whitworth T 8377 Whitworth T.8378 Whitworth T 8380 Whitworth T 8508 Whitworth T.8550 Fitzwilliam E.T.27 MAKT 2–1–4 MMA 33.10.37 MMA 33.10.38 V&A 257–1890

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���8 | doi ��.��63/9789004353466_014

sacs of organic material tied into shirt red ribbon trim at neckline and sleeve end red ribbon trim at neckline, hem and cuffs decorative embroidery at seams and edges with red contrasting stitching at seams; red tapestry trim at neck red ribbon edging at neckline red cords at neck; figurative tapestry red top stitch at side seams red ‘leaf’ orbiculi applied at front red tapestry trim at neckline blue tapestry trim at neckline and sleeve ends none apparent none apparent red trim at neckline and cuff decorative embroidery in blue, red and yellow at neckline, sleeve-ends, and along hems and seams red ribbon trim at neckline none apparent none apparent red wool base fabric red ribbon trim at neckline and sleeved ends red stitching and trim at neckline red in tapestry trim at neckline and sleeve ends decorative embroidery in red and green at neckline, cuffs, hems and up seams red in tapestry red stitching at side seams & near clavi; interlace clavi unclear (black and white picture) unclear (black and white picture) Nilotic tapestry

219

Appendix c

Garment type

Date (AD)

41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 59

tailored tunic tailored tunic tailored tunic tailored tunic tailored tunic tailored tunic tailored tunic tailored tunic tailored tunic tailored tunic tailored tunic tailored tunic tailored tunic tailored tunic narrow sleeved tunic narrow sleeved tunic narrow sleeved tunic narrow sleeved tunic

3rd–7th 7th–8th 7th–8th 8th 7th–8th

Antin. baby 1 Berlin 9935 MAK T501 MAK T9776 MAK T9894 Nantes 2001.2.1 RKM 263–35 4th–6th V&A T.156.1976 6th–8th V&A 1522–1899 9th–10th Whitworth T 8375 7th–8th Whitworth T 8505 9th–10th Whitworth T 8549 9th–10th Whitworth T 9885 7th–8th Whitworth T 1993.27 3rd–7th Antin. boy 1 3rd–7th Antin. boy 2 3rd–7th Antin boy 3 Bag.Tid ’80; no.110

59 60

narrow sleeved tunic narrow sleeved tunic

8th

61 62 63 64 65 66 67 68 69 70 71 72 73 74 75 76 77 78 79

narrow sleeved tunic narrow sleeved tunic narrow sleeved tunic narrow sleeved tunic narrow sleeved tunic narrow sleeved tunic narrow sleeved tunic narrow sleeved tunic narrow sleeved tunic narrow sleeved tunic narrow sleeved tunic narrow sleeved tunic narrow sleeved tunic narrow sleeved tunic narrow sleeved tunic narrow sleeved tunic narrow sleeved tunic narrow sleeved tunic narrow sleeved tunic

80 81 82 83 84 85 86 87

narrow sleeved tunic narrow sleeved tunic narrow sleeved tunic narrow sleeved tunic narrow sleeved tunic narrow sleeved tunic narrow sleeved tunic narrow sleeved tunic

9th 7th–9th 8th–9th 3rd–5th 4th–6th 4th–6th 8th 6th–7th 3rd–4th 8th–9th 3rd–6th 7th 6th

6th–8th 6th–7th 6th–8th 4th–5th 6th–7th

Reference number

Berlin 9916 bm 1 1990,0612.112 a&b CH 1902–1–155 DeMoor ‘93; no.113 DeMoor ’93; no.133 Fitzwilliam E.T.26 Florence 12941 Florence 12945 KTN 146 KTN 147 KTN 148 KTN 382.06 KTN 587 KTN 768.01 KTN 2365 Louvre AF5903 Louvre E26108 Louvre E26248 Louvre E26484 Louvre E26525 Lyon 907.1.80 Lyon 907.1.159 MAK T122 MAK T 205 MAK T 9902 Munich 410 MFA 96.121 Reichert no. 314 RKM 157–35

Possible amuletic elements

red tie cord an neckline none apparent none apparent red tapestry trim at shoulder (missing at neck) red tapestry trim at neckline blue tapestry trim at neckline, with crosses red tapestry and red cords/tassels at neckline red wool base fabric none apparent red wool base fabric; crosses at hem red trim around neckline; embroidery at seams and hems red tapestry trim at neckline/cuffs red binding at neckline red hearts in tapestry trim red clavi, red tapestry trim red/green/yellow clavi; red trim at neckline red/green trim at sleeves portrait medallions/ crosses at neckline (black and white picture) embroidered crosses; red trim at neckline red tapestry trim at hem, neckline and cuffs red wool trim at neckline; floral design orbiculi red cord trim at neckline interlace/foliate pattern on clavi, some red in tapestry red in tapestry red tabulae with white crosses; red trim at neckline red tapestry trim at neckline, cuff and hem red trim at neckline; portrait roundels; inscription red in tapestry; ‘target’ orbiculi at hem red wool base fabric; interlace clavi foliate clavi with red borders red ‘buds’ clavi; red wool trim at neckline red wool base fabric red wool trim at neckline and underarm interlace pattern in orbiculi interlace pattern in orbiculi (black and white picture) interlace clavi; red tapestry at neckline red crosses in clavi red wool base fabric tapestry clavi and at neck; pattern unclear (black and white picture) tapestry trim; pattern unclear (black and white picture) red interlace knee orbiculi unclear—possibly eye pattern in clavi; some red trim red tapestry clavi and sleeve bands; possibly figurative 8 sided star; ducks; crosses; red wool trim at neckline white crosses in shoulder orbiculi red/black ‘heart’ design on clavi and yoke interlace clavi with figures; red/black wool trim at sides

220

Appendix c

Appendix C.1 (cont.) Garment type

Date (AD)

Reference number

Possible amuletic elements

88 89 90 91 92 93 94 95 96 97 98 99 100

narrow sleeved tunic narrow sleeved tunic narrow sleeved tunic narrow sleeved tunic narrow sleeved tunic narrow sleeved tunic narrow sleeved tunic narrow sleeved tunic narrow sleeved tunic hooded square tunic hooded tunic hooded tunic hooded tunic

7th–8th 6th–7th 7th–9th

Stauffer 1992, no.81 Canada T88.0049 Canada T88.0057 Washington 72.61 V&A 463–1889 V&A T.7–1947 Whitworth T.1989.23 Whitworth T.1992.5 Whitworth T.8374 AN1888.1109 Antin. baby 2 Antin. baby 3 Antin. baby 4

101 102 103 104 105 106 107 108 109 110 111 112 113 114 115 116 117 118 119 120 121

hooded tunic hooded tunic hooded tunic hooded tunic hooded tunic hooded tunic hooded tunic tunic (no details) tunic bonnet hat hood hood hood felted wool hat hat hat hood hat felted wool hat bonnet

red fringe at hem; red wool trim at neckline none apparent red tapestry trim at neckline and cuffs Nilotic tapestry; no note of colour (no picture) red/white cord trim at neckline Nilotic tapestry; some red in wool trim none apparent clavi made up of red/green crosses in circles on red ground red wool trim and tassels at neckline/armpits none apparent none apparent top of hood has 4 tassels in red/black wool red fringe around hood; red orbiculi on hood with cross motif Nilotic clavi multi-coloured embroidery at seams/hem (inc. red) figurative/interlace red clavi; red wool fringe on hood red fringing on hood; red flowers appliquéd on red wool base fabric red in tapestry medallions floral patterns (black and white picture) none apparent (very few details available) Nilotic design? red noted in tapestry cross appliquéd on front cross embroidered on front red wool fringe; cross orbiculi on sides red trim; cross orbiculi on sides red wool tassels; Solomon’s knot orbiculi on sides red/yellow/ecru none apparent red tapestry trim red fringe surround, red cross embroidered on side none apparent red, yellow and ecru none apparent

C.2

5th–6th 5th–6th 7th–9th 6th–7th 7th–8th 3rd–7th 3rd–7th 3rd–7th 8th–9th 3rd–4th 5th–8th 6th

Benaki 7160 K 31/420-C5-2/272 MMA 27.239 Hague no. 85 SMB 9661 SMB 9662 SMB 9664 Penn E16852 Penn E17124 Louvre E29423 Louvre AF13311 Louvre E29481 Louvre E32374 Louvre E13288 Florence 12910 Florence 12911 Florence 9974 BM 1 1901,0314.35 Whitworth T.1993.24 Whitworth T.8372 Canada T88.0043

Apotropiac Elements in Adult Garments from Museum Collections and Archaeological Excavations

Garment type

Date (AD)

Reference number

Possible amuletic elements

1 2 3

square tunic square tunic square tunic

1st–3rd 5th–7th 1st–4th

Abegg inv. 4219 BM1 1990,0612.110 BM1 2004,0910.5

4 5

square tunic square tunic

4th–6th 4th–6th

el-Kom DQ00/11.3 KTN inv. 741

none apparent none apparent patch stitched on with red thread; red pin stripes on sides none apparent; heavily patched and mended none apparent

221

Appendix c

Garment type

Date (AD)

Reference number

Possible amuletic elements

6

square tunic

3rd–4th

none; heavily patched and mended

7 8 9 10 11

square tunic short sleeved tunic short sleeved tunic dalmatic dalmatic

1st–2nd 7th 2nd 3rd–4th 1st–4th

Kellis 31–20-D6–1/ NT/16/14 MC1100 Louvre E26113 MC1101 Bag.Tid. no.1 Boston acc.01.8366

12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33

dalmatic dalmatic riding coat riding coat riding coat fitted tunic narrow sleeved tunic narrow sleeved tunic narrow sleeved tunic narrow sleeved tunic narrow sleeved tunic narrow sleeved tunic narrow sleeved tunic narrow sleeved tunic narrow sleeved tunic narrow sleeved tunic narrow sleeved tunic narrow sleeved tunic narrow sleeved tunic narrow sleeved tunic narrow sleeved tunic narrow sleeved tunic

1st–2nd 3rd–4th 5th–6th 5th–6th 6th–7th 5th–6th 5th–7th 6th

34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42

narrow sleeved tunic narrow sleeved tunic narrow sleeved tunic narrow sleeved tunic narrow sleeved tunic narrow sleeved tunic narrow sleeved tunic narrow sleeved tunic narrow sleeved tunic

Geneve inv. AD7856 6th–7th KTN inv. 148 4th–7th KTN inv. 476 6th–7th KTN inv. 436 8th–10th KTN inv. 614 6th–7th KTN inv. 682–01 6th–7th KTN inv. 862 6th–7th KTN inv. 984 Louvre E26296

43 44 45

narrow sleeved tunic narrow sleeved tunic 7th narrow sleeved tunic

Louvre E26483 Louvre E26737 Louvre E26738

46 47 48 49

narrow sleeved tunic narrow sleeved tunic 6th–7th narrow sleeved tunic narrow sleeved tunic 6th–7th

Louvre E26798 Louvre E31969 MAK inv. T448–1/2 MAK inv. T 585

6th–7th

7th–9th 3rd–7th 6th–7th 6th–8th 5th–6th 6th–9th 6th–9th 5th–6th

V&A 361–1887 Whitworth T.1995.145 Berlin SBK 9923 Berlin SBK 9695 Lyon inv. 34872 MMA 90.5.901 Abegg inv. 31 Abegg inv. 1111 Berlin inv. 9943a Bag.Tid no.83 Bag.Tid. no. 256 Berlin inv. 9620 Berlin inv. 9917 Berlin inv. 14249 MSB inv. 9/60 BM1 1887,0402.98 BM1 1901,0314.1 Brooklyn 41.523 Brooklyn 26.746 DeMoor’93, no.90 DeMoor’93, no.119 Geneve inv. 12735

none apparent Nilotic patterns on clavi & tabulae none apparent interlace pattern on orbiculi (black and white picture) interlace pattern on clavi & tabulae (black and white picture) interlace pattern on clavi interlace pattern on clavi none apparent none apparent red base fabric; no further decoration apparent evidence of small red knee and shoulder orbiculi interlace/figurative purple clavi red base fabric; interlace/figurative clavi red base fabric; figurative clavi figurative / Nilotic clavi (black and white picture) figurative clavi; red cord trim at neck figurative/Nilotic clavi & tabulae red and blue crosses embroidered on cuffs 3 symbols embroidered on hem, including cross red base fabric; Nilotic/figurative clavi very small red circle on left breast in Nilotic purple clavi red figurative clavi & orbiculi figurative clavi figurative clavi; red trim at neckline unusual symbols embroidered on cuff ornate figurative clavi in red and purple Nilotic designs/portrait medallions (black and white picture) interlace clavi & tabulae (black and white picture) red base fabric; interlace clavi & orbiculi none apparent Nilotic clavi & sleeve bands on red ground Nilotic clavi, some red in pattern red blanket stitch around neck purple interlace clavi short red floral pattern clavi figurative clavi; red in tapestry; red reinforcing at underarm ornate clavi; possibly Nilotic interlace clavi and tabulae (black and white picture) interlace/figurative clavi & tabulae (black and white picture) red/black crosses; embroidered Christian blessing none apparent none apparent Nilotic/interlace clavi & tabulae

222

Appendix c

Appendix C.2 (cont.) Garment type

Date (AD)

Reference number

Possible amuletic elements

50

narrow sleeved tunic 7th–9th

MAK inv. T 10758–1–3

interlace on sleeve bands; very fragmentary

51 52

narrow sleeved tunic 7th–9th narrow sleeved tunic 6th–7th

MMA acc.no.12.185.2 MMA acc.no. 12.185.3

53 54 55

narrow sleeved tunic 5th narrow sleeved tunic 5th narrow sleeved tunic 5th

MMA acc.no.26.9.6 MMA acc.no. 26.9.8 MMA acc.no. 26.9.9

56 57 58

narrow sleeved tunic 4th–7th narrow sleeved tunic 4th narrow sleeved tunic 4th–7th

MMA acc.no.33.10.48 MMA acc.no. 90.5.904 Boston acc.01.8365

59 60 61 62 63 64 65 66 67 68 69 70 71 72 73 74

narrow sleeved tunic narrow sleeved tunic narrow sleeved tunic narrow sleeved tunic narrow sleeved tunic narrow sleeved tunic narrow sleeved tunic narrow sleeved tunic narrow sleeved tunic narrow sleeved tunic narrow sleeved tunic narrow sleeved tunic narrow sleeved tunic narrow sleeved tunic narrow sleeved tunic narrow sleeved tunic

3rd–5th 4th 4th–5th 6th 4th–5th 6th–8th 3rd –5th 4th–5th 7th–9th 5th–6th 5th 5th 7th–9th 5th 6th–8th 5th

RKM 852–14 Pushkin inv.5151/5823 Pushkin inv. 5194 Washington 711.8 Washington 71.72 V&A 136–1891 V&A T.163.1976 V&A 290–1887 V&A 291–1891 V&A 409–1890 V&A 634–1886 V&A 632–1886 V&A 820–1903 V&A 2071–1900 V&A 2070–1900 V&A T.93–1924

75 76 77 78 79 80 81 82 83 84 85 86 87

narrow sleeved tunic narrow sleeved tunic narrow sleeved tunic narrow sleeved tunic narrow sleeved tunic narrow sleeved tunic narrow sleeved tunic hood hood hat hat hat hat

4th–5th 7th–8th 6th–9th 8th–9th 7th–8th 7th–8th 7th–8th

V&A 163–1976 Whitworth T.1994.130 Whitworth T.1994.131 Whitworth T.8358 Whitworth T.8359 Whitworth T.8360 Whitworth T.8361 Louvre E26799 Whitworth T.1978.17 Brooklyn 37.1760E DK 2003.2101.4 Didymoi D99.2436.17 Didymoi D99.2511.4

figurative clavi on red ground figurative and tapestry clavi and orbiculi (black and white picture) Nilotic/interlace/figurative clavi and tabulae figurative clavi and tabulae figurative clavi, yoke and sleeve bands; portrait medallions none apparent figurative clavi and orbiculi (black and white picture) Nilotic orbiculi, red in tapestry and red wool tufts on body interlace clavi and orbiculi figurative clavi (black and white picture) figurative orbiculi (black and white picture) red base fabric; figurative clavi figurative orbiculi very ornate clavi & orbiculi on red ground yellow, white stripes with green fringe figurative/Nilotic clavi & yoke red base fabric; ornate figurative clavi and orbiculi Nilotic tapestry decorations; red tapestry at neck and cuff red rose bud clavi Nilotic clavi & tabulae in red interlace patterns/ named ‘holy rider’ ZAXAPIOY narrow red clavi & sleeve bands; Nilotic design figurative clavi; some red in tapestry hem band interlace/figurative clavi and orbiculi; some red in tapestry red base fabric with yellow and white stripes narrow clavi; small shoulder tabulae with cross red thread insert at centre ornate interlace clavi; some red in tapestry wide red tapestry hem band with interlace pattern red tapestry trim at neck, hem and cuff red base fabric pattern of red and black crosses (with E26798) cross none apparent none apparent patchwork including red fabric red pile fabric

1st 1st

Appendix D: Papyri References to Cloth and Clothing Manufacture D.1

Wool and Flax Preparation

D.1.1 P.Teb. 0322. Census declaration: 2nd c., Arsinoe (excerpt)

They are Pasigenes son of Theon son of Eutyches, subject to poll-tax, a donkey-driver, aged 61 years, and his son Eutychos by Apollonous daughter of Herodes, aged 30, and the wife of Pasigenes, Herakleia daughter of Kronion, freedwoman of Didymos son of Heron, of the Treasuries’ quarter, aged 40, and their daughter Thasis, aged 5, and Herakleia’s children, Sabinos son of Sabinos son of Kronion, subject to poll-tax, a wool-carder, aged 18, and Sarapias, aged 22, returned in the former registration in the Treasuries’ quarter, and the wife of Eutyches, who is his sister on the father’s side, Tapesouris daughter of Isidora, aged 18.

D.1.2 P.Mich. inv.1340. Petition: 2nd c., Theadelphia (excerpt)

To the police of the village of Theadelphia from Patron, son of Maron, from the metropolis. On the night preceding the first day of the present month of Pauni in the present year, it was reported to me by relatives that a certain Chairemon, son of Asklepiades, a wool carder, scaled the wall and entered the house of Areios which adjoins mine.

D.1.3 P.Mich. inv.430. Private letter: 4th c.

To lady my mother Faustina, Allous, greetings in the Lord. Having chanced to use the letter-carrier I greet your motherly kindliness, my mother. Since it appears from your letter to me that it was [not] possible to come because of … [For the …] of my brother’s orphaned children I, being a woman, cannot suffice. Therefore, if you have enough, send me via the lettercarrier two pounds of tow, so that I can spin and sell it for them. I greet you fondly. The little children greet you. I greet mother Kyriake. I pray for your good health.

D.1.4 P.Mich. inv.1367. Private letter: 3rd c., Arsinoite nome

And when you come, bring ten shearing of wool, six jars of olives, four jars of honeyed wine (stagma), and my shield, the new one only, and my helmet. Bring also my lances. Bring also the fittings of the tent. If you find an opportu­nity, come here with good men. Let Nonnos come with you. Bring all our clothes when you come.

account of?] the landlords house [l. 5] twenty talents. [hand 2] I have signed. [verso] [hand 3?] To Ephelios (=Ophellios?) the administrator, greetings … pay into the account …

D.1.6 P.Mich. inv.49. Private letter: 6th c.

I have taken the liberty of writing to your fraternity for purchase in advance, so that at my request you would purchase in advance a tremis’ worth of wool for me and a solidus’ worth for the lady Patricia who needs some. I heard her tell Apa Romanos, “Go to Terythis”, and I asked her to let me go with him when he goes and she remembered to let me go with Apa Romanos. When he arrived there, we did not find it ready, but they gave us a fixed time for delivery to him on the following day. Since I still need a tremis’ worth of wool and they agreed with me to bring me my one tremis’ worth also, would your fraternity kindly send me one tremis from there, so that I may not be found wronging the villagers of Terythis.

D.1.7 P.CtYBR. inv.962.1 2nd c., Ptolomais Evergetis (Arsinoite)

To Harpocration and (blank) and Tourbon, lessees of the palm grove of Met—(?) from Heron, son of Lysas, registered in the quarter of the linen weavers. I wish to take on lease from you, for the present ‘n’ year only, the palm grove around the village Thphoeos….

D.2

Cloth and Clothing Manufacture

D.2.1 P.Yale 1.77. 1st c., probably Oxyrhynchus

I gave to Petechon both a design (?) and a new sack, for you to give the wool for it (to him), if you think it best2

D.2.2 P.Brem. 63. Personal letter: 2nd c., Hermopolite nome

You sailed away on the 29th and on the next day I finished drawing down (? the wool). I at last got the material from the dyer on the 10th of Epeiph. I am working with your slave girls as much as possible. I cannot find girls who can work with me, for they are all working for their own mistresses. Our workers marched through all the city eager for more money.

D.1.5 P.Princ. 2.80. Order for payment of money: 4th c.

From Aphthonios. From the account of money which you administer, pay to Asinos, son of Arsas, wool-dealer, … [on © koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���8 | doi ��.��63/9789004353466_015

1  Benaissa (2010). 2  Bagnell and Cribione (2006) 339.

224 D.2.3 P.Mich. inv.1933. Business accounts, including many references to cloth and clothing production: 2nd c., Oxyrhynchus

Account of Ophellios; Phaophi 52 dr.; of which he did no work in the shop for one day;[ ]; 8th of the same month 5; disbursement to Ophellios 8 ob.; Hathyr, he paid 52 dr.; from which Lesas deducted 12 dr.; to Sarapiakos and Neilas; for their clothing 52 dr.; for Phaophi and Hathyr the same men; paid 54 dr.; Phaophi 4 artabas of wheat; their expenses 8 dr.; Hathyr 1 keramion of wine 6 dr.; charges for dyeing wool sand-colored 3 dr.; to the fuller 11 ob.; natron 8 dr.; bundle of rushes 4 dr.; radish oil for your use 8 dr.; price of pigs 56 dr.; month of Hadrianos 4 1/2 artabas of wheat; and their expenses vacat; price of 2 towels 10 dr.; price of 2 malphia 4 dr.; price of 1 keramion of wine 6 dr.; (2nd hd.) Sarapa(); [Col. II too fragmentary for translation];; Back, col. III; (1st hd.) Payni Ophellios did no work in the shop from the 1st of Payni until the 11th, working on your clothing; he paid the remaining salary for the month .32 dr.; from which Mysthas deducted for oil and; other expenses 4 dr.; to the same Ophellios an artaba of wheat ; charges for weaving 84 dr.; 1 paid for shipping costs 24 dr.; for guards 4 dr.; price of 1 keramion of wine 6 dr.; price of fruit stones 8 dr.; Sarapiakos and Neilas 52 dr.; Epeiph to the mill 4 artabas of wheat; (3rd hd.) receipts from Ophellios for Epeiph: from 60 dr. Mysthas deducted 4 dr. for the cost of oil and miscellany, the remainder 56 dr.; to the same Ophellios for Epeiph 1 artaba of wheat; receipts from Neilas and Sarapiakos 52 dr.; Neilas did no work in the shop for 1 day ; Mesore to the mill 3 1/2 artabas of wheat; to the fuller for Lesas’ suit 12 dr.; price of 1 keramion of wine 6 dr. 4 ob.; price of barley for the pigs 8 dr.; … los 4 dr.; (Canceled: “price of wool for Sarapa()’s; clothes 8 dr.”).; Along the right margin (1st hd.): account of expenses … through my sister.3

D.2.4 P.Mich. inv.1648. Request for cotton sewing thread: 2nd c.

Areskousa to Herakles, her brother, greeting. You wrote me about the sow that I should sell it, or take it home, or provide the cost for its support. As a matter of fact, although I am willing to provide the cost, they submitted estimates that were not small, and I did not venture to commit myself to so great an expenditure without your decision. However, I gave them eight drachmai on account until you arrive and know what you have bargained for. By all means send me by this shipment twenty drachmai’s worth of good cotton thread. See that you do not neglect it, since your brothers have no outer garments, now that their cotton ones are worn out, and they need them, as you know, inasmuch as they spend all their time in the field. Give my greeting individually to all your household. Charmos greets you, as do also Herakleides and Tanechotes and Sarapion and

3  http://www.papyri.info/hgv/16223 (last accessed 11.4.17).

Appendix D the little Seuthes and Tauris and Apollonarion and our whole family. Farewell.;; (Recto, 2nd text);; To Herakles, her brother, from Areskousa.4

D.2.5 SB 5.7572. Personal letter: 2nd c., found Philadelphia

I received from Valerius the basket with 20 pairs of wheat cakes and 10 pairs of loaves. Send me the blankets at the current price, and nice wool, 4 fleeces. Give these to Valerius.5

D.2.6 P.Oxy. 31.2593. Personal letter: 2nd c., found Oxyrhynchus

Apollonia to Philetos, greetings. I greet you warmly, and Herakleides, and I sent you by way of Onnophris the younger the yarn for the outfit of Herakleides: 7 mnai of woof at a weight of [.] staters, making 110 reels; and warp from Lykopolis weighing 90 staters, that is 75 balls. The price of these is: for the warp, at 21 drachmas for 30 staters weight, total 63 dr.; the price of the wool for the woof is 36 dr. 30 staters’ weight has already been spun for one stater, and I gave 4 dr. from my own funds for the expense of preparation of a weight of 10 staters of wool. I gave out to be spun three mnai at the rate of an obol for a staters weight, making 17 dr. 5ob., and I spun the remaining four mnai and put them into a coloured black thread; from them put three mnai into the cloak of the outfit. We greet you warmly. Farewell. The warp has been soaked here at my place.

D.2.7 P.Mich. inv.3731. Account, including many references to cloth and clothing production: 2nd-3rd c.

(Col. 1);…,;/ … 7 drachmas 56;/ freight donkey drachmas 4;/ … drachmas 36;/ … drachmas 24;/ freight donkey drachmas 4;/ for loafs 1 …;/ for 5 donkeys drachmas 64;…;/ … jars of wine drachmas 6;/ and for … drachmas 6, 1 obol;/ for the cloth drachmas 12;/ objects for dying drachmas 24;/ wool for a cloak drachmas 4; weaver drachmas 32;/ expenditure of the weaver drachmas 4; …. drachmas 6;/ weaver drachmas 4;/ to the fuller concerning payment drachmas 2; … drachmas 12; … drachmas 4; ] … [;; (Col. 2);; … drachmas 6; 2 worn mattresses drachmas 12; in total drachmas 404 .43; of which have been spent; to the … drachmas 35; in philanthropos-tax drachmas 10;// to a settler for 6 months drachmas 24;// meat and allantion drachmas 12;//1 1/2 measure of bread and a donkey;// transferred drachmas 8;// transferred donkeys drachmas 6; // to the fuller drachmas 4 two obols;//2 jars of vinegar drachmas 4 two obols;//root-stock of asparagus by one drachmas 2;// loves for the ship drachmas 3;//vegetable and oil drachmas 2;

4  http://www.papyri.info/hgv/27271 (last accessed 11.4.17). 5  Bagnell and Cribiore (2006) 283.

225

Appendix D for the dipyr() (?) obols 5; donkeys transporting to the; ship [drachmas] 4, 4 obols; transporting to the …6

D.2.8 P.Teb. 2.413. 2nd-3rd c., found Tebtunis

Euphrosyne, after she had cut the dalmatikon,…. Isodoros. And receive through Artes also the carryall and four wraps and four Puteolans and one jar (?) and 5 reeds of thread; it was agreed with you to send these from her wages.7

D.2.9 P.Oxy. 59.3991. 2nd-3rd c., Oxyrhynchus

A lot of supplies, which we were going to send to you, we held back expecting your presence. Your mother made you the cotton tunic. We were looking for someone reliable who could deliver it.8

D.2.10 P.Oxy. 56.3855. 3rd c., Oxyrhynchus

Thermouthion to Isodoros her brother, many greetings. I had your tunic cut …9

D.2.11 P.Mich. inv.1365. 3rd c., Koptos, Coptite nome,

Paniskos to his wife and his daughter, many greetings. Before all else I pray before the lord god that I may receive you and my daughter in good health. Already I have written you a second letter that you might come to me, and you have not come. If, then, you do not wish to come, write me a reply. Bring my shield, the new one, and my helmet and five lances and the fittings of the tent. And you wrote to me: “I sent to Heraiskos(?) …” and I gave [a talent] to Antoninus, in order that he may pay it to you: so do not neglect … So if you have the materials for clothing bring and cut them here. I send many salutations to my daughter and to your mother and those who love us, by name. I pray for your welfare. Pauni 22.; (Postscript:) And you wrote to me that you took twenty[-three?] shields; Tammon, none of them. Temnas has stayed below. I salute you.;; (Verso);; Deliver to my wife, from Paniskos in the house of Par - - -.10

recognize which are those of your daughter, for I rolled them up with one another. The seamstress will transmit to you verbally what I told her, for I am writing this to you very late.11

D.2.13 P.Oxy. 62.4340. 3rd c., Oxyrhynchus

Petosiris to Didyme, many greetings. The purple (yarn) which you sent to us has not been made up. Send us ten bundles of …. balls in green, about the colour of your cape. Sell the cloak you have for 48(?) drachmas. If you don’t get the price, don’t sell, but take care of the 40 drachmas and send them to us quickly.12

D.2.14 P.Mich. inv.3164. Personal letter: 3rd-4th c.

… I come to you. I received from Satrios 24 drachmas, with you (?) writing to me about the mattress and towel and linen cloth. I have given an order for these to be made, and they are not yet finished. If they are finished soon, if I find someone trustworthy, I shall send them with Joulas’ people. I also bought 2 artabas of lentils, and Satrios is not willing to take them. The mattress is 5 by 3 (cubits), 36 drachmas; the towel is 10 (?) drachmas; the linen cloth 6 drachmas. I write these things to you so that our relatives may not know and give me trouble. I have safely received the 24 drachmas which you sent by Satrios. I for my part will supply the balance. If it is possible, send Apollos or someone trustworthy before Epeiph 25 so that if I receive my wages I can send you the 240 drachmas for the unsettled business of (the past) two years. All that is fitting for my mother I shall send her, if she wants anything. Have a cloak made for me by her so that I do not buy one again and get smeared too; everyone will be paid. Concerning Neilos, let me know what he wants. I greet Joulia my sister and Hephesta. Pauni 25.

D.2.15 P.Oxy. 48.3403. Mid 4th c., found Oxyrhynchus

Your wife says also herself that you are to send her money for the wages of the wool workers, so do not be neglectful, quickly send them.13

D.2.12 P.Oxy. 14.1679. 3rd c., Oxyrhynchus

D.2.16 P.Oxy. 56.3860. 4th c., Oxyrhynchus

6   http://www.papyri.info/hgv/27713 (last accessed 11.4.17). 7   Bagnell and Cribiore (2006) 336. 8   Bagnell and Cribiore (2006) 355. 9   Bagnell and Cribiore (2006) 320. 10  http://papyri.info/ddbdp/p.mich;3;215 (last accessed 11.4.17).

11  Bagnell and Cribiore (2006) 352. 12  Bagnell and Cribiore (2006) 403. 13  Bagnell and Cribiore (2006) 212. 14  Bagnell and Cribiore (2006) 378.

Apia to Serapis her lady mother, greetings. I greet you warmly, lady, praying for the best for you. Receive from the seamstress, my lady, the saffron coloured clothes of your daughter, a tunic and a……, and a tunic for Heraklammon. I think that you will

And look my lord, do not be neglectful because of what I wrote to you: 6 mnas of purple (yarn) and a hanging lamp and a lamp stand and a good hand basin and two pound of good incense and two cups, one small and one big. And look, I am weaving your cloak.14

226 D.2.17 P.Kell.Copt. 12. Personal letter: 4th c., Kellis

‘Your son Titoue greets you warmly. He is very well. He has gone to the monastery to be with father Pebok. He is good and well. Do not concern yourself about any of them, nor on their account. Find 5 mna of usable wool and send them: We can make a garment for him.15

D.2.18 P.Kell.Copt. 18. Personal letter: 4th c., Kellis

(As to) the fabric that I send by way of Lautine, I wrote to you: “Make it into a kolobion. Now, there is no need to make it a sticharion. This variegated cloth (?): tailor it for a cowl. Provide warp for it. Here, I have found another kolobion: take it and see whether it is possible to dye it ….. two ….. Take also this small portion of white wool ….-5 staters there, and you make the weft for me of a ….. cloak on him. Make an effort to ….. and you make it …. Also a small portion of …. wool …. me its price and the weft for the small portion. I beg you truly that you will find 2500 (talents?) …. to total (?) the value of your …. send it and make them weave a cowl for the double fringed gown (?) of our brother Sa[….]ren the presbyter.16

D.2.19 P.Kell.Copt. 19. Excerpts from a personal letter: 4th c., Kellis

When you are going to come, bring [a …] and a good remedy. Bring your two black…., bring it. If possible, bring one for Gena too; for [we will] be grateful for everything … If you have cut the garment…. send it with sandals and my cloak … … you (fem.) sell the loom. If you have no more need of it, give it for the fare of Matheos. Send … 60 (?) of bronze. You have not yet…., for you went to the oasis. Also, the bronze she has … wage for the garment … the remainder of all these, buy it for clothes…. … If you …. Gena, then make the wool for my…. and the garment….17

D.2.20 P.Kell.Copt. 33. Personal letter: 4th c., Kellis

Appendix D

D.2.21 P.Kell.Copt. 3. Personal letter: 4th c., Kellis

If you know that Louitoni had wool good for the colour of my black sticharion, take some for me; but if you will not take (any), then write to me.19

D.2.22 P.Kell.Copt. 44. Business accounts: 4th c., Kellis

I have made 3 mna of weft. I charge 1200 (talents). You have cut a cowl for Kame: Heni spent three days, Kame spent three while they were weaving. I have received 200 talents and 2 maje of wheat. I have found 3 mna and a half for the wool, which was given to us for the cell of Amou. 5 minus (a) share for the wool of the stikharia. What is bad we have left for the blanket. I have made 5mna ready (?): 3 mna of weft, 2 [mna of warp … at] 400 talents to the mna of weft, to be fulled, to be worked, (and) to be spun; (and) 600 for the mna of warp—so that they make 2400. Their weaving wage is 161 nummi.20

D.2.23 P.Kell.Copt. 46. Business accounts: 4th c., Kellis

I have cut for him a garment. I charge 13 maje as my wages. Father Pamour, the father of Belles (?): I have 10 maje from him for a cowl … that he will give them to me for the …. Bes son of father Shiham: I have 6 from him for the matter of a maphorion: for which I have bought the cloth (and) cut it (out).21

D.2.24 P.Kell.Copt. 47. Business accounts: 4th c., Kellis

I have brought a centenarium and a half of wool, and 6 mna of dyed wool, and 10 mna of dye and 3 mna of warp; in respect of (?) weft for Shaei son of Hor (?) … the weft for a head scarf. If he causes them to bring the warp to you (pl.), cut it (the head scarf) and sell it for a chous of oil; and send it (the oil) to him.22

D.2.25 P.Kell.Copt. 48. Business accounts: 4th c., Kellis

[Write to (?)] us, whether the little one has completed the gospel. Again, if … then do…. cover…. quickly; in that he…. read the επαγγελισι…. our brother…. set right for us the warp (?) to the mat. And if you shall … to the hand of Heni; for there is no other (?) thing like that in her view(?). Send to me, and I will come (and) she can weave it.18

There are 2 mna there, and … wool at the outside door. Myself: they must be fulled and moistened for Ouait. I am reckoned (?) 2 maje of wheat … mna, to full it (and) to moisten it, in that you….; because these are poor wools. Also, the matter of (H)erakle(s): … there are 3 mna there and 10 for the headscarf … as the weft for the headscarf is reckoned with them. I am…. to full it, to moisten it, … the

15  Gardner, Alcock and Funk (1999) 133. 16  Gardner, Alcock and Funk (1999) 153. 17  Gardner, Alcock and Funk (1999) 160–61. 18  Gardner, Alcock and Funk (1999) 219.

19  Gardner, Alcock and Funk (1999) 233. 20  Gardner, Alcock and Funk (1999) 256. 21  Gardner, Alcock and Funk (1999) 262. 22  Gardner, Alcock and Funk (1999) 264.

227

Appendix D mna … pledged. His wage … wft … out from … I have also cut it (out).23

D.2.26 P.Kell.Copt. 52. Personal letter: 4th c., Kellis

…] the Teacher … freight, and you (pl.) … send them … he shall come. If you (pl.) have [already] cut the blanket, (then) send it; but if you (fem sg.) have not cut it, make a garment and you (pl.)….24

D.2.27 BGU 3.948. 4th-5th c., found Herakleopolis

So please send me 10 pounds of woollen yarn, and I’ll make clothing for you, as far as I am able, because I have nothing to make for you … Please then, my son Theodoulos, buy for me 6 pound of black wool, so that I may make a hooded cloak for myself, and I will send you the money you spend on it.25

D.2.28 SB 20.14226. 4th-5th c.

You did not send me anything, not even a bit of money for the feast. Send D … so that she makes my himation. Do not forget to send the ornaments.26

D.2.29 P.Pisentius 28. Letter to the bishop from two seam­ stresses: first half of 7th c., found in the Theban region

Look, I have sent two tunics with sleeves and two coverings to your holy fatherly lordship. If they please you, be so kind to me—me, Koshe—as to take them. For you know that I am very distressed concerning my handicrafts. Now as to for the two hoods which I will make, I shall send them to you also, and they will come with the tunics. Now as for the five tunics, I sent them to your holy paternal lordship, I—your servant Tsheere, that is—(the tunics being) four sack tunics and one secular tunic. Be so kind, then, my lord father, as to be merciful to me, because I am distressed and I am (troubled?) concerning the wool which I received, because …27

D.3

Apprenticing Weavers/Tailors

D.3.1 P.Wisc. inv.8 (APIS record: Wisconsin.apis. 5380). Pausiris (a master weaver) apprentices his son to another weaver: 1st c., Oxyrhynchus

Pausiris, son of Ammonios and Apollonios, son of Apollonios, weaver, have agreed between them that Pausiris has bound his son Dioskus, who is still under age, apprentice to Apollonios in order to learn the whole weavers trade, as he also knows it himself, for the period of one year from the present day, whilst he shall perform and do everything which he is told to do. Apollonios has received for the boy, who is clothed and dressed by the weaver for the duration of the whole period, fourteen drachmas for clothing and Pausiris shall give him five silver drachmas a month for his food. And the said Pausiris, the father, must not take the boy away from the master within the period. If he does not perform all the tasks, he must pay the master one silver drachma for each day that he does not do his duty or he shall send him to stay on the equal number of days and the penalty for taking the boy away within the period agreed on is a hundred drachmas and an equal sum to the treasury. Should the master fail to instruct the boy, he shall pay the same fine. The indenture is valid. The thirteenth year of Tiberius Caesar Augustus Germanicus Imperator, [. (.)] Thoth […28

D.3.2 P.Teb. 0442 (APIS record: berkeley.apis.140). Protas apprentices his son to the weaver Heron: 2nd c., Tebtunis

Year seventeen of Imperator Caesar Nerva Traianus Augustus Germanicus Dacicus, Hathyr 13 in Tebtunis in the district of Polemon of the Arsinoite nome. Protas, son of Petesouchos, about forty years old, with a scar on his right wrist, has apprenticed his son Harphaesis to Heron son of Orseus, weaver, about twenty-five years old with a scar in the middle of his forehead, so that he, Harphaesis, may learn the weavers’ trade in its entirety as Heron himself knows it, for … years from the first of the month Choiak … (Here the papyrus breaks off)29

D.3.3 P.Teb. 2.385 (APIS record: berkeley.apis.765). Tephersais apprentices her son Kronion to the weaver Heron: 2nd c.

The twentieth year of Imperator Caesar Nerva Trajanus Augustus Germanicus Dacicus Parthicus, Mesore  …, at Tebtunis in the division of Polemon of the Arsinoite nome. Tephersais daughter of Herakleos the elder, son of N.N., aged

23  Gardner, Alcock and Funk (1999) 268. 24  Gardner, Alcock and Funk (1999) 279. 25  Bagnell and Cribiore (2006) 224. 26  Bagnell and Cribiore (2006) 237. 27  Bagnell and Cribiore (2006) 241.

28    http://www.papyri.info/ddbdp/p.wisc;1;4 (last 11.4.17). 29   http://www.papyri.info/ddbdp/sb;12;10984 (last 11.4.17).

accessed accessed

228

Appendix D

about [.]7, having a scar on her neck to the left, with her guardian her brother Herakleos, aged about …, has apprenticed her son Kronion son of Kronion son of Areios to Heron son of Orseus, weaver, aged about 27, having a scar in the middle of his forehead, that he may learn the aforesaid trade of weaving in its entirety, as Heron himself knows it, for two years dating from the 1st of the month Sebastos of the coming 21st year, the boy being fed by his mother, to whom the said Heron shall give each month on account of food 4 drachmas, the said Heron clothing the boy and also being responsible for the State dues upon him during the two years. Tephersais has received from Heron out of the 46 drachmas agreed upon for the whole period 14 drachmas and she will obtain in the month Sebastos of the coming year 12 drachmas, and in the month Sebastos of the 22nd year the remaining 20 drachmas. At the end of the period Heron shall deliver up the boy knowing the trade in its entirety, and shall give him on his departure …, but for every day that (the boy does not work he shall forfeit) 1 drachma … (2nd hand) I, Heron son of Orseus, shall instruct the child … and I will do each thing as stated above. Marepsemis son of N.N. has written for him because he does not know letters. (3rd hand) I, Tephersais daughter of Herakleos, with Herakleos as my guardian, have apprenticed my son. (Traces of four more lines: presumably date and registration note)30

one of Lucius Domitius Aurelianus and Septimius Vaballathus Athenodorus, Tybi 26.31

D.3.4 P.Mich. 5191 (APIS record: michigan.apis. 2390). Aurelius Ision arranges for a lady weaver to teach her female slave to weave: 3rd c., possibly Karanis

D.3.7 P.Mich. inv.73. Registration of an apprentice weaver by his aunt, for tax purposes (excerpt): 1st c., Oxyrhynchus

Aurelius Ision, son of Nilammon, a resident of Karanis(?), has given over to Aurelia Libouke, a resident of the quarter of the Bithynians and other areas, a weaver, acting without guardian by right of her children, the slave child of the same Ision, to learn with Aurelia Libouke the indicated craft in the period of one year from the first of the ensuing month Mecheir, the child being fed and clothed by her … (several lines too damaged to be translated) … may receive from the weaver(?)….…. as many day as she is idle because of sickness or any other cause she is to remain available an equal number of days as compensation after the end of the period. When the slave child has completed the agreed time without fault, the teacher shall return her after she has learned the craft with skill equal to those of her own age. Neither party shall have authority to alter either one or another stipulation nor to transgress any part of the written agreement, but let whosoever does transgress give to the one abiding by it, as penalty, two hundred silver drachmai.; The apprentice contract is valid, and when questioned, they reciprocally agreed.; Aurelia Libouke, about 58 years of age, with a scar on her left shin: the slave child is receiving at the end of the time, to the account of Ision, sixty drachmai.; Year

30  http://papyri.info/hgv/13541 (last accessed 11.4.17).

D.3.5 P.Mich. inv. 72. Registration of an apprentice weaver by his father, for tax purposes (excerpt): 1st c., Oxyrhynchite nome

To Apollonios and Didymos, toparchy secretaries and village secretaries of the city of Oxyrhynchus, from Pausiris, son of Ammonios, of the Cavalry Camp Quarter. Since I wish to apprentice my son, a minor, that he may learn the art of weaving, from the present tenth year of Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus Imperator, to the master weaver Apollonios, son of Apollonios, of the same Cavalry Camp Quarter, I therefore ask you to register my son in the list of apprentices of the said year, as is fitting.32

D.3.6 P.Osl. inv.344. Registration of an apprentice weaver by his uncle (excerpt): 1st c., Karanis

Theabennis son of Iranoupis, 40 years old, of Persian descent, his deceased brother’s…… son, named….., for ? years, so that he can learn the whole art of weaving within the aforementioned period.33

To Panechotes and Ischyrion, farmers of the weavers’ tax, from Helen, daughter of Horion, acting with her guardian, her husband, Epinikos, son of Theon. Since I wish to apprentice Amoitas, the minor son of my deceased brother, Pasion, registered in the Temple of Hermes Quarter, that he may learn the art of weaving, from the present fifth year of Nero Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus Imperator, to the master weaver Pausiris, son of Ammonios, of the Cavalry Camp Quarter, I therefore ask you to register Amoitas among the apprentices of the said year, as is fitting.34

D.3.8 P.Osl. inv. 1470. A father’s request for his minor son to be registered into the list of apprentices of a master weaver (excerpt): 1st c., Oxyrhynchus

I wish, from the present month Hathyr, in the second year of Imperator Caesar Vespasianus Augustus, to apprentice my son Pachois, a minor, to the master weaver Isas, son of Thoteus,

31  http://www.papyri.info/hgv/14738 (last accessed 11.4.17). 32  http://papyri.info/ddbdp/p.mich;3;170 (last accessed 11.4.17). 33  http://papyri.info/ddbdp/p.oslo;3;141 (last accessed 11.4.17). 34  http://papyri.info/ddbdp/p.mich;3;171 (last accessed 11.4.17).

229

Appendix D grandson of Isas, from the quarter of the Thoeris Square, so that he may learn the art of weaving.35

D.3.9 P.Oxy. 4.725, Apprentice agreement (summary) 2nd c., Oxyrhynchus Ischyrion and Heraclas, the weaver, agree to the apprenticeship of Ischyrion’s ward, Thonis, to Heraclas. Agreement is reached for provision of the youth’s wages and clothing.36

D.4

Associations to Do with Cloth and Clothing Manufacture

D.4.1 P.Mich. inv. 966. From the archive of Kronion son of Apion, register of documents prepared at the grapheion: 1st c., Tebtunis

(Fee:) 8 drachmai.; Payment of dyers. (Fee:) 9 obols on account.; Payment of fullers. (Fee:) 14 obols.; Guild ordinance, (made) by Psosneus, a manufacturer of oil. (Fee:) 4 kotylai of oil.; List of (cloth-)beaters … (Fee:) 4 drachmai.; Written declaration of the guild of the wool-dealers …37

D.4.2 P.Duk. inv. 754 R. Two copies of a declaration on oath (summary) 2nd c., Oxyrhynchus

Declarations are written by four weavers on behalf of their fellow weavers of Oxyrhynchos: Sarapas (son of Pauseiris, who is the son of someone whose name begins with “Kanach”), Spokes (son of someone whose name begins with “Sar”, who is the son of Spokes), Kephalon (son of Demarous and someone who is the son of Kephalon), and Theon (son of Saraeus and Herakleos, who is the son of Herakleos).38

D.4.3 P.Phil. 26. Acknowledgment of a receipt (summary) 2nd c., Philadelphia Acknowledgment of receipt of 360 drachmae paid into the treasury of the nomarch by the weavers of Philadelphia.39

D.4.4 P.Phil.10. Petition to the Strategus (summary), 2nd c.

The guild of weavers of Philadelphia, which only comprises 12 members, are concerned because 4 of them have been 35   http://www.papyri.info/ddbdp/sb;24;16186 (last accessed 11.4.17). 36  http://papyri.info/ddbdp/p.oxy;4;725 (last accessed 11.4.17). 37  http://papyri.info/ddbdp/p.mich;2;123 (last accessed 11.4.17). 38  http://www.papyri.info/apis/duke.apis.31618355/ (last accessed 11.4.17). 39  http://papyri.info/ddbdp/p.phil;;26 (last accessed 11.4.17).

assigned the liturgy of epiplous. As they have received a large order for clothes from the state, and expect still more to come, they petition the strategus asking that they should no longer be charged with public duties, in order that they could deliver their orders on time.40

D.4.5 P.Hib .2 219. Declaration (summary) Herakleopolites

4th c.,

… a declaration made by two persons whose official description is lost, under the heading linou anabolikou and is apparently an assessment of linen piece-articles (lina) to be produced in the year 309/10 by the linen-weavers of Ancyronon and surrounding villages (representing a district or pagus of the Heracleopolite nome?).41

D.4.6 P.Teb. 0287. Regarding an appeal against high taxes made by a groups of fullers and dyers (excerpt): 2nd c., Arsinoites nome

The fullers and dyers from the Arsinoite nome having been summoned and having appeared, Longinus, advocate, said: Of these men some are fullers and others dyers by trade, and for the tax on trades 1092 drachmas yearly are paid by the fullers and 1088 by the dyers according to tariff and custom.42

D.5 Mending D.5.1 P.Oxy. 4.736. Private account: 1st c., Oxyrhynchus

For the cloak of Coraxus, 10 drachmae; turnips for pickling 1dr. 2 obols; for the kettle, payment for enamelling 2 ob.; salt 1 ob.; cost of grinding 1 artaba of wheat on the 18th 3 ob.; omelette for the bread 2 ob.; cost of mending the cloak of Coraxus 1½ ob.; for treating the wife of Gemellus 4 ob.; perfume for the dispatch of the mummy of the daughter of Phna 4 ob.; The 22nd: a chous of oil 4 dr. 4 ob.; wax and stilus for the children 1 ob.; pure bread for Prima ½ ob., for treating Tyche 3 ob.; 9th Mecheir…. the 10th…. for the weaver’s breakfast 1 ob.;…. for the Sarapeum 2 ob.; pure bread for the children ½ ob.; beer for the weaver 1 ob.; leeks for the weaver’s breakfast 1 ob.;

D.5.2 Tab.Vindol. 3.607. Account: 1st-2nd c., Vindolanda

27 July. Purchased through Taurinus, a length of yarn (?). for denarii ¼ (?), 1 as. From this cloak of Aventinus was repaired with a hem (?) 40   http://papyri.info/apis/oxford-ipap.apis.1978 (last accessed 11.4.17). 41  http://papyri.info/ddbdp/p.hib;2;219 (last accessed 11.4.17). 42  http://papyri.info/ddbdp/chr.wilck;;251 (last accessed 11.4.17).

230

Appendix D

…. Repaired and stitched together (?) … the money-belt of Lucanus … the shirt of Crescens….43

D.6

Other Professions Related to Textile and Clothing Manufacture and Care

D.6.1 P.Cair.Isid 62. Reference to a tailor: late 3rd c., Karanis

… She then claimed that the deceased had owed her a mina in gold, but she failed to prove her claim. Finally she has brought into play a contract allegedly drawn up by Kopres which assigned her a half interest in a slave girl as security for her dowry. The plaintiffs in turn assert as law that dowries recorded in writing must be evaluated by a goldsmith (for jewelry) and a tailor ( for cloth), and they deny that the contract of dowry or the contract of security will substantiate her demands.

D.6.2 SB 14.11588. Reference to paying a ‘bleacher’: late 4th c.

And about the two and a half pounds—2 ½—I owe nothing except the pay for the bleacher. But if I owe something, I pay with this stuff of mine. And in fact I have sold the same linen stuff at 10 myriads per pound.44

D.6.3 P.Mich. inv. 3310. Reference to a weaver of ‘Tarsian’ fabrics in a sale contract: 5th c.

The year after the consulship of the most illustrious Flavius Florentius and Flavius Dionysios, [month, day, indiction]. Aurelius Philoxenos, son of Alexandros and Theodosia, from the illustrious city of Oxyrhynchus, [- - - to -   - -] son of Paulos from the same city of Oxyrhynchus, weaver of Tarsian fabrics, greetings.45

D.6.4 P.Oxy. 3.527. Letter requesting the services of a fuller: 2nd–3rd c.

Hatres to Heras his brother, greeting. In accordance with your instructions concerning Serenus the fuller who is working with Phileas, if you have need of him send a servant for him today, the 19th. Do not neglect this, as I am keeping him. I pray for your health and prosperity. (Addressed) Deliver to Heras.

43  Bowman and Thomas (2003) 68. 44  Bagnell and Cribiore (2006) 302. 45  http://papyri.info/ddbdp/p.mich;15;730 (last accessed 11.4.17).

D.6.5 P.Mich. 14.678. Lease agreement: 2nd c.

[- - -] only for the coming second year of the Imperator Caesar Nerva Trajan Augustus Germanicus at a total rent of forty drachmai of silver which I shall pay in equal installments in the month Phamenoth and in the month Kaisareios, the right resting with me to ply the fuller’s trade in the gate-way of the [house] and on the roof and, at the end of the period, I shall give back the house free from dirt of every kind with the doors intact and the keys, if you agree under all the above-mentioned (conditions) and without letting it to another or using it for your own purposes. (2nd hand) I, … kois, son of Pate … (?), have conceded it as stated. (3rd hand) In the 1st year of the Imperator Caesar Nerva Trajan Augustus Germanicus, the 24th of the month Kaisareios.

D.7

Inventories Including Clothing

D.7.1 P.Mich. inv.719. From the acknowledgement of receipt of a dowry: 1st c., Tebtybnis

… four quarters, both of Alexandrian current gold coin, and a gold earring of native current gold coin of four quarters, and a gold lunette of three quarters and a [- - -] and a pair of silver armlets of a weight of twenty drachmai of uncoined metal, and a silver bracelet of a weight of eight drachmai of uncoined metal, and a silver spoon of a weight of four drachmai, and bronze utensils [- - -] and a box for ointment and a folding mirror and six water jars all of bronze, and women’s utensils of tin of a weight of twelve minas, and a cypress chest, [- - - and] three women’s [dresses], one white, the second ivycolored, and the third scarlet, and ten cloaks of various colours; and as a gift, without valuation, from the slaves that belong [to him], a female child slave, born in the house, whose name is Ammounous and who was born of the slave Thaubas and is five years of age …

D.7.2 P.Mich. inv.622. Quadrimestrial register of contracts: 1st c., Tebtybnis

Herakleides, son of Harmiysis, about 22 years old, with a scar on the left eyebrow, and his parents, Harmiysis, son of Orseus, about 45 years old, with a scar on the left shin, both Persians of the epigone, being mutual sureties, and the latter’s wife, who is the mother of Herakleides, Heraklea, daughter of Andronikos, a Persian woman, about 40 years old, with a scar in the middle of her forehead, (acting) with Harmiysis himself as guardian, inhabitants of the village of Phenameni in the Herakleopolite nome, which is above Memphis, acknowledge to Klesis, son of Psosneus, about 65 years old, with a scar on the upper lip on the right side, that they have received from him for his daughter Tamarres a dowry … of 200 silver drachmai, including a

231

Appendix D robe valued at 60 silver drachmai, and among her parapherna without valuation a pair of gold ear-rings of 3 quarters, and a golden lunette of 1 1/2 quarters, and silver armlets of a weight of 12 drachmai of uncoined silver, and a bronze bowl, and a bronze mirror, and 2 bronze water-jars, and a tin water-jar of a weight of 5 minai, and a chiton with flowers of gold, and 2 cloaks, and a white wrap. Let the married parties live together. (?There is) a dowry of 200 silver drachmai.; Signatories: Eutychos, son of Eutychos, about 32 years old with a scar on the right knee, and for the other, Soterichos, son of Herodes, about 32 years old, with a scar on the ankle-bone of the right foot.; The rest in conformity.

D.7.3 P.Mich. inv. 8.467. Excerpt from a private letter: 1st. c., Karanis … I ask and beg you, father, for I have no one dear to me except you, after the gods, to send to me by Valerius a battle sword, a …, a pickaxe, a grappling iron, two of the best lances obtainable, a cloak of beaver skin(?), and a girdled tunic, together with my trousers, so that I may have them, since I wore out my tunic before I entered the service and my trousers were laid away new.

D.7.4 P.Mich. inv.2217. From a marriage contract: 2nd c., Philadelphia, Arsinoite nome

… and in gold objects a very long earring [(of the weight) of two and one-half quarters and some necklaces (of the weight) of one and one-half quarters, total 4 quarters, and one pair of [silver] … 7 staters in weight, and in clothing by valuation a tunic and a light mantle and a Scyrian cloak for the value of 430 Augustan drachmai, and a Heratianon, and a striped garment(?), and a bronze Venus and a bronze flask (of the value) of 48 Augustan drachmai, and a mirror and a chest …

D.7.5 P.Teb. 2.405. List of personal property: 3rd c., Tebtybnis

A green tunic worth [..] drachmas; a white outer cloak, worth [..] drachmas; a small mulberry-colored cloak, worth [..] drachmas; 2 veils, purple and scarlet, worth [..] drachmas; an Italian mantle, worth [..] drachmas; a white mantle, worth [..] drachmas; a new basket, worth [..] drachmas; a purple tunic, worth [..] drachmas; a sapphire Dalmatian vest, worth [..] drachmas; a Leontine mantle, worth [..] drachmas;\. And in parapherna: a sulphur-colored tunic [..]; a mulberry-colored tunic …

D.7.6 P.Teb. 0406. From an inventory of property left by Paulus: 3rd c., Tebtybnis

Account of effects left by Paulus, my late husband and the father of my daughter Paulina, not yet of age, which have been delivered to Pasigenes the brother of my husband through

Souchammon the arbitrator. They are: a complete lamp-stand with a Cupid and lamp, valued at [.]6 drachmas; a copper dish, a frying pan, a rug (?); and in clothing a tunic new from the fuller, with a Lakonian stripe, worth a stater; likewise a white veil with a Lakonian stripe and a didrachm, another tunic half worn out, a new linen shirt with two stripes, a new linen kerchief, white linen cloths 12 in number, worth, at 8 drachmas each, 96 drachmas, a chisel for cutting, a ploughshare likewise in good order, a wooden bedstead in good order; and property held in common with his brothers, a leaden kettle for dyeing (?) linen in good condition, a basin in good condition, a small kettle, a small jar; and the slaves owned by him, 5 in number, held in common by the father of my daughter (and his brothers), viz. Nikois, another named Kophe, and her children Lakonis, Belles, and Sarapias; and also the arouras, which are numerous, owned by him …

D.7.7 P.Mich. inv.3163. A pawnbrokers account: early 4th c., Philadelphia, Arsinoite nome

Chattels of Maximus; Nut-brown suit of clothes 1 from the fulling, also white 1; Also another, white 1; Woollen cloak, unfulled, white,; A pair of sulphur-coloured embroidered pillows,; Tunic and cloak, yellow, half worn out,; Light upper garment, white,; Tunic and cloak, nut-brown, unfulled,; Suit of clothes, white, half worn-out 1,; Blanket, nut-brown 1 unfulled,; Cloak, white, unfulled, ; Cushions 2 black; and pillows 2,; Mattress, counterpane, pillows, two, turquoise-green, ;purple Alexandrian garments, 4 liters; Malabathrum and costus 120 drachmas weight,; Boxes 2 Breadbasket and cupboard, fitted,; Service of tin 1,;also of glass,; pairs of cups and bronze altar,; …,; Bowls, two, large,; Flasks 2 tin, each holding half a kotyle,; Knives, four, for butchering,; Drachmas 20.; (Verso):;…; Crescent-shaped ornament, gold, of six quarters weight,; Pruning knife 1,; and axe for cutting wood,; Barber’s stools 2,; Also a three-legged stool,; Striped garments, four, large,; Money-bag, unfulled,; Small trays, three,; Meat-hooks 3,; Pallets 2,; Casket,; Tunic and cloak, sulphur-colored,; I have received as a pledge for Horion …; Tunic and cloak, white, unfulled,,; Keramia of wine 3,; Likewise from the wife Valerius…,; Pair of armlets and bracelets 2 silver,; From the daughter of Nikon …,; I have received as an additional pledge …; For Severas counterpane and basin …

D.7.8 P.Mich. inv. 3552. List of articles: 4th c.

A comb; A spouted wine cooler; A chest for clothes; (remember his ring); A robe; A knife; A measuring cup (?); A cupboard with six compartments; A flask of oil; A measure for nails (?); Two rings; A pair of scissors; A linen towel; A hood …; A hood …; A hood …; Likewise a hood […; Two white […; A white garment; Two coverings; Two towels; An empty sack; Two linen cloths; Two sheepskins; A white blanket with a fringe;

232 A pot of pigeons; A pot of snails; A measure of …; A measure of vinegar; A vessel of … lentils; A vessel of … lentils; A pot of … meal; Two empty sacks; A … of …; (Verso): A list of …

D.7.9 P.Mich. inv.5167. List of household items: 4th c.

(Col. II recto):; local linen; another case not containing anything; worn bedcover; cupboard containing jars; small box containing drinking-cups; and dishes made of glass; And in another room; wooden bed; striped bedcover; striped pillows; box of urguent in which [ ]; And in a large jar a shortsleeved tunic; used; likewise another short-sleeved tunic; bronze small vessel; another old small vessel; likewise [;verso:;]. [;another old [;.[

D.7.10 P.Princ. 2.82. Judgement: 5th c., Lycopolis

Danielios and Areion should likewise hand over to Theophilos the hereinafter mentioned items, to wit: one man’s short cloak, one Egyptian cloak, one Egyptian cape, one rose-white tunic, two damask (sc. in which several threads were taken for the woof) pillows, one striped cover (or mattress), one Dalmation honey-colored cloak, one blanket with purple border, two small coarse curtains, five tunics with vertical design, one mallow-colored cloak, one simple man’s tunic, two man’s linen shirts, seven napkins and towels from Skinepoeus, one small mattress from Skinepoeus, one Damaskian shirt, ten scarfs, two portmanteaux, one table-cloth from Skinepoeus, one garment (?) from Skinepoeus, one napkin, one woven portmanteaux, three new linen shirts with purple border, one woolen garment with purple border, two other linens shirt mixed, with wool, one woman’s embroidered turban.46 And they gave judgment that after this, every basis for legal action by Theophilos as against three brothers above-mentioned should be done away.

D.7.11 P.Mich. inv.1050. List of garments: 5th-6th c.

(Recto);; (Christian symbols) List of clothes which are in the rest-house (praetorium), through brother Martyrios, from me, Zenon: A linen variegated tunic, 1, one; cloaks made in the Antiochian style, 5, in total, five; similarly, an Antioch hood, 1, in total, one; combed linen variegated tunic, 1, in total, one; wrapping clothes, 3, three; a shirt and a cloak; a light-green

46  The word used here is πλομαρικον, and may mean tapestry woven, rather than embroidered, although either could be possible on a turban.

Appendix D upper garment, 1, one; embroidered panels, 4,47 in total, four; a fine linen cloth, 1 in total, one; silver spoons, 10, in total, ten. Give these effects to brother Theodosios, taking from him on account of what he owes to me for - - -;; (Verso);; A receipt of Zenon - - -.

D.7.12 P.Mich. inv.478. Loan of money (clothing as surety): 6th c., Antinopolis48

(Cross) Year four of the kingship and consulship or our most God-like lord Flavius Justin, the eternal Augustus, Emperor. Phamenoth fifth of the present second indiction, in Antinoopolis the most glorious.;(Cross) Flavius Christodoros, son of Theodoros, herald of the officium of the praeses in this city of Antinoopolis, which is also the city of my origin, to Aurelia Euphemia, daughter of Theodoros, widow, from the same city of Antinoopolis, greetings.; I, the afore-mentioned Christodoros, herald, acknowledge by this written bond that I have received in loan from you, from (your) hand to my hands, for my private and necessary needs, the capital sum of one gold solidus less six carats on the public standard of Antinoopolis, total 1 gold solidus less 6 carats on the same publix standard. And this I am prepared to return to you, both I myself and my heirs of whatever degree, whenever you desire, through any agent with power to act in your behalf, along with the monthly interest thereon, that is, two hundred fifty silver talents, without any unpleasantness or delay. All my property present and future is mortgaged to you for this, and for your security I have drawn up for you and signed this document, valid and guaranteed wherever presented; and when asked the formal question concerning all this I so declared. (Cross) And it is understood that on this account I have turned over to you in pledge a garment made in Egypt after the Tarsic fashion and an undergarment-shirt(?).; (2nd hand) Crosses (drawing of 3 crosses) of Christodoros.; (3rd hand) (Cross) Flavius Christodoros, son of Theodoros, the afore-mentioned herald of the officium of the praeses: this agreement is satisfactory to me and I will return the above-mentioned solidus with the interest thereon whenever you desire, so that I may recover my pledge as stated. I, Aurelius Magistor, son of Horouonchios, from Antinoopolis, wrote on his behalf at his request, as he is illiterate; but he first drew the crosses with his own hand. (Cross).

47  The word used here is προuμαρικ(α) corrected in the apparatus to πλοθμαρια; in this case, it is likely to mean tapestry woven panels (see chapter 4 ‘Tunic Embellishment and Dating’). 48  http://quod.lib.umich.edu/a/apis/x-2309 (last accessed 14.3.17).

Appendix E: References to Clothing in Late Antiquity E.1 Mart. Epigrams, 14: The Presents Made at Feasts (AD 40–102): XXVIII. Umbella A Sunshade. Accept this protection against the excessive heat of the sun; and even against the wind it will serve you as a veil. XXIX. Causea A Broad-brimmed Hat. In Pompey’s theatre I go as a spectator well hooded, the awning there being of little avail against the wind. LXV. Solea Lanatae Wool-lined Slippers. If your servant should happen to be absent, and you wish to get your sandals, these will enable your feet to serve themselves. LXVI. Mamillare A Breast Band. You might be able to confine your breast within a bull’s hide; but what you use is too small for the purpose. LXXI. Muscarium bubulum An Ox-tail Brush. If your dress has been soiled with yellow dust, brush it off with gentle strokes of this bushy tail. CXXVI. Endromis A Warm Wrap. This is a poor man’s gift, but not often a poor man’s wear. We send you this wrap in place of a cloak. CXXVII. Canusinae Fuscae A Brown Cloak of Canusian Wool. This Canusian cloak, in colour extremely like must, shall be our gift to you. Rejoice! it will not soon wear out. CXXVIII. Bardocucullus A Cowled Cloak. Gaul clothes you with its Santonian hood: it was but recently that it clothed a monkey. CXXIX. Canusinae Rufus Red Cloaks of Canusian Wool. Rome more willingly wears brown cloaks; Gaul prefers red, a colour which pleases children and soldiers. CXXX. Paenula Scortea A Leather Cloak. Although you begin your journey on the finest of days let this leather cloak be always at hand against sudden showers. CXXXI. Lacernae Coccineae A Scarlet Mantle. If you belong to the blue or the green faction, why put on scarlet? Be careful, lest by that proceeding you be reckoned a deserter. CXXXII. Pilleum A Cap. If I could, I should have been glad to send you a complete mantle; as it is I send you only a covering for your head. CXXXIII. Lacernae Baeticae Baetic Mantles. My wool is not deceitful, nor do I change my colour in the dying vat. Tyrian wool may please by such means; my colour is that of the sheep I clothed. CXXXIV. Fascia Pectoralis A Chest Band. Breast-band! confine the swelling bosom of my mistress, that I may be able to cover and press it with my hand. CXXXV. Cenatoria A Dinner Suit.

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No law courts or bail cases are known to me. My duty is to recline on embellished couches. CXXXVI. Laena A Woollen Cloak. Fine smooth garments are of little use in winter. My shaggy covering will impart warmth to your under-dress. CXXXVII. Lacernae Albae White Mantles. We recommend ourselves for service in the amphitheatre when our white covering encompasses the chilly toga. CXXXIX. Cuculli Liburnici A Liburnian Hood. You did not know, simpleton, how to suit your cloak to me. You put on a white cloak; you have to take off a green one. CXL. Udones Cilicii Cicilian Socks. These are not formed of wool, but of the beard of the fetid goat. You may bury your foot in this hairy covering. CXLI. Synthesis A Festival Robe. While your toga enjoys a rest of five days, you may, if you please, make use of this vestment. CXLII. Focale A Muffler. If with the intention of reciting, I happen to present to you a little book, let this muffler defend your ears. CXLIII. Tunicae Patavinae Patavian Tunics. The Patavian triple tissue is composed of many fleeces; it is only a saw that can cut these thick shirts. CXLV. Paenula Gausapina A Cloak of Long Hair. Such is my whiteness, such the beauty of my long hair, that you would like to wear me even in the midst of harvest. CXLIX. Amictorium A light weight scarf or stole. I fear those whose development is large: give me to some tender maiden, that the linen of which I am formed may delight in her snow-white charms. CLI. Zona A Woman’s Girdle. At present I am long enough; but if you should swell with an agreeable burden, I should then prove too short for you. CLIII. Semicinctium An Apron. Let the rich man give you a tunic; I can only give you an apron. If I were a rich man, I would give you both. CLIV. Lanae Amethystinae Amethyst dyed Wools. Since I am drunk with the blood of the Sidonian shell-fish, I do not see why I should be called a sober wool. CLV. Lanae Albae White Wools. Apulia is noted for fleeces of the first quality; Parma for those of the second. The sheep whose wool is of the third quality distinguishes Altinum. CLVI. Lanae Tyraie Tyrian Wools. I was the present of the shepherd-prince to his Spartan mistress. Her mother Leda’s purple robe was inferior to me. CLVII. Lane Pollentinae Wool from Pollentia. The territory of Pollentia is accustomed to give us, not only wool of a dark colour, but also cups. CLVIII. Idem The Same.

234 I am, it is true, a sad-coloured wool; but suitable for shorn attendants, such as are not required for the higher offices of the table.

E.2.1 Amm. Marc. 14.6.9 (AD 353):1 Others place the height of glory in having a coach higher than usual, or splendid apparel; and so toil and sweat under a vast burden of cloaks, which are fastened to their necks by many clasps, and blow about from the excessive fineness of the material; showing a desire, by the continual wriggling of their bodies, and especially by the waving of the left hand, to make their long fringes and tunics, embroidered in multiform figures of animals with threads of various colours, more conspicuous.

E.2.2 Amm. Marc. 28.4.19 (AD 369):2 Then, when they come from the bath of Silvarius, or the waters of Mamaea, which are so good for the health, after they come out of the water, and have wiped themselves with cloths of the finest linen, they open the presses, and take out of them robes so delicate as to be transparent, selecting them with care, till they have got enough to clothe eleven persons; and at length, after they have picked out all they choose, they wrap themselves up in them, and take the rings which they had given to their attendants to hold, that they might not be injured by the damp; and then they depart when their fingers are properly cooled.

E.3 Prudent., Cath. 7 (ca.AD 349–ca.413):3 But ah! The saddened people, pierced by grief not known before, is in the agony of death. Commons and councilors, citizens of every age, young men with pale faces, wailing women, rush to and fro in crowds all about the wide city. Resolved to appease the angry Christ with public fasts, they put the habit of eating from them; the matron, taking off her necklaces, 1  http://www.tertullian.org/fathers/ammianus_14_book14.htm (last accessed 31.3.17). For editions see bibliography. 2  http://www.tertullian.org/fathers/ammianus_28_book28.htm (last accessed 31.3.17). 3  http://archive.org/stream/prudentiuswithen01pruduoft#pa ge/66/mode/2up (last accessed 31.3.17).

Appendix e dons dark vestures, and instead of jewels and silk foul ashes besprinkle her flowing hair. The fathers wear the dark clothes of mourning all ungirt, the maids, with hair unkempt and shaggy like a beast’s cover their faces with black veils, the children lie rolling in the sand. The king himself, pulling away the clasp, tore in pieces his mantle that had the glow of coan purple, put off his bright jewels, his band of precious stones, the emblem that clasped his brow, and cluttered his hair with unsightly dust.”

E.4.1 Joh. Chry. Hom. in Ep. I ad Cor., 12.13 (PG 61.105) (AD 370–407): Then after the marriage if perchance a child is born, in this case again we shall see the same folly and many practices full of absurdity. For when the time has come for giving the infant a name, caring not to call it after the saints as the ancients at first did, they light lamps and give them names, and name the child after that one which continues burning the longest; from thence conjecturing that he will live a long time. After all, should there be many instances of the child’s untimely death, (and there are many,) great laughter on the devil’s part will ensue, at his having made sport of them as if they were silly children. What shall we say about the amulets and the bells which are hung upon the hand, and the scarlet woof, and the other things full of such extreme folly; when they ought to invest the child with nothing else save the protection of the Cross. But now that is despised which has converted the whole world and given the sore wound to the devil and overthrown all his power: while the thread, and the woof, and the other amulets of that kind are entrusted with the child’s safety.

E.4.2 Joh. Chrys. Homily 8, on Colossians 3.15 (PG 62.358). (AD 370–407):4 Other women again tie about them the names of rivers, and venture numberless things of like nature. Lo, I say, and forewarn you all, that if any be detected, I will not spare them again, whether they have made amulet, or incantation, or any other thing of such an art as this. What then, saith one, is the child to die? If he have lived through this means, he did then die, but if he have died without this, he then lived. But now, if thou seest him attaching himself to harlots, thou wishest him buried, and sayest, “why, what good is it for him to live?” but when thou seest him in peril of his salvation, dost thou 4   http://www.newadvent.org/fathers/230308.htm (last accessed 31.3.17).

Appendix e wish to see him live? Heardest thou not Christ saying, “He that loseth his life, shall find it; and he that findeth it, shall lose it”? Believest thou these sayings, or do they seem to thee fables? Tell me now, should one say, “Take him away to an idol temple, and he will live”; wouldest thou endure it? No! she replies. Why? “Because,” she saith, “he urges me to commit idolatry; but here, there is no idolatry, but simple incantation:” this is the device of Satan, this is that wiliness of the devil to cloak over the deceit, and to give the deleterious drug in honey. After he found that he could not prevail with thee in the other way, he hath gone this way about, to stitched charms, and old wives’ fables; and the Cross indeed is dishonoured, and these charms preferred before it. Christ is cast out, and a drunken and silly old woman is brought in. That mystery of ours is trodden under foot, and the imposture of the devil dances. Wherefore then, saith one, doth not God reprove the aid from such sources? He hath many times reproved, and yet hath not persuaded thee; He now leaveth thee to thine error, for It saith, “God gave them up unto a reprobate mind.” These things, moreover, not even a Greek who hath understanding could endure. A certain demagogue in Athens is reported once to have hung these things about him: when a philosopher who was his instructor, on beholding them, rebuked him, expostulated, satirized, made sport of him. For in so wretched a plight are we, as even to believe in these things!

E.5 John Cassian, The Institutes 1 (On the Dress of Monks) (AD 360–435):5 Chapter 1: Of the Monk’s Girdle: AS we are going to speak of the customs and rules of the monasteries, how by God’s grace can we better begin than with the actual dress of the monks, for we shall then be able to expound in due course their interior life when we have set their outward man before your eyes. A monk, then, as a soldier of Christ ever ready for battle, ought always to walk with his loins girded. For in this fashion, too, the authority of Holy Scripture shows that they walked who in the Old Testament started the original of this life,—I mean Elijah and Elisha; and, moreover, we know that the leaders and authors of the New Testament, viz., John, Peter, and Paul, and the others of the same rank, walked in the same manner. And of these the first-mentioned, who even in the Old Testament displayed the flowers of a virgin life and an example of chastity and continence, when he had been sent by the Lord to rebuke the messengers of Ahaziah, the wicked king of Israel, because when confined by sickness he had intended to consult 5   http://www.osb.org/lectio/cassian/inst/inst1.html#1.1 (last accessed 31.3.17).

235 Beelzebub, the god of Ekron, on the state of his health, and thereupon the said prophet had met them and said that he should not come down from the bed on which he lay,—this man was made known to the bed-ridden king by the description of the character of his clothing. For when the messengers returned to him and brought back the prophet’s message, he asked what the man who had met them and spoken such words was like and how he was dressed. “An hairy man,” they said, “and girt with a girdle of leather about his loins;” and by this dress the king at once saw that it was the man of God, and said: “It is Elijah the Tishbite:” i.e., by the evidence of the girdle and the look of the hairy and unkempt body he recognized without the slightest doubt the man of God, because this was always attached to him as he dwelt among so many thousands of Israelites, as if it were impressed as some special sign of his own particular style. Of John also, who came as a sort of sacred boundary between the Old and New Testament, being both a beginning and an ending, we know by the testimony of the Evangelist that “the same John had his raiment of camel’s hair and a girdle of skin about his loins.” When Peter also had been put in prison by Herod and was to be brought forth to be slain on the next day, when the angel stood by him he was charged: “Gird thyself and put on thy shoes.” And the angel of the Lord would certainly not have charged him to do this had he not seen that for the sake of his night’s rest he had for a while freed his wearied limbs from the girdle usually tied round them. Paul also, going up to Jerusalem and soon to be put in chains by the Jews, was met at Cæsarea by the prophet Agabus, who took his girdle and bound his hands and feet to show by his bodily actions the injuries which he was to suffer, and said: “So shall the Jews in Jerusalem bind the man whose girdle this is, and deliver him into the hands of the Gentiles.” And surely the prophet would never have brought this forward, or have said “the man whose girdle this is,” unless Paul had always been accustomed to fasten it round his loins. Chapter 2: Of the Monk’s Robe LET the robe also of the monk be such as may merely cover the body and prevent the disgrace of nudity, and keep off harm from cold, not such as may foster the seeds of vanity and pride; for the same apostle tells us: “Having food and covering, with these let us be content.” “Covering,” he says, not “raiment,” as is wrongly found in some Latin copies: that is, what may merely cover the body, not what may please the fancy by the splendour of the attire; commonplace, so that it may not be thought remarkable for novelty of colour or fashion among other men of the same profession; and quite free from anxious carefulness, yet not discoloured by stains acquired through neglect. Lastly, let them be so far removed from this world’s fashions as to remain altogether common property for the use of the servants of God. For whatever is claimed by one or a few among the servants of God and is not the common property of the whole body of the brethren

236 alike is either superfluous or vain, and for that reason to be considered harmful, and affording an appearance of vanity rather than virtue. And, therefore, whatever models we see were not taught either by the saints of old who laid the foundations of the monastic life, or by the fathers of our own time who in their turn keep up at the present day their customs, these we also should reject as superfluous and useless: wherefore they utterly disapproved of a robe of sackcloth as being visible to all and conspicuous, and what from this very fact will not only confer no benefit on the soul but rather minister to vanity and pride, and as being inconvenient and unsuitable for the performance of necessary work for which a monk ought always to go ready and unimpeded. But even if we hear of some respectable persons who have been dressed in this garb, a rule for the monasteries is not, therefore, to be passed by us, nor should the ancient decrees of the holy fathers be upset because we do not think that a few men, presuming on the possession of other virtues, are to be blamed even in regard of those things which they have practised not in accordance with the Catholic rule. For the opinion of a few ought not to be preferred to or to interfere with the general rule for all. For we ought to give unhesitating allegiance and unquestioning obedience, not to those customs and rules which the will of a few have introduced, but to those which a long standing antiquity and numbers of the holy fathers have passed on by an unanimous decision to those that come after. Nor, indeed, ought this to influence us as a precedent for our daily life, that Joram, the wicked king of Israel, when surrounded by bands of his foes, rent his clothes, and is said to have had sackcloth inside them; or that the Ninevites, in order to mitigate the sentence of God, which had been pronounced against them by the prophet, were clothed in rough sackcloth. The former is shown to have been clothed with it secretly underneath, so that unless the upper garment had been rent it could not possibly have been known by any one, and the latter tolerated a covering of sackcloth at a time when, since all were mourning over the approaching destruction of the city and were clothed with the same garments, none could be accused of ostentation. For where there is no special difference and all are alike no harm is done. Chapter 3: Of the Hoods of the Egyptians THERE are some things besides in the dress of the Egyptians which concern not the care of the body so much as the regulation of the character, that the observance of simplicity and innocence may be preserved by the very character of the clothing. For they constantly use both by day and by night very small hoods coming down to the end of the neck and shoulders, which only cover the head, in order that they may constantly be moved to preserve the simplicity and innocence of little children by imitating their actual dress. And these men have returned to childhood in Christ and sing at all hours with heart and soul: “Lord, my heart is not exalted nor are mine eyes lofty. Neither have I walked in great matters

Appendix e nor in wonderful things above me. If I was not humbly ­minded, but exalted my soul: as a child that is weaned is towards his mother.” Chapter 4: Of the Tunics of the Egyptians THEY wear also linen tunics which scarcely reach to the elbows, and for the rest leave their hands bare, that the cutting off of the sleeves may suggest that they have cut off all the deeds and works of this world, and the garment of linen teach that they are dead to all earthly conversation, and that hereby they may hear the Apostle saying day by day to them: “Mortify your members which are upon the earth;” their very dress also declaring this: “For ye are dead, and your life is hid with Christ in God;” and again: “And I live, yet now not I but Christ liveth in me. To me indeed the world is crucified, and I to the world.” Chapter 5: Of their Cords THEY also wear double scarves woven of woollen yarn which the Greeks call analaboi, but which we should name girdles or strings, or more properly cords. These falling down over the top of the neck and divided on either side of the throat go round the folds (of the robe) at the armpits and gather them up on either side, so that they can draw up and tuck in close to the body the wide folds of the dress, and so with their arms girt they are made active and ready for all kinds of work, endeavouring with all their might to fulfil the Apostle’s charge: “For these hands have ministered not only to me but to those also who are with me,” “Neither have we eaten any man’s bread for nought, but with labour and toil working night and day that we should not be burdensome to any of you.” And: “If any will not work neither let him eat.” Chapter 6: Of Their Capes NEXT they cover their necks and shoulders with a narrow cape, aiming at modesty of dress as well as cheapness and economy; and this is called in our language as well as theirs mafors; and so they avoid both the expense and the display of cloaks and great coats. Chapter 7: Of the Sheepskin and the Goatskin THE last article of their dress is the goat-skin, which is called melotes, or pera, and a staff, which they carry in imitation of those who foreshadowed the lines of the monastic life in the Old Testament, of whom the Apostle says: “They wandered about in sheepskins and goatskins, being in want, distressed, afflicted; of whom the world was not worthy; wandering in deserts, and in mountains, and in dens, and in caves of the earth.” And this garment of goatskin signifies that having destroyed all wantonness of carnal passions they ought to continue in the utmost sobriety of virtue, and that nothing of the wantonness or heat of youth, or of their old lightmindedness, should remain in their bodies.

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Appendix e Chapter 8: Of the Staff of the Egyptians FOR Elisha, himself one of them, teaches that the same men used to carry a staff; as he says to Gehazi, his servant, when sending him to raise the woman’s son to life: “Take my staff and run and go and place it on the lad’s face that he may live.” And the prophet would certainly not have given it to him to take unless he had been in the habit of constantly carrying it about in his hand. And the carrying of the staff spiritually teaches that they ought never to walk unarmed among so many barking dogs of faults and invisible beasts of spiritual wickedness (from which the blessed David, in his longing to be free, says: “Deliver not, O Lord, to the beasts the soul that trusteth in Thee”), but when they attack them they ought to beat them off with the sign of the cross and drive them far away; and when they rage furiously against them they should annihilate them by the constant recollection of the Lord’s passion and by following the example of His mortified life. Chapter 9: Of their Shoes BUT refusing shoes, as forbidden by the command of the gospel, if bodily weakness or the morning cold in winter or the scorching heat of midday compels them, they merely protect their feet with sandals, explaining that by the use of them and the Lord’s permission it is implied that if, while we are still in this world we cannot be completely set free from care and anxiety about the flesh, nor can we be altogether released from it, we should at least provide for the wants of the body with as little fuss and as slight an entanglement as possible: and as for the feet of our soul which ought to be ready for our spiritual race and always prepared for preaching the peace of the gospel (with which feet we run after the odour of the ointments of Christ, and of which David says: “I ran in thirst,” and Jeremiah: “But I am not troubled, following Thee”), we ought not to suffer them to be entangled in the deadly cares of this world, filling our thoughts with those things which concern not the supply of the wants of nature, but unnecessary and harmful pleasures. And this we shall thus fulfil if, as the Apostle advises, we “make not provision for the flesh with its lusts.” But though lawfully enough they make use of these sandals, as permitted by the Lord’s command, yet they never suffer them to remain on their feet when they approach to celebrate or to receive the holy mysteries, as they think that they ought to observe in the letter that which was said to Moses and to Joshua, the son of Nun: “Loose the latchet of thy shoe: for the place whereon thou standest is holy ground.” Chapter 10: Of the Modification in the Observances which may be Permitted in Accordance with the Character of the Climate or the Custom of the District. SO much may be said, that we may not appear to have left out any article of the dress of the Egyptians. But we need only keep to those which the situation of the place and the customs of the district permit. For the severity of the winter does not allow us to be satisfied with slippers or tunics or a single frock;

and the covering of tiny hoods or the wearing of a sheepskin would afford a subject for derision instead of edifying the spectators. Wherefore we hold that we ought to introduce only those things which we have described above, and which are adapted to the humble character of our profession and the nature of the climate, that the chief thing about our dress maybe not the novelty of the garb, which might give some offence to men of the world, but its honourable simplicity. Chapter 11: Of the Spiritual Girdle and its Mystical Meaning CLAD, therefore, in these vestments, the soldier of Christ should know first of all that he is protected by the girdle tied round him, not only that he may be ready in mind for all the work and business of the monastery, but also that he may always go without being hindered by his dress. For he will be proved to be the more ardent in purity of heart for spiritual progress and the knowledge of Divine things in proportion as he is the more earnest in his zeal for obedience and work. Secondly, he should realize that in the actual wearing of the girdle there is no small mystery declaring what is demanded of him. For the girding of the loins and binding them round with a dead skin signifies that he bears about the mortification of those members in which are contained the seeds of lust and lasciviousness, always knowing that the command of the gospel, which says, “Let your loins be girt about,” is applied to him by the Apostle’s interpretation; to wit, “Mortify your members which are upon the earth; fornication, uncleanness, lust, evil concupiscence.” And so we find in Holy Scripture that only those were girt with the girdle in whom the seeds of carnal lust are found to be destroyed, and who sing with might and main this utterance of the blessed David: “For I am become like a bottle in the frost,” because when the sinful flesh is destroyed in the inmost parts they can distend by the power of the spirit the dead skin of the outward man. And therefore he significantly adds “in the frost,” because they are never satisfied merely with the mortification of the heart, but also have the motions of the outward man and the incentives of nature itself frozen by the approach of the frost of continence from without, if only, as the Apostle says, they no longer allow any reign of sin in their mortal body, nor wear a flesh that resists the spirit.”

E.6 Babylonian Talmud,—Mas Mo’ed Katan, 26b:6 Nor may the Alexandrian(1)mending [be used]. Our Rabbis taught: One who rends [his garment] in apart that had been tacked together, basted, or [the edges] picked up by cross or ladder stitch, has not discharged his duty; if in a part which had been rejoined [in a seam], he has discharged his duty. 6  http://halakhah.com/pdf/moed/Moed_Katan.pdf (last accessed 31.3.17).

238 Said R. Hisda: Also [if he rent] in a part [which had been done up] with the Alexandrian mending. Footnote: (1) Neatly sewed together on the surface with the joined ends on the wrong side of the material, or darned invisibly, or a piece neatly let in. V. Tosaf. s.v.

E.7 Babylonian Talmud, Mishnah—Tract Shabbat, 1: Regulations Regarding Transfer in Sabbath:7 This was taught according to R. Jehudah, who holds that a laborer (carrying a thing) after the manner of his profession is culpable; as we have learned in the following Tosephtha: “A tailor shall not go out with his needle sticking in his garment; nor a carpenter with his ruler behind his ear; nor a cloth cleaner with the spanning cord behind his ear; nor a weaver with the stuffing cotton behind his ear; nor a dyer with samples around his neck; nor a money changer with the dinar in his ear. If, however, they did so, they are free, though they ought not to start it; so is the decree of R. Mair. R. Jehudah, however, says: The laborer only (going out) after the manner of his profession is culpable; but not common men.

E.8 Asterius Amas. Hom. 1 (The Rich Man and Lazarus) (PG 40.16568). (AD 350–410):8 What, then, says the law of the Just One? Sheep God created with well-fleeced skins, abounding in wool. Take them, shear it off, and give it to a skilful weaver, and fashion for yourself tunic and mantle, that you may escape both the distress of winter, and the harm of the sun’s burning rays. But if you need for greater comfort lighter clothing in the time of summer, God has given the use of flax, and it is very easy for you to get from it a becoming covering, that at once clothes and refreshes you by its lightness. And while enjoying these garments, give thanks to the Creator that he has not only made us, but has also provided for us comfort and security in living; but if, rejecting the sheep and the wool, the needful provision of the Creator of all things, and departing from rational custom through vain devices and capricious desires, you seek out fine linen, and gather the threads of the Persian worms and weave the spider’s airy web; and going to the dyer, pay large prices in order that he may fish the shell-fish out of the sea and stain the garment with the blood of the creature,—this is the act of a man surfeited, who misuses his substance, having 7  From the Babylonian Talmud: transl. Rodkinson (1903) http:// www.sacred-texts.com/jud/t01/index.htm (last accessed 31.1.17). 8  http://www.tertullian.org/fathers/asterius_01_sermon1.htm (last accessed 31.3.17).

Appendix e no place to pour out the superfluity of his wealth. For this in the Gospel such a man is scourged, being portrayed as stupid and womanish, adorning himself with the embellishments of wretched girls. Others again, according to common report are lovers of like vanity; but having cherished wickedness to a greater degree, they have not restricted their foolish invention even to the things already mentioned; but having found some idle and extravagant style of weaving, which by the twining of the warp and the woof, produces the effect of a picture, and imprints upon their robes the forms of all creatures, they artfully produce, both for themselves and for their wives and children, clothing beflowered and wrought with ten thousand objects. Thenceforth they become self-confident. They no longer engage in serious business; from the vastness of their wealth they misuse life, by not using it; they act contrary to Paul and contend against the divinely inspired voices, not by words, but by deeds. For what he by word forbade, these men by their deeds support and confirm. When, therefore, they dress themselves and appear in public, they look like pictured walls in the eyes of those that meet them. And perhaps even the children surround them, smiling to one another and pointing out with the finger the picture on the garment; and walk along after them, following them for a long time. On these garments are lions and leopards; bears and bulls and dogs; woods and rocks and hunters; and all attempts to imitate nature by painting. For it was necessary, as it seems, to adorn not only their houses, but finally also their tunics and their mantles. But such rich men and women as are more pious, have gathered up the gospel history and turned it over to the weavers; I mean Christ himself with all the disciples, and each of the miracles, as recorded in the Gospel. You may see the wedding of Galilee, and the water-pots; the paralytic carrying his bed on his shoulders; the blind man being healed with the clay; the woman with the bloody issue, taking hold of the border of the garment; the sinful woman falling at the feet of Jesus; Lazarus returning to life from the grave. In doing this they consider that they are acting piously and are clad in garments pleasing to God. But if they take my advice let them sell those clothes and honor the living image of God. Do not picture Christ on your garments. It is enough that he once suffered the humiliation of dwelling in a human body which of his own accord he assumed for our sakes. So, not upon your robes but upon your soul carry about his image. Do not portray the paralytic on your garments, but seek out him that lies sick. Do not tell continually the story of the woman with the bloody issue, but have pity on the straitened widow. Do not contemplate the sinful woman kneeling before the Lord, but, with contrition for your own faults, shed copious tears. Do not sketch Lazarus rising from the dead, but see to it that you attain to the resurrection of the just. Do not carry the blind man about on your clothing, but by your good deeds comfort the living, who has been deprived of sight. Do

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Appendix e not paint to the life the baskets of fragments that remained, but feed the hungry. Do not carry upon your mantles the water-pots which were filled in Cana of Galilee, but give the thirsty drink. Thus we have profited by the magnificent raiment of the rich man.

E.9 Jer. Ep.120 (To Hedibia) (AD 374–420):9 QUESTION #6 How could Saint Peter and Saint John have so easily entered the tomb, which was guarded by a company of soldiers, without any of these guards attempting to defend against their entry? Here is the reason that Saint Matthew gives us: “The Sabbath being past,” he says, “and the first day of the next week just beginning to shine, Mary Magdalene and the other Mary came to see the tomb. And suddenly there was a great earthquake, and an angel of the Lord descended from heaven and came to turn the stone which closed the tomb, and sat on it. His face was shining like lightning and his clothing was white as snow, and the guards were so seized with fear that they turned dead-like.

E.10 Josh. Styl. 36 (The Year 811 [AD 499–500]) (AD 507):10 … By the order of our father the bishop Mar Peter, public prayers were offered, and every one besought mercy from God. He took all his clergy and all the members of religious orders, both men and women, and all the lay members of the holy Church, both rich and poor, men women and children, and they traversed all the streets of the city, carrying crosses, with psalms and hymns, clad in black garments of humiliation. All the convents too in our district kept up continual services with great diligence; and so, by the prayers of all the holy ones, the light of the sun was restored to its place, and we were a little cheered.

E.11.1 Gregory Of Tours, Hist. 2.17 (AD 539–94):11 His wife built the church of Saint Stephen in the outskirts of the city. And wishing to adorn it with colors she used to carry a book in her bosom, reading the histories of ancient times 9  http://www.tertullian.org/fathers/jerome_hedibia_2_trans. htm (last accessed 31.3.17). 10  http://www.tertullian.org/fathers/joshua_the_stylite_02_ trans.htm (last accessed 31.3.17). 11  http://sourcebooks.fordham.edu/halsall/basis/gregory-hist. asp#book2 (last accessed 31.3.17).

and describing to the painters what they were to represent on the walls. It happened one day that while she sat in the church and read, a certain poor man came to pray, and seeing her in black clothing, already an old woman, he thought she was one of the needy, and he took out part of a loaf and put it in her lap and went off. But she did not disdain the gift of the poor man who did not know her, but took it and thanked him and put it away, and setting it before her at meals used it as holy bread until it was used up.

E.11.2 Gregory Of Tours, Hist. 2.29 (AD 539–94): Meantime the faithful queen made her son ready for baptism; she gave command to adorn the church with hangings and curtains, in order that he who could not be moved by persuasion might be urged to belief by this mystery. The boy, whom they named Ingomer, died after being baptized, still wearing the white garments in which he became regenerate. At this the king was violently angry, and reproached the queen harshly, saying: “ If the boy had been dedicated in the name of my gods he would certainly have lived; but as it is, since he was baptized in the name of your God, he could not live at all.” To this the queen said: “I give thanks to the omnipotent God, creator of all, who has judged me not wholly unworthy, that he should deign to take to his kingdom one born from my womb. My soul is not stricken with grief for his sake, because I know that, summoned from this world as he was in his baptismal garments, he will be fed by the vision of God.

E.11.3 Gregory Of Tours, Hist. 3.29 (AD 539–94): Later king Childebert set out for Spain. And entering the country with Clothar, they surrounded the city of Saragossa with their army, and besieged it. But the besieged turned to God in `such humility that they put on haircloth, abstained from food and drink, and made the round of the walls of the city with psalm-singing, carrying the tunic of the blessed Vincent, the martyr; the women, too, followed wailing, clothed in black robes, with their hair hanging loose and ashes upon it, so that one would think they were attending the funerals of their husbands. And to such a degree did that city place its whole hope in God’s mercy that it was said they were celebrating the fast of the Ninevites there, and there was no idea of any other possibility than that the divine mercy might be won by prayers. But the besiegers did not know what was going on, and when they saw them go around the wall in such a way they supposed they were engaged in some sorcery. Then seizing one of the common people of the place, they asked him what it was they were doing. And he said: “They are carrying the

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Appendix e

blessed Vincent’s tunic, and at the same time they are praying the Lord to pity them.” And they were afraid at this, and went away from that city. However, they acquired a very large part of Spain, and returned to the Gauls with great spoils.

the land that the LORD swore to your ancestors to give them, as long as the heavens are above the earth.

E.12

Pall. Hist. Laus. 46 (Melania The Elder) (AD 408/31– ca.457/61):13 And having arrested her he threw her into prison, ignorant that she was a lady. But she told him: “For my part, I am Soand-So’s daughter and So-and-So’s wife, but I am Christ’s slave. And do not despise the cheapness of my clothing. For I am able to exalt myself if I like, and you cannot terrify me in this way or take any of my goods.

Deuteronomy 11.18–21:12 18. You shall put these words of mine in your heart and soul, and you shall bind them as a sign on your hand, and fix them as an emblem on your forehead. 19. Teach them to your children, talking about them when you are at home and when you are away, when you lie down and when you rise. 20. Write them on the doorposts of your house and on your gates. 21. so that your days and the days of your children may be multiplied in 12  http://www.churchtimes.co.uk/articles/2005/20-may/faith/ deuteronomy-1118-21,26–28 (last accessed 31.3.17).

E.13

13  Transl. Clarke: http://sourcebooks.fordham.edu/halsall/basis/ palladius-lausiac.asp#CHAPTER%20XLVI:%20MELANIA%20 THE%20ELDER (last accessed 31.08.17).

Index Abbacyrus 45 Abyzou 48 Alabasdria 48, 49 Alexander of Macedon 42, 48 Alexander of Tralles 41 Alexandrian mending 84, 238 Ammianus Marcellinus 29, 234 amulets 11, 34–39, 42, 50, 53, 63, 64, 234 childbirth amulets 48n.96 medicinal amulets 25 textual amulets 46n.73, 58–59 Andriake 79 Antinopolis 23, 57n.140, 57, 72, 75, 85, 92, 104, 130, 154, 156, 162, 188, 199, 201, 203, 204, 232 Aphrodisias 78, 79n.117, 137, 138 Apuleius 25, 26n.203, 50n.111, 59n.166 Arsinoe 84n.157, 88, 89, 95, 223 Asterius of Amaseia 44, 144n.14, 238 Aulus Gellius 25, 51 Basil of Caesarea 36n.101 bells 35, 38, 53, 234 bracae 1, 17, 23, 31, 64, 167 branding 21 bullae 11, 24, 167 byssus 58, 169 Caesarius of Arles 50, 63, 85n.164 caracalla 2, 15, 27, 32n.47, 75n.52, 130n.61 cento/centones 95–96 charaktêres 37, 58–61, 64 childbirth 35–36, 45, 48, 50, 58 children 5, 6, 39, 51, 63, 76, 92, 102, 223, 228, 229, 231, 234, 236, 238, 239, 240 amuletic clothing 25, 39, 44, 45n. 58, 53–57, 59–60, 62–64, 146–147, 217–219 amuletic protection of 11, 35, 41n.20, 53, 234 child mortality 34, 36n.101, 63–64, 65 clothes 4, 6, 7, 8, 16, 17n.45, 18, 20, 65, 67–70, 74, 75n.46, 76, 99, 104n.28, 107, 108, 114–130, 131, 132, 135, 139–140, 141, 142, 148, 169 cut-down and mended garments 32, 79, 81–85, 88–97, 143, 147, 187–193, 195, 197–201 images of 17, 18, 44, 75n.46, 122 shoes 19n.74, 91 socks 19n.82, 76n.64 Chnoubis 36, 37 Cicero 10, 29, 86, 169 cleaning: see fulling cloaks 2, 3, 14–16, 23, 25, 26, 30, 32, 71, 74, 75–76, 84n.157, 93, 94n.229, 95, 130–139, 141, 144, 230, 231, 232, 233, 234, 236 abolla 15 bardocucullus 75, 167, 233 birrus 2, 15, 16n.32, 75n.52, 130 casula 15, 16n.32, 130–134, 141, 167 chlamys 15, 16, 27, 29, 64, 130, 137, 139, 167, 169 cucullus 131, 167, 233 evidence of mending 77, 195–196 fibulatorium 15

lacerna 15, 16n.32, 76, 85n.163, 130, 135, 137, 168, 233 laena 15, 16n.32, 76, 137, 139, 168, 233 mafortium 15, 27 paenula 15, 16n.32, 76, 130, 131–132, 167, 168, 233 palla/pallium 1, 14–15, 24, 29, 130, 168 paludamentum 15, 16, 27, 130, 137, 139, 168 ricinium 15, 168 sagum 1, 15, 130, 168 coins 35, 42–44, 48n.97, 168 collegia centonariorum 25, 95, 147n.32 colour 16, 22, 26–27, 137 apotropiac use of colour 50–57 black 24, 26, 50, 51, 224, 226, 227, 231, 234, 239 blue 2, 26, 27, 76, 89, 107, 108, 126, 233 brown 19, 22, 26, 74, 75, 76, 231, 233 coloured clothes 2, 14, 19, 26, 29, 30, 32, 64, 88n.187, 93, 144, 226, 230, 231, 233 green 26, 27, 32, 51, 52, 76, 91, 107, 224, 231, 232, 233 multi-coloured embroidery 73n.19, 220 multi-coloured patchwork 18, 91–92, 203 multi-coloured tapestry 17, 72, 74, 87, 194, 205–217 purple 10, 11, 24, 26, 27, 30, 32, 41, 51–52, 55, 71, 78n.92, 79, 83, 85, 87, 88, 93, 107, 112, 118, 119, 130, 137, 225, 231, 232, 233, 234 red 11, 19, 24, 26, 27, 45n.58, 50, 51–57, 59, 64, 68, 75n.50, 75n.55, 76, 81, 84, 85n.167, 91, 105, 107, 116–117, 118–119, 124, 132, 146–147, 233 use of matching colour in darning/patching 81, 83, 90, 97, 192 white 10n.97, 14n.6, 16, 19, 24, 25, 26, 27, 41, 45n.58, 50–52, 68n.11, 74n.43, 76, 107, 226, 230, 231, 232, 233, 239 yellow 26, 75n.55, 75n.56, 91, 130, 231, 233 consular diptychs 14n.10, 137, 138, 144n.21 Cosmas and Damian 45, 136, 137 cotton 3, 22, 29, 77, 83, 148, 224, 225, 238 crumina 18 curse tablets 32–35, 36, 37, 59 darning 22, 32n.52, 73n.19, 80–84, 88n.192, 89–91, 97, 143 the David cycle 44 defixiones: see curse tablets Didymoi 14n.6, 16, 76n.61, 84, 89, 92n.223, 94, 144n.15 Dios 17n.54, 76, 92n.223 dowry lists 2, 23, 32, 80, 94, 96, 230, 231 drawloom 29, 46, 169, 170, 172 Dura Europos 6, 92n.224, 139n.76 dyeing 2, 3, 22, 29, 30, 76, 77, 78, 79n.110, 89, 148, 169, 171, 224, 231 the Edict of Diocletian 4, 15, 16, 17, 22, 23, 25, 27, 30n.18, 51, 73n.25, 73n.27, 75, 76, 78, 79, 87, 96, 112, 130, 147, 168n.29 eikonismos 5 el-Deir 57n.140, 57, 83n.138, 84, 90n.209 el-Kom el-Ahbar 25n.182, 55n.140, 83, 92n.224, 97n.271 embroidery 11, 45n.58, 54, 55, 57, 59, 73, 80n.123, 85, 88n.185, 89, 96n.263, 126, 128, 139, 231, 232, 234 En-Boqeq 84 Ephesus 77, 78n.92, 79 Epiphanius 53, 88 the evil eye 33–36, 38–39, 41, 44, 47n.75, 52n.130, 53n.134, 55, 64

242 felt 17n.50, 19, 20, 76, 77, 78, 79, 85, 86, 87, 88, 91, 92, 95, 105, 107 flax 3, 22, 35, 77, 78n.92, 169, 238 fulling 5, 16n.37, 22, 77, 78, 79, 84n.157, 85–87, 95, 169, 224, 226, 229, 230, 231 Gaia 47 Gillou 48 Greek Magical Papyri 11, 35, 37, 58, 59, 61 Gregory of Tours 50n.111, 51n.112, 93, 94n.227, 144n.14, 239 guilds 78–79 hats 20, 23, 54, 76, 82, 91–92, 95, 96, 97, 172, 199 heirlooms 12, 85 hemp 3, 22 Hermeias 37 Hierapolis 78n.92, 78 the Holy Rider 36, 38n.5, 48, 49, 61 hoods 10, 15, 17, 20, 23, 25, 27, 29, 31n.29, 32, 54, 56, 75, 76, 93, 96, 116, 117, 126, 130n.57, 130–134, 139n.75, 141, 144, 168, 227, 231, 232, 233, 236, 237 infant mortality 11, 34, 35, 57 inscribed textiles 58, 60, 63 Isidore of Seville 15, 18, 20n.90, 24, 27, 130, 132, 137 Jerome 24, 47, 94, 239 John Cassian 17, 23, 25, 235 John Chrysostom 34n.76, 38, 42n.28, 46n.73, 50n.108, 53, 143n.1, 146, 234 John of Ephesus 10n.100, 31n.33, 80n.122, 92 the Joseph cycle 44, 59 Josephus 20, 24 Juvenal 1 Karanis 4, 77, 79, 82, 94n.230, 228, 230, 231 Kellis 57n.140, 66, 67, 78, 83–84, 94n.230, 97n.271, 226, 227 Khirbet Qazone 57n.140, 67n.9, 75n.48, 83, 88, 98n.7 knots and interlace patterns 41, 42 as amulets 11, 25, 35n.86, 37, 38, 59, 64 on clothing 39–42, 54, 55, 64, 73, 107, 112, 118 the knot of Hercules 39, 167 knot of Solomon 38n.6, 39, 44 see also: charaktêres Laodicea 78 leather 3, 18n.61, 19, 20, 23, 24, 25, 75, 76, 78n.86, 98n.7, 167, 168, 233, 234 letters alphabetic character 11, 37, 52, 57–63, 64, 147, 228 written communication 1, 2, 3, 17n.47, 34, 60n.175, 63, 75, 77, 78, 79, 223, 224, 225, 226, 227, 228, 230, 231 Lillith 48 linen cloth or thread 4, 20, 22, 30, 52, 58n.151, 77, 79n.117, 87, 96n.258, 126, 139n76, 148, 225, 229, 230, 231, 232, 233, 234, 238 garments 16, 17n.53, 25, 26, 35n.82, 42, 50n.111, 66, 75n.50, 76, 77, 83, 85, 88, 91, 93, 99, 104, 112, 117, 118, 125, 143, 231, 232, 233, 236 linen weavers 30n.27, 78n.92, 79, 94, 223, 229 lions 44, 47, 58n.155, 238 loincloth 18, 31, 169 see also: underwear lunula 11, 35n.86, 168

Index the magi 45, 47, 48 magic 32–39, 44–45, 57–63, 147 execration magic 52 medical magic 35, 52 ritual magic 45, 52 sympathetic magic 11, 33, 37, 44–48 uterine magic 35–36 see also: amulets charaktêres phylacteries psalms Shimmush Tehillin mantles: see cloaks marsuppium 18 Martial 1, 75–76, 130, 233–234 melote 25, 168, 236 mending 7, 22, 77, 80–85, 90–91, 94, 97, 104, 143, 229, 237–238 the monastery of Epiphanius at Thebes 74, 102 Mons Claudianus 4, 26, 32n.52, 57n.140, 83, 84, 91–92, 95, 148 mourning 15, 26, 50, 84, 169, 234, 236 nettle 3, 22 Nilotic images 37, 46, 48n.97, 53, 54 object biography 12, 89, 148 Oxyrhynchus 17n.49, 77, 79, 84, 223, 224, 225, 227, 228, 229, 230 patchwork 18, 91, 92, 95–96, 97, 147 pawnbrokers 2, 87n.180, 94, 231 pentalpha 37, 39 see also knots and interlace patterns: Solomon’s knot periammata: see amulets Periplus Maris Erythraei 84n.157, 95 Philotheos 24 phylacteries 11, 35, 37n.104, 58, 63n.180 see also: amulets pilgrimage 25, 45, 85 pilleus 10, 12, 20, 24, 168 pissyrgos 24, 168 Plato 37n.105, 50 Pliny the Elder 33, 79n.110, 80 plumarius 73 pockets 18 Procopius 23, 70 psalms 36n.101, 52, 63, 239 see also: Shimmush Tehillin Saitta 78–79 sandals 18–19, 23, 167, 226, 233, 237 see also: shoes schema 10n.101, 25, 168 Scythopolis 78 Sephir Ha-Razim 47, 58 Shimmush Tehillin 63 shoes 3, 8n.79, 10, 18–19, 24, 29, 79, 235, 237 calceus 167 caligae 18, 167 campagus 19 carbatinae 18, 167 crepidae 167 mullei 19, 167 perones 18, 167

243

Index sandalia 18 sculponeae 18 soccus 19, 168 silk 22, 24, 25, 29, 30, 44, 46, 52, 77, 88, 92, 93–94, 108, 148, 234 skull modification 21–22 slavery 8–9, 21, 31, 79, 83, 93, 223, 228, 230, 231, 240 clothing of slaves 10, 16, 18, 20, 24–25, 29, 31, 32, 77, 78, 96, 167, 168 socks 11n.104, 17, 19, 82, 92, 168, 233 Solomon 48 Sophronius 33 Soranus 126–128 spinning 22, 77, 78, 99n.15, 223 sprang-work 20, 76, 77, 172 Statius 20, 92 Stilicho 46, 108 swaddling clothes 126, 128, 129 Tacitus 33 tailors/tailoring 17n.49, 75–77, 78, 79, 83, 84, 87, 91, 95–96, 97, 226, 227, 230, 238 Talmud 20, 35n.85, 53n.133, 77n.78, 84, 87n.176, 88, 146n.28, 237, 238 tapestry 14, 44, 45, 69, 94, 143, 231n.46, 231n.47 medallions/panels 16, 30, 38, 39, 41–42, 44, 48n.98, 54–56, 57n.141, 58n.155, 64, 72–74, 85, 87, 96, 143, 168, 169 reuse of 42, 88, 94, 96, 97 ribbon/trim 54, 56, 72, 90–91, 96n.259, 97n.270, 99, 146 weaving 74, 85n.162, 88, 96n.263, 172 Tarsus 78 tattooing 21–22, 58 taxes 2, 32, 228 tax account 223 tax registration 223, 228 temple of Solomon 41 Tertullian 25, 29, 63 Testament of Solomon 38, 39, 48 tetragrammaton 58 Theodosian Code 16n.34, 23n.141, 29, 30, 31, 31n.29, 32 Timgad 79, 86n.172 toga 1, 5, 10, 11, 12, 14, 16, 17, 18, 24, 29–31, 71, 76, 87, 233 toga candida 50, 169 toga muliebris 169 toga praetexta 11, 24, 169 toga pura 24 toga virilis 24, 169 the triumphant rider: see the Holy rider trousers 3, 17–18, 23, 27, 29, 30n.18, 30n.28, 65, 71, 75–76, 90, 99, 145, 167, 231 see also bracae

tunics 16–17, 22, 23, 24, 30–32, 80 children’s tunics 11, 17, 32n.52, 39, 44, 55, 59, 67, 85, 89, 96, 114–130, 141–142, 143, 147 dalmatica 17, 27, 30, 32, 68–69, 74–75, 100, 103, 112, 167 mending/patching/darning 80–85, 97, 143 narrow sleeved tunic 14, 16, 70–75, 102–110, 112, 114–123, 140, 141, 143, 144, 145 price 18n.49, 77, 78 reuse 25, 88–91, 93–94, 96, 97n.270, 147 short sleeved tunic 67–68, 70, 125–126 singilio 16, 27 square tunic 65–66, 73, 74, 100–102, 143, 145 stichon 16, 27 stola 10, 12, 16, 23, 24, 27, 31, 169 strictoria 16, 27 tailored tunic 67–70, 73, 89, 124–125 tunica exomis 16, 31n.36, 167 tunica recta 16 underarm opening 69, 72, 74n.36, 104–105, 139 waist-tuck 72–74, 102–104, 143 weaving 78, 98n.5, 139 underwear 17–18 caltula 18 camisia 18 campestre 18 fascia/fasciola 18, 167, 233 feminalia 18, 167 indusium/intusium 18 licium 18 strophium 18, 169 subligaculum 18, 169 subucula 18, 169 supparus 18 Villa Herculania, Piazza Armerina 6, 18, 30n.26, 48n.97, 64n.189, 64n.196, 68, 74, 75n.46, 100, 111, 144n.22 Villa of the Falconer, Argos 19, 75n.58, 145 Vindolanda 3, 17n.54, 19n.74, 76n.64, 77, 91, 229 weaving/weavers 2, 22, 29, 30, 45, 46, 65, 73–74, 77–79, 88, 97, 131, 139, 223, 224, 225, 226, 227, 228, 230, 238 wills 2, 32, 87n.180, 94 wool 77, 78–79, 87, 91, 95–96, 148, 223–227, 229, 233, 234, 238 cloth, thread or yarn 3, 18, 20, 31, 46, 54, 55, 56, 57, 80, 128, 227 garments 14, 15, 16, 22, 23, 25, 66, 75, 76, 137n.72, 143, 226, 227, 231, 232, 233, 236

LATE ANTIQUE ARCHAEOLOGY Series Editor LUKE LAVAN Late Antique Archaeology is published annually by Brill, based on papers given at the conference series of the same title, which meets annually in London. Its Supplementary Series aims to publish thematic monographs which address life within the Roman Empire or its successor states in the period A.D. 283–650, as informed by material evidence, supported by other sources. All publication proposals are subject to satisfying the comments of two anonymous referees, managed at the discretion of the editor. We take the unusual route of accepting PhD theses plus examiner’s reports for review. We then produce a potential publication plan for candidates to satisfy, with an idea of the support we can provide. The editorial committee includes Albrecht Berger, Will Bowden, Kimberly Bowes, Averil Cameron, Beatrice Caseau, James Crow, Jitse Dijkstra, Sauro Gelichi, Jean-Pierre Sodini, Bryan Ward-Perkins, Emanuele Vaccaro and Enrico Zanini. Journal abbreviations follow those used by the American Journal of Archaeology, whilst literary sources are abbreviated according to the Oxford Classical Dictionary (3rd ed. Oxford 1999) xxix-liv and when not given here, following A. H. M. Jones The Later Roman Empire (Oxford 1964) vol.2, 1462–76, then G. W. H. Lampe A Patristic Greek Lexicon (Oxford 1961). For notes for contributors, with contact details, visit: www.lateantiquearchaeology.wordpress.com For submissions and ordering information visit: www.brill.com/publications/late-antique-archaeology www.brill.com/products/series/late-antique-archaeology-supplementaryseries