The Two Latin Cultures and the Foundation of Renaissance Humanism in Medieval Italy 0521764742, 9780521764742

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The Two Latin Cultures and the Foundation of Renaissance Humanism in Medieval Italy

This book ofers the irst comprehensive account of the birth of a lay intelligensia, the irst in Europe, in the medieval kingdom of Italy. The analysis deals extensively with cultural exchanges between the kingdom and transalpine Europe, primarily Francia and Germany. Ronald G. Witt’s research traces the rise of laymen to intellectual dominance in northern and north-central Italy by the mid-thirteenth century and the evolution of a new conception of secular life which, through Latin humanism, ultimately had a transformative efect on the moral, political, and religious values of western Europe. Ronald G. Witt is currently William B. Hamilton Professor Emeritus of History at Duke University. His most recent book, “In the Footsteps of the Ancients”: The Origins of Italian Humanism, 1250–1420 (2000), received the Helen and Howard R. Marraro Prize of the American Historical Society (2001), the American Philosophical Society’s Jacques Barzun Prize in Cultural History (2001), and the Renaissance Society of America’s Gordon Book Prize (2001). He is also the author of Humanism and Reform (2001); Hercules at the Crossroads: The Life, Works and Thought of Coluccio Salutati (1331–1406) (1983); and Coluccio Salutati and His Public Letters (1976), as well as numerous articles.

The Two L atin C ultures and the Foundation of R enaissance H umanism in M edieval I taly RONALD G. WITT Duke University

cam b ri dg e unive r sity p re ss Cambridge, New York, Melbourne, Madrid, Cape Town, Singapore, São Paulo, Delhi, Mexico City Cambridge University Press 32 Avenue of the Americas, New York, ny 10013-2473, usa www.cambridge.org Information on this title: www.cambridge.org/9780521764742 © Ronald G. Witt 2012 This publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception and to the provisions of relevant collective licensing agreements, no reproduction of any part may take place without the written permission of Cambridge University Press. First published 2012 Printed in the United States of America A catalog record for this publication is available from the British Library. Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Witt, Ronald G. The two Latin cultures and the foundation of Renaissance humanism in medieval Italy / Ronald G. Witt. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. isbn 978-0-521-76474-2 1. Italy – Intellectual life – 1268–1559. 2. Latin literature, Medieval and modern – Italy – History and criticism. 3. Humanism – Italy – History – To 1500. 4. Renaissance – Italy. I. Title. dg443.w57 2011 945′.04–dc22 2010030604 isbn 978-0-521-76474-2 Hardback Cambridge University Press has no responsibility for the persistence or accuracy of urls for external or third-party Internet Web sites referred to in this publication and does not guarantee that any content on such Web sites is, or will remain, accurate or appropriate.

To Mary Ann for forty-six years of lively dialogue, understanding, and love

Acknowledgments

When I initiated my research into the origins of Italian humanism in 1977, I could not have imagined that the work would occupy the larger part of my scholarly career. Because the irst humanists were laymen, mostly notaries, I decided that I would have to start my study centuries before the second half of the thirteenth century, when humanism began, in order to explain the precocious origin of the lay intellectual in Italy. My work would trace the historical antecedents of humanism from the Carolingian conquest. In the course of an intellectually stimulating semester spent at the Newberry Library in Chicago in the irst half of 1991, I came to a crucial decision. Because the development of the Latin culture of Italy in the period before 1250 had never been given a conceptual framework, I concluded that I would not be able to complete this part of my project for many years. Consequently, I put aside my chapters on the earlier period and devoted my energies to completing the second half of the study, which was concerned with the immediate origins of humanism. For this period, roughly 1250 to 1420, I had the advantage of having preceding interpretations to work with. That study, “In the Footsteps of the Ancients”: The Origins of Italian Humanism from Lovato to Bruni, appeared in 2000. This book should be considered its “prequel.” I have many scholars to thank for their help over more than three decades. The comments of Giles Constable, Edward Peters, and David Lines on drafts of the irst chapters proved invaluable at an early stage in establishing my major lines of inquiry, as did the generous comments of Marcia Colish and Maureen Miller on later versions of the partly inished manuscript. My thinking has proited much from my monthly lunches with John Headley over the last decade. He read the inal version of the manuscript and ofered numerous suggestions for improving the cogency of some of my arguments. As my readers will note, the writings of Brian Stock, Charles Radding, and Antonio Caralli provided me with fundamental conceptual tools for understanding the singular course of Italian intellectual life. I am deeply indebted as well to George Dameron, Brett Whalen, and Susan Keefe for commenting on individual chapters, and to Brian Copenhaver, Michèle Mulchahey, William North, Marjorie Curry Woods, and LilaYawn for advice at crucial points in the development of my argument. I was fortunate to have two anonymous readers for Cambridge ix

Acknowledgments

University Press who read the manuscript with great care, all of whose suggestions I eagerly accepted. Barbara Folsom, my manuscript editor for Cambridge University Press, demonstrated throughout our work together not only her ine editorial skills but also her patience and good nature in dealing with a lengthy manuscript text with equally lengthy footnotes. I also want to express my deepest thanks to Helen Wheeler, my production editor at Cambridge Univerity Press, who gently guided me through all the stages of the process of publication. Over the decades I have frequently availed myself of the Latin expertise of Francis Newton and, more recently, of that of Clare Woods. Anna Celenza came to my rescue with her knowledge of Dutch. As in the case of the volume published in 2000, Andrew Sparling played a major role in the production of the inal version. A gifted historian, he not only edited the irst eight chapters of the book, but he raised provocative challenges to my analysis at almost every key point, often leading me not only to rewrite the presentation of my position but to rethink it. He is also responsible for the index with its extensive articulation of my arguments under the appropriate subjects. Unfortunately, urgent academic obligations made it impossible for him to complete work on the remaining chapters. Nevertheless, to a signiicant degree, whatever merit this book has is owed to him. Selected portions of pages 52–54, 95–100, and 110–11 from my “In the Footsteps of the Ancients”: The Origins of Humanism from Lovato to Bruni (Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2000) have been republished here with the kind permission of Koninklijke Brill NV. Over the last thirty-three years I have received generous inancial support from a number of foundations. A Guggenheim Fellowship in 1978–79 and a summer grant from the Council of Learned Societies facilitated the initial research in France and Italy. In 1983, I received a grant from the National Endowment for the Humanities for a semester of research at the National Humanities Center in the Research Triangle; a second, for a semester at the Newberry Library in 1991; and a third (with a generous salary supplement from Duke), for a year’s residence at the American Academy in Rome. A Fulbright-for-Research-in-Two-Countries made possible a year in Rome and Paris in 1985–86. A visiting professorship at Harvard’s Villa I Tatti in 2005 helped me to inish a rough draft of the manuscript, and an Andrew W. Mellon Emeritus Fellowship in 2006 and 2007 made it possible for me to spend an extended time in Paris and Rome to put the manuscript into inal form. I used a short residency at the American Academy in the fall of 2009 for a inal rechecking of notes.

x

Abbreviations

BAV BHL BISI

BML BMV BNP BRF BSM CAPar CDL CDPad, 1

CDPad, 2

CReg, 1

CReg, 2

DBI

Biblioteca Apostolica vaticana,Vatican City Bibliotheca hagiographica latina antiquae et mediae aetatis, 2 vols. (Brussels, 1898–1901) Bullettino dell’Istituto storico italiano (1886–1921) Bullettino dell’Istituto storico italiano et Archivio muratoriano (1923–33) Bullettino dell’Istituto storico per il Medio Evo e Archivio muratoriano (1935–94) Bullettino dell’Istituto storico italiano per il Medio Evo (1995–) Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, Florence Biblioteca Marciana,Venice Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris Biblioteca Riccardiana, Florence Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Munich Le carte degli archivi parmensi dei sec. x–xii, ed. Giovanni Drei, 3 vols. (Parma, 1924–50) Codex diplomaticus Langobardiae, Historiae Patriae Monumenta, no. 13 (Turin, 1873) Codice diplomatico padovano del secolo sesto a tutto l’undecimo secolo, ed. Andrea Gloria, Monumenti storici, Deputazione veneta di storia patria, ser. 1, Documenti, no. 2 (Venice, 1877) Codice diplomatico padovano dall’anno 1101 alla pace di Costanza, ed. Andrea Gloria, Monumenti storici, Deputazione veneta di storia patria, ser. 1, Documenti, no. 4 (Venice, 1879) Le carte degli archivi reggiani ino al 1050, ed. Pietro Torelli, Biblioteca della reale Deputazione di storia patria dell’Emilia e della Romagna, sez. Modena (Reggio-Emilia, 1921) Le carte degli archivi reggiani (1051–60), ed. Piero Torelli and Francesco S. Gatta, Biblioteca della reale deputazione di storia patria dell’Emilia e della Romagna, sez. Modena, no. 2 Reggio (Emilia, 1938) Dizionario biograico degli Italiani

xi

Abbreviations

DSArezzo FSI IMU MGH PL RCPisa RIS RMan RMod, 1 RMod, 2 RRav 1

RRav 2

SCV, 1 SCV, 2 SG

SM SSCISAM

Documenti per la storia della città di Arezzo nel medio evo, ed. Ubaldo Pasqui, Documenti di storia italiana, no. 11 (Florence, 1899) Fonti per la storia d’Italia Italia medioevale e umanistica Monumenta Germaniae historica Patrologia Latina Regesto della chiesa di Pisa, ed. Natale Caturegli, Regesta chartarum Italicae, no. 24 (Rome, 1938) Rerum Italicarum scriptores Registro mantovano, ed. Pietro Torelli, Regesta chartarum Italiae, no. 12 (Rome, 1914) Regesto della chiesa cattedrale di Modena, ed. Emilio P. Vicini, Regesta chartarum Italicae, no. 16 (Rome, 1931) Regesto della chiesa cattedrale di Modena, ed. Emilio P. Vicini, Regesta chartarum Italicae, no. 21 (1936) Regesto della chiesa di Ravenna. Le carte dell’Archivio estense, ed.Vincenzo Federici and Giulio Buzzi, Regesta chartarum Italiae, no. 7 (Rome, 1911) Regesto della chiesa di Ravenna. Le carte dell’Archivio estense, ed.Vincenzo Federici and Giulio Buzzi, Regesta chartarum Italiae, no. 15 (Rome, 1931) Storia della cultura veneta, ed. Gianfranco Folena and Girolamo Arnaldi, vol. 1 (Vicenza, 1976) Storia della cultura veneta, ed. Gianfranco Folena and Girolamo Arnaldi, vol. 2 (Vicenza, 1976) Studi gregoriani per la storia di Gregorio VII e della riforma gregoriana (1947–61) Studi gregoriani per la storia della “Libertas ecclesiae” (1970–84) Studi gregoriani (1985–) Studi medievali Settimane di Studio del Centro italiano di studi sull’alto medioevo

xii

Introduction

hat was I talian Exceptionalism and how did it come about? This book intends to investigate the cultural uniqueness of Italy that gave birth to the lay intellectual in medieval western Europe. I intend to explain why and how it was that, whereas clerics elsewhere largely monopolized intellectual life roughly up to 1500, in Italy by the thirteenth century the majority of intellectuals were laymen. An answer to this question will help us to understand better why humanism, an intellectual movement that contributed signiicantly to the development of the modern European mentality, began in Italy, and why it was primarily laymen who sustained it. The sources for answering this question, however, lie deep in Italy’s ancient and medieval past, and therefore analysis must begin long before the thirteenth century. This book focuses primarily on the history of Italian education in the medieval centuries, but it is also intended as a general history of Italy’s medieval Latin culture. At the same time, the story cannot be separated from the social, political, and religious environment in which educational developments took place and with which schools and teachers interacted. Although often detailed matter is involved, the ultimate questions we are seeking to answer remain in the forefront of the analysis. Geographically, this book concerns the northern half of the peninsula, because the early assumption of intellectual leadership by laymen that I describe was limited to that area – essentially the Kingdom of Italy (the regnum), whose borders were largely set by the Carolingian conquest. Created in the aftermath of the Lombard defeat in the late eighth century, the regnum initially included most of northern Italy and a large portion of central Italy down into Umbria. The papacy, however, was recognized as exercising joint authority over the Exarchate of Ravenna, which extended from Bologna to Ravenna, and the Marches with its ive cities, Rimini, Pesaro, Fano, Senigallia, and Ancona. From the late ninth century, although the papacy’s claims were generally recognized, for all practical purposes government in both the Exarchate and the Marches was in the hands of the secular ruler. Just below the Marches and southeast of Rome, the region of the Abruzzo formed the regnum’s southernmost part. Although in the twelfth century the papacy expanded its power to Umbria and into the Marches, on the whole

W

1

Introduction

the territorial arrangement remained relatively unchanged until the second half of the thirteenth century.1 The Carolingian conquest of Italy in 773 constitutes a good starting point for discussing Italian exceptionalism. Not only does documentation become relatively abundant beginning with the years around 800, but also reforms made by the Carolingians in their new territory contributed to a reorganization of ecclesiastical, political, and legal institutions that was to have profound consequences in centuries to come. The present study ends with the middle decades of the thirteenth century at the beginning of the humanist movement, whose development I have discussed elsewhere.2 Historians have long recognized that what is known about the northern half of the Italian peninsula does not conform to the general models that have traditionally been used to describe European society in the Middle Ages. From the eleventh century the northern half of Italy was highly urbanized; a signiicant portion of the nobility lived in towns; social mobility was relatively high; and although the predominant part of the population continued to work in agriculture, an increasing number of people lived from commerce and industry. Over the following two centuries, with the development of urban communes, republican government became the principal political form; and at least after 1100 laymen igured prominently in intellectual life. To explain Italian exceptionalism, historians have generally looked to Italy’s historical background and its geographical position. While Italy had undergone the same period of invasions as the rest of Europe, the roots of ancient city culture were deeper there than north of the Alps. Being situated between the eastern and western Mediterranean, the peninsula was ideally situated to play the role of intermediary between East and West. The basis of the European economic revival lay principally in agriculture, especially in increased production of cereals, but the Italians were also able to proit by exploiting their position as middlemen in trade with the more economically developed East. In succeeding centuries they never lost the initiative, and they dominated the international trade of western Europe up into the sixteenth century. Historians of Europe, especially since World War II, have documented the ascent of Italy to economic superiority over its European neighbors and have in the process provided convincing explanations of why that dominance emerged. Careful work has traced the mutations of political order in the various Italian city-states as power moved from the bishop to lay control, from one lay faction to another, and in many instances, inally to a signorial regime.3 Nothing akin to the detailed research on economics and politics in the period, however, exists for the development of Italian culture. In particular, although it has long been assumed that Italian laymen 1

2

3

Vito Fumagalli, Il regno italico (Turin, 1978), 44, deines the territories of the regnum in 800. On the Exarchate, see Carlo G. Mor, L’età feodale, 2 vols. (Milan, 1952), 2:107–8 and 219. See as well Wilhelm Kölmel, “Die kaiserliche Herrschaft im Gebiet von Ravenna (Exarchat und Pentapolis) vor dem Investiturstreit (10/11. Jahrhundert),” Historisches Jahrbuch 88 (1968): 257–99. Ronald G. Witt, “In the Footsteps of the Ancients”: The Origins of Humanism from Lovato to Bruni (Leiden and New York, 2000). The monumental study of medieval Italian and economic life by Philip Jones, The Italian City State (Oxford, 1997), contains a rich bibliography of the political and economic studies.

2

Introduction

attained intellectual ascendancy in some areas of learning hundreds of years before their counterparts in northern Europe, no general study of the phenomenon has yet been undertaken. The reason for the neglect resides in the easy assumption that the precocious emergence of Latin-literate laymen was simply a corollary of the Italian inheritance from ancient Rome: namely, the existence of an urbanized, republican society and the enriching efect of regional and international commerce. Since from about 1100 the leading intellectual discipline in Italy was the study of Roman law, a subject monopolized there by laymen, it seems obvious that laymen would play the prominent role in society that they did. In Francia in the same period, however, Roman law was taught not by laymen but by clerics. Therefore, even if the dominance of laymen in Italian intellectual culture could be traced to their hold over the study of Roman law, we would still be left with the puzzle of why in Italy laymen, not clerics, occupied that position. I irst became interested in Italy’s medieval Latin culture in the course of my eforts to establish the origins of humanism in the thirteenth century. Because humanism began and largely remained a lay intellectual movement in Italy, I became aware of the need for a broader understanding of the general development of intellectual culture in medieval Italy and of the changing roles of laymen and clerics within it. From the outset I realized that a study covering such a wide range of topics as those included under the term “medieval Latin culture” could not entirely depend on my own primary research. I was aware of the danger that in an efort to construct a consistent historical narrative my discussion of these trends would contain little material unknown to specialists and that, given the breadth of Latin culture and the length of the period treated, I would often have to sacriice depth to coverage. Nonetheless, I determined to undertake the project, partly enticed, perhaps, by Jacob Burckhardt’s assertion that the Italian had become “the irst-born among the sons of modern Europe.”4 While the present study does not resolve the question of what Burckhardt meant by such a phrase, still less in what sense he may have been right, the inquiry should contribute to the development of a more precise historical understanding of how certain aspects of intellectual culture developed in medieval Italy that ultimately came to make themselves felt generally in intellectual culture all over the globe. Essential to my analysis of Italian Latin culture is the fact that Italy, in contrast to the rest of Europe, had essentially two cultures, which from the tenth century became increasingly well deined: on the one hand, the traditional book culture, dominated by grammar and including the corpus of Latin literature of the ancient educational curriculum together with the liturgical and patristic heritage of the late ancient Christian Church; and, on the other, a legal culture, which developed in two stages. First came the culture of the document, which the Carolingian conquerors found already active in the regnum; and second, a new book culture, centered on the Justinian corpus and spawned by the documentary culture, which emerged in the course of the eleventh century. The development of ars dictaminis (the art of 4

The Civilization of the Renaissance in Italy, trans. Samuel G. C. Middlemore (New York, 1954), 100.

3

Introduction

letter writing) and the discipline of canon law in the twelfth century, both of which were immediate outgrowths of the Investiture Struggle, served to reinforce the legal culture and to augment the grip the legal mentality had on Italian intellectual life. No other medieval European society could be meaningfully discussed from the standpoint of this twofold distinction, initially between the traditional book culture and that of the document, and subsequently, between the former and the new culture of the legal book. Tracing the evolution of the relationship between these two cultures over a period of four hundred and ifty years constitutes the fundamental task of explaining Italian exceptionalism. Of the two cultures, the irst was located principally in the cathedral, where – as in other parts of western Europe – clerical masters, supported by beneices, nurtured their students with instruction in liturgical practice, religious texts, and late ancient pedagogical treatises such as the grammars of Donatus and Priscian. In schools ofering an advanced level of training, students were introduced to pagan poets and prose writers. Some of the students were expected to become masters themselves, and the best or best-connected among them could anticipate high ecclesiastical preferment. The school was dependent on the cathedral library, which in turn depended on the scriptorium, where teachers and advanced students used their calligraphic and decorative skills in copying and illuminating manuscripts. Intimately tied to the school and the scriptorium was the chancery, which maintained written contact with the ecclesiastical and secular world outside and guarded the cathedral’s hoard of documents. The school, scriptorium, and chancery were not usually housed in three distinct oices; especially in smaller dioceses, we might better think of three functions performed by the same group of clerics. The important point is that Latin-literate clerics created whatever intellectual or literary life the cathedral generated. The leaders of the second Latin culture of medieval Italy, at least until the middle of the eleventh century, were the notaries. Nowhere else in medieval Europe did society so depend on written records at all levels. Nowhere else in medieval Europe from the ninth to the thirteenth century did a comparable group of practically literate men who earned their living by writing legal documents both for private individuals and for ecclesiastical and secular powers exist.5 Eminently practical, conscious of the fallibility of memory and the tricks of fortune and of men, the notaries envisoned the written word as the best human means of controlling the future. Enshrined in notarial documents, the written word had a relatively wide difusion in medieval Italian society, nourishing a popular consciousness of the power of the law, placing a premium on practical literacy, and encouraging a litigious mentality largely foreign to populations north of the Alps. Initially, clerics as well as laymen were the bearers of documentary culture, but already by 1000 laymen had generally taken over the profession, and in the course of the eleventh century, with the strengthening of the reform movement and the efort to disentangle the clergy from the laity, laymen were moving toward a near-monopoly. Study for the notariate generally required no particular institutional support. In 5

The phrase “practical literacy” is borrowed from Michael T. Clanchy, From Memory to Written Record: England 1066–1307, 2nd ed. (Oxford and Cambridge, Mass., 1993), 328.

4

Introduction

the early centuries of our period, training consisted simply of apprenticing with a practicing notary. Even in the thirteenth century, when there is clear evidence that notarial schools existed in Bologna, the vast majority of notaries continued to learn the profession through apprenticeship. The claim regarding the virtual elimination of clerics from the notariate entails a distinction between clerics and laymen, one of the most diicult problems involved in the following narrative. According to ecclesiastical law, those who sought higher orders in the Church (that is, the rank of subdeacon or above) could not marry or, if they were already married, had to separate themselves from their wives. In practice, however, until the great reform movement of the late eleventh century, members of the higher clergy often retained their wives and families. In any case, lower clergy were never required to remain celibate. Throughout the Middle Ages clerics below the level of subdeacon, often married and with children, difered from laymen in only ive respects: they bore the title clerici, were tonsured, wore clerical garb, were prohibited from engaging in work that degraded the clerical status, could not bear arms or engage in tournaments, and – a signiicant privilege – they enjoyed the privilegium fori, the right to be tried only in ecclesiastical courts. At least from the middle of the twelfth century, a sixth attribute of clerical status was added, the privilegium immunitatis or exemption from secular taxation.6 The exemption from secular courts and communal taxation would ultimately prove to be the major factors in marginalizing the clergy as a group from urban politics after 1100, when communal governments came increasingly to dominate the political life of Italian cities. Many men in lower orders never had the intention of advancing to the subdeaconate or beyond. Many sought clerical status, rather, because it guaranteed exemption from secular authority and because it ofered possibilities for earning at least a partial income from ecclesiastical service of some kind.To complicate the distinction between clerics and laymen further, it was not unusual for a layman, even late in life, for religious or economic motives or after the death of a spouse, to enter the clergy and even rise in the hierarchy of orders. Because the lines between laymen and the multitude of clergy in lower orders were often blurred, I have relied in constructing the earlier part of my narrative – up into the eleventh century – on a distinction drawn between the culture of the book, controlled by a clerical elite generally linked with a cathedral, and the culture of the document, the practical, legal Latin culture of the notariate, in which both laymen and lower clergy participated, although the latter, generally designated as notarii clerici, disappeared as time went on. It should be said, however, that even the culture of the clerical elite had a practical orientation. In the irst place, throughout the Middle Ages, in most schools of the Church, education had as its major concern the practical purpose of performing 6

Marino Berengo, L’Europa delle città: Il volto della società urbana europea tra Medioevo ed Età moderna (Turin, 1999), 660, points out that in Italian cities taxation of income from ecclesiastical real estate was common but income from the economic activity of the cleric was not. For a general discussion of the mingling of clerics with laymen in the workplace, see Erich Genzmer, “Kleriker als Berufsjuristen im späten Mittelalter,” Études d’histoire du droit canonique dédiées à Gabriel Le Bras, 2 vols. (Paris, 1965), 2:1207–36.

5

Introduction

the liturgical rites in accordance with decorum. Furthermore, at least to the end of the eleventh century, the Carolingian and Ottonian program of training higher administrators of the empire in the best grammatical tradition remained a central concern of ecclesiastical education. High ecclesiastical oicials in royal and imperial government might have had only a tangential connection with the actual production of oicial documents; nonetheless, their grammatical education undeniably made them capable of directing a writing oice. Finally, some upper clergy wrote in notarial rather than library scripts, no doubt relecting their early training. Such men may well have risen in the hierarchy from the clerical notariate without undergoing thorough training in the traditional grammatical curriculum.7 I would insist, however, that by the late tenth century, generally speaking, the culture of the book and the culture of the document did not signiicantly overlap, either in their focus or their membership, and that the distinction between the two cultures furnishes a useful way of tracing the intellectual developments in the regnum at least from the ninth to the eleventh century. By the second half of the eleventh, it is no longer possible to view documentary culture alone as a counterweight to cathedral culture. By that time the second book culture was emerging, this one fostered by the documentary culture of the notary but founded directly on the study of the books of Roman law. Legal education, like notarial education, did not require an elaborate library. Teaching was mainly done privately by practicing lawyers, whose interpretations would often be written down and circulated as teaching material along with copies of legal texts or portions of them.When, by the mid-twelfth century, canon law became an organized discipline alongside that of civil law, its teachers, primarily clerics, began to follow the example of teachers of civil law by giving private instruction. It is important to stress that the existence of two cultures did not lead, as one might expect, to conlicts between clerics and laymen. In the ninth and tenth centuries both orders were members of the documentary culture, and beginning in the eleventh century both laymen and clerics participated in the legal book culture, through civil and canon law respectively. Nor does the apparent increase of laymen active in the traditional book culture from the early twelfth century, or their commanding position in both the documentary-legal culture and major aspects of the traditional book culture by the thirteenth century, seem to have encountered clerical resistance. Indeed, instead of competing with each other, educated laymen and clerics put their diferent literacies to work for their mutual beneit. Latin literacy itself formed a bond that overrode the late eleventh-century eforts of radical papal reformers to exalt the clergy.8 7

8

On the calligraphy of the upper clergy, see Armando Petrucci, “Scriptoribus in urbibus”: Alfabetismo e cultura scritta nell’Italia medievale (Bologna, 1992), 119–20 and 216–21. In northern Europe, with several exceptions, advanced education remained a clerical domain down to the late ifteenth century whereas, as we shall see, the lay notary made his appearance in northern Europe only in the course of the twelfth century. From its introduction in the irst half of the twelfth century, the clergy exercised a monopoly over the study of civil law up into the thirteenth century. The tendency to generalize about education in the medieval centuries on the basis of the northern experience has been prevasive. See, for example, the summary judgment of James A. Brundage, The Medieval Origins of the Legal Profession: Canonists, Civilians, and Courts (Chicago, 2008), 63: “Virtually every school that we know much about in the West between the sixth century and the thirteenth

6

Introduction

The analysis that follows the traditional book culture and the legal culture in its second phase, when it became centered on the books of Roman law, will at points be treated as intimately linked to two diferent disciplines – the former to grammar and the latter to rhetoric. Throughout antiquity grammar was taught through poetry; rhetoric, through prose, especially oration. The grammarian devoted himself to philology and mythology; allegory was, for him, both a way of seeking truth and of encoding it in his own writings; he wrote for an elite; his work required tranquility, and the private life was congenial to his enterprises. In contrast, the rhetorician realized himself more fully in the public arena, where through his eloquence he could gain fame and exert inluence. By teaching his students to write and speak efectively, he prepared them for participation in politics and the law courts. As we shall see, from the Carolingian period onward the cathedral school, the major educational institution of the diocese, provided an education that was essentially grammatical in nature, an education that focused on learning to read Latin as a preparation for liturgical performance. Some cathedral schools went beyond the elementary level, teaching students to use ancient poetry as models and, to the extent that history and letter writing were taught, ancient prose as well. In a subordinate position to grammar, the study of rhetoric entered the program at this point with its teachings on colores rhetorici, construction of arguments, word choice, and word arrangement.The cathedral school might also provide some training in theology and canon law. By contrast, from the eleventh century the revival of Roman law was largely a lay initiative, and its teaching was done by laymen in private schools. Teachers of Roman law probably accepted students with basic grammar skills and taught them what more they needed of grammar through the study of legal texts. Rhetoric was central to legal training. Until the second half of the twelfth century, lawyers, whose business it was to create verisimilitude in their argumentation, relied not on Aristotelian logic (dialectic) but primarily on tools of rhetoric, including enthymemes, examples, and maxims.To equip lawyers with these tools, rhetoric, too, was taught in law schools. Closely connected to the development of legal studies and the increasing attention devoted to the construction of more legally sophisticated notarial formulae, ars dictaminis became a new medieval rhetoric, highly formulaic in character, ofering a simpliied set of rules for written and oral expression. The teacher had no need of the resources of an ecclesiastical library: a short manual suiced. Severed from classical precedents, the teaching texts for ars dictaminis were designed to be written and understood easily by those with even minimal literacy. Because the Italian vernaculars of most regions in northern and central Italy still remained close to Latin, even illiterate listeners would still probably have been able to understand something of a document’s contents if it was read aloud. The clerics and laymen participating in the emergence of the new rhetoric needed only introductory Latin grammar to do so. Ars dictaminis, consequently, ofered an alternative, more democratic means of communication to that provided by the traditional book culture. aimed primarily, if not always exclusively, at training future priests, clerics, monks, or nuns. It was no accident that the Latin vocabulary of the early Middle Ages treated the words ‘cleric’ and ‘literate’ as synonyms.”

7

Introduction

Like Roman lawyers, canon lawyers were responsible for providing students with the technical Latin needed to understand their texts, and rhetoric played a role in training. Nonetheless, the systematic study of canon law that began in the midtwelfth century relied less on rhetoric and more on dialectic. The example of canon lawyers may subsequently have inluenced scholars of Roman law later in the century to place more dependence on Aristotelian logic in their arguments. Because no solid evidence exists for the teaching of an independent course on logic until around 1200, presumably before that date students learned most of what they knew of the subject in their courses in Roman or canon law. Perennial questions are involved in my analysis of the changing relationship between the two Latin cultures. What were the origins of the university? How to explain the relatively low productivity of medieval Italians in writing Latin literary prose and poetry? Why did literature in Italian dialects appear only in the thirteenth century? The irst question concerns the degree of continuity between the cathedral schools of the twelfth century and the development of Italian universities that appeared in the thirteenth, an issue that in the nineteenth century was held hostage to the intense contemporary debate over public versus church schools.9 Although proiting from accumulated research, recent scholars remain divided over the extent to which the new institutions of advanced study were outgrowths of private schools taught by laymen and clerics, and to which they were linked to earlier cathedral schools. Basically, modern scholars hold three diferent views. That championed by Giuseppe Manacorda (1912–13), Ugo Gualazzini (1943), and Giovanni Santini (1979) envisages the Italian studia as expansions of the twelfth-century cathedral schools.10 By contrast, another group of scholars, including Emilio Nasalli Rocca (1947) and Giorgio Cencetti (1966), maintain that the university was a new creation, of lay origin.11 Giorgio Montecchi (1984) represents the third position in that, while 9

10

11

Scholarship on the topic began with the Latin essay of Wilhelm Giesebrecht, De litterarum studiis apud Italos primis medii aevi saeculis (Berlin, 1845), who irst stressed the importance of laymen in medieval Italian intellectual life. By identifying a rivalry between medieval clerical and lay schools, Antoine-Frédéric Ozanam, La civilisation au cinquième siècle: Introduction à une histoire de la civilisation aux temps barbares (Paris, 1862), 410, fed the contemporary debate over the role of the new Italian state in education. Giuseppe Manacorda, Storia della scuola in Italia: Il medio evo (Milan and Palermo, 1912–13), 1:1, 69–87; Ugo Gualazzini, Ricerche sulle scuole preuniversitarie del Medio Evo: Contributo di indagini sul sorgere delle università (Milan, 1943), passim; Giovanni Santini, Università e società nel XII secolo: Pillio da Medicina e lo Studio di Modena.Tradizione e innovazione nella scuola dei glossatori. Chartularium Studii Mutinensis (regesta) (specimen 1069–1200) (Modena, 1979), 140. Emilio Nasalli Rocca, “Scuole vescovili e origini universitarie nella regione emiliana,” Archivio giuridico F. Seraini 84 (1947): 54–65, held that the origin of the studia was intimately connected with the teaching of civil law, so that cathedral schools could not have been the source of the new institutions. Taking a diferent approach, Giorgio Cencetti, “Studium fuit Bononie: Note sulla storia di Bologna nel primo mezzo secolo della sua esistenza,” SM, 3rd ser., 7 (1966): 815, considered the studia to have grown out of private societates of students and teachers (primarily laymen) outside of ecclesiastical control. Although Arrigo Solmi, “La genesi dell’Università italiana,” in Contributi alla storia del diritto comune (Rome, 1937), 253–68, argued for studia of lay origin, he believed that an unbroken continuity had existed between the lay public schools of the late Roman Empire and the universities of the Middle Ages.

8

Introduction

agreeing with Rocca and Cencetti as to the lay origin of studia at Parma, Bologna, Modena, and Reggio, he credits the bishop in the last city with having played a signiicant role in the school’s foundation. He remains noncommittal for Piacenza and Ravenna.12 By emphasizing the negative efect of the Investiture Struggle on the Italian cathedral school, Gina Fasoli (1974) and Girolamo Arnaldi (1984) allow us to formulate the problem of the origin of the studia in a new way, that is, to ask to what degree was the vitality of the cathedral schools so diminished in the twelfth century that they could not have furnished the institutional basis for the studia of the thirteenth?13 The second question regards the character and quantity of Latin literary production in the regnum. Already in 1885, Adolfo Gaspary emphasized that medieval Italy generally had produced almost no Latin literature, a point that Francesco Novati and Angelo Monteverdi later made with even greater insistence, arguing that Italian production of literary works in the eleventh and twelfth century had been small by comparison with that of transalpine Europe, and that in Italy, as they put it, “nothing reveals to us the mark of a true classical culture.”14 Unfortunately, their observation on the dearth of literary creativity in twelfth- and early thirteenth-century Italy as a whole has been almost completely ignored in subsequent discussions. Rather than searching for an explanation for Italy’s low literary productivity and lack of classical inspiration in the twelfth century, twentieth-century scholars soon became caught up in a discussion that obfuscated the issue and impeded the investigation. This new discussion began with the publication of Louis Paetow’s The Arts Course at Medieval Universities with Special Reference to Grammar and Rhetoric (Champaign/Urbana, 1910) in which the author claimed that by 1200 interest in ancient pagan literature had been replaced by scholasticism, with its passion for the study of philosophy, theology, and natural sciences based on the Aristotelian corpus. In a rebuttal published in 1929, Edward K. Rand responded by lavishly demonstrating that pagan literature remained important in thirteenth-century education. The evidence for both positions was overwhelmingly transalpine in character, but in 1961, Helene Wieruszowski joined the discussion by arguing that classics in Italy remained vital in the thirteenth century. In formulating her argument, she simply assumed that intensive study of ancient literature and history had been as common in twelfth-century Italy as it was in northern Europe.15 In his Il secolo senza Roma (1933), Giuseppe Tofanin, the irst Italian scholar to contribute to the exchange, argued for the existence of an intimate contact between 12

13

14

15

Giorgio Montecchi, “Le antiche sedi universitarie,” in Le sedi della cultura nell’Emilia Romagna: Età communale, ed. Girolamo Arnaldi et al. (Milan, 1984), 117–29. Gina Fasoli, “Ancora un’ipotesi sull’inizio dell’insegnamento di Pepone e Irnerio,” Atti e memorie della Deputazione di storia patria per le provincie di Romagna, n.s. 21 (1971): 30; and Girolamo Arnaldi, “Alle origini dello Studio di Bologna,” Le sedi della cultura nell’Emilia Romagna, 104. Adolfo Gaspary, Geschichte der italienischen Literatur, 2 vols. (Berlin, 1885–88), 1:42 and 46–47; and Francesco Novati and Angelo Monteverdi, Le origini continuate e compiute da Angelo Monteverdi (Milan, 1926), 646. Kenneth E. Rand, “The Classics in the Thirteenth Century,” Speculum 4 (1929): 249–69; Helene Wieruszowski, “Rhetoric and the Classics in Italian Education of the Thirteenth Century,” Studi graziani 11 (1967): 169–208 (republished in her Politics and Culture in Medieval Spain and Italy, Storia e letteratura, no. 121 (Rome, 1971), 589–627.

9

Introduction

Christianity and the classical tradition up to the thirteenth century, when it was interrupted by anti-Christian and – in line with Paetow, whom he seems not to have read – anticlassical tendencies in scholasticism.16 Tofanin’s thesis of “the century without Rome” encountered serious opposition from a number of critics ranging from Eugenio Massa (1956) to Francesco Bruni (1987), both of whom, like Wieruszowski, endeavored to assert the importance of ancient literature in thirteenth-century Italy.17 Vitally important for Francesco Bruni were the studies of Giuseppe Billanovich and his students, who proved the intensive interest in ancient literature of the Paduan circle of scholars surrounding Lovato de’ Lovati (1240–1309). Billanovich’s journal, Italia medioevale e umanistica, irst published in 1958, contains dozens of articles devoted to the study of ancient Roman literature and history in the thirteenth century, particularly at Padua. The most recent analysis of the comparative interest in classical literature, Robert Black’s Humanism and Education in Medieval and Renaissance Italy (2001), essentially returns to Paetow in arguing that, as in Francia, a vigorous interest in studying ancient literature and history in the twelfth century was followed in the thirteenth by a signiicant decline in its importance in the irst half of the century. Revival of these studies only occurred in the course of the second half of the thirteenth century with the group around Lovato. Black bases his conclusion on a comparative study of schoolbooks from the twelfth and thirteenth centuries that survive in the manuscript libraries of Florence. In his view, the early humanists, beginning in the second half of the thirteenth century, were endeavoring to reestablish the study of the ancient authors that had lapsed in the irst half of the century.18 I will argue that by insisting on the continuous study of the ancient Latin works between the twelfth and thirteenth centuries in Italy or, as does Black, on the decline of classical interests in the thirteenth after a century of intense study of pagan authors, these scholars have not confronted the conclusions of Gaspary, Novati, and Monteverdi, who pointed out that literary production was slight in the twelfth century and that it showed little sign of classical inluence. Conining myself to the regnum, it will be my task to explain the relative paucity of literary writings in Italy up into the thirteenth century and its signiicance for the cultural life of the kingdom. While my analysis will endorse the judgment of older scholars that, compared with transalpine Europe, relatively few literary works were produced in medieval Italy, the judgment is inevitably beset by two major problems regarding manuscript preservation. The irst has to do particularly with the regnum: relative to northern Europe and southern Italy, more of the manuscripts produced were lost over time because the conditions of documentary storage in the regnum were poorer. The vast bulk of manuscripts that survived in medieval Europe did so because they belonged 16

17

18

Giuseppe Tofanin, Il secolo senza Roma in Storia dell’Umanesimo dal XIII al XVI secolo, vol. 1 (Bologna, 1933). Eugenio Massa, Ruggiero Bacone: Etica e politica nella storia dell’“Opus maius” (Rome, 1955), 81–130; Francesco Bruni, “Metamorfosi dei classici nel Duecento,” Medioevo romanzo 12 (1987): 103–28. Robert Black, Humanism and Education in Medieval and Renaissance Italy: Tradition and Innovation in Latin Schools from the Twelfth to the Fifteenth Century (Cambridge and New York, 2001), 192.

10

Introduction

to ecclesiastical institutions – that is, monastic and cathedral libraries. Most manuscripts were warehoused in monasteries, where they were preserved in relative security. Cathedral libraries, in contrast, were more vulnerable, subject to easier access and theft, to ires in the crowded spaces within city walls, and to urban riots. In the regnum, the cathedral was particularly integrated into the life of the town – for centuries in urban areas the bishop was also lay lord of the area – and manuscripts often fell victim to the depredations of urban warfare. With few exceptions (Bobbio, Nonantola, Pomposa, and Monte Amiata) monasteries from the late eighth century played a much less important role in the intellectual life of the regnum than they did in transalpine Europe or in southern Italy. By comparison with northern Europe, most monasteries in the regnum were small and did not maintain either a scriptorium or a library. Consequently, fewer manuscripts were copied, and those that were depended for their survival on cathedral libraries, where they were more vulnerable to loss or destruction. The fate of ars dictaminis manuals dramatically illustrates how the problem of warehousing manuscripts afected their survival. Although we know from the revolution in prose style in the regnum beginning in the middle decades of the twelfth century that these manuals were ubiquitous, most of the surviving examples are of transalpine provenance, many from northern monasteries. Consequently, I will argue that, although manuscript production in the regnum was comparatively lower than across the Alps, the disparity was likely not as great as the statistics for survival would indicate. The second problem concerns the preservation of manuscripts in western Europe in general. The existence of a large monastic library does not necessarily signify a continuous scholarly tradition. Indeed, manuscripts frequently must have survived because they were not used and, consequently, were well preserved.19 Rarely handled, less worn, they were less apt to come apart, lose their folios or have them recycled for other purposes. Also, a richly decorated manuscript had a better chance of being preserved, not so much because it was studied but because of its artistic and economic value. To an extent, therefore, contrary to what we would intuitively expect, an inverse relationship may well have existed between the number of surviving copies of a manuscript and its use. Although patently unacceptable as a general principle, the explanation certainly has merit as the reason for the disappearance of many elementary school texts and other manuals, works often quickly copied on inferior materials and of little market value. A third general issue relating to medieval Latin culture concerns the late appearance of vernacular literature in Italy in comparison with countries of transalpine Europe. Although the question of this delay no longer seems to be of great 19

Guglielmo Cavallo, “Libri scritti, libri letti, libri dimenticati,” Il secolo di ferro: Mito e realtà del secolo X. 19–25 aprile 1990, SSCISAM, 38 (Spoleto, 1991), 769, writes: “Se le biblioteche degli imperatori erano di puro apparato quelle monastiche o ecclesiastiche erano di pura conservazione, non spazi di lettura.” He refers to the latter two types as “biblioteche dell’oblio.” He also reminds us (768 and 771) that manuscripts of the period were often copied not for reading but for other reasons, e.g., as “a good work” or “un qualche saggio di scrittura.” Even the scholia and comments which accompany texts in the manuscript may have been there simply because they were found in the model (772).

11

Introduction

interest to scholars, it was a matter of intense discussion in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, and the matter has remained largely unsettled.20 Was the late advent of vernacular literature in Italy a result of the continuing vitality of the Latin language?21 Did Latin enjoy such prestige that the vernacular, regarded as a domestic language, would not have been thought worthy of use in writing?22 Or did Latin and vernacular literatures inspire one another, so that the low interest in Latin composition in Italy was concomitent with the delayed use of the vernacular for literary purposes?23 Discussion of all three issues is relevant to our understanding of Italian exceptionalism. In closing this introduction, and in anticipation of possible misunderstandings, I wish to clarify four points. First, while initially drawn to the topic by my narrow focus on the revival of interest in classical history and literature by lay scholars from the second half of the thirteenth century, my use of the word “classical” throughout this work, unless otherwise speciied, refers to the entire pagan Latin inheritance, including ancient works of philosophy, science, and logic. Unfortunately, in the case of many of the Latin writings that I will examine, I am unable to airm whether the ancient sources cited by an author were actually known to him in their integrity or whether he was drawing on lorilegia. Second, I must warn readers that, despite the range of kinds of writing I treat in my analysis, they will ind missing or barely mentioned a number that have been taken as traditional medieval genres. From the eleventh century until Lovato in the mid-thirteenth, for example, Latin lyric poetry is represented by one or possibly two poems. Of the two authors who wrote satire in the four-hundred-and-ifty-year period, both were from the tenth century. Biblical exegesis, chronicles, and histories are similarly in short supply. I will occasionally mention liturgical works, but little can be said of one of the most promising genres for literary expression in transalpine Europe, the sequence.24 Scholars of medieval northern Europe confronting the Latin 20

21 22

23 24

Maria Luisa Meneghetti, “La nascita delle letterature romanze,” in Storia della letteratura italiana. Vol. 1. Dalle origini a Dante, ed. Enrico Malato (Rome, 1995), 226. This is the position of Adolfo Bartoli, I primi due secoli della letteratura italiana (Milan, 1880), 29. The position of Gaspary, Die Geschichte der italienischen Literatur, 50; and Alessandro d’Ancona and Orazio Bacci, Manuale della letteratura italiana compilato da A. d’Ancona e O. Bacci, vol. 1 (Florence, 1902), 22 and 25. Novati and Monteverdi, Le origini, 646–47. Although the earliest surviving manuscript in Europe containing sequences (Bib. cap., Verona, XC [85]) was written in northern Italy, probably at Monza, late in the ninth century, none of the ive sequences initially copied into this manuscript, nor a sixth added in the tenth century, are of Italian origin: Wolfram von den Steinen, “Die Anfänge der Sequenzendichtung,” Zeitschrift für schweizerische Kirchengeschichte 40 (1946): 253–56.The list of Italian manuscripts containing sequences written up to 1200 is found in Lance Brunner, “Catalogo delle sequenze in manoscritti di origine italiana anteriori al 1200,” Rivista italiana di musicologia 20 (1985): 204–6. I am puzzled by his dating of Bib. Capitolare Verona XC (85) as “10 metà” (206) on the basis of von den Steinen, “Die Anfänge,” 253–56, and Hans Spanke, “Rhythmen- und Sequenzenstudien,” SM, n.s. 4 (1931): 299, both of whom date the work as of the late ninth century. As to the literary quality of the Italian sequence, I accept the judgment of Brunner, “The Sequences of Verona, Biblioteca Capitolare CVII and the Italian Sequence Tradition” (Ph.D. diss., University of North Carolina, 1977), who studied all known Italian manuscripts of sequentiaria down to 1200. After negatively describing the poetic

12

Introduction

culture of the regnum for the irst time cannot but be surprised by the narrowness of its literary and intellectual life. Third, it may seem diicult to justify limiting the history of Italian exceptionalism to the regnum and neglecting papal and southern Italy. My reason for their exclusion is that cultural developments in the lower half of the peninsula were so unlike those in the north that they were in efect those of other societies. A preliminary attempt to give parallel treatment to the three regions convinced me that any in-depth study would require two or even three separate monographs. As the forthcoming analysis will show, moreover, over the period covered by this work, inluences coming from transalpine Europe on the learning, institutional structure, and literary and scholarly writings in the regnum were far more important than those coming from the Patrimony and southern Italy. A fourth remark has to be made regarding geographical designations throughout the book.To avoid the use of ahistorical country names such as France, Belgium, the Netherlands, and Germany for the territories designated as “transalpine Europe” or “northern Europe,” I have decided to use the term “Francia” to describe those lands held by the king of Francia and his feudatories as well as Provence.“German empire” or “German lands” refer to those territories included in the medieval German duchies. In the matter of adjectives, “German” is associated with “German Empire” and “French” with “Francia,” with the exception that in the case of the adjective, when appropriate, “French” will be distinguished from “Anglo-Norman” and “Provençal.” I have already speciied that, unless otherwise indicated, “Italy” and “Italian” refer to the regnum. Historians have learned over the last century that no historical account enjoys permanence. Old lions remain vulnerable to attacks by younger scholars upbraiding them for their ignorance of discoveries made over decades as a result of the very questions that the work of those same older scholars raised. Convinced as I am that the primary causes of progress in historical research lie in posing original questions, it is my hope to introduce with this book a new historical problem. My own responses to the issues it broaches are based on four decades of reading, conversation, and thought. All the same, I regard my conclusions as tentative, and more as challenges to other historians to disprove or expand upon, rather than as inal answers to the questions that I raise.

value of individual texts, e.g., 87, 94, 97, and 110, produced in the regnum, he comments on those composed in the two principal northern Italian centers of production, Bobbio and Bologna. In his opinion, those of the irst “generally lack poetic distinction” (175) while Bolognese sequences “relect neither a strongly uniied tradition nor one of great poetic merit.”

13

Part I

The Two Latin Cultures of Medieval Italy

Chapter 1

The Carolingian Conquest

hen C harlemagne conquered the kingdom of Desiderio, he found there a lourishing intellectual life centered in the royal court and a widespread documentary culture. As he would also do in the north, he set about instituting religious and educational reforms in Italy that favored the institutionalization of learning and generally improved the level of clerical education. At the same time, recognizing the value of the Lombard notaries to the business of governing, he made no apparent efort to clericalize the central government in his new conquest as he had done in the Frankish heartland. Rather, he multiplied the tasks of the notariate and established a degree of uniformity in their functioning. However, the northward emigration of the kingdom’s leading intellectuals to the Carolingian court, who were attracted by Charlemagne’s patronage, resulted in a sharp decline in literary production in the new regnum Italiae. Whereas in Gaul Charlemagne gave favored status to monasteries in his efort to create a renaissance of religious studies and scholarship, in Italy neither he nor his successors showed any interest in sponsoring centers of advanced learning to compensate for the brain drain. And while by the eleventh century transalpine cathedrals would take up the earlier monastic tradition of scholarship, in the absence of such a tradition in the regnum, throughout most of the medieval period the Italian clergy remained undistinguished representatives of the culture of the book.

W

THE LOMBARD INTELLECTUALS

The Frankish conquest of the Lombard kingdom had taken less than a year. Having crossed the Mount Cenis pass in the summer of 773, by April 774 the Franks had overcome the last serious opposition to Frankish rule and now held Desiderio, the Lombard king (757–74), securely in their power. Unlike Pepin III, Charlemagne’s father, who had intervened in Italian afairs only sporadically, Charlemagne was committed to annexing the Lombard kingdom to his crown. For all practical purposes the new territory comprised northern and central Italy into Umbria and also included those lands east of Rome to the Adriatic that had formerly constituted the Lombard duchy of Spoleto. From 781, Charlemagne ruled the territory through his son, also named Pepin, and Charlemagne’s direct descendants continued to govern the regnum until the death of Charles the Fat in 888. 17

The Two Latin Cultures of Medieval Italy

At least in the irst part of the century of Carolingian rule, the Lombards had a major intellectual impact on the Franks. One of the greatest beneits of the conquest for Charlemagne was his encounter with the Lombard book culture then in full lower at the court of Desiderio. An extraordinary group of ecclesiastics, learned in the classics and gifted as poets, resided there – a group unparalleled elsewhere in Europe. Perhaps the challenge of reconciling their schooling in the ancient Roman writers with their Lombard heritage stimulated the creative energies of this last generation of authors of the Lombard kingdom. By 773, four scholars, Paolo Diacono, Pietro of Pisa, Fardolfo, and Paolino of Aquileia, stood out as the court intellectuals. At least from the 760s, Pietro of Pisa was teaching in the Lombard capital. Fardolfo, a poet and close friend of Desiderio, was in all likelihood from a noble family of Pavia.1 Paolo Diacono (720/30–ca. 800) had come from Cividale as a young man to complete his studies in Pavia. He had spent some years (763–ca. 769) in southern Italy at the court of the Lombard duke of Benevento, Arichis I, before returning to Pavia to serve as a counselor at the court of Desiderio. Paolino (d. 802), also, like Paolo, from Cividale, was a grammaticus in the circle around Desiderio at the time of the Frankish conquest.2 It is tempting to see Desiderio’s relationship with scholars and poets along with their presence at Charlemagne’s court in the 770s and 780s as providing a large measure of inspiration for the broad educational reform program that Charlemagne outlined in the Admonitio generalis, published in 789, and the De litteris colendis, probably written about the same time.3 Spearheaded by Charlemagne, the reform program focused on the creation of local schools and on instructing local priests and their bishops in the proper performance of Christian rituals and their meaning.4 Whether 1

2

3

4

Little is known about Pietro’s life before leaving Italy. Einhard, Charlemagne’s irst biographer, mentions his teaching Charlemagne grammar: Vita Caroli magni, ed. Philip Jafé (Berlin, 1876), 47. Alcuin, Charlemagne’s major Anglo-Saxon intellectual recruit, may have heard Pietro debate a Jew in Pavia in 767; Max Manitius, Geschichte der lateinischen Literatur des Mittelalters, 3 vols. (Munich, 1911–31), 1:452–53. Manitius is still valuable for the biographies of Paolino, Pietro, and Paolo and his discussion of their works: ibid., 1:368–70, 452–56, and 257–72, respectively. On Fardolfo, see Paolo Chiesa, “Fardolfo,” DBI, vol. 44 (Rome, 1994), 281–84. On Paolo Diacono, see Carlo G. Mor, “La cultura aquileiense nei secoli VI–VIII,” SCV, 1 (Vicenza, 1976), 232, with bibliography; on Paolino of Aquileia, 233–37, esp. 233. Although his essay tends to exaggerate the extent of the development, on Pavian culture in this period, see Beniamino Pagnin, “Scuola e cultura a Pavia nell’alto medio evo,” Atti del 4º Congresso internazionale di studi sull’alto medioevo: 1967, Centro italiano di studi sull’alto medioevo (Spoleto, 1969), 85–91. For a more balanced treatment, see Donald A. Bullough, “Urban Change in Early Medieval Italy: The Example of Pavia,” Papers of the British School at Rome 24 (1966): 82–130. Luitpold Wallach, Alcuin and Charlemagne (Ithaca, N.Y., 1959), 198–226, dated the De litteris colendis as written between 794 and 800 (226). Donald Bullough, however, believes the work to have been composed before Alcuin’s departure for England early in 790: “Aula renovata: The Court before the Aachen Palace,” in his Carolingian Renewal: Sources and Heritage (Manchester and New York, 1991), 158, n. 58. According to the Admonitio (Capitularia regum Francorum, vol. l, ed. Alfred Boretius; vol. 2, ed. Alfred Boretius and Victor Krause, MGH, Legum sectio, no. 2 (Hannover, 1883–97), 1:60 [chap. 72]): “Et non solum servilis conditionis infantes, sed etiam ingenuorum ilios adgregent sibique socient. Et ut scolae legentium puerorum iant.” On the obligations of bishops to ensure the proper administration of the sacraments and instruction of the faithful in the Admonitio and subsequent Carolingian

18

The Carolingian Conquest

clerics were trained in these schools or in schools run by the cathedral remains a matter of debate.5 Both the above-cited documents reveal the stylistic inluence of Alcuin, who only took up permanent residence at the court late in 786 at the earliest. Nevertheless, the Lombards, on the ground a decade or more before Alcuin’s arrival, likely played an earlier role in shaping Charlemagne’s educational program for his vast territories.6 The lives of the four Lombard intellectuals had been dramatically changed by the invasion, which swept away the old order, but all four prospered from their connection with the Frankish court. Because he chose to join the Lombard king and his wife in their place of exile in Gaul, Fardolfo crossed the Alps in 774. Another Lombard intellectual, however, had preceded him. Pietro, a learned Pavian, had already joined Charlemagne’s retinue before the conquest and in 781 returned to his native city as bishop.7 For more than a decade Fardolfo appears to have enjoyed royal support as a poet before being richly rewarded in 792 for uncovering a plot hatched within Charlemagne’s entourage to kill the king.8 In recompense for his information Fardolfo was made abbot of the royal abbey of Saint-Denis, just north of Paris, where he lived out the rest of his life. The survival of only four short poems by him, three of them commemorating his building projects at Saint-Denis, makes it diicult to judge Fardolfo’s personality and the nature of his poetic composition.9 The work and character of a second Pietro, Pietro of Pisa, are similarly hard to characterize. Based on the records we have, Pietro’s role as Charlemagne’s teacher of grammar extended to his composing poetry in the king’s name, and much of what we believe are Pietro’s writings are poems nominally ascribed to Charlemagne.10 Only two other poems survive: one, the preface to the grammar

5 6

7

8 9

10

legislation, see Rosamund McKitterick, The Frankish Church and the Carolingian Reforms, 789–895 (London, 1977), 1–17. By 800, the reliance of Charlemagne on bishops to reinforce his legislation becomes clear in the episcopal capitularies. Carine van Rhijn, Shepherds of the Lord: Priests and Episcopal Statutes in the Carolingian Period (Turnhout, 2007), discusses these statutes, their purpose, and contents. Cf. McKitterick, The Frankish Church, 45–79. Van Rhijn, Shepherds of the Lord, 176–77. Although scholarly tradition has Alcuin as the dominant intellectual igure at the Carolingian court from 781/2, there is no solid evidence for his presence there before 786; Donald A. Bullough, Alcuin: Achievement and Reputation (Leiden and Boston, 2004), 304. For Alcuin’s contribution to both documents, see Bullough, Alcuin, 379–84. Paolo Diacono, an important source for our knowledge of Charlemagne’s court before 786/7, never mentions Alcuin. Cf. Bullough, “Alcuin and the Kingdom of Heaven,” in his Carolingian Renewal, 175. Donald A. Bullough,“I vescovi di Pavia nei secoli ottavo e nono,” in Atti del 4º Congresso internazionale di studi sull’alto medioevo, 1967 (Spoleto, 1969), 323–26. See also his “Aula renovata,” 131, where he suggests another possible Lombard at the court, Wilchar, previously bishop of Nomentana (Rome). Chiesa, “Fardolfo,” 781–82, has the details. The three epigraphs are found in MGH, Poetae latini aevi carolini, ed. Ernst Dümmler, vol. 1 (Berlin, 1881), 353–54. Manitius, Geschichte der lateinischen literatur des Mittelalters, 2:811 (under the note “S.553”) provides the reference for the fourth. See Karl Nef, Die Gedichte des Paulus Diaconus: Kritische und erklärende Ausgabe, Quellen und Untersuchungen zur lateinischen Philologie des Mittelalters, vol. 3, pt. 4 (Munich, 1908), 60–62, 84–87 (both sent in Charlemagne’s name), and 99–100.

19

The Two Latin Cultures of Medieval Italy

manual that Pietro composed for the king soon after joining the court, perhaps in 782; and the other a later work praising Charlemagne’s triumphs.11 Pietro appears to have returned to Italy toward the end of the 780s and died there around 790. Two letters of Charlemagne’s to Pietro in retirement evince the king’s deep afection for his former tutor.12 Far more is known of Paolino than of these three men. Paolino arrived at Charlemagne’s court sometime after the Lombard revolt of 776, from which his family, loyal to the king, proited handsomely through royal gifts of land coniscated from rebel nobles.13 In 787, after about a decade at the court, Paolino returned to Italy to take up the strategically important post of Patriarch of Aquileia. There his principal intellectual occupation was to rebut the Adoptionist position taken by two theologians, Felix of Urgel and Elipando of Toledo. Inluenced by discussions with Muslim theologians, Felix and Elipando defended the belief that Jesus, as man, was the adoptive son of God.14 Paolino’s two surviving theological works, both directed against Adoptionism, demonstrate his intimate knowledge of Latin patristic literature. So does his Liber exhortationis on Christian kingship, dedicated to his close friend Eric, duke of Friuli.15 A stern reformer in a frontier post of the empire on the border with Avar territory, Paolino held the respect of both Charlemagne and Alcuin.16 Paolino, whose work exhibits mastery of accentual verse (only incidentally coinciding with metric quantities), was perhaps the inest religious poet of the Carolingian 11

12

13

14

15

16

Ibid., 157–58 and 159–62. Pietro subsequently enlarged the grammar book, Oratio dicitur elocutio, ca. 790; Bullough, “Aula renovata,” 134–35. See also Bullough, Alcuin, 344. Nef, Gedichte, 166–67 and 168–69. For a commentary on Daniel attributed to Pietro, see Donald A. Bullough, “Reminiscence and Reality: Text, Translation and Testimony of an Alcuin Letter,” Journal of Medieval Latin 5 (1995): 174–201. For the dates when Paolino, Pietro, and Paolo arrived in Francia, see Bullough, “Aula renovata,” 131; for Alcuin, 136. For the history of Spanish Adoptionism, see John C. Cavadini, The Lost Christianity of the West: Adoptionism in Spain and Gaul, 785–820 (Philadelphia, 1993). Aimé Solignac, “Paolin d’Aquilée (saint), Dictionnaire de la spiritualité ascétique et mystique: Doctrine et histoire, 12.1 (1984), cols. 585–87, provides a listing of Paolino’s writings. Paolino’s Contra Felicem libri tres is edited by Dag Norberg, Paulini Aquileiensis Opera omnia, pt. 1, Corpus Christianorum, Continuatio mediaevalis, 95 (Turnhout, 1990). Paolino’s Libellus episcoporum Italiae contra Elipandum is found in PL 99, cols. 151–66, and Concilia aevi karolini, ed. Albert Werminghof, MGH, Legum, no. 3, pt. 2 in 2 vols. (Hannover and Leipzig, 1906–8), 1:30–42. On Paolino’s theological writings, see André Wilmart, “L’ordre des parties dans le traité de Paulin d’Aquilée contra Felix d’Urgel,” Journal of Theological Studies 39 (1938): 22–37. For Paolino’s Liber exhortationis, see PL 99, cols. 197–282. The comments of Giuseppe Fornasari are valuable: “Teologia e politica in Paolino d’Aquileia,” Atti del Convegno internazionale di studio su Paolino d’Aquileia nel XII centenario dell’episcopato, ed. Giuseppe Fornasari (Udine, 1988), 119–34. Paolino’s complete poetry is found in a critical edition by Dag Norberg, L’oeuvre poétique de Paulin d’Aquilée. Edition critique avec introduction et commentaire (Stockholm, 1979). Paolino’s small collection of letters shows him to have been stern with his bishops and to have urged the emperor to demand a high standard of conduct from his clergy; Epistolae karolini aevi, ed. Ernst Dümmler, MGH, Epistolae (in quarto), no. 4, vol. 2 (Berlin, 1895), 516–27. In 796, Alcuin was unoficially seeking Paolino’s advice, apparently on Charlemagne’s behalf, on how to conduct negotiations with the Avar ambassadors (ibid., 143). Although his letters to Paolino embellish the topos of friendship in many ways, Alcuin seems to have felt genuine afection for the archbishop: ibid., 70–71, 103–4, 128–31, 139–40, 143–44, and 220–22.

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Renaissance.17 Drawing heavily on biblical passages and the Latin Church Fathers, his poetry lends to the lines a new voice wherein deep religious emotion exerts heightened efect through rhythmic patterning, much of which is original with him. A strophe from one of his hymns, De caritate, which was to enjoy a long history in church liturgy, illustrates Paolino’s talent for reconiguring biblical and early Christian literature into compelling verbal music: Haéc per cóccum príscae légis fígurátur, Qúi colóre rúbro tíngui bís iubétur, Qúia cáritás precéptis ín duóbus Cónstat, qúibus déus ámatur, átque hómo Úbi cáritás est véra déus íbi ést.18 This is igured through the ruddy berry of the ancient law, Which is ordered to be dyed twice in red coloring, Because charity consists in two precepts By which God and man are loved. Where true charity is, there is God.

The content is inspired by a passage in Saint Gregory’s Liber pastoralis, but the verse form is probably original to Paolino.19 The fortunes of Paolo Diacono’s family were the reverse of those of Paolino. Implicated in the Lombard rebellion of 776, his family lost its lands, and his brother was taken as a prisoner to Gaul. By that time, however, Paolo appears to have become a monk at the abbey of Montecassino.20 He took advantage of Charlemagne’s visit to Rome in 781 to go directly to him to plead for the release of his brother, and was invited to return north with the emperor.21 Written before April 783, his digniied poem in elegiac couplets, “Verba tui famuli, rex summe, adtende serenus” (O highest king, hear in serenity the words of your servant), asked the emperor to liberate his 17

18

19

20

21

This is the appraisal of Peter Godman, Poetry of the Carolingian Renaissance (Norman, Okla., 1985), 28. Whereas ancient poetry was primarily based on various patterns of long and short syllables, accentual poetry relied on word accent. Word accent usually fell on a long syllable, but not always. For a summary of the historiography on the conception of the Carolingian Renaissance, see Anita Guerreau-Jalabert, “La ‘Renaissance carolingienne’: modèles culturels, usages linguistiques et structures sociales,” Bibliothèque de l’École des Chartres 139 (1981): 5–35. The poem is published by Norberg, L’oeuvre poétique de Paulin d’Aquilée, 138–40. It was earlier published without the identiication of Paolino in Poetarum latinorum medii aevi, ed. Karl Strecker, MGH, no. 4, pt. 2.2 (Berlin, 1923), 526–29. The passage cited is the seventh of twelve strophes. Four trochaic lines, each with groups of eight and four syllables, are followed by a refrain written in pseudo-sentenarius catalectic. The strophe is inspired by Gregory the Great’s Regula pastoralis, II.3: “Auro autem, hyacintho ac purpurae bis tinctus coccus adiungitur, ut ante interni iudicis oculos omnia virtutum bona ex caritate decorentur.... Quae scilicet caritas quia Deum simul ac proximum diligit, quasi ex duplici tinctura fulgescit”; cited from Norberg, La poésie latine rhythmique, 89. On the later inluence of this hymn, see André Wilmart, “L’hymne de la charité pour le JeudiSaint,” in Auteurs spirituels et textes dévots du moyen âge (Paris, 1932), 26–36. Walter Gofart, The Narrators of Barbarian History (A.D. 550–800): Jordanes, Gregory of Tours, Bede, and Paul the Deacon (Notre Dame, Ind., 2005), 334–37. Ibid., 341.

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brother, imprisoned seven years earlier.22 During the approximately ive years he spent with the court, Paolo probably taught grammar while composing a large collection of homilies for the liturgy, all dedicated to Charlemagne; a short history of the bishops of Metz; epitaphs for various deceased members of the royal family; and, although the time is uncertain, perhaps his life of Gregory the Great.23 At home in royal courts, Paolo knew how to play the role of the courtier by joining in the fashionable game of creating and solving Latin riddles.24 Such riddles form part of his corpus of poetry, which includes a wide range of genres ranging from the didactic poetry of “Adsunt quattuor in prima iunctione species” (There are four forms in the irst conjugation), a set of mnemonic verses encoding rules of grammar, to his lyrical praise of Lake Como, “Ordiar unde tuas laudes, o maxime Lari?” (Where shall I begin your praises, o vast Como?). His gift for satire is best illustrated by his clever response to a letter composed for Charlemagne by Pietro of Pisa that exaggerated Paolo’s talents and urged him to remain with the court.25 Despite his success at Charlemagne’s court, Paolo had not forgotten the spiritual comfort he had come to know at Montecassino. In one of the most beautiful letters of the Carolingian Renaissance written to his abbot from the court, Paolo, expressed his longing for his brother monks and fondly recalled in his imagination the daily routine of their common worship: “In comparison with your cloister, the palace is a prison to me; in contrast with the great peace in which you live, I endure a tempest here.”26 Although he left the court to return to Montecassino probably in 785, throughout the rest of his life Paolo maintained a close relationship with Charlemagne. At one point in later years, he dispatched to the king a copy of the Benedictine Rule accompanied by a letter. Decades earlier, probably before the Carolingian conquest, Paolo had composed for Adelperga, daughter of Desiderio and wife of Arichis of Benevento, a revision of Eutropius’s Historiae romanae brevarium (An Abridgement of Roman History, ca. 370). The revision supplemented Eutropius’s pagan history with contemporaneous events 22 23

24 25

26

Nef, Gedichte, 53–55; and Gofart, Narrators, 341. For a listing of Paolo’s works, see Jacques Hourlier, “Paul diacre,” Dictionnaire de spiritualité ascétique et mystique: Doctrine et histoire, vol. 12.1 (Paris, 1984), cols. 60–62. According to Gofart (Narrators, 376), the Deeds of the Bishops of Metz is a igural representation of Charlemagne’s recent decision to settle his empire on his two legitimate sons and to have no more children. For the exchange of riddles between Charlemagne and Paolo, see Nef, Gedichte, 83–105. Ibid., 75–79 and 4–6. On Paolo’s poetry, see also Godman, Poetry of the Carolingian Renaissance, 9–10; and Paola Mastandrea, “Classicismo e cristianesimo nella poesia di Paolo Diacono (con esempi di analisi intertestuale assistita dal computer),” in Paolo Diacono: Uno scrittore fra tradizione longobarda e rinnovamento carolingio. Convegno internazionale di studi. Cividale del Friuli, Udine, 6–9 maggio, ed. Paolo Chiesa (Udine, 2000), 293–311. In his answer to Charlemagne’s praise of his talents, Paolo responds (Nef , Gedichte, 64–68) to the favorable comparison of himself with Homer, Horace, Virgil, and others, irst by identifying the tone of the compliment as ironic and then by declaring that he has no interest in imitating the ancient pagans, whom he compares to dogs. While denying he knows much Greek, he provides a translation of a Greek anecdote. Epistolae karolini aevi, 2:506–08; and the later edition by Nef, Gedichte, 71–73. Paolo’s letters express his feelings and purposes with a directness often lacking in other Carolingian writers.

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from Christian history, bringing the whole down to the reign of Justinian. Paolo’s version went on to become one of the most popular manuals of Roman history in the Middle Ages. After his return to Italy, the literary focus of Paolo’s last years was his monumental History of the Lombards, the work in which he established the historical existence of his people, just as Jordanes had done for the Goths, Gregory of Tours for the Franks, and Bede for the Anglo-Saxons.27 From the outset Paolo made it clear that the Lombards possessed an autonomous culture, which had originated in Scandinavia. Partly because he hesitated to recognize the early commitment of the Lombards to the Arian faith, he had no way of tracing their gradual acceptance of Catholicism. At the same time, he showed no reluctance in depicting the bloody struggle for political power among the Lombard nobility and reporting the defeats as well as the victories of Lombard armies in their battles with enemies. In the inal, sixth book, however, Paulo revealed the ultimate goal of his narrative: to prove that the Carolingian succession to the Lombard throne was a natural one based on close ties between the two ruling families. He accomplished his purpose, irst, by condemning the Merovingians as degenerate (VI, 27) while providing a positive assessment of Pepin III and his son Charles (VI, 37); second, by demonstrating the intimate relationship established between the Carolingians and the Lombards under Liudprando (712–44) in 738, when Liudprando cut the hair of the youthful Pepin III at the request of Charles Martel, thereby becoming the adoptive father of the boy (VI, 53); and, inally, noting the alliance of Liudprando with Charles in 737 against the Saracens (VI, 54).28 By ending his narrative with the reign of Liudprando, furthermore, Paolo was able to leave his readers with the impression that the friendship between the Franks and Lombards had been an enduring one. He thereby helped to create a historical background for the current rule of Pepin, Charlemagne’s son, as king of the Lombard peoples.29 Paolo’s history enjoyed enormous success, and it survives in more than a hundred manuscripts.30 27

28

29

30

The work is published as Pauli Historia Langobardorum, ed. Ludwig Bethman and Georg Waitz, Scriptores rerum Germanicarum in usum scholarum (Hannover, 1878; repr. 1978). Ernesto Sestan, “La storiograia dell’Italia longobarda: Paolo Diacono,” in La storiograia altomedievale, 10–16 aprile 1969, SSCISAM, no. 17 (Spoleto, 1970), 357–86, provides a historiographical discussion of Paolo’s historical writings. Rosamond McKitterick, “Paolo Diacono e i Franci: Il contesto storico e culturale,” Paolo diacono: Uno scrittore fra tradizione longobarda e rinnovamento carolingio. Convegno internazionale di studi, ed. Paolo Chiesa (Udine, 2000), 23–28, suggests the work was probably requested by Pepin, viceroy of Italy, and given the location of the earliest manuscripts, that it was composed in northern Italy by Paolo. For a detailed analysis of the work, see Gofart, Narrators, 378–431. While not persuaded that McKitterick is right about the place of writing and the sponsorship of Pepin’s court, I am convinced that she is right to interpret the work as a justiication for Carolingian rule in the Lombard kingdom: McKitterick, “Paolo Diacono,” 16–23. McKitterick does not accept the traditional explanation that Paolo died before carrying his narrative beyond Liudprando. Rather she maintains that Paolo purposely stopped his narrative at that point to avoid having to deal with subsequent kings, who fell afoul both of the papacy and the Carolingians; ibid., 20. Georg Waitz, “Über die handschriftliche Überlieferung und die Sprache der Historia Langobardorum des Paulus,” Neues Archiv der Gesellschaft für ältere deutsche Geschichtskunde, 1 (1875): 533–66, as cited from McKitterick, “Paolo Diacono,” 24, n. 43. I have not seen the article.

23

The Two Latin Cultures of Medieval Italy THE LOMBARD TRADITION OF LITERACY BEFORE CHARLEMAGNE

The coterie of scholars and poets at the Pavian court marked the high point of a two-hundred-year period during which the Lombard monarchy came to recognize the importance of literacy. Although by the early decades of the sixth century aristocratic Roman families were fewer in the Italian peninsula than before, their members continued to play their traditional dominant role in literary culture. As a rule, ecclesiastics were better educated than laymen, but no cleric could surpass in learning such laymen as Boethius (480–ca. 525) or Cassiodorus (ca. 490–ca. 583). Because of family prestige and knowledge of Roman law, aristocrats had served as high functionaries in the Ostrogothic government, while socially inferior laymen, notaries, excerptores, and tabelliones participated in the legal culture by writing legal documents for government oices, churches, and private individuals.31 The sixth century was a period of political and social upheaval throughout the Italian peninsula. For three decades before the Lombard conquest in 568, Justinian fought a prolonged war against the Ostrogoths, in which many of the Roman noble houses were destroyed. Then came the Lombards who, compared with most of the tribes that had earlier invaded the Roman Empire, had had little previous contact with Roman culture. The noble class came to consist overwhelmingly of Lombards, and leadership in the secular government became separate from leadership in the Church, which remained largely Roman. Not even the monarch’s conversion to Catholic Christianity early in the seventh century healed the ethnic division between the Roman ecclesiastical hierarchy and the Lombard secular hierarchy. Kings did not convoke ecclesiastical synods; bishops did not participate in royal assemblies; and bishops only rarely performed in an oicial capacity for the secular government.32 The rupture at the political and social levels was matched by a cultural division. Already under the Ostrogoths, the hostility of pious Christians toward the pagan literary heritage, always a signiicant element in late-ancient and medieval culture, had been intensifying.33 The advent of the Lombards and the extinction of the old aristocratic Roman families now allowed the pietistic current to low freely, at least in ecclesiastical circles.34 Religious writings – that is, liturgical, hagiographical, and patristic literature to the exclusion of pagan authors – came to be the core reading 31

32

33 34

Michael Richter, The Formation of the Medieval West: Studies in the Oral Culture of the Barbarians (New York, 1994), 21–25; and Nicholas Everett, Literacy in Lombard Italy, c. 568–774 (Cambridge, 2003), 23–33. For excerptores, see below, n. 173.The title, tabellio, was used in late-ancient Rome to designate professional writers who occupied stations in public places and wrote for hire. They were strictly controlled by a magister census: Harry Bresslau, Handbuch der Urkundenlehre für Deutschland und Italien, 3rd ed. (Berlin, 1958), 583. The title would become equivalent in Lombard Italy to notarius. Ottorino Bertolini, “I vescovi del ‘regnum Langobardorum’ al tempo dei Carolingi,” in Vescovi e diocesi in Italia nel medioevo (sec. IX–XIII): Atti del II Convegno di storia della Chiesa in Italia (Roma, 4–9 sett. 1961), Italia Sacra, no. 5 (Padua, 1964), 11. The Carolingians, by contrast, depended heavily on the cooperation of high ecclesiastics in their rule. Everett, Literacy in Lombard Italy, 38–39. Paolo Delogu, “Il regno lombardo,” in Paolo Delogu, André Guillou, and Gherardo Ortalli, Longobardi e Bizantini, Storia d’Italia, vol. 1 (Torino, 1991), 30, describes the extinction of the old nobility.

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for the dwindling number of literate clerics, and religion deined the parameters for whatever the clerics would compose.35 Unlike the Ostrogoths before them, the invading Lombards, almost all of whom were unable to read Latin, had little to do with book culture in either its secular or its religious form. The late sixth century, consequently, marked the end of what had been a unitary culture of the lay-clerical elite. From the beginning, however, the Lombard government needed notaries and scribes to write letters and document their acts.36 They also became especially enamored of epigraphy and wanted to put writing on their coins in imitation of their Roman and Ostrogothic predecessors.37 If to a lesser degree than earlier in the sixth century, the general population of Roman subjects continued to use documents composed by lay and clerical notaries and scribes in order to certify their own legal relationships. The sources are too scattered to provide even a general estimate of the extent to which Lombard society resorted to writing in the early decades of Lombard rule, but the creation in 643 of a written corpus of law, essentially an amalgam of Lombard and Roman customary law, indicates the extent to which Lombard rulers had become dependent on writing by this time.38 By setting down the law in a formal code, Lombard rulers acknowledged the necessity of conducting the business of government through written documents, thereby inviting notaries to associate with them in government and encouraging the nobility to recognize the need for documentary memory of their own activities. By the time of the Carolingian invasion one hundred and thirty years later, the documentary culture centering on the notary was lourishing, but largely independently of the book culture, which was monopolized by a small number of ecclesiastics. Charlemagne testiied to his admiration of Lombard book culture by carrying of its major representatives. The invading Franks also found a documentary culture more active than their own. Documentary literacy seems also to have been more evenly spread over Lombard Italy than in transalpine Europe, and laymen played a more active role in drawing up documents.39 As we shall see, the Carolingians’ 35

36

37

38 39

Of the 135 extant manuscripts for sixth-century Italy, one-tenth are works of classical literature: Armando Petrucci, “Scrittura e libro nell’Italia altomedievale,” SM, 3rd ser., 10 (1969): 157–213, and 14 (1973): 961–1002. The igure is found on 173. I had already portrayed my conception of the two cultures of Italy in my “Medieval Italian Culture and the Origins of Humanism as a Stylistic Ideal,” in Renaissance Humanism: Foundations, Forms and Legacy, ed. Albert Rabil, 3 vols. (Philadelphia, 1988), 1:37, when Charles Radding brought to my attention Petrucci’s article, which utilizes the same distinction but in a more fully developed form. Everett, Literacy in Lombard Italy, 163–276, discusses in detail what is known of the uses of writing in government, charters, and inscriptions. Petrucci writes (“Scrittura e libro,” 14:1001): “Non ci sembra azzardato a questo punto afermare che nell’Italia longobarda del secolo settimo la cultura di un monetiere e quella di uno scrittore di documenti si sviluppavano secondo esperienze e paradigmi del tutto diversi fra loro e soprattutto totalmente indipendenti dalle esperienze e dai paradigmi propri al monaco scriba di Bobbio o dall’amanuense della cattedrale di Verona.” The separation in culture mirrored the exclusion of prelates from public power. They did not participate in royal assemblies or generally act in any public capacity. Petrucci, “Scrittura e libri,” 14:1000. Few chancery documents survive from the chanceries of Charlemagne’s grandfather or father: Janet Nelson, “Literacy in Carolingian Government,” in Uses of Literacy in Early Medieval Europe, ed.

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promotion of Italian documentary culture led to its enhancement by means of greater regulation as to who could draw up legal documents and a clearer conception regarding notarial functions. THE CAROLINGIAN RENAISSANCE

Beyond their desire to foster Christian belief and conduct among their subjects, to educate clerics in the proper execution of their religious duties, and to create an elite body of highly trained administrators, Charlemagne and his descendants aimed at advancing the understanding of Christian doctrine. Although religious concerns dominated Carolingian education, Charlemagne and his immediate successors sought to infuse new life into the late-ancient school curriculum as a means of providing a solid basis for the study of Christian literature.40 Manuscripts of pagan and Christian texts were fundamental to this enterprise, and doubtless the greatest creative achievement of Carolingian scholarship lay in its selection of sources and in its manner of editing them. These scholarly labors served at one and the same time to advance the Christian religion and to enhance the dignity of the monarchy.41 The principal creativity of the Carolingians expressed itself in the way they selected and edited their sources, for the texts they produced would prove fundamental to most modern editions of ancient and late-ancient Latin authors. Over more than a century, scholars, inspired by their reading and by contemporary events, produced as well an enormous number of their own works in prose and poetry. The literary, scholarly, and artistic achievements of the Carolingian book culture

40

41

Rosamond McKitterick (Cambridge, 1994), 261. Nevertheless, McKitterick has convincingly demonstrated that a large number of documents of a notarial character exist for eighth-century Gaul and has identiied numbers of notaries working there; McKitterick, The Carolingians and the Written Word (Cambridge, 1989). Unfortunately, no focused study of the difusion of documentary literacy by region exists, nor is there for Gaul anything comparable to Italy’s systematic collection for the Lombard period: Codice diplomatico longobardo, ed. Luigi Schiaparelli and Carlrichard Bruhl, 3 vols. in 4 (Rome, 1927–84). For documents of Gaul before 800, see Chartae latinae antiquiores, ed. Hartmut Atsma and Jean Vezin, vols. 13–14 and 17–19 (Zurich, 1981–87). On the limited operations of Charlemagne’s chancery early in his reign, see Bullough, “Aula renovata,” 127. Bullough discusses the changes that took place after 773 and the role of Italians in the changes: 127–30. C. Steven Jaeger, The Envy of Angels: Cathedral Schools and Social Ideals in Medieval Europe, 950–1200 (Philadelphia, 1994), 27–35. Peter Godman, Poetry of the Carolingian Renaissance, 4–5, suggests that, aside from the practical aim, Charlemagne’s interest in surrounding himself with learned men arose from his desire to emulate great rulers of the past. Giles Brown, “Introduction: The Carolingian Renaissance,” in Carolingian Culture: Emulation and Innovation, ed. Rosamond McKitterick (Cambridge, 1994), 28–30, argues more pointedly that the annexation of the kingdom caused Charlemagne to identify more closely with late Roman traditions. Charlemagne’s ideas for Aachen parallel the concept of the palace complex at Pavia, where Desiderio was surrounded by learned men. Brown extends his argument about Carolingian imitation to book production as well. Theoretically, the ancient pagan authors were at hand to act as stylistic models and to provide reinforcement for Christian positions, but studying the pagans for enjoyment remained suspect. Jaeger, The Envy of Angels, deines the Carolingian educational program for the clerical elite, which he characterizes as “the submersion of classical models in Christian ones,” 34.

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have led scholars to characterize the intellectual revival of the ninth century as the Carolingian Renaissance. While by the late eighth century the growing size of libraries at monasteries such as Lorsch, Corbie, and the nunnery of Chelles suggests a revival of interest in learning even before the extension of royal favor, the nerve center of the early renaissance was Charlemagne’s court with its palace school.42 Beginning with Charlemagne, it became common practice for Carolingian monarchs to reward scholars and poets, especially those trained in the palace school, with high ecclesiastical appointments throughout the heartland of the empire.43 Crucial to enriching Carolingian book culture were Irish scholars, who from the last decade of the eighth century found welcome at the court.44 They had been preceded on the Continent from the seventh century by other Irishmen, who had founded a series of monasteries from near the North Sea down to Bobbio in northern Italy.45 This second wave of Irish, primarily learned men, brought with them a tradition of biblical exegesis and grammar study superior to that on the Continent.46 In turn, their knowledge of pagan authors was enriched through contact with Alcuin and continental scholars already at the court.47 The major scholarly achievements of the irst half of the ninth century, however, were not at the palace school but were largely products of royal monasteries. When in the second quarter of the century, Drogo (d. 855), Charlemagne’s illegitimate son and bishop of Metz since 823, made the school of his cathedral a center of learning, the surge of intellectual activity expanded among the secular clergy. In the third quarter of the century, the cathedral schools of Laon, Auxerre, and Rheims attained scholarly prominence. The irst, however, clearly thrived because of its close link with the court of Charles the Bald and the colony of Irish monks who lived in the 42

43 44

45

46

47

Bullough, “Aula renovata, 140. John Contreni, “The Carolingian Renaissance,” Carolingian Learning, Masters and Manuscripts (Great Yarmouth, 1992), 65, writes: “The court provided example and leadership, Charles’s palace served as both a magnet and as a point of dissemination for the learned men of his time.” Bullough, “Aula renovata,” 135, provides examples of the appointments. Pépin III had already hosted the monk Fergil at his court before sending him to Salzburg as abbot in 745. But the Irish arrived in numbers beginning late in the century: Pierre Riché, “Les Irlandais et les princes carolingiens aux VIIIe et IXe siècle,” Die Iren und Europa im früheren Mittelalter, ed. Heinz Löwe, 2 vols. (Stuttgart, 1982), 736–38. Alcuin remained the intellectual leader of the court, but except for Fardolfo at Saint-Denis the Italians had disappeared. Friedrich Prinz, “Die Rolle der Iren beim Aufbau der merowingischen Klosterkultur,” Die Iren, 202–18, sketches the inluence of seventh-century Irish missionaries, beginning with Columban, on the Merovingian monarchy and the upper aristocracy that led to the creation of an “iro-fränkische Klosterkultur” in the area between the Loire and Rhine. South of the Loire, monasticism remained loyal to traditional Gallic forms. Bernard Bischof , “Il monachesimo irlandese e il continente,” Il monachesimo nell’alto medioevo e la formazione della civiltà occidentale, 8–14 aprile 1957 (Spoleto, 1957), 125–29. He analyzes the Irish method of exegesis in “Wendepunkte in der Geschichte der lateinischen Exegese im Frühmittelalter,” Sacris erudiri 6 (1954): 189–281. Irish scholars encountered a stronger tradition of interest in pagan literature on the Continent than in their homeland; Fidel Rädel, “Die Kenntnis der antiken lateinischen Literatur bei den Iren in der Heimat und auf dem Kontinent,” Die Iren, 488–89. See as well Michael Herren,“Classical and Secular Learning among the Irish before the Carolingian Renaissance,” Florilegium 3 (1981): 118–57.

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city. In the case of Auxerre, however, the primary center of intellectual life was the monastery of Saint Germain, not the cathedral school.48 After the death of Charles in 877, despite the political instability of the kingdom and the increasing severity of attacks by the Northmen, the intellectual capital accrued over the previous decades continued to produce results, albeit diminishing ones, in the form of literary and scholarly work. Nevertheless, by the early tenth century, with the exception of a few intellectual centers, the treasure was largely spent.49 Fundamental to the ultimate Christian goal of education both in monasteries and among the secular clergy was the knowledge of “grammar,” a discipline conceived much more broadly than is its shrivelled modern descendant, grammar as syntax. Alcuin, the Anglo-Saxon scholar who soon after his arrival at court around 786 became the leading educator there, expressed the contemporary view of the scope of grammar when he wrote: “Grammar is the science of letters and the guardian of right speech and writing.” The art embraced not merely letters, syllables, words, and parts of speech, but also elements like igures of speech, prosody, poetry, fables, and history.50 In describing grammar thus, Alcuin did not deny dignity to other disciplines, such as rhetoric: he gave his deinition of grammar in the section devoted to grammar in a treatise in which each of the seven liberal arts was allotted its separate part. Nonetheless, the fundamental character of grammar for all writing and speech, and the breadth of its province, made it for Alcuin the foundation for all learning. Therefore, it can be said that the Carolingian Renaissance endorsed the late-ancient primacy of grammar over the other liberal arts. While it might seem obvious that in a culture with a low degree of literacy most educational eforts would focus on grammar, improving basic literacy did not constitute the Carolingians’ only motive, nor did it entirely explain Alcuin’s enthusiasm for grammar or that of others in his age. The Carolingians assumed that grammar, by means of its methodologies – that is, analogy, allegory, and etymology – provided 48

49

50

John J. Contreni, The Cathedral School of Laon from 850 to 930: Its Manuscripts and Its Masters (Munich, 1978), 78–80 and 165. For the intellectual prominence after 850, see Édouard Jeauneau, “Les écoles de Laon et d’Auxerre au IXe siècle,” in La scuola nell’occidente latino dell’alto medioevo, 15–21 aprile 1971, 509–510, SSCISAM, no. 19 (Spoleto, 1972). Jason K. Glenn, “Master and Community in Tenthcentury Reims,” in Teaching and Learning in Northern Europe, 1000–1200, ed. Sally N.Vaughan and Jay Rubenstein (Turnhout, 2006), 51–68, argues for a revival of vitality of the school in the second half of the tenth century. On Rheims, see as well Michael E. Moore, “Prologue: Teaching and Learning History in the School of Reims,” Teaching and Learning in Northern Europe, 1000–1200, ed. Sally N. Vaughan and Jay Rubinstein (Turnhout, 2006), 19–49. Contreni, Cathedral School of Laon, 152–64, for example, traces the cathedral school of Laon down to the death of bishop Aldhelm. Grammatica, PL 101, cols. 857d–58a: “Grammatica est litteralis scientia, et est custos recte loquendi et scribendi.” To the question: “In quot species dividitur grammatica?” Alcuin replied: “In vocem, in litteras, in syllabas, partes, dictiones, orationes, deinitiones, pedes, accentus, posituras, notas, orthographiae ... analogiae, etymologiae, glossas, diferentias, barbarismum, soloecismum, vitia, metaplasmum, schemata, tropos, prosam, metra, fabulas, historias.” Decades later Rabanus Maurus deined grammar as “scientia interpretandi poetas atque historicos et recta scribendi loquendique ratio”: De institutione clericorum, 18; PL 107, col. 395. Isidore includes history under grammar because “Haec disciplina ad Grammaticam pertinet, quia quidquid dignum memoria est litteris mandatur”: Etymol., I, 41.

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the tools for discovering all truth available to human reason.51 That assumption was nourished by the more basic assumption that knowledge of the origins of words and the structure of language revealed the structure of being. The grammatical orientation to learning and thought was not invented in the eighth or ninth century but instead already constituted the dominant tendency in education by late antiquity. What distinguished the Carolingian period was a concerted efort to incorporate the grammarians’ orientation into an omnibus educational program and to difuse that program widely.52 An examination of compilations of school and literary texts from ninth-century Italy provides a relatively detailed picture of the nature of Carolingian schooling and the degree to which the great literature of antiquity played a role in education. For example, a manuscript compiled at Montecassino in the late eighth or early ninth century (BNP, Lat. 7530), perhaps under the direction of Paulo Diacono, typiies the kind of educational program Alcuin had in mind for the secondary level of schooling.53 A miscellany relating to the liberal arts, it was organized in three divisions: a few selections dealing with dialectic, geometry, and speciic aspects of arithmetic; a longer section on rhetoric; and an extensive treatment of grammar that covered more than three-quarters of the entire manuscript. Based primarily on the manuals of late Latin antiquity, the manuscript’s collection of texts was designed to give a young student the basic rules for composition in prose and poetry, guidance in constructing simple arguments, and a smattering of mathematics, along with some notion of the relationship of the liberal arts to one another. The rhetorical section, comprising texts 40–48, is interesting for the light it sheds on the background for what would become ars dictaminis, the medieval art of letter writing. Two short passages relate to writing letters, one dealing with the litterae formatae, the coded letters of early medieval ecclesiastical chanceries (48), and the other concerned with shaping letters to it the character of the addressee (44). Two of the seven other divisions of the section (45 and 47) deal with progymnasmata, ancient pedagogical exercises designed to develop a student’s ability to speak.54 The 51

52

53

54

I owe many of my views on grammar to Marcia L. Colish, The Mirror of Language, 2nd ed. (Lincoln, Neb., and London, 1983). See her book for this paragraph, 63–74. Grammarians constructed declensions, conjugations, and rules of syntax by use of analogy; they were trained to search for truth under the veil of words in poetry; and because it was believed that an intimate connection existed between an object and its name, their understanding of the name’s etymology was held to reveal the nature of the object itself. The copying eforts of the Carolingians generally were responsible for saving a large part of the ancient corpus of Latin literature. Bernard Bischof, “Die Bibliothek im Dienste der Schule,” in La scuola nell’occidente latino dell’alto medioevo, 394, SSCISAM, no. 19 (Spoleto, 1972), estimates that threequarters of ancient Latin texts survive only because they were copied in Carolingian manuscripts. Louis Holtz, “Le Parisinus Latinus 7530, synthèse cassinienne des arts libéraux,” SM, 3rd ser. 16 (1975): 97–152. The irst was a partial text of Emporius on ethopoeia and the second, Priscian’s Praeexercitamina. On the subject of progymnasmata, see Stanley F. Bonner, Education in Ancient Rome (Berkeley, 1977), 250–76. See also George L. Justas, “The Function and Evolution of Byzantine Rhetoric,” Viator 1 (1970), 55–73. The latter citation was taken from an unpublished paper by Carol D. Lanham, “Latin Epistolography before the Ars dictaminis.”

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progymnasmata were often taught in twelve steps, arranged in order of increasing dificulty, beginning with fable and maxim and ending with more diicult exercises, such as ethopoeia. In ethopoeia, the student was expected to assume for himself a persona in a particular situation and adapt his words to the persona’s age, rank, fortune, and situation, while also taking the same kinds of considerations into account for the speech’s audience. Already in the second century A.D. both rhetoricians and grammarians shared such oratorical exercises.55 The exercise of ethopoeia could be performed just as well by writing a letter as by composing a speech. Surviving examples of model letters from the late empire illustrate how a writer, following the classical conception of a letter as a form of conversation, could adapt his discourse to the persona he had assumed, to that ascribed to his addressee, and to other circumstances surrounding a particular occasion for communication. By the Carolingian period, given the reduced opportunities for Latin speech making, it can be assumed that the use of progymnasmata had become largely connected with letter writing. Notker (ca. 840–912), a monk of Saint Gall and the author of a life of Charlemagne, reports that when Charlemagne returned from the Saxon Wars, he summoned students (presumably from the palace school) before him to read their carmina and epistulae.56 The latter exercises were probably progymnasmata designed to present letters orally, like speeches, with the intention of instilling in the student a sense of appropriateness and decorum. The monastic teacher at Montecassino probably used the texts contained in the BNP Lat. 7530 for the same purpose. It must be stressed, however, that the space devoted to rhetoric in the manuscript was dwarfed by that given to grammar. That the collection of texts comprising BNP, Lat. 7530 was designed for secondary education becomes clear when it is compared with another collection, still a school text but containing more advanced work. Burgerbibliothek Bern 363, a compilation made in northern Italy, probably in Milan, in the second third of the ninth century by an Irish master, contains the kind of material that a teacher would need to complete the education of students in composition and literary culture. Although almost three-quarters of the manuscript is devoted to the commentary on Virgil by Servius, a late fourth-century grammarian, the work in its remaining pages includes poetry by Horace with a late-ancient commentary and selections of poems by Ovid and Priscian, as well as by a few Carolingian poets. The codex also contains the Pseudo-Augustinian manual De dialectica and Fortunatianus’s Ars rethorica, respectively representing dialectic and rhetoric, the other two members of the trivium.57 Works on dialectic and rhetoric presumably honed the more advanced students’ thinking processes and improved their style in writing poetry and prose. Codiied by the mid-ninth century, a curriculum heavily weighted toward grammar would continue to deine the character of Italian education up to the end of 55

56

57

Quintilian, Institutio oratoria 2.1; Institutio oratoria of Quintilian, trans. Harry E. Butler, 4 vols. (London, 1920–1922), 1:204–10, and especially 208. Cf. Lanham, “Latin Epistolography.” Notker, Monachus Sangallensis de Carolo Magno, I, 3–4, ed. Philipp Jafé, Bibliotheca rerum germanicarum, vol. 4 (Berlin, 1867), 633. Claudia Villa, “A Brescia e a Milano,” in Claudia Villa and Gian Carlo Alessio, “Tra commedia e Comedia,” IMU 24 (1981): 1–17.

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the eleventh century. In what had formerly been the Lombard kingdom, just as elsewhere in the Carolingian empire, although the study of grammar relied heavily on ancient manuals of the arts, and pagan literary texts exercised some inluence, the ultimate objective was to use this knowledge to further the understanding of biblical and patristic sources.58 THE SCHOOLS AND LITURGICAL PERFORMANCE

Carolingian promotion of an elite Christian culture was paralleled at a lower level by a concern to purify liturgical performance in the churches of the empire. Liturgical rites properly performed both served the spiritual needs of the people and, by pleasing God, made Him well disposed toward the Carolingians’ rule. It is diicult to overemphasize the importance of liturgy in shaping Carolingian education and its institutional structure. The life of European cathedrals and Benedictine monasteries had from their inception revolved around liturgical performance, and instruction in learning chants and singing had formed the major part of their educational programs. From the middle of the eighth century, however, the Carolingians demonstrated a particular concern for the proper execution of church rituals, primarily in the Mass.59 By that time, the liturgy of the Frankish church had become a rich mixture of Gallican and Roman practices, with dosages of each varying from one diocese to another.60 A shortage of liturgical books containing versions of these rituals, moreover, increased the confusion, because many churches, lacking a library, depended for their liturgy on local memory communicated orally from one generation to the next.61 The Carolingians were not happy with this state of afairs. The movement for liturgical reform was intimately connected with a musical reform spearheaded by Chrodegang of Metz, bishop of Metz (742–66), who, while in Rome in 753 waiting to accompany Stephen II to Gaul, had come to admire 58

59

60

61

Donald A. Bullough, “Le scuole cattedrali e la cultura dell’Italia settentrionale prima dei comuni,” Vescovi e diocesi in Italia, 121, 129–130. Giampaolo Ropa summarizes the hagiographic production of Emilia in “Letteratura e agiograia: I centri di studio e gli scriptoria,” in Le sedi della cultura nell’Emilia Romagna: Alto medioevo, ed. Ovidio Capitani et al. (Milan, 1983), 76–85. Bullough, “Le scuole cattedrali,” 118–21. On the rich development of music under the Carolingians, see Susan Rankin, “Carolingian Music,” in Carolingian Culture: Emulation and Innovation, ed. Rosamond McKitterick (Cambridge, 1994), 274–316. Fernand Cabrol, “Liturgie,” Dictionnaire de théologie catholique, 15 vols. (Paris 1950), 9, cols. 804–16, briely deines these rituals. In his index Klaus Gamber, Codices liturgici latini antiquiores (Freiberg, 1963), ix and x, includes under “Roman” liturgies pre-Gregorian [Gelasian], Gregorian, mixed Gelasian, and mixed Gregorian. Also see the discussion of Yitzhak Hen, The Royal Patronage of Liturgy in Frankish Gaul to the Death of Charles the Bald (877) (London, 2001), 57–81. The confusion of liturgies is discussed by Cyrille Vogel, “Saint Chrodegang et les débuts de la romanisation du culte en pays franc,” in Saint Chrodegang: Communications présentées au colloque tenu à Metz à l’occasion du douzième centenaire de sa mort (Metz, 1967), 91–109. Vogel writes of the need of books for the performance of the liturgy (94): “Or, il ne fallait pas seulement un livre pour accomplir les fonctions liturgiques, mais bien une bibliothèque entière. Pour la messe seule, un Sacramentaire, un Ordo correspondant, un Antiphonaire gradualis, un Epistolier et un Evangélaire étaient indispensables.” Even in contemporary Rome, liturgical books were in short supply in the mid-eighth century.

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the Roman chant.62 During the pope’s two years’ residence in Gaul (753–55), the Frankish court became acquainted with the Roman chant as it was performed for Stephen by singers in his entourage. Meanwhile, after Chrodegang returned from Rome to his own diocese, he resolved, probably in 754 or 755, to introduce the Roman chant there as part of a general program of religious and institutional reform.63 Musical reform seems to have been from the outset the principal factor shaping his plans for change. To judge from his Regula canonicorum, the chief duty of the clerks of the cathedral, whom Chrodegang referred to as canones (canons), was to hear the reading of scripture and to sing the eight daily services of the oices and the chants related to the Mass.64 The archdeacon and the primicerius were speciically enjoined to be “instructed, themselves, in the Gospel teachings and in the Holy Fathers’ canonical teachings, so that they might be able to instruct the clergy in divine law and in the modest law of this present teaching [huius parva institucionis].”65 Given the rigorous schedule for performing the oices and readings, canons would have had little time for other duties. 62

63

64

65

Chrodegang’s treatise on reform (751–55) is published in Regula canonicorum aus dem leidener Codex vossianus latinus mit Umschrift der tironischen Noten, ed. Wilhelm Schmitz (Hannover, 1889); and more recently in Jerome Bertram, The Chrodegang Rules: The Rules for the Common Life of the Secular Clergy from the Eight and Ninth Centuries. Critical Texts with Translations and Commentary (Padstow, Cornwall, 2004), 26–51. I will use the newer edition. On Chrodegang’s life, see Heinrich Reumont, “Der hl. Chrodegang, Bischof von Metz,” in Festschrift Georg von Hertling zum siebzigsten Geburtstag am 31 Aug. 1913, Görres-Gesellschaft zur Plege der Wissenschaft in katholischen Deutschland (Munich, 1913), 202–15; Eugen Ewig, “Saint Chrodegang et la réforme de l’église franque,” in Saint Chrodegang: Communications, 25–53. Chrodegang’s eforts at Metz seem to have had the full support of Pepin the Short. In Paolo Diacono’s Liber de episcopis mettensibus, ed. Georg Pertz, MGH, Scriptores, vol. 2 (Hannover, 1829), 268, Paolo writes of Pepin’s inancial support of Chrodegang’s additions to the cathedral: “Hic (Chrodegang) fabricari iussit una cum adiutorio Pippini regis rebam sancti Stephani prothomartyris et altare ipsius atque cancellos, presbiterium arcusque per girum.” Cf. Carol Heitz, “Le groupe cathédral de Metz au temps de saint-Chrodegang,” in Saint Chrodegang, 126. Regula canonicorum, chap. 6, 33. Martin A. Claussen, The Reform of the Frankish Church: Chrodegang of Metz and the ‘Regula canonicorum’ in the Eighth Century (Cambridge, 2004), 59–113, discusses the composition of the Regula in detail. For the relationship of Chrodegang’s general reform to the introduction of the Roman liturgy, see Hans von Schubert, Geschichte der christlichen Kirche im Frühmittelalter (Hildesheim, 1962), 635–36. Chrodegang’s focus on reforming the clergy most closely connected with the cathedral reveals the general tendency in the period for the other members of the urban clergy to become separated from the daily activities of the cathedral (576). Chrodegang, however, tries to correct this by requiring attendance by the urban and suburban clergy twice a month at services in the cathedral; Regula canonicorum, cap. 33: 49. Charles de Clercq, La législation religieuse franque de Clovis à Charlemagne: Étude sur les actes de conciles et les capitulaires, les statuts diocésains et les règles monastiques (507–814) (Anvers, 1936), 146–55, provides an overview of Chrodegang’s rule. De Clercq’s second volume, La législation religieuse franque: Étude sur les actes de conciles et les capitulaires, les statuts diocésains et les règles monastiques: De Louis le Pieux à la in du IXe siècle (814–900) (Anvers, 1958), studies religious legislation of the later Carolingians. Henceforth I refer to the two volumes as Législation religieuse franque, vols. 1 and 2. Regula canonicorum, chap. 25, 7–8: 42. They are to be “docti evangelica et sanctorum Patrum instituta canonum ut possint docere clerum in lege divina et huius parva institucionis.” Cf. Gaston Hocquard, “La règle de Saint Chrodegang: L’état de quelques questions, in Saint Chrodegang, 55–89. I have discussed the complexity of deining primicerius below.

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Like monks, Chrodegang’s canons slept in a common dormitory and ate their meals together in the refectory, but unlike monks, canons could eat meat, were under no obligation to divest themselves of their possessions, and might leave the cloister during the day if necessary.66 Chrodegang appears to have seen the imposition of a common life on the canons as the means for assuring their participation in the performance of the sacred oices. Under his immediate successors, the canons were given their own collective inancial resources, thereby enhancing the potential for a corporate identity.67 Chrodegang’s musical innovations and the institutional rearrangements he imposed in order to achieve them were ultimately to have a profound efect on liturgical performance throughout the Carolingian empire. According to Charlemagne’s Admonitio generalis of 789, his father, Pepin III, had already introduced the Roman chant into the liturgy of the Mass, and Charlemagne was now implementing his work.68 The Admonitio further commanded the use of several other Roman practices, such as the kiss of peace and the recitation of the names of the dead during Mass.69 The emperor’s Roman prejudices, however, would best be relected in his subsequent acquisition of the Sacramentarium Hadrianum together with a Supplementum, whether or not he intended to impose it uniformly throughout the empire.70 66

67 68

69 70

Heitz, “Le groupe cathédral,” 122–37, discusses the efect of the new liturgy on church architecture in Metz. Hocquard, “La règle de Saint Chrodegang,” 56–57. Capitularia regum Francorum, 1:61 (chap. 80): “Ut cantum Romanum pleniter discant, et ordinabiliter per nocturnale vel graduale oicium peragatur, secundum quod beatae memoriae genitor noster Pippinus rex decretavit ut ieret, quando Gallicanum tulit ob unanimitatem apostolicae sedis et sanctae Dei aeclesiae paciicam concordiam.” We learn from Walahfrid Strabo (De exordiis et incrementis quarundam in observationibus ecclesiasticis rerum. A Translation and Liturgical Commentary, ed. Alice L. Harting-Correa [Leiden and New York, 1996], 168) that the Carolingians’ innovation was successful: “Cantilenae vera perfectionem scientiam, quam iam pene tota Francia diligit, Stephanus papa, cum ad Pippinum, patrem Caroli Magni imperatoris, in Franciam pro iustitia sancti Petri a Langobardis expetenda venisset, per suos clericos petente eodem Pippino invexit, indeque usus eius longe lateque convaluit.” Cf. Rosamund McKitterick, The Frankish Church and the Carolingian Reforms, 789–895 (London, 1977), 122. Nonetheless Hen, The Royal Patronage of Liturgy, 56–57 and 64, while granting that Pepin may have had “a certain role in the promotion of the cantus Romanus in Francia,” maintains that the oicial reform occurred under Charlemagne (64). He also holds that the reform was “rather limited” in efect (88). Ibid., 69–70. The Hadrianum was named after a Mass-book sent from Rome by Hadrian I to Charlemagne around 784. Designed for papal use, the work was ill suited for the Frankish church. According to the summary of McKitterick, The Frankish Church, 131, it contained “only the stational masses for use in the basilicas of Rome” and lacked masses for ordinary Sundays, rites for baptisms, and weddings, funeral, and votive masses. Its calendar also difered from that of the Epistle and Gospel lectionaries then in use. A supplement was required to include those elements lacking in the Hadrianum. The probable compiler of the Supplementum, completed after 800, was Benedict of Aniane; ibid., 132. Cf. Hen, The Royal Patronage, 77. Scholars debate whether or not Charlemagne intended to efect a uniication of liturgical practice throughout the empire. The generally accepted narrative that Charlemagne endeavored to create a uniform liturgy for his people on the basis of Roman models has been analyzed and branded “a drastic simpliication, not to say a travesty” by Hen, Royal Patronage, 153.Vogel, who accepts the standard position, acknowledges (1) that the introduction of new liturgical books, for a time at least,

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For our purposes, the most important part of the Carolingian reforms concerns the link between elementary education and correct performance of religious rites. Chrodegang’s original rule for Metz contained no mention of education for the young, yet the establishment of the Roman chant in the liturgy almost required at least elementary training for the singers.71 Accordingly, the capitulary irst decreed that schools were to be created throughout the kingdom to teach both free and unfree boys to read, but it then focused on boys in schools run by cathedrals, collegiate churches, and monasteries.72 With the execution of liturgical rites and the diiculties associated with performing the Roman chant in mind, the Admonitio stressed the need to educate the boys participating in the oicium. Boys were to study “the Psalms, notes, singing, computation, grammar ... and well-emended religious texts.” Because they should not be allowed to read corrupt texts, if necessary, “men of a mature age ought very carefully to write the Gospels, the Psalterium, and the missal.”73 The document implies that the liturgical education of boys probably began very early in their study of Latin and in most cases continued after they had had all the elementary grammar they were to learn. The passage from grammar to music would have been facilitated by the Carolingian tendency to conceive of music as a form of grammar, with the note as the letter, the interval as the word, and longer groupings of intervals as clauses and periods.74 Subsequently, the decrees of the church council held at Aachen in 816 made a concerted efort to impose on the whole imperial church the institutional structure created by Chrodegang around the systematic performance of the canonical hours. At its conclusion the council declared that all collegial churches (both cathedrals and collegial foundations) must follow a rule of life similar in many respects to that of monks.75 It then proceeded to demand a similar discipline for female religious

71 72

73

74

75

only added to the confusion, because the old books continued to be used in many places; and (2) that all of the new liturgies incorporated Gallican elements to it local needs; Cyrill Vogel, Medieval Liturgy: An Introduction to the Sources, rev. and trans. William G. Storey and Niels Krogh Rasmussen (Washington, D.C., 1986), 63–64. Hen, Royal Patronage, 78–81, maintains that this liturgical diversity was a permanent feature of the Carolingian church. Bullough, Alcuin, 237. Capitularia regum Francorum, 1:60 (chap. 70): “Et non solum servilis conditionis infantes, sed etiam ingenuorum ilios adgregent sibique socient. Et ut scholae legentium puerorum iant.” Ibid., 1:60 (chap. 72): “Et ut scholae legentium puerorum iant. Psalmos, notas, cantus, compotum, grammaticam per singula monasteria vel episcopia et libros catholicos bene emendate; quia saepe, dum bene aliqui Deum rogare cupiunt, sed per inemendatos libros male rogant. Et pueros vestros non sinite eos vel legendo vel scribendo corrumpere; et si opus est evangelium, psalterium et missale scribere, perfectae aetatis homines scribant cum omni dilgentia.” Also in the De litteris colendis, Capitularia regum Francorum, 1:79, Charlemagne exalted learning “sicut aspectu vestro aediicatur visus, ita quoque de sapientia vestra, quam in legendo seu cantando perceperit, instructus omnipotenti Domino gratias agendo gaudens redeat.” Rankin, “Carolingian Music,” 286–90. Bullough, Alcuin, 176 and 236–38, emphasizes the close connection between basic education and music and the scholae cantorum and education in the liberal arts. Paul Hinschius, System des katholischen Kirchenrechts mit besonderer Rücksicht auf Deutschland, 6 vols. (Berlin, 1869–97), 2:51–53, points out how much the reforms of 816 depended on Chrodegang.The council’s provisions establishing the vita canonicorum are found in Concilia aevi karolini, 2.1:397–421. A summary of the council decrees is found in de Clercq, Législation religieuse franque, 2:6–17. De Clercq

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groups living without a rule and collectively referred to as canonicae, probably to relect their devotion to celebrating the canonical hours. Apparently phenomena of the second half of the eighth century, such unregulated groups of women had for some time been a source of concern to the Church, and the council took steps to assimilate them to cloistered nuns.76 First citing patristic texts and then the decrees and canons of various church councils on discipline, the Aachen council outlined the norms of life required of clerics of collegial churches: sleeping in a dormitory, sharing meals in the refectory in silence while listening to the reading of sacred texts, and strictly observing the canonical hours in the choir.77 As in the case of Chrodegang’s rule, canons were allowed to possess private property, and diet depended on the wealth of the particular church. No provision was made for inancial support of the collective life of the canons, but as foundation charters of cathedral chapters suggest, the Metz model, giving the chapter an independent revenue, may often have been imitated.78 The Aachen reforms of 816, concerned with cathedral and other collegial churches, were followed in 817 by others promoting liturgical performance in monasteries.79 But because, as we shall see, after the ninth century monasteries in the regnum, with few exceptions, played little role in intellectual life, it was collegial reforms, especially those afecting cathedral schools, that mattered more in the long run. It was the collegial and especially the cathedral schools, not the monasteries, that were to serve as the major carriers of grammatical culture. In Italy, Lothar, son of Louis the Pious, reinforced the decrees of Aachen regarding the creation of cathedral chapters with his own decree in the Capitulary of Olona (825), as did Eugenius II at the Roman synod of 826.80 Subsequent councils down

76

77

78

79

80

discusses similar decrees in earlier councils establishing the vita canonicorum in the irst years of the ninth century; ibid., 1:203–259. On the decrees afecting sanctimoniales, see Concilia aevi karolini, 2.1:422–56. Although the canonicae were commonly identiied with nuns as sanctimoniales, they were allowed to retain their own property and keep a more generous communal table.The Council of Châlons (813) had already taken up the matter of the sanctimoniales, “quae se canonicas vocant”; Concilia aevi karolini, 284 (53). See Albert Werminghof, “Die Beschlüsse des Aachener Concils im Jahre 816,” Neues Archiv der Gesellschaft für ältere deutsche Geschichtskunde 27 (1901): 631. Cf. Hans von Schubert, Geschichte der christlichen Kirche im Frühmittelalter: Ein Handbuch (Tübingen, 1921), 618–19. Concilia aevi karolingi, 2.1:400–408. See the comments of Carlo Egger,“Canonici regolari,” Dizionario degli istituti di perfezione, vol. 2 (Rome, 1975), 49. See the brief summary of the vita canonica by Emile Amann and Auguste Dumas, L’Église au pouvoir des laïques (888–1057), Historie de l’Église depuis les origines jusqu’au nos jours, vol. 7 (Paris, 1940), 250–61. See also Ferminio Poggiaspalla, La vita comune del clero dalle origini alle reforme gregoriane (Rome, 1968), 71–99. On the contradictory attitude of Aachen toward property, see Cosimo D. Fonseca, “Canoniche regolari riformate dell’Italia nord-occidentale,” Monasteri in alta Italia dopo le invasioni saracene e magiare (sec. X–XII). Relazioni e comunicazioni presentate al XXXII Congresso storico subalpino, III Convegno di storia della Chiesa in Italia (Pinerolo 6–9 settembre 1964) (Turin, 1966), 340–41. On the spread of the Aachen reforms to noncathedral churches and sanctuaries in the countryside, see Poggiaspalla, Vita comune del clero, 131–35. The provisions concerning liturgical performance are scattered through the proceedings of the council. See de Clercq, La legislation religieuse, 2.19. Referring to an earlier decree now lost, which apparently ordered the construction of separate lodging for the new cathedral chapters, the capitulary commanded bishops to have the residence for the canons ready by the following October, ive months later: “Volumus ut singuli episcopi

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to the council held at Turin in 876 repeated the call for creating cloisters to foster the common life of church canons.81 The fact that such legislation had to be passed repeatedly suggests that creating cathedral chapters was easier said than done. From their beginning cathedrals had played a pedagogical role in the Christian community, but the diferentiation of functions inherent in the organization of the cathedral chapter likely led to the institutionalization of education. The fact that a major share of cathedral education involved training singers and future liturgists, however, compromised their becoming sites of advanced training in liberal studies or theology. Boys training for the liturgy still had to learn basic grammar, reading, and possibly writing, but detailed descriptions of liturgical education suggest that the study of music could monopolize schooling. At least some of the earliest monastic “customaries” (i.e., constitutions), which only began to appear in the eleventh century, make it clear that boys were expected to spend years learning to read, memorize, and sing chants of the Mass and the Epistle; to understand the elements of music; and to master all aspects of creating Bibles and liturgical manuscripts, from the preparation of the parchment to writing the text and binding the folios. By the eleventh century, hymn glosses in manuscripts, with their comments on lexicon, grammar, syntax, meter, style, doctrine, and variant readings and emendations, indicate that music in some schools was taught at very advanced levels.82 In the earlier stages of education, the goals of both the traditional liberal arts program and the new liturgical studies were similar: both endowed young students with the capacity to read and write Latin. Otherwise, though, the orientation of the programs difered radically. Already in the ninth century, Agobard, bishop of Lyon (d. 840), complained that the concentration on singing was harmful to other more important studies: “A great opportunity for being stupidly and harmfully employed is aforded to those young men and all generally whose duty it is to sing. Among their number there are many who from the beginning of childhood to white-haired old age spend all the days of their life learning and practicing song. They consume all the time they have for useful and spiritual studies – that is, reading and studying divine eloquence – engaged in this kind of thing.”83 Agobard seems to have been

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conversationem canonicorum eorumque habitationes Kalendas Octobris futuri anni absque ulla negligentia, sicut disposuimus, habeant praeparatas”: Capitularia regum Francorum, 1:327. The decree of 826 is found in Concilia aevi karolini, 2.2:570 (6): “Necessaria etenim res existit ut iuxta eclesiam claustra constituantur, in quibus clerici disciplinis ecclesiasticis vacent. Itaque omnibus unum sit refectorium ac dormitorium seu ceterae oicinae ad usus clericorum necessariae.” Cf. Poggiaspalla, Vita comune del clero, 132. Acta concilii ticinensis, in Sacrorum conciliorum nova et amplissima collectio, ed. Giovanni Mansi, 53 vols. in 57 (Paris, 1901–27), vol. 17, col. 327 (chap. 8). Susan Boynton, “Training for the Liturgy as a Form of Monastic Education,” in Medieval Monastic Education, ed. George Ferzoco and Carolyn Muessig (London and New York, 2000), 14. Boynton’s article discusses the various aspects of the training in detail. See also her “The Liturgical Role of Children in Monastic Customaries from the Central Middle Ages,” Studia liturgica 28 (1998): 194–209. “Et adulescentulis atque omnibus generaliter, quibus cantandi oicium iniunctum est, magna occasio stultae et noxiae occupationis aufertur. Ex quibus quam plurimi ab ineunte pueritia usque ad senectutis canitiem omnes dies vitae suae imparando et conirmando cantu expendunt, et totum tempus utilium et spiritalium studiorum, legendi videlicet de divina eloquia perscrutandi, in

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complaining here that the study of the Bible, and by implication the study of the liberal arts that prepared the way to understanding religious texts, were taking second place in education to music. The imperial chapel and a number of cathedral and monastic schools on both sides of the Alps seem to have reconciled the two programs of study successfully. It may be assumed, however, that most schools ofered a curriculum that began and ended with training young boys in their liturgical duties. The balance between the two kinds of training may have varied over the centuries, but it is important to remember that, even where they were successfully integrated with the liberal arts, liturgical studies consumed a signiicant portion of school time. NINTH-CENTURY SCHOOLS AND SCHOOLMASTERS IN THE REGNUM

Although the Carolingians had a variety of motives for sponsoring an educational program throughout the empire, their attempted reform of the liturgy partially explains why and how cathedral education was strengthened in the ninth century. It can be assumed that every cathedral, whether organized as a chapter or not, had traditionally performed a teaching function at some level. The diocesan clergy had to receive at least minimal training in order to fulill their duties. I claim, however, that the extensive creation of cathedral chapters indicates a response to liturgical reform and thereby a commitment to a relatively formal and continuous program of education. As in the case of the decree commanding the use of the Roman chant, local churches responded in disparate ways to the Council of Aachen’s legislation structuring cathedral life, so intimately linked by the council to the performance of the liturgy. Where the reforms were embraced, however, the members of the cathedral clergy, from living under the same roof with the bishop, probably gradually achieved a semi-independent status resulting from the very needs of their new, more corporate life. Integrated living and working conditions not only required stricter discipline but also encouraged a clearer division of functions; and if, as was eventually true for perhaps all cathedral chapters, beneices from the chapter’s holdings were assigned to oices, the division became even more pronounced.84 To the extent that the chapter was committed to performing the daily oices faithfully, two of its most important functions had to be teaching and copying manuscripts.This meant designating speciic canons as responsible for carrying out these activities. Italian documents from the early ninth century mark the beginning of a movement to restructure the cathedral staf even before the decrees of Aachen. This was the case when at Como in 803 the bishop requested imperial authorization for the foundation of a chapter. Whereas indications exist that bishops in Lodi, Lucca, and Aquileia had established chapters even earlier, the creation of the cathedral chapter

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istiusmodi occupatione consumunt”; Agobardi lugdunensis opera omnia, ed. L. Van Acker (Turnhout, 1981), 350. As cited in Boynton, “Training for the Liturgy,” 17. The development of a semi-independent status for the chapter was an unintended consequence of the decrees of 816, which were aimed at giving the bishop more control over his clergy.

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at Verona shortly before 820, which Louis the Pious conirmed in the same year, was probably a direct response to Aachen’s legislation.85 The chapter was to live according to a canonical arrangement (iuxta canonicam institutionem) and to enjoy its own income. The canons, however, were not expected to live in the same house.86 From dated charters we know that cathedral chapters were instituted at Arezzo in 840, at Bergamo in 897, and at Volterra in 907, while for other chapters, such as those at Padua, Ravenna, Mantua, Modena, Bologna, and Siena, we can only say that they must have been founded before the irst mention of canons in these cities appears in the documents.87 No charter creating the cathedral chapter at Milan survives, but the new cathedral of Santa Maria constructed during the bishopric of Angilbert 85

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CDL, doc. 77: 147–48 [803], for Como. A reference to a capitulum in Lodi’s cathedral in 759 may mean that the cathedral had a chapter: Alessandro Caretta, “Le canoniche di Lodi,” in La vita comune del clero nei secoli XI e XII: Atti della settimana di studio: Mendola, settembre 1959, 2 vols. (Milan, 1962), 1:150. In the case of Lucca, the irst mention of canonici appears at the end of the ninth century or early in the tenth: Martino Giusti, “Notizie sulle canoniche lucchesi,” ibid., 1:439. See also Martino Giusti, “Le canoniche della città e diocesi di Lucca al tempo della Riforma gregoriana,” SG 3 (1949): 329–30. He maintains, however, that the irst mention of the “chapter” at Lucca dates from 685. Already before 792, Paolino may have established a chapter in the cathedral of Aquileia, if the reference to the “sacra congregatio quae ibidem sub sancto ordine degere videtur” charged with electing the patriarch is interpreted as referring to the clergy of the cathedral: Gianfranco Spiazzi, “Notizie sulle canoniche della diocesi di Aquileia nei secoli XI e XII,” in Vita comune del clero, 2:129. The traditional date of 813 for the Verona chapter is based on documents published in Vittorio Fainelli, Codice diplomatico veronese dalla caduta dell’impero romano alla ine del periodo carolingio, vol. l (Venice, 1940), docs. 101–103, 120–32. Cf. Lanfranco Vecchiato, “Educazione e cultura dal sec. IX al sec. XII in Verona,” Verona dalla caduta dei carolingi al libero comune: Convegno del 24–26 maggio 1985 (Verona, 1987), 194–96, who analyzes the documents of 813 in detail. They now appear to be twelfth-century forgeries manufactured to serve the interests of the chapter: see below, n. 107. Louis the Pious’s conirmation is found in Codice diplomatico veronese, doc. 122, 163–65. See the discussion of this issue by Maureen Miller, The Formation of a Medieval Church: Ecclesiastical Change in Verona, 950–1150 (Ithaca, N.Y., 1993), 42–44. Miller tends to think that the common life was not practiced at Verona until later (44, n. 13). For Arezzo, see Documenti per la storia della città di Arezzo, ed. Ubaldo Pasqui, Documenti di storia italiana, 11 (Florence, 1899), doc. 30: 44–45 [840]. See as well Jean-Pierre Delumeau, Arezzo. Espace et sociétés, 715–1230. Recherches sur Arezzo et son ‘contado’ du VIIIe au début du XIIIe siècle (Rome, 1996), 490–91. For Bergamo, see CDL (Turin, 1873), doc. 328: 618–620 [897]; for Volterra, see Emilio Cristiani, “Le origini della vita canonica nella diocesi di Volterra (sec. XI e XII,” in Vita comune del clero, 2:236. The chapter at Padua predates 874: Antonio Barzon, “Documenti di vita comune in Padova: sec. XI–XII),” in Vita comune del clero, 2:139. In Ravenna (Augusto Vasina, “La vita comune del clero presso la cattedrale ravennate,” in ibid., 2:202), the chapter seems to predate 889–898. At Mantua the irst mention of canons is 971: A. Montecchio, “Cenni storici sulla canonica cattedrale di Mantova nei secoli XI e XII,” ibid., 2:162. At Modena a chapter existed in the cathedral at least by 887: Giuseppe Pistoni, “La canonica della chiesa cattedrale di Modena nei secoli XI e XII,” ibid., 2:181. For Bologna the earliest reference to a cathedral chapter is 903; Gina Fasoli, “Notizie sul capitolo di Bologna nel X–XI secolo,” ibid., 2:193. The cathedral chapter at Pavia probably had a separate identity by 850: Giovanna F. Golia, “Strutture ecclesiastiche e vita religiosa a Pavia nel secolo X,” in San Maiolo e le inluenze cluniacensi nell’Italia del nord. Atti del Convegno internazionale nel millenario di San Maiolo (994–1994), Pavia–Novara, 23–24 settembre 1994, ed. Ettore Cau and Aldo A. Settia (Como, 1998), 37, n. 33. The earliest mention of a chapter for Siena is 945: Luigi Nanni, “La canonica della cattedrale senese nei secoli XI e XII,” in Vita comune del clero, 2:255.

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(824–59) appears to have been intended for a clergy following the canonical life.88 Although little documentation exists, it is probably safe to say that most of the major cities of northern and central Italy had created cathedral chapters by the mid-tenth century. What of cathedral schools? The Edict of Olona, issued by Lothar, viceroy of Italy, in 825, did more than order the creation of cathedral chapters; it also established an organization for higher education in Carolingian Italy. According to the text, Lothar had divided his territory into nine districts and designated a city in each to be a center for education in the liberal arts: these were Turin, Pavia, Ivrea, Cremona, Florence, Fermo, Verona, Vicenza, and Cividale.89 In each area, teachers “have been appointed” (sunt constituti) by royal appointment (nostra dispositione) to teach. In Pavia the teaching would take place “in the school of Dungal”;90 in Ivrea the bishop would be responsible for education, while for the other seven, the document gives only the city’s name. Scholars have usually assumed that, except for Ivrea, Lothar chose the cathedral school in each of the cities that he named to be the local center of study.91 Dungal’s school would probably have been identical with the school of the cathedral chapter at Pavia, while in the seven other cities designated by Lothar as having a school, the teacher would be a canon of an already existing cathedral chapter or someone who 88

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Gian Piero Bornetti, “Appendice I: Pensiero e vita a Milano e nel Milanese durante l’età carolingia,” in Storia di Milano, vol. 2 (Milan, 1954), 726. Capitularia Regum Francorum, 1:327 (6): “ab his qui nostra dispositione ad docendos alios per loca denominata sunt constituti maximum detur studium, qualiter sibi commissi scholastici proiciant atque doctrinae insistant, sicut praesens exposcit necessitas. Propter opportunitatem tamen omnium vel apta loca distincte ad hoc exercitium, providimus ut diicultas locorum longe positorum ac paupertas nulli foret excusatio. Id sunt: primum in Papia conveniant ad Dungalum de Mediolano, de Brixia, de Laude, de Bergamo, de Novaria, de Vercellis, de Tertona, de Aquis, de Ianua, de Aste, de Cuma; in Eporegia ipse episcopus hoc per se faciat; in Taurinis conveniant de Vintimilo, de Albingano, de Vadis, de Alba; in Cremona discant de Regia, de Placentia, de Parma, de Mutina; in Florentia de Tuscia repiciant; in Firmo de Spoletinis civitatibus conveniant; in Verona de Mantua, de Triento; in Vincentina de Patavis, de Tarvisio, de Feltris, de Ceneda, de Asylo; reliquae civitates Forum Iulii ad scolum conveniant.” In the same year, Louis the Pious called on transalpine bishops to organize schools for training clerics, as the bishops had promised three years earlier at Attigny: Madge M. Hildebrandt, The External School in Carolingian Society (Leiden and New York, 1992), 66–67. On Dungalo, see Mirella Ferrari,“‘In Papia conveniant ad Dungalum’(Tav. III),” IMU 15 (1972): 1–52. An Irishman trained at Saint Denis, Dungal arrived in Pavia in 810/11, apparently sent by the Frankish court to establish or join a school there. He had intimate knowledge of little-known ancient authors like Lucretius and Macrobius, and his prestige for learning may have helped give currency to the new Carolingian script used in manuscripts that he brought with him from the north (ibid., 36). See as well Manitius, Geschichte der lateinischen literatur des Mittelalters, 1:370–74; and Ettore Cau and Maria A. Casagrande Mazzoli,“Cultura e scrittura a Pavia,” in Storia di Pavia, 2: L’alto medioevo (Milan, 1987), 192–98. At the request of Louis the Pious, Dungal composed his Responsa contra perversas Claudii Taurinensis sententias at Pavia in 827; Mirella Ferrari, “Note su Claudio di Torino ‘Episcopus ab ecclesia damnatus,’” IMU 16 (1973): 291–308. Cf. Claudio Leonardi, “Gli Irlandesi in Italia. Dungalo e la controversia iconoclastica,” in Die Iren, 746–57. Dungalo may also have been the author of a sermon, Translatio corporis sancti Syri ticinensis episcopi; Cau and Casagrande Mazzoli, Storia di Pavia, 196. While paragraph 6 of the document establishes the schools, paragraph 7 orders bishops to complete the building of housing for the new chapters.

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would become a canon when a new chapter was created by the decree.92 In Ivrea, where the bishop himself was personally to teach advanced students, presumably no cathedral school existed.93 We are not more enlightened by the document produced by a Roman synod the following year, likely designed to extend Lothar’s edict. Without referring to speciic places, the papal edict required that appropriate instruction in the liberal arts and religion be made available in all bishoprics and parishes. “Let care and diligence be shown that teachers and doctors be appointed who, having knowledge of letters and of the liberal arts and sacred learning, might diligently teach because in these subjects especially the divine commands are manifested and declared.”94 As in the case of the Edict of Olona, there is no way of knowing how many such centers of learning already existed and if new ones were to be created, how many.95 Casting doubt on the success of the imperial and papal efort to encourage education, a Roman synod of 853 envisaged a more modest educational goal: “And if teachers of the liberal arts are rarely found in the parishes, as is usually the case, let teachers of divine scripture and instructors in ecclesiastical duty be in no way absent.”96 Apparently recognizing the impracticality of the decrees of 825 and 826, 92

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Dungal had likely been in Italy since 810, and he probably died at Bobbio in the 830s. He endowed the monastery library with twenty-nine manuscripts; Mario Esposito, “The Poems of Colmanus ‘Nepos Cracavist’ and Dungalus ‘Praecipuus Scottorum,’” in his Irish Books and Learning in Medieval Europe, ed. Michael Lapidge (Great Yarmouth and Norfolk, 1990), 127–31. Admittedly, we do not know how much weight to place on the perfect tense sunt constituti (have been appointed). The wording of the document is unfortunately so ambiguous that it could be taken to mean that, apart from Dungal’s school at Pavia and Ivrea where the bishop supervised education, no other schools existed, and that, to remedy the situation, the emperor named individuals in speciic locations to teach or sent teachers to each of the other cities. This interpretation would necessarily militate against my position that the emperor intended that teachers in the cities designated were cathedral canons or canons-to-be. To my mind, the association of the creation of cathedral chapters and that of schools by the edict was too close to allow for such an interpretation. For other opinions, see the following: Arrigo Solmi, “Sul capitolare di Lotario dell’anno 825 relativo all’ordinamento scolastico in Italia,” Contributi alla storia dell’Università di Pavia (Pavia, 1925), 3–14, who uses the edict to argue for the existence of superior education in the control of clerics but supervised by state regulation; Giuseppe Manacorda, Storia della scuola in Italia: Il medio evo, vol. 1 in 2 pts. (Milan and Naples, 1912–13), pt. 1, 58–60, who believes that the edict created public schools out of the control of the bishop. Ugo Gualazzini, Ricerche sulle scuole pre-universitarie del medioevo: Contribuito di indagini sul sorgere delle università (Milan, 1943), 9–10, considers the edict as directed to episcopal schools that already existed. Giovanni Mansi, Sacrorum conciliorum nova et amplissima collectio, 53 vols. in 57 (Paris, 1903), vol. 14, c. 1008 (c. 34). The whole chapter reads: “De quibusdam locis ad nos refertur, non magistros, neque curam inveniri pro studio litterarum. Idcirco in universis episcopiis, subjectisque plebibus, et aliis locis in quibus necessitas occurrerit, omnino cura et diligentia habeatur, ut magistri et doctores constituantur; qui studia litterarum, liberaliumque artium ac sancta habentes dogmata, assidue doceant, quia in his maxime divina manifestantur atque declarantur mandata.” Francesco Novati, Le origini, continuate e compiute da Angelo Monteverdi (Milan, 1926), 149, maintains that this is the irst time in the history of the Church that secular studies were oicially airmed to be an intrinsic part of Christian education. Mansi, Sacrorum conciliorum nova et amplissima collectio, c. 1014 (chap. 34): Et si liberalium artium praeceptores in plebibus, ut assolet, raro inveniuntur; tamen divinae scripturae magistri, et institutores ecclesiastici oicii nullatenus desint.”

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the Church was here willing to accept a minimal education limited to learning to read the scriptures and conducting the liturgy. All the same, evidence suggests that some schools exceeded such limited expectations, and there were doubtless more schools than the few that we can document. Study of the list of witnesses appended to church documents seems at irst glance to be the most obvious way of establishing the existence of a schoolmaster in a cathedral. Unfortunately, the nomenclature of chapter functionaries is often ambiguous. In Francia in the ninth and tenth centuries the teaching canon was variously called the scholasticus, didascalus, caput scolaris, or capischolus. The presence of a schoolmaster in the French cathedral, however, was sometimes concealed under the title cancellarius.The oicial charged with the writing oice would also be responsible for the instruction of young clerics. Indeed, major cathedral schools like those of Paris, Chartres, and Orléans had as their heads cancellarii, not scholastici.97 By contrast, in Italy the title cancellarius seems to have been speciically associated with the writing oice.98 It is easy to discern the teaching function of oicials designated as scholasticus, magiscola, or magister cantorum, although the last term may indicate only duties involved with teaching music. In German-speaking lands as well as in Italy the title primicerius was sometimes associated with a cleric who taught school.99 In Fiesole in 1018, a certain Theuzo was grammaticus Fesulanae ecclesiae primicerius, and in Pisa in 1015, a certain Benedetto appears in a document as cantor atque primicerius.100 Such combined titles, however, suggest that, at least in Italy, primicerius referred to the teacher’s rank within the chapter hierarchy and not to his duties in the schoolroom.101 At the same time, the titles scholasticus, magiscola, grammaticus, or cantor are relatively rare in documents, and the existence of a school in the cathedral has to be established in other ways. The following pages will discuss what is known about teachers and schools in the regnum in the ninth century. The best-documented cathedral school in the ninth-century regnum Italiae is that of Verona. Cultural activity at Verona owed much to three monks from the Abbey of Reichenau who served successively as bishops of the city: Eginon (782–802), Ratholdus (802–844), and Notingus (844–58). All three were learned men, and either 97

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Amann and Dumas, L’Église au pouvoir, 254. While he did not usually teach, the archdeacon often undertook supervision of the school along with his other duties; Philippe Delhaye, “L’organisation scolaire au XIIe siècle,” Traditio 5 (1947): 247. For the use of the term to apply to secular oicials charged with writing documents on both sides of the Alps, see Chap. 2, under “The Other Culture.” Paul Hinschius, System des katholischen Kirchenrechts, 2.97, cites examples from the eighth to the tenth centuries of the primicerius being designated as responsible for teaching. For the connection of the primicerius with the cantor and the scholasticus, see ibid., 2:98–103. Ferdinando Ughelli, Italia sacra sive de episcopis Italiae et insularum adjacentium, rebusque ab praeclare gestis ..., vol. 3 (Venice, 1718), 220; and Die Urkunden Heinrichs II. und Arduins, ed. Harry Bresslau and Hermann Bloch, MGH, Dipl. reg, et imp. Ger., no. 3 (Hannover, 1900–1903), 356.The two instances are cited in Albert Dresdner, Kultur- und Sittengeschichte der italienischen Geistlichkeit im 10. und 11. Jahrhundert (Breslau, 1890), 246, n. 12, and 248, n. 2. Bullough, “Le scuole cattedrali,” 117, warns that the term grammaticus can mean merely learned or educated, but that is not likely to be its signiicance in a list of cathedral oicials with their titles. For the combined title primicerius et notarius, see Chapter 2, under “The Other Culture.”

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they or northerners whom they brought with them introduced into the cathedral’s scriptorium the new Carolingian script.102 Under the direction of these bishops Verona supplanted Lombard Pavia as the intellectual center of the kingdom. Although the capital remained Pavia, Charlemagne’s son Pepin (777–810), viceroy of the regnum, preferred to reside at Verona. His connection with the city may have inspired an anonymous Veronese author to write a highly rhythmic poem celebrating his victory over the Avars in 796.103 Between 796 and 808 a second poet composed the Versus de Verona, which lauded the city’s beauty, recalled its ancient pagan greatness, and recounted its Christianization through the work of the city’s earliest bishops. Verona’s many holy relics were described as forming a protective ring around the city.104 Very like an earlier encomium of Milan (ca. 739), the Veronese poem had stanzas of three verses, with often uneven ifteen-syllable trochaic lines. The sometimes unusual lexicon and deviations from ancient grammatical usage are best ascribed to the author’s dependence on local Veronese dialect.105 A third contemporary Latin poem, Rhythmus de vita sancti Zenonis, designed to be sung, depicted in dialogue form the struggle of Saint Zeno, the earliest bishop of the city, with the devil. Because the poem seems to have been intended for liturgical purposes, the poet, wanting at the same time to give literary distinction to his work, employed a level of diction midway between the Latin of the schools and the local vernacular. Closely connected with that poem was the Sermo de vita Sancti Zenonis, a Latin prose composition written by a certain Coronato, venerabilis notarius. More detailed in its narration of the saint’s life than was the Rhythmus, the Sermo may either have inspired or borrowed from the poetic text.106 Following the departure of the coterie of intellectuals at Desiderio’s court, the Lombard scholar remaining in the regnum best known to us was Paciico (776–844), archdeacon of the cathedral of Verona, who probably also served as supervisor of the scriptorium and as scholasticus of the cathedral school.107 Recent research leads us to be 102

103 104

105 106

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Mirella Ferrari, “Libri liturgici e difusione della scrittura carolina nell’Italia settentrionale,” Culto cristiano e politica imperiale carolingia, 9–12 ottobre 1977, Convegni del Centro di studi sulla spiritualità medievale, no. 18 (Todi, 1979), 269–72, identiies manuscripts from the scriptorium late in the eighth century written in a variety of Carolingian scripts. The liturgical manuscripts of Paciico are the earliest in Italy written in Carolingian (272). See also comments on Verona’s scriptorium by Bernhard Bischof, Manuscripts and Libraries in the Age of Charlemagne, ed. and trans. Michael Gorman (Cambridge, 1994), 45. Godman, Poetry of the Carolingian Renaissance, 31–32 and 187–191. Editions of both works are found in Versus de Verona: Versum de mediolano civitate, ed. Giovanni B. Pighi (Bologna, 1960). For a discussion of both encomia as examples of urban patriotism, see JeanCharles Picard, “Conscience urbaine et culte des saints: De Milan sous Liutprand à Verone sous Pépin I d’Italie,” in Hagiographie, cultures et sociétés, IVe–XIIe siècles (Paris, 1981), 455–69. Both works follow the general pattern of laudes urbium laid down in BNP, Lat. 7530, fol. 224v: Claudia Villa, “Cultura classica e tradizioni longobarde: Tra latino e volgari,” in Paolo Diacono: Uno scrittore fra tradizione longobarda e rinnovamento carolingio, 583–84. Godman, Poetry of the Carolingian Renaissance, 29–31. Rino Avesani, “La cultura veronese dal sec. ix al sec. xii,” SCV 1:242–44, discusses both texts and provides a detailed bibliography. Avesana attributes the long Christmas hymn Audite omnes versum verum magnum to the author of the Rhythmicus (244). Of the documents written by Paciico, only two are originals; see Augusto Campana, “Veronensia,” in Miscellanea Giovanni Mercati, Studi e testi, vols. 121–26 (Rome, 1946), 122:64. Cristina La Rocca,

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cautious about the legends surrounding his scholarly prowess. For one thing, he certainly did not copy 218 manuscripts in his lifetime, as his putative epitaph claims.108 Of his works the following survive: a short prose letter, a series of glosses on the Old and New Testaments; a manual for determining the calendar, Opus exceptum ex libro compoti, which, drawing extensively on Bede’s De temporibus ratione, included twenty-one mnemonic rhymed strophes of varying length rehearsing the lessons of the manual; and three shorter poems, one of which, Argumentum horologii nocturni, celebrates the author’s invention of an instrument for telling time after dark.109 Paciico’s letter to the Frankish monk Hildemar of Corbie in Milan, requesting Hildemar’s opinion on the issue of the predestination of Adam, relects a lively theological discussion that took place in Verona in the last years of Paciico’s life.110 About 840, Gottschalk, a German, having abandoned his monastery at Orbais near Soissons, settled in Verona. In the following ive or six years (ca. 840–46) there he openly expounded the doctrine that God predestined souls both to heaven and to hell at their creation, a doctrine that had been condemned at the Council of Orange in 529. Although Gottschalk was inally expelled from the city, his theological position seems to have enjoyed signiicant support in Verona, leading Paciico to solicit the opinion of Hildemar, who had been a monk at Corbie, where Gottschalk had spent time before going to Orbais.111

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110

111

Paciico di Verona: Il passato carolingio nella costruzione della memoria urbana. Nuovi studi (Roma, 1995), 204–208, publishes both. Five other documents that are published by Fainelli are later forgeries: Codice diplomatico veronese, doc. 102: 132 [813]; doc. 104 :137 [813]; doc. 115: 150 [814]; doc. 174: 246 [844]; and doc. 176: 253 [844]. La Rocca traces the forgeries to the twelfth century and explains the motive for making them in “A Man for All Seasons: Paciico of Verona and the Creation of a Local Carolingian Past,” in The Uses of the Past in the Early Middle Ages, ed. Yitzhak Hen and Matthew Innes (Cambridge, 2000), 250–57. For the legends surrounding the life and works of Paciico, see LaRocca, “A Man for All Seasons,” 250–79. Claudio Leonardi, “Von Paciicus zu Rather: Zur Veroneser Kulturgeschichte im 9. und 10. Jahrhundert,” Deutsches Archiv für Erforschung des Mittelalters 41 (1985): 398–99, concludes on the basis of Paciico’s editing of BAV, Vat. Lat. 4979, that he had mediocre philological talents. On manuscripts he copied, see Campana, “Veronensia,” 58–61, and Bischof, Manuscripts and Libraries, 45, n. 128. Gerard G. Meersseman, E. Adda, and Jean Deshusses, L’orazionale dell’archdiacono Paciico e il Carpsum del cantore Stefano: Studi e testi sulla liturgia del duomo di Verona dal IX all’XI secolo, Spicilegium friburgense, 21 (Fribourg, 1974), discuss in detail liturgical works that he copied for use in Verona. Gerard G. Meersseman and E. Adda, Manuale di computo con ritmo mnemotecnico dell’arcidiacono Paciico di Verona (+844), Italia sacra, vol. 6 (Padua, 1966), publish the Excerptum (82–137) and the poetry 169–72). The instrument was a wheel, sectioned of by nails, according to which the observer could follow the movement of the polar star. Scholars have sometimes considered Paciico the author of the Veronae rythmica descriptio, written in Verona between 796 and 806, but the poem’s irregular rhymes and borrowings from local speech are incompatible with the poetry that he is known to have composed. Augusto Campana,“Il carteggio di Vitale e Paciico di Verona col monaco Ildemaro sulla sorte eterna di Adamo,” Atti del Congresso internazionale di diritto romano e di storia del diritto: Verona 27–28–29 IX 1948, 4 vols. (Milan, 1953), 1:272–73, publishes Paciico’s short note asking for an answer. Hildemar’s response is edited by Ernst Dümmler in Epistolae karolini aevi, vol. 3, MGH, Epistolae (in quarto), no. 5 (Berlin, 1899), 355–57. La Rocca, Paciico di Verona, 181–83, believes Paciico to be in exile over a dispute with his bishop, and she sees his letter as an efort to establish contact with the powerful Hildemar and through his mediation to return to the good graces of Notingus, the bishop of Verona. The letter would also be a demonstration of Paciico’s concern for orthodoxy. Carlo Mor, “La cultura veneto-aquiliense nei secoli IX–XII,” in Storia di cultura veneta, 1:294. Gottschalk’s works are published as Oeuvres théologiques et grammaticales de Godescalc d’Orbais, ed.

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Vitale, a disciple of Paciico, who characterized himself at various times as presbyter and scholasticus, probably was his master’s replacement in the cathedral school.112 It was Vitale’s query about predestination in a letter to Paciico that led the latter to write Hildemar. No other of Vitale’s writings survives. However, his presence as scholasticus in the Veronese cathedral testiies to a degree of continuity in the existence of the chapter’s school. Besides the school within the cathedral’s precincts,Verona had other schools that likely ofered a relatively high level of grammatical training. In his ive years of teaching in Verona, Gottschalk almost certainly held his classes outside the cathedral, as did an anonymous monk, exiled from Bobbio and teaching in Verona circa 900, who in his Lamentum refugae cuiusdam (Lament of a certain refugee) begged his readers for sympathy. The activity of the scriptorium of San Zeno near the Veronese cathedral in the irst half of the ninth century suggests the existence of a school there.113 Presumably, at least, schools run by the two learned exiles ofered an education beyond the elementary level. Although Ravenna fell within the Byzantine sphere of inluence down to the mid-eighth century, it made no show of Greek learning. Recent scholarship has deinitively discredited the claim of Odolfredo, a thirteenth-century civil lawyer in Bologna, that Ravenna hosted a school of Roman law that preceded that of Bologna.114 The one signiicant scholarly achievement of Ravenna in the ninth century was the Liber pontiicalis, a history of the archbishops of Ravenna by Agnello (or Andrea) (805–after 854), a member of the cathedral clergy.115 The author cleverly constructed his historical narrative on the basis of bulls, letters, and inscriptions. The colloquial character of the Latin, however, together with the lack of reference to any ancient pagan writers other than Virgil, suggests that while Agnello was intelligent, his schooling had been relatively limited.116

112

113 114 115

116

Cyrille Lambot, Spicilegium Sacrum Lovaniense (Louvain, 1945). See also Klaus Vielhaber, Gottschalk der Sachse, Bonner historische Forschungen, no. 5 (Bonn, 1956), and Dennis E. Nineham,“Gottschalk of Orbais: Reactionary or Precursor of the Reformation?” Journal of Ecclesiastical History 40 (1989): 10–18. The letter sent to Paciico is found in Campana, “Il carteggio di Vitale,” 272–73. In the letter,Vitale inquires regarding the eternal lot of Adam. Vitale elsewhere signed as presbiter: doc. 174: 247 [844]; doc. 176: 253 [844]; and doc. 227: 342 [862]. In the letter to Paciico, however,Vitale referred to himself as discipulus and as scholasticus. We may conclude that Vitale was a successor to Paciico. Avesani, “La cultura veronese,” 257–258. Mario Pierpaoli, Storia di Ravenna dalle origini all’anno Mille, 2nd ed. (Ravenna, 1990), 302–303. The most recent edition of the Liber pontiicalis is The History of the Archbishops of Ravenna: Agnelli Ravennatis Liber pontiicalis ecclesiae Ravennatis, ed. Deborah M. Deliyannis, Corpus Christianorum: Continuatio mediaevalis, no. 199 (Turnhout, 2006). An earlier edition is found in MGH, Scriptores rerum langobardarum et italicarum, ed. Oswald Holder-Egger (Hannover, 1878), 275–391. Alessandro Testi Rasponi, RIS, vol. 2.3 (Bologna, 1924), prepared a partial edition. Agnello’s manner of speaking about his early life suggests that he was educated in the cathedral (c.25: 289): “ceteris meis condiscipulis et fratribus, qui nutriti in gremio Sanctae Ursianae Ecclesiae fuimus . . . .” For details of Agnello’s life and his work, see Agnellus of Ravenna: The Book of Pontifs of the Church of Ravenna, trans. Deborah M. Deliyannis (Washington, D.C., 2004), 6–13. See as well Gina Fasoli, “Rileggendo il Liber pontiicalis di Agnello ravennate,” La storiograia alto medioevale, 10–16 aprile 1969, SSCISAM, no. 17 (Spoleto, 1970), 457–95. Fasoli makes an impressive case for a cathedral school at Ravenna. Manitius, Geschichte der lateinischen Literatur des Mittelalters, 1:713. For a general discussion of the book’s contents, see Ugo Balzani, Le cronache italiane nel Medio Evo (Milan, 1901), 93–98.

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The authors of the two short pieces of poetry that accompanied the Liber in the manuscripts, however, were apparently more educated. One piece is an account of Agnello’s sources, method, and the circumstances surrounding the composition of the work; the other is a dialogue between Agnello and clerics of Ravenna requesting him to write the Liber. The author of the irst refers to himself as minimus scholasticorum (the least of schoolmasters) and was probably the head of the cathedral school, while the author of the second may have been another teacher.117 The poetry of both authors bespeaks solid training in composing Latin verse.118 Unfortunately, we lack hard evidence of cathedral schools in other cities of the regnum in the ninth century.The concentration of Irish monks and learned Franks in Milan, especially under archbishop Angilbert (824–59), however, suggests that a cathedral school existed. The Irish presence in the city is demonstrated largely through the manuscripts that they produced in local scriptoria. I have already mentioned the manuscript Burgerbibliothek Bern 363, an anthology of prose and poetic works, mostly by ancient authors. It was probably compiled in Milan in the second half of the ninth century, possibly by an Irish scholar using the library of San Ambrogio.119 Although Milan and Saint Gall have competing claims to a series of manuscripts containing biblical texts in Greek with Latin translations, at least some of these manuscripts were written by Irish monks working in Milan.120 Hildemar of Corbie, the most important immigrant Frankish scholar in the irst half of the century, also lived for many years in Milanese territory.121 117 118

119

120 121

Liber pontiicalis, 275. The irst poem is found 275–77, and the second 277–78. Bertini, Letteratura latina medievale in Italia, 57–58, briely discusses a short poem consisting of twelve elegant elegiac distiches entitled Versus Romae, attributed to Ravenna and belonging to the last quarter of the ninth century.The philo-Byzantine poet compares Frankish Rome unfavorably with lourishing Constantinople. Simona Gavinelli, “Per un’enciclopedia carolingia (codice bernese 363),” IMU 26 (1983): 1–25, makes a good case for the Milanese origin of the work with its important collection of ancient literary works. She identiies Milan as the “fulcro culturale” of northern Italy (25). She also identiies BNP, Lat. 7900A, containing works of Terence, Juvenal, Lucan, Martianus Capella, and Horace, with commentary, as written in Milan later in the century (13–14). See as well her “Irlandesi, libri biblici greco-latini e il monastero di S. Ambrogio in età carolingia,” in Il monastero di S. Ambrogio nel medioevo: Convegno di studi nel XII centenario: 784–1984 (Milan, 1988); as well as her, “La trasmissione dei testi nell’Italia nord-occidentale. 1. Centri di trasmissione: Monza, Pavia, Milano, Bobbio,” Cultura antica nell’occidente latino dal vii all’xi secolo, SSCISAM, 22 (Spoleto, 1975), 308–12; and Giuseppe Billanovich, “La trasmissione dei testi nell’Italia nord-occidentale: 2. Milano, Nonantola, Brescia,” Cultura antica nell’occidente latino. SSCISAM (Spoleto, 1975), 342–46. John J. Contreni, “The Irish in the Western Carolingian Empire (According to James F. Kenney and Bern, Bürgerbibliothek 363),” in Die Iren, 2:758–98, discusses the multitude of references to Irish scholars found in the margins of the Bern manuscript.Taken together, they suggest an extraordinary degree of Irish scholarly activity related to ancient literature in the eighth and ninth century. See the discussion of Gavinelli, “Per un’enciclopedia carolingia,” 352–60. On Hildemar, see below, in this section. The Historia datiana, consisting of a laudes urbis joined to a detailed analysis of the lives of Milan’s six earliest bishops, has sometimes been dated to the late eighth or the ninth century. See bibliography for this position in Paolo Tomea, Tradizione apostolica e coscienza cittadina a Milano nel medioevo: La leggenda di san Barnaba (Milan, 1993), 358–59, n. 33.Tomea (440), however, dates the work between the late tenth and the beginning of the next century. For that reason I will consider the Historia in Chapter 3.

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The revival of studies in Tuscany in the second quarter of the ninth century, attributed to Donatus, an Irishman who was irst a teacher and then bishop in Fiesole, points to the existence of a cathedral school in that city.122 In the time of Bishop Aganone (837–67), probably a Frank, Bergamo appears to have enjoyed a revival of intellectual activity as well. At least Aganone’s elegant letter to his fellow bishop Ramperto of Brescia testiies to his own literary talent.123 Another literary work surviving from Aganone’s Bergamo, a continuation of Paolo Diacono’s Historia Langobardorum down to 875, is attributed to a certain Andrea presbyter. Lively and largely accurate in its portrayal of events contemporary with the author, the work, written in a corrupt Latin, relies heavily in its early sections on oral traditions.124 As for learning in Pavia, capital of the regnum, nothing is known of Dungal’s school, but it seems likely that the eminent Irish scholar would have had high expectations of his students. The continued existence of a body of lay judges and notaries, the judices et notarii sacri palatiii, highly trained in Lombard law, moreover, suggests that at least some training in grammar was available to laymen. Although the Edict of Olona of 825 ordered students from Asti to study at Pavia, an examination of calligraphic subscriptions to documents from Asti by a signiicant number of clerics and laymen indicates that a cathedral school may have been active there in the mid-ninth century.125 Noticeably absent from the list of cities with active cathedral schools operating in the ninth century is Lucca, where it would appear that one had existed in the eighth century. A “schola apud cathedralem” was referred to in 768, and we have names of magistri going back to the middle of the century – Gaudenzio presbiter, magister in 746; Deusdede, presbiter and magister s(c)ole in 748 and in 764 maiuscola; and G(aus)prando, diaconus, magister in 762. The last magister was mentioned in 809, when Tamperto (or Lamberto) appears in the documents magistru [sic] scole cantorum.That a miscellaneous manuscript produced in the scriptorium of the cathedral around 800 was written in a variety of script, however, suggests that this early 122

123

124

125

Robert Davidsohn, Geschichte von Florenz, 4 vols. (Berlin, 1896–1927), 1:82–4. Wilhelm Wattenbach and Wilhelm Levinson, Die Karolinger vom Vertrag von Verdun bis zum Herrschaftsantritt der Herrscher aus dem sächsischen Hause. Italien und das Papsttum, ed. Heinz Löwe, Deutschlands Geschichtsquellen im Mittelalter: Vorzeit und Karolinger, 6 vols. (Weimar, 1952–1990), 4:422–23, provides a bibliography on his poetry. The letter is published by Mario Lupi, Codex diplomaticus civitatis et ecclesiae Bergomatis, 2 vols. (Bergamo, 1784–99), col. 694. Cf. Giovanni Cremaschi, Mosè del Brolo et la cultura a Bergamo nei secoli XI–XII (Bergamo, 1945), 14–15. See also his “Aganone,” DBI, vol. 1 (Rome, 1960), 358–60.Viscardi comments on Aganone’s sophisticated use of cursus; Antonio Viscardi, Le origini, 3rd ed. (Milan, 1957), 374–75. See also Simona Gavinelli, “Per un’enciclopedia carolingia,” 16–18. Andreae bergomatis historia, ed. Georg Waitz, MGH, Scriptores rerum langobardicarum et italicarum saec. VI–IX (Hannover, 1878), 221–30. See the comments of Ferruccio Bertini, Letteratura latina medievale in Italia (Busto Arsizio, 1988), 53. Gian G. Fissore, “Cultura graica e scuola in Asti nei secoli IX e X,” BISI 85 (1974–75): 48, attributes this quality of calligraphy to education in a local cathedral school. The existence of four codices copied at Ivrea in the second and third quarters of the ninth century point to an active scriptorium in the cathedral and make the existence of a cathedral school likely: Mirella Ferrari, “Libri e testi prima del mille,” Storia della chiesa di Ivrea dalle origini al XV secolo, ed. Giorgio Cracco (Rome, 1998), 521–22.

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scola was probably not a formal school but merely a group of singers led by a magister cantorum.126 Monasteries in the regnum, unlike monasteries in parts of the Carolingian empire north of the Alps and in Italy to the south, generally played a minor role in ninthcentury scholarly and literary life. In contrast with the many great monasteries of the Carolingian heartland, the vast number were small and lacked a scriptorium and a library. Of the great monasteries, moreover, two stand out, Nonantola and Bobbio. Both continued to add to their sizable libraries in the ninth century. About twenty manuscripts composed in the script of Nonantola have been identiied for the years between 800 and 830 alone. Later in the century, however, the monastery declined, and in 899, the Hungarians pillaged and burned the buildings.127 In contrast, Bobbio, founded by Irish monks near Piacenza in 612, seems to have maintained an active intellectual life throughout the Carolingian period and into the second half of the tenth century.128 A number of Latin poems produced by the monks of Bobbio in the late ninth and early tenth centuries, such as the “Lament of a Certain Refugee,” point to a monastic school providing advanced training in grammar.129 It is diicult to trace manuscripts copied at Bobbio in the ninth century, but between 871 and 880, a monk traveled from the monastery to Rome to make a copy of the acts of the Eighth Ecumenical Council (869–70), indicating that at that time the library was still growing.130 126

127

128

129

130

A document of 767 speciies the existence of a scola: “casam ipsius presbiteri que est prope porticalem eiusdem basilice, ubi est schola”: Enrico Coturri, “Fonti per uno studio della cultura di Lucca dell’VIII all’XI secolo,” in Atti del 5º Congresso internazionale di studi sull’alto medioevo. Lucca 3–7 ottobre, 1971 (Spoleto, 1973), 695, n. 1. Coturri cites these magistri (695). According to Bullough, “Le scuole cattedrali,” 122, there is no mention of magistri after 809. For Tamperto’s limited education, see Armando Petrucci, “Scrittura e libro nella Tuscia altomedioevale, in Atti del 5º Congresso internazionale di studi sull’alto medioevo, 640–41. Bullough, Alcuin, 237, dismisses the existence of a school on the grounds of the diversity of scripts. Bischof, Manuscripts and Libraries, 49.The development of a common calligraphy among the scribes at Nonantola in the early decades of the ninth century suggests to Giampaolo Ropa, “Letteratura e agiograia: I centri di studio e gli scriptoria,” Le sedi della cultura nell’Emilia Romagna: Alto medioevo (Milan, 1983), 76, that many books were being copied. Cf. Mirella Morelli and Marco Palma, “Indagine su alcuni aspetti materiali della produzione libraria a Nonantola nel secolo IX,” Scrittura e civiltà 6 (1982): 23–98. On the library generally, see Giuseppe Gullotta, Gli antichi cataloghi e i codici della abbazia di Nonantola, Studi e testi, 182 (Vatican City, 1955). The monastery had a large library by 800; Ferrari, “La trasmissione dei testi,” 313–20. Cf. Bischof, Manuscripts and Libraries, 93; and Pius Engelbert, “Zur Frühgeschichte des Bobbieser Skriptoriums,” Revue bénédictine 78 (1968): 220–60. Godman, Poetry of the Carolingian Renaissance, 32–33, analyzes a planctus written at Bobbio on the death of Charlemagne in 814. Mirella Ferrari, “Libri e maestri tra Verona e Bobbio,” SCV 1: 277–78. She believes that the monk was writing in the late ninth or very early tenth century. The “discreta qualità artistica” of the Lamentum refugae cuiusdam gives evidence of continued training in ancient literature (277). In the same manuscript appears a second short poem also demonstrating classical inspiration. The poem can be dated because it was written in honor of Adelardo, bishop of Verona (875–915; 278). Cf. Ropa, “Letteratura e agiograia” (80). Works of the tenth century produced at Bobbio include a hagiographical work on the miracles of Saint Columban, Miracula sancti Columbani, dated to the last quarter of the tenth century; Ropa, “Letteratura e agiograia,” 78–80. Bishof, Manuscripts and Libraries, 48, was unable to ind identiiable calligraphic examples at the monastery for the early decades of the ninth century. The Rome expedition is cited by Ferrari,

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Under the guidance of Hildemar of Corbie two other monasteries of the regnum likely had important schools, if only for a brief time. In 841, the Frankish archbishop of Milan, Angilbert, sent Hildemar to organize a new monastery, San Faustino, at Brescia for the bishop of the city. He was accompanied by Leutgard, a fellow monk of Corbie, who had come with him to Italy around 836. Leutgard became abbot of the new monastery and Hildemar scholasticus.131 Recalled about 845 by Angilbert, they took up similar duties at the monastery of San Pietro al Monte di Civate, in Milanese territory. During his years in Italy, Hildemar composed a commentary on the Rule of Saint Benedict and another on Luke. He demonstrated his interest in pagan literature by producing an edition of Terence accompanied by a continuous commentary based on a preexistent gloss of the work, now BSM, Clm 14200.132 The BNP, Lat 7900A, written a few decades later and containing works by Terence, Juvenal, Lucan, Martianus Capella, and Horace, together with a metric commentary by PseudoAcro, also shows signs of Hildemar’s involvement.133 Hildemar’s response to Paciico of Verona’s letter on predestination has already been mentioned. Surviving as well is Hildemar’s little grammatical treatise, De ratione recte legendi ex auctoritate grammaticorum veterum, dedicated to Orso, bishop of Benevento.134 We have no evidence that the schools directed by Hildemar at San Faustino or at Monte di Civate thrived later without his presence. Few references to monastic schools in the regnum survive, nor do we have many of the sort of intellectual

131 132

133 134

“Libri e maestri tra Verona e Bobbio,” SCV 1: 276. A third monastery deserves to be mentioned. Founded before 745, the southern Tuscan monastery of Monte Amiata appears to have maintained a lively scriptorium in the ninth century: Michael Gorman, “Manuscript Books at Monte Amiata in the Eleventh Century,” Scriptorium 56 (2003): 239–43 and 270.There are, however, no extant literary or scholarly works surviving from that time authored by the monks. On a poem composed in the second half of the tenth century, see Chap. 2, n. 40. Augusto Campana, “Il carteggio di Vitale,” 268–70, outlines what is known of the life of Hildemar. On Hildemar’s commentary on the Benedictine rule, see Manitius, Geschichte der lateinischen Literatur des Mittelalters, 1:89; and Viscardi, Le origini, 96. The commentary is published as Expositio regulae ab Hildemaro tradita et nunc primum typis mandata:Vita et regula SS. P. Benedicti una cum expositione regulae, ed. Rupert Mittermüller (Regensburg and New York, 1880). For the commentary on Luke and other possible writings, see P. Wolfgang Hafner, Der Basiliuscommentar zur “Regula S. Benedicti”: Ein Beitrag zur Autorenfrage karolingischer Regelkommentare, Beiträge zur Geschichte des alten Mönchtums und des Benediktinerordens, 23 (Munich, 1959), 146–50. For Hildemar as a igure in the compilation of key manuscripts, see Giuseppe Billanovich, “Terenzio, Ildemaro, Petrarca (Tav. I–VII),” IMU 17 (1974): 1–60; Claudia Villa, “‘Denique Terenti dultia legemus acta ...’: Una ‘lectura Terenti’ a S. Faustino di Brescia nel secolo IX,” IMU 22 (1979: 1–44, and her “A Brescia e a Milano,” 1–17. Hildemar’s edition of Terence, with the commentary, survives today in a copy made, presumably at Brescia, around 1000 (CLM, 14420): Claudia Villa, “‘Denique Terenti dultia legimus acta,’” 42–43. In the last pages of the manuscript Hildemar added material dealing with Terence’s life and works. Villa (ibid., 5 and 42) attributes to him the poem “Tempore iam brumae cum sol se vertit ad axem,” a twelve-line lyric written to a departed fellow monk with whom he had been reading Juvenal and Terence. Villa, “Denique Terenti dultia legimus acta,” 35–41. The letter to Orso is published by Dümmler in MGH, Epistolae karolini aevi, 3:320–22. Another Irishman, John Scotus, abbot of St. Stephen at Vercelli, seems to have been active in the edition of the Collectio canonum dedicated to Anselmo II of Milan: Wattenbach and Levinson, Die Karolinger vom Vertrag von Verdun, 4:402.

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artifacts that such schools would have produced. This leads to the conclusion that the contribution of monasteries in ninth-century Italy to scholarly and literary life was relatively modest. They were to become even less important in this respect in the following century. As for elementary education in northern and central Italy, teaching seems generally to have been a haphazard afair, available in a scattering of urban and rural scolae sacerdotum, monastic establishments, and private schools run by laymen and nuns. At least this is how Rather, the mid-tenth century bishop of Verona, described the possibilities available to prospective students by his time. In his Synodica of 933 he wrote: “In no way will they [the clerics] be promoted by us unless for a time they are engaged to some degree in the study of letters, either in our city [civitas] or in some monastery or with some wise man.”135 We know a little more about the array of educational possibilities thanks to Rather’s older contemporary, Atto, bishop of Vercelli, who ordered that in his diocese nuns could not teach men and that when clerics were present, laymen were not to teach without the clerics’ permission.136 Not every appearance of the word schola in the documents indicates the existence of a school. In fact, probably the most common usage of that term was to designate the whole body of clerics in a particular church or monastery, in Richard Southern’s words, “at its work of worship in the choir.”137 The schola embraced both the young clerics being educated for participation in the liturgy and the older clerics who principally enacted the sacred rituals. At the same time the term schola could be used in a narrower sense, designating primarily a venue for teaching.138 Audone, bishop of Verona, may have had that usage in mind when in 862 he created a schola sacerdotum at San Lorenzo at Sezano, in Veronese territory. Adalberto, its priest, was 135

136

137

138

PL 136, col. 564: “De ordinandis pro certo scitote, quod a nobis nullo modo promovebuntur, nisi aut in civitate nostra, aut in aliquo monasterio, vel apud quemlibet sapientem, ad tempus conversati fuerint et litteris aliquantulum eruditi, ut idonei videantur ecclesiasticae dignitati.” About the same time, Atto of Vercelli suggests the existence of rural schools in his diocese when he writes (Attonis sanctae vercellarum ecclesiae episcopi opera, ed. Buronto del Signore, 2 vols. [Vercelli, 1768], 2:282, chap. 61) that clergy in the countryside should not ask for remuneration for teaching “the little ones of the faithful” but accept only what a family could give. Cf. Suzanne Wemple, Atto of Vercelli: Church, State, and Christian Society in Tenth-Century Italy (Rome, 1979), 38 and 211. Pagnin, “Scuola e cultura a Pavia,” 93–96, identiies three kinds of schools in ninth-century Pavia: an episcopal school with a schola sacerdotum at the cathedral with other grammar schools in churches; a literary and philosophical school at the monastery of S. Pietro in Ciel d’Oro (Dungal’s school) for advanced students; and a theoretical-practical school of law at the Palace.There is no solid evidence, however, that Dungal’s school was at the Ciel d’Oro, that the school existed beyond Dungal’s lifetime, or that any other educational institution existed in Pavia. Attonis ... opera, 2:286 [chap. 81]: “Laicus praesentibus clericis, nisi ipsis probantibus, docere non audeat. Et mulier quamvis docta et sancta, viros in conventu docere non praesumat.” The quotation is taken from Richard W. Southern,“The Schools of Paris and the School of Chartres,” in Renaissance and Renewal in the Twelfth Century, ed. Robert L. Benson and Giles Constable with Carol D. Lanham (Cambridge, Mass., 1982), 115. Giuseppe Forchielli, “Collegialità dei clerici nel veronese dall’VIII secolo all’età comunale,” Archivio veneto, 5 ser., 3 (1928): 22–23, points out that the term schola in this period can mean either a school or simply a collegial body of clerics. The context in which the term is used, consequently, should be carefully analyzed. For bibliography regarding the ambiguity of the term, see Miller, Formation of a Medieval Church, 43, nn. 6–7.

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charged with “the service and the lighting in this holy place, and he is to hold school and feed the clerics.”139 Presumably in the ninth as in the tenth century diocesan schooling was available, at least at the elementary level, for boys not intended for the Church as well as for boys and a few girls training for the religious life. Some of the students, consequently, might have gone on to become lay teachers like those referred to in the tenth century by Rather and Atto. Others would have used their education to enter the notariate. As for monastic schools, we have no way of assessing the extent of enforcement of Louis the Pious’s edict of 817 forbidding access to them to everyone but oblates, that is, boys given to the monastery by their parents with the intention that they would eventually become monks. The phrasing of Hildemar’s commentary on the Benedictine Rule reinforces the impression that schooling in the monastery was available only to monks and primarily to oblates. That was the case at least at Civate, where the commentary was probably written. Hildemar never mentioned a school as such, but he commanded children to read as a group under supervision, while literate adult monks were reading by themselves. Hildemar also told children to work diligently on their wax tablets, presumably to practice their writing strokes.140 He mentioned nothing about higher education, but his commentary on Terence suggests that the monastery did ofer advanced opportunities to a select few. The injunction by Bishop Leodoin of Modena in 971 that Abbot Teudrico order his monks to teach the boys of the diocese, however, suggests that at least by that time the restriction limiting education in the monastery to oblates was not being strictly enforced.141 Generally speaking, it is fair to conclude that education in the regnum in the ninth century was likely much as it would be in the tenth in that not all teachers were clerics, monks, or nuns, and some boys, not destined for the religious life, had access to at least an elementary education. LITERACY AND LITERARY AND SCHOLARLY CREATIVITY IN THE NINTH CENTURY

Whereas collegial, parish, and private schools in the ninth century were probably sending a relatively small number of young men dedicated to the ecclesiastical life into advanced education, usually at a cathedral school, these same schools also produced other less-privileged clerics and laymen who would never read Virgil or Ovid or a Church Father, even if, in the case of the clerics, they unknowingly mouthed fragments of their writings in the liturgy. For such less-privileged men, the liberal arts were largely irrelevant: the average cleric needed to make his way through the 139

140

141

Codice diplomatico veronese, doc. 217: 322:“ut ipse cotidie curam de oitio et illuminaria in ipso sancto loco habeat et scholam habeat et clericos nutriant [sic!].” Mayke de Jong, “Growing up in a Carolingian Monastery: Magister Hildemar and His Oblates,” Journal of Medieval History 9 (1983): 114–15. For the emperor’s edict, see Manacorda, Storia della scuola, 1:48. Giuseppe Bedoni, “Ricerche sulle antiche scuole modenesi (del sec IX al sec. XV),” Deputazione storia patria per le antiche provincie modenesi; Atti e memorie, 8 ser., 10 (1958): 46, cites the abbot’s order.The brothers are to be required “docere ilios Ecclesiae nostrae subiectos.”

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Mass, and together with laymen he relied on literacy to defend and advance his own interests, or those of his church, in a documentary culture.142 The ambivalent status of the lower clergy vis-à-vis laymen has already been described in the Introduction. By ecclesiastical law, the major privilege that all clerics enjoyed was exemption from secular jurisdiction, provided that they wore the tonsure and dressed as clerics, while the prohibition against marriage depended on one’s rank in the ecclesiastical hierarchy. In theory, lower clergy (doorkeepers, lectors, exorcists, and acolytes) were permitted to marry and have children like laymen, but if a cleric rose into higher orders, he was supposed to separate from his wife and practice continence.143 In reality, however, the extent to which the formal distinction between upper and lower clergy based on celibacy was actually observed difered widely depending on local customs. It is safe to say that in 800 marriage and concubinage were relatively common among upper clergy as well as lower.144 On the whole, clerics in the ninth century difered from laymen in being better educated. If the ability to sign one’s own name constitutes proof of documentary 142

143

144

M. T. Clanchy, From Memory to Written Record: England 1086–1307, 2nd ed. (London, 1993), 358, describes this level of literacy as “practical literacy.” For a rapid overview of the issue of clerical celibacy down to Trent, see Alfons M. Stickler, “L’évolution de la discipline du célibat dans l’Église en Occident de la in de l’âge patristique au Concile de Trente,” Sacerdoce et célibat. Études historiques et théologiques, ed. Joseph Coppens (Gembloux-Louvain, 1971), 373–442. An excellent discussion of the term “nicolaitism” in connection with the married clergy and the history of the Church’s policy against clerical marriage is Giuseppe Fornasari, Celibato sacerdotale e “autocoscienza” ecclesiale: Per la storia della “nicolaitica haeresis” nell’Occidente medievale, Pubblicazioni dell’Università degli Studi di Trieste, Facoltà di Magistero, ser. 3a, n. 7 (Udine, 1981). Gabriella Rossetti, “Il matrimonio del clero nella società altomedievale,” Il matrimonio nella società altomedievale, 22–28 1976, SSCISAM, no. 24 (Spoleto, 1977), 472–554, contains a bibliography (474–75). See also her “Origine sociale e formazione dei vescovi del ‘regnum Italiae’ nei secoli XI e XII,” Le istituzioni della “Societas Christiana” dei secoli XI e XII: Diocesi, pievi e parrochie. Problemi e ricerche (1–7 settembre 1974), Atti della VI settimana di studio (Milan, 1977), 57–88. The decrees of councils vary as to whether the subdiaconate is to be comprised in the ranks of higher clergy. In 746/47, Pope Zacharias set out a general position on the issue of clerical celibacy in answer to a question of Pepin’s, citing Canons II and III of the Council of Carthage (401): “Placuit episcopos et presbyteros seu diaconos etiam ab uxoribus abstinere ... ceteros autem clericos ad id non cogi, sed secundum uniuscuiusque ecclesiae consuetudinem observari debere”: PL 89, col. 934. Rossetti, “Il matrimonio del clero,” 512, maintains that subdeacons in Gaul would have been included under this injunction. Citing Isidore’s De ecclesiasticis oiciis, 2.10, the Council of Aachen (816) also includes them: “De quibus [subdeacons] quidem placuit patribus, ut, quia sacra mysteria contrectant, casti et continentes sint ab uxoribus et ab omni carnali immunditia liberi ...”: Concilia aevi karolingi, 2.1:320. Stickler, “Le célibat en Occident,” 380–83, cites the penitentials of the eighth and ninth centuries, which underlined that clerics in the major orders were forbidden to marry and that clerics who were already married before ordination must be continent thereafter. A study of Lombard documents in the Codex diplomaticus Langobardiae for the period 724–773 reveals that of twenty-one clerical marriages identiied in the documents, nine are of priests and twelve are of “clerics,” presumably all in lower orders: Rossetti, “Il matrimonio del clero,” 533–34. Of the priestly marriages, two priests (presbyterii) cohabited with their wives (presbyteriae); six had sons who were also clerics; one had a priest as a son who also was the father of a cleric. Two clerics each had a layman for a son and one had four sons (two clerics, one of whom was a priest, and two laymen), one had two sons (a cleric and a layman) while the other seven each had a clerical son. The documents also show three concubinal relationships. Carolingian documents from the same collection show ifteen concubinal relationships for 774–885, in addition to sixty-six marriages.

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literacy, such literacy in the eighth and ninth centuries was not uncommon among both groups. In the centuries before the time when the notarial signature on a document lent it ides publica – that is, gave it the character of a legal document – the signatures or crosses of the participants in a legal act were vital to upholding its validity in the courts. An inspection of lists of those who signed their own names and who merely made a cross on charters for the whole Lombard kingdom between 720 and 774 provides some idea of basic literacy in the eighth century. Of a total of 988 clerics and laymen witnessing the various documents, 14 percent of the laymen and 65 percent of the clergy wrote their names.The proportion of laymen, however, rises signiicantly when documents drawn up in the city are compared with those written in the countryside. In Lucca, for example, 43 percent of all witnesses, that is, 62 percent of all clerics and 25 percent of all laymen, wrote out their own names. In small towns in the countryside, 66 percent of clerics and 11 percent of laymen could do so.145 The average quality of lay writing was decidedly inferior to that of the clergy, but the signatures of some among the clergy suggest that their literacy did not extend much beyond signing their names.146 Although we lack comparative statistics for the ninth century, the level of literacy among clerics and laymen probably increased somewhat. At least the reorganization of cathedral administration – a reorganization that encouraged institutionalizing cathedral education – promoted an increase in Latin literacy among ecclesiastics and laymen. As conceived by the architects of the Carolingian educational reforms, the cathedral required a literate clergy, adept at music, learned in liturgy, and skillful in handwriting, in order for the institution to fulill its role in the life of the diocese. Churches on both sides of the Alps in the ninth and subsequent centuries served as the sites of a steady, largely anonymous production of liturgical calendars and hagiographical material, astronomical charts, and the like that indicate training in the trivium and quadrivium.147 145

146

147

For Lucca, see Armando Petrucci, “Libro, scrittura e scuola,” Scuola nell’occidente latino, 323–35. Petrucci (325) notes that literacy seems to have had no connection with oice or function in the eighth century. See also Chartae latinae antiquiores, ed. Albert Brucker and Robert Marichal, 38 (Zurich, 1990), v–vi. Carolo Carletti, “Iscrizioni murali,” Il sanctuario di S. Michele sul Gargano dal vi al ix secolo. Contributo alla storia della Longobardia meridionale, Atti del convegno tenuto a Monte Sant’Angelo il 9–10 dicembre 1978, ed. Carolo Carletti and Giorgio Otranto (Edipuglia and Bari, 1980), 30, conirms Petrucci’s observation that function and literacy for laymen did not appear to have been directly related in the eighth century. Among numerous discussions of qualitative diferences in the calligraphy of laymen and clerics, see, for example, Armando Petrucci’s “Scriptoribus in urbibus”: Alfabetismo e cultura scritta nell’Italia altomedievale (Bologna, 1992), 60–63.The traditional example of the separation between writing and reading is Charlemagne himself. He could read but not write. In comparing Italy with France and Germany, Guglielmo Cavallo, “Libri scritti, libri letti, libri dimenticati,” Il secolo di ferro: Mito e realtà del secolo X. 19–25 aprile 1990, SSCISAM, no. 38 (Spoleto, 1991), 771, maintains that north of the Alps the bond of the Carolingian school with the grammatical tradition had deeper roots than in Italy. To his mind Italians were less inluenced by school tradition and more independent in their thinking and writing (785–86): “L’Italia viene a proporsi, dunque, come ambito geograico di una vita intellettuale più vivace che nei territori d’oltralpe, dove certo si scrivono, ma forse non leggono, più libri, e dove i canoni di scuole monastiche e vescovii, pur talora raforzati e rielaborati, si rivelano funzionali soltanto ad una modesta istruzione di base.” While Cavallo seems justiied in questioning the direct tie between vigorous intellectual life

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Evidence of an increase, however, is scarce. A study made of ninth- and tenthcentury Asti (812–964) indicates a high rate of signing ability among laymen.148 In contrast to the situation in the previous century, many laymen with oices in the tenth century could in fact write their signatures, and a few demonstrated calligraphic ability equal to that of the best among clerics, a fact that attests to a degree of formal education. Nevertheless, the strongest argument for improved literacy rests, not on anecdotal evidence, but rather on the assumption that Carolingian educational reforms had a measure of success. It is equally diicult to establish the extent to which the clergy of the ninth century received advanced education. A possible way of answering this question is to determine the degree to which pagan and patristic literature was read on the basis of new copies of manuscripts of the works. To be meaningful the interpretation of any given number must be looked at in comparison with the number copied in the same period elsewhere in Europe. No statistics of this nature exist for the Church Fathers, but, if only suggestive, the following are available for comparing the number of manuscripts of Latin pagan authors copied in the ninth and tenth centuries for the areas designated as “France” (modern France except for Alsace), “Germany” (modern Germany, Austria, and Switzerland), and “Italy” (the Italian peninsula).149 Unfortunately, as with “France” and “Germany,” the term “Italy” designates the modern geographical area, and we cannot know what percentage of the manuscripts were copied in the regnum.150 Year 800–850 850–900 900–950 950–1200

148

149

150

France

Germany

Italy

56 65 21 20

12 19 33 33

8 9 9 8

and the copying of manuscripts, I ind it diicult to accept his position that the vivacity of Italian intellectual life stemmed from the weakness of the Carolingian school tradition there. Two of his four major examples of “Italian” independent thinkers, Rather and Gerbert, were trained not in Italy but the north. Fissore,“Cultura graica e scuola in Asti,” 21, shows by a study of signatures written between 812 and 964 in the Asti region that most laymen with oices in that region could sign their own names. It should be acknowledged that because the studies are based on notarial documents, the lowest classes of the society would rarely be represented among the signers. The statistics are based on Birger Munk Olsen, L’Étude des auteurs classiques latins aux IXe et XIIe siècles, 3 vols. in 4 (Paris, 1982–89), vols. 1 and 2, and are to be Considered only of comparative value. Because of the complexity of political allegiances in the Low countries, manuscripts designated by Munk Olsen as from “Belgium” or “the Low Countries” have been omitted. For a brief description of the limitations of Munk Olsen’s numbers, see my “In the Footsteps of the Ancients”: The Origins of Humanism from Lovato to Bruni (Leiden and New York, 2000), 31, n. 1. Robert Black’s “The Origins of Humanism,” Interpretations of Renaissance Humanism, ed. Angelo Mazzocco (Leiden and Boston, 2006), 39–71, shows speciic limitations of his dating and assignment of location of origin. Of the thirty-four Italian manuscripts written over the two hundred years, four were written in Beneventan, a script largely conined to southern Italy. Relatively few manuscripts in Beneventan have survived because of the diiculty later generations would have had in reading them.

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We cannot, however, conclude on the basis of these numbers that the copying of new manuscripts of the classics was less frequent in the regnum than in transalpine Europe, nor that the circulation of the work of ancient writers was less in Italy. First of all, given the paucity of monastic collections in the area belonging to the regnum, the loss of manuscripts generally was particularly acute. Second, the comparatively low igures for production in the peninsula as a whole can be partly explained by the ubiquity of manuscripts of pagan authors copied before 800 still in circulation. Even in the late tenth century, European collectors still considered Italy a treasure-house of manuscripts.151 An alternate way of determining the numbers of clergy with advanced education is to look at literary and scholarly creativity. Were we to judge solely on that basis we would argue that higher education deteriorated over the century. The last of the Pavian circle of poets, Paolino, who had returned permanently to Italy in 787, died in 817. Paciico (d. 844) was the principal heir of the previous generation of Veronese poets, but after his death only a handful of poems survive from anywhere in the regnum for the rest of the century. Among those poems, only one stands out for its poetic quality. Composed late in the ninth century when the Hungarians were beginning their incursions into northern Italy, the “Song of the Watchmen of Modena” was perhaps designed to be used in the chapel of Santa Maria and San Giovanni, located near Modena’s city walls, as part of the liturgical service performed before the night guard went on duty.152 Contrasting the Greek capture of Troy, “dormiente Troia,” by stealth with the Romans’ good fortune in having had the sacred geese of the Capitoline to alert them, the poem superbly captures the anxious vigilance of the sentries on the city walls, peering into the night, aware that the safety of the whole city depends on them. Spaced out along the walls in the darkness, they occasionally cry out to express companionship and to keep one another awake: Resultet echo: comes, eia! vigila! Per muros “eia!”, dicat echo: “vigila!” May the echo resound: “Comrade, hail, keep watch!” Throughout the walls. “Hail!” Let it echo: “Keep watch!”

No lyric poem written in the regnum before the thirteenth century could match this poem in expressive power. The survival of the works of Italian authors was naturally afected by the same problems of storage as were copies of ancient manuscripts, but the paucity of 151

152

In 988, writing to a monk of Bobbio, Gerbert, Die Briefsammlung Gerberts von Reims, ed. Fritz Weigle, MGH, Die Briefe der deutschen Kaiserzeit, no. 2 (Weimar, 1966), 157–58, wrote: “Nosti quanto studio librorum exemplaria undique conquiram. Nosti, quot scriptores in urbibus ac in agris Italiae passim habeantur. Age ergo et, te solo concio, ex tuis sumptibus fac, ut michi scribantur M. Manlius de astrologia,Victorius de rethorica, Demonstenis optalmicus.” I should add that transalpine monasteries not only stored manuscripts but also copied them in the ninth and tenth centuries: Pierre Riché, Écoles et enseignement dans l’Occident chrétien de la in du Ve siècle au milieu du X1e siècle (Paris, 1979), 113. The poem in Latin, with an English translation, is found in Godman, Poetry of the Carolingian Renaissance, 324–27. For an interpretation of the text, see Aurelio Roncaglia, “Il canto delle scolte modenesi,” Cultura neolatina 8 (1948): 5–46 and 205–22.

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intellectual products when compared with the large output of new works by writers in northern Francia and southern Germany is too great to be explained away by this fact. Does this mean that the extent of advanced learning diminished over the ninth century? I think not, because there is no necessary connection between learning and intellectual productivity.The distinctive character of Italian literary and scholarly life was that, in contrast with the traditional book culture in northern Europe, the connection would not be made until the thirteenth century. In my view, while over the century scholars in the regnum continued and likely even increased their study of pagan and earlier Christian authors, in contrast with their counterparts in the Carolingian heartland, they generally lacked interest in adding their own writings to the inheritance.The explanation of this diference lies in an analysis of the factors that created the Carolingian Renaissance of the ninth century and their absence or relative lack of importance in the regnum. Having absorbed the imperial ideal of fostering culture, the Frankish emperors actively encouraged the production of religious and literary works in their native lands.153 Fundamental to the Carolingian model of book culture were (1) the link between learning and scholarly and literary production and (2) the role of secular and ecclesiastical authority in sponsoring intellectual activity. Originating in Carolingian patronage of the monasteries, the expectation that learning was inseparable from creative work passed on to a few of the cathedral schools by the second half of the century. Reemphasized by the Ottonians, who followed the Carolingian lead in many ways, these two traditions became persistent elements in northern European Latin culture. Neither of these two traditions had much play in the regnum. Under the patronage of the last Lombard kings, a series of poets had begun to construct a native literary culture by adapting the ancient pagan and Christian heritage to the needs of their own time and place, but this efort was truncated by the Carolingian conquest and the exportation of the poets themselves to transalpine Europe. Of the Carolingians, except for Louis II (850–75), none resided for long on Italian soil.154 Moreover, from the reign of Charles the Fat (d. 888) down to the advent of Otto I in 962, the Italian throne was contested by German and French Carolingians as well as by local princes. Lack of a stable government and the absence of an imperial vision on the part of the claimants to power discouraged literary patronage. As a result, the scholarly and literary tradition created by patronage north of the Alps was foreign to the regnum. Bobbio was the lone exception in a monastic world that lacked interest in intellectual creativity. Without princely encouragement, however, creative use of their large collection of manuscripts by the monks of Bobbio appears to have been modest.155 As in northern Europe, cathedrals were busy places, largely concerned with providing practical education for the local clergy 153 154

155

Robert Folz, L’idée d’Empire en Occident du Ve au XIVe siècle (Paris, 1953), 12–35. Although in efect king only of Italy, Louis II spent his reign attempting to assert his grandfather’s authority north of the Alps and in southern Italy. Far fewer Irish scholars followed the Franks into Italy than remained in the Frankish heartland. We have only two names, Dungal at Pavia and Donatus at Fiesole; Michael Lapidge and Richard Sharpe, A Bibliography of Celtic-Latin Literature, 400–1200 (Dublin, 1985), 173 and 182–83.The group of Irish monks working at Milan in the middle of the ninth century remains anonymous. By the ninth century Italians also likely far outnumbered the Irish at Bobbio.

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and administering the diocese. In Francia, of the three cathedral schools producing signiicant scholarly and literary work, Metz, Laon, and Rheims, the irst two were supported by Carolingian patronage.156 The lourishing of cathedral culture in tenth-century Germany would largely be tied to Ottonian policies. By default of monastic intellectual interests in Carolingian Italy, cathedrals on the whole provided whatever intellectual life there was. Most, however, remained absorbed in their practical activities without evincing much interest in the genres of writing that were usually associated with medieval learning – that is, theology and biblical exegesis; chronicle literature; and poetry, religious and otherwise. The cathedral had necessarily to be concerned with liturgical performance and, because its prosperity required it, with archiving notarial documents relating to its holdings, but its intellectual interests were limited. The precocious economic and demographic development of northern Italy vis-à-vis the rest of Europe, together with the growing political power of bishops from the tenth century onward, would intensify the secular concerns impinging on the cathedral school’s educational curriculum. While the ancient Latin authors, like the Latin Church Fathers, remained staples of advanced education in the best schools, they failed to create new generations of authors. The separation between learning and creativity that characterized intellectual life in the regnum in the ninth century was to become an enduring trait of the culture of the book down into the thirteenth century. ITALIAN INTELLECTUAL LIFE BEYOND THE REGNUM

A brief description of the cultural life in the ninth and early tenth centuries in the southern half of the Italian peninsula serves to highlight the distinctive character of learning in the regnum. Despite the repeated eforts of a succession of Frankish rulers to annex the old duchy of Benevento, south of Rome, the Italian kingdom’s southern borders became ixed north and east of Rome, thus sealing the separation of two cultural zones that had been growing apart during the previous two and a half centuries. The Lombards, who brought with them a political order resting on the free warrior– peasant and a conception of difused power, had found an entrenched hierarchical bureaucracy in the areas of the peninsula they had invaded. Lombard rule, therefore, necessitated a degree of compromise with tenacious indigenous institutions. In the part of the old Lombard territories that the Carolingians subsequently acquired, the Carolingians tended to reinforce the Lombard strain of political and social attitudes. Especially the introduction of Frankish institutions of vassalage and beneice moved Carolingian Italy further away from late-Roman and Byzantine notions of a bureaucratic, hierarchical society, notions that still prevailed to varying degrees in the papal territories around Rome and in much of the rest of the peninsula south of the city. The growing diference between the northern and southern societies afected scholarly life as well. While in the north Paolo Diacono and Paolino of Aquileia could boast a knowledge of Greek, there is no indication that they had imitators in the rest of the ninth century. Knowledge of Greek, however, continued in southern cities like Benevento, Salerno, and Naples throughout the whole period. Rome, especially, played a central role in Greek studies until the late ninth century. 156

I omit Auxerre because the main center there appears to have been a monastery.

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A revival of scholarly and literary interests in Rome seems to have occurred at the same time as in the Lombard kingdom – namely, in the mid-eighth century. Pope Zacharias (741–52) deserves credit for translating Gregory the Great’s Dialogi into Greek, and Paul I (757–67) had a suicient staf of Greek amanuenses to present Pepin the Short with a library of Greek writings, both pagan and Christian. Roman inscriptions from the following century provide evidence for the continued vitality of Latin classical studies in the city. The schola cantorum of the Lateran, which in the eighth century had neglected its tradition of coupling the teaching of music to the teaching of the liberal arts, began to revive under Pope Sergius II (844–47). In the last years of his life, Giovanni Immonide (825–80) wrote a version of the curious Coena Cypriani, in which he displayed an amazing grasp of ancient literature.157 The intellectual life of southern Italy was concentrated within the triangle of Montecassino, Naples, and Benevento, and for most of the ninth century was dominated by the monastery of Montecassino and its dependencies. The retirement of Paolo Diacono to Montecassino late in the eighth century brought back to the abbey one of the architects of the Carolingian Renaissance. Paolo’s second residence at Montecassino initiated a tradition of scholarship and production of manuscripts that continued, with several interruptions, into the twelfth century.158 It was here that Paolo composed his Historia Langobardorum, a history of the Lombard people from the beginning down to the death of Liudprando in 744.159 Paolo also provided the abbey school with two important didactic texts, his grammar manual, Ars Donati quam Paulus Diaconus exposuit and his epitome of Pompeius Festus’s De verborum signiicatione.160 Paolo’s disciple, Ilderico, would add a second manual for teaching grammar at a more advanced level. Partly because of its enormous size, Ilderico’s treatise, borrowing from Priscian and Donatus as well as from other sources, does not seem to have enjoyed wide circulation.161

157

158

159

160

161

Girolamo Arnaldi, “Giovanni Immonide e la cultura in Roma al tempo di Giovanni VIII,” BISI 68 (1965): 41–42. On the early history of the schola cantorum in Rome, see especially Joseph Dyer, “The Schola Cantorum and its Roman Milieu in the Early Middle Ages,” in De Musica et Cantu: Studien zur Geschichte der Kirchenmusik und der Oper. Helmut Hucke zum 60. Geburtstag, ed. Peter Cahn and Ann-Katrin Heimer (Hildesheim, 1993), 19–40. Herbert Bloch, “Montecassino’s Teachers and Library in the High Middle Ages,” Le scuole nell’Occidente latino dell’alto medioevo, SSCISAM, no. 19 (Spoleto, 1972), 567, begins his account of Montecassino’s intellectual achievements with Paolo’s coming. In discussing the rich tradition of manuscripts in the Beneventan–Cassino area, Guglielmo Cavallo, “La trasmissione dei testi nell’area Beneventano-Cassinese,” Cultura antica, 411–14, stresses its independent character. Paolo’s history was continued by Erchemperto, another monk of Montecassino who, living in Capua after the destruction of the abbey, brought the narrative down to 889; Manitius, Geschichte der lateinischen Literatur des Mittelalters, 1:790. The texts are found in Ars Donati quam Paulus Diaconus exposuit, ed. Ambrosio M. Amelli (Monte Cassino, 1899) and in Sexti Pompei Festi, De verborum signiicatu cum Pauli epitome, ed. Wallace M. Lindsay (Leipzig, 1913). On Festus and Paolo’s annotations to Isidore of Seville, see Settimio Lanciotti, “Fra Festo e Paolo,” Paolo Diacono, 237–50. A summary of Ilderico’s grammar is published by Anselmo Lentini as “Ars Hilderici del codice Cassinese 299,” Benedictina 7 (1953): 191–217. Cf. Robert Black, Humanism and Education in Medieval and Renaissance Italy: Tradition and Innovation in Latin Schools from the Twelfth to the Fifteenth Century (Cambridge, 2001), 66–67. Cf. Nicola Cilento, “La storiograia nell’Italia meridionale,” in Storiograia alto medievale, 531–38, discusses historical writing connected with Montecassino in this period.

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By the mid-ninth century a Montecassino–Beneventan scholarly axis developed, marked by its own calligraphic form, the Beneventan script. Who was responsible for originating the form is a matter of debate, but the appearance of the script at roughly the same time at Montecassino and Benevento points to close cultural links.162 Of the scholars active in Benevento about this time only Orso, bishop of the city, is known. He is credited with composing the Abbreviatio artis grammaticae around 833.163 Whereas Ilderico’s treatise dealt with phonetics and parts of speech, Orso added a section on igures. Essentially composing a summary of Priscian, he abridged Priscian’s analysis in some parts but, drawing on other grammarians, ampliied it elsewhere. The bishop was a correspondent of Hildemar of Corbie, who, as I have said, wrote his De ratione bene legendi at the bishop’s request.164 The last surviving work from Montecassino for the ninth century is a sermon written in 883, the year the Saracens sacked the abbey.The sermon by Abbot Bertario on Saint Scholastica, demonstrates that up until the attack grammatical studies were still vigorous at the abbey.165 Although Montecassino lay in ruins for almost a hundred years thereafter, its exiled monks continued to promote scholarship. Many of them, together with the abbey’s manuscripts, found their way to Naples, perhaps spurring that city’s rapid ascent to the cultural leadership of southern Italy by 900.166 For about seventy years, from roughly the last quarter of the ninth century, Naples lourished as a center of the translation of much of the Synaxarion, the Greek church’s equivalent to the Roman martyrology.167 The period also witnessed the production of at least twenty-ive (and probably more) Latin translations of saints’ lives, including lives never before translated and improved versions of older translations.168 By 162

163

164

165 166 167

168

Elias A. Lowe, The Beneventan Script, rev. and ed.Virginia Brown, Sussidi Eruditi 33, 2 vols. (Rome, 1980), is the standard work. Also see Hans Belting, Studien zur beneventanischen Malerei (Weisbaden, 1968), 4, on the origins of the script. For a possible northern Italian origin, see Bischof, Manuscripts and Libraries, 48 and 52. Camillo Morelli, “I trattati di grammatica e retorica del cod. Casanatense 1086,” Rendiconti della r. Accademia dei Lincei: Classe di scienze morali, storiche e ilologiche, ser. 5, 19 (1910): 288. Villa, “‘Denique Terenti dultia legimus acta....,’” 35 and 41; Cavallo, “La trasmissione dei testi,” 367–71. For the grammatical tract ascribed to Orso, see Morelli, “I trattati di grammatica e retorica del cod. casanatense,” 287–320. Cf. Black, Humanism and Education, 66–67. On Benevetan grammarians, see also Virginia Brown, “‘Where have all the grammers gone?’ The Survival of Grammatical Texts in Beneventan Script.” In Manuscripts and Tradition of Grammatical Texts from Antiquity to the Renaissance: Proceedings of a Conference Held at Erice, 16–23 October 1997, as the 11th Course of the International School for the Study of Written Records, ed. Mario de Nonno, Paolo de Paolis, and Louis Holtz (Cassino, 2000), 389–414. Bloch, “Montecassino’s Teachers and Library,” 572–73. Cavallo, “La trasmissione dei testi,” 371–83. Nicola Cilento,“La cultura e gli inizi dello studio,” in Storia di Napoli, vol. 2.2 (Naples, 1979), 551–74; and Paolo Chiesa, “Le traduzioni dal greco: L’evoluzione della scuola napoletana nel X secolo,” Lateinische Kultur im X. Jahrhundert: Akten des 1. Internationalen Mittellateinerkongresses, Heidelberg, 12.–15. IX. 1988, Mittellateinisches Jahrbuch 24/25 (1991): 67–86. Further testimonies to the vitality of intellectual life in the Naples area are the late ninth- and early tenth-century additions to the Liber pontiicalis, the history of the bishops of Naples, and a series of treatises inspired by the notorius postmortem deposition of Pope Formosus (891–96). In contrast with the biographies composed in the irst half of the ninth century, which describe the bishops’ lives using stereotypical categories, those written subsequently are more personal and relect an intent to place the lives within their historical contexts: Cilento, “La storiograia nell’Italia

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the irst half of the tenth century, scholars were moving beyond traditional translations ad verbum, that is, translating the Greek text into Latin word for word, and providing translations ad sensum, or translations that sought to capture the sense of the Greek passage in Latin. But from about 950 interest in the translations declined, and a revived Montecassino soon began to reassert its inluence. This brief sketch of literary scholarly life in the Italian peninsula outside the regnum was designed to lay out the cultural geography of the peninsula so as to emphasize how papal patronage and a very diferent monastic culture afected the intellectual life in the rest of the peninsula. Henceforth the papacy and the southern part of the peninsula will concern us only in the few instances where developments there had bearing on the Latin culture of the north. The same criteria will be used for transalpine Europe, primarily the areas comprising modern Germany, France, and Belgium. THE DOCUMENTARY CULTURE

Any study of Italian educational and intellectual life in the early Middle Ages that concentrates on book culture to the neglect of documentary culture must fail to account for the dynamics of Italy’s intellectual development over the following centuries. By 800, people who bought, sold, or rented property, or who willed by testament, maintained a treasury of documents that fortiied their decisions with a wall of formulas. At least the local elite, who had the obligation to participate in legal trials where written depositions along with contracts were introduced as evidence, expected that one day they might need written proofs, for either ofensive or defensive purposes. Unlike the elites, the majority of country people and many town-dwellers probably had little to do with documents directly, but they may still have been able to understand the function and even the contents of written acts. It appears that large areas of the kingdom still spoke a form of Latin that retained a close tie with that of late antiquity.169 In these areas illiterate laymen, hearing a document read aloud, would have been able to grasp at least its gist. Knowledge of a spoken dialect of Latin would also have facilitated Latin literacy, once the alphabet and the pronunciation of syllables had been learned. The classic exponent of documentary culture in the eighth and ninth centuries was the notary. At least by the second half of the eighth century in Lombard Italy, he appears to have been a writer of documents, both public and private, who perhaps

169

meridionale,” 2:539–47. As for the treatises relating to Formosus, the irst surviving defense of his legitimacy was written by a Neapolitan, Eugenio Vulgario (before 908). He soon followed his De causa Formosiana with a second treatise personally attacking the current pope, Sergius III (904–11). The irst treatise is published by Ernst Dümmler, Auxilius und Vulgarius (Leipzig, 1866), 117–39. Subsequently, beginning in 908, Auxilius, a Frank and monk of Montecassino living in Naples, published a number of tracts on the same subject; Manitius, Geschichte der lateinischen Literatur des Mittelalters, 1:437–38. Manitius also discusses the contribution of a third supporter of Formosus writing about 928 (ibid., 1:439–40). For the life and writings of Vulgario, see ibid., 1:433–34. Michel Banniard, Viva voce: Communication écrite et communication orale du IVe au XIe siècle en Occident latin (Paris, 1992), 531, ofers convincing evidence that “le maintien des traits latins perd ainsi très rapidement sa raison d’être, et la dernière phase peut commencer vers le milieu du VIIIe siècle [for Spain and Gaul] (vers le milieu du siècle suivant en Italie).”

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had the authorization of a secular power.170 It is diicult, however, to determine to what degree the notary monopolized the writing of documents. Indeed, the twenty-three diferent ways writers have of identifying themselves in an eighthcentury collection of documents (scriptor, scriba, clericus, clericus et notarius, presbiter, acolitus, vir devotus, amicus, monachus, nepos, etc.) could mean that the function of writing documents was accessible to anyone who could write.171 Certainly ecclesiastics wrote a signiicant number of documents, although perhaps not in all areas of the kingdom.172 Words such as scriptor or scriba may well conceal a lay notary concerned to emphasize the document as a writing event, but we have no way of substantiating that possibility.173 170

171 172

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Giorgio Costamagna, “L’Alto medioevo,” in Mario Amelotti and Giorgio Costamagna, Alle origini del notariato italiano, Studi storici sul notariato italiano, no. 2 (Rome, 1975), 176–77, argues for a royal authorization of notaries and doubts the existence of a signiicant number of private ones. In Costamagna’s opinion, private individuals could rogate charters but not call themselves notarii. On the basis of his close study of Lombard documents, Luigi Schiaparelli, “Note diplomatiche sulle carte longobarde. I: I notai nell’età longobarda,” Archivio storico italiano, ser. 5, 17 (1932): 24–25, agrees, when he writes of Lombard notarii: “Nulla sapiamo di sicuro sulla loro nomina, ma sembra che dipendessero dalle superiori autorità distrettuali, dai duchi e dai gastaldi....” Giorgio Cencetti,“Il notaio medievale italiano,” Atti della società ligure di storia patria 78 (1964): xiii, however, describes them as “semplici scribi forniti di una certa esperienza delle formule documentarie, privi di ogni autorità.” This view is shared by Giovanna Nicolaj, ”Il documento privato italiano nell’alto medioevo, “Libri e documenti d’Italia dai Longobardi alla rinascita delle città: Atti del Convegno nazionale dell’Associazione italiana dei paleograi e diplomatisti. Cividale, 5–7 ottobre 1994, ed. Cesare Scalon (Udine, 1996), 183. While scanty documentation makes certitude impossible, I am more convinced by the presentations of Schiaparelli and Costamagna. Costamagna, “L’alto medioevo,” 158. Costamagna notes (ibid., 160) the absence of clerics writing documents in Piedmont, Lunigiana, and Lazio, but he attributes it to a paucity of documents from those areas. Alberto Liva, Notariato e documento notarile a Milano dall’alto medioevo alla ine del Settecento, Studi storici sul notariato italiano, no. 4 (Rome, 1979), 7–8, suggests that by alluding to himself with a descriptive term such as scriptor the notary was highlighting the act of writing; cf. Schiaparelli,“Note diplomatiche,” 32–33. Liva cites the case of a notary using the title scriptor and notarius interchangeably in the irst half of the ninth century (Notariato e documento, 10). Costamagna, “L’alto medioevo,” 191, cites another for the eighth century. In any case, according to Liva, the use of the term scriptor in Milanese documents disappeared by the mid-ninth century. See as well Everett, Literacy in Lombard Italy, c. 568–774, 202, who suggests that in an earlier period, because documents customarily were written by diverse groups of people, the generic term scriba was used: “the purpose of scriba may have been to encourage the use of charters in the juridical system and not conine such activities to certain groups or individuals in a tightly deined hierarchy.” Summarizing his position on the status of writers of documents in the eighth century, Costamagna concludes (Notariato e documento, 159): “. . . nonostante l’impossibilità di precisare con assoluta certezza la qualiica di alcuni personaggi e ove si escludano in certi limiti gli ‘exceptores,’ peraltro in numero molto limitato ad appartenti ad una categoria ben precisata di persone, si può ragionevolmente afermare che tutti i rogatari possono essere ricompresi o tra gli ecclesiastici o tra i ‘notarii.’” The term exceptores originally referred to stenographers and beginning in the third century came to replace the term notarius: Mario Amelotti, “L’età romana,” Alle origini del notariato italiano, ed. Mario Amelotti and Giorgio Costamagna, Studi storici sul notariato italiano, no. 2 (Rome, 1975), 20. Amelotti writes: “Nel tardo impero la parola diventa difusa in ogni tipo di fonti – letterarie e giuridiche, papirologiche ed epigraiche – ma ormai disegna sempre un pubblico impiegato di rango modesto, con funzioni in primo luogo di verbalizzazzione.” Costamagna (159) still inds a few references to exceptores in the eighth century, but the term disappears by the ninth.

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Charlemagne seems to have decided to impose on his new Italian possessions a notarial arrangement found in parts of Gaul: he endeavored to establish notarial oicials whose primary function was to keep the records of the count’s court, commonly referred to as the placitum in Italy and as the mallus north of the Alps.174 In 781, at Mantua, Charlemagne required that every count in the kingdom have his own notary.175 While it is unclear in the 781 document how the procedure was carried out, he speciied in a capitulary of 803 that the choice of the notaries, along with that of the local scabini and advocati, should belong to the imperial missi.176 Presumably, this choice would be made from among the notaries already practicing within a county. Traditionally the Lombard notary exercised diverse functions; for the newly created comital notary, the charge of maintaining the records of the local placitum probably proved to be part-time and just added to his other documentary work.177 Local judges or scabini appear also to have been notaries.178 While the public status of the notary in Lombard Italy is debatable, there can be no question that the notary in Carolingian Italy had oicial standing.179 In 832, Lothar at Pavia enacted legislation that further professionalized the Carolingian notariate. Among the variety of prescriptions regarding payment and high moral conduct existed one deining the county as the area in which an individual notary was allowed to practice freely. Notaries who intended to notarize acts outside their own county did so only with the permission of the count of the county in which they intended to work.180 This piece of legislation would help to explain the frequent appearance after this time of notaries designated as notarius luccensis or notarius de Parma. 174

175

176

177 178

179 180

Bresslau, Handbuch der Urkundenlehre, 1:591–92 and 618–19. Cf. Schiaparelli, “Note diplomatiche,” 31–32. Capitularia Regum Francorum, 1:190 (c. 3): “Comes vero ... et omnia notarium suum scribere faciat.” Cf. Giorgio Costamagna, “L’alto medioevo,” 181–82; and Liva, Notariato e documento, 12–13. Capitularia, 1:115 (c. 3): “Ut missi nostri scabinos, advocatos, notarios per singula loca elegant et eorum nomina, quando reversi fuerint, secum scripta deferant.” Cf. Costamagna, “L’alto medievo,” 181, and Liva, Notariato e documento, 12–13. The missi were men sent out regularly by the central government to supervise local government. Created by the Carolingian government in the decades around 800, scabini were appointed to act as councilors of the count, primarily in judicial cases. The role of the avocatus was to represent a patron, usually ecclesiastical, in court: François Bougard, La justice dans le royaume d’Italie de la in du viiie au début du xie siècle (Rome, 1995), 177–203, 140–41, and 264–69. On the term scabini, see also Julius Ficker, Forschungen zur Reichs- und Rechtsgeschichte Italiens, 4 vols. (Innsbruck, 1868–74; rpt. Aalen, 1961), 3:199–221. Armando Petrucci, Notarii: Documenti per la storia del notariato italiano (Milan, 1958), 12. Bresslau, Die Handbuch der Urkundenlehre, 1:621–22. For the scabinus as notarius, see also Ficker, Forschungen, 3:220. Bougard, La justice dans le royaume d’Italie, 66. Capitularia regum francorum, 1:62 (chap. 13): “Notarii autem hoc iurare debent, quod nullum scriptum falsum faciat, nec in occulto scriptum aliquis nee de uno comitatu in alio nisi per licentiam illius comitis, in cuius comitatum stare debet.” The same chapter, at points, substitutes the term cancellarius for notarius: for example,“Ut nullus cancellarius pro ullo iudicato aut scripto aliquid amplius accepere audeat nisi dimidiam libram argenti de maioribus scriptis.”The title cancellarius, which for the Franks of the early ninth century commonly referred to the clerk of the Frankish mallus, was also a title given to the head of royal and ecclesiastical writing oices. On the notaries of the mallus, see Alain de Boüard, Manuel de diplomatique française et pontiicale.Vol. 2: L’acte privé (Paris, 1948), 128f. On the transalpine source for the term cancellarius, see also Bresslau, Handbuch der Urkundenlehre, 1:378. Throughout the ninth century the

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In 805, two years after requiring counts to have a notary, Charlemagne imposed the same requirement on bishops and abbots.181 Apparently these notarii clerici – also designated as notaries with the title of a church attached, for example, notarius s. Petronii – appointed by the bishop or abbot, would be responsible for writing documents by and for the prelate.182 While it is unclear from these documents whether the notarius clericus was so restricted in the jurisdiction that he enjoyed, special concessions to ecclesiastical bodies in the ninth and tenth centuries suggest that such a restriction did exist.183 Although it is diicult to know what institutional organization the Lombard notariate had on the eve of the conquest, Carolingian legislation seems to have given a tighter, more formal structure to the profession. In the course of the second half of the ninth century, the title scriba or scriptor became rare in documents that historically would be considered of a notarial character.184 The number of writers signing as clericus or subdiaconus also diminished; and the term presbiter almost disappeared altogether, apparently in response to the Carolingians’ absolute prohibition on priests performing notarial functions in the regnum.185

181 182

183

184

185

term appears, although rarely, as equivalent to notarius; see Codice diplomatico veronese, doc. 373 (873): 371. According to this document the king bestowed on the bishop of Verona the right to name “notarios vel cancellarios ad scribendum cartarum instrumenta.” In 891, King Guido had assumed the same equivalency when, in guaranteeing the bishop of Modena certain privileges, he wrote: “Concedimus etiam eidem sanctae Motinensi aecclesiae, sicut ei ab antiquis antecessoribus nostris regibus loca, in quibus civitas predicta constructa fuerat, per irmatitis suae auctoritatem concessa sunt, ita nostrae auctoritatis precepto irma et stabilia maneant, cum cancellariis quos perpetua et iugi consuetudine temporibus antecessorum episcoporum predicta aeclesia de clericis sui ordinis ad scribendos sue potestatis libellos et idecarios habuit”: I diplomi di Guido e di Lamberto, ed. Luigi Schiaparelli, Fonte per la storia d’Italia, vol. 36 (Rome, 1906), 30. Cf. Bougard, La justice dans le royaume d’Italie, 69, n. 11. In the tenth century, royal and imperial cancellarii were without exception high ecclesiastics charged with supervising the chancery, but they did not usually write out the documents themselves. Where a diocesan cancellarius wrote a document, I assume that such an oicial was usually head of the writing oice of the chapter and a notary. See Chapter 2, under “The Other Culture.” Capitularia, 1:121 (chap. 4 and note e). Schiaparelli, “Note diplomatiche,” 11–12, considers this group to be not necessarily clerical, but my tendency is to regard them as such unless otherwise speciied. Bresslau, Handbuch der Urkundenlehre, 620–21, cites a royal privilege granting the bishop’s notaries in Parma the right to practice throughout the diocese for lay and clerical employers. Another permits the notaries of the abbey of San Giulia of Brescia, certainly clerics, the right to perform the abbey’s business anywhere in Italy. Also note the examples in Max Handloike, Die lombardischen Städte unter der Herrschaft der Bishöfe und die Entstehung der Communen (Berlin, 1883), 65, n. 3. Schiaparelli,“Note diplomatiche,” 31, suggests that Carolingian legislation had a practical efect:“Esse essenzialmente regolano e perfezionano in Italia, in una parola riformano, quanto già si aveva, sia pure in modo indeterminato, nell’età longobarda.” And again (33): “Ciò che ora appare confuso, indeterminato, libero, andrà prendendo sotto i Carolingi chiarezza, ordine, regolarità, e avrà riconoscimento dalle leggi ... le disposizioni relative ad esso [the notary] nelle leggi carolingie avranno concorso ad accrescere ides al documento scritto dal notaio, in particular modo dal notaio comitale.” Capitularia, 1:179 (c. 13): “Ut nullus presbyter cartas scribat nec conductor sui senioris existat.” See Costamagna, “L’alto medioevo,” 190 and 193. In his survey of the Codex diplomaticus Langobardiae between 800 and 1000, he inds only twelve documents rogated by ecclesiastics of any sort, and these were between 810 and 888. Nonetheless, Enzo Petrucci, “An clerici artem notariae possint exercere,” in Studi storici in onore di Ottorino Bertolini, 2 vols. (Pisa, 1972), 2:562–63, emphasizes the reference to suus senior and maintains that the provision refers only to priests in private churches in the countryside

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The explanation for the continued appearance, albeit rare, of a presbyter, subdiaconus, or diaconus writing documents that were notarial in character lies in large part in the peculiar position held by the bishop, an ecclesiastic who had a measure of secular power.To what extent could the bishop, like the emperor or king, publish charters or diplomas, and to what extent had he to make his will known through notarial documents requiring witnesses and a notary’s signature? Distinctions between diplomas or charters and notarial documents were sometimes diicult to draw.186 Lay notaries often wrote out privileges and concessions granted by a bishop to clerics of his diocese, and the documents often included lists of witnesses with their signa manuum, despite the fact that such documents would not seem to have required notarization.187 At other times, documents dealing with the same kind of matters assumed the form of charters granted by a bishop, written by a cleric, and needing no other validation than that of the authority in whose name it was issued. Throughout the Middle Ages, of course, clerics continued to write nonnotarial documents such as epistolae, breves, and the like, documents in which the scribe signed as diaconus or subdiaconus, or remained anonymous. Notarius clericus and notarius with the name of a church, such as notarius s. Petronii bononiensis, continued to be used as titles for ecclesiastical notaries into the next century, but by 900 the former title emerged as the prime indicator of a clerical notary. Besides notarizing documents for ecclesiastical authorities, some clerics also acted as comital notaries, but in the examples we have, when doing so the notary indicated his clerical status, for example, clericus et notarius.188 My overall impression, however, is that by 900 there were fewer clerics writing notarial documents than ifty years earlier. There are exceptions to the tendency, primarily in dioceses in the archiepiscopal province of Ravenna, which was independent of Carolingian Italy until the midtenth century. In that area, as in Rome, where ecclesiastical tradition was particularly strong, evidence of clerics performing notarial functions in the archiepiscopal and diocesan chanceries exists into the twelfth century. We know little about how notaries were trained. Despite eforts to prove the existence of schools for their instruction, there is no solid evidence either for the ninth century or for several centuries to follow. Apprenticeship to a working notary seems to have been the common way to learn the trade. In 880, for example, Rimegauso,

186

187

188

and is designed to forbid their writing documents for local lords, who might force them to falsify documents. I interpret the passage as containing two separate commands to priests, one generic for all priests and the other only for those having a patron. Giovanna Nicolaj, “Per una storia della documentazione vescovile aretina dei secoli XI–XIII. Appunti paleograici e diplomatici,” Annali della scuola speciale per archivisti e bibliotecari dell’Università di Roma 17–18 (1977–78): 67–68, with the examples following. The frequent confusion between charters and notarial documents points to a relatively unclear distinction between public and private. See general conclusion of Bresslau, Handbuch der Urkundenlehre, 1:622. It is possible that clerical notaries occasionally neglected to add their clerical status. However, I know of only two instances before 1250 in which a cleric signs both as notarius clericus and simply as notarius. The irst concerns a certain Giovanni, who in 881 signed as clericus notarius and in 882 as notarius: Girolamo Tiraboschi, Memorie storiche modenesi, 5 vols. (Modena, 1793–95), vol. 1, Codice diplomatico, 53: doc. 51 (881), and 57: doc. 53 (882); and the second concerns Cantarino, Pisane urbis cancellarius, in the twelfth century (see Chapter 2, under “The Other Culture”).

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who took dictation from the notary Adalberto, to whom he referred as magister meus, was probably learning his trade on the job.189 Connected with the unsubstantiated conviction that there were notarial schools is the belief that by the ninth century certain standard collections of documents, which could be employed for instructional as well as practical purposes, circulated widely in the form of manuals. Studies of the formulas used over a wide area, however, suggest that they had local origins and probably derived from copies of notarial documents that were easily accessible. Frequent documentary contact between notaries from various regions, especially with notaries from Pavia, however, may help to explain the occurrence of certain similarities.190 The rapid spread of the legal action known as ostensio cartae, with its attendant formulas, is a case in point. First appearing in Piacenza around 880, within thirty years it became the dominant form of case in public courts (placita) in the regnum.191 If a school of the notariate existed anywhere in ninth-century Italy, it would have been at Pavia. Since the days of the Lombard kings, notaries connected with the royal palace performed duties requiring greater literary and technical skills than ordinary notaries possessed.192 From the 790s, the palace notaries were distinguished irst as notarii domni regis or notarii regales or imperiales, and by the mid-ninth century, 189

190

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The example comes from Uberto Benassi, Codice diplomatico parmense (Parma, 1910), 43–45. Eforts to prove the existence of formal legal and notarial training at Modena in the ninth century have been unconvincing; Bedoni, “Ricerche sulle antiche scuole modenesi, 44–58; and Giuseppe Russo, “L’insegnamento del diritto a Modena nel sec. IX,” in Deputazione storia patria per le antiche provincie modenesi, Atti e memorie, ser. 10, 12 (1977), 23–52. Guiscardo Moschetti, Primordi esegetici sulla legislazione longobarda del sec. IX a Verona (Spoleto, 1954), 55–107, is likewise unsuccessful in his endeavor to prove formal teaching of law at Verona in the same century. However, Alberto Liva (Notariato e documento, 31) is probably right in believing that there was formal notarial training in Pavia in the ninth century. Francesco Calasso, Il medioevo del diritto (Milan, 1954), 279–83, summarizes evidence for law schools at Rome and Ravenna in the early Middle Ages. Pier S. Leicht, “Formulari notarili nell’Italia settentrionale,” Mélanges Fitting, 2 vols. (Montpellier, 1908), 2:49–59, generally rejects the existence of notarial formularies circulating in Carolingian Italy but notes evidence for one, possibly of Pavian origin, in an area covering Asti, Verona, and Bergamo. Schiaparelli, “Note diplomatiche,” 15, argues that notaries usually relied on imitating documents available to them but does not exclude the existence of formularies of a local or regional nature. Liva, Notariato e documenti, 33, explains that the uniformities observed in documents are largely the result of “scambi di notizie e di esperienze fra rogatori,” based on private collections of models and the models found in ecclesiastical archives, as well as the inluence of a common master. Cf. Costamagna, “L’alto medievo,” 215–17. Chris Wickham, “Land Disputes and Their Social Framework in Lombard–Carolingian Italy, 700–900,” The Settlement of Disputes in Early Medieval Europe, ed. Wendy Davies and Paul Fouracre (Cambridge and London, 1986), 117–18. Jane Carpenter, “Glossary,” The Settlement of Disputes, 273, deines the ostensio cartae procedure as “the practice of showing one’s charter in public in the court; by extension, the formalized procedure by which such a demonstration won a court case for the charter owner without contest.” The formal language of placita become standardized in Pavia itself about 810; Bougard, La justice dans le royaume d’Italie, 134. The conclusions of Guido Mengozzi, Ricerche sull’attività della scuola di Pavia nell’alto medio evo (Parma, 1924), on the notariate of Pavia must be regarded with caution. On eighth- and ninthcentury notaries, see Pagnin, “Scuola e cultura,” 80–81 and 89–90; Liva, Notariato e documento, 30–33; Charles Radding, The Origins of Medieval Jurisprudence: Pavia and Bologna, 850–1150 (New Haven, Conn., 1988), 44–54; and Giovanna Nicolaj, Cultura e prassi di notai preirneriani: Alle origini del rinascimento giuridico (Milan, 1991), 15–20.

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as notarii sacri palatii.193 By the 840s and 850s, a second special group emerged with the title judices sacri palatii or judices domni regis. In contrast with notaries in the counties, these notaries wrote documents all over the kingdom, and as judges they sat alongside local judges at royal assemblies wherever they were held. Men bearing these titles seem to have possessed specialized legal training. The fact that many of the judices sacri palatii sometimes referred to themselves as notarii sacri palatii or notarii domni regis suggests that they had been drawn from the ranks of the royal notaries and that their legal expertise initially derived from notarial experience.194 The frequent appearance of these specially designated notaries and judges in the records of the imperial or royal government in the last half of the ninth century points to the existence of a bureaucracy at the Pavian court composed of technical experts on Lombard law. The frequent interchange of titles probably depended on diferent functions they performed in varying situations. In other words, judices domni regis or judices sacri palatii were trained notarii who, when identiied as judices, served a consultative or decision-making function rather than a notarial one. Members of this body of royal judges and notaries were presumably all laymen.195 When in the tenth century the notariate of other cities began to use the same titles (notarii sacri palatii and judices sacri palatii), however, I am less certain that there were 193 194

195

The earliest reference to a notarius sacri palatii is in 713; Everett, Literacy in Lombard Italy, 201. See Bresslau, Handbuch der Urkundenlehre, 1:622–23, for the early occurrences of royal notaries. Giovanna Nicolaj, Cultura e prassi, 27–29, maintains that we are looking at two kinds of royal notaries, the notarius sacri palatii, directly linked to the royal court at Pavia along with the judices sacri palatii; and the others – notarius imperialis, notarius regalis, and notarius domni regis – all of local origin but claiming some sort of royal patent for their oice. She sees the two groups as distinct sorts of technicians, “distinguibili per biograie e itinerari, tipologie formulari e anche tipologie graiche” (27). The problem with making such a distinction is that in the ninth century judges and notaries seem to have used sacri palatii, domni regis, and domni imperialis interchangeably. See the list of royal judges based on Cesare Manaresi, I placiti del ‘regnum Italiae,’ FSI, vols. 92 and 96–97 (Rome, 1955–60), given by Radding, Origins of Medieval Jurisprudence, 189–244, for the ninth to eleventh centuries. Mengozzi, Ricerche, 19, gives the irst instance of a judex et notarius sacri palatii as 844, but without reference. He may have been referring to the placitum of 844 found in Manaresi, I placiti, 92:157 and 159, where two judices, Paolo and Stabile, subscribe to the document as notarii, the former as notarius domni imperatoris, but, contrary to Mengozzi, the title judex et notarius does not appear. Nicolaj, Cultura e prassi, 19, traces the history of the term judex at Pavia in the irst half of the century. The irst mention of judex sacri palatii is found 857; Radding, Origins, 189 under (3). Ten years earlier the same judge referred to himself as iudex domni imperialis. The case of Lucca indicates that the tendency to make notaries act as judges was not unique to Pavia: Hansmartin Schwarzmaier, Lucca und das Reich bis zum Ende des 11. Jahrhunderts.Studien zur Sozialstruktur einer Herzogstadt in der Toscana (Tübingen, 1972), 274–76; and Hagen Keller, “La Marca di Tuscia ino all’anno Mille,” Atti del 5º Congresso internazionale di studi sull’alto medioevo, Lucca 3–7 ottobre 1971 (Spoleto, 1973), 125–127. Cf. Nicolaj, Cultura e prassi, 19–20, n. 39. Bresslau, Handbuch der Urkundenlehre, 1.625: “Fanden wir unter den Grafschaftsnotaren auch Geistliche, so kann ich Kleriker in der Stellung als Königsnotare für das 10. bis 12. Jahrhundert nicht nachweisen.” It is important to distinguish between this notarial staf resident at Pavia and the royal chancery, headed by a high ecclesiastic, which followed the king and was intimately linked with the royal chapel.To all appearances the chancery of the Lombard kings had been stafed only by laymen (ibid., 358 and 387–99). The Carolingians replaced laymen with clerics, and after the demise of the Carolingian dynasty succeeding Italian kings kept the tradition (374). The primary function of the royal chancery was to emit royal charters and other decrees in the king’s name.

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not clerics among them. The local notariate designated by titles such as notarius lucensis or simply notarius would then largely disappear, along with titles associated with an ecclesiastical notariate. As we shall see, the lay tradition connected with the titles notarii sacri palatii and judices sacri palatii, coupled with the concern of the early tenth-century kings to create a large royal notariate as a means of keeping control of the country, would have militated against admitting ecclesiastics (who, in theory at least, would not be justiciable in the royal courts). Nonetheless, it is possible that some of the notarii clerici in the tenth century obtained royal appointments.196 That the judices et notarii sacri palatii were as a group attaining greater cohesiveness and importance over time is shown by a study that focuses on the calligraphic elements in surviving collections of placita, that is, the records of public judicial assemblies held in the name of the king and often in his presence.197 A detailed study of the handwriting of the legal technicians present at placita in the ninth and tenth centuries has shown that by the late ninth century a peculiar script had become widely difused among the notarii et judices sacri palatii, which the authors of the study call cancelleresca palatina.198 Over the next century, that calligraphic form distinguished the writing of the legal technicians of the court from the hand used by other literate laymen and ecclesiastics present, including other notaries.199 The legal structures in which the notaries and judges of the regnum worked depended largely on the legal identity of individuals, whether Roman or Lombard. Lombard law prevailed mainly in the northern part of the regnum where Lombard settlement had been heaviest, and Roman law in the south.The former had received its irst codiication in 643 in the Edictum Rotari and had been added to by the later Lombard kings Grimbaldo (688), Liudprando (712), Ratchis (745), and Aistulph (749). Carolingian rulers supplemented Lombard law with their own legislation.200 196

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198 199

200

I have seen only two clear examples of clerics as royal or imperial notaries. In Verona, beginning in 947 and ending in 957, a Veronese cleric, Liudprando, signed himself as cl(ericu)s not(arius) domni regi in a series of documents: Codice diplomatico veronese, 359: doc. 236; and 410: doc. 259. The second example comes from 1356, when a certain cleric, Lanfranco, signed a document ego presbiter Lanfranchus de comitatu mediolanensi imperiali auctoritate notarius: Carte dell’Archivio di Stato di Pisa, ed. Mariella D’Alessandro Nannipieri, 2 vols. Thesaurus ecclesiarum Italiae, Toscana,VII, 9 (Rome, 1978), 1:21. At the same time, it would be fatuous to believe that throughout the centuries civil authorities consistently excluded clerics from the notariate. As late as the thirteenth century, among the 2,000 members listed as matriculants to the Bolognese guild of notaries over the century, one was a cleric; see Chapter 9, under “Laymen and the Traditional Book Culture.” Armando Perucci and Carlo Romeo, “Scrivere ‘in judicio’: Modi, soggetti e funzioni di scrittura nei placiti del ‘Regnum Italiae’(sec. ix–xi),” Scrittura e civiltà 13 (1989): 5–48; published as “Scrivere ‘in iudicio’ nel ‘Regnum Italiae,’” in Scriptores in urbibus, 195–236. In ibid., 222–23, Petrucci and Romeo describe the form of writing. Ibid., 224–25. Pavian judges from the second half of the ninth century also used tachigraphic note taking. On the practice of tachigraphic note taking, see Luigi Schiaparelli, “Tachigraia sillabica nelle carte italiane,” BISI 31 (1910): 27–71, and 33 (1913), 1–39. This notation, Petrucci writes (225), “conferma il processo di formazione di una vera e propria aristocrazia della scrittura e della cultura scritta documentaria.” The development of Lombard law is discussed by Nicholas Everett in his Literacy in Lombard Italy, 163–96. For a discussion of the extent to which Lombard law was territorial, see ibid., and his article “How Territorial Was Lombard Law?” in Die Langobarden: Herrschaft und Identität, ed.Walter Pohl and Peter Erhart (Vienna, 2005), 345–60.

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In areas where Roman law formed the basis of the legal system, ninth-century documentary culture invited access to the Roman legal texts, and a number of epitomes were created, such as the Epitome Juliani, which was a compendium of the Novellae, the fourth part of the Justinian corpus of Roman law. Eight complete manuscripts of the Novellae dating from the late seventh century to the ninth survive in western European libraries, but knowledge of the other three parts of the Justinian corpus, the Institutes, Code, and Digest, remained fragmentary. The irst complete manuscripts of these historically more important parts date only from the late eleventh and early twelfth century.201 Excerpts from the Justinian corpus, mainly from the Novellae but also short passages from the Institutes and Code, were also available in a series of collections compiled for ecclesiastical use: the Lex Romana canonice compta; the Collectio Anselmo dedicata, dedicated to the Frankish archbishop of Milan, Anselm II (882–96); and the so-called Bobbio excerpts.202 The irst appears to have been the source for the Roman legal material of the others and relects direct knowledge of manuscripts of the Code, the Institutes, and the Novellae.203 A fourth ecclesiastical collection, in Beneventan script, from the ninth century, the Ordo meliluus in expositione legum Romanarum, contains 201

202

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Charles M. Radding and Antonio Ciaralli, “The Corpus iuris civilis in the Middle Ages: A Case Study in Historiography and Medieval History,” Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte, romanistiche Abteilung 117 (2000): 306–8. The Epitome Juliani forms the subject of Wolfgang Kaiser’s Die Epitome Iuliani. Beiträge zum römischen Recht im frühen Mittelalter und zum byzantinischen Rechtsunterricht (Frankfurt-am-Main, 2004). For uses of Roman law in Lombard Italy, see Guido Astuti, “Inlussi romanistici nelle fonti del diritto longobardo,” Tradizione romanistica e civiltà giuridica europea: Raccolta di scritti, ed. Giovanni Diurni, 3 vols. (Naples, 1984), 1:138–39. The corpus of Roman law, composed in Justinian’s reign (527–65), consists of four books: the Code, the collection of constitutions or statutes decreed by Roman emperors down to the early years of Justinian’s reign; the Digest, a compilation of fragments drawn from ancient Roman legal treatises and opinions of jurists; the Institutes, essentially a manual for teaching Roman law; and the Novellae, containing imperial constitutions decreed by Justinian after the second revision of the Code in 534, together with a small number of those by subsequent emperors. Radding and Ciaralli, “The Corpus iuris civilis,” 306–7, relate the four books of the corpus to these collections of canons. See also their The ‘Corpus Iuris Civilis’ in the Middle Ages: Manuscripts and Transmission from the Sixth Century to the Juristic Revival (Leiden and Boston, 2007), 55–62. Carlo Mor,“Le droit romain dans les collections canoniques des Xe et XIe siècles,” Revue historique de droit français et étranger,” ser. 4, 6 (1927), 512–24, was the earliest to note the use of Roman law in the irst two collections. He published his Lex romana canonice compta:Testo di leggi romano-canoniche del sec. IX pubblicato sul ms. Parigino Bibl. Nat. 12448 con introduzione e due tavole delle fonti, Studi nelle scienze giuridiche e sociali pubblicati dall’Istituto di esecitazioni presso la facoltà di giurisprudenza, Pubblicazioni della reale Università di Pavia, Facoltà di giurisprudenza, no. 13 (Pavia, 1927). The Collectio Anselmo dedicata is published by Jean Martial Besse, Histoire des textes du droit de l’Église au moyen-âge. Collectio Anselmo dedicata: Étude et texte (Paris, 1960 [1957]).The Excerpta bobbiensia is found in Mor,“Bobbio, Pavia e gli Excerpta bobbiensia,” Contributi alla storia dell’Università di Pavia (Pavia, 1925), 42–113). On the dating of the ecclesiastical collections, see Mor, “Diritto romano e dritto canonico,” Cultura antica nell’occidente latino, 713–22. On canon law generally in this early period, consult Harald Zimmermann, “Römische und kanonische Rechtskenntnis und Rechtsschulung im früheren Mittelalter,” Scuola nell’occidente latino, 766–94. The so-called Glossa Pistoiese (Bibl. cap. Pistoia, 106), formerly dated as mid-tenth century (see, e.g., Francesco Calasso, Il medioevo del diritto, 289), has often been used as an indication of the extent of knowledge of Roman law before the eleventh century. Radding and Ciaralli have shown that the Glossa dates from after 1050; “The Corpus iuris civilis,” 286–89. Radding and Ciarelli, “The Corpus iuris civilis,” 292 and 307.

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fragments, dealing largely with marriage, from the Institutes and Code.204 A few other collections survive from the ninth and the tenth centuries, but they ofer even more fragmentary versions of the Justinian corpus. Granted the overwhelmingly agricultural nature of the society and the low level of institutional development, the legal system of the late-ancient world, designed for a more complex society, would in any case have been of limited value. The current scholarly tendency is to deemphasize the diferences between the documentary culture of the Italian kingdom and that of the transalpine parts of the Carolingian empire in the ninth century.205 Especially in recent decades, scholars have demonstrated that in parts of the north, human interchanges were recorded in written form in ways similar to those used in Italy. The older position that judicial procedures in the south were more sophisticated than in the north at least requires qualiication.206 That the Carolingians actually reinforced the organization of the Lombard notariate in various ways, based on their experience in their own homeland, is almost certainly true. Rather, the key diference in the ninth century between the documentary cultures on opposite sides of the Alps and the basis for the documentary culture’s greater resilience in Italy resided in the existence of a growing notariate, increasingly lay in status and gaining cohesiveness in the course of the ninth and early tenth centuries. The evidence used to prove the extent of written documentation surviving for transalpine parts of the empire reveals the continuing presence throughout the ninth century of large numbers of clerics serving as scribes for documents of a notarial character.207 In Italy, by contrast, the number of clerics involved in writing documents seems to have declined signiicantly in the same period. Furthermore, the 204 205

206

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Carlo Mor, “Diritto romano,” 2:717–18. The principal general work representing the newer scholarship remains McKitterick’s The Carolingians and the Written Word.The essays relating to northern Europe in The Settlement of Disputes provide signiicant proof of the importance of documents in certain regions. Also see the essays in The Uses of Literacy in Early Mediaeval Europe, ed. Rosamond McKitterick (Cambridge, 1990). De Boüard, Manuel de diplomatique française, 128–49, contrasts the attitude toward the validity of documents in eighth- and ninth-century Italy with that in contemporary France. Cf. Carlo C. Mor, “Dritto romano,” 2:713. François L. Ganshof, “La preuve dans le droit franc,” in La Preuve, vol. 2, Moyen âge et temps modernes, Recueils de la Société Jean Bodin, no. 17 (Brussels, 1965), 90, writes, “l’usage de la preuve écrite est aux temps merovingiens et carolingiens exceptionnel.” McKitterick, Carolingians and the Written Word, 26, squarely challenges that statement as regards the Carolingians, and in fact devotes her book to refuting it. Robert-Henri Bautier, “L’authentiication des actes privés dans la France médiévale: Notariat public et juridiction gracieuse,” in Notariado público y documento privado: De los orígenes al siglo XIV. Actas del VII Congreso internacional de Diplomática, Valencia, 1986 (Valencia, 1989), 709, indicates that under the Carolingians the institution of the notariate “semble ... avoir été générale en Gaule, mais, dans l’ensemble, elle s’est efacée à des dates variables, dès le cours du IXe siècle, à la in de ce siècle, ou au mieux, au Xe.” As for episcopal chanceries, after the Carolingian period “dans le plupart des diocèses, la fonction semble disparaître.” McKitterick, Carolingians and the Written Word, 104–34, provides an extensive discussion of the identities of the scribes writing documents. A student of the Italian notariate is struck by the sizable number of the scribes whom McKitterick identiies as monks and clerics. Under the Carolingians, the writers of documents for counts belonged, as Bresslau remarks, “vorwiegend dem geistlichen Stande angehörten”: Bresslau, Handbuch der Urkundenlehre, 1:374.

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confusing array of terms transalpine scribes used to designate themselves, persistent throughout the ninth century, contrasts with the growing standardization of titles used by the Italian notariate. The sharp decline in documentary culture north of the Alps after 900 may be largely attributable to the unrelenting waves of invaders from the far north and the proliferation of political powers, especially following the death of Charles the Fat. Although the periodic invasion of Italy by the Hungarians appears to have had less destructive consequences, the authority of the central government was constantly threatened by claims to local control. In Italy, however, unlike in Gaul, there existed a large corps of lay notaries, who, modeling themselves on the royal notaries of Pavia, were to become, in the course of the tenth century, increasingly homogeneous, claiming similar privileges, functioning in similar ways, and utilizing similar formulas. Whereas the fragile organization of the public writing function in the north could not resist the forces of decentralization, the Italian lay notariate endowed the regnum with an underlying legal structure that even the Ottonians, coming from that part of the former Carolingian empire with the weakest documentary culture, could not discourage.208 One of the most obvious characteristics of the heritage left to western Europe by the Carolingians was the tendency to clericalize royal and imperial government.209 Although eventually bishops in Italy were to enjoy more secular power than their counterparts north of the Alps, at lower levels of government the process of clericalization encountered resistance. The lay notaries and judges in Pavia, legal professionals whose lives were devoted to government service, contrasted with the largely clerical administrators of the Carolingian court in Francia, men often from the imperial chapel and aspiring to high positions in the Frankish church. In the northern world where documentary culture shrank after 900, the Carolingian clerical administrator served as the model functionary for governments at all levels. “Literate” became largely synonymous with “ecclesiastic” and would remain so down to the end of the ifteenth century. In Italy, lay control over the largest portion of documentary culture meant that the creation of a new book culture founded on the Justinian corpus in the eleventh century would be the work of lay intellectuals. CONCLUSION

The invasion of Italy by the Carolingians caused an irreparable tear in the geographical fabric of the peninsula, detaching the northern portion of the country and drawing it into a new orbit whose center lay beyond the Alps. Conscious of the political and spiritual need to raise the educational level of their people as well as to glorify their throne, Charlemagne and his immediate successors introduced a series of educational reforms. A particular focus of concern was liturgical performance, 208

209

Wickham,“Lombard-Carolingian Italy 700–900,” 115, refers to the resistance in Italy to the Ottonian efort to introduce the duel as a means of impugning the authenticity of a charter. This is the conclusion of Walter Ullmann, The Carolingian Renaissance and the Idea of Kingship (London, 1969), 169. Cf. Bresslau, Handbuch der Urkundenlehre, 1:373–74.

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designed to raise the spiritual conscience of their people and to win divine favor for the empire. To ensure the observance of liturgical rites they introduced communal life into cathedrals and reinforced it in monasteries. The enhancement of performance required the regular functioning of schools where boys could be taught to take their place in singing the canonical hours. Encouraged throughout the empire, these schools likely exercised a positive inluence on elementary education and contributed, along with increased political stability, to a modest rise in literacy. The link established between a large number of transalpine monasteries and Carolingian patronage serves to explain the lourishing of scholarship and literary writing in the ninth century that has been called the Carolingian Renaissance. By the second half of the century a few cathedrals, particularly favored by royal support or by a relationship with a nearby monastery, joined the intellectual movement. In contrast, lacking Carolingian patronage, the monasteries of the southern kingdom, taken as a whole, never established an intellectual tradition, and we must look to the cathedrals, primarily concerned with administering the dioceses, for most of whatever scholarship and literature the century produced. In the regnum up into the thirteenth century, a “culture of the book,” dominated by clerics, would be a conservative tradition of learning. Doubtless there were numbers of clerical scholars who studied scripture, ancient pagan authors, and the Church Fathers, but few contributed to this literature with works of their own creation. A fundamental component of Italian exceptionalism was this conservative conception underlying the traditional culture of the book. Another was the importance of the culture of the document. In his newly conquered territories Charlemagne encountered documentation of human activity more common than elsewhere in his empire, as well as an amorphous body of men – lay and clerical, including those claiming to be notaries – who wrote it. He also inherited from the Lombards a royal corps of lay judges and notaries in the capital. By 900, thanks to the legislative decrees of the Carolingians, the notariate was institutionalized: notaries alone were supposed to write common legal documents, and their practice was governed by certain rules. The exclusion of priests from the notariate made it increasingly lay. Whereas in northern Europe what had been regional notariates collapsed when the Carolingian empire ended, in the regnum the notariate thrived as a major source of law and order in an unstable kingdom. Led by laymen, over time the regnum’s culture of the document would become a creative Latin culture.

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Chapter 2

Italy and the Ottonian Renaissance

he union of the REGNUM with the Kingdom of Germany under Otto I in 962 began a new and enduring epoch in the political history of northern Italy. From that date the sovereign of the regnum became for all practical purposes nonresident. Aside from the emperors’ sporadic descents to suppress egregious threats to imperial sovereignty or to seek coronation at Rome and collect the tribute owed them by their Italian subjects, the population of the regnum was largely left to govern itself. Consequently, the political structure of medieval Italy developed largely free of the inluence of a sovereign authority. At least from the second half of the tenth century the most dynamic centers of power in the political landscape of the regnum were the cities. Stimulated by new economic growth, urban centers in the more populated zones began to emerge as independent political powers, with their bishops as the political leaders. Fragmented as many of them were by cities intent on local control, large Italian territorial lordships were to prove inherently unstable. The medieval history of the regnum from about 1000 is the history of cities, not principalities. In the course of the eleventh century, the emperor’s Italian subjects would come to seek a remedy for the dispersion of governmental power by reviving the study of the Justinian corpus of law. In the tenth century, what legal stability the society had known was largely provided by notaries and judges working with local law, either of Lombard or Roman origin. By then, however, Roman law had basically become customary. As we shall see in this chapter, by the second quarter of the tenth century, the Italian monarchy, in an efort to form a local power base from which to ight centrifugal political tendencies, set out to coopt this corps of lawmen at the local level by transforming them into privileged royal oicials. The Ottonians were to continue the same policy. The existence of the Italian notariate, increasingly composed of laymen who possessed practical literacy, was a crucial diference between society in the regnum and society in the rest of Europe. Although lay literacy may have been at a comparatively low level in the regnum in the tenth century, the notariate constituted a continuous cultural institution dating back to the late-ancient world, which resisted the clericalization of intellectual life typical of transalpine Europe from the eighth century

T

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onward. Anyone seeking to explain the precocious emergence of lay intellectuals in the regnum by the twelfth century must start with the notariate. Discussion of the evolution of the grammatical curriculum in the tenth century must precede, however, any examination of the Italian notariate and the character of the document culture generally. Promoted largely by the difusion of cathedral chapters with their schools, the curriculum dominated Italian education up into the late eleventh century. In the irst hundred years after the conquest, central and northern Italian beneiciaries of the educational program had been minor contributors to Carolingian intellectual life, but in the tenth century they became more prominent. As in northern Europe, the regnum in the ninth and the irst half of the tenth century had been assailed by outside invaders – in the regnum’s case, the Hungarians – but the lack of an interconnected network of rivers, with the notable exception of the Po and its tributaries, had prevented deep penetration and reduced the efects of assaults by raiding parties. In contrast, by 900, within the cultural heartland of the Carolingian Renaissance (the area between the Loire and the Rhine), the society was torn apart by internal political feuding and lacerated by Scandinavian invaders who, proiting from easy access to the interior along the river system, wreaked havoc in wide areas of the country and ultimately occupied a large area of the Atlantic coastal region. Since its educational institutions enjoyed greater continuity during the disruptions of the late ninth and the irst half of the tenth century, the educational institutions of the regnum gained relative superiority over those in Francia. As a result, in the middle decades of the tenth century, as the Ottonians undertook to construct their kingdom out of the northern regions of what had been part of the Carolingian empire, they followed the Carolingian precedent of almost two hundred years earlier, calling upon Italian scholars to come to German lands to play a major role in raising the intellectual and cultural level of the new imperial people. Unlike the Carolingian approach to education, that developed by the Ottonians emphasizing litterae et mores had a distinctly secular bias in that it focused on training young clerics for high positions in the imperial bureaucracy and church. A consideration of the intellectual biographies of four Italians, one prior to and three after 962, will serve to characterize the reorientation of clerical ethos following the absorption of the regnum into the Ottonian empire. THE OTTONIAN SUCCESSION

The conquest of the Italian kingdom by Otto I and its incorporation into a new empire centered in German-speaking lands played a major role in determining the character of Italian politics and also of cultural and intellectual life throughout the Middle Ages. Without any notable immigration of Germans southward on which to depend, and lacking resources to make their authority continuously present on both sides of the Alps, the emperors ruled the regnum essentially in absentia.The papal coronation in Rome of Otto I, king of Germany, as emperor in February 962, therefore, marked the beginning of a new epoch in the history of the Kingdom of Italy.1 1

Vito Fumagalli, Il Regno italico (Turin, 1978), 171–201, provides an excellent short summary of these years, as does Chris Wickham, Early Medieval Italy: Central Power and Local Society, 400–1000

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The kingdom that Otto claimed by right of conquest had been politically unstable. From the deposition of Charles the Fat (887) the kings of Italy had been forced to rely on one group of nobles or another to sustain their power. Rarely was the throne uncontested for long.The irst twenty years of the reign of Ugo of Provence, from 926 until 945, constituted the longest continuous period of relative peace. In 945, however, Ugo and his son Lotario, whom he had associated with himself as king, were forced by a powerful noble, Berengario of Ivrea, to yield up real power to him.With both Ugo and Lotario dead by 950, Berengario took the crown at Pavia as Berengario II. In 951, however, on the pretext of avenging Berengario’s mistreatment of Lotario’s widow, Adelaide, Otto I invaded Italy, forced Berengario to lee, and, marrying Adelaide, had himself proclaimed rex. On Otto’s departure, Berengario was gradually able to reconquer most of his old kingdom, but his return to power ended abruptly in light when Otto returned to Italy in 961. By the beginning of Ugo’s reign, practical political authority at the level of the counties lay in the hands of secular and ecclesiastical lords, who exerted power through their control of vassals and tenants. Even in Ugo’s most peaceful years, rebellions and plots of nobles posed constant threats to the king’s authority. To meet the challenges to their power, Italian monarchs, beginning with Berengario I (888–924), attempted to strengthen their position by awarding grants of immunity that authorized castle building and the right to exercise public police powers within an area covered by a grant (districtus). The immunity not only served to demonstrate the beneicence expected of a monarch but also to enhance royal power by establishing a direct link between the monarch and the holder of the immunity to the exclusion of intermediate royal oicials, who were often unfaithful.2 The creation of a royal notariate throughout the kingdom by King Ugo after 926 designed to counteract the undermining of central power represented a second strategy to be discussed later. Nonetheless, confronted with repeated incursions by the Magyars, the monarchy proved incapable of protecting the country. The unsupervised erection of castles across the Italian landscape made government diicult. By 950 security at the local level increasingly depended on the defense of city walls and on landlords or communities possessing a castle.3 Otto’s monumental defeat of the Hungarians in 955 at Lechfeld in what is now Austria, however, freed his future kingdom from periodic barbarian raids and restored a measure of order to Italian society.

2

3

(Ann Arbor, Mich., 1989), 168–93. See also Giovanni Tabacco, The Struggle for Power in Medieval Italy: Structures of Political Rule, trans. Rosalind B. Jensen (New York, 1989), 144–81. Tabacco, The Struggle for Power, 126–32 and 155. Barbara Rosenwein, Negotiating Space: Power, Restraint, and Privileges of Immunity in Early Medieval Europe (Ithaca, N.Y., 1999) has substantially expanded our understanding of the policy of granting immunities. For her discussion of Berengario’s policy, see 140–55. François Menant, Campagnes lombardes du Moyen Âge: L’économie et la société rurales dans la région de Bergame, de Crémone et de Brescia du Xe au XIIIe siècle (Rome, 1993), 37–100 and 399–411, traces the relationship of castle building, reconiguration of agricultural exploitation and population, and the development of the rural seigneury. See also Giovanni Tabacco, “Regno, impero e aristocrazie nell’Italia postcarolingia,” Il secolo di ferro: Mito e realtà del secolo X. 19–25 aprile 1990, SSCISAM, 38 (Spoleto, 1991), 253; and Gabriela Rossetti, “Formazione e caratteri delle signorie di castello e dei poteri territoriali dei vescovi sulle città nella Langobardia del secolo X,” Aevum 49 (1950): 247–70.

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Having conquered the crown largely with his own army, Otto escaped identiication with a faction of the Italian aristocracy, and hence his rule had an opportunity to transcend local rivalries. The emperor ruled with a light hand. Unlike the earlier Carolingian rulers, Otto I and his son, Otto II, allowed Italians to hold the majority of episcopal oices, and there was no massive inlux of foreigners to replace the old ruling class. The great Carolingian families had disappeared by the mid-tenth century, and new leaders had risen from the second-rank nobility, many of them of Lombard origin.4 As a result of Ottonian policy, the nobles under Otto were far less dependent on the king than they had been under the Carolingians and tended to govern their territories with relative independence, except when the emperor himself was in the country. Unlike the Carolingian domination, German suzerainty, although it remained unchallenged for centuries, did not strike deep roots in Italy, nor during their long absences could emperors do more than provide or deny the mantle of legitimacy to what local rulers did on their own.5 Already by 962, the generous grants of immunity from royal authority and other privileges awarded by Otto’s royal predecessors had signiicantly reduced the power of the king’s local oicials, the counts, in the cities. No one group beneited more from this aspect of royal muniicence than did the bishops. Kings since the late ninth century had tended to favor bishops as a matter of policy in order to undercut the great lay nobles. Endowed with signiicant secular authority within the areas of their immunity and reinforced by their extensive spiritual power, bishops proved dangerous rivals to counts, especially in governing the cities. Indeed, by the mid-tenth century counts frequently were seen leaving the city to the bishops and making the countryside their base of power.6 Otto showed no inclination to resist this trend.7 It 4

5 6

7

Stefano Gasparri, “The Aristocracy,” in Italy in the Early Middle Ages, ed. Cristina La Rocca (Oxford, 2002), 79–82. Karl Bosl, Gesellschaftsgeschichte Italiens im Mittelalter (Stuttgart, 1982), 126–29. Besides accounts found in the works cited in n. 2, see Hagen Keller, “Der Gerichtsort in oberitalienischen und toskanischen Städten: Untersuchungen zur Stellung der Stadt im Herrschaftssystem des Regnum italicum vom 9. bis 11. Jahrhundert,” Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken 49 (1969): 38–39. Keller suggests that from the time of the late Carolingians royal policy tended to favor the bishop against the local duke or count. Gerhard Dilcher writes that the bishop’s formal claims to power over his city arose out of the grant of immunity, combined in some cases with his powers as imperial missus: “Bischof und Stadtverfassung in Oberitalien,” Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte: germanische Abteilung 81 (1964): 230–35. See also Eugenio D. Theseider, “Vescovi e città nell’Italia precomunale,” in Vescovi e diocesi in Italia nel medioevo (sec. ix–xiii), Atti del II Convegno di storia della Chiesa in Italia: Roma, 5–9 sett. 1961, Italia sacra, Studi e documenti di storia ecclesiastica, no. 5 (Padua, 1964), 76–78. Cf. also Philip Jones, The Italian City State: From Commune to Signoria (Oxford, 1997), 65. Rossetti, “Formazione e caratteri delle signorie di castello,” 303–4, however, tends to see the emerging superiority of the bishop to the count in many regions as largely owing to the fact that in the turbulent political circumstances the bishop had more reliable resources to draw on. Ovidio Capitani, Storia dell’Italia medievale, 410–1216 (Rome and Bari, 1986), maintains that even before the establishment of the Ottonians the bishops had more or less displaced the counts as secular authority in the towns: “nel mezzo della sec. X si assiste ad una pressoché assoluta cessazione di attività giudiziaria dei conti” (168).The existence of a powerful margrave in tenth-century Tuscany, however, prevented most of the Tuscan bishops from acquiring comital status: George Dameron, Episcopal Power and Florentine Society, 1000–1320 (Cambridge, Mass., 1991), 24. Theseider, “Vescovi e città,” 93–95; Tabacco, “Regno, impero e aristocrazie,” 264.

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could be said, indeed, that Otto legitimized the heterogeneous power structure left to him by previous rulers and kept it in place by promising swift revenge for major breaches of the arrangement.8 Otto I’s son, Otto II (955–83), followed his father’s approach toward Italy, but events early in the reign of Otto III (980–1002) caused a signiicant change in imperial government of the kingdom. Jolted by urban revolts against German rule in Verona and Cremona in 996 and in Ravenna in 998, Otto III, who realized that to control the cities and their territory he had to control the bishops, reversed traditional Ottonian policies by appointing more German bishops to vacant episcopal sees and by assigning members of his own entourage to hear most royal placita.9 In a snub to the Italians, in 999 Otto III united the Italian chancery with the German chancery under a German chancellor.10 The increased German presence, at least in the bishoprics, became a part of royal policy toward Italy under Otto’s successors. THE OTTONIAN PROGRAM OF EDUCATION

Otto I may have taken Charlemagne for his model in embarking on his ambitious educational program in the years immediately following his irst trip to Italy in 951.11 Like Charlemagne, Otto admired Italian scholars, and on his return to German lands in 951 he invited one to accompany him back to assist in educational reform. On a later trip in 964–65, Otto returned to his homeland with a second Italian. In contrast with Charlemagne’s program, Otto’s was less oriented toward religion and more narrowly aimed at creating a corps of public servants on whom the emperor could rely. Because monks would not be suitable civil servants, Otto focused on improving cathedral education, either by reforming schools that already existed or by creating new ones.12 The overall efect of his educational policies was to promote the tendency initiated under the Carolingians of making both administrative oice in government and the culture of the book itself into clerical monopolies. 8

9 10

11

12

Theseider, “Vescovi e città,” 95–96.Tabacco, “Regno, impero e aristocrazie,” 265, writes: “L’intera età degli Ottoni si conigura in Italia con maggior evidenza che altrove, come deinitiva trasformazione del regno in una struttura disordinatamente policentrica, eterogenea nei suoi elementi costitutivi, che furono egemonizzati dagli interventi imperiali con profonda discontinuità nello spazio e nel tempo.” Cf. Dilcher, “Bischof und Stadtverfassung in Oberitalien,” 244. Keller, “Gerichtsort,” 68–69. Tabacco, Struggle for Power, 199. Prepared to assert his lawmaking powers in the kingdom in a significant way, Otto III resolved to remedy the confusion between freeman and serf brought about by loss of judicial memory and economic development. He did so by declaring in a capitulary of 998 that no serf belonging to the church could ever be liberated and that serfs claiming to be free of a lay master had to prove their freedom by judicial duel. The most important work on the contrast between the Ottonian and the Carolingian educational programs is Stephen Jaeger, The Envy of Angels: Cathedral Schools and Social Ideals in Medieval Europe: 950–1300 (Philadelphia, 1994), 21–52. On the policy of the Ottonians toward education, see especially Josef Fleckenstein, “Königshof und Bischofsschule unter Otto dem Grossen,” Archiv für Kulturgeschichte 38 (1956): 38–62. The association of the beginning of the imperial reform with the irst Italian expedition of Otto is found on 52. Jaeger, Envy of Angels, 43, maintains that whereas under the Carolingians monastic education differed in no appreciable way from cathedral education, this was not the case under the Ottonians.

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Modern scholars tend to attribute much of the responsibility for the content and execution of the Ottonian educational program to Otto’s younger brother, Brun, who was irst archchaplain of Cologne and imperial chancellor (ca. 939–53) and then archbishop of Cologne (953–65).13 A natural teacher, Brun transformed the chancery and chapel into a veritable school for educating young clergy serving in the palace, and later, as archbishop of Cologne, he continued to watch closely over the local cathedral school. He doubtless inluenced his brother’s efort to appoint bishops who would energize their cathedral schools or create a cathedral school where none existed.14 Brun himself represented the ideal of the royal priest that German cathedral education aimed to produce: a high churchman who could move easily between ecclesiastical duties and royal service.15 This entailed providing a young cleric with education in litterae et mores so as to prepare him for diplomatic and administrative roles both in the Church and in secular government. While the Carolingians had also held the training of imperial functionaries as one of the goals of education in the liberal arts, they envisioned learning more broadly, as a way of advancing the spiritual welfare of their subjects. Because of the preponderantly secular motives behind their educational policies, the Ottonians heightened the focus on ancient literature and placed special emphasis on the orators and historians.16 A teacher’s role as interpreter of the texts and as author, however, was secondary to the role that he played as a charismatic igure, embodying in his voice and gestures an indwelling greatness of soul leavened with humility.17 The rewards of imperial patronage were bestowed on the basis of personal moral virtue and talent, not deep religiosity. In the combination of litterae et mores, litterae may have taken second place to mores, but the beneicial efects of the study of ancient moralists and historians on the formation of character remained an article of faith. Already before his Italian journey in 951, Otto had been aware of the superiority of grammar studies in Italy. His brother Brun had had an Italian as a grammar teacher, but his encounter with the impressive young Pavian exile, Liudprando (ca. 920–72), who had recently taken refuge with Otto after quarrelling with Berengario II at Pavia, was probably the immediate spur to Otto’s interest in inviting Italian scholars to teach in his German lands.18 Liudprando himself would eventually become one of those royal bishops on whose shoulders the administration of Ottonian power rested. 13 14

15 16 17 18

On the role of Brun, see ibid., 36–43. Cathedral schools reformed or created by bishops closely related to the Ottonian court were the following: Cologne, Magdeburg, Hildesheim, Paderborn, Bremen, Würzburg, Worms, Augsburg, Regensburg, Trier, and Mainz (Aschafenburg). The bishops of Strasbourg, Speyer, and Halberstadt appear to have drawn their intellectual direction rather from Saint Gall; Fleckenstein, “Königshof,” 49–58. Ibid., 45–47. Jaeger, Envy of Angels, 48. Jaeger refers to it as “the cult of personality” (ibid., 80). The teacher was Isreale. See n. 22. The earliest secure date for Liudprando’s presence at the imperial court is 956, when he met the Spanish bishop, Recemundus of Elvira, envoy of the Umayyad prince of Cordova to Otto. Liudprando later dedicated his Antapodosis to Recemundus. It is known that Liudprando embarked for Constantinople as Berengario’s ambassador to the eastern emperor in August 949. He returned to Pavia, probably sometime in 950, angry with Berengario, who had

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Liudprando was probably responsible for introducing Otto to Stefano of Novara (ca. 985), whom he could have known from their schooldays in Pavia or later when Stefano was teaching in Novara. Liudprando certainly would have encouraged the invitation that Otto and Poppo, bishop of Würzburg, extended to Stefano to come to the German kingdom to teach in Würzburg’s new cathedral school. Arriving at the school in 952, Stefano was to teach both there and at Bamberg until, in 970, he returned to Italy and ended his career in Novara.19 Despite a report of a malicious attack on his learning by a couple of disgruntled students, the Italian master must have left the north on generally friendly terms, because he gave many of his manuscripts to the Würzburg cathedral library.20 On returning from a subsequent journey to Italy in 964, Otto, now emperor, brought back with him a second teacher, Gunzo, about whom we know only what he wrote of himself in his Epistola ad Augienses, composed in the months immediately after he had passed over the mountains into the German kingdom.21 Because he claimed that he was his own master and implied that he could have refused the emperor’s invitation had he chosen to, Gunzo was probably not a monk. Allusions in the letter to his independent economic status, and mention of the more than a hundred books that he was bringing with him, make monastic status even less likely. We know neither where nor how long he taught in the schools north of the Alps.

19

20

21

left it to him to ofer rich gifts to the emperor from his own funds. After the irst abortive German descent into Italy by Otto I’s son, Liudolf, in 950, the second by Otto himself in 951 was successful in driving Berengario back to his native province of Ivrea. I conjecture that Liudprando deserted Berengario at some point in 950 or 951. At any rate, I doubt that Liudprando would have followed Berengario in his retreat to the northeast. The basic account of Stefano’s life is found in Luigi Benedetto,“Stephanus grammaticus da Novara (sec. X),” SM 3 (1908–11): 499–508. The second of Stefano’s epitaphs published by Benedetto (500–501) has him teaching at Novara and Pavia before his summons to Würzburg. See also Ettore Cau, “Scrittura e cultura a Novara (secoli viii–x),” Ricerche medievali 6–9 (1971–74): 67–71. On Stefano at Pavia, see Ettore Cau and Maria A. Casagrande Mazzoli, “Cultura e scrittura a Pavia (secoli V–X), Storia di Pavia. II: L’Alto medioevo (Milan, 1987), 202. For the date of Stefano’s departure for Germany, see Benedetto, “Stephanus grammaticus da Novara” 502–3; and Josef Fleckenstein, “Königshof und Bischofsschule,” 52, n. 57. At one point in his teaching at Würzburg, while lecturing on Martianus Capella, Stefano apparently scandalized several of his students by failing to explain adequately the metric scheme of the work. One of his student critics, Wolfgang, a personality akin to Abelard, gave his own lecture on the subject and satisied the students; Benedetto, “Stephanus grammaticus da Novara,” 505. On the vogue for Martianus, see Claudio Leonardi, “Nuove voci poetiche tra secolo IX e XI,” SM, 3rd ser., 2 (1961): 139–68. On the Italian codices in the Würzburg library, see the index of Bernard Bischof and Josef Hofmann, Libri sancti Kiliani: Die Würzburger Schreibschule und die Dombibliothek im VIII. und IX. Jahrhundert (Würzburg, 1952), 196. For the identiication of Vienna Nat. Bibl., lat. 1616 as belonging to Stefano’s gift, see Ettore Cau, “Osservazioni sul cod. lat. 1616 (sec. VIII ex.) della Biblioteca nazionale in Vienna,” Palaeographica, diplomatica et archivistica: Studi in onore di Giulio Battelli, 2 vols. (Rome, 1979), 1:92–94. Benedetto, “‘Stephanus grammaticus da Novara,’” 507, surmises that he died sometime after 985. Epistola ad Augienses, in Gunzo Epistola ad Augienses und Anselm von Besate Rhetorimachia, ed. Karl Manitius, in MGH, Quellen zur Geistesgeschichte des Mittelalters, vol. 2 (Weimar, 1958), 3–8. Already an old man (23, line 5), Gunzo makes it clear that he had been summoned by the emperor (21, lines 6–9). No proof exists for the identiication of Gunzo of Novara, author of a letter to Atto (PL 134, cols. 111–12), with our Gunzo (Gunzo, 4).

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The emperor’s interest in attracting Italian scholars to Germany provides evidence of transalpine Europe’s high opinion of Italian attainments in grammatical studies in the second half of the tenth century, but there are more anecdotal indications of Italian ascendancy from other quarters. Late in the century, a grammarian from Francia, Gautbert, who had found Italy to be the “friend of grammar,” composed a work entitled Epitoma Prisciani, in an efort to simplify Priscian for students in Francia who, he wrote, compared with Italians, had little or no interest in the ancient grammarian.22 The Burgundian Ralph Glaber refers to a scholar of Ravenna around 1000 (inem millesimi anni), “a certain man called Vilgardo, constantly, not just occasionally, studying grammar, as is the custom of Italians who neglect the other arts for this one.”23 So strong was Vilgardo’s passion for the ancient poets, according to Glaber, that he fell into heresy. The German imperial family’s choice of an Italian, Almerico, abbot of the Ciel d’Oro in Pavia, as tutor of the young royal prince, the future Henry III (1017–56), suggests a continuing high opinion of Italian scholarship in the eleventh century.24 An anecdote recounted by Adémar of Chabannes also reinforces the impression that Italy enjoyed a reputation for superiority in grammar. When Benedetto of San Michele della Chiusa visited Limoges in 1028, Adémar was furious at Benedetto’s use of his learning to convince the local population that the city’s patron, Saint Martial, had not been an apostle, whereas Adémar maintained that he had.25 According to Adémar, Benedetto claimed that “in Francia there is wisdom but not much” and that “Lombardy ... is the fount of eloquence.” Benedetto was also said to have boasted that when he inished his studies he would be the wisest man in the world. It is possible that Benedetto went this far but more likely that Adémar was exaggerating to undercut a claim to Italian precedence that he suspected was true.26 The reference to books in the account of the lives of both Stefano and Gunzo suggests the pivotal role that Italy played in furnishing books to transalpine Europe. 22

23

24 25

26

The phrase is found in a letter of dedication prefacing his Epitoma Prisciani, which Gautbert sent to two friends in Paris: “quod amica grammatice Italia me diu diuque insudantem docuerat”; cited in Max Manitius, Geschichte der lateinischen Literatur des Mittelalters, 3 vols. (Munich, 1911–31), 2:674. In his short history of grammar beginning with the seventh-century Greek grammarians Theodore and Hadrian, who worked principally in England, down to his own day Gaubert, probably of French origin, praised Ambrogio, an Italian grammarian whose student, Isreale, became one of Brun’s teachers: L. Müller, “Zur Geschichte der lateinischen Grammatik im Mittelalter,” Rheinisches Museum für Philologie 22 (1867): 634–37. Ralph Glaber, Historiarum libri quinque, 2.12.23, in idem, Historiarum libri quinque:The Five Books of the Histories, ed. and trans. John France; and Glaber, Vita domni Willelmi abbatis:The Life of St.William, ed. Neithard Bulst, trans. John France and Paul Reynolds (Oxford, 1989), 92: “Quidam igitur Vilardus dictus, studio artis grammaticae magis assiduus quam frequens, sicut Italicis mos semper fuit artes negligere caeteras, illam sectari.” Manitius, Geschichte, 2:7. On Benedetto, see Marina Rossi, “Benedetto,” DBI, vol. 8 (Rome, 1966), 305–7.This Benedetto was the nephew of another Benedetto, who was an abbot of San Michele della Chiusa. Epistole de apostolatu s. Martialis, PL 141, cols. 107–8. Benedetto arrived in Limoges on the eve of the irst celebration of Martial as an apostle, for which Adémar had composed the liturgy. Richard Landes, Relics, Apocalypse, and the Deceits of History (Cambridge, Mass., 1995), ofers a fascinating account of the events surrounding Saint Martial’s status as an apostle.

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That the low of books from Italy to the north continued after the time of those men has been demonstrated by recent discussions surrounding the contents of Otto III’s library: of twenty-eight volumes so far identiied, eighteen were of Italian provenance.27 In 988, a letter from Rheims, written by a northern Spanish polymath, Gerbert of Aurillac, to an Italian friend asking him to send him a copy of a rare Latin author, likewise points to a south–north low of manuscripts.28 ITALIAN SCHOOLS

Although Italian cathedral schools may have been the leading centers for grammatical studies in western Europe in the tenth century, it is diicult to locate many of them or to identify the teachers. The term scholasticus never occurs in tenth-century documents; magiscola is found occasionally in lists of cathedral canons. The term grammaticus also appears in the documents, but it might merely indicate literacy. Nonetheless, more schools can be identiied for the tenth century than for the ninth. Pietro, sapiens grammaticus, listed in 933/36 among the canons of the Arezzo cathedral – many of whom may have been literate – and appearing again with the same title in 961 and 963, was almost certainly a teacher.What of Suaverico, primicerius and sapiens grammaticus (961 and 963)? In the list of canons of 963, Stratario calls himself maiorscole.29 Teaching duties in Arezzo, however, could be assigned to a man whose title had no apparent tie with teaching: in 1009 the bishop of the city, Elempert (986–1010), designated the cathedral’s archdeacon as schoolmaster “so that he compel the brothers in his charge by healthful instruction to follow pious teaching.”30 27

28

29

30

Mirella Ferrari, “Manoscritti e testi fra Lombardia e Germania nel secolo X,” Mittellateinisches Jahrbuch 24/25 (1989/1990): 107. This would in part help to explain an apparent anomaly in the statistics of manuscripts copied in German territory in the tenth century. In the table given in Chapter 1, the production of new manuscripts jumped from nineteen in 850–900 to thirty-three in 900–950 and was again thirty-three for 950–1000, despite the fact that the so-called Ottonian Renaissance only began after 950. Although the Ottonians may only have been reinforcing an intellectual trend already under way, the statistics indicating little change between the two halves of the century are deceptive: irst, the manuscripts copied after 950 were being added to a store already available in the area; second, once the Ottonians governed the Italian kingdom, the need for new manuscripts was partly met by importing them from there. Die Briefsammlung Gerberts von Reims, ed. Fritz Weigle, in MGH, Die Briefe der deutschen Kaiserzeit, vol. 2 (Weimar, 1966), 155–56: “Nosti, quot scriptores in urbibus ac in agris Italie passim habeantur.” He then asks his correspondent to ind and have copied the volumes that he lists. Donald A. Bullough, “Le scuole cattedrali e la cultura nell’Italia settentrionale prima dei Comuni,” Vescovi e diocesi in Italia nel medioevale (sec. IX–XIII), Italia sacra: Studi e documenti di storia ecclesiastica, vol. 5 (Padua, 1964), 134. For another teacher, Sigezo scole cantor (996 and 998), see Giovanna Nicolaj, “Per una storia della documentazione vescovile aretina: Appunti paleograici e diplomatici,” Annali della scuola speciale per archivisti e bibliotecari dell’Università di Roma 17–18 (1977–78): 127. See also Documenti per la storia della città di Arezzo nel medio evo, ed. Ubaldo Pasqui, Documenti di storia italiana, 11 (Florence, 1899), 1:85, 95, and 98. Helene Wieruszowski, “Arezzo as a Center of Learning and Letters in the Thirteenth Century,” Traditio 9 (1953): 348, n. 4, cites a charter of 1009 in which Elempert relates that he appointed the archdeacon as “magistrum, ut fratres quibus preest ad pium magisterium salubri discipulatu coartet.”

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In an awkward and lawed Latin poem dedicated to Novara’s Bishop Rudolfo (944–55), a certain Domenico deined himself as grammatici [sic], an epithet perhaps merely intended to assert a claim to literacy. In contrast, Domenico’s better-educated contemporary, Gunzo, Novariensis ecclesie levitarum extimus, who may have been a teacher in the cathedral school, sent a letter to Atto of Vercelli citing an extensive passage from canon law on the degrees of consanguinity restricting marriage.31 At least before instructing in Germany and after his return in 970, Stefano was teaching in Novara, where he had received his own early education before going to Pavia to complete his studies.32 Guglielmo of Volpiano (962–1031), a monastic reformer, began his training in the schools of Vercelli, irst at the monastery of Saint Michael in Lucedio and then at the cathedral school, but he too inished his education at Pavia in the seventh decade of the century, as Liudprando and Stefano had done earlier.33 Dungal’s school in the cathedral of Pavia may have continued, but the three might also have studied at Pavia’s famous monastery of the Ciel d’Oro. Like Arezzo, Novara,Vercelli, and Pavia,Verona had a functioning cathedral school for at least part of the century.34 Rather of Liège (ca. 887–974), as Verona’s bishop (931–34, 946–48, and 961–62), endeavored to create other schools in the city during the three periods of his rule.35 Although it is admittedly slender evidence, Rather’s 31

32 33

34

35

Simona Gavinelli, “Lo studio della grammatica a Novara tra l’VIII e il XV secolo,” Aevum 65 (1991): 262–63. Gunzo’s letter is found in PL 134, cols.111–12. His letter displays a knowledge of canon law on the issue of the legitimacy of sons marrying the godchildren of their fathers. Donald A. Bullough, “Le scuole cattedrali,” 131–32, considers the second Gunzo to have been Milanese and to be identical with Gunzo, the presbyter who wrote an act of donation in 963. Cf. Bullough, review of Epistola ad Auguienses und Anselm von Besate Rhetorimachia, in English Historical Review 75 (1960): 488. Gavinelli, “Lo studio della grammatica a Novara,” 264. Ralph Glaber, Vita domni Willelmi abbatis, 260: “Nam olim in Vercellensi urbe primitus, postmodum apud Ticinum sub tuta custodia regulas artis grammatice pleniter didicerat. Constitutur etenim divini oicii assiduus custos ac scolae capitalis illius loci.”To judge from the last sentence, Gugliemo held some sort of teaching position in the cathedral school. He received his elementary training from the abbot and a tutor at the monastery of Saint Michael in Lucedio, outside Vercelli (258). Cf. Neithard Bulst, Unterschungen zu Klosterreformen Wilhelms von Dijon (962–1031), Pariser Historische Studien, no. 11 (Bonn, 1973), 24; and Albert Dresdner, Kultur- und Sittengeschichte der italienischen Geistlichkeit im 10 und 11 Jahrhundert (Breslau, 1890), 238. Eracle of Liège taught as magister scolarum at Verona sometime before 959, when he became bishop of Liège; Rainerius, Vita Eraclii, ed. Wilhelm Arndt, I.2, in MGH, Scriptores, no. 20 (Hannover, 1868), 562. Maureen C. Miller, The Formation of a Medieval Church: Ecclesiastical Change in Verona, 950–1150 (Ithaca, N.Y., and London, 1993), 48. The best brief account of Rather remains Max Manitius, Geschichte, 2:344–52. See as well Giuseppe Pavani, Un vescovo belga in Italia nel secolo decimo: Studio storico-critico su Raterio di Verona (Turin, 1920); Giuseppe Monticelli, Raterio, vescovo di Verona (890–974) (Milan, 1938); Vittorio Cavallari, Raterio e Verona, Biblioteca di studi storici veronesi, no. 6 (Verona, 1967); and Raterio da Verona: 12–15 Ottobre 1969, Convegni del Centro di Studi sulla spiritualità medievale, no. 10 (Todi, 1973). Rather’s intellectual pride, austere piety, and intolerance for opposition contributed to his failure as an administrator. Expelled from Verona for the second time in 948, he went north to the imperial court, probably sometime before 950, when he joined the abortive German expedition into Italy led that year by Otto’s son Liudolf. In 951, Rather followed Otto into Italy, but failed at the time to retrieve his bishopric. Having lost Verona, Rather received compensation when Brun named him

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statement in a letter that he had been pressed by “certain men” in Milan early in his stay in Italy to answer questions about the pagan poets may be a reference to scholars in the local cathedral school of Milan.36 In any case, Rather’s fellow bishop, Atto of Vercelli, seems to have studied in Milan at the turn of the tenth century, probably at the cathedral.37 That there was a cathedral school in Bergamo is established by a donation of land made by the bishop in 973 to two members of the chapter, a magister grammatie and a magister cantorum.38 The bishop himself, Ambrogio, probably a product of the Milanese cathedral school, knew Greek and was praised by Atto of Vercelli as a learned man.39 Vilgardo almost certainly was a teacher of grammar in the schools of Ravenna. Even more diicult than establishing where schools existed is determining what they taught. We have manuscripts for the ninth century containing a range of texts that can be interpreted as constituting a school’s curriculum, but we have no such manuscripts for the tenth.We may assume that if Stefano was teaching a diicult text like Martianus at Würzburg, he used the same text when teaching at Novara. Three poems written in Verona, one early in the century and two later, indicate by their sophisticated techniques and classical reminiscences that their authors had received advanced training in grammatical studies, probably in that city.40 The long narrative poem Gesta Berengarii imperatoris, composed in Latin hexameters between 915 and 924, that is, late in the lifetime of Berengario I (ca. 850– 924), recounts Berengario’s struggle for domination of Italy after the abdication of Charles the Fat in 887. Although probably designed to win royal favor, the author’s frequent glosses to the poem and those of an apparent contemporary suggest that the learned work was being taught in early tenth-century classrooms. Not only does the author relect the inluence of Virgil, Juvenal, Statius, and the Latin Iliad as well as of Christian poets, but he also displays a smattering of Greek learning.41

36

37

38 39

40

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to Liège in 953, but he was expelled from there a year later as the result of a plot by neighboring bishops. Restored to his see at Verona by Otto in 962, Rather again encountered strong opposition from the local clergy and lost the bishopric a third time, eight years before his death. Rather of Verona’s letter is found in Die Briefe des Bischofs Rather von Verona, ed. Fritz Weigle, in MGH, Die Briefe der deutschen Kaiserzeit, no. 1 (Weimar, 1949), 29–31. See the English translation in The Complete Works of Rather of Verona, ed. and trans. Peter L. D. Reid (Binghamton, N.Y., 1991), 216–17. Suzanne F. Wemple, Atto of Vercelli: Church, State, and Christian Society in Tenth Century Italy, Temi e testi, no. 27 (Rome, 1979), 9, suggests that Atto probably came from the area north of Milan and had close ties with the Milanese church because he deeds his personal property to that church in his will, written in 948. CDL, n. 749 (973): 1303–5. For Ambrogio’s life, see Margherita G. Bertolini, “Ambrogio,” DBI, vol. 2 (Rome, 1960), 703. Atto’s references are found in PL 134, cols. 112 and 113–15. Besides these three poems and those of Leo of Vercelli, I know of only one other poem of any length. Written presumably at Bobbio, the pedestrian verses represent a dialogue between the author-monk Saint Columban and Pietro, who was abbot of the monastery, in the second half of the tenth century: MGH, Die lateinischen Dichter des deutschen Mittelalters, Die Ottonenzeit, ed. Karl Strecker and Norbert Fickermann, MGH, Poetarum latinorum medii aevi, no. 5, pts. 1–2 (Munich, 1978), 561–63. The text is found in Poetae latinae aevi carolini, ed. Paul von Winterfeld, MGH, Poetarum latinorum medii aevi, no. 4 (Berlin, 1899), 354–401. For bibliography, see Rino Avesani, “La cultura veronese

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Two short lyrics also associated with Verona, one religious, the other secular, date from later in the tenth century. The two share the same metric and rhythmic structure and were probably written about the same time.42 The irst, “O admirabile Veneris idolum,” is a love lyric perhaps by an older man, almost certainly a cleric, abandoned by a boy (puerulus) who has departed, heedless of his sorrowing lover (qui lacrimabiles non curat gemitus [who cares nothing for my pitiful cries]).43 The poet implores the creator (Archos) to protect the boy, this “marvelous image of Venus (admirabile Veneris idolum), whose nature has nothing imperfect.” The poet begs the three Fates to keep the boy from harm and prays that Neptune and Tethys, gods of the waters, will accompany his beloved as he sails on the Adige. Then follows an expression of bewildered grief: Quo fugis, amabo, cum te dilexerim? Miser quid faciam, cum te non viderim? Where do you lee, I pray, after I have loved you so much? Miserable, what will I do, since I will see you no more?

A conviction that he is to be replaced by another lover seasons the man’s grief with jealousy. The poem is composed of three rhymed strophes of six, seven, and six lines respectively, each line of which contains twelve syllables, with caesura after the sixth. The rhyme in each strophe falls on the same two-syllable line endings or has assonance in the inal two syllables.44 The mythological references, the antiquarian amabo in the line cited above, and the extended reference to the myth of Deucalion and

42

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dal secolo IX al secolo XII,” SCV, 1:259–61. The author of the commentary addresses his students directly: “Nec temptabo meis ultra fastidia dictis,/ o juvenes, inferre ...”; Gesta Berengarii, 401. Cf. Manitius, Geschichte, 1:633. The author relies so much on Virgil that Berengario becomes Aeneas and Guido di Spoleto, Turno. The battle descriptions are based on ancient Roman ones; Francesco Novati and Angelo Monteverdi, Le origini continuate e compiute da Angelo Monteverdi (Milan, 1926), 234–36. See Marco Giovini, “‘O admirabile Veneris ydolum’: Un carme d’amore paidico del X secolo e il mito di Deucalione,” SM 40 (1999): 261–62, with accompanying notes, for borrowings. The fundamental edition of both poems is found in Ludwig Traube, “‘O Roma nobilis,’ Philologische Untersuchungen aus dem Mittelalter,” Abhandlungen des philosophisch-philologische Klasse der königlichen bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 19.2 (1891): 200–301. The poems are found on pp. 301 (“O Roma nobilis”) and 307 (“O admirabile Veneris ydolum”). For the latter poem, see also Die Cambridger Lieder (Carmina cantabrigiensia), ed. Karl Strecker, in MGH, Scriptores rerum Germanicarum in usum scholarum separatim editi, no. 40 (Berlin, 1926), 104–7, with its important notes; and the notes in The Cambridge Songs (Carmina cantabrigiensia), ed. Jan Ziolkowski (New York and London, 1994), 306–9. I am unconvinced by Vollmann’s suggestion that the poem may have been composed by a woman: Benedikt K. Vollman, “‘O admirabile Veneris idolum’ (Carmina Cantabrigiensia 48) – ein Mädchenlied?” Festschrift für Paul Klopsch, ed. Udo Kindermann, Wolfgang Maaz, and Fritz Wagner (Göppingen, 1988), 532–42. Sven Limbeck, “Welches Geschlecht hat das Ich? Zu ‘O admirabile Veneris idolum,’” Mentis amore ligati. Lateinische Freundschaftsdichtung und Dichterfreundschaft in Mittelalter und Neuzeit. Festgabe für Reinhard Düchting zum 65. Geburtstag, ed. Boris Körkel,Tina Licht, and Jolanta Wiendlocha (Heidelberg, 2001), 253–74, argues convincingly against the possibility. The rhyme scheme, consequently, is the following: strophe 1: aaaaa; strophe 2: aaaaabb; strophe 3: aabaab.

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Pyrrha (Meta. 1, vv. 253–415) highlight the poem’s learned character, and close analysis of the language also reveals throughout a sophisticated welding of fragments borrowed from a wide range of ancient and early-medieval texts.45 Perhaps because he is less self-consciously learned, the poet of the second lyric poem, “O Roma nobilis,” achieves greater lyrical expression. A poem of pilgrimage, the work is designed in its irst six lines of rhymed verse to celebrate Christian Rome cunctarum urbium excellentissima (the most exalted of cities), the destination of Christians seeking forgiveness at the tombs of the apostles. Roseo martyrum sanguine rubea, Albis et virginum liliis candida Reddened with the purple blood of martyrs, Shining with the white lilies of virgins.

The last twelve lines consist of prayers to Peter and Paul, the principal martyrs of the city. The poet prays to Peter, prepotens caelorum claviger (powerful doorkeeper of heaven) for mercy, and to Paul, economus in domo regia divina (administrator in the divine royal palace), to communicate the gift of divine grace to penitents. This vibrant lyric, propelled by its rhythm and rhyme, may have been set to music from the outset, but it reached the summit of its popularity in 1950, when it was made the oicial hymn of that jubilee year. Admittedly, three anonymous poems written in the course of a century in one city cannot serve as the basis for a general assessment of the level of Latin cultural life in the regnum in the tenth century. Nor are the careers and writings of the only four tenth-century scholars whose biographies we can reconstruct in some detail representative of the society. At best, the lives and thought of these men, together with the three poems, can only be taken as examples of the lives and thought of elite ecclesiastics and of the the high book culture over which they held sway. ATTO OF VERCELLI: PIONEER OF CHURCH REFORM

Appointed by Berengario I to the see of Vercelli in 924, Atto (ca. 885–961) was an avid reformer in his diocese. A pious man, Atto would not have envied Vilgardo his knowledge of ancient letters.46 He distrusted the inluence of pagan writers and 45

46

“Dura materies ex matris ossibus,/ creavit homines iactis lapidibus,/ ex quibus unus est iste puerulus ...”: 107. On amabo, see Strecker’s note, 107. On the language of the poem, see Giovini, “‘O admirabile Veneris ydolum,’” 65–78. On love poetry generally in this century, see Guy de Valous, “La poésie amoureuse en langue latine,” Classica et medievalia 13 (1952): 285–345. The one known classical text in the library in the eleventh century was Justin’s Epitome: Guglielmo Cavallo, “Libri scritti, libri dimenticati,” Il secolo di ferro: Mito e realtá del secolo X. 19–25 aprile 1990, SSCISAM, 38 (Spoleto, 1991), 774. The library of Vercelli still contains a lexicon, Liber glossarum, given by Atto, which was used by him or by him and his glossator in their work:Wemple, Atto of Vercelli, 188, n. 6. For other information regarding the scriptorium of Vercelli during Atto’s time, see Philip Levine, “Historical Evidence for Calligraphic Activity in Vercelli from St. Eusebius to Atto,” Speculum 30 (1955): 579. Also on the library, see Gina Fasoli, Dalla ‘civitas’ al ‘commune’ (Bologna, 1961), 79. Atto himself gave three religious manuscripts to the cathedral library, but they were not necessarily produced at Vercelli (Levine, “Historical Evidence,” 578).

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criticized rhetoricans, dialecticians, and “philosophers of this world” for indulging in supericialities while missing the substance of biblical truth taught by “simple men, uneducated ishermen.”47 He did not speciically mention grammarians, but he likely assumed that they would be included in his condemnation of pagan literature. His intolerant attitude toward antiquity would have been out of step with the Ottonian educational program introduced after his death. Despite his insistence on substance over form, Atto was an early representative of the new “manneristic” style, a form of intellectual snobbism that remained popular down to the time of Anselmo of Besate in the mid-eleventh century. Prose in the manneristic style was characterized by recondite vocabulary, elaborate constructions, and exaggerated use of colores rhetorici. It involved intentionally confused patterns of word sequences, unusual metaphors, and unfamiliar expressions designed to obscure the meaning of the work. It proved diicult to read and sometimes bordered on incoherence.48 The introductory letter to Atto’s Polipticum is typical of the work as a whole: Reverendo in me Fulano valde praesuli: Fulanus cupiens me sic beatum instar felicissimi opilionis Silvestri summi exitum. Mortuus aliquibus, sed mihi nec emortuus, vivus immo mihi vividus es; mortuus, sed vivus immo. Hujus labyrinthi iter currentes, aut qua insistendo vitari voraginem edoce, aut quo salubres sublati adtingere possint delitias. Quae sentio in hoc cernes. Sed sic ego quae et tu comparantur cantabries ut pollini. En quae ego, tu quae feliciter redde.49 47 48

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Wemple, Atto of Vercelli, 162–63. The style favored scinderatio, a stylistic technique developed by the so-called Virgilius Maro in the seventh century; Wemple, Atto of Vercelli, 28–29. In her pioneering article, “Classicism and Style in Latin Literature,” in Robert I. Benson and Giles Constable with Carol D. Lanham, Renaissance and Renewal in the Twelfth Century (Cambridge, Mass., 1982), 550, Janet Martin uses the term “manneristic” to describe much medieval poetry: “Medieval mannerism, which exaggerates qualities found already in the stylistic theory and practice of classical Latin, is manifested particularly in elaboration and exaggeration of the traditional ornatus (embellishment) recommended by ancient theory. Thus hyperbaton, the separation of words belonging together grammatically, is a normal feature of literary Latin; but its exaggerated use becomes manneristic.” I shall use the term “manneristic” to refer to both poetry and prose that make exaggerated use of colores rhetorici. PL 134, cols. 859–61. The glosses that accompany the work identify Fulanus as Atto: “scilicet ego.” In the salutation Fulanus could be either the sender or addressee, but the opening line of the letter seems to refer to the addressee as “Fulanus.” The series “mortuus,” “emortuus,” “vivus,” and “vividus,” “mortuus, and “vivus,” seem to have as their subject Silvester, not the addressee. The “ego quae et tu” with “comparantur” and in the next sentence “quae ego, tu quae” add to the obscurity. “Fulanus” may designate the location of the correspondent. The only geographical areas whose names would lend themselves to this word would be Luxembourg (“Fula,” “Fulina,”) and Fulham, in England (“Fulanea”): Orbis latinus. Lexikon lateinischer geographischer Namen, ed. Johann G. H. Graesse, Fredrich Benedict, Helmut Plechl, rev. ed. Helmut Plechl, 3 vols. (Braunschweig, 1971), 2:113. The editions and translations of these and Atto’s other writings are discussed by Wemple, Atto of Vercelli, 185–94. There are two versions of the Polipticum, and a single tenth-century manuscript (BAV, Vat. Lat. 4322) contains them both: PL 134, cols. 881–900 and 859–80. The irst version is composed in tortured gnomic prose, and the second, a less-complicated version of the irst with scholia and marginal and interlinear glosses, appears to have been expressly composed to make the

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Italy and the Ottonian Renaissance To the Fulane prelate, whom I exceedingly revere: I, the Fulanus, [in] wishing that I [might enjoy] a happy end on the model of that most felicitous shepherd, the very great Silvester. You [Silvester] are dead to some, but to me not dead, nay alive as living to me; dead, but nay rather alive.50 Teach those running the way of this maze [of life] either by pursuing what path [they may be able] to avoid the Pit, or to what goal being uplifted they may attain the joys of salvation.You will perceive my thoughts about this. But so [also] I your thoughts. As [rough] bran [my thought] is set beside ine wheat lour [i.e., your thought], so behold! This is mine; now you in felicity respond with yours.

The tortuous Latin syntax was intentionally designed to obscure the meaning. For example, in order to make sense, while keeping the hyperbaton, the Latin of the last line should have read something like this: “en quae ego credo, redde feliciter quae tu credis.” By contrast, the Latin sermons that Atto gave to the clergy in his diocese were straightforward if lifeless, suggesting that he consciously adjusted his words to his audience.51 Atto’s intellectual pursuits ran not to secular literature but to biblical commentary, hagiography, ecclesiology, and political thought. Ecclesiology and political thought constitute the subject of his two major works, Polipticum and De pressuris ecclesiasticis, both of which are extensive discussions of clerical reform. They are concerned as well with good kingly rule and the relationship between spiritual and temporal power. Both demonstrate Atto’s knowledge of canon law and, to a lesser extent, of patristic writings, especially Augustine’s. Atto took many of his ideas from the work of Claudius of Turin, who, like Atto, preferred Augustine to the other Church Fathers.52 By Atto’s generation the multivoiced discussions of general church reform of the previous century had become muted, even though Cluny was initiating an efort to reform monasticism. Atto was not unique in his time, however, in theorizing about

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content of the work more intelligible. Accordingly, in its second form, the Polipticum presents itself not only as a work of political thought but as an advanced school text. Concerned with deining words, particularly by providing etymologies, with emphasizing igures of speech and thought, and with giving details of history and mythology, the scholia and glosses, if not by Atto himself, are probably contemporary with his work and highlight its grammatical aspects: Wemple, Atto of Vercelli, 28–30. Carla Frova, “Il ‘Polittico’ attributo ad Attone vescovo di Vercelli (924–960): Tra storia e grammatica,” BISI 90 (1982–83): 31–47, discusses the variety of purposes that the second version and its glosses might have served in the classroom. This is perhaps a play on 1. Tim. 5:6: “Nam quae in deliciis est, vivens mortua est.” His sermons are found in PL 134, cols. 833–60. By contrast, if Rather’s surviving sermons were actually delivered as we have them, their gnomic prose must have made them incomprehensible to all but the most initiated among his listeners. See Erich Auerbach, Literary Language and Its Public in Late Latin Antiquity and in the Middle Ages, trans. Ralph Manheim (New York and London, 1965), 136. Rather’s style has also been studied in detail by Bengt Lofstedt, “Bemerkungen zur Sprache des Ratherius von Verona,” IMU 16 (1973): 309–15; and Peter L. D. Reid, Tenth-Century Latinity: Rather of Verona (Malibu, Calif., 1981). For her discussion of the importance of Claudius of Turin’s ideas to Atto, see index to Wemple, Atto of Vercelli, under Claudius’s name.

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the Church and its relationship to the temporal power. Rather of Verona, trained at Liège, was not Italian. He was almost forty in 929, when he came to Italy as bishop of Verona during the later years of Atto’s life.53 It is not known whether the two men knew each other or were aware of their mutual concern, but a comparison of their ideas will serve to contextualize Atto’s thought. Most of Atto’s and Rather’s ideas on church reform were not original. Both reformers inveighed against priests who lived with their wives or concubines, and they forbade administering the sacraments to such priests. Neither reformer, however, considered whether the sacraments would be valid if a priest in such a state of sin performed them himself. Both men imposed a high standard of conduct on their clergy in other respects, forbidding them from frequenting taverns, hunting, or bearing arms, and commanding them diligently to perform the duties of their oices. Atto and Rather focused especially on the bishop, who held the unique position of representing Christ on earth, as the moral model for the whole community. In line with late Carolingian ecclesiastical tradition, both Rather and Atto asserted that, although kings and bishops owed their power to God, the power of bishops was inherently superior. Rather was particularly extravagant in describing the status of bishops, praising them as “gods, lords, Christs, heavens, angels, patriarchs.”54 In deining a separation between the spiritual and temporal spheres, however, Atto, perhaps following Claudius (827), disagreed with the prevalent conception of spiritual-temporal relationship when he contrasted the ecclesiastical corpus headed by the bishop with the secular corpus composed of the king and the hierarchy of nobles.55 In his earlier years Atto had served in the royal government, albeit briely, 53

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Rather’s writings are found in Opera Ratherii veronensis opera: Praeloquiorum libri vi, Phrenesis, Dialogus confessionalis, Exhortatio et preces, Pauca de vita sancti Donatiani, Fragmenta nuper reperta glossae, ed. Peter L. D. Reid, François Dolbeau, Bernard Bischof , and Claudio Leonardi, Corpus Christianorum: Continuatio mediaevalis, vol. 46a (Turnhout, 1984). Perhaps the most learned man in Europe in his time, with knowledge of a large number of ancient Latin authors (he even seems to have read Catullus), Latin Church Fathers, and books on canon law, Rather was likely responsible between 962 and 968 for the production of BMF, 6, 19, containing decades I, III, and IV of Livy’s Ab urbe condita with a unique tradition for decade I: Giuseppe Billanovich, “Dal Livio di Raterio al Livio del Petrarca,” IMU 2 (1959): 103–33; and his La tradizione del testo di Livio e le origini dell’umanesimo, 2 vols. (Padua, 1981), 1:241–66. On his reading Catullus, see Julia Gaisser, Catullus and His Renaissance Readers (Oxford, 1993), 17. Liudprando, who likely had met Rather at court, praised him for his piety and knowledge of the seven liberal arts: Reid, Tenth-Century Latinity, 7–8. Opera Ratherii, Praeloq. 3:12; 86. The long sentence begins: “Dii sunt, Domini sunt, Christi sunt, celi sunt, angeli sunt, patriarchae sunt, prophetae sunt, apostoli sunt, evangelistae sunt, martyres sunt, uncti sunt, reges sunt, principes sunt, iudices sunt, non tantum hominum, sed et angelorum, arietes gregis Domini sunt, pastores ovium....” Atto more succinctly likens the bishop’s power over his church to that of Christ; Wemple, Atto of Vercelli, 123. Karl F. Morrison, The Two Kingdoms: Ecclesiology in Carolingian Political Thought (Princeton, N.J., 1964), 41–42, characterizes the predominant Carolingian view. Cf. Walter Ullmann, The Carolingian Renaissance and the Idea of Kingship:The Birkbeck Lectures 1968–9 (London, 1969), 118–19. The current view was that the oice of emperor became clericalized with the emperor’s anointment with holy oil. At the same time, it was held that, in opposition to that of bishops, unction in his case was not indelible but depended on his actions as monarch: Ullmann, Carolingian Renaissance, 111–34, especially 125 and 130–33.

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and perhaps the idea of a strict separation of power was a product of that experience.56 While Rather did not draw the distinction so sharply, like Atto he maintained that the bishop was not subject to the prince’s judgment. Both held that the king could not summon the bishop to court to justify his actions or interfere in any way with the internal life of the church, to say nothing of stealing church lands or ecclesiastical revenue. As guardian of the church, the king had the duty to protect it, but only at the bidding of the bishop. Rather allowed, however, that in cases where the king considered a bishop to have committed criminal deeds, he might submit a complaint to an assembly of bishops and, if he were unsatisied with their decision, could take the matter to the Holy See; but ecclesiastics alone could decide guilt or innocence.57 Supposedly, according to both bishops, even if the king wished to punish a bishop involved in royal administration, the best he could do was to deprive him of his secular oice. Neither Atto nor Rather seemed concerned with the symbolism of investiture, but Atto resurrected a broad deinition of simony that associated it with princely appointment to ecclesiastical oice. While the contemporary view of simony as a heresy involved the sale or purchase of ordinations and church oices by clerics, Atto deined it more generally as accepting clerical oice out of improper obedience or in return for money or favor and included in the abuse appointments to clerical oice made not only by clergy but also by laymen. Atto also speciically applied the term “simony” to the king’s bestowal of bishoprics for money or for other services.58 Furthermore, he considered princely intervention in the selection of bishops a major cause of church corruption. Oddly, Rather, who held such a high opinion of the episcopal oice and of its independence from the lay ruler, appears to have been ambivalent about the current practice of royal appointment of bishops.59 He himself had not been canonically elected to any of the four episcopacies he had held, and like him, Atto may well have been raised to the episcopal oice by royal initiative. Nevertheless, Atto was insistent 56

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Wemple, Atto of Vercelli, 123–24. For about two years’ time, beginning sometime in 948/950, Atto became involved in royal politics and briely acted as conciliarius of Lotario, Ugo’s son and joint king with him (ibid., 16–17). Incidentally, in the period before Liudprando left for the east in August 949, Atto must have met the younger scholar, who was also in royal service. Opera Ratherii, Praeloq. 4:4, 107; The Complete Works, 122–23. Whereas the Carolingians had understood simony to be the sale of ordinations by bishops, Atto extended the deinition to include the sale of bishoprics by princes: Augustin Fliche, La Réforme grégorienne, 3 vols., in Spicilegium sacrum lovaniense: Etudes et documents, nos. 6, 9, 18 (Louvain, 1924–26), 1:66–67. Cf. Wemple, Atto of Vercelli, 129. On the source of Atto’s deinition, see UtaRenate Blumenthal, The Investiture Controversy: Church and Monarchy from the Ninth to the Twelfth Century (Philadelphia, 1988), 75. Atto did not extend his attack on simoniacal practices to laymen generally, nor did he attack the institution of the proprietary church (that is, a church belonging to laymen, who controlled the appointment of the priest and the church’s revenues): Wemple, Atto of Vercelli, 135–37. Fliche understandably has trouble inding a passage in Rather criticizing the practice of royal appointments of bishops. He writes: “il n’a indiqué qu’en passant que ce mauvais recrutement était la conséquence de l’investiture laïque, de la nomination des évèques par le roi que tantôt il condamne et que tantôt il considère comme tout à fait normale” (91). The passage in the Praeloquia to which Fliche refers (4.2) acknowledges that bishops can be chosen or appointed by kings but cannot be ordained by them. That cannot be taken as a criticism of royal appointment of bishops.

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that canonical procedures be followed in choosing a bishop. A bishop, Atto wrote, must be elected by the clergy and people of the diocese, examined by the archbishop together with the sufragans of the province, and approved by the archbishop and sufragans.Then word of the election had to be sent to the prince, who could either approve the choice or veto it. By stipulating that bishops examine and approve the candidate before the prince intervened, Atto explicitly attacked a practice common to the Ottonians of bringing in the ecclesiastical hierarchy only to perform the rituals consecrating the individual chosen by the emperor.60 Perhaps inspired by his own experience in royal government, Atto’s reform interests extended beyond those of Rather to secular politics. In his Polipticum, Atto painted with a wide brush the destructive conlicts between the three major secular groups of the time: the kings, the great lords, and the knights.61 As he described the political inighting, the kings – and here he seems to have meant Ugo (926–47), Lotario (945–50), and Berengario II (950–61) – were dedicated to the strategy of weakening the great lords by undermining their control over the knights who served them. The great lords themselves used similar methods in their struggle with one another. As we shall see, Atto could also have mentioned the king’s efort to undercut the nobility by creating a local royal notariate. Because of their greed, lust for power, and unchristian conduct, all three political groups were guilty of contributing to the anarchy that plagued Italy. Essentially conservative, Atto believed that the refusal of political forces to recognize the privileges and duties attached to each group posed the fundamental challenge to peace. The eforts by the king to create a new social order by favoring the knights, however, appeared to him to constitute the biggest threat of all to political stability.62 Despite the obvious intensity with which Atto and Rather propounded their analyses of the sources of corruption in contemporary society and set forth the goals they wanted to achieve through reform, neither seems to have had any idea how to gain their ends except by moral exhortation. Although both occasionally recognized papal preeminence in the Church, neither envisaged any signiicant role for the pope in a reform program.63 Futhermore, despite repeated references to his power to bind and loose, neither invoked a bishop’s power of excommunication as a response to lay interference. For Atto’s part, this failure to assert that the Church had judicial powers may have been a consequence of his insistence that its role in a Christian society was to seek peaceful reconciliation, by unifying believers through love for one another and love for God.64 In the event, the inluence of both writers on later papal reformers was insigniicant. Atto’s works, surviving in only two manuscripts, were never mentioned by 60

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Wemple, Atto of Vercelli, 133–34. Fliche, La Réforme grégorienne, 1:18–22, succinctly describes the practice of royal designation under the Carolingians and Ottonians. Ugo’s efort to extend the royal notariate was doubtless an aspect of this strategy. Wemple, Atto of Vercelli, 92–93. Although Atto considered the papacy to have ultimate control over the interpretation of doctrine as well as ultimate judicial power, he nowhere invokes papal intervention in any of his reform measures (ibid., 127). Similarly, Rather acknowledged the pope as the ultimate judge of appeals but wrote nothing about a right of intervention in the conlicts of bishops with their king. Ullmann, Carolingian Renaissance, 43–110.

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later reformers. Rather’s ideas seem to have had no efect either on reform in the eleventh century.65 The absence in Italy of episcopal reformers like Atto and Rather seventy or eighty years after their deaths illustrates how successfully the Ottonians integrated the ecclesiastical hierarchy into the imperial government. When, in the second half of the eleventh century, a scattering of bishops emerged as reformers, the ideas of the two earlier bishops would have seemed old-fashioned, in that they had omitted any focused discussion of the means by which the reform of the Church could be accomplished. LIUDPRANDO OF CREMONA, IMPERIAL BISHOP

Liudprando of Cremona (ca. 920–72) represented the very kind of bishop that Atto had in mind when he criticized the participation of bishops in the afairs of secular government. Although he may have belonged to a rich, nonnoble merchant family of Pavia, he it the description of the ideal of the imperial bishop: a courtier whose literary learning was complemented by pulcritudo morum (beauty of bearing and manners).66 When he was a boy his lovely singing voice caught the attention of King Ugo, who made him a member of his chapel in 931.67 Like other boys of similar talent, his ability to sing helped him procure a career in the Church. At some point between 945 and 949, his family bought him the oice of secretary to Berengario, the real power behind the throne at the time, and then convinced Berengario to send the young man on a mission to Constantinople (September 949 to April 950) so that he might learn Greek. On Liudprando’s return from the mission to Constantinople (April 950), he quarrelled with Berengario, now king as Berengario II, and led Pavia. After a decade of service to Otto I both in the imperial chapel and as ambassador to Constantinople, with Otto’s annexation of the Kingdom of Italy in 962, Liudprando was rewarded with the bishopric of Cremona.68 In his youth, either in the royal chapel or at the cathedral school of Pavia, Liudprando received a splendid education in the Latin classics. His knowledge of Greek he owed to three periods of residence in Greek-speaking territories.69 A vain 65 66

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Complete Works, 14–15. Girolamo Arnaldi, “Liutprando e la storiograia contemporanea nell’Italia centro-settentrionale,” in La storiograia altomedievale, 10–16 aprile 1969, SSCISAM, 17 (Spoleto, 1979), 517–18, believes that Liudprando descended from a merchant family. Against this position, see Karl Leyser, “Ends and Means in Liudprand of Cremona,” in Byzantium and the West, c. 850–c. 1200. Proceedings of the XVIII Spring Symposium of Byzantine Studies, Oxford 30th March–1st April 1984, ed. J. D. Howard-Johnson (Amsterdam, 1988), 119–20. Leyser considers Liudprando to be of noble descent. Liudprando writes of his boyhood: “regis Hugonis gratiam michi vocis dulcedine adquirebam. Is ... euphoniam adeo diligebat, in qua coaequalium puerorum nemo vincere poterat”: Antapodosis, 4.1, in Liudprandi cremonensis opera omnia, ed. Paolo Chiesa, Corpus Christianorum: Continuatio mediaevalis, 156 (Turnhout, 1998), 97. Manitius, Geschichte, 2:166–75, gives the basic biographical information. His irst mission to Constantinople lasted from September 949 to March or April 950; the second, abortive mission, halted at Paxos, in late 959 or early 960; and the third mission ran from June 968 to January 969: Johannes Koder, “Liutprand von Cremona und die griechische Sprache,” in Johannes Koder and Thomas Weber, Liutprand von Cremona in Konstantinopel: Untersuchungen zum griechischen Sprachschatz und zu realienkundlichen Aussagen in seinen Werken (Vienna, 1980), 17 and 61. Koder’s study of Liudprando’s use of Greek in his works leads Koder to conclude that Liudprando spoke

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yet gifted writer, Liudprando shared with his contemporaries a taste for the mannerist style, but in his case the product was surprisingly lively. He exhibited a penchant for irony and satire in historical works, mixing prose with occasional poetry and seasoning a complicated Latin with frequent words and phrases from Greek.70 Virgil irst, then Terence and Juvenal were his favorite Roman poets, and Cicero was his favorite prose writer. Whether he cited Pliny, Lucretius, and Martial from the texts or from lorilegia cannot be known.71 While he lacked the intimate acquaintance with patristic literature that Atto had demonstrated, he showed a good command of the Bible.72 Oddly, perhaps because of his secular occupations, he left it to his successor to reorganize the cathedral library, on which he appears to have left no mark.73 An imperial bishop and courtly counselor par excellence, Liudprando ofered to young men proof of the political and economic value of scholarship and poetry. Interest in historical writing was traditionally weak in Italy north of Rome, and just as Andrea of Bergamo’s additions to Paulo Diacono’s Historia Langobardorum and Agnello’s Historia pontiicalis may have been the only historical works produced north of Rome in the ninth century, so Liudprando’s histories may have been unique in the tenth. The absence of monastic chronicles, a lourishing enterprise north of the Alps in both centuries, is particularly puzzling.74 Agnello’s and Liudprando’s works were

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Greek with relative luency as a result of his travels to the east and that he had some acquaintance with Greek writing, especially biblical Greek texts. Frederick A. Wright, The Works of Liudprand of Cremona (New York, 1930), 17–24, provides a brief analysis of Liudprando’s prose style. Wright also publishes translations of his three historical works, Antapodosis, Liber de rebus gestis Ottonis, and Relatio de legatione Constantinopolitana. I will use Wright’s translations. Bernhard Bischof, “Eine Osterpredigt Liudprands von Cremona (um 960),” Anecdota novissima: Texte des vierten bis sechzehnten Jahrhunderts, Quellen und Untersuchungen zur lateinischen Philologie des Mittelalters, no. 7 (Stuttgart, 1984), 22, points to grammatical errors in Liudprando’s prose. Nikolaus Staubach, “Historia oder Satira? Zur literarischen Stellung der Antapodosis Liudprands von Cremona,” Mittellateinisches Jahrbuch 24–25 (1989/90): 484, suggests that Liudprando met Rather, a master satirist, in Germany and that he may be the reader referred to in Rather’s Praeloquia as “nostri perintimus licet A.L.D,” which Staubach believes may stand for “nostri perintimus amicus Liudprandus diaconus.” Staubach also hypothesizes that contact with Rather might have fed the satirical vein in Liudprando’s thinking. For references to ancient pagan authors, see the Index auctorum of Liudprandi Cremonensis opera omnia, 225–34. For his references to the scripture, see 221–24. Bullough, “Le scuole cattedrali,” 132–33, situates Liudprando within the Carolingian literary tradition and emphasizes his inluence on subsequent Ottonian writers of history. Of his knowledge of ancient literature, Bullough writes: “Liutprando stesso ... conosceva un numero maggiore di scrittori classici degli altri studiosi del X secolo, e fra essi alcuni poco conosciuti anche più tardi.” For an analysis of the poetry found in his histories, see Enza Colonna, Le poesie di Liutprando di Cremona: Commento tra testo e contesto (Bari, 1996). On his successor’s inventory of the library, see Ugo Gualazzini, Ricerche sulle scuole pre-universitarie del medioevo: Contributo di indagini sul sorgere delle università (Milan, 1943), 42–48. Arnaldi, “Liutprando e la storiograia contemporanea,” 498, suggests that monastic chronicles evolved in an efort to keep track of monastic property. The implication is that as transactions were recorded in cartularies, the scribes added other details related to the life of the monastery. Because in Italy land transactions were recorded in notarial documents, Arnaldi maintains that there was no equivalent temptation to note down such other details. It should be said, however, that southern Italy also relied heavily on notarial documents, although there the historiographical tradition

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exceptional anyway, in that Agnello’s was the product of a culture still signiicantly inluenced by Byzantium, and Liudprando’s was inspired by the request of an Iberian bishop at Otto’s court and he began writing history in Germany, not Italy.75 The earliest and longest of Liudprando’s histories, Antapodosis, was composed at the request of Recemundus, bishop of Elvira in the Iberian peninsula, whom Liudprando met at Otto’s court in 956. He began it in 958 at Frankfurt and completed it about 962 in Italy. The work recounts in often lurid detail the history of the period roughly from the death of Charles the Bald in 877 to Liudprando’s irst expedition to Constantinople in 949. A second short history, Gesta Ottonis, deals with only one major event in the reign of Otto I, his deposing of John XII at Rome in 963. Liudprando’s most lively composition, Relatio de Constantinopolitana legatione, describes his last embassy to Constantinople in 968/69 and reveals a Western antipathy toward Greek culture and society. Although claiming to be an account of “the doings of the emperors and kings of all Europe,” the six books of the Antapodosis contain little material not pertaining to the German or Eastern empires. The author characterizes the work in its opening pages as an exposition of the operation of divine justice in the world, but in the third book he makes the objective more speciic. There he belatedly explains the meaning of the title Antapodosis as “Tit-for-Tat” and speciies that “The aim and object of this work is to reveal, declare and stigmatize the doings of this Berengarius, who now is not king but rather despot of Italy, and of his wife Willa, who because of her boundless tyranny is rightly called a second Jezebel, and because of her insatiate greed for plunder, a Lamia vampire.”76 But Liudprando is quick to assure his readers that “my book will also be repayment for the beneits conferred upon me by men of sanctity and repute.”77 From this point on we are led to expect that Liudprando himself, not God, will render justice to his friends and foes alike by publishing their deeds. Besides settling old scores with Berengario, the author clearly aimed to create a legend of the Ottonians’ smooth ascent to the German throne and attribute the current stability of the kingdom to their rule. To justify Otto’s right to the Italian crown, Liudprando not only reviled and debased the person and policies of Otto’s enemy, Berengario II, but also denigrated all other possible claimants, including the Byzantine emperor.78 Throughout the narrative Liudprando exercised a selective misogyny, treating the female members of the Ottonian family with reverence while describing Berengario’s rule as contaminated by the incessant interference of lustful and willful women.79

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in these centuries, if less rich than north of the Alps, was nevertheless ample; Nicola Cilento, “La storiograia nell’Italia meridionale,” La storiograia altomedioevale, 10–16 aprile 1969, SSCISAM, 17 (Spoleto, 1970), 521–56. Antapodosis, 1.1: 5. Ibid., 3.1: 68; Wright, Works of Liudprand, 109. Antapodosis 3.1:68; Wright, Works of Liudprand, 109. The observations in this paragraph are based on Philippe Buc, The Dangers of Ritual: Between Early Medieval Texts and Social Scientiic Theory (Princeton, N.J., and Oxford, 2001), 15–24. Ibid., 20.

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All of Liudprando’s historical writings are marked by a penchant for realistic detail that at points leads to the grotesque when used to describe enemies.80 His talent for caricature is perhaps best illustrated by the demeaning description in his Relatio of the Byzantine emperor, Nicephorus, whom he describes as having “a big belly, a lean posterior, very long in the hip considering his short stature, small legs, fair sized heels and feet; dressed in a robe made of ine linen, but old, foul smelling, and discoloured by age....”81 The hostile relations between the Germans and Constantinople at the time of his writing the Relatio allowed Liudprando to hurl scathing criticisms at the Byzantines, fueled by his anger at the repeated and intentional slights that he had personally sufered at the imperial court during his failed embassy to Constantinople in 968/69. Until recently, scholars have considered Liudprando an “ecclesiastic in name only,” but the discovery of a sermon that he delivered at an Easter service in Germany between 958 and 961 requires us to qualify the assessment.82 Structured as a dialogue between Liudprando and a Jew, and then between Liudprando and the congregation, the sermon confronts basic questions regarding the tenets of the Christian faith such as the following. Why did God send Christ, combining in his being two natures, to save mankind? Why did God seek the reconciliation of men and not of fallen angels? Why is the Trinity not three gods rather than one? How did the death of Christ frustrate the devil’s plan to dominate the world? Then, presuming to have answered the questions by relying on biblical citations and some of the central writings of Saint Augustine, he turns to his audience and instructs them about how they are to attain the salvation freely ofered by Christ’s death. The performance must have been impressive: irst the defender of the faith dramatically pursuing the Jew’s skepticism with theological arguments bolstered by scriptural references; then the spiritual father with his homiletic appeal to his listeners’ concern for their souls. There is no reason to doubt that Liudprando believed everything he said in the sermon. In a larger sense, we have no grounds to question either his commitment to belief in the omnipotence of God’s Providence in human history or his self-interested faith that Otto’s triumph over Berengario II and his other enemies had been divinely willed. Perhaps the fairest comment to make is that Liudprando was vitally concerned with worldly afairs, and that his faith seems not to have inconvenienced his personal ambitions but rather legitimized them. 80

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On this aspect of Liudprando’s style, see Robert Levine, “Liudprand of Cremona: History and Debasement in the Tenth Century,” Mittellateinisches Jahrbuch 26 (1992): 70–84. See also Staubach, “Historia oder Satira,” who emphasizes the didactic intention of Liudprando’s use of satire in the Antapodosis, 461–87. Relatio de legatione constantinopolitana, in Liudprandi cremonensis opera omnia, 188; Wright, Works of Liudprand, 136–37. The phrase is from Auerbach, Literary Language, 153, and is cited by Karl Leyser, “Liudprand of Cremona: Preacher and Homilist,” in The Bible in the Medieval World: Essays in Memory of Beryl Smalley, ed. Katherine Walsh and Diana Wood (Oxford, 1985), 43–60. Leyser cites conlicting interpretations of Liudprando’s character by other scholars (54–56) and gives a summary of the arguments of the sermon (47–53). The sermon, Homelia paschalis, is published in Liudprandi cremonensis opera omnia, 153–65. It exhibits both Liudprando’s preaching style and his biblical expertise; see Bischof , “Einer Osterpredigt Liudprands,” 24–34, who publishes Liudprando’s homily. Bischof dates the work on p. 23.

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Personal advancement in the ecclesiastical hierarchy may have been in Gunzo’s mind when, perhaps leaving the cathedral school of Milan, he crossed the Alps in the train of Otto I in the winter of 964/65 to assume a teaching position in Germany.83 Gunzo was perhaps in his ifties; it is unlikely that an older man would voluntarily have undertaken such a rigorous journey in winter.84 The journey was the occasion for him to write his Epistola ad Augienses, in which he endeavored to dazzle his readers with the full extent of his knowledge – thereby revealing to future generations its character and limitations. The Epistola relates that, arriving at Saint Gall stif with cold one night on his way through the Alps, and inding his spirits revived by the warmth and refreshment of the refectory, Gunzo began to chat carelessly with his assembled hosts. Little did he realize that in that hall “to misplace a period was a capital sin.” A slight error, the substitution of an accusative for an ablative in the course of a relaxed conversation, was enough to bring down upon his head the ridicule of the whole monastic community. Burning with anger at his humiliation, Gunzo resumed his journey through the snows the following morning, but months later in the Epistola, written to the brothers of the monastery of Reichenau, where he had stayed after leaving Saint Gall, he tried to heal his wounded pride by telling his tale to a sympathetic audience. Gunzo did not hesitate to identify the attempt to humiliate him as an insult to Italian learning in general. There can be no mistaking his condescension toward German education at this early point in the Ottonian intellectual revival: that attitude deepened his sense of shame at having been mocked publicly by Germans for a grammatical error. Had he not been writing to other monks in the same area, he might have even more strongly asserted his attitude of Italian intellectual superiority in his defense. 83

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Karl Manitius, ed., Epistola ad Augienses, 5, n. 1, considers him to have been a monk on the basis of his play on words in accusing a monk of Saint Gall both of having maliciously attacked his reputation and of having killed the last abbot of the monastery: “Haud igitur miremini, si fratrem verberat qui patrem necat,” 31. The statement, however, may mean only that if the monk feared not to attack a superior, he would not fear to attack an equal. I ind it diicult to reconcile with a monastic status Gunzo’s boast that the emperor had personally asked him to come to Germany because he was subject to no one and had considerable inancial means: “Sed enim quia non alicui ita subiciebar neque tam humilis fortune habebar, ut cogi possem, versis ad me precum indiciis promissionem ceu pignus veniendi accepit” (21). Moreover, with the exception of the Ciel d’Oro at Pavia, northern- and central-Italian monasteries in the late tenth century do not seem to have have been sites of the kind of learning Gunzo demonstrated. In his preface to Gunzo’s Epistola ad Augienses, 4–5:23, Manitius considers Gunzo to be an old man on the basis of a passage in Gunzo’s text: “Adfuit tamen quem supra pusionem dixi, culpans tam grave facinus mutationis unius casus, asserens me senem scolaribus dignum lagellis....” Gunzo is explaining that a pusio had extemporaneously composed a Latin poem mocking a grammatical mistake that he, senex, had just made. My sense is that the passage involves a degree of exaggeration in order to heighten the contrast between the two men. Just as it is unlikely that “a little boy” would have composed the Latin poem on the spur of the moment, so it is unlikely that Gunzo was “an old man.” It should be said that Gunzo claimed that the boy and his master, the older monk, had plotted to embarrass Gunzo in advance, but Gunzo does not explain how they could have known what Gunzo’s error would be.

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The long letter, articulated according to the rules of classical oratory, was probably intended to be read aloud in the refectory before the assembled brothers. In it Gunzo endeavored both to justify his grammatical usage by citing legions of classical examples and to render his accusers contemptible. After a simple salutation, he presents his exordium, designed to make his listeners “well-disposed, attentive, and receptive.” To that end he elects from Cicero’s recommended approaches the one entitled “ab loco adversariorum,” that is, aimed at denigrating his adversaries (pp. 19–20). Gunzo accuses the monks of Saint Gall of deep-seated malignity and a willful desire to humilitate him: a young monk drew him out, while the youth’s lover and the mastermind of the plot hovered unobtrusively in the background. Gunzo then narrates the series of events (p. 21), and, after what appears intended as a one-sentence partitio, he irst defends himself against having made a grammatical error (conirmatio, 25–30) and then tries to undermine his enemies’ arguments using personal attacks (refutatio, 30–37).85 After a long digression (digressio, 37–53) – doubtless too extensive to conform to Cicero’s recommendation – he identiies its relevance to the case (53–55) and draws his conclusion (conclusio, 55–57). Gunzo apparently felt that to vindicate his learning he needed to deliver a formal judicial oration. The author claims to have brought with him to Germany almost a hundred books, but he only supplies the names of the ive that matter to him most: Martianus Capella’s De nuptiis philologiae et Mercurii, Plato’s Timaeus (doubtless in Chalcidius’s translation), Aristotle’s De interpretatione, and both Aristotle’s and Cicero’s Topica.86 If Gunzo was carrying Aristotle’s Topica in the Boethian translation, then he was bringing a rare work indeed to Germany.87 The text of the De interpretatione was probably the one found in Boethius’s commentary.88 Gunzo’s remarks suggest that he also knew the Categories, with Boethius’s commentary.89 He also understood the distinctive positions of Plato and Aristotle on the issue of universals and sided squarely with Plato.90 Gunzo’s ability to manipulate Priscian for his arguments apparently came from years of teaching his Institutiones in the classroom.91 Although Gunzo made no use of Aristotelian methodology in his arguments, he was nonetheless precocious in appreciating that logicians and grammarians sometimes understood language in diferent ways.92 As he writes: “This woman [grammar] turns out to be one thing 85

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The short partitio reads: “Perpendite, queso, tandem, quid prudens vir ille de quo sermo est in reprehensione unius casus profecerit aut quid magni de se ostenderit.” Epistola ad Augienes, 37. According to Lorenzo Minio-Paluello, “Nuovi impulsi allo studio della logica: La seconda fase della riscoperta di Aristotele e di Boezio,” La scuola nell’occidente latino dell’alto medioevo, SSCISAM, 19 (1972), 749, the Topica only reappeared in the early twelfth century. Were it in Boethius’s commentary on the work, the manuscript would perhaps be unique, because no copy of the commentary has ever been identiied: Jonathan Barnes, “Boethius and the Study of Logic,” in Boethius: His Life, Thought and Inluence, ed. Margaret Gibson (Oxford, 1981), 75, 87, n. 8. See Epistola ad Augienses, notes on 28, 29, 37, 39, and 41. See ibid., notes on 40, 41, and 50. Ibid., 10, n. 2. Manitius provides a list of references to Priscian in Gunzo’s text in Epistola ad Augienses, 185. In her classic article, Marcia L.Colish, “Eleventh-Century Grammar in the Thought of St. Anselm,” in Arts libéraux et philosophie au Moyen Âge: Actes du quatrième Congrès international de philosophie

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for the grammarians, another for Aristotle. For to him she suggests that nouns are not able to be put in oblique cases; to them she says that nouns are able to be in oblique cases.”93 Gunzo probably had his Priscian at hand when writing the Epistola, because some of his quotations from ancient poets are precisely those used by the sixthcentury grammarian to illustrate grammatical rules.94 Still, the citations from major ancient poets, such as Virgil, Juvenal, Horace, Persius, and Ovid, go beyond those found in Priscian and demonstrate an extensive personal acquaintance with the works of the poets themselves.95 Gunzo also manifests a good knowledge of the Bible; but of the Latin Church Fathers he cites only Augustine, Jerome, and Gregory the Great. As for rhetoric, he may have known portions of Quintilian and the still rare Pseudo-Ciceronian Ad Herennium, but Cicero’s De inventione provided the basic structure for his work. Like his knowledge of Priscian’s manual of grammar, Gunzo’s knowledge of Cicero’s rhetorical text, the De inventione, suggests that that book, too, had a part in his teaching program. The former had been the standard manual for the advanced study of grammar since late antiquity, while the Ciceronian manual became the basic manual for rhetoric only in the course of the ninth and tenth centuries.96 The most striking feature of Gunzo’s elaborate display of knowledge is that the author articulates his learning in the form of an oration. As we shall see in the next chapter, the eleventh-century Italian text most closely approximating

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médiévale, Université de Monréal, Montréal, Canada, 27 août–2 septembre 1967 (Montreal and Paris,1969), 788, contrasts the position of late-ancient grammarians on the signiication of the noun and that of Aristotle as interpreted by Boethius. For grammarians, a noun could deine a thing both substantially and accidentally. According to Boethius’s interpretation of Aristotle, if a noun signiied with respect to an accident, it could not properly do so for a substance. Colish illustrates the diference in The Mirror of Language: A Study in the Medieval Theory of Language (New Haven, Conn., and London, 1968; rev. ed. Lincoln, Neb., and London, 1983), 109–10, using Anselmo’s efort to determine whether the word “grammarian” signiied a substance or a quality. Anselmo concluded that “grammarian” signiied a man, but it did so as a quality or accident, that is, not as a vox signiicativa per se but vox signiicativa per aliud. Colish considers awareness of this problem to be a contribution of the eleventh century. Although less sophisticated philosophically, Gunzo in this passage may be basing his formulation of the diferent understandings of the noun by the grammarian and the philosopher on the same texts of Boethius. “Hec femina aliter grammaticis, aliter Aristoeli cedit. Huic suadet per obliquos casus non posse nomina dici, illis etiam in obliquis posse nomina nuncupari”; Epistola ad Augienses, 39. See, for example, ibid., 1:25, nn. 6 and 8; 26, nn. 1, 2, 5; and 30, n.3. This observation is based on Manitius’s register of citations in the Epistola, ibid., 184–86. Gunzo considered himself something of a poet. For a discussion of the interweaving of prose and poetry in his text, consult Bernard Pabst, Prosimetrum:Tradition und Wandel einer Literaturform zwischen Spätantike und Spätmittelalter, 2 vols. (Cologne and Wiemar, 1994), 367–75. Margaret Gibson, Lanfranc of Bec (Oxford, 1978), argues that interest in the Ciceronian manuals began in the 1030s and 1040s. John O. Ward, Ciceronian Rhetoric in Treatise, Scholion and Commentary, Typologie des sources du Moyen Âge occidental, fasc. 58, A–V, A–I (Turnhout, 1995), 105, however, considers the eleventh and twelfth centuries as the “high watermark” of interest. He notes that Alcuin relied heavily on De inventione in writing his own description of rhetoric (Ward, Ciceronian Rhetoric, 81). He maintains (Ciceronian Rhetoric, 90) that the ninth and tenth centuries saw “the beginnings of a shift from the compilation of new compends/manuals/abridgements on rhetoric to a more thorough use of the older classical texts.”

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Gunzo’s “letter” in its erudition assumes a similar structure. What this penchant for rhetoric suggests is that by the mid-tenth century public life in the form of assemblies and courtrooms, ecclesiastical and secular, was already orienting artistic creativity, privileging oral eloquence, and providing the dominant situation-image for literary expression. The litigious character of Italian society of which Pietro Damiani complained a century later may already have been present in the tenth century. The highly rhetorical nature of medieval Italian culture would in part account for the relative poverty in northern and central Italy of poetic expression and of certain literary prose genres common north of the Alps, such as the fable and history. LEO OF VERCELLI, SPOKESMAN FOR EMPIRE

As I suggested earlier, the presence of the youthful Liudprando, a learned courtier and diplomat of the Italian kingdom, may have served as a model for the conception of the imperial bishop as it was being constructed at Otto’s court in the 950s. Liudprando was almost certainly a model for later Italian bishops such as Leo (ca. 965–1026), who was one of Atto’s successors at Vercelli.97 Like Liudprando gifted with considerable literary and diplomatic talent, Leo of Vercelli irst appeared in the imperial court of the young Otto III in 996. Between the spring of 998 and May 1, 999, Leo received the bishopric of Vercelli, and probably from October 999 on he also occupied the position of logotheta in the imperial chancery. The title logotheta had previously been used by the imperial chancellor Heribert of Cologne in conjunction with his title cancellarius, so its use by Leo indicates that Leo was serving as acting chancellor during Heribert’s extensive periods of residence in Cologne, where he had become archbishop in 999.98 Otto III had 97

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The fullest account of Leo’s life and works is found in Hermann Bloch, “Beiträge zur Geschichte des Bishofs Leo von Vercelli und seiner Zeit,” Neues Archiv der Gesellschaft für ältere deutsche Geschichtskunde 22 (1897): 13–136. For further bibliography, see Manitius, Geschichte, 2:515–16. The debate concerning Leo’s nationality has remained inconclusive: Metrum leonis: Poesia e potere all’inizio del secolo XI, ed. Roberto Gamberini, Edizione nazionale dei testi mediolatini, no. 6 (Impruneta, 2002), viii, n. 7. Gamberini maintains that the greater share of scholars consider Leo to have been an Italian “valutando la solida cultura classica e l’amore per la civiltà di Roma antica che traspaiono nelle sue opere.” Mathilde Uhlitz, “Die italienische Kirchenpolitik der Ottonen,” Mitteilungen des Österreichischen Instituts für Geschichtsforschung 48 (1934): 279–81, argues for a German origin for Leo. Josef Fleckenstein, Die Hofkapelle im Rahmen des ottonisch-salischen Reichskirche, vol. 2 of idem, Die Hofkapelle der deutschen Könige, MGH, Schriften, no. 16 (Stuttgart, 1966), 91, n. 213, convincingly refutes some of Uhlitz’s arguments, but the possibility of a German origin remains. On Leo’s appointment as bishop, see Bloch, “Beiträge,” 79; on Leo’s appointment as logotheta, 85. Leo’s irst use of the title in a surviving document came only in April 1001 (83). Bloch, however, maintains that Leo had held the title for some time by then. In Otto’s letter in the summer of 999 appointing Heribert archbishop, the new archbishop was designated as archilogotheta, and in October 999 he was addressed as logotheta principalis et cancellarius. For all practical purposes, Bloch maintains that from mid-1000 Leo was Otto’s chancellor (88–89). The term logotheta referred in the Byzantine chancery to a high chancery oicial and was associated with the title summus consilarius. Bloch, “Beiträge,” 85, writes: “Um mich indessen hier mit aller Vorsicht auszudrücken, fasse ich das aus den Quellen und dem Vergleich mit dem byzantinischen Grosslogotheten gewonnene Ergebnis

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reversed traditional imperial policy, which had favored Italians for Italian bishoprics and locally supervised royal placiti.Therefore Leo’s spectacular success in the imperial hierarchy may suggest that he had family ties with Germany.99 On the death of Otto III in January 1002, Leo retired to his bishopric of Vercelli, whence he led the battle in support of the new German emperor, Henry II (1002–24), against Arduino, the native Italian marquis of Ivrea, who laid claim to the Italian kingdom. Over the next thirteen years, until Arduino’s death in 1015, Leo vigorously championed Henry’s cause against Arduino, who appealed to anti-German sentiments.100 When on Henry II’s death in 1024, the Italian crown again became a matter of dispute, Leo joined with Ariberto d’Intimiano, archbishop of Milan, in endorsing the claim of Henry II’s successor, Conrad II (1024–39), the irst of the Franconian or Salian dynasty, to be king of Italy. Committed to secular politics for most his life, Leo appears to have written little. Apart from four letters, only four poems survive: a short elegy composed in 998/99 for Pietro, the murdered bishop of Vercelli (d. 997), one of Leo’s recent predecessors in the see; Versus de Gregorio papa et Ottone augusto, written in 998, a paean to the joint rule of the world by Otto and Gregory V (d. 999); Versus de Ottone et Heinrico, a lament on the early death of Otto III coupled with a celebration of the accession of Henry II to the throne in 1002; and Metrum leonis, an animal fable probably composed before 1002, whose message remains a subject of debate.101 An intimate councilor of Otto, Leo encouraged the emperor’s belief that a renovatio imperii was under way. As he wrote in Versus de Gregorio papa et Ottone augusto: O Christ, understand our prayers; look on your Rome, Piously renew the Romans; stir up the powers of Rome; Let Rome rise to empire under Otto the Third.102

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dahin zusammen, dass für die Stellung des Logotheten zwei Momente von Bedeutung zu sein scheinen: vor allem sein hervorragender Einluss auf die politischen Angelegenheiten des Reiches, dann aber auch eine enge Verbindung mit der Kanzlei.” Otto III united the Italian chancery to the German one in 999, under Heribert, who remained chancellor until 1002. The chanceries were not divided again until 1009; Harry Bresslau, Handbuch der Urkundenlehre für Deutschland und Italien, 3rd ed., 3 vols. (Berlin, 1958), 1:470. Gian Luigi Barni, “Dal governo del vescovo a quello dei cittadini,” in Dagli albori del comune all’incoronazione di Federigo Barbarossa (1002–1152): Storia di Milano, vol. 3 (Milan, 1954), 3. Benzone of Alba assigns Leo the central role in the defeat of Arduin: “Poliphemum qui prostravit, inde venerabilis”: MGH, Scriptores, no. 11, 639, v. 4; cited from Manitius, Geschichte, 2:515. The four letters are published by Bloch, “Beiträge,” 16–23. The poems are published by Karl Strecker and Norbert Fickermann, Die Ottonenzeit, 476–89. For the dating of these poems, see the notes to 477–78 and 482–83. Jan Ziolkowski, Talking Animals: Medieval Latin Beast Poetry, 750–1150 (Philadelphia, 1993), 116–28, analyzes the Metrum leonis in detail. For the Metrum leonis, see the new edition of Roberto Gamberini, Metrum leonis, 2–16. The longest, most intricate beast poem before the eleventh century, the Metrum leonis played a signiicant role in the development of the genre: Ziolkowski, Talking Animals, 128. On the importance of classical authors in this work, especially Horace, see the notes to Bloch, “Beiträge,” 127–33. “Christe, preces intellege, Romam tuam respice,/ Romanos pie renova, vires Rome excita./ Surgat Roma imperio sub Ottone tertio”: Versus de Gregorio, strophe 1, in Strecker and Fickermann, Die Ottonenzeit, 477.

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He believed fervently in the divine ordination of the German emperor. Had not Henry II succeeded Otto III as emperor, all would have been ruined, but “There is no council great or small against God.” In scarcely three months all moaning ceased: “He [God] appointed Henry to the monarchy without bloodshed.”103 In the economy of worldly leadership the emperor ruled over both the spiritual and the temporal, and the papacy acted under his aegis: Rejoice, O Pope; rejoice, Caesar; rejoice, O Church! Let there be great joy in Rome; let the palace celebrate! Under the power of Caesar the papacy puriies the world.104

The oical documents that Leo composed for both Otto III and Henry II embodied his convictions. In 1001, in a document recording a gift made by Otto to Pope Sylvester II (Gerbert of Aurillac), Leo blurred the lines between secular and ecclesiastical power by referring to Otto as servus apostolorum. In this document he unambiguously endorsed the imperial claim to control the Church. He did so by denouncing the Donation of Constantine and that “of a certain Karl” as falsiications, describing papal elections carried out without imperial intervention as mistaken and focusing on Otto’s recent choice of Gerbert as pope as an example of the proper method of selection.105 In imperial documents that he wrote, Leo associated the Ottonian rulers with the rulers of ancient Rome, a gesture of great propaganda value. In a charter composed by Leo in the name of Otto, granting privileges to Leo’s own bishopric of Vercelli, Leo connected the beneits of favoring the Church with those of a renovatio imperii: “so that with the Church of God free and secure our empire will prosper, the forces of our army will triumph, the power of the Roman people and state will be restored, so that we merit living honorably as a guest in this life, lying more honorably from the prison of this life, and reigning most honorably with the Lord.”106 103

104

105

106

“Contra deum consilium nec magnum nec minimum/ In tribus pene mensibus omnis cessit gemitus./ Heinricum sine sanguine prefecit monarchiae”: Versus de Ottone, strophe 8, in Strecker and Fickermann, Die Ottonenzeit, 482. Composing the poem soon after the advent of Henry, Leo could not know how many years it would take to establish the emperor’s claim to the Italian crown. “Aude papa, gaude caesar, gaudeat ecclesia,/ Sit magnum Romae gaudium, iubilet palatium./ Sub caesaris potentia purgat papa secula”: Versus de Gregorio, strophe 10, in Strecker and Fickermann, Die Ottononzeit, 480. Die Urkunden Otto des III (Ottonis III: Diplomata), ed. Theodor Sickel, MGH, Die Urkunden der deutschen Könige und Kaiser (Diplomatum regum et imperatorum Germaniae), no. 2, pt. 1 (Hannover, 1888), 818–20. Morrison, Two Kingdoms, 58–59 and 134, provides Carolingian precedent for this title. Walter Ullmann, The Growth of Papal Government in the Middle Ages: A Study in the Ideological Relation of Clerical to Lay Power, 3rd ed. (Northampton, Mass., 1970), 229–38, discusses the imperial theory justifying the Ottonian control of the Church. Francis Oakley, Kingship: The Politics of Enchantment (Malden, Mass., 2006), 100–107, describes the emergence of a Christocentric view of kingship in the tenth century, emphasizing the ruler as representative of Christ as king and superior to the priest, who is representative of Christ in this capacity. The quotation is found in Ottonis III: Diplomata, 752–53: “ut libere et secure permanente dei ecclesia prosperetur nostrum imperium, triumphet corona nostre militie, propagetur potentia populi Romani et restituatur res publica, ut in huius mundi hospitio honeste vivere, de huius vite carcere

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Just as Leo created the title servus apostolorum to suggest a more eminent relationship with the Church than the more general epithet enjoyed by the pope as servus servorum dei, so he is credited with having invented the fateful title Romanorum rex, which was applied to the medieval German ruler from the time of Henry II. The title suggested an intimate connection with ancient greatness that might lessen the separation between the northern and southern parts of the emperor’s realm.107 Even in the period 1002–15, when it was far from certain that Henry II would prevail, Leo showed unhesitating loyalty to him. His allegiance, however, was hardly selless. He exhibited no hesitation in advertising that his support came at a price. As he wrote to Henry II in the conclusion of his poem praising the Bavarian prince’s election, Never let Henry rejoice nor let him thrive happily If he does not make Leo the bishop very rich; If he does not by decrees place Leo’s enemies under his feet.108

The devout among Leo’s contemporaries were outspoken in their criticism of a bishop so constantly embroiled in secular politics. Of Leo’s involvement in quelling the revolt of Rimini against Henry II, Brun of Querfurt wrote, “He acquired great wealth in the county ighting for loyalty to the king and on his own account.”109 Leo’s aggressive venality may also have been the reason for Guglielmo of Volpiano’s denunciation of his conduct. That pious reforming abbot, who had grown up in the Vercelli area and who, after years spent reforming monasteries in Gaul, extended his activities to northern Italy by founding the abbey of Fruttuaria in Ivrea (ca. 1003), declared Leo unit to be a bishop: “This cruel man Leo,” he wrote, “is therefore totally without God.”110 Liudprando, Gunzo, and Leo all appear from their writings to have been more secular than religious in their interests. For them the ancient pagan authors not only served as the basis of their early education but retained importance for them

107

108

109

110

honestius avolare et cum domino honestissime mereamur regnare.”The passage was cited by Bloch, “Beiträge,” 91, n. 1. Wolfgang C. Schneider, “Heinrich II. als ‘Romanorum rex,’” Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken 67 (1987): 436–43. “Numquam Heinricus gaudeat, numquam felix valeat/ Si Leonem episcopum non faciat ditissimum./ Si non submittat legibus hostes eius pedibus”; Versus de Ottone, strophe 14; Strecker and Fickermann, Die Ottonen Zeit, 483. These are the words of Bruno of Querfurt in his Vita quinque fratrum Poloniae, col. 10, ed. Reinhard Kade, in MGH, Scriptores, no. 15, pt. 2 (Hannover, 1888), 725. Ralph Glaber, Vita domni Willelmi abbatis, 284. In citing William’s statement, Glaber adds his own opinion: “Simili invidia quoque Leo Vercellensis episcopus ad actus universos istius patris extiterat infestus. De quo etiam talia narrare erat solitus: ‘Hic ergo crudelissimus totus est Leo sine Deo, quia si fuisset deus cum eo, quae illius sunt, amaret pro illo.’” See references to other critics, Bloch, “Beiträge,” 106. On the relationship between William and Leo, see also Neithard Bulst, Untersuchungen zu den Klosterreformen Wilhelms von Dijon (962–1031) (Bonn, 1973), 118–19. On Fruttuaria and its inluence on monastic reform, see Gregorio Penco, “Il movimento di Fruttuaria e la riforma gregoriana,” Il monachesimo e la riforma ecclesiastica (1049–1122): Atti della quarta Settimana internazionale di studio Mendola, 23–29 Agosto 1968 (Milan, 1971), 385–90.

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in later life.111 None of the three manifested the uneasiness that Atto of Vercelli had felt toward pagan literature a generation or two earlier, nor would they have joined Atto in arguing that learning in maturity should be limited to the Christian classics. The extension of Ottonian power across the Alps provided an institutional structure in which Italians trained in litterae et mores could expect preferment in the highest ecclesiastical oices for a century and a half. By the late tenth century, bishops in southwestern Francia, in league with lay princes, were incorporating church reform into a general peace movement, which within decades would be taken up by bishops in northern parts of the country; but the ecclesiastical leadership of the regnum, dominated by men of the stamp of Leo of Vercelli, had little interest in it.112 In 963, near the end of his long life, Rather bitterly identiied the trend of the times as one in which the sons of the nobility sought out the episcopal oice, not for the desire of serving the Lord, but “from ambition for the episcopate” (ambitum ... episcopandi).113 He and Atto apparently had no immediate successors among the prelates of the Italian Church. THE OTHER CULTURE

While the examples of Liudprando, Gunzo, and Leo demonstrate a new intensity of interest in book culture based on classical literature, documentary culture was also thriving. An examination of the published collections of charters (that is, contracts involving sales, exchanges, rentals, donations, conirmations of rights, petitions, etc.) for Lombard cities and seven other major centers of northern and central Italy (Pisa, Modena, Padua, Mantua, Parma, Arezzo, and Reggio) for the two halves of the tenth century, 901–50 and 951–1000, shows that almost twice the number of documents survive from the second half of the century as from the irst. The diference cannot be explained by accidents of preservation, because the survival of documents increases in the second half of the century in all eight areas. When the evidence of seven areas – the monumental Codex diplomaticus Langobardiae ends at 999 and is not included in the statistics after 1000 – is compared for 901–50 (146), 951–1000 (194), and 1001–50 (557), the signs of increase are even more striking. The ratio between the latest and the earliest is almost four to one.114 111

112 113

114

Liudprando’s and Gunzo’s wide reading of ancient literature and history is evident from their writings. Leo’s is demonstrated by our growing knowledge of the library that he collected and housed at Vercelli; Metrum leonis, xiii–xix. On monastic reforms, see Chapter 3. Die Briefe Rathers von Verona, 96: “Sed cum scriptum sit, quia ‘nihil in terra sine causa it’, causam ipsam, non diiteor, videre videor plerumque ita posse contingere. Pone quemlibet nobilium scolis tradi, quod utique hodie magis ieri ambitu videtur episcopandi quam cupiditia Domino militandi....” The statistics in the following table are based on the documents preserved in the following eight collections: CAPar (Parma); CDL (Lombardy); CDPad, 1 and 2 (Padua); CReg, 1 and 2 (Reggio); DSArezzo (Arezzo); RMan (Mantua); RMod, 1 and 2 (Modena); and RCPisa (Pisa). Despite the frequency with which I refer to Verona in my text, its collection could not be used for comparison because the published volume stops in 961; Codice diplomatico veronese del periodo dei re d’Italia, ed. Vittorio Fainelli (Venice, 1963).

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No claim for precision can be made for statistics drawn from a limited number of geographical areas, but enough collections are involved to suggest that the trend was widespread. These statistics suggest that the economic recovery of Europe that began late in the eighth century, initially hampered in the course of the ninth century by invasions of Northmen and Magyars and the conquest of Sicily by the Arabs, had at least in Italy resumed by the middle decades of the tenth century. For the regnum the gradual diminution of the Magyar menace and then the reopening of the trade routes through the Danube basin with the conversion of much of that area to Christianity around 1000 were of enormous economic signiicance.115 Along with a gradual increase in the number of documents by the end of the tenth century came their greater uniformity, indicating a difusion of common documentary practices. The arenghe or introductory sentences became less extravagant and limited to fewer types. Dire threats of earthly and divine punishments for contravening the terms of the document were replaced by rational enumerations of penal sanctions in this world. Unstable in form as late as the last decade of the ninth century, the records of the placiti became stereotyped in the tenth century. The confused mass of scabini, clerics, counts, judges, and notaries signing as participants in the deliberations were now generally replaced by groups of royal judges and royal notaries, who successfully laid claim to dominating documentary production in wider spheres of activity.116 The rise of royal judges and notaries relected the political designs of the monarchy. During the tenth century, a large number of local lay notaries, distinguished at the century’s beginning by the title of the city where they were authorized to 901–950 Padua Parma Lombardy* Arezzo Modena Mantua Pisa† Reggio‡ Totals

951–1000

docs. 26–40: 15 docs. 41–79: docs. 1–56: 56 docs. 57–83: docs. 388–594: 207 docs. 595–995 docs. 54–66: 13 docs. 67–89: docs. 34–50: 17 docs. 51–73: docs. 15–22: 8 docs. 23–41: docs. 33–45: 13 docs. 46; 49–76: docs. 33–56: 24 docs. 58–91: 353

1001–1050 39 27 401 23 23 19 29 34 595

docs. 80–158: docs. 1–89: ------------docs. 90–175: docs. 74–206: docs. 42–70: docs. 77–125: doc. 94–185:

79 89 86 133 29 49 92 557

*

I have not included one document in an appendix, which is not dated. The collection for Lombardy ends in 999. † I have not included docs. 47 or 48, which are dated 930–54. ‡ I have not included doc. 57, which is dated 945–55, nor documents 92 and 93, which are dated only as tenth century.

115

116

When the total of documents for the seven areas are added together – the collection for Lombardy ends in 999 – the igures for the three periods are as given in the text. Michael McCormick, Origins of the European Economy: Communications and Commerce, A.D. 300–900 (Cambridge, 2001), 795–97, deals briely with this and other causes of the temporary slowdown in Europe’s economic development from the second half of the ninth century. Charles Radding, The Origins of Medieval Jurisprudence: Pavia and Bologna, 850–1150 (New Haven, Conn., 1988), 55–67.

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practice or simply by the designation notarius, became notarii sacri palatii, notarii imperialis, notarii domni imperialis, notarius domni regis, or notarius domnorum regum.117 Those notarial titles appear to have been interchangeable; but by the last half of the tenth century the titles notarius sacri palatii or notarius domni imperialis predominated.118 In the ninth century, a royal judge was usually designated by the term judex domni imperialis; by the late tenth, he might also be called a judex sacri palatii and the title notarius et judex sacri palatii was not uncommon. The increasing number of documents by judices sacri palatii in the tenth century is generally viewed as indicating that notarii sacri palatii were being promoted to judices, and that in notarizing documents they commonly used the superior title.119 Trained in Lombard law and asserting in their titles a connection with the king or emperor, the judges and notaries at Pavia served the monarchy as a special group of administrators associated with the royal chancery and the courts. Their numbers unmistakably increased in the early decades of the tenth century, but, while occasionally appearing in placita in various cities of the regnum, up to the 930s the royal notaries and judges of Pavia seem to be have been mainly active in Pavia itself and nearby Milan. Beginning about 930, however, two changes occurred. First, royal notaries associated with Pavia appear in documents involving private individuals in areas as far away from Pavia as Cremona and Bergamo. Second, royal notaries and judges with no evident link with Pavia emerge in the documents. In 934 in Pisa, for example, a local notary, who had simply used the title notarius in 927, was claiming to be a notarius et judex dominorum reghum [sic]. In a local matter later in the same year, Iohannes notarius et iudex domnorum regum notarized a document, and two local judices domnorum regum, Teuperto and Silverado, witnessed it. From that time onward these titles seem to have become the common property of Pisan notaries and judges.120 In Lucca judices domni regis appeared in 930, in Florence in 934, in Pistoia in 940, and in Siena in 946.121 Increasingly, local legal elites active in regional royal placiti shared the same titles with notaries and judges who had been dispatched from Pavia for that purpose. 117

118 119

120

121

Bresslau, Handbuch, 1:625, concludes that in the course of the eleventh century the ordinary notarius disappeared throughout the Italian kingdom except in the Romagna, which, as we shall see, developed more slowly but in the same direction. Julius Ficker, Forschungen zur Reichs- und Rechtsgeschichte Italiens, 4 vols. (Innsbruck, 1868–74), 2:70, was the irst to note this tenth-century dispersion of the titles. See Chapter 1, under “The Documentary Culture.” Giorgio Costamagna, “Alto medioevo,” in Mario Amelotti and Giorgio Costamagna, Alle origini del notariato italiano, Studi storici sul notariato italiano, vol. 2 (Rome, 1975), 197–200. Cecilia Piacitelli, who has studied the Milanese notariate from the eighth to the twelfth century, maintains that in the twelfth century the titles notarius domni imperatoris and notarius sacri palatii were used interchangeably, as were equivalent titles for judges: “Notariato a Milano nel xii secolo: Qualiiche e nomina,” Atti dell’11º congresso internazionale di studi sull’alto medioevo: Milano, 26–30 ottobre 1987 (Spoleto, 1989), 972–74. RCPisa, 21, doc. 37: 21, and doc. 38: 22 for Urso; and doc. 39: 22, for others. Urso is cited by Radding, Origins, 204, doc. 148, while Teuperto might be the judge who appears in Lucca in 941, ibid., doc. 146. Keller, “Gerichtsort,” 25–27.

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In a few cases, we may be looking at former royal notaries from Pavia, who, moving to other cities, kept their titles. But the relatively rapid difusion of royal notaries and judges is better explained as connected with eforts of King Ugo (926–50) to undermine the power of the great nobility by binding the urban upper classes, composed of scabini and notarial families, more closely to the Crown.This was part of the royal strategy for usurping power from the upper nobility that Atto lamented in his Polipticum. The Ottonians embraced the same policy when they took over the reins of government in the second half of the century.122 By transforming the leading residents, the scabini and notaries of the towns of the realm, into royal judges and royal notaries, tenth-century monarchs intended to draw on the political and economic resources of the town for the beneit of their government. Although that goal may not have been fully realized, Ugo’s eforts to create a royal notariate, part of a broader policy to weaken the territorial nobility, appealed to the interests of both the bishops and the urban nobility, who preferred a distant king to the local count.123 The multiplication of royal judges and notaries throughout the kingdom did not of itself create a challenge to the preeminent position of the Pavian judicial elite, but an increasing tendency to make temporary assignments of members of this elite to other regions of the country where they worked alongside local notaries had a disruptive efect on the solidarity of the royal judicial and notarial corps in Pavia by the late tenth century. By 1000, the disappearance of the calligraphic uniformity that had characterized Pavian documents since the late ninth century marked a loss of cohesiveness among legal oicials at the royal court.124 The Liber legis Langobardorum, also referred to by nineteenth-century scholars as the Liber papiensis, a compilation including all the Lombard codes together with the subsequent legislation of Carolingian rulers, represents one of the earliest responses to the new situation. Composed between 1028 and 1039, the oldest surviving manuscript of the work omits Carolingian legislation not relevant to Italy, eliminates the prefaces to the laws, and reorganizes the material so as to facilitate comparison with Lombard law. Close reading of the manuscripts of Carolingian legislation would at points have been required to establish which laws were pertinent to the regnum.125 No manuscript of the Liber contains exactly the same laws. Marginal notations in some indicate that these manuscripts were being collated with others. Hitherto contained in separate codices, the Liber’s gathering of the two sets of laws into one

122

123

124

125

Ibid., 66–67. See also Keller, “La marca di Tuscia ino all’anno mille,” Atti del 5º Congresso internazionale di studi sull’alto medioevo. Lucca. 3–7 ottobre 1971 (Spoleto, 1971), 133–36. Keller, “Gerichtsort,” 40–42, describes the rise of a new, aggressive nobility located in the major towns of the kingdom. Armando Petrucci, “Scriptoribus in urbibus”:Alfabetismo e cultura scritta nell’Italia altomedievale (Bologna, 1992), 233–36. Radding, Origins, 79–80, cites as an example the ninth chapter of Charlemagne’s capitulary of 803, which referred to earlier legislation by Pepin III (714–68) that had never been applied to Italy. The Liber legis Langobardorum papienses dictus is edited by Alfred Boretius, in Leges Langobardorum, MGH, Legum, no. 4 (Hannover, 1868), 289–585.

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manuscript was likely meant to be a practical manual for the use of palace judges, who had to leave the convenience of Pavia and its archives.126 The earliest version of the Liber is followed in the manuscript by a collection of comments on legal issues known as the Quaestiones ac monita (Questions and counsels) dealing with legal issues in Lombard, Frankish, and Roman law. The Justinian corpus, while cited only twice explicitly, is referred to tacitly at many points. If, as seems probable, the comments belong to a time when the manuscript was created, we may conclude that, at least by the third decade of the eleventh century, legal minds in Pavia were turning to Roman law to help them better understand Lombard law.127 The changes taking place in the lay notariate were peculiar to Italy. North of the Alps, the Carolingian efort to encourage the use of written documentation had collapsed with the empire in the late ninth century, and written records had become largely the preserve of clerics, who kept them when they were of interest to the particular church or monastery.Writing documents for laymen became a haphazard afair, and even in princely households, where clerical scribes were available, the amount of written documentation dropped drastically in comparison with the previous century. Notaries only reappeared north of the Alps from the mid-twelfth century.128 In the Italian kingdom, the presence of an organized lay notariate had a decisive efect on cathedral chanceries. Clerics of the cathedrals in France and Germany enjoyed a monopoly on writing documents for their institutions. In Italy a greater degree of osmosis existed between religious and civil societies in this regard. In many areas of the Italian kingdom in the tenth and eleventh centuries lay notaries (notarii sacri palatii) were invited into clerical space and assumed much of the work usually associated north of the Alps with an ecclesiastical chancery.This lay presence altered the relationship between chancery, school, and scriptorium, the triad of oices traditionally at the center of intellectual life in the cathedral chapter, disrupting the integrity of the chapter’s corporate life. In Italy clerics are rarely mentioned in connection with a cathedral’s writing oices. The designation cancellarius or the title notarius linked to that of primicerius indicates the 126

127

128

The Corpus iuris civilis in the Middle Ages: Manuscripts and Transmission from the Sixth Century to the Juristic Revival, ed. Charles Radding and Antonio Ciaralli (Leiden and Boston, 2007), 78. Radding, Origins, suggests that “there may also have been some demand for such a text from the judges based elsewhere than Pavia whose literacy and competence was certainly greater than that of earlier, local judges.” The author’s important thesis is that the new complex of judicial oicials led to a more scholarly approach to law. The Quaestiones ac monita is found in the Librum legis Langobardorum papienses dictus, ed. Alfred Boretius, in Leges Langobardorum, ed. Friedrick Bluhme, MGH, Legum, 4 (Hannover, 1868), 590–95. See as well, Radding, Origins, 78–86. The notariate reappeared in southern France at the beginning of the twelfth century and by the last decade of the century had become common. However, notaries lacked the ides publica: Robert-Henri Bautier, “L’authentiication des actes privés dans la France médiévale: Notariat public et juridiction gracieuse,” in Notariado público y documento privado: De los orígenes al siglo XIV. Actas del VII Congreso internacional de diplomática,Valencia, 1986, 2 vols. (Valencia, 1989), 714–15. They appear farther north only in the thirteenth century. They are found in Flanders only in the last years of the thirteenth: P. D. Schmidt, “Actes notariés en Flandre,” Tijdschrift voor Rechtsgeschiedenis 61 (1993): 34.

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ecclesiastical head of the writing oice, but such terms are hard to ind in the ecclesiastical documents of the Italian kingdom from the ninth to the twelfth century.129 The evidence suggests that most bishoprics had no institutionalized writing oice. A cancellarius appears in only ive of eleven major collections of documents from the ninth to the mid-thirteenth century. The diocese and the dates are as follows: 1. Verona: 813–47, cancellarius.130 2. Pisa: 942, cancellarius; and 1147, Pisane urbis cancellarius et curie clericus.131 3. Padua: 964, subdiaconus atque cancellarius; 978 and 1026, presbiter atque cancellarius.132 4. Arezzo: 1009, diaconus, cancellarius et canonicus; 1013–37, cancellarius and cancellarius et primicerius.133 129

130

131

132

133

Carolingian capitularies of 822/23 and 832 regulating notaries refer to them as cancellarii; Capitularia regum francorum, ed. Alfred Boretius, in MGH, Legum, 2, pt. 1 (Hannover, 1883), 319, and ibid., Alfred Boretius and Victor Krause, in MGH, Legum, 2, pt. 2 (Hannover, 1897), 62.The title, however, seems largely to have fallen out of use in the regnum. I have ignored the forged documents dated 813, purportedly signed by Stadiberto cancellarius; Codice diplomatico veronese dalla caduta dell’impero romano alla ine del periodo carolingio, ed. Vittorio Fainelli, Monumenti storici, n.s., 1 (Venice, 1940), 120–38. The irst document above suspicion signed by Stadiberto as cancellarius was from 814: doc. 115: 147 [814]. For subsequent cancellarii, see Taudemario, doc. 172: 244 [844]; Walperto, doc. 176: 254 [844]; Taudemario, doc. 181: 272 [846]; and Ragiberto, doc. 184: 280 [847]. In 942, Pisa had Domenico as cancellarius; RCPisa, doc. 43: 25. An exception to the near-omnipresence of laymen writing episcopal documents is found in three charters of the 1140s.These are dated 1140, 1144, and 1147 (docs. 376, 394, and 407: 253, 264, and 274) and were written by Cantarino Pisane urbis cancellarius. Only in the third document did Cantarino add et Pisanae curie clericus, indicating that he was also a cleric. Ottavio Banti, “Per la storia della cancelleria del Comune di Pisa nei secoli XII e XIII,” BISI 73 (1961): 146, n. l, wrestles with the problem of a cleric as chancellor of Pisa’s commune. He stresses the powerful inluence exercised over the commune by the archbishop at the time and concludes that Cantarino was not a notary but depended for his authority on the archbishop’s power. He does not, consequently, constitute an exception to my statement that generally clerical notaries indicated their clerical status in their title. Banti concludes: “da ciò si potrebbe anche dedurre che la sua veste uiciale di cancelliere non era occasionale e che, anzi, proprio da tale carica egli derivava l’autorità ordinariamente derivanti, in quest’epoca, dall’uicio di notaio.” Cf. his later assessment: “Cantarinus, Pisanae urbis cancellarius (ca. 1140–1147) fu lo strumento della preminenza politica di un vescovo in regime consolare?” Bollettino storico pisano 40–41 (1971–72): 23–29. Cantarino’s two immediate successors as notaries of the commune were laymen; RCPisa, doc. 481: 336 [1164] and RMan, doc. 343: 232 [1169]. In 964 Adalberto refers to himself as subdiaconus atque cancellarius sancte pataviensis ecclesie (CDPad., 1, doc. 47: 71), and in 978 Ingelberto calls himself presbiter atque cancellarius sancte Patavine ecclesie; doc. 63:90. In 1014 Eldino writes a document signing himself presbiter et notarius (doc. 98:133), but in 1026 he reappears as presbiter atque cancellarius; doc. 111:148. Eight years later he igures in a document as a witness, but this time he is given the title archipresbiter; doc. 129:166. The same year Pretertino sacri palatii notarius notarizes for the bishop; and with Pretertino begins the lay domination of the Paduan chancery: doc. 130:167. Curiously, in 1064; doc. 187:217, the bishop writes the record of his own donation. The second document in the collection of the Arezzo cathedral emanating from the bishop’s curia, dated 979, is the work of Baterico notarius sacri palatii, and three of the next four are by Ugo, notarius sacri palatii, who seems to be a regular notary for the curia; DSArezzo, doc. 77: 109; doc. 92: 128; doc. 95: 133; and doc. 96: 134 [1008–9]. Contemporary with Ugo is Giovanni diaconus cancellarius et canonicus, who is probably Ugo’s superior: doc. 94: 131 [1009]. Beginning in 1013 and for a period

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5. Milan: 1168–70, cimilarcha et cancellarius; 1184, diaconus et cancellarius, 1194 cancellarius.134 Just as the title primicerius was conjoined at times with grammaticus and cantor, so the title primicerius was sometimes associated with notarius. The dioceses and dates where individuals performing chancery functions bear the title primicerius are as follows: 1. Milan: 963, subdiaconus et primicerius notariorum; 1123, primicerius notariorum; 1130s, primicerius notariorum; 1153, primicerius notariorum.135 2. Ravenna: 891–983, primicerius notariorum.136 3. Bologna: 987 and 1012, notarius et primicerius; 1045, diaconus primicerius notarius; and 1110–30, clericus, primicerius et notarius.137

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of twenty-four years a Gerardo appears who uses alternatively the title cancellarius or primicerius, but always the former when notarizing a document. One document refers to Geraldo as primicerius et cancellarius; doc. 156: 227 [1037]. His other acts are found in doc. 125: 178 [1026]; doc. 127: 182 [1027]; doc. 153: 221 [1033]; and doc. 156: 227 [1037]). Just as Ugo was probably Giovanni’s assistant, so Guido, who wrote a series of episcopal acts between March 1028 and April 1031, was probably assistant to Gerardo. Between 1028 and 1029, Guido notarized six acts: doc. 129: 187; doc. 130: 188; doc. 131: 190; doc. 132: 191; doc. 135: 194; doc. 136: 196. Guido’s place was taken by another lay notary, Andrea, in December 1029: doc. 139: 200. Andrea rogated continuously for the bishop until April 1031 (doc. 148: 211), when he began to share the work with other lay notaries. Antichi diplomi degli archievescovi di Milano e note di diplomatica episcopale, ed. Giacomo C. Bascapè, Fontes ambrosiani, 18 (Florence, 1937), refers to Alghisio mediolanensis ecclesie cimiliarcha et cancellarius in 1168 (74) and 1170 (77), and to Rolando, diaconus et cancellarius in 1184 (77). In 1170 Alghisio (Algixus) writes out the document, but in 1168 he acts as a witness. In 1194 (79 and 81) Rolando writes out two charters of the archbishop.The cimiliarca was the vicar of the archbishop, administrator of the treasury of the Milanese church (ibid., 32). According to two documents dated 963, a subdiaconus et primicerius notariorum, Lanfranco, headed an oice consisting of at least two other ecclesiastics. He may or may not have been a notary himself. Both documents were signed by Gotefredo and Landolfo, who designated themselves as clericus et notarius, while Gunzo presbiter wrote the texts (CDL, doc. 673: 1168, and CAPar. I, doc. 65: 201–2). In 997, among the witnesses to an archepiscopal document, the same Landolfo, clericus et notarius, reappears, but the document is written by Aldo notarius, either an acolyte or a layman (CDL, doc. 926: 1629). For 1123, see Gian Luigi Barni, “Milano verso l’egemonia,” Storia di Milano, vol. 3 (Milan, 1954), 335–36. Cf. Bascapè, Antichi diplomi, 69. The Ordo et ceremoniae ecclesiae ambrosianae mediolanensis, written in the 1130s, assigns a regular role in church ritual to the primicerius notariorum: Beroldus sive ecclesiae ambrosianae mediolanensis kalendarium et ordines saec. XII, ed. Marco Magistretti (Milan, 1894), 18, 20, 22, and passim. For 1153, see Bascapè, Antichi diplomi, 69, in which Alderico is listed as primricerius notariorum. A primicerius notariorum is mentioned in one of the earliest extant documents of the archbishopric of Ravenna in 891, but the oice had probably been in existence for some time; Giulio Buzzi, “La curia arcivescovile e la curia cittadina di Ravenna dall’859 al 1118,” BISI 35 (1915): 26. The title reappears again with Onesto I (971–83); ibid., 27. In the twelfth century the head of the writing oice bore the title magister notariorum: 1107, tabellio Ravennae et praepositus atque et magister notariorum s. Ravennensis ecclesiae; and 1127, tabellio Ravennae et magister notariorum s. Ravennensis ecclesiae; RRav, no. 15, doc. 4, p. 9; doc. 11, p. 14; and doc. 12, p. 14. Giorgio Cencetti’s study of early Bolognese documents, “Le carte bolognesi del secolo decimo,” Notariato medievale bolognese, Vol. I: Scritti di Giorgio Cencetti, Studi storici sul notariato italiano, no. 3 (Rome, 1977), 99, n. 13, cites a document dated 959, notarized by notarius Petrus diaconus of the Bolognese church, and another, ibid., 111, n. 51, dated 997, by notarius Leo, who signs himself as notarius et primicerius of the Bolognese church. Leo signs another document in the same way in 1012;

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As I have already noted, the title primicerius indicates a position of leadership in the cathedral hierarchy and not a particular function.138 Consequently, when a witness with the simple title primicerius appears in a document, there are no grounds to consider him a notarius.139 Despite the fragmentary character of the data, we have enough evidence to conclude that, apart from the two archbishoprics and a few dioceses, the common practice of bishops and cathedral chapters was to employ local lay notaries when notarial work was to be done. The general absence of autonomous ecclesiastical writing oices is but one indication of the weak organization of diocesan government in Italy when compared with that in transalpine Europe.140 As lay notaries took on a wider range of activities, the numbers of notarii clerici, apparently as a consequence, gradually declined. As we saw in the last chapter, the early Carolingians required every bishop in the Italian kingdom to have his own notary for writing documents. Because that injunction was complemented by concessions to bishops allowing them to choose members of their own clergy for the purpose, it seems probable that most notarii clerici (the usual term for an ecclesiastical

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Le carte bolognesi del secolo XI: Note topograico-storiche sui documenti bolognesi del secolo XI, ed. Giovanni Feo and Mario Fanti, 3 vols., Fonti per la storia dell’Italia medievale. Regesta chartarum, no. 53 (Rome, 2001–5). Geraldo presents himself as diaconus primicerius notarius in 1045 (ibid., 1:115). In 1054 he signs only as notarius et primicerius (ibid., 1:165). In the twelfth century a certain Giovanni notarizing documents in 1110 and 1130 signs as clericus, primicerius et notarius sancte bononiensis ecclesie: Giorgio Cencetti, “Note di diplomatica vescovile bolognese nei secoli XI–XIII,” in Scritti di paleograia e diplomatica in onore di Vincenzo Federici (Florence, 1944), 162–64, and 218. See also another signature in 1128: Chartularium Studii bononensis: Documenti per la storia dell’Università di Bologna dalle origini, vol. 3 (Bologna, 1916), 75. He is the last cleric to notarize in the episcopal chancery. Cencetti sees Giovanni primicerius as the successor to Giovanni notarius s. bononiensis ecclesie, who irst appears in 1089, died in the irst years of the twelfth century, and whom he identiies with Giovanni di Pietro tabellio, who is active as tabellio between 1079 and 1101: “Note di diplomatica vescovile,” 217. Cencetti, however, returns to this subject in his “La ‘rogatio’ nelle carte bolognesi: Contributo allo studio del documento notarile italiano nei secoli x-xii,” Notariato medievale bolognese: Scritti di Giorgio Cencetti, vol. l (Rome, 1977), 239, n. 34. In this article he maintains that all three Giovannis are one and that the notary uses various titles depending on the nature of the document in question. In Cencetti’s view, Giovanni, a layman in 1089, became a cleric after the birth of his son, Ugo, who succceded his father as notary of the bishop and refers to himself as ilius Johannis tabellio (Chartularium, 91 (1137). The irst notarius sacri palatii appears in Bologna in 1067; Le carte bolognesi del secolo XI, 320, doc. 156.The irst notarius sacri palatii worked in the episcopal chancery of Bologna in 1118; Cencetti, “Note di diplomatica vescovile,” 183, n. 33. The title primicerius notariorum indicates that the individual holding the title was the head of the notaries. We may assume that in the two other appearances of a primicerius writing documents, the absence of a joint title with notarius means that the writer is writing simply as a scribe. Modena: 996, diaconus et primicerius; RMod., 1, doc. 68: 1:100, and Reggio, 946 and 945/52, presbiter et primicerius; CReg. 1, doc. 55: 142 [946] and doc. 57: 146 [945/952]. This is a major theme of Robert Brentano’s classic comparative study of the medieval English and Italian churches, Two Churches: England and Italy in the Thirteenth Century (Princeton, N.J., 1969). As he writes of the thirteenth-century Italian church (348): “In Italy the Church was broken into parts: the relatively inefectual episcopal establishment; violent popular and “Franciscan” enthusiasts; propertied colleges and monasteries.”

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notary after 900) were created by episcopal authorization.141 The larger number of clerical notaries were likely in lower orders, but subdeacons and deacons were not uncommon in this group. By 1050 the notarii clerici almost vanish from the documents in Lombardy (not Milan), Tuscany, the Veneto, and the Romagna (not Ravenna and Bologna). Notarii clerici do not even appear in the extensive collections of Mantua,142 Parma,143 or Pisa144 in the tenth or eleventh centuries. The diocese of Modena had a number of clerical notaries active before 933 but none thereafter. If Gherardo (1013–33), the last cancellarius identiied for the cathedral of Arezzo, was a notarius clericus, he was also likely the last of the kind in the diocese.145 In Reggio, a clerical notary wrote a document in 923, but afterward no notarius clericus appears down to 1060, when the document collection stops.146 Padua had a number of chancellors and 141

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This appears to have been Charlemagne’s intention in 805; Bresslau, Handbuch, 1:619. We may assume that the practice continued over the next two centuries. The Mantuan collection has two examples of clerics writing non-notarial documents: a privilege written in Cremona for the bishop per manum Frugerii archipresbit. et cappellani (RMan, doc. 129: 1:96 [1104]; and one signed by Vitalo, d. ep. Mantuani capellanus, doc. 180: 1:130 [1119]. There are in the tenth century a large number of documents without scribal signature, some of which were surely the work of clerics. But with the exception of the bishop’s inal testament (CAPar, doc. 9: 56 [913], lay notaries are employed by the bishop for writing the earliest episcopal documents: CAPar, doc. 72–74: 222–29 [982–87], and doc. 81: 247 [995]. In 942 Pisa had Domenico as cancellarius: RCPisa, doc. 43: 25. All surviving Pisan documents in the eleventh and twelfth centuries were written by laymen with few exceptions. Apart from the three documents written by Cantarino, cancellerius pisane civitatis, cited in note 131, there are only two found in the Regesto della chiesa di Pisa: a privilege written in 1116 by Obderic of Vienne “eo tempore cum supra dicto ep. commoranti,” probably a French cleric (doc. 269: 169), and a charter by Uberto diaconus in 1125 (doc. 298: 194). All the documents contained in the irst three volumes of the Carte dell’Archivio capitolare di Pisa, 4 vols., Thesaurus ecclesiarum Italiae, sec. 7: Toscana, nos. 1–4 (Rome, 1969–71) are written by laymen: vol. 1 (930–1050), ed. Emma Falaschi (1971); vol. 2 (1051–75), ed. Emma Falaschi (1973); and vol. 3 (1076–1100), ed. M. Tirelli Carli (1977). Vol. 4 contains a document from 1114 written by a certain Carlo presbiter, but he does not sign as a notary; vol. 4 (1101–20), ed. Carli (1969), doc. 72, p. 162. See also Carte dell’Archivio di Stato di Pisa, ed. Mariella D’Alessandro Nannipieri, Thesaurus ecclesiarum Italiae, vol. 7: Toscana, no. 9 (780–1070) (Rome, 1978), which contains no clerical writers. Beginning in 1057 (Carte dell’Archivio di stato, doc. 59: 154–55), notaries by papal authority (notarius apostolice sedis) appear, and their number increases sharply in the twelfth century. Gherardo (1013–37) is the last cleric in the documents designated as cancellarius. On him, see Nicolaj, “Per una storia della documentazione vescovile aretina,” 135–38. For the next century and a half all documents are by lay notaries, with two exceptions: Arnulfo diaconus et canonicus, DSArezzo doc. 193: 276 (1064); and Uberto [archi]diaconus, doc. 352: 478 (1147). The collection of episcopal documents for Modena, beginning in the eighth century, ofers a picture of intense activity by clerical notaries up to 933, when Petronio clericus seo et notarius rogates a document; RMod., 1, doc. 46: 1:70. Girolamo Tiraboschi, Memorie storiche modenesi col codice diplomatico, 2 vols. (Modena, 1793), shows the continued activity of clerics in writing nonnotarial documents, but there is no indication of a cancellarius or of clerical notaries after 933. After 1050 clerical participation of any sort drops noticeably. While the irst surviving episcopal documents (881–926) of the church of Reggio were written by clerical notaries (CReg, 1, doc. 17: 1:47 to doc. 47: 1:121), from 926 on to the last published document in 1060 no other appears.

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clerical notaries at work down to 1034, but after that date lay notaries monopolized notarial functions in the chancery.147 The last mention of a notarius clericus in Verona is 982.148 The admission of secular notaries to the writing oice of the archbishopric of Milan is diicult to date. We lack a published collection of cathedral documents from 999, when the notaries were all clerics, until 1144.When in 1145, we again have documentation, there is no trace of a clerical notary in the archbishop’s chancery, with the possible exception of the cancellarius himself, a high ecclesiastical oicial who occasionally wrote archepiscopal charters that did not require notarization.149 Probably lay notaries began to enter the employ of the chancery in the course of the eleventh century. By the time documentation resumes in the second half of the twelfth, they monopolized the oice. Landolfo senior (d. ca. 1100) tells us that he and others among the clerical staf of the cathedral were notaries, although judging from his remarks, to be a notary in the Milanese church meant to occupy a rank in the hierarchy of oices in the Milanese cathedral more commonly held elsewhere by an acolitus or acolyte.We also learn from a document of 1179, a century later, that notarii had oicial functions in the performance of church rituals.150 But did they have notarial functions apart from liturgical duties in the Milanese cathedral?151 Landolfo does not help us here. As for clerical notaries in the city, its suburbs, and churches aside from the cathedral, six notarized documents by clerics survive from the ninth century, but notaries identiied as ecclesiastics are nowhere to be found in any of the collections for the 147 148

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See above, n. 132. I am deeply indebted to Maureen Miller, who has searched through Veronese charters from 962 to 1158 on my behalf.The last document she has found written by a notarius clericus is dated December 12, 982. Rogating a gift of land to San Lorenzo in Sezano, the notary signs: Ego Liudprandus clericus notarius domnis regis; Archivio di Stato, Verona, Santa Maria in Organo, perg. no. 15 (originale). The fact that Liutprando, earlier notarizing as clericus notarius, now signs as a royal notary suggests that he had successfully sought from the king an alternative to the bishop’s designation as a source for his notarial authority.There are no successive examples of this combination of titles at Verona, nor have I seen any others in our sources for these centuries. Lay notaries who notarize or copy episcopal documents given in Bascapè, Antichi diplomi, are the following: Otto, judex 1145 (67); Scoto, judex et missus domini secundi Chunradi regis, 1156 (70); Mainerio ilius quondam Ardrici de Faniano, notarius domini Henrici Imperatoris, 1161 (71); Jacopo di Magniago, notarius, 1161 (71), 1168 (74), and 1194 (81); Gartio, judex, 1169 (75); Martino Maderno, notarius archiepiscopatus, 1169 (77); and Filippo di Nuxigia, notarius sacri palatii, 1198 (82). It is important to note that Scoto must also have been a notary, but he chose to emphasize his higher status as a royal judex and missus in his signature. I would assume that the other notaries signing simply as notarius, judex, or notarius archiepiscopatus were not royal notaries. Mediolanensis historiae Libri quatuor, ed. Alessandro Cutolo, RIS, vol. 4 (Bologna, 1942), 76 (26). Lodovico Muratori, Antiquitates italicae medii aevi, vol. 4 (Milan, 1741), 857, cites a Milanese document of 1179 that assigns the notarii their tasks and payment in celebration of the inding of the True Cross: “Notarius, qui portabit crucem suum [of the archbishop] denarios quatuor.... Notarii duo, quos volo interesse ipsi festivitati, scilicet unum pro causa legendi, et alterum causa canendi, habeant denarios quatuor pro unoquoque.” Landolfo Senior, Mediolanensis historiae libri quatuor, 13 (25–26), identiies the notarius with the acolitus: “Qui in tempore notarios [Ambrosius] ordinavit, qui acoliti usque hodie vocentur, quibus magistrum praeposuit.”

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tenth, eleventh, or twelfth centuries.152 Although he wrote letters for the city government, Landolfo junior (d. 1137), a Milanese ecclesiastic dispossessed of his church, made no claim to be a notary.153 Clerical notaries persisted longer in the Romagna than elsewhere in the regnum. Only two lay notaries, for example, appear to have been employed in the archbishop’s chancery in Ravenna between 850 and 1118.154 The quasi-clerical monopoly of notarial positions in the chancery broke down in the irst part of the twelfth century, however, and before the end of the century lay notaries alone were performing notarial functions there.155 As far as the city itself was concerned, from 751 to at least 1200 the notaries or tabelliones of Ravenna were overwhelmingly lay in status.156 A similar pattern can be seen in the episcopal curia at Bologna, which, along with Ravenna itself, retained special ties with the Roman papacy long after the Frankish conquest.The earliest surviving document in the episcopal archive, a leasing agreement of 959, was written by Pietro, diaconus et notarius sancte Bononiensis Ecclesie.157 The bishopric maintained a clerical chancellor down to the 1130s, when the oice seems to have disappeared. Thereafter lay notaries monopolized notarial 152

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For these six documents, see Alberto Liva, Notariato e documento notarile a Milano: Dall’Alto medioevo alla ine del Settecento, Studi storici sul notariato italiano, 4 (Rome, 1979), 15. The documents of the Milanese commune for the eleventh century in the series Gli atti privati milanesi e comaschi del sec. XI, vol. 1 (1000–1025), ed. Giovanni Vittani and Cesare Maneresi (Milan, 1933); vols. 2–4 (1026–1100), ed. Cesare Manaresi and Caterina Santoro (Milan, 1960–69) are all notarized by laymen. See also Keller, “Gerichtsort,” 31, n. 117; and Cecilia Piacitelli, “Notariato a Milano nel xii secolo,” 971, who has analyzed all Milanese documents from the eighth to the twelfth centuries. The only Milanese notarii clerici that I have identiied for the eleventh century are Landolfo senior and Landolfo Cotta; Mediolanensis historiae, viii and 86.The former seems to have been born around 1025, while the latter was murdered in 1057. On Landolfo senior, see my Chapter 3. Buzzi, “La curia arcivescovile,” 24. The laymen are public notaries: Giovanni II (919–31), 63; and Giovanni III (942–68), 64. These observations are based on a survey of RRav, nos. 7 and 15. The diiculty in establishing who is and who is not a clerical notary requires interpreting a title. For example, in 1107 a certain Ugo notarizes as tabellio Ravennae et praepositus atque magister notariorum s. Ravennensis ecclesiae, and in 1127, as tabellio Ravennae et primicerius atque magister Notariorum sancte Ravennensis ecclesie (RRav, 15: doc. 4: 9; doc. 11: 14; and doc. 12: 14). In 1122 and in 1129 up to 1148 another Ugo is active, this time notarizing as tabellio et notarius sancte Ravennensis ecclesie; doc. 6: 11; doc. 13: 15; and doc. 27: 23. I interpret the two diferent signatures as identifying two diferent people, the irst Ugo is a cleric, the second a layman. The title of the second Ugo, however, contrasts with that of other lay notaries, for example, Niger tabellio plebis S. Marie in Portu, a section of the city (1184, doc. 79: 51); Pertecone plebis S. Marie in Portu tabellio (1191, doc. 111: 71); Giovanni, sancte Ravennensis ecclesie et plebis Portus tabellio (1212, doc. 156: 109); and Speme, sacri palacii notarius (1214, doc. 173: 122). The second Ugo was likely a lay notary working in the episcopal curia as was Giovanni, but Giovanni was also claiming by his title to a more general practice in the town. Cf. Bresslau, Handbuch, 1:628. The tradition of clerical notaries persisted longest in Venice. Imbued with Byzantine inluence, the city continued to use clerical notaries for a signiicant portion of notarial work done for both laymen and clergy up into the ifteenth century. On Venetian clerical notaries in the ifteenth century, see Giorgio Cracco, “Relinquere laicis que laicorum sunt: Un intervento di Eugenio IV contro i preti-notai di Venezia,” Bollettino dell’Istituto di Storia della Società e della Stato veneziano 2 (1961): 179–89. Mark Steinhof, “Origins and Development of the Notariate at Ravenna: Sixth through Thirteenth Centuries” (Ph.D. diss., New York University, 1977), 120. Cencetti, “Note di diplomatica vescovile,” 217.

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work for the bishop. Outside the curia in the city, all surviving documents are the work of lay notaries.158 Why was there a trend toward fewer clerical notaries in the Italian kingdom beginning in the early ninth century?159 First, clerical notaries were casualties of the rivalry between local bishops and great nobles anxious to heighten their power. Such a rivalry existed in the amorphous duchy of Lucca, which in the second quarter of the ninth century included a large portion of Tuscany. As late as the irst years of the ninth century clerics there were heavily involved in political and judicial afairs as lociservatores, scabini, and notarii. Under the duchy’s Duke Bonifazio I and his son Bonifazio II, however, the bishop’s powers were sharply curtailed, and gradually all ecclesiastics were excluded from political power. After 857 no clerics appear in the documentation with titles of lociservator, scabinus, or notarius.160 The absence of clerical notaries in some other areas of the Italian kingdom outside Tuscany by the second half of the ninth century suggests that other territorial princes saw the political advantage of emulating Lucca’s policy by reducing the role of ecclesiastics in temporal government.161 While the political strategy of secular lords helps to explain why in so many areas from the ninth century onward few or no clerical notaries are found, there is a second explanation as well. This one relates to royal policy and the increase of the bishops’ secular power from the late ninth century due to the political confusion following on the collapse of Carolingian authority, and the continuing Hungarian depredations. In his battle against powerful nobles, who were anxious to augment their own power in such a situation, the king could more securely rely on the bishops, whose appointment was largely under his control. Furthermore, as spiritual leaders of their cities, bishops enjoyed a prestige denied to secular lords, particularly in such troubled times. Even where bishops did not replace local counts in the course of the 158

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Outside of the Bolognese episcopal curia, only two documents written by clerics are found among the 475 pieces in the Carte bolognesi and neither are notarial in character: ibid., 228 (1062) and 267 (1065). I would add that notarius predominated in Bologna up to the middle of the eleventh century, but as the century went on tabellio became the usual title; Ettore Falconi, Lineamenti di diplomatica notarile e tabellionale (Parma, n.d.), 124: “Nei tempi più antichi lo scrittore si professa notarius e così fra tutto il X secolo in città, ino a oltre la metà del successivo nel territorio, poi prevale tabellio.” Andreas Meyer, Felix et inclitus notarius: Studien zum italienischen Notariat vom 7. Bis zum 13. Jahrhundert, Bibliothek des Deutschen Historischen Instituts in Rom, vol. 92 (Tübingen, 2000), 78, likewise observes the increasing laicization of the notariate between the eighth and the tenth centuries. Keller, “La Marca di Tuscia,” 122–24. Keller sees these princes as extending their policy to Pisa as well (124). Boniface I is cited in documents of 812 and 813; his son, Boniface II, irst appeared as ruler in 823 (122). He was driven out of Tuscany in 833. Although the term lociservatores (also locopositi) is sometimes used to designate underoicials of the count, in Lucca and Pisa it was a term of Lombard origin, equivalent to the Frankish term scabini, or judges; Julius Ficker, Forschungen zur Reichs- und Rechtsgeschichte Italiens, 3:217. On the scabini, see my Chapter 1, under “The Documentary Culture.” Keller, “La Marca di Tuscia,” 124, concludes that: “i conti di Lucca anticiparono nei propri centri di potere uno svolgimento tipico per lo sviluppo del notariato italiano: in essi, per la prima volta, gli ecclesiastici venero totalmente esclusi dall’attività notarile, e in tal modo fu reso possibile lo svilippo di una tradizione scrittoria e giuridica riservata interamente ai laici.”

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tenth century, as a rule they participated more actively in local political afairs than they had in the ninth.162 When King Ugo (926–50) attempted to curb the power of the great nobles by transforming the local notariate into a royal one, the policy beneited not only the local elite from which most of the new royal notariate came but also the bishop.163 As bishops gained political ascendency in the cities in the tenth century and sought to extend their secular authority beyond the city walls into the countryside, a common episcopal policy by the late tenth century, a local royal notariate ofered a number of advantages. The bishops favored a royal notary over an ordinary lay notary or a clerical notary because, irst of all, royal notaries, drawn from the local elite, brought with them the prestige of their families. Second, in contrast with local or comital notaries and clerical notaries, who were limited to working within their county, royal notaries traditionally had no jurisdictional limitations.164 The irst generations of the expanded body of notarii sacri palatii and judices sacri palatii would have claimed a similar privilege. Because of their ability to work beyond county boundaries, the new royal notariate would have proven more efective agents of expanding episcopal power. The appearance in the second half of the tenth century of licenses given by local counts to royal notaries who wished to notarize in counties other than their own can be explained in at least two ways: the licenses may have represented arbitrary iningements on royal power or may have been related to the kind of work royal notaries were doing beyond their localities. Whereas the limited Pavian group of specialists had initially functioned only as royal agents in their work outside the capital, after about 930, as has been said, they appear to have been notarizing for private individuals as well. The expanded group of royal notaries likely claimed the same privilege. Counts may have begun to require a license for royal notaries because they 162

163 164

The weak secular power of the bishop in Bologna vis-à-vis the count, as I have remarked, might help to explain the relatively late appearance of lay notaries as writers of episcopal documents in Bologna. On the power structure in Bologna in this period, see Augusto Vicinelli, “L’inizio del dominio pontiicio in Bologna (774–876) ed il passaggio dell’Esarcato dal governo papale a quello dei re d’Italia (876–1073),” Atti e memorie della deputazione di storia patria per le provincie di Romagna, 4th ser., 10 (1919–20): 139–76 and 220–45; and 11 (1920–21): 39–76 and 217–58. On the political power of bishops in tenth-century Francia, see Michel Parisse, “Princes laïques et/ou moines. Les evèques du X siècle,” Il secolo di ferro: Mito e realtà del secolo X. 19–25 aprile 1990, SSCISAM, 38 (Spoleto, 1991), 490 and 502. Keller, “La Marca di Tuscia,” 134–35. For the limitations on the jurisdiction of comital and clerical notaries, see Chapter 1, under “The Documentary Culture.” For the wide-ranging activity of royal notaries and judges (also notaries), see Radding, Origins of Medieval Jurisprudence, 189–244. Renato Piattoli, Le carte del monastero di S. Maria di Montepiano (1000–1200), Regesta chartarum Italiae, 30 (Rome, 1942), lv, maintains that, at least after the tenth century, notaries who were neither imperial or palatine could also work outside their own areas freely. However, he uses, a very narrow sample, and I tend to think that in general the distinction between a local notary and an imperial one persisted at least into the thirteenth century. Liva points out (60–61) that in Milan in the eleventh and twelfth centuries notaries without further speciication of their titles worked only in the city, while Milanese notarii sacri palatii also notarized in the territory.

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were working privately in their counties.165 In any case, the instances of licensing dropped decisively in the eleventh century. When speaking of a drastic diminution of notarii clerici over time, however, we must repeat the caveat made in Chapter 1: there is no way of determining to what extent clerics, who formerly would have been notarii clerici, entered the ranks of royal notaries in the tenth century.166 Despite ecclesiastical prohibitions against priests as notaries and the special juridical status of clerics, both of which made them less likely candidates for royal or imperial appointment, we cannot discount the interest of clerical notaries in seeking the more attractive status of royal notary, and we must consider a crossover, unnoticeable in the surviving documentation, as a partial cause for the diminution in the number of notarii clerici. In my view, however, it is justiied to maintain that by 1050 lay notaries controlled the documentary culture in most dioceses of the regnum. In sum, in contrast with transalpine Europe, the Italian clergy in 1000 had no monopoly on the writing function. To the contrary, by 1000 the clergy were being increasingly excluded from what was perhaps the most important role of the writer in society. Most clerical communities were inviting lay notaries to perform tasks that in transalpine Europe would have been done by clerics. In the decades after 1000, conident of their growing control over written instruments, laymen began to develop a new intellectual culture revolving, not around pagan literary texts or Christian writings, but around legal texts, primarily the Justinian corpus. The great intellectual revival of Francia would begin in the late tenth century in the cathedral chapters of cities such as Paris, Rheims, Chartres, and Angers. Within those insulated communities, the elite – that is, cancellarii, scholastici, and their associates – found a ready-made audience for their literary and scholarly writings among their colleagues and those belonging to a similar sodality in other cathedral communities. In Italy, the early and easy access of laymen to most episcopal and cathedral writing oices prevented the self-suiciency of chancery, scriptorium, and school so central to the intellectual dynamic of the cathedral in northern Europe, and the cohesion of the intellectual clerical elite was weakened by the permanent presence of lay notaries in its midst. Current studies suggest that there would be a rebirth of the clerical notariate in Italy, but not until the second half of the thirteenth and the irst half of the fourteen 165

166

Handloike, Die lombardischen Städte, 66–68, provides evidence showing that in the second half of the tenth century notarii domni regis and notarii sacri palatii frequently acknowledged rogating documents out of this area with comptal permission. The only notary he cites for the irst half of the century (930) requiring the permission of the local count (pro data licencia) was actually working ex jussione of the count. He suggests (68) that this permission was perhaps necessary when the notarii were not working in the king’s court or in the service of a royal missus. Giovanna Nicolaj, Cultura e prassi di notai preirneriani: Alle origini del Rinascimento giuridico (Milan, 1991), suggests that perhaps the Carolingian license had a certain revival “proprio nella seconda metà del X secolo” (24, n. 53). Cf. Liva, Notariato e documento notarile, 13. By the eleventh century the number of authorizations had dropped sharply. Bresslau, Handbuch, 1:624. The only case I have encountered is that of Liudprando clericus notarius domnis regis in Verona in 982 (see above, n. 148).

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century.167 It occurred in connection with the early steps that bishops took toward bureaucratizing episcopal government in an efort to assert greater control over the ecclesiastical establishment of the diocese. In Arezzo this took the form of an extension of notarization to almost all episcopal documents, an evident concern for organizing and conserving records, and an episcopal claim of the right to create notaries when it suited the bishop’s needs.168 Just as the heavy temporal responsibilities of the bishop had earlier invited dependence on a corps of local lay notaries, so his loss of signiicant temporal power in the course of the thirteenth century encouraged him to circle the wagons by clericalizing his bureaucracy.169 But let us return to the tenth century. In Francia, where the Viking invasions had destroyed towns and monasteries along the Atlantic coast and along rivers deep in the interior, and where internal political rivalries had paralyzed reconstruction, scholarly and literary production declined. In Italy, however, despite similar political conlicts and external invasions – albeit less destructive because they were more sporadic and geographically less extensive – the Carolingian institutional structure of education, oriented around grammatical studies, enjoyed relative continuity. In the tenth century as in the ninth, all the leaders of the book culture were ecclesiastics; but whereas in the ninth century foreigners, principally Franks and Irish, had done much of the scholarly work and teaching, in the tenth, with exceptions such 167

168

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Giorgio Chittolini, “Episcopalis curiae notarius”: Cenni sui notai di curie vescovili nell’Italia centrosettentrionale alla ine del medioevo,” in Società, Istituzioni, Spiritualità: Studi in onore di Cinzio Violante, 2 vols. (Spoleto, 1994), 221–32, was among the irst scholars to draw attention to the large number of notarii episcopalis curiae in late medieval Italy. More recent articles have emphasized the clerical status of the notaries illing this oice. Antonio Olivieri, “Per la storia dei notai chierici: Il caso del Piemonte,” in Studi in onore di Giorgio Costamagna, ed. Dino Puncuh (Genoa, 2003), 701–38, focuses on Torino, Vercelli, and Asti, while in the same volume Gian Giacomo Fissore, “Jacobus Sarrachus notarius et scopolanus Astensis ecclesiae: I chierici notai nella documentazione capitolare e vescovile ad Asti fra XIII e XIV secolo,” 356–414, deals in detail with clerical notaries in Asti. For Verona, see Maria Clara Rossi, “I notai di curia e la nascità di una ‘burocrazia’ vescovile: Il caso veronese,” Società e storia 59 (2002): 1–33. For other studies, see the bibliography given by Antonio Olivieri, “I registri vescovili nel Piemonte medievale,” in I registri vescovili dell’Italia settentrionale (secoli XII–XV): Atti del Convegno di Studi (Monselice, 24–25 novembre 2000, ed. Attilio B. Langeli and Antonio Rigon, Italia sacra, vol. 73 (Rome, 2003), 3, n. 6; and James A. Brundage, The Medieval Origins of the Legal Profession: Canonists, Civilians, and Courts (Chicago, 2008), 202. In her pages on episcopal documentary practices in Arezzo, Giovanna Nicolaj Petronio, “Per una storia della documentazione vescovile aretina,” 167–71, observes that by the second half of the thirteenth century notaries were giving public form to all episcopal documents. She writes (168) that “i notai con la loro cultura pratico-giuridica rientrano in forza nella costituzione di una nuova diplomatica vescovile.” See also Paul Fournier, Les Oicialités au moyen âge: Étude sur l’organisation, la compétence et la procédure des tribunaux ecclésiastiques ordinaires en France de 1180 à 1328 (Paris, 1880), 53–54; and Giulio Battelli, “L’esame di idoneità dei notai pubblici apostolica auctoritate nel Duecento,” Forschungen zur Reichs-, Papst-und Landesgeschichte: Peter Herde zum 65. Geburtstag von Freunden, Schülern und Kollegen dargebracht, ed. Karl Borchardt and Enno Bünz, 2 vols. (Stuttgart, 1988), 1:255–63. Fissore, “Jacobus Sarrachus,” 413, concludes: “il problema posto dai chierici notai non è certo il loro possibile collocarsi in opposizione ai notai laici; nella scelta di incrementare, nei ranghi dei propri oiciales, una presenza notarile corredata dallo status ecclesiastico sembra, semmai, intravedersi la voluntà di deinire più nettamente una propria burocrazia nell’ambito di un ceto notarile che è anche, inevitabilmente e totalmente, identiicato nella burocrazia del comune.”

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as Rather, native Italians illed both roles. Of the four Italian scholars whom I have discussed in some detail, all probably received their educations in cathedral schools. Again, as in the case of the Carolingian Renaissance, Italian scholars initially helped to inspire intellectual life in the northern half of a new empire after 950. By 1000, documentary culture was increasingly becoming the province of widely dispersed lay notaries empowered to practice their profession by royal or imperial authorization. Local notaries and clerical notaries lacked that credential, putting them at a disadvantage: they appear in the documents in decreasing numbers. While all imperial notaries now shared prerogatives that had once been the property of an elite notariate in the royal government at Pavia, Pavian notaries were located at the seat of royal power, a position which made them not only wealthy and powerful but also gave them a unique perspective on legal relationships throughout the kingdom. It would be no coincidence, then, if in Pavia an early revival of interest in the study of Roman law should emerge.

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Chapter 3

The Golden Age of Traditional Book Culture and the Birth of a New Book Culture (1000–1075)

he eleventh century marked the beginning of the irst major hermeneutical enterprise in Medieval Europe and perhaps the most ambitious: the recovery and interpretation of the sixth-century Corpus iuris civilis. The undertaking, initiated by legal professionals in various parts of Italy and southern Francia, would be taken up with systematic intent in the twelfth century by Bolognese jurists, who brought it to completion. The greatest advances in the pre-Bolognese period were those of the circle of notarii et judices sacri palatii at Pavia. Inspired by the inadequacy of Lombard law to meet the needs of a society in rapid political and economic development, the study of Roman law texts in Pavia had a narrow utilitarian goal at the outset. Nonetheless, the legal activity of Pavian jurists constitutes perhaps the best evidence we have of an intensiication of intellectual life in the regnum in the eleventh century. The success of the Pavians’ enterprise depended in part on their legal expertise but also in part on their training in grammar. Such training presupposes an education in the schools of the Church: only in the next century can we speak with conidence of lay grammar schools. Although we can ofer no evidence of laymen studying in these church schools, we do know that in the seventy-ive years between 1000 and the beginning of the struggle between pope and emperor in 1075, Italian cathedral and monastic schools lourished. The bishops of the regnum, many of them German appointees, embraced the German emperors’ program of litterae et mores, a course of study designed to produce clerics dedicated to imperial service, the most talented of whom would attain high positions in the church hierarchy. The biography of Anselmo of Besate in this chapter illustrates the mentality that such training produced. Nevertheless, in the midst of this, the regnum’s golden age of cathedral and monastic learning, even as educational institutions thrived, literary and nonlegal scholarly works, apart from saints’ lives, were few.The scarcity was an efect of a continuing lack of patronage and of the force of a conservative tradition of learning essentially dedicated to preserving knowledge but not necessarily to expanding it. In the early eleventh century, dialectic laid claim to its own place in the reinvigorated school curriculum. I have chosen to illustrate the fortunes of the newly revived study of dialectic in Italy by showing its efects on the career of Lanfranco and his debate with Berengar of Tours over transubstantiation. There is suicient

T

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evidence to suggest that up to the middle of the eleventh century the study of dialectic was as developed in Italy as in Francia, but that thereafter this member of the trivium languished.The following analysis endeavors to explain why.While dialectic, theology, and natural science formed a potent intellectual mixture in transalpine Europe from the twelfth century, after the mid-eleventh century into the thirteenth, dialectic in the regnum functioned largely as an auxiliary of rhetoric. Italians tended to distrust dialectic – largely, I will suggest, because narrow pietistic tendencies in the native Italian reform movement viewed it as posing a threat to revelation. Pietro Damiani, the most outspoken proponent of that viewpoint, was also the sharpest critic of the study of pagan authors, which he saw as contributing to the worldliness of the church. This chapter will present him as the most eloquent representative of one of two new monastic movements, the Vallombrosan and Camaldolensian, both founded on vows of absolute poverty. Because their lives contrasted so sharply with those of the clerics around them, the two new orders attracted a large popular following. Unlike the Camaldolensians, which Pietro led, the Vallombrosans actively supported popular movements to drive out corrupt clerics, thereby contributing to the civil struggles leading up to and continuing during the papal–imperial battle that began in 1075. In order to set the early development of a new area of Italian intellectual life against the background of the conservative tendencies dominating the traditional book culture, the discussion of the new legal book culture appears in the inal section of this chapter. An outgrowth of the earlier documentary culture that laymen nearly monopolized by 1000, legal book culture made gains because it attracted people indoctrinated in the importance of using legal documents in daily life. Its attraction lay in the promise it ofered of bringing order to civil society, especially in the absence of other legal authorities in the form of central government or territorial principalities. The study of Roman law, together with, from the twelfth century, the study of canon law, would constitute the regnum’s major contribution to the intellectual life of medieval Europe. ITALY UNDER THE SALIANS

By the late tenth century, the demographic increase and expanding role of commerce that had slowed from the late ninth, resumed and intensiied in the eleventh.1 Fundamental to explaining the momentum of the Italian economy in 1000 is the fact that, unlike their northern counterparts, many upper-class landowners in Italy had never abandoned city life.2 Their urban experience made commercial investment and participation in trade congenial to them. Unlike Pirenne’s humble northern merchants, for whom amassing capital was a slow process, the amphibious citydwelling Italian upper classes were able to draw revenues from allodial possessions

1

2

Philip Jones, The Italian City-State: From Commune to Signoria (Oxford, 1997), 92–103, succinctly sketches the major aspects of demographic and economic revival. See ibid., 46–92, for the contrasts in the relationship between town and country in transalpine Europe and northern and central Italy between late antiquity and the eleventh century.

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or beneices in the countryside, allowing them to accrue capital more quickly and generating more overall economic investment.3 Land prices began rising dramatically in Lombardy, the most economically advanced region of the kingdom, from the second half of the tenth century, and the trend spread throughout the regnum by the early eleventh century.4 The land market proved particularly active in areas surrounding cities, where demand for food encouraged landowners who dwelt in both the city and the country to rationalize production by consolidating their holdings through purchase and exchange. While in the eleventh century the pursuit of land was common among prosperous members of Italian society in general, many bishops and monasteries also had a religious motive for acquiring land.5 By repurchasing from laymen the rights over lands that laymen had purloined, reformed monasteries and cathedral chapters promoted their own autarchy, a goal that to them amounted to separating themselves from worldly entanglements. At the same time, however, the same policy of acquisition was followed by less devout individual ecclesiastics and less spiritually oriented ecclesiastical institutions eager to increase their wealth. Unlike their immediate predecessors, the Italian kings Ugo and Berengario, the German emperors Otto I and Otto II spent little time in Italy. Apart from occasional appearances in the southern kingdom, at which times they exerted their power directly, they relied largely on Italians governing themselves. Invited to ill the power 3

4

5

Pirenne’s model for the medieval northern merchant was Saint Godrick of Finchal, who became rich from humble beginnings. For Pirenne, the merchant class had to be derived from groups of men outside the established order – the outcasts, the runaways, those hostile to the old system – who had both the mental elasticity and mobility to enter commerce. Perhaps the best summary of Pirenne’s thesis of town origins and growth is to be found in Henri Pirenne, Gustave Cohen, and Henri Focillon, La civilization occidentale au moyen âge du XIe au milieu du XVe siècle (Paris, 1933), 7–145. For modiications of Pirenne’s thesis, see my “The Landlord and the Economic Revival of the Middle Ages in Northern Europe, 1000–1250,” American Historical Review 76 (1971): 978–85. Cinzio Violante, La società milanese nell’età precomunale (Rome and Bari, 1974), 123–59, sees a rise in land prices in Lombardy after 960–70 that continues into the next century. For general observations on land prices in the period, see David Herlihy, “The Agrarian Revolution in Southern France and Italy, 801–1000,” Speculum 33 (1958): 21–41. The increasing awareness of the economic importance of land in a time of demographic rise was further relected in the marked increase in the percentage of leases in northern and central Italy after 1100 that speciied rents paid in kind rather than in money. This shift represented in many cases a sizable hiking of the rent: David Herlihy, “Rural Seigneury in Italy, 751–1200,” Agricultural History 33 (1959): 68. Already in the second quarter of the tenth century, the episcopal reformer Atto, bishop of Vercelli, had called upon churches and monasteries to recuperate their alienated properties, in this way linking church reform to reclamation of rights over church property; Cinzio Violante, “I vescovi e l’economia monetaria,” Vescovi e diocesi in Italia nel medioevo (sec. IX–XIII): Atti del II convegno di storia della Chiesa in Italia, Roma, 5–9 sett. 1961, Italia sacra: Studi e documenti di storia ecclesiastica, vol. 5 (Padua, 1964), 199. By the late tenth century Cluny was establishing its own dependencies in the regnum at the same time as its program of reconstituting monastic holdings was being widely emulated in the Italian monastical world: Herbert E. J. Cowdrey, The Cluniacs and the Gregorian Reform (Oxford, 1970) 248–52. Although his study is valuable from other points of view, Ernst Werner, Die gesellschaftlichen Grundlagen der Klosterreform im 11. Jahrhundert (Berlin, 1953), exaggerates the economic motive behind the Cluniac reforms. Violante, Società milanese nell’età precomunale, 169–73, provides a brief analysis of the restoration of the patrimony of the Milanese church by Ariberto, archbishop of Milan (1018–45).

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vacuum, large landowners, lay and ecclesiastical, who had already allied themselves with the monarchy against the great territorial princes, set out to transform their power into lordships, by means of which they not only exercised a landlord’s authority over those living on their own lands but also enjoyed governmental power over the whole population of an area.6 As we saw in the last chapter, Otto III attempted to reverse this dispersal of political authority by appointing more Germans to Italian bishoprics and by using high German functionaries to hear most royal placiti. Beginning with Henry II (1004–24), the last of the Ottonians, a new conception of imperial government emerged in Germany, which aimed at concentrating power in the king’s hands so that, rather than allowing his siblings to rule over their own duchies under the emperor’s aegis, all those who exercised governmental power in the kingdom did so as oicers of the Crown and not on the basis of heredity or custom. As oicials they could be dismissed or transferred at the monarch’s will. Henry’s successor, Conrad II (1024–39), the irst of the Salian emperors, adopted Henry’s new conception of imperial kingship and attempted to extend it to Italy.7 In the course of Conrad’s second Italian voyage in 1036–38, in an endeavor to make the bishops, like secular lords, into oicials of the empire, Conrad II arrested and deposed the bishops of Vercelli, Piacenza, and Cremona, who had disagreed with his policies, and besieged Milan in an efort, ultimately unsuccessful, to capture the city’s archbishop.8 In contrast to his father, who had been criticized by reformers for simony, Conrad’s successor, the pious Henry III (1039–56), campaigned against it as well as against clerical marriage. Henry, however, was no less dedicated than his father to establishing the preeminence of the German monarchy in both secular and spiritual matters. In Henry’s case, that included reforming the Church under his leadership. During his one trip to Italy in 1046–47, which he had undertaken for the sake of his coronation in Rome, he found himself confronted with three claimants to the 6

7

8

Cinzio Violante, “La signoria rurale nel secolo X: Preposte tipologiche,” in Il secolo di ferro: Mito e realtà del secolo X, 19–25 aprile 1990, SSCISAM, 38 (Spoleto, 1991), 329–85; Mario Nobili, “Le trasformazioni nell’ordinamento agrario e nei rapporti economico-sociali nelle campagne dell’Italia centrosettentrionale nel secolo XI,” in Il secolo XI: Una svolta?” ed. Cinzio Violante and Johann Fried, Annali dell’Istituto storico italo-germanico, no. 35 (Bologna, 1993), 173–88; Giovanni Tabacco, The Stuggle for Power in Medieval Italy: Structures of Political Rule, trans. Rosalind B. Jensen (Cambridge, 1989), 159 and 193–94; and Jones, The Italian City-State, 108–9. For an acute analysis of the mentality relected in the privatization of what the Carolingians had thought of as royal power, see Giovanni Tabacco, “La storia politica e sociale,” Storia d’Italia: 2.1 Dalla caduta dell’Impero romano al secolo XVIII (Turin, 1974), 119–22. Stefan Weinfurter, The Salian Century: Main Currents in an Age of Transition, trans. Barbara M. Bowlus (Philadelphia, 1999), 54. The work was originally published as Herrschaft und Reich der Salier: Grundlinien einer Umbruchzeit (Sigmaringen, 1992). According to the chronicler Wipo, at Conrad II’s coronation the archbishop of Mainz praised him as vicarius Christi: Gesta Chuonradi imperatoris, ed. Harry Bresslau, in Die Werke Wipos, MGH, Scriptores, no. 61, 3rd ed. (Hanover and Leipzig, 1915), 23; cited in Walter Ullmann, The Growth of Papal Government in the Middle Ages: A Study in the Ideological Relation of Clerical to Lay Power, 3rd ed. (Northampton, Mass., 1970), 249, n. 1. Ullmann, ibid., 249–50, describes Conrad’s “ruthless exploitation” of the Church. See as well, Weinfurter, The Salian Century, 45–47. Weinfurter, The Salian Century, 54. Cf. Augustin Fliche, La réforme grégorienne, 3 vols. (Paris, 1924–26), 1:8, n. 3.

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papacy. Henry’s response to their competing demands for recognition was to deny the oice to all three and instead establish a new line of reforming German popes (1046–58), all of whom retained their German sees throughout their reigns.9 The deposition of Pope John XII by Emperor Otto I furnished a precedent for Henry’s action, but the extent of his interventions in papal politics was novel. Henry III likely envisaged papal centralization of ecclesiastical reforms in Rome as an extension of imperial authority. Nevertheless, between them Conrad II and Henry III spent less than four years in Italy out of a combined thirty-two years of rule, so they could not possibly have done much to direct the energies and ambitions of their southern subjects. The two emperors’ sojourns in the kingdom served as lightning rods for a diversity of political activity, but once the emperors retreated beyond the Alps, Italians largely ignored their existence again and concentrated on working out their own solutions for governing a populous and economically buoyant society. The long minority of Henry IV (1056–73) following the early death of his father added to Italians’ sense of autonomy and provided a radical group of religious reformers with an opportunity to create a new Church in which kings and princes, together with all regional churches, would recognize the papacy’s guiding role in ecclesiastical afairs. THE FLOURISHING OF THE SCHOOLS

While they shaped educational policy by a system of future rewards in imperial service, the emperors likely had little to do with the vitality that the schools of the regnum displayed after 1000, the same vitality characteristic of educational institutions throughout western Europe in the period. In the universal history that he wrote in the 1030s, Ralph Glaber (985–ca. 1046) testiied to the rapidly increasing wealth of western European society by remarking on the intense competition in churchbuilding in Francia and Italy that began in the irst years of the eleventh century: Just before the third year after the millennium, throughout the world, but especially in Italy and Gaul, men began to reconstruct churches, although for the most part the existing ones were properly built and not in the least unworthy. But it seemed as though each Christian community was aiming to surpass all others in the splendor of construction. It was as if the whole world were shaking itself free, shrugging of the burden of the past, and cladding itself everywhere in a white mantle of churches.10

The timing of the building program cannot really be dated with the exactitude that Glaber claimed, but his amazement relected the genuine novelty of a phenomenon that only a surge of new wealth in the cities of Francia and Italy could have underwritten. 9

10

Although a German pope and chancellor of the curia under Leo IX, Stephen IX (Frederick of Lorraine) was generally hostile to Henry III. Ralph Glaber, Historiarum libri quinque, 2.12.23, in idem, Historiarum libri quinque: The Five Books of the Histories, ed. and trans. John France; Glaber, Vita domni Willelmi abbatis:The Life of St.William, ed. Neithard Bulst, trans. John France and Paul Reynolds (Oxford, 1989), 3.14: 114 and 116. For Glaber’s life, see Franz Brunhölzl, Geschichte der lateinischen Literatur, 2 vols. (Munich, 1975), 1:227–34.

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The ending of invasions by Northmen and Hungarians and the revival of international trade coincided with the beginning of a new phase in the history of Western European education. Learned and not-so-learned masters in previous centuries had frequently sought their fortunes abroad, where presumably a greater market for their talents existed than at home. In the eighth and ninth centuries, Irish scholars had been particularly given to itinerant careers, while Stefano of Novara, Gunzo, and Gerbert represented the wandering scholars of the tenth century. In the eleventh century, however, while teachers continued to migrate, now a large number of students traveled too, seeking teachers of renown. A practice of displacement, in which students moved from master to master, was to become characteristic of the pursuit of advanced education in medieval western Europe, but in the early years it seems to have been more common among Italians. A highly educated student might cover a wide territory before completing his education. If the otherwise exaggerated and self-interested account of Adémar of Chabannes is to be believed, for instance, the abbot of one Italian monastery had paid out 2,000 solidi so that his nephew might study “in many places in Lombardy and Francia for the sake of grammar.”11 Together with eight companions, the young man had spent nine years as a wandering student. An interest in learning also motivated Pietro Damiani and Anselmo of Besate to travel widely during their early lives. While intent on glorifying the Milanese cathedral school by emphasizing the distinctive characteristics of its students during what he considered its golden age earlier in the century, Landolfo senior (d. ca. 1100) incidentally revealed that Milanese students in his youth commonly spent time studying abroad: These [students] had been so brought up over a long period of time with clerical dress, with a look, a manner of conduct, and a gait of such long and ancient usage that if you should ind any member of the Ambrosian choir dedicated to the study of letters in Burgundy, the Teutonic lands, or Francia, knowing something of the customs of this church you would instantly be able to assert that he was a member of this church even though you saw nothing else.12

The educational itineraries of Pietro Damiani and Anselmo of Besate provide a list of cathedral schools, many of which receive mention in the documents for the irst time. Born in Ravenna in 1006/7, Damiani was the older of the two men. Having had a diicult childhood, he started school late (iam grandiusculum) in Ravenna. The regular succession of scholastici there from the beginning of the eleventh century might have relected the enduring inluence on cathedral education exerted by Gerbert of Aurillac, who had been archbishop just before the turn of the previous 11

12

Adémar of Chabannes, Epistole de apostolatu s. Martialis, PL 141, col. 107. Adémar supposedly gets this information from Benedetto of Chiusa himself. Landolfo Senior, Mediolanensis historiae libri quatuor, ed. Alessandro Cutolo, RIS, vol. 4, pt. 2 (Bologna, 1942), 76: “In tantum enim in clericali habitu longa saeculi vetustate ac usitatione, multis transactis temporibus, vultu, habitu, incessu erant nutriti, ut si aliquem chori Ambrosiani totius in Burgundia aut in Teutonica aut in Francia literarum studia deditum invenires, etiamsi non ultra vidisses, de huius ecclesiae usibus aliquantulum notus sine mora huius esse ecclesiae airmares.”

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century.13 A certain Mainfreno of Ravenna, whom years later Damiani referred to as presbyter and magister meus, may have been one of Damiani’s early teachers there.14 The description of elementary education that Damiani provided in one of his letters probably relected his own early schooling in Ravenna: “In elementary school (litterarius ludo) where boys learn the elements of separate words, some are called abecedarians, some syllabizers, certain ones are called students of words (nominarii), and still others are called calculators.”15 His description suggests a slow and unimaginative way of teaching students the basic elements of reading and mathematics. Unfortunately Damiani wrote nothing about his subsequent encounters with teachers in grammar or rhetoric. While still adolescens, that is, probably in his mid-teens, the young man went to Faenza for litterarum studia.16 Again, as in the case at Ravenna, we cannot be certain who his teachers were. We know that Pietro scholasticus Rainerii was teaching there in 1021 and 1023.17 A Faentine document of 1045 concerning a gift made by the bishop to the chapter includes among those present Aldebrando di Rainerio grammatico, apparently a layman, and is signed by Ildebrando scholasticus and Rustico scholasticus.18 Given the chronology for Damiani’s studies, it is probable that the young man worked with Pietro rather than with the latter two scholastici. As for Rainerio, probably like his son Aldebrando a layman, the title grammaticus might have meant only that he was literate.19 Continuing his study of the liberal arts, Damiani may have moved next to Parma, where he was in residence at least in 1030 and may have remained until 1034.20 13

14 15

16

17

18

19

20

Cf. Alfred Dresdner, Kultur- und Sittengeschichte der italienische Geistlichkeit im 10. und 11. Jahrhundert (Breslau, 1890), 251, lists Johannes magister (1002); Petrus scholasticus (1023); Arardus scholasticus (1036); and Johannes scholarum magister (1063). For references see Fridolin Dressler, Petrus Damiani: Leben und Werk, Studia Anselmiana (Rome, 1954), 9. Die Briefe des Petrus Damiani, ed. Kurt Reindel, in MGH, Die Briefen der deutschen Kaiserzeit, 4 vols. (Munich, 1983–93), 3:321: “In litterario quippe ludo, ubi pueri articulatae vocis elementa suscipiunt, alii quidem abecedarii, alii sillabarii, quidam vero nominarii, nonnulli iam etiam calculatores appellantur.” One can see here the repetitious process of learning words by starting from the smallest part to the whole word. Ibid., 2:30: “Adolescentem me in Faventina urbe propter litterarum studia constitutum audire contigit quod enarro”; cited from Francesco Lanzoni, Storia ecclesiastica e agiograia faentina dal XI al XV secolo, ed. Giovanni Lucchesi, Studi e testi, no. 252 (Vatican City, 1969), 13. Cf. Piero Zama, Le istituzioni scholastiche faentine nel medio evo (Milan, 1920), 31–42. For Pietro, see Bruno Paradisi, Storia del diritto italiano: Le fonti del diritto nell’epoca bolognese: I. I civilisti ino a Rogerio, vol. 4, pt. 1 (Naples, 1967), 172. See Lanzoni, Storia ecclesiastica e agiograia faentina, 14, for the document of 1045. A copy of the document is found in Giulio Tonduzzi, Historia di Faenza (Faenza, 1675), 153–55. To judge from the subscriptions of Ildebrando and Rustico (155), Faenza had at least two scholastici at the same time. The title grammaticus given to Rainerio probably signiies that he was literate, not that he was a teacher. According to the account of Adémar of Chabannes (ca. 989–1034), the braggart Benedetto, the nephew of the abbot of Chiusa, claimed that his monastery had nine scholastici: Epistole de apostolatu s. Martialis, col. 107. This is the suggestion of Giovanni Lucchesi, “Per una vita di San Pier Damiani: Componenti cronologiche e topograiche,” in San Pier Damiano nel IX centenario della morte (1072–1972), 3 vols. (Cesena, 1972), 1:19. Ibid., 19, for the date of 1030. For that of his departure from Parma, see Dressler, Petrus Damiani, 9.

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Despite a rich collection of documents for the tenth century, there is no evidence of an active cathedral school at Parma before the turn of the eleventh century. From then on, however, judging from the extant witness lists of the cathedral chapter, the school seems to have lourished, with a regular succession of scholastici appearing in the witness lists of the cathedral’s charters for the next four decades. Sigesfredo is named presbiter et magister scholarum in 1002, while in 1005 Homodeo holds the same title. The two may overlap in teaching, because two months after the reference to Homodeo, Sigesfredo appears again as magister scholarum. At some point between 1005 and 1015, Teudolfo exercises the oice, while in a document dating from between 1032 and 1034/35 Homodeo acts again as magister scholarum. In 1039 Giselberto, son of Homodeo, holds the same position.21 At Parma, the logician Drogo, philosophus, los et Italie, decus, may already have been a canon and teacher in the cathedral when Damiani arrived.22 Damiani, however, mentions none of his masters at Parma, reserving his observations instead for two young men, probably fellow students, whose diferent styles of life he compares: Zeuzolino, a young cleric totally given over to the pleasures of the lesh, and

21

22

CAPar, doc. 2: 2:4 (1002); doc. 5: 2:12 (1005); doc. 6: 2:15 (1005). Homodeo seems to have ceased teaching with the reappearance of Sigisfredo in June 1005 because he appears in the witness list of the document (doc. 6: 2:15 [1005]) simply as presbyter. In a subsequent document dated between 1005 and 1015 Sigisfredo now signs as archdiaconus (doc. 7: 2:19), and Teudulfo is listed as magister scholarum. Homodeo reappears in 1032 as magister scholarum: doc. 50: 2:107 (1032) and again in 1034–35: doc. 55: 2:122 (1034–35). Giselberto qui et Homodei, a presbiter et magister scholarum, appears as a witness in doc. 19: 2:46 (1015–27) and again in 1039: doc. 68: 2:152 (1039). For the rest of the century the following scholastici are recorded: Rolando, doc. 128: 2:285 (1073); Alberto, doc. 137: 2:301 (1081); and Ingo, doc. 139: 2:306 (1081). These words in praise of Drogo were written by his former student Anselmo of Besate in his Rhetorimachia, in Gunzo: Epistola ad Augienses und Anselm von Besate: Rhetorimachia, ed. Karl Manitius, MGH, Die deutschen Geschichtsquellen des Mittelalters, 500–1500, Quellen zur Geistesgeschichte des Mittelalters, no. 2 (Weimar, 1958), 99. Hereafter references to Manitius’s edition of the Rhetorimachia will be identiied by that title. In his Fecunda ratis, ed. Ernst Voigt (Halle, 1889), 173, completed about 1023, Egbert of Liège refers critically to a certain Drogo as a leading teacher of logic. While it is possible that Egbert is referring to Drogo grammaticus (ca. 1000–ca. 1080), who taught grammar at Notre Dame in the eleventh century, this Drogo would have had to reach prominence very early in that he was corresponding with Berengar in 1068, forty-ive years later: Allan J. MacDonald, Berengar and the Reform of Sacramental Doctrine (London, 1930), 153. See as well Constant J. Mews, “Logica in the Service of Philosophy: William of Champeaux and His Inluence,” in Schrift, Schreiber, Schenker: Studien zur Abtei Sankt Victor in Paris und den Viktorinern, ed. Reiner Brendt (Berlin, 2005), 80, n. 10, who distinguishes between Drogo, the archdeacon of Paris, and Drogo grammaticus. Consequently, the reference of Egbert of Liège in 1023 is probably is probably to the Italian Drogo, whose birth date would then probably fall in the 980s at the latest. A document of April 18, 1039, lists Drogo presbiter as subscribing to a document at Parma: Ugo Gualazzini, Ricerche sulle scuole preuniversitarie del medioevo: Contributo di indagini sul sorgere delle università (Milan, 1943), 223. A second document of 1056, cited by Giovanni Mariotti, Memorie e documenti per la storia della Università di Parma nel medioevo, vol. 1 (Parma, 1888), 97, notes a certain Drogo as subscriber but without any title. It is highly unlikely that this last Drogo was identical with the logician. Gualazzini cites this second document but dates it 1057.

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Ugo, another cleric of the city, who, endowed with outstanding intellectual gifts, would become a chaplain of Conrad I.23 Upon inishing his training at Parma about 1034, Damiani, still a layman, probably returned to Ravenna, where he would have embarked upon a legal career along with teaching rhetoric, a common practice among lawyers of the time. But he must not have continued in that way of life for long, because in his late twenties, probably in 1035, he was seized by an intense religious devotion and abandoned the world to join the hermitage of the Holy Cross at Fonte Avellana, which had been founded a few decades earlier and was dedicated to an austere eremitic existence.24 Yet a man of such titanic energy and talent could not bury himself for long, and there would be few periods in the remainder of Damiani’s life when he would enjoy the otium that he had sought by taking vows. Damiani’s younger contemporary, Anselmo of Besate, seems to have been devoid of Damiani’s reforming zeal. Anselmo’s career models, instead, were Liudprando of Cremona, Leo of Vercelli, and perhaps more recently, the aforementioned Ugo of Parma. Anselmo’s pursuit of learning was driven by his hope for high preferment within the imperial church. As he explained in a letter to his former teacher, Drogo, philosophiae otium was preparation for seculare negotium.25 In any case, even had he been highly spiritual, coming to maturity in a period when an ardent reformer like Damiani looked to the emperor to purify the Church of corruption, Anselmo might not have felt that his ambition for imperial service necessarily entailed a spiritual compromise. Born of high Lombard nobility between Milan and Pavia about 1020, Anselmo felt deep reverence for the Milanese church, which he referred to as mater mea.26 A brief discussion of the Milanese church, its clergy, and education in its cathedral school will serve as a background for understanding Anselmo’s attitudes toward education and the Christian faith. 23

24

25

26

Damiani, Briefe, 2:320–21; and Briefe, 3:323–24. Cf. Irenio Afò and Angelo Pezzana, Memorie degli scrittori e letterati parmigiani, 4 vols. (Parma, 1789–1833), 1:30–31. Cf. Gualazzini, Ricerche sulle scuole preuniversitarie, 240. Lucchesi, “Per una Vita,” 1:20, supposes that because Pietro irst conided his desire to join a monastery to a friend in Ravenna, he was teaching in his native city. If Dressler, Petrus Damiani, 9, is correct in believing Damiani stayed in Parma as late as 1034, then he likely taught in Parma before returning to Ravenna. A passing reference to a certain Ivo as his master raises the issue of whether Damiani ever studied in Francia. In recounting an anecdote about a French scholar, Walter, who is known from other sources to have been a student of Fulbert of Chartres, Damiani begins: “Gualterus plane, magistri mei, scilicet Ivonis, socius fuit” (Walter to be sure was a student of my master, that is, Ivo); Briefe, 3:322. The fact that Ivo was a French name and Damiani’s master, Francesco Novati, “Un dotto borgognone del sec. XI e l’educazione letteraria di S.P. Damiani,” Mélanges Chabaneau zur Vollendurg, seines 75. Lebensjahres 4. März 1906, dargebracht von seinen Schülern, Freunden und Verehren (Erlayen, 1907), 998–1001, suggests that Damiani may have studied with Ivo in Francia. Since the saint never mentioned studying abroad, Novati admits that the greater probability is that Ivo taught Damiani somewhere in Italy. Rhetorimachia, 118. Cf. the biographical article by Herbert E. J. Cowdrey,“Anselm of Besate and Some Other Italian Scholars of the Eleventh Century,” Journal of Ecclesiastical History 23 (1972): 115–24.The observation of the link between study and career is taken from Cowdrey, 181. Manitius, Rhetorimachia, 62, suggests this approximate date of his birth.The reference to the Milanese church is found Rhetorimachia, 116.

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In their competition with Ravenna for second place in the Roman church, Milanese archbishops consciously promoted the idea, both at home and abroad, that the Milanese church was preeminent in northern Italy. The fabricated claims made by the Historia datiana, written at some time between the last decades of the tenth century and 1018, were designed to serve the same purpose.27 The loosely formed work begins with an introductory laudes urbis of Milan, followed by a retelling of the legend claiming an apostolic foundation for the Milanese church, speciically laid by Saint Barnabas, one of Christ’s twelve disciples, and concludes with the vitae of Milan’s six earliest bishops.28 Consistently employing ornatus diicilis, the author especially demonstrates his literary talent in the preface, where he skillfully adapts Sulpicius Severus’s Vita sancti Martini, Jerome’s De viris illustribus, Venantius Fortunatus’s Vita sancti Hilarii, and Ennodius’s Vita Epifani as stylistic models.29 With a unique liturgy (the Ambrosian liturgy) and a large school, perhaps the largest in Italy, the cathedral of Santa Maria Hyemalis, which was dedicated to the Virgin, was the citadel of the archdiocese. Even if we acknowledge that Landolfo senior’s account was colored by nostalgia for a time before decades of civil war over religious reform destroyed a way of life, the school he described, as it existed in his (and consequently in Anselmo’s) youth must have been an elaborate institution.30 In the atrium that stood before the cathedral, Landolfo wrote, were two schools where cantus magistri gave daily lessons to children. He continued: “In the inner atrium, which was on the side of the door looking toward the north, were two schools of philosophers skilled in the diferent arts, where doctrines of philosophy were diligently taught to clerics of the city and to foreigners.”31 Teachers both within the cathedral and in the lower, external schools were maintained at the expense of the archbishop who, to encourage good teaching, occasionally attended lessons himself. Daily supervision of the school fell to the archdeacon, Giberto, who would pass attentively from the inner to the outer schools with a whip of leather thongs, symbol and instrument of his oice, in his hand, counseling the masters and praising or 27

28

29 30

31

Paolo Tomea, Tradizione apostolica e coscienza cittadina a Milano nel medioevo: La legenda di s. Barnaba (Milan, 1993), 432–40, discusses this motivation. The editors of the Historia datiana (Anonymi mediolanensis libellus: De situ civitatis Mediolani, de adventu Barnabe apostoli et de vitis priorum pontiicum mediolanensium, ed. Alessandro Colombo and Giuseppe Colombo, RIS, no. 1, pt. 2 (Bologna, 1942), consider the work to have been written roughly in 789 (xc), when Milan was supposedly ighting to keep the Ambrosian ritual in the face of Carolingian eforts to impose the Roman rites. For the scholarship relating to the text, see not only Colombo (iii–xc) but also Antonio Viscardi, “La cultura milanese nei secoli vii–xii,” Dagli albori del Comune all’incoronazione di Federico Barbarossa (1002–1152), Storia di Milano, vol. 3 (Milan, 1954), 734–39. I have been convinced of the later dating, however, by the detailed arguments of Paolo Tomea, “Le suggestioni dell’antico: Qualche rilessione sull’epistola proemiale del De situ civitatis Mediolani e sulle sue fonti,” Aevum 63 (1989): 173; and his Tradizione apostolica, 392–431, which presents a summary of his arguments. Tomea’s discussion of the motivation for the work is found on 432–40. Tomea, “Suggestioni dell’antico,” 178–79. Landolf made a testament in 1073, leaving his property to a brother and a nephew: Gli atti privati milanesi e comaschi del sec. XI. ed. Cesare Manaresi and Caterina Santoro, doc. 536 (1073), 3:353–55 (Milan, 1965). He died sometime after 1085, the date of the last entries in his work. Landolfo Senior’s extensive description of education in the cathedral school is found Mediolanensis historiae, 75–77.

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punishing students.32 Giberto probably did not apply his disciplinary methods, however, to the more mature students attending the highest level of classes, which were held in the presbyterium. Lessons there were devoted to the study of divine legis ac idei catholicae mandata” (mandates of divine law and the Catholic faith), that is, probably the study of theology and canon law.The honor of teaching such sacred material was given to the primicerius, who held the highest position next to the archbishop in the Ambrosian church and supervised the clergy of the whole city.33 In Landolfo’s account of the elaborate organization of the Milanese church, the schools of the cathedral played a key role in maintaining the dignity of an enormous establishment stafed by diverse ranks of clerics supported by various orders of lay men and women. Each group demonstrated through its attire and ornaments its function within the whole.The sanctity of the Milanese church was manifest as well in the proper ordering of the hierarchy, leading up to the archbishop himself. The fact that, according to Landolfo, Milanese students studying abroad were immediately recognizable by their dress, look, comportment, and gait relected the highly formal structure of Milanese ecclesiastical life. The values implicit in Landolfo’s description indicate the weight he placed on mores in the Ottonian and Salian balance of litterae et mores, an emphasis with which the eleventh-century Milanese church doubtlessly agreed. At the same time, Landolfo did not neglect to boast of the learning of the cathedral clergy. He singled out Arderico diaconus for his Latin eloquence and Gilberto archidiaconus, Andrea sacerdos, and Ambrogio Bii diaconus for their Latin and Greek learning.34 He praised archdeacon Giberto “as deeply knowledgeable in song and in Ambrosian learning, as well as gifted with skill in divine letters.”35 Landolfo’s high opinion of Andrea, Ambrosio Bii, and Giberto may have been colored by the antipathy that they, like him, expressed toward supporters of radical ecclesiastical reform in the city. Landolfo implied that the two leading radical reformers, Landolfo Cotta (d. 1061/64) and Arialdo (1010–67), were able speakers, and speciically characterized Anselmo da Baggio (d. 1073), later Pope Alexander II, as “an efective preacher” (potens in sermone), but he condemned all three for using their oratorical gifts for bad ends.36 Although perhaps out of humility Landolf did not include himself among the learned, Damiani, who knew Landolf personally, referred to him as “distinguished by the brilliance of his literary knowledge.”37 32 33 34 35 36

37

Ibid., 75. Ibid., 77. Ibid., 107, for Arderico, Guiberto, Andrea, and Bii . Also for Bii , 86. Ibid., 75. Ibid., 86–87, for his remarks on Cotta and Arialdo. Landolfo writes of Landolfo Cotta’s death: “Qui moriens, linguam quasi bovinam orribilem, qua multum ofenderat, quae coopertorium non habebat, cui tormenta aperte parabantur, emisit” (120). See as well Giorgio Giulini, Memorie spettanti alla storia, al governo e alla descrizione della città e campagna di Milano ne’ secoli bassi, 12 vols. (Milan, 1760–71), 4:14–75. On Arialdo, see Cosimo D. Fonseca, “Arialdo, santo,” DBI, no. 4 (Rome, 1962), 135. Arialdo was the only one of those mentioned in this paragraph who was not of Milanese origin and educated in the city’s schools. Landolfo refers to him only as artis liberae magister; Mediolanensis historiae, 86. In his life of Arialdo, Andrea Strumi, Vita sancti Arialdi, ed. Friedrich Baethgen, MGH, Scriptores, no. 30.2 (Leipzig, 1929), civ, remarks that he studied abroad. On Anselmo, see Mediolanensis historiae, 85. For Landolfo’s style, see Max Manitius, Geschichte der lateinischen literatur des Mittelalters, 3 vols. (Munich, 1911–31), 2:210–11; and Cutolo’s comments in the preface to Mediolanensis historiae libri

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The many Milanese manuscripts surviving from the irst half of the eleventh century underwrite Landolfo’s claim that intellectual life in the city was intense. At least from the time of Arnolfo II (998–1018), a large number of surviving liturgical works, sacramentaries, homilies, passionaries, and volumes of the works of Saint Ambrose and those of other Latin Church Fathers bear witness to the industry as well as to the technical and artistic skill of the scriptoria located not only in the cathedral but also in local churches.38 Particularly abundant are manuscripts of the Bible.The sequence of biblical books followed the sequence of the Ambrosian oice rather than that of the Vulgata and were written in a peculiar Milanese script, whose use the singularity of the rituals perhaps encouraged.39 Beginning in the 1050s, several decades of conlict between the ecclesiastical hierarchy and the forces of radical religious reform inspired the writing of the earliest municipal histories of Milan. In the irst of them, the Gesta archiepiscoporum mediolanensium, Arnolfo, a member of the Milanese patriciate, a judge, and, although likely trained at the cathedral, a layman, traced Italian political history from the reign of Ugo in 926. Most of the narrative, however, focused on the civil conlict surrounding reform of the Milanese church from the 1050s to 1077, at which point he left of writing.40 A temperate observer, Arnolfo defended neither nicolaitism nor simony, but at the same time he deplored the eforts of the lower classes to blame the upper clergy for sins shared by all. He also claimed that Rome’s support for the radicals was part of a campaign to subjugate the Milanese church. He wrote humbly of himself that “entrance into the labyrinth of Aristotle is diicult for me and access to Tully’s palace very wearisome. I confess that I have never ascended the four-wheeled chariot of the quadrivium.” Despite his disclaimer, Arnolfo’s use of cursus both within and at the end of periods, his tendency to compose in leonine prose, and, together with biblical reminiscences, his citations and echoes of Sallust,Virgil, Lucan, and Horace reveal his apology to be more a rhetorical topos than a genuine assessment of his abilities.41

38

39 40

41

quatuor, xiv–xvi. For Damiani’s remark, see Briefe, 2:311–12. Damiani urged Landolfo to carry out a promise that he had made to God to become a monk. Mirella Ferrari, “Produzione libraria e biblioteche a Milano nei secoli XI e XII,” Atti dell’110 Congresso internazionale di studi sull’alto medievo, Milano, 26–30 ottobre 1987, vol. 2 (Spoleto, 1989), 689– 702. The early decades of the twelfth century saw the codiication of the Ambrosian rite; Enrico Cattaneo, “Storia e particolarità del rito ambrosiano,” Dagli albori del Comune all’incoronazione di Federico Barbarossa (1002–1152), Storia di Milano, vol. 3 (Milan, 1954), 800. Ferrari, “Produzione libraria,” 696–98. For his biography, see Cinzio Violante, “Arnolfo,” DBI, no. 4 (1962), 281–82. There are two modern editions of the work: Arnolfo, Liber gestorum recentium, ed. Claudia Zey, MGH, Scriptores rerum germanicarum in usum scholarum separatim editi, no. 67 (Hannover, 1994); and Liber gestorum recentium, ed. and trans. (into Italian) Irene Scaravelli, in Fonti per la storia dell’Italia medievale: Storici italiani dal cinquecento al millecento ad uso delle scuole, no. 1 (Bologna, 1996). Zey, ed., Liber gestorum recentium, 116–17: “Hec animo revolvens non michimetipse conido, quem exilis ingenii adeo paupertas angustat, ut diicilis michi videatur Aristotelici laberinthi ingressus, laboriosus valde Tuliani palacii accessus. Fateor me numquam conscendisse curules quadruvii rotas.” On his style, see Manitius, Geschichte der lateinischen literatur des Mittelalters, 2:508; and Zey, Liber gestorum recentium, 35–39.

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The second work inspired by the local battle over religious reform was Landolfo’s Mediolanensis historia. Following a narration of earlier Milanese history and an elegaic description of the Milanese church of his youth, in Books 3 and 4 Landolfo, bringing the story down to 1085, presented his version of the struggle between the ecclesiastical establishment and the radical reformers, who enjoyed widespread support among the lower classes. With its lapses into poetry, its creation of speeches for historical igures, and its sometimes lorid prose, Landolfo’s composition had greater literary pretensions than Arnolfo’s Gesta; at the same time, Landolfo’s prejudices, most of which he shared with Arnolfo, were more in evidence. Anselmo of Besate, who was a little younger than Landolfo, was raised in the local church like Landolfo and probably educated in the same cathedral.There he absorbed the ideal of litterae et mores from his irst lessons and likely developed his ambition to seek an imperial appointment.42 Anselmo designed his Rhetorimachia, which he dedicated to the Emperor Henry III, primarily to demonstrate his own learning, but he made sure that it also made mention of his personal beauty, an important requirement for success as a courtier. He did this at the beginning of the second book, where he depicted his dead uncle, seeing him in the Elysian ields, seeking to know if Anselmo was indeed his wife’s nephew: “What is your family? Where is your home, O outstanding youth? You seem to be the nephew of my late wife. Indeed the bearing of your body (dignitas corporis) marks you as being of a great lineage.Your humble look, your angelic appearance, the very stamp of modesty, indeed in a form of true beauty a creature of God, an upright body, a noble chest, which God himself has formed, your gait – these are the mark of a great house and lofty lineage.”43 By unabashedly praising his own appearance, Anselmo hoped to communicate to the emperor that he had the looks to fulill a high function in the imperial entourage. Anselmo probably left Milan in his teens to study logic with Drogo in Parma. To judge from the Rhetorimachia, his cousin Rotilando already lived there.44 Anselmo also met two other students, Azzo and Giesone, who would later become canons of the cathedral of Parma if they had not already been so.45 Anselmo may also have had as a fellow student the future monk Lambert, who came to Italy in the train of 42

43

44 45

Besides the cathedral school, a document of 1053 reveals the existence of another in Sant’Ambrogio; Gli atti privati milanesi e comaschi, doc. 366: 3:41–45. It names those among the monks and canons of Sant’Ambrogio who were to receive a gift of money on the Feast of the Exaltation of the Holy Cross and lists both a primicerius notariorum and a magister scholarum among the recipients. As a secular cleric, it is unlikely that Anselmo would have studied at Sant’Ambrogio. Other Milanese documents provide evidence of ecclesiastical schools in towns and villages near Milan in these decades. Amizone of S.Vittore is listed as presbiter et scholarum magister in Varese; doc. 421: 3:150 (1060). In 1096 the schoolmaster there was Uberto subdiaconus et magister scolum [sic]; ibid., doc. 841: 4:533 (1096). At Modica in 1062 Ariprandus presbiter de ordine ec(c)lesie Sancti Johannis was magister scole; ibid., doc. 430: 3:165 (1062). Rhetorimachia, 139: “Qui genus, unde domo, iuvenis aegregie? Mulieri quondam mee nepos videris existere. Magni quidem generis te notat dignitas corporis. Facies humilis, aspectus angelicus, vultus ipse pudoris, forma quidem speciei vere plasma dei. Statura corporis, nobilitas pectoris, quam deus ipse plasmavit, gressus euntis sunt nota alte domus et magni generis.” In the work Anselmo informs Rolando that he has been watching his house; ibid., 165–66. Of Geisone, Anselmo writes: “Geiso nec inirmat quod vera probatio irmat”; and of Azzo: “Et favor Azonis donat dignissima laude”; Rhetorimachia, 95–96. For scholars’ eforts to identify the

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Beatrice of Lorraine in 1036 and studied with Drogo.46 Anselmo’s future master at Reggio, Sichelmo, had earlier also been Drogo’s student. In the dedication of the Rhetorimachia to the emperor, Anselmo writes that on leaving Parma but before going to Reggio he had studied with master Adelprando, “ipse facundissimus” (the most eloquent). Although Anselmo mentions neither the place nor the focus of his studies, possibly the master in question was Aldelprando of Faenza.47 The attraction of Reggio for Anselmo was the presence of Sichelmo, “the most skilled in the liberal arts” (liberalium artium peritissimus), in the city’s cathedral school. According to Anselmo, Sichelmo was not only a master of rhetoric but also possessed superior knowledge of Roman law: “just as our Tullius prizes him before all men in his rhetorical works, so Justinian prizes him before all others in his imperial edicts and legal judgments.”48 Anselmo’s formal education may have ended at Reggio. He speaks of having taught rhetoric himself thereafter and of having written a manual for that purpose, De materia artis, but we do not know where or when.49 Already by 1045 Anselmo appears to have put his splendid training to use in German lands by working in the chancery of the bishop of Bamberg. Anselmo’s second residence in Parma, between May 1046 and early 1048, the period when he composed the Rhetorimachia, was interrupted for at least three months in the spring of 1047 while he

46

47 48

49

two men, see ibid., 65, n. 1. Manitius did not know Gualazzini, Ricerche sulle scuole preuniversitarie, 241, who may have solved the problem. Gualazzini found among the documents of the cathedral of Parma the subscription of a certain Azo as presbiter in 1039 (CAPar, doc. 68: 2:155) and 1057 (doc. 101: 2:226–27), not 1046, as Gualazzini writes. There are also a number of others for a certain Geisone, archpriest of the cathedral between 1064 and 1081; CAPar, doc. 112: 2:249 (1064); doc. 128: 2:285 (1073); doc. 237: 2:301 (1081); and doc. 139: 2:306 (1081). Because their appearance in the introductory poem is separated from Anselmo’s listing of his teachers Drogo, Sichelmo, and Aldelprando (99), it is unlikely that they were his masters. The last date for Geisone (1081) makes it almost certain that he was not a teacher in the 1040s. I take them to be Anselmo’s fellow students at Parma. I see no reason to agree with Donald Bullough that this Geisone is the same as Ge(i)zo notarius sacri palatii; review of Manitius’s Epistola ad Augienses und Anselm von Besate Rhetorimachia in The English Historical Review 75 (1960): 489. Mariotti, Memorie e documenti per la storia della Università di Parma nel medioevo, 34, cites the Cantatorium S. Huberti andaginensis, the chronicle of the monastery of Saint Hubert in the diocese of Liège: “Hic [Lambert] jam iuvenis a marchissa Beatrice Langobardiam ductus et apud Drogonem Parmensem aliquamdiu philosophatus….” Rhetorimachia, 99. Damiani could have studied with him as well. Ibid.: “Quem ut pre omnibus in suis rethoricis noster habet Tullius, sic Iustinianus pre omnibus in imperialibus suis edictis et legalibus iudiciis.” If Anselmo arrived in the early 1040s, Sichelmo scholasticus would have had as his fellow teacher Domenico presbiter, who is listed as magister scholarum. For Sichelmo as teacher in the cathedral of Reggio in 1040, see Ugo Gualazzini, La scuola giuridica reggiana nel medio evo con appendice di documenti e testi (Milan, 1952), 20–21. Manitius, Rhetorimachia, 65, identiies Sichelmo as provost of the cathedral of Reggio in 1061 and archdeacon at least between 1068 and 1073. For Domenico, see CReg. 1, doc. 150: 369 (1038); doc. 160: 390 (1042); and doc. 183: 436 (1031–49). Subsequently, at least between 1059 and 1063, Giovanni held this position. For Giovanni, CReg. 2, doc. 36: 74 (1059), and Gualazzini, La scuola giuridica reggiana, 19, for 1063. It should be noted that Girolamo Tiraboschi, “Codice diplomatico,” Memorie storiche modenesi col codice diplomatico, 5 vols. (Modena, 1793–95), gives a Domenico as magister scholarum in 1006, but it is likely another individual; doc. 151: 1:172 (1006). The Domenico mentioned in doc. 132: 1:331 (978–1030) could be one or the other. In Rhetorimachia, 103, he writes that he had composed the De materia artis “precipiendo.” Also see 144.

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worked in the emperor’s itinerant Italian chancery. In the spring of 1048 he joined the imperial court again and worked in the chancery until 1050, when his hand disappears from the records. His dreams of becoming a prelate were never realized, and he seems to have inished his career as a chancery oicial of the bishop of Hildesheim.50 Besides the cathedral schools associated with the itineraries of Damiani and Anselmo – namely, those in Faenza, Parma, Milan, Ravenna, and Reggio – students in the eleventh century who were eager for schooling had other choices. At Modena the cathedral had a succession of scholastici throughout the irst half of the century: Gualcherio, diaconus magister scholarum in 1016; Pietro, presbiter maior scholarum in 1025; and Pietro, presbiter et magister scholarum in 1046.51 Immediately after 1100, Aimone, magischola, not only composed poetry but presumably authored the Relatio translationis corporis Sancti Geminiani.52 This elegantly written work furnished a contemporary account of the construction of the new cathedral of the city and of the transferral of Saint Giminiano’s body to its new lodgings there. The cathedral school of Arezzo enjoyed the vigorous support of its imperial bishops in the irst third of the eleventh century. In 1009, Bishop Elempert (986/7–1010) lauded his own eforts in rebuilding the city walls and in cultivating the arts on behalf of his people. He pointed speciically to his having named the archdeacon as magister for his canons in the chapter. Six years later, Elempert’s successor, Adelbert (1015–25), in choosing a priest as a magiscola to serve under the archdeacon, refers to the “discipline of the liberal arts and of canon law” (disciplina liberalium artium et canonice regule) fostered by Elempert and others.53 The names of two other magiscolae in the eleventh century survive for Arezzo: Sigizone diaconus, who was listed as scolae cantor in 996 and maior scholae in 1026, 1027, and 1044; and Guido Bonici clericus, who was both maior scolae and cantor in 1078.54 Guido is also mentioned in the same capacity together with Ragniero clericus et maior scholae in 1080.55 50

51

52

53

54

55

Manitius provides these details; Rhetorimachia 67–68. Cf. Cowdrey, “Some North-Italian Scholars,” 116–17. Tiraboschi,“Codice diplomatico,” doc. 158: 2:8 (1016); doc. 170: 20 (1025) and RMod., doc. 201: 1:207 (1046). Relatio translationis corporis sancti Geminiani, ed. Giulio Bertoni, RIS, no. 6, pt. 1 (Città di Castello, 1907), xix–xx. Bertoni (xx) includes a list of masters of the cathedral school from 1150 through the thirteenth century. Helene Wieruszowski, “Arezzo as a Center of Learning and Letters in the Thirteenth Century,” Traditio 9 (1953): 348. See also Studio e scuola in Arezzo durante il medioevo e il rinascimento: I documenti d’archivio ino al 1530, ed. Robert Black (Arezzo, 1996), 100–101; his Education and Society in Florentine Tuscany: Teachers, Pupils and Schools, ca. 1250–1500 (Leiden and Boston, 2007), 176; and the extensive treatment by Giovanna Nicolaj Petronio, “Per una storia della documentazione vescovile aretina dei secoli XI–XIII. Appunti paleograici e diplomatici,” in Annali della scuola speciale per archivisti e bibliotecari dell’Università di Roma 17–18 (1977–78): 124–29; together with her excellent analysis of the relationship of the Aretine notariate of the period with the bishop that follows. Angelo Moretti, “L’antico studio aretino: Contributo alla storia delle origini delle università nel medio evo,” Atti e memorie della reale Accademia Petrarca di lettere, arti e scienze, n.s. 15 (1933): 305; and Jean-Pierre Delumeau, Arezzo: Espace et sociétés, 715–1230: Recherches sur Arezzo et son contado du VIII au début du XIII siècle, 2 vols., Collection de l’École di Rome, no. 219 (Rome, 1996), 2:753, n. 424. For Guido and Raginerio in 1080, see Robert Black, Education and Society in Florentine Tuscany. Teachers, Pupils and Schools, c. 1250–1500 (Leiden and Boston, 2007), 176. Black, Education and Society, 176.

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The successor of Adelberto, Theodald (1022/23–33), is known for two achievements: the building of a new cathedral, designed by the architect Adalberto Maginardo; and his support of the musician Guido of Arezzo who, driven out of Pomposa, settled in Arezzo.56 Theodald’s successor, Immo (1037/38–48), who was a product of the learned cathedral of Worms, seems to have supported a high level of intellectual culture during his episcopate.57 The ability of Wido of Ferrara to employ Sallustian language in his attack on Gregory VII in 1081 probably derived from his training in the schools of Arezzo during Immo’s tenure.58 Arezzo, under Bishop Theodald, provided the brilliant young theoretician Guido with the support that he found lacking in his monastery at Pomposa. Some of his revolutionary musical treatises were composed in Arezzo between 1026 and 1032. In his earliest surviving work, Micrologus, composed in verse, the musical staf makes its irst appearance in western Europe. Using Guido’s method, musicians would be able henceforth to ascertain musical pitch without having to hear the music sung or played irst. Guido’s subsequent Prologus in antiphonarium and Epistola ad Michaelem developed and reined the principles of the earlier work, while his Regulae rhythmicae, composed in verse, was a primer for teaching choirboys the fundamentals of the new musical system.59 Whether the Pavian cathedral hosted a school in the eleventh century remains as much a mystery as it does for the tenth, when Liudprando, Stefano of Novara, and Guglielmo of Volpiano attended some sort of school in the city. Pavia’s schools likely provided Lanfranco with his early education, but his biographers fail to identify an institution. In any case, as we shall see, the developments made in legal scholarship beginning early in the eleventh century strongly suggest that advanced education was available in the city in one form or another. The elite jurists of the city would have needed a good foundation in grammar before undertaking their philological work on the texts of Roman and Lombard law. A document of 1082 provides solid evidence for a school in the monastery of the Ciel d’Oro by attesting to the presence of a magister scholarum.60 A school likely 56

57

58 59

60

Hucbald, Guido, and John on Music: Three Medieval Treatises, ed. Claude V. Palisca and trans. Warren Babb (New Haven, Conn., 1978), 50–51. Cf. Wieruszowski, “Arezzo as a Center of Learning,” 348. Ibid., 350. The exchange of letters known as the Wörmser Briefsammlung displays the learning of scholars at Worms including that of Immo; Manitius, Geschichte, 2:302–4. See Chapter 4, under “The Propaganda War and the New Style.” On Guido’s music, see Pellegrino Ernellit, “La riforma musicale di Guido monaco pomposiano,” Analecta pomposiana: Atti del primo convegno internazionale di studi storici pomposiani (Ferrara, 1965) 129–41; and Giuseppe Vecchi, “I centri della cultura musicale,” in Le sedi della cultura nell’Emilia Romagna: Alto medioevo, ed. Ovidio Capitani et al. (Milan, 1983), 200 and 205. Antonio Samaritani, “Contributi alla biograia di Guido a Pomposa e ad Arezzo,” in Guido d’Arezzo, monaco pomposiano, Atti dei convegni di studio, Codigoro, Ferrara, Abbazia di Pomposa, 3 ottobre 1997; Arezzo, Biblioteca Città di Arezzo, 29–30 maggio, 1998, ed. Angelo Rusconi (Florence, 2001), 124–25, argues that Guido died in 1081. In later life, Samaritani maintains, Guido was also a preacher and teacher of theology (113). See the excellent summary of Guido’s life and works in Cesarino Ruini, “Guido d’Arezzo,” in DBI, no. 56 (Rome, 2003), 381–88. On the school, see Aldo A. Settia, “Pavia, capitale del Regnum nel secolo XI,” in Lanfranco di Pavia e l’Europa del secolo XI nel IX centenario della morte (1089–1989): Atti del Convegno internazionale di studi: Pavia, Almo Collegio Borromeo, 21–24 settembre 1989 (Rome, 1993), 57–59. Cf. Dresdner, Kulturund Sittengeschichte, 243. For a magister scholarum in the Ciel d’Oro, see Giovanni Lami, Sanctae ecclesiae

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existed at the monastery earlier in the century: Aimerico, “greatly learned in letters” (litteris optime eruditus), a monk in the monastery who had served as tutor to Conrad’s heir, Henry III, upon his return to Pavia from the German court probably assumed teaching duties there for a few years before being appointed abbot of Farfa by his tutee, now emperor. The names of isolated scholastici or grammatici testify to the existence of cathedral schools at Como in 1015, Imola in the mid-eleventh century, Fiesole in 1019, Siena in 1056 and 1081, and Piacenza in 1055.61 Papias (d. after 1063), the learned lexicographer and grammarian probably of northern Italian origin, may well have received his education in the last city.62 The cantus magistri in Pisa in 1015, together with his counterpart in Florence, whom Damiani mentioned in 1052, may have ofered no more than elementary courses in grammar.63 At least early in the century, Novara seems to have remained active, and Damiani’s praise of Turin implies that there was some advanced form of schooling for the clergy there at the time of his visit,

61

62

63

lorentinae monumenta, 3 vols. (Florence 1758), 2:1404. For schools in the Pavese area in the period, see Settia, “Pavia,” 41, n. 30. Como: a scholasticus is cited in Dresdner, Kultur- und Sittengeschichte, 236; Fiesole: Theuzo grammaticus Fesulanae ecclesie primicerius, cited in Robert Davidsohn, Geschichte von Florenze, 4 vols. (Berlin, 1896), 1:807; Siena: Rolando clericus et prior scole (1056) and prior scolae (1081), cited in Paolo Nardi, Insegnamento superiore a Siena nei secoli XI–XIV: Tentativi e realizzazioni dalle origini alla fondazione dello studio generale (Milan, 1996), 23; and Piacenza: maestro delle scuole (1056), cited in Pietro Campi, Historia universale: Così delle cose ecclesiastiche, comé secolari di Piacenza, et altre città d’Italia, 3 vols. (Piacenza, 1759), 1:337. Dresdner also refers (250) to a certain Pietro di Aquaviva grammaticus in Forlì. His evidence for this is found in Francesco A. Zaccaria, Series episcoporum forocorneliensium a Ferdinando Ughellio contexta, 2 vols. (Imola, 1820), 1:188, which shows Pietro among laymen. Although Pietro could be a lay teacher of grammar, given the date (1047), grammaticus might mean only that he is literate. His famous lexicon, Elementarium doctrinae rudimentum, was probably completed by 1063: Violetta de Angelis, “Papias, Elementarium, tradizione manoscritta ed edizione del testo: Alcuni problemi,” in Bandhu: Scritti in onore di Carlo Della Casa in occasione del suo settantesimo compleano, ed. Renato Arena et al., 2 vols. (Turin, 1997), 705. The irst portion of Papias’s work has been published by de Angelis as Littera A, Papiae elementarium,Testi e documenti per lo studio dell’antichità, no. 58.1 (Milan, 1977). The references to Papias’s work below are taken from the Paris 1495 edition. For his grammatical tract, Ars grammatica, see Chapter 5. De Angelis (v–vi) questions Papias’s Lombard origin. In “Papias, Elementarium, tradizione manoscritta,” she suggests that Papias wrote at Monte Cassino (714–15). Robert Black, however, in his Humanism and Education in Medieval and Renaissance Italy: Tradition and Innovation in Latin Schools from the Twelfth to the Fifteenth Century (Cambridge, 2001), 49, n. 88, emphasizes Papias’s detailed knowledge of the region around Piacenza; and Charles Radding argues, in “The Geography of Learning in Early Eleventh-Century Europe: Lanfranc of Bec and Berengar of Tours,” BISI 98 (1992): 155, n. 3, that the detailed descriptions of the sources of Lombard law in the work mark him as a Lombard. Papias’s education belonged to the irst decades of the century: Lloyd W. Daly and Bernadine A. Daly, “Some Techniques in Medieval Latin Lexicography,” Speculum 39 (1964): 229–31. The work opens with a preface dedicated to “Fili uterque carissime,” whom he is unable to educate directly because of the distance between them. While these “sons” might have been spiritual ones, they could also have been sons of his lesh whom he left behind when he entered a monastery. On Pisa, see Chapter 2. For Florence, see Damiani, Briefe, 1:439. Damiani mentions a conversation with Rozo, “qui dicitur magister cantorum, Florentinae Ecclesiae presbiter, vir apprime litterarum studiis eruditus....”

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probably in 1064.64 The absence of any evidence for teaching at Lucca could mean the decline of its earlier active schools.65 As for Bologna, the magniicent liturgical collection produced by the scriptorium of the cathedral of San Pietro in 1029/30, Bibl. Angelica Rome, 123A, indicates that the cathedral in the third and fourth decades of the eleventh century ofered more than elementary training. The elaborately illustrated work, which includes a liturgical-astronomical calendar, as well as a gradual, antiphonal, and tropar with sequences adapted to the liturgical needs of the Bolognese cathedral, presupposes a clergy of some intellectual reinement.66 The same may be said for the almost contemporary breviary-passionary Bibl. universitaria Bologna, 1576, attributed to the nearby monastery of San Stefano.67 Nevertheless, nothing about education is mentioned in the episcopal reform programs of 1045 or 1054 designed to reorganize the church and its revenues.68 Only in the reorganization of 1065 do episcopal documents make any reference to learning, when Bishop Lamberto explicity states that he had reformed the cathedral chapter

64

65

66

67

68

In a letter written between 1048 and1055 (Briefe, 3:260), Damiani airms that the clergy of Turin “litterarum studiis sint decenter instructi. Qui dum ad me conluerent, tanquam chorum angelicus et velut conspicuus Ecclesiae videbatur enitere senatus.” While no masters can be identiied for Novara, Ettore Cau, “Scrittura e cultura a Novara (secoli VIII–X),” Ricerche medievali 6–9 (1971–74): 71, sees a “rinnovata attività dello scrittorio tra la ine del X e l’inizio dell’X secolo, con tutta una serie di codici a noi pervenuti.” He attributes this development to the inluence of Stefano of Novara. But did that activity continue? Dresdner, Kultur- und Sittengeschichte, 248, cites Siena as having a school, but his source, Giovanni A. Pecci, Storia del vescovado della città di Siena (Lucca, 1748), does not bear him out. Dresdner’s three citations from Pecci, 104 (for 999), 119 (for 1056), and 132 (for 1081), concern not magistri scolarum but priores scolae, who are probably chapter oicials set over the other canons. Roger Wilmans, ed., Vita Anselmi episcopi Lucensis auctore Bardone presbytero, MGH, Scriptores, 12:35: “Hic [Ubaldus de Colurnio] cum in nostra civitate artis grammaticae vacabat studio....” Gina Fasoli, “Notizie sul capitolo di Bologna nel X–XI,” La vita comune del clero nei secoli XI e XII, 2 vols. (Milan, 1962), 2:194, refers, however, to “il materiale di vario genere conluito in un codice liturgico, recentemente identiicato per bolognese e connesso alla canonica della cattedrale; nel suo complesso, il codice sembra attestare l’esistenza di una scuola capitolare....” For the date and origin of the manuscript, see Luciano Gherardi,“Il codice angelica 123, monumento della chiesa bolognese nel sec. XI,” Quadrivium 3 (1959): 19. Generally on the manuscript, see Codex angelicus 123: Studi sul graduale-tropario bolognese del secolo XI e sui manoscritti collegati, ed. Maria T. Rosa-Barezzani and Giampaolo Ropa (Cremona, 1996). The Angelica, 123, and Bibl. univ. Bologna, 1576, taken together, must be seen as “una vetrina di testimonianze, guidanti al sorgere dello Studio universitario”: Giampaolo Ropa, “Le scuole ecclesiastiche,” in Le sedi della cultura nell’Emilia Romagna: L’età comunale, ed. Girolamo Arnaldi et al. (Milan, 1984), 90. These manuscripts are connected with a religious revival stimulated in part by the translation of the bones of the martyred Vitalis and Agricola to new quarters in the monastic complex of San Stefano in 1019 and the contemporary construction of the new Romanesque cathedral which became functional by the late 1020s; Gherardi, “Il codice angelica 123,” 56–62. These two documents are published by Alfred Hessel, “Zur kritik der älteren Privilegien des Bologneser Domkapitel,” Neues Archiv der Gesellschaft für ältere deutsche Geschichtskunde 31 (1905): 568–73.The thirteenth-century life of Saint Bruno and Saint Guido, bishop of Arqui, presented Bologna improbably as the leading Italian center of learning in the early eleventh century; Giorgio Cencetti, “Sulle origini dello studio di Bologna,” Rivista storica italiana 63 (1940): 249.

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not only for prayer but also “because we have decreed that our canons be intent on studies.”69 To accomplish that efectively, the number of canons composing the chapter would have had to exceed the seven who were listed eleven years earlier in 1054.70 In the following century, however, as the city of Bologna emerged as the leading educational center on the peninsula, the cathedral had a pioneering role in the development of ars dictaminis.71 Liturgical texts can rarely be as neatly dated as at Bologna; as a result, indications of intellectual activity elsewhere can often only be dated approximately. Nevertheless, the extent and quality of liturgical literature produced in eleventh-century Ravenna suggests that, at least in grammar and music, educational standards in the city were relatively high.72 By the same token, the mediocre literary character of the saints’ lives contained in two passionaries composed in Rimini, perhaps at the monastery of San Gaudenzio, in the early twelfth century, points to a comparatively lower level of education in that city and the surrounding area.73 To my knowledge no solid evidence of schools in the Veneto exists.74 It is likely, however, that Geraldo, a native of the area who became the irst bishop of Csanád in Hungary (1030–44), received his early training in the Veneto before going to study in Francia. Geraldo’s Deliberatio supra hymnum trium puerorum, a commentary on Daniel 3:57–65, depended on Isidore’s Etymologiae as well as on Latin translations of Dionysius the Pseudo-Areopagite, Maximus the Confessor, and Chalcidius’s translation of Plato’s Timeaus.75 This last text Geraldo encountered while living in Francia 69

70

71 72

73

74

75

“quia nostros canonicos in studiis intentos esse decrevimus …”; cited in Fasoli, “Notizie sul capitolo di Bologna,” 2:197. In what appears to be an exhaustive list, in 1054 the number of canons was down to seven; Hessel, “Zur kritik,” 572. See Chapter 5. Giampaolo Ropa, “La cultura dal VII al XII secolo,” Storia della Emilia Romagna, ed. Aldo Berselli, 3 vols. (Bologna, 1976–80), 1:572–73, identiies two liturgical texts containing sequences for Sant’ Apollinare and San Vitale of Ravenna, that is, Padua, Bibl. capitolare, A. 47, and Modena, Bibl. capitolare, O. I.7. On saints’ lives, see Ropa, 573–74. See as well Giovanni Lucchesi,“Stato attuale degli studi sui santi dell’antica provincia ravennate,” Atti dei convegni di Cesena e Ravenna (1966–67), 2 vols. (Cesena, 1969), 1:51–80. Paolo Tomea, “L’agiograia dell’Italia settentrionale,” Hagiographies: Histoire internationale de la littérature hagiographique latine et vernaculaire en Occident des origines à 1550, ed. Guy Philippart, 4 vols. (Turnhout, 1994–), 3:137, however, lists only one saint’s life written in Ravenna in the eleventh century. Adriano Gattuci, Codici agiograici riminesi: Studi, testi e documenti (Spoleto, 1973), discusses two passionaries, one written in the last three decades of the eleventh (44) and the second early in the twelfth century (117). Also see Ropa, “La cultura dal VII al XII secolo,” 574. Rino Avesani, “La cultura veronese dal sec. IX al sec. XII,” SCV, 1:268. He cites a Giovanni grammaticus and grammaticus et iudex in Veronese documents in 1073, 1079, and 1082, but the word grammaticus in context might mean only “learned” and might function adjectivally with judex. Gerardi moresenae aecclesiae seu csanadiensis episcopi Deliberatio supra Hymnum trium puerorum, ed. Gabriel Silagi (Turnhout, 1978); on Gerardo’s education, see ix. Because of its lack of emphasis on the value of the monastic life, Jean Leclercq, “Saint Gérard de Csanád et le monachisme,” Studia monastica 13 (1971): 13–30, maintains that Gerard was not a monk. A detailed analysis of the commentary is found in Gabriel Silagi, Untersuchungen zur ‘Deliberatio supra hymnum trium puerorum’ des Gerhard von Csanád, in Münchener Beiträge zur Mediävistik und Renaissance-Forschung, no. 1 (Munich, 1967). Joseph A. Endres, “Studien zur Geschichte der Frühscholastik,” Philosophisches Jahrbuch 26 (1913): 349–59, interprets Gerardo as having been hostile to pagan learning, as was

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(quondam apud Galliam constitutus).76 Gerardo’s references to Cicero, Quintilian, and other ancient authors may have come from secondary sources, but even so the composition, although largely an imaginative use of citations, required more than an introductory background in grammar.77 Once in Hungary, Geraldo found it impossible to complete his luxuriantly allegorical commentary because “the lack of amanuenses and of paper do not allow it.”78 A love poem, written incongruously along with hymns and liturgical poetry in the empty spaces of a psalter in the cathedral library of Ivrea, points to a surprisingly active grammatical culture in that outlying diocese in the western reaches of the kingdom. The work, probably composed in the 1070s, appears to have been a literary exercise by one of the canons. Given by modern scholars the title “Ivrean versus” (Versus eporedienses) or Distici d’Ivrea, the poem has the distinction of being the last surviving love lyric securely attributable to the Italian kingdom before the introduction of Provençal poetry more than a century later.79 Composed of one hundred and ifty – at points belabored – leonine distichs of quantitative verse, the Versus describes the eforts of the poet to seduce a young girl by the banks of the Po on a beautiful day in April. After a brief exchange between the two (lines 11–36), the poet enumerates at length the gifts he will exchange for her favors (lines 37–254), praises her beauty (lines 255–84), and concludes by promising her eternal fame for having been commemorated in his poem (lines 285–300). A sample of the verse form follows: Siste, puella, gradum Et per aquas alias Siste, puella, precor Si loqueris soli,

per amenum postulo Padum tam cito ne salias. per terram, queso, per equor, nil patiere doli.80

The echoes of Virgil, Ovid, and Juvenal, along with mythological and historical references, indicate a relatively high level of training in grammar, probably in the local

76

77

78

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his contemporary Pietro Damiani. Silagi, Untersuchungen, 44–47, sees him, rather, as close to the Augustine of the De doctrina christiana. Deliberatio supra Hymnum, 41: “In Platone, quippe disputationes, quondam apud Galliam constitutus, quasdam de deo Hebreorum conidenter fateor me legisse et celestibus animis.” Ibid., 5, 12, 33, 38, 40 (Aulius for Tullius?), 41, 83, and 96. Silagi, Untersuchungen, 63–78, discusses his stylistic pretensions. Deliberatio supra Hymnum, 177: “Multa dici possunt, sed penuria scriptorum atque membranarum non patitur.” The poem is published by Ernst Dümmler, Anselm der Peripatetiker nebst andern Beiträgen zur Literaturgeschichte Italiens im eilften Jahrhundert (Halle, 1872), 94–102. On the poem, see Umberto Ronco, Cultura medioevale e poesia latina d’Italia nei secoli xi e xii, 2 vols. (Rome, 1899), esp. 1:163–64 and 2:72–73; and Francesco Novati, Le origini, continuate e compiute da Angelo Monteverdi (Milan, 1926),109–12. Frederic J. E. Raby, A History of Secular Latin Poetry in the Middle Ages, 2nd ed., 2 vols. (Oxford, 1957), 1:301–5, suggests that three lyrics from the tenth and eleventh centuries, including a love poem, “Iam dulcis amica venito,” are probably Italian, but he ofers no evidence except his conviction that urban Italy was more secular than the rest of Europe and that educated laymen and clerics alike “were given to the making of verses” (305). Versus eporedienses, in Ernst Dümmler, Anselm der Peripatetiker, 94, lines 11–14: “O girl, stay your step in the fair Po, I pray / and bound not through other waters so quickly. / Stay, girl. I pray by the earth, I ask by the sea, / if you would speak to one alone, fear no duplicity.”

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cathedral school.81 This poem as well as the religious and other secular verse found in the empty spaces of the Ivrean manuscript may well relect the intellectual stimulus provided by Ogerius, the learned German bishop of Ivrea (1075–94), who earlier had been Henry IV’s chancellor for Italy. Ogerius himself is credited with writing a poem on the martyrs of the Legion of Thebes, now lost.82 Not only cathedral schools but also a number of monasteries in the kingdom testify to lourishing scholarly interests. In fact, never before had the monasteries of the Italian kingdom demonstrated anything approaching the degree of intellectual life that they did in this period. I have already mentioned that San Pietro in Ciel d’Oro maintained a school in the eleventh century.83 Monte Amiata in southern Tuscany had a busy scriptorium that produced a large number of manuscripts, primarily of post-patristic authors.84 Both the Benedetto of San Michele della Chiusa who was ridiculed by Adémar of Chabannes (see Chapter 2) and his uncle, an abbot of the same monastery, were passionate collectors of books. The younger man boasted that he had two rooms full of them. Three hagiographical works that were written at the monastery in the eleventh century survive. One, a vita of Benedetto’s uncle the abbot, is appended to the anonymous Chronica monasterii sancti Michaelis Clusini (1058–61), the chronicle of the abbey that describes its foundation and early years.85 The second is a life of a later Abbot Benedetto, written (ca. 1100), by Guglielmo of Chiusa. It describes the monastery’s manuscripts of writings of the Latin Church Fathers as “treasures richer than the wealth of Croesus or the opulent riches of the Arabs.”86 The lively use of dialogue, the metric poetry in its opening and closing paragraphs, and the often vivid narrative language of the Vita all show that San Michele was a monastery where learning was appreciated. The third hagiography need not concern us here.87 81

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85

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Carla Maria Monti, “La cultura classica nei codici della Capitolare,” Storia della chiesa di Ivrea dalle origini al XV secolo, ed. Giorgio Cracco (Rome, 1998), 578–80, discusses the sources of the Versus. On Ogerius’s fame for learning, see Dümmler, Anselm der Peripatetiker, 90; for his poem, now lost, see 91. Dümmler publishes the religious poetry (102–6). For this latter poetry, see Simona Gavinelli, “Alle origini della Biblioteca capitolare,” Storia della chiesa di Ivrea, ed. Giorgio Cracco (Rome, 1998), 540–47. Novati, Origini, 612, maintains that after 1100 hymnology ceased to evolve in Italy. Tomea attributes the vita of Saint Maïeul to the Ciel d’Oro early in the eleventh century; Tomea, “Agiograia,” 106–7, n. 7. Michael M. Gorman, “Manuscript Books at Monte Amiata in the Eleventh Century,” Scriptorium 56 (2003): 225–93, describes the collection of manuscripts that he has so far identiied. He particularly notes that the monastic scribes showed a marked preference for copying post-patristic writings (269–70). Except for a letter of Abbot Winizo (d. 1035) and a list of six books, however, no writings survive, but he suggests that an unstudied work of exegesis of the Gospel of John (Biblioteca Capitolore Perugia, 41) may have originated in this scriptorium (273). Chronica monasterii sancti Michaelis Clusini, in MGH, Scriptores, no. 30, pt. 2, ed. G. Schwartz and E. Abegg (Leipzig, 1929), 968–70. Addressing Geraldo, the librarian who has requested the vita of the later abbot Benedetto, Guglielmo refers to chests (armaria) illed with books, “potioribus videlicet thesauris Croesi opibus seu gazis opulentis Arabum, quibus augendis incubas, et sedulo custodis quasi cellas aromatum”: Vita v[enerabilis] Benedicti abbatis clusiensis, PL 150, col. 1462.The vita as a whole may be found in PL 150, cols. 1459–88. The vita was written between 1058 and 1061. It was published by Giuseppe Sergi as Vita di san Giovanni confessore: Edizione, in his “La produzione storiograica di S. Michele della Chiusa,” BISI 81 (1969): 160–72.

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Although it is likely that, given Adémar’s description of the words and actions of the nephew of the abbot of Chiusa, both Benedetto and his uncle were Italian, the monastery itself, created by a French nobleman, traditionally drew its monks largely from Spain and Aquitaine.88 Guglielmo of Chiusa, like the Abbot Benedetto whose life he composed, was probably French. The foreign origin of many of the monks might help to explain the existence of the abbey’s chronicle, a genre rare in the regnum. Devoted to narrating, irst, the foundation of a church at Chiusa early in the tenth century and, then, the building of the monastery in the 980s, the Chronica, like Gugliemo’s later Vita Benedicti, displays training in the liberal arts with citations from the Aeneid, possible allusions to Tibullus (an elegiac poet), and a generic reference to “tulliana facundia” (Ciceronian eloquence).89 A solid grammatical education was also probably available at Pomposa, where late in the century the monks feared that the passion for books of their abbot, Geremia (1079–ca. 1100), would bankrupt the abbey.90 Geremia himself had been educated “in the fundamentals of grammar as well as dialectic” at Pomposa in a time when, if we are to believe the words of Pietro Damiani, who lived there from 1040 to 1042, the library was already well stocked.91 A few decades earlier, Guido of Arezzo (d. ca. 1050), had been a monk at Pomposa. Although he was forced to leave there because of the hostility of fellow monks, who perhaps found his musical innovations threatening, the monastery had no doubt been largely responsible for the knowledge of Latin and especially of prosody that he manifested in his later writings. Two hagiographical works were composed at the monastery in the second half of the century. Both were dedicated to the life of Guido degli Strambiati, who had been abbot of the monastery from 1008 to 1046. Like Chiusa, the monastery of Santi Pietro e Andrea di Novalesa was located to the west of Turin, on the border between Francia and Italy and likely subject to French inluence. It too must have possessed a sizable collection of manuscripts in the eleventh century, but we know little about the collection’s contents, save what can be gleaned from the sources cited in the chronicle that was written there. That work, together with the chronicle written at Chiusa, are the only two monastic chronicles I have found that were produced in the regnum up to the thirteenth century. The author of the lengthy chronicle from Santi Pietro e Andrea, the Cronaca di Novalesa, recounts the vicissitudes of the abbey, which lay in a mountain valley on a 88 89 90

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Sergi, “La produzione storiograica di S. Michele della Chiusa.” BISI 82 (1970): 200–201. Chronica, 961–64. Dresdner, Kultur- und Sittengeschichte, 230–31 and 248. On the library of Pomposa, see Amedeo Benati, “Presenza culturale di Pomposa nel medioevo,” Atti del primo convegno internazionale di studi storici pomposiani, ed. Antonio Samaritani (Ferrara, 1964), 91–98; Giuseppe Billanovich, Pomposia monasterium modo in Italia primum: La biblioteca di Pomposa, Medioevo e umanesimo, vol. 86 (Padua, 1994); and Antonio Manfredi, “Amissis rastris, ego unus mansi sub astris: ricerche su libri, biblioteca e catalogazione libraria,” in Guido d’Arezzo, monaco pomposiano, 55–79. The reference to Girolamo’s education is taken from the introduction to the preface of Enrico, clericus, to his inventory of Pomposa’s library in 1194: Giovanni Mercati, “Il catalogo della biblioteca di Pomposa,” in Opere minori: Vol. 1 (1891–1897), in Studi e testi, no. 76 (Vatican City, 1937), 372. For Damiani’s stay at Pomposa, see Benati, “Presenza culturale di Pomposa,” 91–92.Tomea, “Agiograia,” 131, ascribes two vitae of Guido of Pomposa to the monastery in this period.

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major route between Francia and Italy, from its legendary foundation in the time of Nero down to his own.92 The sources that the author used relect what the library must have contained. They are primarily patristic, hagiographic, and historical.93 In addition, chansons de geste from the Carolingian cycle, the Lombard legends surrounding Algiso, son of Desiderio, and a German epic, Walterius, contribute signiicantly to his account, which blends fact with iction.94 The most actively intellectual of all the monasteries in the kingdom in the eleventh century, however, may have been Nonantola. It had a large library, although it seems not to have contained any works of pagan literature.95 Monks of the monastery produced at least three and possibly four hagiographic works in the eleventh and early twelfth centuries, one of which was in verse.96 The Vita Adriani papae, consisting of 101 lines in leonine rhyme, is one of the few Italian vitae of the century written in poetry and relects the monastery’s exceptional interest in composing verse.97 Although the other surviving poems are short, the fragmentary remains of inscriptions in metric and of liturgical verse in both rhyme and metric point to an active group of monastic poets. In 1111, Placido, the prior of the monastery, also contributed an extensive prose treatise to the current debate over Investiture.98 The interest that the monasteries here mentioned showed in hagiography was common to all the monasteries of the regnum in the eleventh century. Sixty-nine to 92

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The most recent edition is Cronaca di Novalesa, ed. Gian Carlo Alessio (Turin, 1982). The remnants of the library down to the end of the eleventh century are described on lv–lx. Ibid., lx. The one classical reference, a verse of Terence’s Andria, very likely was borrowed from a secondary work. Ibid., xvii. On Nonantola, see Giuseppe Salvioli, L’istruzione in Italia prima del mille (Florence, 1912), 85, for indications of a school there. On the library, see José Ruysschaert, Les manuscrits de l’abbaye de Nonantola (Vatican City, 1956). Antonio Viscardi, “La cultura nonantolana nei secoli XI–XII,” in Atti e memorie della Deputazione di storia patria per le antiche provincie modenesi, 8th ser., 5 (1953): 339–54, discusses the large library of religious and scholastic books, many of which appear to have come into the library in the early eleventh century under abbot Rodolfo I. On the basis of the collection he argues that the monastery hosted a school of advanced studies (348–52). Neither the library catalogues of 1002–35 nor that of 1166 mentions pagan literary works: Jörg Busch, Die Liber de honore ecclesiae des Placidus von Nonantola: Eine kanonistische Problemerörterung aus dem Jahre 1111, Quellen und Forschungen zum Rechte im Mittelalter, no. 5 (Sigmaringen, 1990), 24. Viscardi,“Cultura nonantolana,” 351, discusses three hagiographical works, Vita Anselmi, the Translatio et miracula sanctorum Senesii et Theopontii, and the Vita Adriani, as well as a fourth work, De fundatione monasterii nonantulani. Tomea, “Agiograia,” 159–60, dates the Vita Anselmi (BHL 3738) to before 974, the Translatio to 1035–53, and the Vita Adriani to late in the eleventh century. Ropa, “Scuole ecclesiastiche,” 67, mentions an early saint’s life of San Fortunato, bishop of Fano (ca. 620), probably composed early in the twelfth century by Abbot Giovanni III (d. 1128). For the Vita Adriani, see Augusto Gaudenzi, “La Vita Adriani Papae,” in “Il monastero di Nonantola, il ducato di Persiceto e la Chiesa di Bologna,” BISI 36 (1916): 280–312. Giuseppe Vecchi has published the poem together with all the other poems known to have been written at Nonantola in the two centuries in “Metri e ritmi Nonantolani: Una scuola poetica monastica medioevale (sec. XI–XII),” Atti e memorie della Deputazione di storia patria per le antiche provincie modenesi, 8th ser., 6 (1954): 220–57. The Vita Adriani is found on 240–42. Angelo Mercati, “Placito priore di Nonantola (prima metà del secolo XII),” Atti e memorie della Deputazione di storia patria per le antiche provincie modenesi, 8th ser., 5 (1953): 127–41; and my Chapter 4.

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seventy-one hagiographic works whose origins we can determine survive for the period 950 to 1130, from the archepiscopal provinces of Milan, Aquileia-Grado, and Ravenna, as well as from the dioceses of Pavia and Rimini. Of these, thirty-eight to forty were of episcopal origin, one was written at the behest of a layman, and between thirty and thirty-two were written in monasteries.99 While most of the almost six-score compositions were brief, anonymous, and without literary merit, a few monastic works – for example, the Vita Benedicti already noted and the vitae composed by Damiani and Andrea di Strumi, to be discussed later – ofered readers compelling accounts because the authors had acquired narrative techniques that allowed them to use their subjects’ lives as windows through which to grasp contemporary issues of church reform. In sum, more is known about Italian schools of the irst three-quarters of the eleventh century than about the schools of earlier periods. We owe our knowledge in part to a greater number of surviving documents and in part to Damiani’s and Anselmo of Besate’s accounts of their educational itineraries. The dramatic increase in source material itself betokens a major expansion of educational opportunities and an intensiication of intellectual life in the schools in comparison to the previous centuries.While masters appear to have been less mobile after 1000, a signiicant regional and international network of educational institutions was emerging, whose sites were linked by a growing number of students wandering in pursuit of knowledge. LANFRANCO OF PAVIA (CA. 1010–89) AND THE RENAISSANCE OF DIALECTIC

The divergent fates of the study of dialectic during the eleventh century in Francia and in the regnum reveal the role played by cultural and religious attitudes in fostering the distinctive character of Italian intellectual life in the Middle Ages.Whereas in transalpine Europe by 1100 dialectic was poised to become the methodological basis for the pursuit of theology and the natural sciences, in Italy dialectic was reduced to a tool for legal reasoning. The purpose of the following three sections of this chapter is to characterize and explain the crucial diference in the approach to logic by comparing the intellectual biographies of three Italians of the period. To judge from his early biographers, Lanfranco of Pavia deserves credit for reviving the study of liberal arts in Francia, and especially of the discipline of dialectic. Writing in 1073–75, a younger contemporary of Lanfranco’s, Guitmund of La-Croix–Saint-Leofroy (later the bishop of Aversa) remarked that, in the early years of the century, “the liberal arts had decayed in Gaul” and maintained that they were only revived by Lanfranco’s arrival.100 Looking back from the mid-twelfth century, 99

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Tomea, “Agiograia,” 109–10, 111, 127, and 139. This is out of a total of 104 works for the period, a total that appears similar in quantity to hagiographical material produced in northern Europe between the years 950 and 1130. Guitmund, De corporis et sanguinis Christi veritate in Eucharistia, in PL 149, col. 1428, makes these statements in characterizing Berengar of Tours’s knowledge of the liberal arts as supericial. As he had heard from those who knew him, Guitmund writes, Berengar “elatus ingenii levitate, ipsius magistri sensum non adeo curabat, condiscipulorum pro nihilo reputabat, libros insuper artium

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another biographer referred to Lanfranco as having restored the art of dialectic, “which in that time had greatly decayed.”101 Recognized not only for his intellectual abilities but also for his diplomatic and administrative skills, Lanfranco would eventually become archbishop of Canterbury. Lanfranco descended from one of Pavia’s legal families – his father had probably been a iudex sacri palatii.102 Whereas we have no clear picture of the state of liberal studies in Pavia in the early eleventh century, we are better informed about legal studies thanks to the Expositio ad librum papiensem. That work, composed between 1070 and 1090/1100, took the form of a glossa a catena with the incipits of Lombard laws serving as lemmata, each followed by the legal interpretations of earlier Pavian jurists – that is, judices sacri palatii.103 The references to those jurists, including

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contemnebat. Sed cum per se attingere philosophiae altioris secreta non posset, neque enim homo ita acutus erat (sed et tunc temporis liberales artes intra Gallias obsolevarant), novis saltem verborum interpretationibus quibus etiam nunc nimium gaudet, singularis scientiae laudem sibi arrogare, et cuiusdam excellentiae gloriam venari, qualitercunque poterat, afectabat.” He continues a few lines later: “Sed postquam a D. Lanfranco in dialectica de re satis parva turpiter est confusus, cumque per ipsum D. Lanfrancum virum atque doctissimum liberales artes Deus recalescere, atque optime reviviscere fecisset, desertum se iste a discipulis dolens, ad eructanda impudenter divinarum scripturarum sacramenta ... sese convertit.” As Lanfranco’s disciple, however, his remarks are not unprejudiced. For an Italian translation of Migne’s text, see Guitmund of Aversa, La “Veritas” dell’Eucarestia: De corporis et sanguinis Christi veritate, trans. Luciano Orabona (Naples, 1995). A biographer writing about 1140 refers to his teaching dialectic: “quae eo tempore quam maxime elapsa fuerat, et per hoc notus non solum Romanis sed et Graecis, nam pro certo nobis protestati sunt, qui ante nos fuerunt, quod ipsa ars, scilicet diale[c]tica, per eum recuperata sit et renovata....”; “Miracula S. Nicolai,” Catalogus codicum hagiographicorum latinorum antiquiorum saeculo XVI … in Bib. Nat. Par., vol. 2 (Brussels and Paris, 1890), 409. Two traditions regarding Lanfranco’s early life existed at Bec; both are represented in the Vita Lanfranci composed there: Margaret Gibson, ed., “Appendice: Vita Lanfranci. Introduzione, edizione del testo e note,” in Lanfranco di Pavia e l’Europa del secolo XI nel IX: Centenario della morte (1089–1989): Atti del convegno internazionale di studi (Pavia, Almo Collegio Borromeo, 21–24 settembre 1989), ed. Guido D’Onofrio, Italia Sacra: Studi e documenti di storia ecclesiastica, no. 51 (Rome, 1993), 668–715. The earlier part of the biography depicts Lanfranco as studying liberal arts elsewhere and then returning to Pavia, but between that time and his departure no mention is made of any participation in public life (668). In making the later addition to the life, the same author, or another, writes apologetically: “Libet nunc quasi ab alio exordio seriem nostre narracionis digerere et quedam omissa inserere, et sic cetera de eodem Lanfranco (prout poterimus) prosequi” (681). In this later part Lanfranco is said to have been educated from childhood in the liberal arts and then actively engaged in legal activity until his departure from the city, but this version says nothing about him studying abroad. The second tradition, referring to Lanfranco’s legal career, was perhaps inluenced by Orderic Vitalis (ca. 1115–37): Historia ecclesiastica, ed. Marjorie Chibnall, 6 vols. (Oxford, 1969–80), 2:248–49. Margaret Gibson, Lanfranc of Bec (Oxford, 1978), 8, points out that Orderic elsewhere drew extensively on William of Poitier’s Gesta Guillelmi ducis, ed. Raymonde Foreville (Paris, 1952). Herbert E. J. Cowdrey, “The Enigma of Archbishop Lanfranc,” Haskins Society Journal 6 (1994): 129–33, suggests that Orderic might have derived his information from later missing chapters of the book written in 1073–74. See also note 112 below. Charles Radding and Antonio Ciaralli, The Corpus iuris civilis in the Middle Ages: Manuscripts and Transmission from the Sixth Century to the Juristic Revival (Leiden and Boston, 2007), 97.The commentator could not have written the Expositio without extensive training in Lombard law. He refers to one of the jurists he mentions, Guglielmo, by the respectful term dominus, a title used at least in the next century for teachers. This may mean that Gugliemo had been his teacher; Giovanni Diurni, “L’Expositio ad Librum papiensem e la scienze preirneriana,” Rivista di storia del diritto italiano

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statements that they themselves had made, provide us with the names of two generations of legal professionals extending back into the early eleventh century: Boniglio (active 1014–55), Bagelard, who seems to have belonged to the same generation; and, in the second generation, Guglielmo, Boniglio’s son; Ugo (1040–70); Walcausius (1055–79); Sigefredo; and inally Lanfranco. The Expositio, which was composed while Lanfranco was still alive or within a decade of his death, refers at points to Boniglio’s discipuli, suggesting that Boniglio also taught law.104 Boniglio’s teaching and that of his fellow jurists would have had no connection with a school of liberal arts at the cathedral or at the Ciel d’Oro but would instead have taken place in a rented space or in the teacher’s home. Pietro Damiani’s letter against the jurists of Ravenna in 1046 indicates that local lawyers (judices) there also engaged in private teaching.105 The double function becomes clear in Damiani’s appeal “that you who are responsible for imposing discipline in the classroom (gimnasio) amidst crowds of students (clientium turbas) should not fear to submit to the discipline of the Church, and just as you are wise in cases argued in the courts, let it suice for you to hear, like students, the words of Christ in the sanctuary.”106 In Ravenna, where laymen dominated the urban notariate, these judices, who themselves likely came from the notariate, would have shared the same civil status.107 Nothing can be said of the nature of legal teaching at Ravenna, but to judge from the Expositio, Pavian jurists over the course of the irst three-quarters of the eleventh century developed a systematic approach to legal sources and interpretation that

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49 (1976): 199; and Charles Radding, The Origins of Medieval Jurisprudence, Pavia and Bologna 850– 1150 (New Haven, Conn., 1988), 97. Diurni’s work is also published separately (Rome, 1976). The Expositio is published as a running commentary in Liber legis Langobardorum papienses dictus, ed. Alfred Boretius, in Leges Langobardorum, ed. Friedrick Bluhme, MGH, Legum, no. 4 (Hannover, 1868), 289–585. For the date, see Diurni, “Expositio ad Librum papiensum,” 53, and Radding, Origins of Medieval Jurisprudence, 126–28. Radding, Origins of Medieval Jurisprudence, 95. Briefe, 1:186, lines 5–7: Vos denuo, iudices, alloquor, vos de lege vestra convenio, vos inquam legis periti, qui iura scrutamini....” At various other times he refers directly to his audience as “judices” (189, lines 16 and 24; 190, line 17). He repeatedly identiies them professionally as a group: “Vobis siquidem vestra relinquimus, nec alieni nobis oitii peritiam arrogamus” (192, lines 7–8); “vester namque Justinianus” (190, line 23). At one point, he calls on them (190, lines 17–19): “Audite, igitur, judices, utriusque doctoris verba diligenter attendite, atque illud tumultuantium murmur, quo in foro vel tribunalibus assueti estis, hic in aecclesia ieri prohibite.” Die Briefe, 1:193: “ut qui inter clientium turbas tenetis in gimnasio ferulam, non vereamini subire in aecclesia disciplinam, et qui tamquam docti peroratis in tribunalibus causas, suitiat vobis sicut docendis in oratorio Christi audire sententias.” Damiani’s contemporary biographer and friend used the term clientes in the sense of students when he wrote of Damiani himself (PL 144, col. 117): “Mox alios erudire, clientium turba ad doctrinae ipsius famam undique conluente, studiossime coepit.” Although it is possible to read the text as directed toward two diferent groups, teachers and lawyers, from Damiani’s remarks here it is clear that the lawyers were teaching. Consequently, I cannot agree with Ian S. Robinson, Authority and Resistance in the Investiture Contest: The Polemical Literature of the Late Eleventh Century (Manchester and New York, 1978), 80, who argues that the teachers to whom Pietro refers in the letter are clerics in the cathedral school. He bases his judgment on Pietro’s statement that “tenetis in gymnasio ferulam.” Damiani seems to me to be addressing practicing lawyers and judges who are also teaching. See my Chapter 2.

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made their discipuli not apprentices but students.108 Indeed, to an extent this professionalization was fueled by the competition of masters to obtain students.109 Throughout the Expositio the commentator refers to the judges of Boniglio’s generation as antiqui and contrasts those of the next generation as moderni. By using these terms he appears to contrast earlier jurists who followed the literal interpretation of the law with later ones who sought to investigate the intention of the lawgiver in establishing the law. Nevertheless, despite the narrowness of his legal opinions, Boniglio shows by his opinions that his generation of judges systematically compared laws in an efort to reconcile their meaning and to determine when one abrogated another.110 His statements on questiones and contestationes indicate that he had a sense of the historical nature of Lombard law and a willingness to alter a reading of the text if it ran contrary to common sense.111 At points in his arguments, he felt the need to draw on concepts from Roman law to elucidate a term or clause, and at others he sought to reinforce a Lombard law by showing its agreement with a related one from Roman jurisprudence. Despite Boniglio’s eminent position in the legal community, the new generation of lawyers, among them Lanfranco, did not hesitate to challenge the old man’s authority. Raised in the house of a judge, Lanfranco appears to have assumed the place of his deceased father in the courts of Pavia upon reaching maturity.112 Earlier 108

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Radding and Ciaralli, The Corpus juris civilis in the Middle Ages, 74–78, question the scholarly character of legal studies at Ravenna at this early date. This is Radding’s conclusion, Origins of Medieval Jurisprudence, 97–98. Speaking to the issue of lawyers as teachers, Diurni, “Expositio ad Librum papiensem,” 168, writes: “Naturalmente non è suficiente l’esistenza di dispute tra giuristi per potersi parlare di un centro di cultura giuridica, ma il valore delle opere giuridiche prodotte in quell’ambiente, i contrasti di opinione su problemi giuridici, la sistemazione delle fonti legislative, l’apposizione di glosse, non solo grammaticali ai testi di legge, l’esistenza di una problematica giuridica, non solo pratica, ma anche teorica, l’uso più consapevole degli strumenti della logica formale e non la ripetizione pedissequa di regulae mandate a memoria, l’elaborazione di concetti nuovi e l’introduzione di una sistematica nella interpretazione della legge, sono gli aspetti che possono farci concludere sul valore da assegnare alla cultura giuridica pavese e sull’esistenza di un centro di cultura giuridica ove l’attività del giurista non era diretta esclusivamente a risolvere problemi di prassi giudiziaria, anche se non esistono prove sicure di un vero e proprio insegnamento.” On the contrast between antiqui and moderni, see Gibson, Lanfranc of Bec, 6; and Radding, Origins of Medieval Jurisprudence, 101–2. Guiscardo Moschetti, “Boniglio,” DBI, no. 12 (Rome, 1970), 17–19, summarizes his life. As an example of his appreciation that a law code was not a unitary whole, Moschetti (18) cites Boniglio’s view that King Rotari altered an earlier law contained in his edict excluding women from succession to property because “pietate commotus” (moved by pity). The reference is to the Expositio, in Roth. 153 (not 152 as Moschetti has it); Liber legis, 321. His substitution of et for aut in the texts of a capitulary of Louis the Pious was accepted by the author of the Expositio as a better reading (Liber legis, 398; Moschetti, 18). On this latter point see Radding, Origins of Medieval Jurisprudence, 104–5. In a comment on the laws of King Guido the commentator refers to the legist Lanfranco as archiepiscopus; Liber legis Langobardorum, 566. I take it as serious proof that a legal scholar writing between 1070 and 1100 made this statement. See as well Nino Tamassia’s study “Lanfranco arcivescovo di Canterbury e la scuola pavese,” Mélanges Fitting, 2 vols. (Montpellier, 1908), 2:189–201, which identiies the jurist with the archbishop on the basis of the archbishop’s use of Lombard law in his commentary on the letters of Saint Paul in a period when it would have been diicult for him to have had access to Lombard legal texts.

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he may have left Pavia to study elsewhere, but we do not know what kind of learning he sought abroad or the dates of his absence. In any case, the Expositio records a debate between Boniglio and Lanfranco, who was then probably about twenty-ive. The circumstances for the discussion are not clear, but each discussant, matching his skill with his opponent’s, was eager for a victory.113 The exchange between Lanfranco and Boniglio was direct, but Guglielmo, a third jurist probably not involved in the interchange, subsequently rendered his own judgment on the issue. The text of the debate reads: Lanfranc archiepiscopus posed the following question to Boniiglio iudex: “If the bearer wished to validate a charter that had been challenged, and the notary and all witnesses are dead, how ought it to be done?” Boniglio answered him: “By custom the bearer of the charter should validate it with twelve compurgators and with two other charters.” ... Lanfranc: “Then this custom is against the law, for it is of this custom that the prologue of Otto’s law says, ‘A detestable and dishonest custom has grown up in Italy.’” Against this [Boniglio] withdrew with an embarrassed smile and his head bowed. But William, of no little ingenuity, settled the matter in this fashion: “Otto said, ‘A dishonest and detestable custom has grown up’ not in respect to the aforesaid custom but respecting this, that certain greedy men were drawing up false charters of alienation and defending the charters by perjury, thus acquiring the goods of others. Thus Otto gave the challenger of the charter the choice of battle or letting the bearer swear.”114

The text reveals the polemical character of legal discussions in early eleventh-century Pavia by which study of the law advanced. Lanfranco had challenged Boniglio

113 114

The identiication of the future archbishop with the Pavian lawyer, however, has repeatedly been challenged. The fullest exposition of the case against it is found in Richard W. Southern, “Lanfranc of Bec and Berengar of Tours,” in Studies in Medieval History Presented to Frederick Maurice Powicke, ed. Richard W. Hunt, William A. Pantin, and Richard W. Southern (Oxford, 1948), 28–30, who points out that the story of Lanfranco’s legal career was not mentioned in one version of Milo Crispin’s biography written shortly after 1136. As for the reference in the Expositio, Southern writes: “If we are to believe that the Lanfranco of the ‘Liber papiensis’ was our Lanfranco we must believe that the memory of the amazing young man was kept alive in Pavia for thirty or forty years by someone who followed his career from afar; in which case the casualness of the single reference to his identity would be hard to explain” (30, n. 4, from previous page). My response to the latter argument is, irst, that the commentator of the Expositio, who knew the work of the leading legists of the previous two generations, was a serious scholar. Second, as the scion of an important family, Lanfranco would have had close relatives still living in Pavia and his successes would have been followed closely in the city. A nephew studied with Anselmo at Bec, and Lanfranco, as archbishop of Canterbury, was in contact with both: letters 18 and 19 (1073), in The Letters of Lanfranc Archbishop of Canterbury, ed. Helen Clover and Margaret Gibson (Oxford, 1979), 96–100. Finally, Lanfranco made three or four trips to Rome, the last in 1071; Cowdrey, “Enigma,” 133. Likely on one or more of these trips to and from Italy he stopped to visit his native city. For the commentator to claim erroneously that the archbishop of Canterbury had once been a practicing lawyer in Pavia would have made him ridiculous to the contemporary legal community there. Charles Radding, “Geography of Learning,” 170, makes this point. I have used the translation of the passage from the Expositio in Radding, Origins of Medieval Jurisprudence, 87.

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to resolve a legal issue, and when Boniglio responded by ofering a customary procedure for its resolution, Lanfranco identiied it as contrary to imperial law. Subsequently, Guglielmo accused Lanfranco of taking the imperial law out of its historical context and misunderstanding its provisions. Boniglio’s apparent defeat in a public arena, however, may have been enough to end his teaching career. In the two subsequent occasions the Expositio mentions in which Lanfranco debated with other judges, it was no longer with Boniglio but with discipuli Bonigli.115 As in the case of Boniglio, we may assume that Lanfranco had taken on students, some of whom may have been among those “of great renown,” who are reported to have followed him over the Alps and into Francia.116 We do not know when Lanfranco composed his commentaries on both Ciceronian manuals of rhetoric, but as a teacher of law in Pavia he would have known the manuals well because of their concentration on legal reasoning and judicial oratory.117 Papias, Lanfranco’s contemporary, articulated the connection when he deined rhetorica in his Elementarium as “ratio dicendi et iurisperitorum” (the foundation of speaking and of men skilled in the law).118 By way of studying the rules for constructing speeches, students learned the kind of argumentation used by lawyers, who sought probable rather than absolute truth, argued by inference rather than by demonstration, and therefore relied more on the enthymeme than on the syllogism. Nonetheless, syllogistic reasoning was needed at times, and Cicero’s manuals provided suicent instruction to serve the needs of courtroom oratory. The Ciceronian texts taught students not simply to reason but speciically to reason about the law and then to articulate their arguments in a formal way, either orally or in writing. As a teacher of law and rhetoric in Pavia, 115

116

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Moschetti, “Boniglio,” 17. See references in Liber legis Langobardorum; Grim. 8 (402–3); and in Luitp., Prol., 3 (404); Wido, 6 (566–67). Vita Lanfranci, ed. Margaret Gibson, Lanfranco di Pavia, 668: “Deinceps patria egressus et Alpes transgressus in Gallias venit.... Et pertransiens Franciam, quamplures magni nominis scolares secum habens, in Normanniam pervenit; et in Abrincatensi c[i]vitate demoratus per aliquod tempus docuit.” He is credited also with two works on dialectic, De dialectica and Dicti Lanfranci, and possibly with a commentary on Priscian. The commentary on Ad Herennium is referred to by Richard W. Hunt, “Studies on Priscian in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries. I. Petrus Helias and His Predecessors,” in idem, The History of Grammar in the Middle Ages: Collected Papers, ed. Geofrey L. Bursill-Hall (Amsterdam, 1980), 14, who also mentions the Dicti Lanfranci (14, n. 3). For the commentary on De inventione, Ad Herennium, and Lanfranco’s Dialectica, see Gibson, Lanfrance of Bec, 49; for the possible commentary on Priscian, see 47. Hunt, “Studies on Priscian,” 14–16. On rhetoric and law, see Giovanni Cassandro, Lezioni di diritto comune, 2 vols. (Naples, 1984), 1:37–42. Legal scholars are generally in agreement that contemporary movements in theology, philosophy, and logic in western Europe had little or no connection with the development of legal studies by the early Bolognese jurists: Bruno Paradisi, “Osservazioni sull’uso del metodo dialettico nei glossatori del sec. XII,” Studi sul medioevo giuridico, Studi storici, Istituto storico italiano per il medio evo, fasc. 163–73 (Rome, 1987), 696. Paradisi himself, however, demonstrates that Aristotelian dialectic had an increasing importance for the glossators in the second half of the twelfth century (ibid., 703–4). See as well Gerhard Otte, Dialektik und Jurisprudenz: Untersuchungen zur Methode der Glossatoren (Frankfurt am Main, 1971), 22–23, who maintains that before Placentino legal scholars made wide use of the logica antiqua but were less prone to identify their dependence on Aristotelian and Boethian sources.

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Lanfranco wrote glosses for the beneit of his students that emphasized the dialectical and rhetorical aspects of the legal texts.119 Anselmo of Besate may have learned a similar methodology of glossing in Sichelmo’s classroom; in any case, the series of glosses that Anselmo wrote to accompany his Rhetorimachia brought out the argumentation and explained the desired efect of particular words or phrases. Later, in Francia, Lanfranco would apply the exegetical techniques that he had developed to analyze legal texts to produce biblical commentaries that were exceptionally systematic and clear. When he crossed the Alps in his late twenties, probably late in the 1030s, Lanfranco passed from a milieu of legal professionals into a scholarly world less passionate about legal studies and where Latin learning was a clerical monopoly.120 We do not know the state of the study of dialectic in Francia when he arrived. Modern scholarship tends to see Francia as the home of the developments in logic that led to scholasticism’s achievements in theology and the natural sciences, but it is not at all clear that in the earliest stages Francia was more advanced than Italy. As we have seen, Lanfranco’s early biographers opted for Italy. Richer, a disciple of Gerbert of Aurillac, in his Historiae, which he inished around 996, claimed that his master had been teaching a series of logical texts at Rheims a generation earlier that included all but one of the works generally comprising what later became known as the logica vetus. While there may be reason to doubt Richer’s accuracy, at least we can be sure that by the time of his writing in the last decade of the century the concept of teaching an integrated series of logic texts existed in Francia.121 Gerbert’s curriculum of dialectic, however, seems subsequently to have been dropped. Nor is there any indication of instruction in logic at Fleury after the death in 1004 of Abbo, a contemporary of Gerbert who was especially interested in the works of Boethius.122 Fulbert of Chartres (ca. 970–1028), if he indeed ever studied with Gerbert, may have carried on Gerbert’s legacy in an attenuated form, irst as scholasticus at Chartres until 1006 and then as bishop there until his death in 1028, but nothing for certain 119

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Charles M. Radding, “Vatican Latin 1406, Mommsen’s Ms. S, and the Reception of the Digest in the Middle Ages,” Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte, romanistiche Abteilung, 123 (1993): 335. Gibson, Lanfrance of Bec, 15, believes that Lanfranco left Italy around 1030, at about age twenty. This would mean that he lived in Francia for twelve years before entering the monastery at Bec in 1042. After that his career is relatively well documented. But, as she writes, “It is the 1030s that are so obscure.” As Charles Radding argues (“Geography of Learning,” 170), to attain the status that he held among the jurists of Pavia, Lanfranco would have had to have been older than nineteen or twenty, and he maintains that he would not have left Pavia before the mid-1030s. In his Historiarum libri IIII, ed. Hartmut Hofmann, MGH, Scriptores, no. 38 (Hannover, 2000), 193–94, Richer outlines the texts Gerbert used in teaching logic. Except for the omission of Boethius’s uninished Introductio ad syllogismos categoricos, they included the whole logica vetus. For the dating of Richer’s work, see ibid., 2. Radding, “Geography of Learning,” doubts that Gerbert’s curriculum contained all the works that Richer attributes to it (164–65). For the school of Rheims in the eleventh century, see J. R. Williams, “The Cathedral School of Rheims in the Eleventh Century,” Speculum 29 (1954): 661–77. On Abbo’s work, see Pierre Riché, Abbon de Fleury: Un moine savant et combatif (vers 950–1004) (Turnhout, 2004), 98–101. His Libellus de propositionibus et syllogismis hypotheticis, ed. and trans. Franz Schupp (Leiden, 1997) ofers original interpretations of Boethius’s own treatise on the subject: Riché, Abbon de Fleury, 100.

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is known of the curriculum that Fulbert designed for the school. We cannot simply assume that Fulbert duplicated at Chartres Gerbert’s elaborate curriculum of logic at Rheims, a claim that rests primarily on what might have been a contemporary manuscript in the library at Chartres, Chartres, 100, which contains a good share of the same texts of the logica vetus used by Gerbert.123 A short poem attributed to Fulbert distinguishing rhetoric from dialectic probably served as a mnemonic device for students in the earlier stages of their training, but ifty years earlier Gunzo had already drawn a similar distinction. As for writings on rhetoric, Fulbert could have used Victorinus’s commentary on the De inventione and a lorilegium of rhetorical material in the cathedral library, but the two Ciceronian manuals themselves appear not to have been there.124 The central argument of Fulbert’s most substantial surviving work, Contra Judeos, does not enhance his reputation as a dialectician. Comparing a kingdom to a house having the king as its roof, the people as its walls, and the land as its foundation, he argued that there could be no Jewish kingdom.This supposedly followed because (1) a Jewish king must be anointed by a Jewish priesthood; (2) there was no true Jewish priesthood; and (3) therefore there was no Jewish king. If, then, he concluded, there was no king, there was no kingdom.125 Although formally valid, the quality of the syllogism, which is based on arbitrary major and minor premises, makes it diicult to imagine that Fulbert’s knowledge of dialectic went beyond the elementary.126 Nor does the use of logic by Fulbert’s most brilliant student, Berengar of Tours, display great sophistication. Born circa 1005, Berengar probably began his teaching career in the liberal arts at Tours circa 1035, around the same time that Lanfranco emigrated from Italy. The primary reason for positing that Berengar’s knowledge of dialectic might have been superior is that Lanfranco is said to have studied with him for a time. An early account of Lanfranco’s life, Miracula S. Nicholai (1140), which describes Lanfranco as irst teaching in Burgundy before establishing a school at Avranches in Normandy, suggests that the period was short. It reported: “Hearing the fame of a certain Berengar, archdeacon of the church of Tours, who surpassed many and nearly all in the knowledge of letters in these regions, he [Lanfranco] 123

124 125

126

Both Frederick Behrends, The Letters and Poems of Fulbert of Chartres, ed. and trans. Frederick Behrends (Oxford, 1976), xxxi–xxxii, and Jules Clerval, Les écoles de Chartres au moyen-âge (du Ve au XVIe siècle) (Paris, 1895), 117, assume its presence there in the early decades of the century. See, however, Radding, “Geography of Learning,” 161–65. Even had the manuscript been at Chartres in Fulbert’s day, the “jumble” of Boethian texts with older dialectical works such as the De decem categoriis and Alcuin’s dialectic suggests that, had the texts been taught as one corpus, instruction in dialectic would have been inferior to that at Rheims under Gerbert: Suzanne J. Nelis, “What Lanfranc Taught, What Anselm Learned,” Haskins Society Journal 2 (1990): 79. Radding, “Geography of Learning,” 115. See Behrend’s summary of the argument, The Letters of Fulbert of Chartres, xxvii. For doubts about Boethius as the source of the house analogy, see Radding, “Geography of Learning,” 169. Marcia L. Colish, “Eleventh-Century Grammar in the Thought of St. Anselm,” Arts libéraux et philosophie au Moyen Âge: Actes du quatrième congrès international de philosophie médiévale: Université de Montréal, Montréal Canada, 27 août–2 septembre 1967 (Montréal and Paris, 1969), 789, coins the term “Aristotelianized grammar” to characterize the logic of this century, including that of Anselmo. See also her The Mirror of Language: A Study in the Medieval Theory of Knowledge, 2nd ed. (New Haven, Conn., and London, 1983), 63–78.

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came to him [Berengar], completely concealing his identity, and submitted himself to him as a disciple. But when he discerned that he was gaining nothing there and knowing him not to be of sound doctrine, as it afterward appeared in fact, he departed from him.”127 We may assume that Guitmund’s description in his De corporis et sanguinis Christi veritate of Berengar’s afected Latin pronunciation and pretense at deep meditation came directly from Lanfranco, who had seen Berengar perform.128 Although Lanfranco studied with Berengar for a time, we do not know the subject of Berengar’s lessons, nor when and for how long Lanfranco remained with him. But Lanfranco’s efort to remain incognito suggests that even early in his residence in Francia the Italian master was well known. Berengar perhaps knew Lanfranco’s identity before 1048, the approximate time of the former’s discovery of the treatise of Ratramnus, the ninth-century monk of Corbie whom Berengar erroneously interpreted as maintaining the presence of Christ in the Eucharist in spirit only. At least Guitmund has it that Berengar’s theological interests only began after losing a scholarly debate with Lanfranco over an insigniicant issue (de re satis parva).129 His defeat by Lanfranco, according to Guitmund, caused Berengar’s students to desert him and resulted in his turning to the study of theology in an efort to recoup his reputation. Those events would have preceded Berengar’s irst surviving letter to Lanfranco, written in 1049, four years after Lanfranco had become prior of Bec, in which Berengar tried to convince Lanfranco to embrace his position that the presence of Christ in the Eucharist was only spiritual. How learned was Berengar in dialectic? His major surviving work, Rescriptum contra Lanfrannum, composed sometime between 1065 and 1070 and written to defend himself against Lanfranco’s attacks in Liber de corpore et sanguine domini (1063), proclaimed the superiority of reason over authority. To Lanfranco’s cautions about the dangers of using dialectic in theology, Berengar replied: “Now as to the fact that you do not hesitate to write (I say) that, when an opportunity for carrying forward the argument occurs and necessity brings the sacred authorities before the public view, I leave them aside. It will be made clear by divine favor that you are writing out of malice, not out of truth; although no one not blinded by madness would deny that, just because the matter (in this case) is evident, it is incomparably superior to use reason in the perception of truth.”130 Although Berengar introduced a welter of arguments, his basis for denying the corporeal presence of Christ in the bread and wine following consecration came down to Aristotelian concepts of substance and qualities: “For truth holds that – as I have argued above at suicient 127

128 129

130

“Miracula sancti Nicholai,” 409. The Vita Lanfranci only mentions his teaching at Avranches; “Vita Lanfranci,” in Lanfranco di Pavia, 668. Gibson, Lanfranc of Bec, 20, cites Migne, PL 149, col. 1428. On the date of the discovery of the treatise, see John de Montclos, “Lanfranc et Bérenger: Les origines de la doctrine de transubstantiation,” Lanfranco di Pavia, 298. Berengar thought the work to have been written by John Scotus. Rescriptum contra Lanfrannum is edited by Robert B. C. Huygens, Corpus christianorum, Continuatio medievalis, Textus varii saeculorum x–xiii, vol. 84 (Turnhout, 1988), 85: “Quod relinquere me, inquio ego, sacras auctoritates non dubitas scribere, manifestum iet divinitate propicia illud de calumpnia scribere te, non de veritate, ubi deducenti sacras auctoritates in medium necessitate inde agendi locus occurrerit, quamquam ratione agere in perceptione veritatis incomparabiliter superius esse, quia in evidenti res est, sine vercordiae cecitate nullus negaverit.”

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length – everything made up of matter and form is one thing in that it is, and another thing in that it is something; and it cannot be something if it happens itself not to be; that is, what is not according to substance is in no way able to be according to accident.”131 In other words, the continued presence of the qualities of the bread and wine after consecration proved that their substances were also present, and therefore that Christ was not there in body. Nevertheless, although Berengar played dialectically on the Aristotelian concepts and insisted on the identiication of dialectic with human reason, as Henry Chadwick concludes, “a reading of the Rescriptum as a whole does not suggest that Berengar was dominated by either logic or grammar but by his patristic readings.”132 Moreover, Berengar repeatedly justiied his stress on the independent power of reason itself by references to Augustine, not Aristotle.133 Like others engaged in the Eucharist controversy, Berengar demonstrated a new interest in questions regarding the role of authority by raising broad doctrinal problems and by defending his opinion against those of his opponents, but it is diicult to see his argumentation as having been signiicantly afected by training in dialectic.134 Lanfranco himself frustrates an efort to compare his contribution to dialectic with that of Berengar, in that he consciously endeavored to avoid using dialectic in dealing with religious matters and tried to conceal the logical underpinnings of his thought where logic seemed inappropriate. In defending his belief in the corporeal presence of Christ in the Eucharist against Berengar, Lanfranco wrote: “I do not wish to propose dialectical questions nor respond to dialectical questions or to their solutions. Even if the subject of the dispute is such that it can be more clearly explained by dialectic, so far as possible I conceal this art by equipollency of propositions, lest I seem to conide more in art than I do in truth and the authority of the holy fathers.”135 That is, rather than impose an artiicial construction on a passage, Lanfranco preferred to develop its meaning from within the text itself, by restating the meaning of the passage in what he claimed was its exact equivalent. Nevertheless, actual examples of “equipollency” are rare in Lanfranco’s work, and in at least one instance, his malicious rewording of a statement of Berengar’s was self-serving. This 131

132

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Rescriptum, 158: “Veritas enim hoc habet, unde superius satis egi, omne compactum ex materia et forma aliud esse in eo quod est, aliud in eo quod aliquid est, nec posse aliquid esse si contigerit ipsum non esse, id est quod secundum subiectum non sit minime posse secundum accidens esse.” See ibid., 66: “Verbi gratia, si enuncias: Socrates est, ipsum esse irmasti, si enuncias: Socrates iustus est, aliquid eum esse constituisti, nec potest iustus esse si contingat Socrates non esse.” Henry Chadwick, “Symbol and Reality: Berengar and the Appeal to the Fathers,” Auctoritas und Ratio: Studien zu Berengar von Tours, Peter Ganz, R. B. C. Huygens, and Friedrich Niewöhner, Wolfenbütteler Mittelalter-Studien, 2 vols. (Weisbaden, 1990), 2:35; cited from Charles M. Radding and Francis Newton, Theology, Rhetoric and Politics in the Eucharistic Controversy, 1078–1079 (New York, 2003), 9. See as well André Cantin, “La position prise par Lanfranc sur le traitement des mystères de la foi par les raisons dialectiques,” in Lanfranco di Pavia, 372. Most of the small number of references that he does make to works of the liberal arts are taken from Lanfranco’s Liber de corpore et sanguine Domini (1063), which Berengar was trying to refute: Radding and Newton, Theology, Rhetoric and Politics, 8. Ibid., 9–10. Lanfranco, De sanguine et corpore domini, PL 150, col. 417.

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form of reasoning would, however, become basic to the theological arguments of Lanfranco’s disciple, Anselmo.136 Lanfranco displayed his dialectical ability more efectively in his dialectical glosses on the Epistles of Saint Paul, which he wrote early in his teaching career at Bec in 1045.137 The critical talents that he had earlier honed by explicating legal passages at Pavia he now employed for explicating often obscure scriptural ones.138 For example, he clariied Paul’s statement in Rom. 2:1, “Therefore thou art inexcusable, O man, whosoever thou art that judgest; for wherein thou judgest another, thou condemnest thyself; for thou that judgest doest the same things” by the following gloss:“This is an invective against rulers. Paul says: ‘Since all who commit and agree to (wickedness) shall perish, so also shall those who judge others, if they are enmeshed in the same sin.’” The gloss was equivalent to a syllogism: All who sin shall perish. The rulers are enmeshed in sin; Therefore they too shall perish.139

There is no evidence, however, in this or in the few other syllogistic arguments in the commentary (Lanfranco’s earliest work), that the author had any direct knowledge of Aristotelian logic. It seems more likely that his later reputation for skill in dialectic derived from his superlative understanding of Ciceronian argumentation, with its dialectical ingredient. In Lanfranco’s day the state of training in dialectic in Francia appears to have been so mediocre as to allow him to carry the day with Cicero.140 136

137

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139

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Gibson, Lanfranc of Bec, 87–88. On the history of the term “equipollency,” see 88. Richard Southern, Saint Anselm and His Biographer: A Study of Monastic Life and Thought, 1059–c. 1130 (Cambridge, 1963), 22, uses a passage from Saint Anselmo’s De veritate to give an example of equipollency. Ann R. Collins argues convincingly, in “The Manuscripts and Text of Lanfranc of Bec’s Commentary on St. Paul” (Ph.D. diss., University of Pennsylvania, 2002), 16–17, that the work was written about three years after Lanfranco’s arrival at Bec. In writing his commentary on the Psalms, Lanfranco was preceded in the eleventh century by Bruno of Würzburg (d. 1045) who, limiting himself to short glosses, used Cassiodorus’s rhetorical approach to commentation designed to explain the rhetorical structure of the text. Similarly, Herman of Reichnau (d. 1054) glossed the Pauline epistles and, like Lanfranco, wrote short glosses incorporating both patristic and subsequent comments; Gibson, Lanfranc of Bec, 52–54. Of Lanfranco’s two commentaries, the irst on the Psalms survives only in fragments. Margaret Gibson, “Lanfranc’s Commentary on the Pauline Epistles,” Journal of Theological Studies 22 (1971): 102: “At irst sight Lanfranc has brought to Pauline commentary a quite new concern for the forms of argument, for logical consistency, and rhetorical efect.” According to Richard Southern, “Lanfranc of Bec,” 37, Lanfranco “explained the argument, disentangled its branches, and put into proper logical form what the Apostle had left to be inferred from a few rapid sentences. ‘The order of argument is as follows …’ ‘This is a proof of the preceding verse....This is an argument a simili … a causa … a contraria....’ ‘Here, by disproving one alternative, the Apostle proves, as his manner is, the other’: these are phrases which often recur in Lanfranc’s commentary.” This example is cited from Gibson, Lanfranc of Bec, 56–57. For another, see Collins,“The Manuscripts and Text of Lanfranc of Bec’s Commentary,” 127–30. She considers Cicero’s Topica as the central rhetorical text used in this commentary (130). Collins, “Manuscripts and Text,” 133–36.

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We can be certain that Lanfranco imparted the same methodology of explication de texte to his students at Bec. From the time of his entry into the monastery, in the diocese of Rouen, in 1042 until he left to become abbot of Saint Étienne at Caen in 1063, Lanfranco served for long periods as scholasticus of the monastic school and attracted young men as students from both sides of the Alps.141 His most famous student, Anselmo of Aosta (and later of Canterbury), arrived at Bec in 1060, only three years preceding Lanfranco’s departure for Caen. Given Lanfranco’s reluctance to resort to dialectical arguments in theological questions, the master’s inluence on Anselmo’s revolutionary proof for the existence of God in the Monologion, published in 1079, may well have gone no further than to stress the rewards to be gained by subjecting scripture to logical analysis.142 In fact, Lanfranco had no compelling need to attack Berengar, because the latter’s doctrine of the spiritual presence of Christ in the Eucharist had already been condemned by papal synods in 1050 and 1059, as it would be again in 1079. A series of regional church councils also rejected the doctrine at various times during the third quarter of the eleventh century.143 Although those synods rejected Berengar’s theological position on the presence of the body and blood, they did not discuss the more general issue of what limitations should be placed on the use of reason in theology. Alberico of Montecassino wrote a tract in response to Berengar’s works in preparation for the papal council of 1079, but he did not confront the problem either.144 Fourteen years earlier, however, in 1065, Pietro Damiani had already enunciated his conviction that dialectic had no place in theology. His vituperative opposition to granting a place to dialectic arose out of another contemporary discussion, one that appears to have been peculiarly Italian. The discussion, perhaps connected with the teachings of Drogo at Parma, who likely had some knowledge of AristotelianBoethian logic, focused on the legitimate use of hypothetical propositions. ANSELMO OF BESATE AND THE MANIPULATION OF THE ARTES

While Lanfranco was revolutionizing biblical commentary in Francia by submitting the biblical text to logical analysis using tools that he had derived from Cicero, his 141

142

143 144

All evidence that Anselmo da Baggio, the future Alexander II, had been a student of Lanfranco is late and unreliable. Similarly, there is no proof that the kinsman of Pope Alexander II sent to study with Lanfranco at Bec was Anselmo of Lucca: Herbert E. J. Cowdrey, “Lanfranc, the Papacy, and Canterbury,” in Lanfranco di Pavia, 448. However, a 1073 letter of Lanfranco to Alexander suggests that many Italians came to study with him: Gibson, The Letters of Lanfranc Archbishop of Canterbury, 33. Also see the letter of Pope Nicholas II (1059–61), cited by Gibson, Lanfranc of Bec, 39, who wants to send students to Bec to study dialectic and rhetoric. The only work of logic speciically mentioned by Lanfranco was the old-fashioned De decem categoriis, which comes out of a diferent tradition of logic from that of the logica vetus. Therefore, Margaret Gibson, Lanfranc of Bec, 49, concludes: “If Lanfranc is still prepared to accept the De decem categoriis, it is almost impossible to see him as a pioneer in the study of the logica vetus.” It also should be said that Anselmo difered from his master by favoring arguments supported by reason alone: Nelis, “What Lanfranc Taught,” 81–82. Radding and Newton, Theology, Rhetoric and Politics, discuss these councils (17 and 26). The speech is edited with translation, ibid., 126–69.

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older Italian contemporary Drogo enjoyed an international reputation at Parma, apparently due to his study of both Ciceronian rhetoric and Aristotelian-Boethian logic. Drogo’s reputation was broad enough by 1023 to capture the attention of Egbert of Liège, scholasticus at the cathedral of Liège, who cruelly satirized him in his Fecunda ratis. Egbert’s Drogo did not understand the meaning of Hebrew words like “Sabaoth” and “Hosannah,” nor could he recite the Dominus vobiscum. Perhaps the pious schoolmaster intended his satire as an attack on the secular orientation of Drogo’s instruction. Another motive might have been envy. According to Egbert, Drogo’s students proclaimed, “We judge no other to be wiser than he.”145 Because nothing remains of Drogo’s writings, we know of his teaching only through that of one of his students, Anselmo of Besate, whose use of logic suggests a knowledge not only of the relevant Ciceronian texts but also of elementary Aristotelian and Boethian writings. Anselmo of Besate, who studied with Drogo in the late 1030s or early 1040s, acknowledged his gratitude to his old master both for his teaching and for Drogo’s letter recommending the Rhetorimachia by dedicating to him the irst edition of the work. Numbering himself among the secta drogonica, Anselmo appealed to Drogo to take the composition under his protection and use his authority to defend it from attack.146 Anselmo composed the Rhetorimachia between 1046 and 1048 in Parma and probably wrote the dedication in the spring of 1048. But his three months’ service in the imperial chancery of Italy, accompanying the emperor from March to May 1047 as Henry III moved around northern and central Italy on his Romfahrt, had whetted Anselmo’s hope of gaining a permanent place in the imperial bureaucracy.147 Having followed the emperor back to Germany in 1048, he must have decided that the Rhetorimachia’s eloquent testimony to his wide knowledge of the arts could certify him as qualiied for a chancery position, and late in 1049 he rededicated the book to Henry. The Rhetorimachia takes the form of a long letter in which the author attempts to convict his cousin Rotilando of a wide range of preposterous charges. Anselmo’s stated purpose is to demonstrate the principles of rhetoric taught by ancient writers and by his own earlier treatise on rhetoric, De materia artis, now lost. “Since I had for a long time heard their old complaint [sc. that of critics of rhetoric] that they were constrained by a lack of examples for following the principles of the art, I wanted both to create examples and not fail to write them down, so that the mind might learn by inventing, teach by writing, and conserve what was written.”148 In his brief dedicatory letter to Drogo, Anselmo frankly admitted that none of the charges were true and that he had “revealed him [Rotilando] as guilty by verisimilitude rather than truly because the rhetorical faculty proves not truth but rather verisimilitude.”149 145 146 147 148

149

Fecunda ratis, ed. Ernst Voigt (Halle, 1889), 173. Rhetorimachia, 181. Manitius, Rhetorimachia, 68–74, provides a brief sketch of Anselmo’s career. Rhetorimachia, 102: “Cumque eorum iam inveteratam querelam audieram, quod secundum artis precepta exemplorum angerentur inopia, fuit mihi velle et exempla invenire et stilo mandare non omittere, ut et disceret animum inveniendo et scriptura docere vellet et scripta retineret.” Ibid., 103.

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Initially Anselmo promised to demonstrate in his book all three forms of oratory (judicial, deliberative, and epideictic), but in the event he illustrated only judicial oratory. In the irst of the three books, following the letter of dedication to Drogo, Anselmo analyzed a letter by Rotilando in order to show that its author lacked the skill, intellect, and moral character to be an orator. The irst half of the second book was devoted to recounting Anselmo’s dream of meeting Roberto, Rotilando’s father, in heaven and hearing the father lament that his son practiced magic. The dream concluded with Anselmo himself becoming the object of a struggle between the souls in heaven, who insisted on keeping him there, and the trivium, represented by three maidens, who demanded his presence on Earth for their beneit. Anselmo’s rebuttal of putative accusations leveled against him by his cousin made up the rest of the second book. In the third Anselmo intensiied the attack by accusing his cousin of theft, murder, and being enslaved by the devil. Having lost his free will by choice, Rotilando now sinned of necessity: “You, who have lost the judgement of reason, whose free will has been destroyed, from whom now there is nothing to be hoped, will be a beast among beasts.”150 Anselmo concluded his treatment of judicial oratory at the end of the third book by promising at last to exemplify the other two styles of oratory, the epideictic and deliberative styles, in a fourth.151 Having written up to this point by the spring of 1048, however, Anselmo left for the imperial court and apparently never inished the project. Aiming to convince his audience of his mastery of Latin, Anselmo composed his Rhetorimachia in the best mannerist style, at times mixing prose and poetry (prosimetron).152 The prologue, written in hexameters, generally in leonine form, is metrically correct, but the rhymed verses within the body of the prose text sometimes fail to follow metrical rules and accepted rhyme schemes. Examples of rhymed prose are frequent, such as the following: dominium non negasti; cui te miser servum donasti. Illum enim ofendere timuisti; confessus es, cum non negasti. Plasma Christi dehonestasti, legem subvertisti, humanum genus minuisti, cum tam preclarum opus domini tam turpi dominio infecisti et ex superna illa gloria ad inimam miseriam descendisti.153 150

151 152 153

Ibid., 176: “Erisque bestia inter bestias, qui racionis iudicium perdideras, cui arbitrii interiit libertas, de quo quis sperare iam nequeat.” Ibid., 109. This analysis is based on Manitius’s introduction, ibid., 85–86. Rhetorimachia, 169–70. The translation reads as follows: “You have not renounced the lord to whom you, miserable one, gave yourself as a slave. For you fear to ofend him; you confess, since you do not deny; you have dishonored the blood of Christ, subverted the law, diminished the human race, since you have corrupted such an excellent work of the lord with such a foul dominion, and you have descended from that heavenly glory to the depths of misery.” See Karl Polheim, Die

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The sentences, crowded with rhetorical igures and tropes, compel the reader to work hard to understand their meaning. The author presumably intended this exercise in high style to serve, irst, as a classroom model for illustrating the rules of rhetoric; and second, as a testimony to his qualiications to hold a prominent position in the imperial chapel or chancery. Anselmo’s work ofers the best evidence we have of the level and kind of instruction to be found in Drogo’s classroom. A number of works in the logica vetus seem to have been known to the author, namely, Boethius’s commentaries on the Isagoge, the Categories, and De interpretatione; Boethius’s commentary on Cicero’s Topica; and Boethius’s own De topicis diferentiis. The fact that Anselmo cited Cicero’s Topica makes it likely that he knew the work directly, but we cannot be sure from his references that he had the complete texts of Porphyry or Aristotle on which Boethius had commented.154 Anselmo had clearly been trained in constructing the post-Aristotelian hypothetical syllogism. It was available in Martianus Capella and Cassiodorus, but it is more likely that he learned it from Boethius, probably from his commentary on De interpretatione.155 When Anselmo’s cousin Rotilando accused him of using magic to cause abortions, Anselmo responded with a series of hypothetical syllogisms: Those [children] who you have said were about to be were either about to be or not about to be. If not about to be, since they are not nor will have been, what you have proposed to be is impossible to be. For if it is true that it will not be, it is then assuredly false that it will be; if this is false, it is necessary that it not happen. But if it is necessary [that it not happen], then it is impossible that it happen, such that now, because it will necessarily not come to be, it is certainly impossible that it does not exist because of some act of magic, since, if for some reason it did not exist, it would be necessary beforehand for something to exist, or to have existed, or be about to exist.156

Although the construction, relying on the interrelationship of the terms of the propositions that comprise it, reached a logically valid conclusion, it is diicult to see how the argument disproved Rotilando’s charge. Here as elsewhere, Anselmo was launting his learning, but what is historically signiicant is the kind of argument that he chose to launt. Anselmo’s use of the

154

155 156

lateinische Reimprosa (Berlin, 1963), 421, as well as Bernard Pabst, Prosimetrum: Tradition und Wandel einer Literaturform zwischen Spätantike und Spätmittelalter (Cologne and Weimar, 1994), 379–87. See index under “Boethius,” in Rhetorimachia, 196–97. Lorenzo Minio-Paluello,“The Genuine Text of Boethius’ Translation of Aristotle’s Categories,” Mediaeval and Renaissance Studies 1 (1941–43): 155–59, points out that often manuscripts of the Boethian commentaries include only those parts of the Aristotelian text being commented on. Rhetorimachia, 154, n. 5, and 155, n. 2. Ibid., 154–55: “Quos enim futuros dixisti, futuri erant vel non futuri. Si non futuri, cum nec sint, nec fuerint: quod esse sit inpossible esse proposuisti. Si enim verum est non futurum, falsum est quidem esse futurum; hoc si falsum, non evenire est necessarium. Quod si necesse, evenire quippe est inpossible, ut iam, quod necessario non veniet ad esse, sit quidem inpossible aliquo maleicio deesse, cum, si aliquo deesset, esse vel fuisse futurumve aliquid prius necesse foret.” I wish to thank Francis Newton and Clare Woods of Duke University for advice on translating this passage.

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hypothetical syllogism suggests that his teacher, Drogo, had moved beyond the study of Aristotelian logic, which was designed to structure the givens of experience, toward a less formal logic, that found in Boethius’s own logical works. Although it does not appear to have been used in the debate about the Eucharist that was going on north of the Alps, the hypothetical syllogism had entered theological discussions in Italy by the 1060s, becoming a speciic object of attack for the ascetic Pietro Damiani, who determined to save Christian belief from the insidious efects of dialectical argumentation. An intellectual playfulness, often expressed in gratuitious syllogistic arguments, is evident throughout the Rhetorimachia. When in Anselmo’s dream the Muses beg him to remain with them because he is unequalled in dialectical skill, they syllogize as follows: “There will be no one like you after you unless it shall be you. Yet it is impossible that anyone should become you. Therefore it is necessary that it not happen: because if it is impossible to be, it is necessary that it not be. It is, however, impossible; therefore it is not to be.”157 Irritated that despite praise of his work in Gaul, Burgundy, Saxony, and “barbarous” Francia, the city of Mainz had withheld its judgment, Anselmo entered into an elaborate series of syllogisms to prove that, according to logic, by embracing the middle course (medium) of not choosing, Mainz was both praising and blaming at the same time, an impossible stance.158 We must not discount the delight that Anselmo’s readers may have taken in working through his verbal games at a time when such arguments were novel. The Rhetorimachia permits us to assess a learned northern Italian’s knowledge in the mid-eleventh century not just of dialectic but also of grammar and rhetoric. We must be cautious about taking the author’s claims to knowledge at face value, because he is out to claim as much learning as possible. In any case, amidst a panoply of texts cited or echoed in the work, most would have been considered commonplace north of the Alps. Some passages of the book are reminiscent of rare authors, but the citations are often not speciic enough to assign them to a deinite source. Where the choice lies between a rare text like Statius’s Silvae and Horace’s Carmina or better-known works, it is wiser to assume that the latter served as the inspiration.159 At the same time, we cannot be sure that some references were not drawn from lorilegia. Or, if Anselmo did have direct knowledge of some of the rare texts that he cited, such as Quintilian’s Institutiones, he may have known them only in fragmentary condition. To judge from the index of citations that Manitius, the editor of Rhetorimachia, provides, a conservative estimate would give Anselmo acquaintance among the ancients at least with Lucan, Virgil, Horace, Ovid, Juvenal, Avian, and Maximianus. 157

158

159

“Post te quidem nullus erit ut tu, nisi qui fuerit tu, tu autem aliquem inpossible est ieri. Ut tu igitur necesse est non ieri, quia, si inpossibile est esse, necesse est non esse: est autem impossibile, necesse igitur non esse”; ibid., 148. Ibid., 181–83. See Joseph A. Endres, Forschungen zur Geschichte der frühmittelalterlichen Philosophie, Beiträge zur Geschichte der Philosophie des Mittelalters, 17 (Munich, 1915), Hefte 2–3, 36–37, for discussion of this passage. Lucan’s De bello civili is the more likely source for the phrase sedes Elysiae than is the Silvae; Rhetorimachia, 138. Similarly, as source for the phrase vertice ipsa pulsare sidera, the choice lies among the Carmina, the Ex Ponte, the Aeneid, and the Argonautae (ibid., 147).

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Possibly Anselmo knew Prudentius as well. Of historians he seems to have read only Sallust and Sulpicius Severus.160 Judging from his direct citations from grammatical works, he had studied Priscian and Servius’s De inalibus, works that, like the literary texts, he had probably read while still in Milan.161 The collection of rhetorical material, Quintilian and possibly Cicero’s De oratore aside, was no more impressive than was that for grammar.The works included Cicero’s De inventione, the Pseudo-Ciceronian Ad Herennium, the Philippics, Victorinus’s In rhetorica Ciceronis with Grillius’s commentary.162 The Ciceronian manuals provided a foundation for the work as a whole, while the author’s knowledge of literature and Aristotelian-Boethian logic played more decorative roles. While Anselmo might have had at least some training in rhetoric under Drogo, he credits Sichelmo as his principal teacher in that subject. The Rhetorimachia was probably only an elaborate example of similar orations that Sichelmo had trained him to write in the classroom. Anselmo himself had likely become a teacher of rhetoric in turn and used the manuals that he cited with his own students. Not only did he write a manual of rhetoric entitled De materia artis, now lost, but the glosses focusing on rhetorical techniques that accompanied the Rhetorimachia suggest that he saw the speech as a teaching model.163 Although Anselmo also claimed that Sichelmo considered Justinian “before all in his imperial edicts and legal judgments” (pre omnibus in imperialibus suis edictis et legalibus iudiciis), Anselmo’s two leeting references to the Corpus iuris civilis in the body of the Rhetorimachia furnish no basis for thinking that the study of law in Sichelmo’s classroom went much beyond composing judicial orations as part of training in rhetoric.164 Like Gunzo about ninety years earlier, Anselmo exhibited a predominately oratorical conception of literary expression.While it is true that the ancient manuals that both men studied highlighted the judicial oration, at least by Anselmo’s time the choice of genre also relected the litigious character of contemporary Italian life. While in Gunzo’s generation the large regional assemblies known as placita were occasions for exercising oratorical skills, a frenzy of pleading, as we shall see, overwhelmed the law courts in Anselmo’s. PIETRO DAMIANI AND POETIC ASCETICISM

Although they were worlds apart in most ways, the ascetic Damiani and the ambitious oice-seeker Anselmo shared a taste for highly worked prose. Pietro’s stylistic taste, however, contrasted starkly with his ascetic beliefs, generating multiple contradictions. While on the one hand he deiantly labelled his style “rudis simplicitas,” 160

161 162 163

164

See Index under these writers’ names, ibid., 197–99. Maximianus, whom he uses for one of his direct quotations, was certainly a rare author. Ibid., 81. See Index, under these writer’s names, ibid., 197–99. Ibid., 103. The editor of the work has included Anselmo’s glosses after the text on the appropriate pages. Ibid., 99. For citations from Justinian, see 163 and 167; both were citations from the Epitome Juliani a series of extracts from the Corpus circulating separately at least as early as the eighth century: Radding and Ciaralli, The Corpus iuris civilis, 49.

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“sermo pauperculus,” or “rusticitas,” on the other he apologized to his correspondents for his “stilus incultus” or “non luculentum sive politum ... languidi sermonis articulum,” for which he gave various excuses – the press of business, the waiting messenger, or an illness.165 Naturally Pietro’s attention to prose style varied with the purpose for which he was writing, but generally when the matter and genre invited it, he pulled out all rhetorical stops. Like Anselmo, Pietro showed a preference for prose rhyme, in his case usually expressed in couplets and parallel constructions. A typical prose passage from his sermon celebrating the festival of Saint Severus, a former bishop of Ravenna and confessor, illustrates his enthusiasm for these techniques. In the passage, Pietro used lines initiated by alternating demonstrative pronouns, illa and ista or in illa and in ista, and arranged in rhythmic patterns determined by the last syllable of the verbs.Throughout the sermon, as in this passage from it, the aesthetic efect of his words was enhanced by strict observance of the three main cursus: velox (v), tardus (t), and planus (p). Illa nos festivitas Redemptori nostro referre gratias doceat (t); Ista vero ad amorem nos patriae coelestis accendat (p). In illa discamus quanta Deus pro homine pertulit (t); in ista perpendamus, homo per Deum ad quantum celsitudinis culmen ascendit (p). In illa quippe festivitate unigenitus Dei Filius in templo est humiliter presentatus (v); in ista beatissimus ejus famulus ad coeli palatium est cum gloria sublimatus (v). In illa Redemptorem nostrum parentes ejus in Hierusalem, ut sisterent (v) eum Domino, detulerunt (v); in ista beatissimi confessoris animam, ut eam divinae majestatis vultui praesentarent (v), ad coelestem Hierusalem sancti angeli portaverunt (v). In illa solemnitate Mediator Dei et hominum, abjecto jam carnis praeputio, parvulus est oblatus in templum (p); in ista confessor egregius deposito terreni corporis pondere liber ascendit in coelum (p). In illa is qui legi nihil debebat legis tributa persolvit (p); in ista morti obnoxius jura mortis evasit (p).166

The abrupt substitution of the male pronoun for the female in the next two lines, Ille de matre nascendo dignatus est esse mortalis (p); iste carne moriendo ieri meruit immortalis (v),

tended to bring the passage to a conclusion with the focus on the dual nature of Christ. 165

166

André Cantin, Les sciences seculières et la foi: Les deux voies de la science au jugement de S. Pierre Damiani (Spoleto, 1975), 335–45, esp. Cantin’s notes, 336–37. PL 144, col. 524, as well as Polheim, Lateinische Reimprosa, 421. See also the example given by Owen J. Blum, St. Peter Damian: His Teaching on the Spiritual Life (Washington, D.C., 1947), 56–58; and Dressler, Petrus Damiani, 191–92.

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Indeed, Pietro actually surpassed Anselmo in his penchant for using rare Latin words and expressions and introducing Latinized forms of Greek vocabulary, even creating new forms of words for efect.167 He relied heavily on anecdotes and historical examples to anchor his ideas, as well as on images and comparisons drawn from the natural world, on the grounds that all nature relected the harmony of the divine design.168 Biblical quotations and citations from the Latin Church Fathers frequently lent authority to his arguments, and occasionally they were supplemented by quotations from ancient authors, either with or without attribution.169 Despite the elaborate mechanics of expression, however, Pietro’s prose had a clarity that Anselmo’s lacked. Furthermore, the earnestness of Pietro’s convictions and the passion with which he expressed them infused his rhetoric with an authenticity that a modern reader inds compelling. Backed by his enormous reputation for spirituality, his words must have had even more efect on his contemporaries. Pietro was also a proliic composer of both metric and accentual poetry. Of his surviving poems, 103 are in hexameter or elegaic distiches, while 51 are accentual verses or hymns.170 The poems in the irst group, consisting of epigrams or dedications, are from one to twenty-four lines long. He was at his best in a number of the compositions in the second group. Perhaps the inest example of his craft is his poem, composed in trochaic trimeter, entitled De die mortis, on death and the terror of judgment. The poem began with a powerful description of the senses fading in the body: Gravi me terrore pulsas, vitae dies ultima; Maeret cor, soluuntur renes, laesa tremunt viscera, Tui speciem dum sibi mens depingit anxia. Quis enim pavendum illud explicet spectaculum Cum dimenso vitae cursu carnis aegrae nexibus Animis luctatur solvi propinquans ad exitum? Perit sensus lingua riget revoluuntur oculi, Pectus palpitat, anhelat raucum guttur hominis, Stupent membra, pallent ora, decor abit corporis.

As devils and angels struggle for possession of his soul, the dying man’s anguish suddenly increases as he grasps the full extent of a lifetime of sinning. Despairing, he calls out to Christ for help in overcoming the devil and in inding redemption. The images and emotions captured here in verse could well have been those of Pietro himself as he meditated on death in his hermit’s cell. 167 168

169 170

Dressler, Petrus Damiami, 189–90. Ronald E. Osborn, “The Preaching of Saint Peter Damiani: The Oratory of an Eleventh-Century Rhetorician” (Ph.D. diss., University of Oregon, 1955), 227–36, gives instances of his use of grammatical igures like similitudo, imago, collatio, and exemplum for preaching. Cf. Cantin, Sciences seculières, 430–32. For historical examples, see Dressler, Petrus Damiani, 192. Dressler, Petrus Damiami, 185–89 and 204–9. The poetry has been edited by Margareta Lokrantz, Opera poetica di S. Pier Damiani,Acta Universitatis Stockholmiensis: Studia Latina Stockholmiensia, no. 12 (Stockholm and Göteborg, 1964). Lokrantz excludes from Pietro’s authorship nine poems whose provenance is dubious (137–58). For comments on the poetry, see Frederic J. E. Raby, A History of Christian-Latin Poetry from the Beginnings to the Close of the Middle Ages, 2nd ed. (Oxford, 1953), 250–56; and Blum, St. Peter Damiani, 49–55.

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Because Pietro’s command of complex rhetorical tools and grasp of literary traditions were the products of strenuous training in the Trivium, it is diicult to reconcile his debt to education with his often bitter denunciation of liberal studies and their teachers.171 All eforts to learn the liberal arts he regarded as not studia but rather stultitiae.172 “My grammar is Christ!” he proclaimed.173 Elsewhere he wrote, “Let them all, steeped in the ilth of earthly wisdom, turn back to their shadows; blinded by the sulphureus splendor of cloudy doctrine, they mean nothing to me.”174 He branded philosophers as akin to heretics.175 Even as prior of the hermitage of Fonte Avellana, after 1043 he showed no interest in establishing a school there. It must be granted that in the matter of education Pietro sometimes made a distinction among monks, priests, and prelates as to how much was required.176 While he considered an educated monk proud and of doubtful reliability in his vows, he recognized that secular clerics, especially bishops, needed Latin education. His expectations for priests were modest: they had to be able to read and understand scripture and have some skill at writing. But in the case of bishops, a complete education in the liberal arts was required. There would have been no contradiction had Pietro consistently limited his condemnations of the liberal arts by making it clear that they applied only to monks, but most of the condemnations were general in character, without any qualiications. They reveal an unresolved conlict in the ascetic hermit convinced of the wretched human state, who could nevertheless never liberate himself from his early passion for the liberal arts. In his tirades against worldly learning, Damiani reserved his greatest hostility for dialectic. His writings contained frequent references to the dialecticians’ “ambiguities and nonsense,”“the obliquity of frivolous questions,” and “the bitterness of inner gall” in their words.177 In 1065 he criticized as “peasants and silly men” those who disputed questions relating to scripture. Such men endeavored to shut their opponents in by skillful use of syllogism and “by wrapping the Author of Wisdom in hunting nets through the use of captious arguments.”178 Pietro’s own acquaintance with the logica vetus went beyond Cicero’s De topica, but apparently not far. Besides Topica he seems to have read Boethius’s commentary on the work and one or both of his commentaries on Aristotle’s De interpretatione.179 Many of Pietro’s references to dialectic are derived from Cicero’s writings, and his tendency to refer to dialectic as ars disserendi (art of discussion) reveals the 171 172

173 174

175 176 177 178

179

Dressler, Petrus Damiani, 176, for the following three notes. PL 145, Opusculum, 45, col. 695. Damiani recounts in a letter to a young hermit how the latter “ante ad heremum provolasti, sequens vestigia piscatorum, quam liberalium artium non dicam studiis sed stulticiis insudares.” Ibid., 1:203: “Mea igitur grammatica Christus est.” Ibid., 1:252: “Cedant in suas tenebras omnes terrene sapientie fecibus delibuti, nil mihi conferant sulphureo caliginose doctrine splendore cecati.” Ibid., 2:290–91. Cited from Dressler, Petrus Damiani, 178–79. Ibid., 179. Cantin, Les sciences seculières, 445, n. 197, gives these and other examples. Briefe, 3:395: “Sicque timendum est, ne syllogismorum suorum versuta te argumentacione concludant, et auctorem sapiencie cassibus captiosae cavillacionis involvant.” He identiies his opponents as “rustici et insipientes quique” (3:393). Cantin, Les sciences seculières, 378–79.

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Ciceronian orientation of his logic.180 Overall, dialectical arguments in Pietro’s writing took second place to rhetorical arguments: enthymeme and a fortiori reasoning. The rhetorical arguments often relied on proofs by analogy, an orientation that derived from the grammatical tradition of the Italian schools. The closest that Pietro came to identifying any of the dialecticians whom he maligned occurred in a letter to Desiderio, abbot of Montecassino, written in 1065, in which he recalled a discussion he had had the previous year with the abbot over dinner at the abbey as to whether God had the power to make a woman who had lost her virginity a virgin again. Seizing an opportunity for exercising their dialectical talents, some young monks who were present raised a more inclusive question: “Can God make what has happened not to have happened?” The young monks then proceeded to discuss the issue in hypothetical terms. Shocked by their impudent speculation about divine omnipotence, the pious Pietro rebuked them, warning that such a question regarding the divine majesty could not legitimately be asked: “Rather it is shown to pertain to the skill of the dialectical art; and not to the power or matter of things but to the manner and order of arguing and the logical connection of words. What is considered by worldly boys (saeculares pueri) in the schools has no place among the holy things (sacramenta) of the Church.”181 The particular form of argument that the young monks had used, the hypothetical syllogism, had been a playful academic exercise in the hands of Anselmo of Besate in the 1040s, but by the 1060s it had become an innovative method for discussing theological questions and – to Pietro’s mind – a threat to orthodoxy. A comparison of the relative progress of the study of dialectic in Francia and the regnum suggests that, although Gerbert and Abbo had initiated the revival of the study of logic in western Europe, the discipline was not yet anchored solidly in the northern school curriculum by Lanfranco’s and Berengar’s generation. Nothing is 180

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Where we would expect Damiani to write ordo disputandi, he writes ordo disserendi. Cf. Cantin, Sciences seculières, 78–79. Pietro Damiani, however, frequently disinguishes between rhetoricians and dialecticians, for example, in Briefe, 1:217–18, 1:356–57, and 2:565–66. Papias, Damiani’s contemporary, is clearly inluenced by Cicero when in his Elementarium, art. “syllogismus” (Venice, 1496), he deines syllogism as “autem non solum rhetores, sed maxime dialectici utuntur.” On the historic link between law and rhetoric, consult my Chapter 5. Damiani gives the impression at one point that the interest in dialectic in his day was a matter of fashion. In the preface of a letter, he complains that saeculares will look over his letter for its stylistic quality: “utrum rhetoricae facultatis color eluceat, an et sententias argumenta dialecticae subtilitatis involvant. Quaeritur, etiam utrum categorici an potius hypothetici, quae proposita sunt, per allegationes inevitabiles astruant syllogismi”; Briefe, 1:217–18. Briefe, 3:350–55. He writes (355): “Haec igitur questio quoniam non ad discutiendam maiestatis divinae potentiam, sed potius ad artis dialecticae probatur pertinere peritiam, et non ad virtutem vel materiam rerum, sed ad modum et ordinem disserendi consequentiamque verborum non habet locum in aecclesiae sacramentis, quae a secularibus pueris ventilatur in scholis.” Presumably the debate arose from discussing the implications of Cicero’s phrase “si peperit, concubuit; si peperit, cum viro concubuit” (Cic., De inv., 1, 29, 44). Cf. Cantin, Sciences seculières, 168–69 and 375–97. In what was his most extreme assessment of the nature of the divine will, he maintained in 1067 that God’s will was not subject to the law of contradiction; De divina omnipotentia, in De divina omnipotentia e altri opusculi, ed. Paolo Brezzi, trans. Bruno Nardi (Florence, 1943), 118–20. Cf. Friedrich Überweg and Bernhard Geyer, Die patristische und scholastische Philosophie: Grundriss der Geschichte der Philosophie, vol. 2 (Berlin, 1928), 189–90.

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known of Drogo of Parma’s antecedents or of the speciic nature of his instruction, but no transalpine contemporary apparently enjoyed an equal reputation. Whereas Berengar’s association with dialectic did not deter its study north of the Alps, however, in Italy by the third quarter of the century the discipline had become suspect. A deeply conservative Pietro branded it a danger to the faith. Two decades later Bonizone of Sutri would lodge the same criticism against all the liberal arts.182 More signiicantly, within the Italian milieu in a period of intensifying discussions of church reform, when even the suspicion of false belief could undercut the standing of those claiming to represent orthodoxy, the prospects of dialectic became increasingly bleak. Certainly in the regnum, where the struggle over church authority was to prove more disruptive than anywhere else in Europe, the contenders could not but be wary of the destabilizing efects of a methodology of reasoning that could sometimes produce unorthodox conclusions. CHURCH REFORM

The spirituality of Pietro Damiani, the most outspoken Italian reformer of his generation, was an outgrowth of a monastic reform movement that sought to purify the Church by urging the embracing of poverty. In Italy, of the forces pushing for universal reform of the Church in the irst half of the eleventh century the Camaldolensians and the Vallombrosans were the most important. By Damiani’s youth the reforms of Benedictine monasticism, inaugurated at Cluny early in the tenth century, had spread to some of the major monasteries of the Italian kingdom.183 Although several

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A considerable portion of the logica vetus might have been taught at Montecassino in Damiani’s day. Francis Newton, “Tibullus in Two Grammatical Florilegia of the Middle Ages,” Transactions and Proceedings of the American Philological Association 93 (1962): 275, identiies BMV, Zanetti Lat. 497 as a textbook written at Montecassino in this period. The manuscript includes (fols. 106v–140): Porphyry’s Isagoge, Boethius’s translation of the Categories and De interpretatione (incomplete), the Categoriae X of Pseudo-Augustine, Boethius’s In perihermeneias ed. sec. (incomplete) and De divisione diinitionum. See as well the description in George Lacombe, Corpus philosophorum medii aevi: Aristotelis latinus, codices descripsit Georgius Lacombe: pars posterior (Cambridge, 1955), 1123–24. Radding and Newton, Theology, Rhetoric and Politics, 109–13, argue that the another collection of classical dialectical texts found in the splendid BAV, Ottobonianus lat. 1406, was associated with the Synod of 1078. Bonizone condemned pagan learning even for priests: “Ad ministerium enim sacerdotum pertinet sacros libros utriusque testamenti legere et canones sanctorum patrum non ignorare, non poetarum fabulis insudare nec dialectice dare operam garrulitati”; Liber de vita christiana, ed. Ferdinand Perels (Berlin, 1930), 38. Giles Constable, “Cluny in the Monastic World of the Tenth Century,” Il secolo di ferro: Mito e realtà del secolo X, 19–25 aprile 1990, SSCISAM, no. 38 (Spoleto, 1991), 391–437, outlines the major characteristics of Cluniac monasticism in its irst century: (a) The monastery was subject to no earthly power – the role of the popes was to serve as tutores ac defensores (405–106). (b) Monks were to elect their own abbot (407). (c) The abbot was a member of the community and usually acted in consultation and often with the consent of the brothers (410). (d) The main task of monks was to devote themselves to intercessionary prayers on behalf of individuals, the Church, and Christian society in general (421). Cinzio Violante, “Per una riconsiderazione della presenza cluniacense in Lombardia,” in Cluny in Lombardia: Appendice ed indici degli atti del convegno storico celebrativo del IX centenario della fondazione del priorato cluniacense di Pontida, 22–23 aprile 1977, Italia Benedettina, vol.1.2 (Cesena, 1981), 535, points

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Cluniac foundations in the area around Rome dated to the time of the second abbot of Cluny, Odo (927–42/48), it was the fourth abbot, Maïeul (954–94), who aggressively pursued reform in northern Italy. At Pavia, Cluniac reforms were efected at Ciel d’Oro; and Maïeul founded two monasteries, Santa Maria in 967 (called San Maiolo after 999) and San Salvatore in 971. At Parma, San Giovanni was reformed and, at Ravenna, Sant’Apollinario in Classe.184 Cluniac spirituality also afected the Italian monastic foundations associated with Guglielmo of Volpiano (d. 1031). A native of Vercelli, Guglielmo, a close collaborator of Maïeul, began his career as a Cluniac reformer in Francia in the region of Dijon.185 Having established reforms there, he directed his attention to Italy, where in 1003 he founded Fruttuaria in Ivrea, on the Cluniac model. From Fruttuaria Guglielmo’s inluence spread into Lombardy and Emilia, and in 1007 Sant’Apollinario Nuovo at Ravenna accepted his reform program.186 In contrast with the Cluniacs, the leaders of both the Camaldolensians and Vallombrosans, Romualdo and Giovanni Gualberti respectively, placed a new emphasis on the ideal of poverty as the key to monastic reform, an ideal that was to have an enduring inluence on European monasticism and spirituality in general.187 Initially joining the newly reformed monastic community of Sant’Apollinare in Classe in Ravenna, Romualdo (d. ca. 1027) quickly grew dissatisied with what he considered the lax life of the cenobitic community and, willing to take the spiritual risks associated with solitude, sought to create an ascetic life for himself and for others of the sort only possible to achieve in remote places.188

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out that Cluny’s dependence on the institution of private churches and exemption from episcopal control, together with its resistence to emphasizing the role of the sacramental priesthood, qualiied its support of the papal program of reform in the second half of the eleventh century. Cluny’s major supporters in Lombardy were nobles who sided with the emperor (634–41). Philibert Schmitz, Geschichte des Benediktinerordens: Ausbreitung und Verfassungsgeschichte des Ordens von seiner Gründung bis zum 12. Jahrhundert, vol. 1 (Zurich, 1947), 166–67. For Cluny’s connections with Polirone, see Hansmartin Schwarzmaier, “The Monastery of St. Benedict, Polirone, and Its Cluniac Associations,” in Cluniac Monasticism in the Central Middle Ages, ed. Noreen Hunt (Hamden, Conn., 1971), 124–38. Violante, “Per una riconsiderazione della presenza cluniacense,” 536–59. On Saint Maïeul, see Cesare Manaresi, “La fondazione del monastero di S. Maiolo di Pavia,” Spiritualità cluniacense, 12–15 ottobre, 1958, Convegni del Centro di studi sulla spiritualità medievale, no. 2 (Todi, 1960), 274–85. Although Maïeul’s link with San Pietro in Ciel d’Oro has been questioned, Giancarlo Andenna, “Le fondazioni monastiche del nord Italia riformate da Maiolo,” San Maiolo e le inluenze cluniacensi nell’Italia del Nord: Atti del Convegno internazionale nel Millenario di San Maiolo (994–1994), Pavia–Novara, 23–24 settembre 1994, ed. Ettore Cau and Aldo S. Settia (Como, 1998), 214–15, argues cogently for his contribution to the reform of the monastery. Gregorio Penco, “S. Guglielmo di Volpiano e la sua attività riformatrice in Francia,” Studia monastica: Commentarium ad rem monasticam investigandam 11 (1969): 1–17. See above, p. 99. See Schmitz, Geschichte des Benediktinerordens, 1:168, for the link of Sant’ Apollinario Nuovo and Fruttuaria. For the founder of Fruttuaria, Guglielmo of Volpiano, and his work in the regnum, see Gregorio Penco, “Il movimento di Fruttuaria e la riforma gregoriana,” in Il monachesimo e la riforma ecclesiastica (1049–1122): Atti della quarta Settimana internazionale di studio Mendola, 23–29 agosto 1968 (Milan, 1971), 385–95. On Guglielmo, also see my Chapter 2. Henrietta Leyser, Hermits and the New Monasticism: A Study of Religious Communities in Western Europe 1000–1150 (New York, 1984), 39. Damiani’s irst surviving work was the biography of the saint, Vita beati Romualdi, written in 1042. The work is edited by Giovanni Tabacco in FSI, no. 94 (Rome, 1957).

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Romualdo’s most important foundation, at Camaldoli in the wooded hills of the Casentino, gave its rule to what in the early years was a loosely connected group of hermitages created in the high valleys of the Apennines and the swampy delta of the Po River.189 Among those hermitages was Fonte Avellana, established in Umbria at the foot of one of the highest peaks of the Apennines by a disciple of Romualdo. Fonte Avellana, Pietro Damiani’s hermitage, generally followed the practices ordained by Romualdo: hermits lived in pairs in isolated cells, exercised strict self-discipline, followed a minimal diet, and devoted themselves to penitence and prayers.The construction of buildings was also kept to a minimum. Beyond elementary training, formal education had little place in the regime: Romualdo himself learned to read late in life and even then knew Latin only imperfectly.190 Giovanni Gualberti (d. 1073), the founder of the Vallombrosan order, irst committed himself to an eremetic life at Camaldoli. Around 1030 he created his own hermitage at Vallombrosa dedicated, like Camaldoli, to the greatest poverty and to the renunciation of all worldly pleasures. Unlike Romualdo, however, Giovanni joined eremitic living from the outset within a cenobitic institution.191 While Camaldolensian hermitages, too, came to add a complementary monastic arrangement, that order’s focus of religious life remained primarily eremitic. The contrast between the stark living conditions of the eremitic orders and those of the upper secular clergy must have impressed the urban masses, who could not fail to notice the disparity between the hierarchy’s way of life and that of the apostles depicted in the Bible, the text upon which the hierarchy’s claim to authority ultimately rested. Both Romualdo and Giovanni Gualberti railed against the two great vices of contemporary clerics – clerical marriage and simony – but Giovanni in particular did not hesitate to stir up the masses in support of his goal of extinguishing those practices. Romualdo wrote nothing, and Giovanni very little if anything on his own, so that most of what we know of the lives of the two, both of whom later became saints, comes from their vitae.192 Pietro Damiani’s extensive Vita Romualdi of 1042, written soon after 189

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Wilhelm Kurze, “Campus Malduli: Die Frühgeschichte Camaldolis,” Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven 44 (1964): 1–34. His “Zu Geschichte Camaldolis im Zeitalter der Reform, in Monachesimo e la riforma ecclesiastica, 399–415, discusses the origin of the monastery and the movement. Damiani writes (Vita beati Romualdi, 93) that in later life he interpreted the “psalterium et nonnulla prophetarum cantica luculenter exposuit et licet corrupta grammaticę regula, sanum tamen sensum ubique servavit.” Black, Education and Society in Florentine Tuscany, 179, suggests that Giovanni may have taught school at Vallombrosa, based on a statement made by Strumi, his biographer: “Contigit enim me in infantia pueritiaque sancti viri Johannis abbatis Vallisymbrosae disciplina diligenter erudiri.” The reference to Vallis ymbrosae disciplina I take rather to be a reference to the way of life at the monastery, not education in school. Brunetto Quilici, “Giovanni Gualberto e la sua riforma monastica,” Archivio storico italiano 99 (1941): 1:113–32, 2:27–62; and 100 (1942): 45–99, provides the basic outline of Gualberti’s life and the nature of his reform. See also Soia Boaesch Gajano, “Storia e tradizione vallombrosane,” BISI 27 (1964): 99–215; and Antonella degli’Innocenti, “Giovanni Gualberto, DBI, no. 56 (Rome, 2001), 341–47. For early biographies of the saint, see the following note. In the earliest vita of Giovanni Gualberti, that of Andrea of Strumi Vita sancti Iohannis Gualberti, ed. Friedrich Baethgen, MGH, Scriptores, no. 30.2 [Leipzig, 1929], 1076–1104, composed ca. 1092, the author characterizes Giovanni as “inscius litterarum et quasi idiota” (1087).

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Damiani joined the hermitage, emphasized the extreme asceticism of the future saint and his passionate campaign against clerical marriage and simony, causes that Pietro himself championed throughout his own life.193 In his Vita sancti Iohannis Gualberti (ca. 1095) Andrea da Strumi also emphasized Giovanni’s asceticism, but Andrea, being a former member of the Milanese Pataria, the revolutionary popular reform movement in the city, not only lauded the future saint’s passionate condemnation of clerical marriage and simony throughout the work but also linked Giovanni’s campaign to his own open support for the violent popular reform movement that had sprung up in Milan in the 1050s.194 Only a few years later, Andrea’s vita would serve as the basis for two others on Giovanni, both of which generally endorsed Andrea’s views.195 The vast majority of the vitae from the period served a parochial purpose: glorifying a saint or prospective saint was a means of satisfying particular local interests, especially the beneits of visiting the saint’s shrine. By contrast, the biographies of Romualdo and Giovanni, as well as Andrea da Strumi’s biography of Arialdo, saint of the Pataria, were extensive and ambitious accounts written as much to promote a way of life as to celebrate the saint himself. For that reason the works did not assert the saintliness of the three men on the basis of the miracles they performed but instead established it by describing their normal conduct.196 Damiani belonged to the second generation of severe monastic reformers. From the early years of his conversion his vision of reform extended beyond the monastic life toward a general reform of the Church as a whole. In opposition to the Vallombrosans, he believed that these reforms were the task of the established authorities and that appeals to popular support should be eschewed.197 Already before Henry III’s descent into Italy in 1046, Damiani had proclaimed the emperor a new David because he had deposed Widger, the German archbishop of Ravenna, whom Pietro considered unsuited to his oice.198 Henry III’s subsequent deposition 193

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The work is composed in stilus humilis and lacks rhetorical embellishment; Vita beati Romualdi, 56–57. Driven by the desire to include all that he knows of the saint, however, Damiani had diiculty in producing a uniied composition. Vita sancti Johannis Gualberti, 1100. About twenty years earlier, soon after coming to Camaldoli from Milan, where he himself had participated in the patarine movement, Andrea composed (ca. 1075) his vita of Saint Arialdo (Vita sancti Arialdi, ed. Friedrich Baethgen, MGH, Scriptores, no. 30, pt. 2 [Leipzig, 1929], 1047–75), one of the leading members of the Milanese pataria. Vita Iohannis Gualberti auctore discipulo eius, ibid., 1104–10; and Atto da Vallombrosa, Vita sancti Iohannis Gualberti, PL 146, cols. 671–706. Both were written in the early years of the twelfth century; Degli’ Innocenti, “Giovanni Gualberto,” 345. Atto’s vita has little originality. See the discussion of Soia Boesch, “Giovanni Gualberto e la vita comune del clero nelle biograie di Andrea da Strumi e di Atto da Vallombrosa,” La vita comune del clero nei secoli xi e xii, Atti della Settimana di studio: Mendola, settembre 1959, 2 vols. (Milan, 1962), 2:228–44. While capable of vividly describing the character and actions of both Arialdi and Giovanni, Andrea’s control of Latin grammar was decidedly mediocre. See Baethgen’s remarks on the Vita sancti Arialdi, 1048, and on the Vita Iohannes Gualberti, 1077–78. In the case of the vita of Arialdi, Baethgen praises the “vivam dilucidamque imaginem Arialdi Patarenorumque.” Of the author of the anonymous life of Gualberti, he writes: “multo autem pluris aestimanda est narrandi eius ars elegans atque viva, qua plerosque eiusdem temporis auctores antecellit.” Briefe, 3:539–42. Cf. Giovanni Miccoli, “La storia religiosa,” Storia d’Italia: Dalla caduta dell’impero al secolo XVIII, vol. 2.1 (Milan, 1978), 495. Damiani writes (Epist., 1:200–201): “ ‘Laetentur ergo celi, exultet terra’ (Psal. xvc) quia in rege suo vere Christus regnare cognoscitur, et sub ipso jam seculi ine aureum David saeculum renovatur.”

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of three rival claimants to the Roman papacy late in the same year and his establishment of a line of reforming popes raised Pietro’s expectations for a general reformation of the Church.199 Henry III’s irst two popes lived only briely after their appointment, but the emperor’s third pope, Leo IX (1048–56), seriously initiated church reform. Bishop of Toul in what is now northeastern France, Leo brought with him an entourage composed of like-minded reformers: Humbert and Hugh the White, monks respectively at Moyenmoutier and Remiremont near Toul; Archdeacon Frederick of Liège; and Archbishop Halinard of Lyon.200 Although Pietro and the men in this group shared many of the same positions on reform, his willingness to qualify his statements sometimes raised the ire of the extreme members of Leo’s circle. In 1049 Pietro sent to Leo IX his Liber gomorrhianus, which contained a lurid appraisal of the sexual sins of the clergy, primarily homosexual practices.201 Attacking certain canons that inlicted only moderate punishment for homosexual acts as apocryphal, Pietro declared the canons invalid because they were not sanctioned either by genuine canon law or by papal authority: “All authentic canons are either created in venerable synodal councils or promulgated by the holy pontiical fathers of the Apostolic See; nor is it permitted to anyone at all to edit the canons, but this privilege rests only with him who is seen to preside over the See of Blessed Peter.”202 Dividing “unnatural acts” into four types, individual masturbation, mutual masturbation, femoral fornication, and complete acts against nature, he appeals to the papacy to decide which of these vices merit expulsion from ecclesiastical oices, and which merit lesser punishment.203 Although certain passages of the Liber gomorrhianus might suggest that sacraments performed by priests guilty of these vices were invalid, Pietro’s Liber gratissimus, composed in 1052 with additions in 1061, made it clear that he distinguished between the oice and the person of the priest, arguing that the sacraments functioned ex opere operato.204 For instance, he asserted, a cleric consecrated by a simoniac did not need a second consecration. Six years later, Humbert, in his Libri tres adversus simoniacos, 199 200

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He selected Bruno of Toul in 1048 after the short-lived papacies of Clement II and Damasus II. Uta-Renate Blumenthal, The Investiture Controversy, Church and Monarchy from the Ninth to the Twelfth Century (Philadelphia, 1980), 70. The position of Augustin Fliche is developed in detail in his La réforme grégorienne, 3 vols. (Louvain and Paris, 1924–26). He generally treats Damiani as a prereformer. Briefe, 1:285–330. Ibid., 304: “Constat nimirum, quod omnes authentici canones aut in venerandis synodalibus conciliis sunt inventi, aut a sanctis patribus sedis apostolicae pontiicibus promulgati, nec cuiquam soli homini licet canones edere, sed illi tantummodo hoc competit privilegium, qui in beati Petri cathedra cernitur praesidere.” While his attack on homosexuality relates to celibacy, his major attacks on clerical marriage appear relatively late, beginning in 1059; Blum, St. Peter Damian, 175–76. Ibid., 287: “ Ut autem res vobis tota per ordinem pateat, ex huius nequitiae scelere quatuor diversitates iunt. Alii siquidem semetipsos polluunt, alii sibi invicem inter se manibus virilia contrectantes inquinantur, alii inter femora, alii fornicantur in terga.” The work concludes (ibid., 329) with an appeal to the pope to decide “cui earum [of the four types] obnoxius debeat ab ecclesiastico ordine inretractabiliter abici, cui vero praelato discretionis intuitu possit hoc oicium misericorditer indulgeri.” The work is found in Briefe, 1:388–509. For the distinction, see 415–18.

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would denounce Pietro (without naming him) for aiding the cause of the simoniacs with that opinion. Humbert would insist that because consecration by a simoniac was no consecration, the ceremony would have to be repeated.205 As Pietro’s praise of Emperor Henry III’s intervention in papal governance suggests, he had no intention of excluding the emperor from reform eforts. Instead, in a traditional way, he envisaged the spiritual and secular rulers of the world as acting to govern it in consort. As Pietro wrote to Henry IV in 1065: “Both dignities – that is, both the regal and the priestly – just as they are connected mutually to one another by the truth of the sacrament principally in Christ, are also linked to the Christian people by a certain mutual agreement with one another. Each one is mutually in need of the utility of the other: while the priesthood is protected by the guardianship of the king, the kingdom is supported by the sanctity of the priestly oice.”206 Although in Pietro’s Disceptatio synodalis of 1062, written as a defense of Alexander II against the antipope Cadalo, Pietro introduced the Donation of Constantine in airming the Roman pope’s “dominion over all the churches of the world,” he drew from it no implications regarding papal dominion over secular af airs.207 From the pontiicate of Leo IX onward, the traditional stress on cooperation between secular and spiritual powers in church reform had vied with a more radical view that belittled the status of kings; subjected them to the instruction and direction of the Church, primarily that of the papacy; and largely ignored the doctrine of the two swords.208 Although initially Pope Gregory VII (1073–85) showed restraint in his relationship with the German emperor, the radical character of his concept of papal power emerged by 1077/78. Before he became pope, while he was still Cardinal Ildebrando, Damiani – alluding to his small stature – described him as “a small tiger springing against oncoming arrows” and elsewhere as a “wolf.”209 He was a man of absolute convictions and zealous in pursuing them. It is diicult to know to what extent the strained relationship between Gregory VII and Pietro in the last years of Pietro’s life – he died in 1072 – came from a widening gap in their diverse perceptions of what church reform entailed and of the role of the emperor in the endeavor. 205

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Libelli de lite imperatorum et pontiicum saeculis XI et XII, ed. Friedrick Thaner, MGH, 3 vols. (Hannover, 1891–97), 1:100–253. See Dressler, Petrus Damiani, 107. Epist., 3:389: “Utraque praeterea dignitas, et regalis scilicet et sacerdotalis, sicut principaliter in Christo sibimet invicem singulari sacramenti veritate connectitur, sic in christiano populo mutuo quodam sibi foedere copulatur. Utraque videlicet alternae invicem utilitatis est indiga, dum et sacerdocium regni tuitione protegitur, et regnum sacerdotalis oicii sanctitate fulcitur.” Disceptatio synodalis in Briefe, 2:532–79. The reference is on 546. Cited from Ian S. Robinson, Authority and Resistance, 27. In his analysis, Gerd Tellenbach, Church, State and Society at the Time of the Investiture Contest, trans. Ralph F. Bennett (Oxford, 1940), 147–61, outlines Gregory’s position briely. Indeed, Henry IV would defend his cause on the basis of the doctrine of the two swords (ibid., 158–59). Cf. Robinson, Authority and Resistance, 89–95. L’opera poetica di S. Pier Damiani, 68 (poem 78): “Parva tigris missas aequat properando sagittas....” Poem 18 (55) reads: “Qui rabiem tigridum domat, ora cruenta leonum / Te nunc usque lupum mihi mitem vertat in agnum.”

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Scattered throughout Pietro Damiani’s writings are legal terms, judicial similes drawn from civil law, and frequent citations from canon law.210 He wrote his Disceptatio synodalis, which was composed in June or July of 1062 and which I just mentioned, as if it were a transcript of a legal trial. Consisting of a series of alternating speeches by a defensor Romanae ecclesiae justifying the election of Pope Alexander II without imperial consent and by a regius advocatus denying the election’s validity, Pietro conceived of the work, according to his own account, as a praeludium for the actual imperial synod that had been summoned to meet a few months later to decide on the legitimacy of that very papal election.211 Pietro’s letter of 1046 to the bishop of Cesena and archbishop of Ravenna, which I have already mentioned, describing Pietro’s debate with a group of sapientes civitatis in a church in Ravenna over the deinition of what constituted the prohibited seven degrees of consanguinity, shows him to have been well informed on the legal aspects of the problem.212 During the meeting these “wise men,” certainly lawyers, had formulated a response to a request made by Florence to reconcile canon law’s prohibition of marriage, which went to the seventh degree, with the prohibition under Roman law, which stopped at the fourth. Employing the Roman method of adding together the number of degrees separating two related individuals from their common ancestor, the lawyers had declared that the canonical seventh-degree prohibition would be satisied when four degrees on one side and three on the other separated a man and a woman.213 The response enraged Pietro, who informed these judices or legis periti that the canons required a distance of seven generations of separation on each side to satisfy the prohibition and declared this law of God to be above that of Justinian. Pietro tried to clarify the law on consanguinity by looking at the way another closely related law, that of inheritance, deined successors when a person died intestate.214 Like the moderni of Pavia, Pietro sought to resolve apparent contradictions 210

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Apart from the classic article by Nino Tamassia, “Le opere di Pier Damiano. Note per la storia giuridica del sec. XI,” Atti dell’Istituto veneto 62 (1902–3), 981–1008, see on civil law Pietro Palazzini, “Note di diritto romano in S. Pier Damiani,” Studia et documenta historiae et juris, 13–14 (1947–48), 235–68, and by the same author, Il diritto, strumento di riforma ecclesiastica in S. Pier Damiani (Rome, 1956). For references to canon law, see John J. Ryan, Saint Peter Damiani and His Canonical Sources (Toronto, 1956). Cf. Cantin, Les sciences seculières, 505–33. Briefe, 2:532–79. Justifying his mode of presentation, he writes in the opening paragraph: “Et quoniam in proximo, ut speramus, iet hinc Osborgense concilium, hic iam eiusdem concilii constituamus velut in quadam tabellae pictura preludium” (541). Also consult Osborn, The Preaching of Saint Peter Damiani, 132–33. Briefe, 1:179–99. For that which follows, see Cantin, Les sciences seculières, 515–25.The date of the letter describing the incident is taken from Giovanni Lucchesi, Per una vita di san Pier Damiani: Componenti cronologiche e topograiche, 2 pts. (Forlì, 1972), 2:157. Briefe, 1:180. The interpretation involved a passage in the Institutes (tit. 10; De nuptis, para. 3): “Sed nec neptem fratris vel sororis ducere quis potest, quamvis quarto gradu sit.” On the calculation of degrees of consanguinity, see Ernest Champeaux, “Jus sanguinis: Trois façons de calculer la parenté au moyen âge,” Revue historique de droit français et étranger, ser. 4, 12 (1933): 244–50. Briefe, 1:185: “Secundum hoc igitur sententiae synodalis edictum, cui competit ius haereditatis, competit etiam propinquitas generis. Neque enim, ut dicitur, in haereditatem succederent, nisi ad cognationis propaginem pertinerent.”

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in the laws by urging examination of the intentions of their authors and by considering the laws in context: “Let them read the whole [passage] ... so that they may understand what is said at one glance.”215 Pietro’s study of law and its handmaid discipline, rhetoric, does not appear to have been atypical of young Italian laymen in the irst half of the eleventh century. Their appreciation of law and rhetoric is relected in the signiicant growth in the number of surviving legal documents. Increasing interest in law was doubtless connected to the rising tempo of economic life, especially the consolidation of holdings on the part of both lay and spiritual landholders, who were eager to rationalize agricultural exploitation. A growing demand for legal advice made it advantageous for individual families and religious institutions to have a close relative or associate who was wise in the ways of the law. As archbishop of Ravenna, Pietro complained to Alexander II that he could neither contemplate nor write because of the continual disputes about property and other matters involving the archdiocese that demanded his attention. He tried to shut himself away in his cell, but “the sea of enguling legal matters” would not let him rest: “I am struck by a storm of injuries inlicted, by the violation of properties, or I am disturbed by the loss of income.”216 He blamed his fellow churchmen for engaging in litigation rather than performing their religious duties and studying, not sacred writings, but legal decrees: “The tribunals of judges and the royal courts no longer suice for the multitude of priests.While they vomit forth crowds of clerics and monks, they complain of the courts’ brief schedules (suae brevitatis). Cloisters are empty. The Bible is shut, and through the mouths of the clerical order run the civil laws.”217 The Italian lay upper classes were also deeply involved in judicial disputes. Wipo, a chaplain of Henry III, commented that “All Italians do this as soon as they leave their cradle, and all the young are sent to sweat in the schools.” Wipo’s words make clear that the ultimate goal of such education was to have knowledge of the law. Appealing to Henry to institute educational reforms using the Italians as models, Wipo added that the German nobility should be encouraged to study law as the Italian nobility did, so it could defend itself in court. “The Germans alone,” he laments, “ind it seems worthless and foul that they [the Germans] teach anyone except someone who is received into the clergy.”218 215

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Ibid., 1:195–96: “Veruntamen quia alii doctores sextam, alii septimam generationem observandam esse decernunt, haec in talibus est tendenda discretio: ut si a iliis incipit, in sexta generatione supputatio desinat; si vero a nepotibus, usque ad septimam tendat. Sic nimirum plurimorum sententia reperietur una, quae in litterarum videbatur inaequalitate diversa.”The Latin for the quotation in the text reads: “Totum, queso, legant, ut sub uno intuitu totum, quod dicitur, comprehendant …”; Briefe, 1:483. Cf. Ryan, St. Peter Damiani, 145. Ryan (141–48) provides a general discussion of Damiani’s approach to the interpretation of canon law. Briefe, 3:47: “Illatis iniuriarum procellis illidor, violenta praediorum vel quorumque proventuum diminutione perturbor.” Ibid., 3:51: “nec sacrarum meditantur eloquia scripturarum, sed scita legum et forense litigium. Multitudini sacerdotum non suiciunt tribunalia iudicum et aulae regiae, dum clericorum ac monachorum evomunt turbas, brevitatis suae conqueruntur angustias. Claustra vacant, evangelium clauditur, et per ora aecclesiastici ordinis forensia iura decurrunt.” Tetralogus, in Die Werke Wipos, 81: “Tunc fac edictum per terram Teutonicorum/ Quilibet ut dives sibi natos instruat omnes/ Litterulis legemque suam persuadeat illis,/ Ut, cum principibus placitandi

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As the market for legal instruction spiraled upward in the eleventh century, the number of teachers increased accordingly. As I understand the evidence, students learned some Latin grammar and then went on to a legal education that included instruction in rhetoric and further instruction in the grammar relevant to the legal texts. There may have been some teaching of Roman law in cathedral schools, but Anselmo of Besate’s few references to Roman law suggest that whatever legal training he received in Sichelmo’s classroom was related to the composition of judicial orations. As at Ravenna and Pavia, most legal instruction was commonly given by lay lawyers who, as private teachers, instructed their students in rhetoric, especially in the art of arguing cases. The renaissance of legal thought beginning in the eleventh century was the work of men like these who, confronted with practical questions surrounding the application of law, came over time to envisage Roman law as an overarching structure within which to understand all human law. The appearance of new professional titles in the documents from all over northern and central Italy by mid-century points to the increasing complexity of the legal society there. Two terms appear most frequently: legis doctor and causidicus. While the term legis doctor was apparently used simply to indicate someone learned in the law, the term causidicus referred to professional functions.219 The role of the causidicus in court seems to have been either to provide learned counsel to the judges or to defend one of the parties in a dispute. Whereas Pietro Damiani referred to law teachers in Ravenna interchangeably as judices, legisperiti, and causidici, at least in Bologna, documents identify the earliest teachers only as causidici.220 Until about 1000 legal learning appears primarily to have meant being able to choose the right law in a given situation. Likely the most advanced legal men in Italy, the judices et notarii sacri palatii of Pavia, had occupied themselves up to around 1000 principally with interpreting Lombard law. As we have seen, the Pavian legal corps in the course of the tenth century increasingly went on judicial rounds where its members sat on tribunals together with local royal notaries and judges. Unable to consult the legal archives of the royal palace when working outside of Pavia, Pavian

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venerit usus,/ Quisque suis libris exemplum proferat illis./ Moribus his dudum vivebat Roma decenter,/ His studiis tantos potuit vincire tyrannos;/ Hoc servant Itali post prima crepundia cuncti,/ Et sudare scholis mandatur tota iuventus:/ Solis Teutonicis vacuum vel turpe videtur,/ Ut doceant aliquem, nisi clericus accipiatur.” See the early appearance of these titles in Giovanni Santini, “‘Legis doctores’ e ‘sapientes civitatis’ di età preirneriana. Ricerche preliminari (con speciale riferimento al territorio della Romagna nel sec. XI,” Archivio giuridico, ser. 6, 38 (1965), 114–71; and Carlo G. Mor, “Legis doctor,” in Atti del convegno internazionale di studi accursiani (Bologna, 21–26 ott., 1963), ed. Guido Rossi, 3 vols. (Milan, 1968), 1:193–201. In the case of the period up to 1100, Mor’s opinion that the title legis doctor referred to teachers of law is not supported by the evidence. According to Johannes Fried, Die Entstehung des Juristenstandes im 12. Jahrhundert: Zur sozialen Stellung und politischen Bedeutung gelehrter Juristen in Bologna und Modena (Cologne and Vienna, 1974), 18, only later did that become their title: “Wir sehen in diesen ‘legis doctores’ keine Rechtslehrer sondern gute Rechtskenner, vielleicht auch Rechtsgelehrte, die ihre Kenntnis auf alle möglichen Ausbildungsweisen erworben hatten: durch Schulung in der Praxis, bei einem fortgeschrittenen und älteren ‘iudex’ oder ‘causidicus,’ an einer Schule durch die Rhetorik vermittelt und schliesslich vielleicht auch im Selbststudium.” For Damiani see above, n. 106. Cf. Fried, Entstehung, 38–39; and Girolamo Arnaldi, “Alle origine dello Studio bolognese,” in Le sedi della cultura nell’Emilia Romagna: L’età comunale, ed. Girolamo Arnaldi et al. (Milan, 1984), 108.

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notaries and judges, as I have noted previously, created the Liber legis Longobardorum, also known as the Liber papiensis, an organized anthology of Lombard law and Carolingian capitularies.221 Such a collection could also have served as a textbook for legal instruction. At the same time the growth of a broad royal notariate from the middle of the tenth century constituted a challenge to Pavia’s monopoly on legal wisdom. Emerging from the comfortable atmosphere of consensus generated by a concentrated elite, the lawmen of Pavia were now called upon to justify their legal opinions. When rioting Pavians destroyed the royal palace after the death of Henry II in 1024, and Henry’s successor failed to treat Pavia as the capital of the Italian realm, these events only increased pressure on the members of the legal corps of the city to retain their preeminent position in the kingdom. They could no longer speak as the representatives of royal authority. The Pavian lawmen were therefore forced to deepen their understanding of the law out of the need to defend their expertise.222 The economic revival brought a new kind of destabilization – not this time wrought by invading barbarians but instead by litigating Italians, who fought one another in the courts over the possession of increasingly valuable land and the jurisdictional control over it. Legal systems that had been developed for a less highly evolved society no longer met the needs of the age. It was the combination of the new ethos of competition with an emerging awareness that the old legal framework no longer suiced that encouraged the Pavian legal establishment to turn to Roman law to provide guidance where Lombard law was mute, and to seek authorization for novel legal interpretations. The result of the lawyers’ efort to maintain their prestige is apparent in the fact that most of the early citations from the Justinian corpus are in Pavian sources or sources associated with Pavia. Already by mid-century, Guglielmo had articulated the principle that Roman law was lex omnium generalis and used it to decide issues where Lombard law was unclear or silent.223 The earliest surviving manuscript of the complete Institutes (Bamberg Staatsbibliothek, Jur. 1) comes from Rome in the irst quarter of the eleventh century, but the accompanying glosses are apparently ancient ones, copied by the scribes 221

222 223

See Radding, Origins of Medieval Jurisprudence, 81–82. Ennio Cortese, Il diritto nella storia medievale, 2 vols. (Rome, 1995), 2:17, citing Radding, assigns a date to the Liber papiensis in the second quarter of the eleventh century. Also see my Chapter 2. Radding, Origins of Medieval Jurisprudence, 75–78. Radding and Ciaralli, The Corpus iuris civilis, 83–84. The torrent of negative criticism that followed the publication of Charles Radding’s Origins of Medieval Jurisprudence in 1988 might explain why, although he includes Radding’s book in his bibliography, James A. Brundage erased the role of eleventh-century Pavia in his account of the revival of Roman law in his The Medieval Origins of the Legal Profession: Canonists, Civilians, and Courts (Chicago, 2008). He begins with Bologna (75) and refers to Pavian jurists, along with those of other Italian cities (89) in the early twelfth century, as increasingly citing the Institutes and the Code, and asserts that when they began to cite the Digest “they were no longer studying Roman legal texts simply as sources for rhetorical lourishes, but were commencing to engage in serious legal analysis.” We must not overlook, however, Stephan Kuttner’s assessment of eleventh-century Pavia’s role in his “The Revival of Jurisprudence,” 303. He refers to Pavia as the “only true precursor of Bologna, the only center at which serious scholarly relection on legal texts can be found.” Among the texts of Roman law cited by the Pavian jurists he includes a small number from the Digest.

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along with the text from the base manuscript.224 There is no way of knowing if the earliest citations of the Justinian corpus by Pavian lawyers were gleaned from a similar complete manuscript or only from isolated fragments of the text. In any case, as I said in Chapter 2, the earliest citations from the Institutes since the ninth-century Lex romana canonice compta appear in the Lombard Quaestiones ac monita, probably from the second quarter of the eleventh century. Subsequently citations appear in the glosses called the Walcausina, written by Walcausio, a Lombard lawyer who wrote the commentary on the Liber papiensis in the third quarter of the century, and in the Expositio dated between 1070 and 1090.225 Similarly, the Novellae was cited in all three of these eleventh-century works and the Codex in the latter two.226 Henry III, who stopped at Pavia in 1047 and was accompanied on part of his journey by Boniglio, the lawyer whom I mentioned earlier as the young Lanfranco’s opponent, also cited the Codex in a law of that year in responding to a problem posed to him by “several legal experts” (nonnullis legisperitis).227 As for the fourth division of the Justinian corpus, the Expositio cites the Digest at a number of points, but the irst dated reference to the work was made by Pepo in the Romagna in the Marturi plea in 1076.228 Although Pavian specialists in Lombard law were guided in their study of legal texts by practical considerations, both the Expositio and the Walcausina manifest a philological interest in the texts of Lombard law. The author of the Walcausina (ca. 1050), boasts in fact of having emended a key text of the Liber legis Langobardorum.229 224

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Charles Radding and Antonio Ciaralli, “The Corpus Iuris Civilis in the Middle Ages: A Case Study in Historiography and Medieval History.” Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte, romanistische Abteilung, 117 (2000): 307. Walcausio or Gualcausio wrote documents at Pavia between 1055 and 1079: Radding, Origins of Medieval Jurisprudence, 95. The glosses of Walcausio are included with the commentary of the Expositio on the Liber papiensis in Boretius’s edition of the last work. For the most complete analysis of the Expositio consult Giovanni Diurni, “L’Expositio ad liber papiensem, cited above. Cf. For its precise citations of the Institutes, see Antonio Padoa Schioppa, “La cultura giuridica,” Storia di Pavia, II. L’alto Medioevo (Milan, 1987), 231, n. 98. Radding and Ciaralli, The Corpus iuris civilis, trace the early manuscript history of the Institutes, 111–31. For those of the Code and the Digest, see 133–68 and 169–210 respectively. Radding and Ciaralli, “The Corpus Iuris Civilis in the Middle Ages: A Case,” 306–7.There may, however, be allusions to it in the Quaestiones ac monita (307). Cf. Radding and Ciaralli, The Corpus iuris civilis, 118–20. The text is found in Constitutiones et acta publica imperatorum et regum inde ab a. DCCCCXI ad a. MCXCVII (911–1197), ed. Ludwig Weiland, MGH, Legum, no. 4, pt. 1 (Hannover, 1893), 96; cited in Radding and Ciaralli, “The Corpus Iuris Civilis in the Middle Ages,” 307 and 309; see, for additional references to citations, 307–108, n. 77. Radding and Ciaralli, The Corpus iuris civilis,” 181–82. The plea is found in Cesare Manaresi, I Placiti del “regnum Italiae,” FSI, nos. 92, 96–97 (Rome, 1955–60), doc. 437: 3:333–35. The following discussion regarding the reconstruction of the Justinian corpus in the eleventh century is largely taken from Radding and Ciarelli, The Corpus iuris civilis. The apparatus of Boretius’s edition of the Liber papiensis indicates that the two manuscripts of the Walcausina that he used for his edition (manuscripts 7 and 8) ofer numerous variants, most probably emendations, for the text of the Liber. For the Walcausina’s speciic reference to the emendation of the Liber, see Radding and Ciaralli, The Corpus iuris civilis, 190–91. For the Expositio’s emendations, see ibid., 191–92. On the sensitivity of the author of the Expositio to the need of a philological approach to the Liber, see Diurni, L’Expositio, 110–11: “egli è consapevole di avere davanti a sé un

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Both commentaries relect the same combination of concerns in their use of Roman law, that is, the practical motive of using Roman law to develop a more sophisticated approach to Lombard law along with a scholarly interest in having a correct text. While the philological skills that Pavian jurists developed in editing Lombard law equipped them for editing Justinian’s corpus, a study of the surviving eleventhcentury manuscripts of the corpus, especially of the Code and Digest, suggests that contemporary jurists in other areas of the regnum and possibly beyond had similar philological interests and that reconstruction of complete manuscripts of both works by the last decades of the eleventh century was the result of a group of jurists geographically dispersed.230 The origin of the earliest surviving manuscript of the Epitome Codicis, Archivio Capitolare Pistoia, C 106 (P), a lorilegium of numerous constitutions of the Code written circa 1050, remains elusive. Originally written by eight scribes, the Epitome contains in the empty spaces of its folios hundreds of constitutions added by at least twenty-three later eleventh-century hands. A slightly later edition of the same work, BNP, Lat. 4516 (L), was mainly the product of one of the scribes of P, but a third edition, Universitäts- und Landesbibliothek Darmstadt, 2000 (D), shares a common ancestor with P and possibly was written in southern France.231 Fragments of two remaining versions of the Epitome, Württembergische Landesbibliothek Stuttgart, Jur. fol. 62 (second half eleventh c.) and Biblioteca Oliveriana Pesaro, 26 (ca. 1100), were likely products of the areas of Pavia and Lazio respectively.232 A study of P reveals how the manuscript grew.Although the scribes of the original text and subsequent annotators were clearly interested in including useful laws, the scribes of the original carefully corrected the text against another manuscript, adding constitutions in places where they had been omitted, while the later scribes manifested a similar scholarly concern to place the constitutions in their proper place in relationship to those already in the text. Occasionally annotators included corrections of the language of the text apparently based on conjecture or collation with another text.233 The three earliest full manuscripts of the Epitome with their annotations include almost all the contents of the Code, and when eforts to furnish complete copies of the Code began to appear in the last decade or so of the eleventh century, they seem to have been outgrowths of the Epitome.234 Legal scholars by then had apparently seen the practical value of having the ancient text in full. As with the Epitome, the

230

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232 233 234

testo normativo, complesso di norme vigenti, che andavano comprese e spiegate per la loro corretta applicazione; da qui la necessità di un esegesi unita teleologicalmente al testo da cui è tratta la materia, esegesi che ancor meglio poteva efettuarsi con l’uso dei principi della logica formale, dei metodi della dialettica e della retorica.” Cf. Schioppa, “La cultura giuridica,” 229–33. Radding and Ciaralli, The Corpus iuris civilis, 157. For the probable date of the Epitome, see 142; for that of the supplemental constitutions, 146. For a discussion of these manuscripts, see ibid., 143–51. If written in southern Francia early in the twelfth century, as the authors suggest, ibid., 150, Darmstadt’s 2000, would predate works on Roman law generally recognized as produced there. See Chapter 8, under “Roman and Canon Law in Francia.” Ibid., 152–53. Ibid., 146–47, discusses the exegetical work involved in developing the Epitome. Ibid., 157.

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graphic diversity of the complete versions indicates that they were compiled in different areas, in this instance northern and central Italy.235 The state of the Digest in the eleventh century difered from that of the Code in that whereas only an incomplete manuscript of an ancient text of the Code apparently survived by the eleventh century, a complete sixth-century copy of the Digest (F), the Codex Pisanus (BLM, s.n.), existed in Pisa. The manuscript, however, does not appear to have been systematically collated until the twelfth century. Possibly already by the second half of the eleventh century the archetype of later medieval versions of the text, known as S, was in circulation. Although based on F, S contained readings from a second authentic source.236 The fact that the two surviving eleventh-century versions of the Vetus, that part of the Digest that ran to the second title of Book 24 of the enormous work, share some errors and difer in others suggests that the medieval text of the Digest may have evolved, in the same way as the Code, from a shorter base text supplemented over decades by additions.237 These two versions of the Vetus, BNP, Lat. 4450 (P) and BAV, Vat. Lat. 1406 (V), both presumably based on S, omit at points the same passages and at others omit diferent passages of the text that appear in F.238 However V and P were produced, it is important for our purposes that both were the product of scholarly interventions by their editors. Attributing to S differences with F as relected in P and V (together with two later manuscripts L and U), Hermann Kantorowicz regards the creator of S as a philologist as well as a jurist.239 Charles Radding and Antonio Ciaralli have grouped the textual emendations listed by Kantorowicz under PV into categories of changes.240 The diferences with F include changes in word order, illing out elliptical phrases and substituting synonyms as well as changing the cases of prepositional objects from accusative to ablative. Occasionally glosses are erroneously incorporated into the text. More important, because jurists are involved, obvious errors in stating the law are corrected. This is done partly by resort to conjecture and partly by comparison of the text with parallel passages in the Institutes. Finally whole phrases are introduced to make legal and logical sense of passages that are defective in F. By 1100, consequently, philological study of the Justinian corpus that was to be taken up and greatly advanced by jurists of Bologna had already been under way for more than half a century. In terms of the size of the corpus and the state of the 235 236

237

238 239

240

Ibid., 163. This was the opinion of Theodor Mommsen expressed in his Praefatio to his edition of the Digest: Justiniani Augusti Digestorum seu Pandectorum codex Florentinus olim Pisanus phototypice expressus (Rome, 1902–10), lxviii–lxx. Cf. Radding and Ciaralli, The Corpus iuris civilis, 174, 176–77. Of the two eleventh-century manuscripts of the medieval Digest based on S, the Vatican manuscript likely belongs to the third quarter of the eleventh century, while the Paris manuscript appears to have been written somewhat later in the century; Radding and Ciaralli, The Corpus iuris civilis, 197–98. For these manuscripts, see also 170. Ibid., 205–7. Über die Entstehung der Digestenvulgata (Weimar, 1910), 40. L and U were used by Mommsen to designate two twelfth-century manuscripts that he also used for his edition; Padua, Bib. Univ., 941 (U), and Leipzig, Universitätsbibliothek, 873 (L). Kantorowicz (37–50) discusses the emendations found in P and V. Radding and Ciarelli, The Corpus juris civilis, 185–87, summarize the diferences.

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manuscripts, no other philological enterprise undertaken in the Middle Ages would be comparable to that of jurist/philologists primarily from the regnum.241 In a society plagued by the absence of central government and driven by a rapidly expanding economy that intensiied the contact between individuals and regions, the pursuit of a legal structure to regulate human behavior in new circumstances became an imperative in the areas of both Lombard and Roman law. That by the late eleventh century scholarship in Lombard law lapsed for a time – to be revived by the midtwelfth – suggests that jurists henceforth felt that their mission was best fulilled by focusing on the study of Roman law. As a result, the future lay not with Pavia but Bologna. On the basis of surviving documentation, it seems that Bologna, compared with Pavia, Ravenna, or even Parma, had been an intellectual backwater until the second half of the eleventh century. As we have seen, there is no persuasive evidence that a school existed in the cathedral, although it must be assumed that there was some form of educational program there for training diocesan clergy. In the twelfth century, private schools lourished in Bologna, but as for the cathedral, we know only that in the second decade of the century, one of its canons, Ugo, was teaching ars dictaminis. As we shall see, the short-lived burst of interest in theology in the city in the middle decades of the twelfth century probably had little to do with a school in the cathedral. In any case, after 1060 conceptual innovations in Bolognese notarial documents followed one another so quickly that it is diicult to believe that the ground for the later schools of law was not related in some way to these developments.242 Generally, throughout central and northern Italy in the eleventh century, the grammar of the notarial texts moved closer to a classical standard, and after mid-century, formulas not only were noticeably more precise but indicated “a decisive return to the terminology of the pure Roman sources.”243 Advances in the notarial art at Bologna, moreover, far outpaced those elsewhere. Beginning around 1060, Domenico, a Bolognese notary, introduced a historic change in the subscription to documents, transforming them from being charters to being instruments. By omitting the signature or manuirmatio of the witnesses and substituting the new formula “hec instrumenta irmavi” (I have conirmed these documents) or “hiis instrumentis robur accomodavi” (I have given force to these documents) for the old “complevi et absolvi” (I have completed and released ...), Domenico made the validity of the document rest not on the signatures of those witnessing the acts but upon his own attestation that the contents represented the will of the agreeing parties. By 1070, Bolognese notaries also appear to have been the irst to 241 242

243

Ibid., 188–90. As earlier in Pavia, the initial development of legal studies in Bologna appears to have grown out of a close link between lawyers and notaries: Giorgio Cencetti, “Studium fuit Bononie: Note sulle origini dello studio di Bologna nel primo mezzo secolo della sua esistenza,” SM, 3rd ser., 7 (1966): 799. Arnaldi, “Alle origini dello Studio,” 99–102, elaborates on Cencetti’s emphasis on the Bolognese notariate’s link with legal studies. Pier S. Leicht, “Inluenze di scuola in documenti toscani dei secoli XI–XII,” Bullettino senese di storia patria 16 (1909): 174. Alberto Liva, Notariato e documento notarile a Milano: Dall’alto medioevo alla ine del Settecento (Rome, 1979), 42–51, points to greater sophistication in the formulas of eleventhcentury Milanese documents.

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separate clearly the juridical act itself from the document that proved it had been accomplished. Heretofore the traditio clause that was included in the document had referred both to the passage of the property between the old and new owner and to the piece of parchment itself. Hereafter the traditio unambiguously referred to the property, while the document itself assumed a probative value.244 The new clarity achieved in the judicial action by the introduction of these concepts was paralleled by a change in calligraphy from a rugged, archaic form of cursive to an elegant and eminently readable form of minuscule.245 The twelfth century would see other advances. Supposedly the founder of Bolognese legal studies was a certain Pepo. How closely connected he was to the historic reforms in notarial practice remains unknown, but he was apparently an important igure in the legal world of Tuscany and the Romagna between 1070 and 11o0. He was likely the teacher of some of the many jurists who were frequently summoned to the placita of Matilda of Tuscany in the next generation. Perhaps he was the mentor of Irnerio himself, with whom Bologna emerged as the leading center of Roman law studies in Italy. CONCLUSION

In the irst three-quarters of the eleventh century, Italian cathedral schools, which were recognized by native and foreign students alike for the high quality of grammatical learning they ofered, experienced a golden age. The strength of Italian magistri did not stem, however, from their publications, but rather from their teaching. It is tempting to attribute the lack of interest that these men had in setting thoughts and imaginings down in writing to Italy’s allegiance to the Ottonian and 244

245

Cencetti, “Studium fuit Bononie,” 793–94. Liva, Notariato e documento, 59–60, sees this change as having taken place in Milan in the last decade of the century. Because of this legal sophistication, Arnaldi, “Alle origini,” 104–6, argues that the Bolognese Studio had its beginnings as a school of ars notaria.Although attracted to this idea, Cencetti,“Studium,” 800, considers the possibility that the “school” might have really been closer to an apprentice system, consisting “di alcuni notai più istruiti, esperti ed autorevoli, che ammaestravano i loro discepoli uno per uno, in veste d’insegnanti privati o di semplici trasmettitori dell’arte loro ai propri continuatori....” There is no solid evidence of a school for notaries before the thirteenth century even at Bologna. I agree with Cencetti that notaries in these centuries learned by apprenticeship. However, in the case of these more sophisticated legal documents, I suspect that rhetoricians/lawyers studied notarial documents with their students and that they were in fact responsible for the new notarial forms. A certain Angelo notarius and causidicus, active in Bologna between 1102 and 1147, together with another notary, Bonando, was responsible for introducing Carolingian script into Bolognese documents: Gianfranco Orlandelli, “Ricerche sulla origine della Littera bononiensis: Scritture documentarie bolognesi del sec. XII,” Bollettino dell’Archivio paleograico italiano, n.s. 2.3 (1956–57), 179–241. Cf. Gianfranco Orlandelli, “Considerazioni paleograiche sulle più antiche carte del monastero di S. Stefano,” Atti della Accademia dell’Istituto delle Scienze di Bologna, cl. Scienze morali, rend. 72 (1985): 83–97. Andreas Meyer, Felix et inclitus notarius: Studien zum italienischen Notariat vom 7. bis zum 13. Jahrhundert, Bibliothek des Deutschen Historischen Instituts in Rom, no. 92 (Tübingen, 2000), 177–78, however, argues for Tuscan leadership in innovation in the late eleventh century, including the introduction of Carolingian script. Given the evidence, I favor Bologna.

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Salian educational ideal of litterae et mores, which envisaged education as directed at creating men of high moral character rather than learned scholars or literary artists. A similar commitment, however, did not prevent contemporary Germans from composing in abundance in a wide range of genres: history, hymnology, exegesis, and religious and secular poetry.246 Only in hagiographical writings, perhaps, was Italian output roughly comparable to that of other areas of western Europe.247 The explanations that I gave in Chapter 1 for Italy’s lack of literary creativity two centuries earlier remain persuasive for the eleventh century.248 Because of the depth of understanding that Italian teachers possessed of the ancient language and its artifacts, schools of the regnum attracted students of grammar and rhetoric from abroad. That understanding, however, did not necessarily translate into the production of scholarly and literary works. Instead, the reverence that scholars held for the traditional book culture tended to check their creative powers, rendering them guardians of a scholarly tradition that passed down from one generation of teachers to the next. The reluctance of intellectuals might have been overcome had eleventh-century Italy had a great prince who aspired to associate his name with scholarly and literary achievement, but it did not. In the Salian as in the Ottonian period, the German half of the empire was favored by the presence of emperors who acted as generous patrons of letters, but their largesse rarely crossed the Alps. In northern Francia, the Capetian monarchs, with the exception of Robert the Pious (972–1031), exhibited little interest in emulating their Carolingian predecessors’ patronage of learning, but territorial princes and powerful ecclesiastics showed signs of assuming that role already in the eleventh century, and a scattering of bishops and abbots sponsored the writing of historical works.249 246

247

248

249

This observation is based on the list of important authors discussed by Manitius, Geschichte der lateinischen Literatur des Mittelalters, vol. 2, for the period 950–1075. Generally on the writing of saints’ lives, hymns, and secular and didactic poetry, see Manitius, 2:491–94. He discusses thirty-one individual poets who wrote in this period (2:495–637). Of these poets only Leo of Vercelli (511–17) wrote in the regnum, and there is some possibility that he was at least educated in German lands. The regnum’s production seems to have been similar to that of southern Francia: Pierre Bonnassie, Pierre-André Sigal, and Dominique Iogna-Prat, “La Gallia du Sud, 930–1130,” Hagiographies: Histoire internationale de la littérature hagiographique latine et vernaculaire en Occident des origines à 1550, ed. Guy Philippart, 4 vols. (Turnhout, 1994–), 1: 288–344 (see especially 333–38), but less than that of northern Francia: Ineke van’t Spijker, “Gallia du Nord et de l’Ouest: Les provinces ecclésiastiques de Tour, Rouen, Reims (950–1130),” in ibid., 2:239–90. No diocese in Italy, however, could compare with the production of the diocese of Orléans, which from the 980s to the 1130s produced more than thirty works related to the cult of the saints; Thomas Head, “The Diocese of Orléans,” in ibid., 352. We await the publication of Friedrich Lotter’s chapter in the Hagiographies series for statistics on production in Germany between 950 and 1130. By the eleventh century the argument that the comparative diference of surviving literary and scholarly production in the regnum and transalpine Europe was partly owing to storage loses some of its cogency. Whereas in earlier centuries monasteries, good places for storage, played little role in the intellectual life of the regnum, they were at its center north of the Alps. In the eleventh century, irst of all, intellectual interest in Italian monasteries reach an all-time high. Second, in the course of the eleventh century urban areas in Francia and Germany played an increasing role in intellectual life and, consequently, a greater number of manuscripts were put in jeopardy. On the Capetians, see Reto R. Bezzola, Les origines et la formation de la littérature courtoise en occident (500–1200), 3 vols. in 5 pts. (Paris, 1958–63), 1:307–14. The dukes of Normandy and their

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As in German lands so in Francia, however, the strength of the inherited tradition of active learning, the expectation that learning would generate new learning, helps to explain much literary and scholarly production.Weakened by a century of relative political chaos, intellectual life revived in northern Francia in the decades after 1000 as regional governments succeeded gradually in imposing order. Thereafter, even without any evident princely sponsorship, the monasteries and churches of these territories attained a level of literary and scholarly activity rivaling that in imperial Germany. As we shall see in Chapter 8, the intensity and quality of that activity by the last decades of the eleventh century merit considering these years as marking the beginning of what has become known as the Renaissance of the Twelfth Century.250 By the second half of the eleventh century the disparity in scholarly and literary production of the regnum with that of northern Europe was afected by other negative factors besides lack of patronage and the absence of an active tradition of learning. These new factors not only would discourage scholarly and literary work but would bring into question the entire program of grammatical studies that was central to the traditional culture of the book. Already by mid-century, the secular orientation of education that emphasized pagan literature, which informed the outlook of the ecclesiastical elite in bishoprics and monasteries, became an object of attack as one aspect of what reformers considered rampant secular tendencies in the Italian church. Camaldolensian and Vallombrosian monasticism, the two pioneering eremitic movements in eleventh-century western Europe, arose as direct responses to the perceived corruption of Christian ideals.251 Although the founders of both

250

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descendants were particularly noted for their patronage. A long prosimetron history of the dukes was composed ca. 1000 by Dudo of Saint Quentin at the request of Richard I and Richard II: Manitius, Geschichte der lateinischen literatur des Mittelalters, 2:257. A series of Norman historians was patronized by William the Conqueror: ibid., 263, and Bezzola, Les origines, 2.2:400. Ingelran of Rheims addressed a poem to the countess Adèle of Blois (ca. 1060–1137), daughter of the Conqueror, celebrating her father’s exploits: Wilhelm Wattenbach, “Lateinische Gedichte aus Frankreich im elften Jahrhundert,” Sitzungberichte der Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philos.-Histor. Klasse (1891), 105. Wattenbach publishes the poem. Adèle was a major source of patronage: Geofrey of Rheims, Baudry of Bourgeuil, and Hildebert of Lavardin looked on her as a patroness; Bezzola, Origines, 2.2:369–81. Hugh of Fleury’s Historia ecclesiastica et liber modernorum Francorum regum was dedicated to her as well: see the work edited by Georg Waitz, MGH, Scriptores, no. 9 (Hannover, 1851), 337–64. Cf. Bezzola, Origines, 2.2:378. Another princess, Matilda of England (d. 1118), wife of Henry I, appears to have been a generous patroness of French continental poets (2.2:423–24). Ecclesiastical patronage was responsible for a number of works. Abbo of Fleury (d. 1004) commissioned Aimoin to write his Historia Francorum (PL 139, cols. 627–798), and Abbo’s successor, Gauzlin, requested at least two other works from Aimoin: Bezzola, Les origines, 2.1:32. The abbot of SaintSymphorien at Metz, Constantine, inspired one of the monks, Alpert, to write a history of the bishops of Metz (ibid., 2.1:33–34). At Tholey, his abbot commanded Thierry to write the life of Conrad of Trier (ibid., 36), and at Cluny, the abbot commissioned Syrus for a life of Saint Maïeul (ibid., 38). Ralph Glaber’s universal history was requested by Odilo, abbot of Cluny (d. 1049) (ibid., 39). Apart from Matilda, I know of no other patron of letters among the lay nobility of the regnum and, although there are possibly examples, I am not aware of any similar patronage on the part of ecclesiastics in the regnum. The phrase formed the title of Charles Homer Haskins’s celebrated book, The Renaissance of the Twelfth Century (Cambridge, Mass., 1927). For the inluence of these Italian movements on transalpine monastic reformers in the late eleventh century, see Giles Constable, The Reformation of the Twelfth Century (Cambridge, 1996), 111.

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movements never identiied clerical education as encouraging the worldly character of the contemporary church, the ideal that the two men, who were illiterate or almost so, embraced was intrinsically anti-intellectual, and it fell to Pietro Damiani to make the negative connection between education and radical reform. Anti-intellectualism had been a recurring tendency throughout the history of Christianity, but, ired by his zeal for reform, Damiani crystallized the suspicion of learning intrinsic to the two pietistic movements into an assault on the current program of education. In that he was original. Cluniac monasticism, newly imported from Francia and dedicated to extracting monastic institutions from the tentacles of the secular by imposing an ecclesiastical chain of command, did not speak to Italy’s intellectual orientation. Notwithstanding the fact that only a few voices after Damiani survive that explicitly denounce the paganizing curriculum of the educational establishment, it seems fair to suppose that the strong pietistic sentiments aroused by the popular ascetic movements that he represented, over time, dampened enthusiasm in the regnum for the study of the classics and for writing literary works they might have inspired. In their attack on the secularism of the contemporary Italian church, however, Damiani and his allies did not advocate completely abandoning the temporal for the spiritual.252 Everywhere in contemporary western Europe, clerics were for all practical purposes governors of urban areas. The situation in Italy was even more extreme, however, in that bishops were in fact autonomous secular and religious rulers, subject only to imperial interventions, which were few. Bishops and their clergy worked closely with the lay elite in governing the local population and managing ecclesiastical lands. Nowhere else in western Europe were clergy and laymen – notaries, judges, knights, and lay administrators – so intermingled in secular and ecclesiastical af airs. The Italian economy, the earliest in Europe to revive, evolved rapidly, becoming stronger and more complex. It gave Italians a heightened awareness of the advantages to be gained by buying or exchanging land, by improving it, and by using legal procedures to advance or defend one’s economic interests. Living in the fastest developing economy in western Europe, even the ascetic Damiani, while archbishop of Ravenna, felt constantly harrassed by the practical demands associated with his oice, especially lawsuits, which were largely connected with matters of property. Nevertheless, although complementing, in a sense, the secular orientation of the program of litterae et mores, the intensifying drive toward more enlightened administrative practices served to draw laymen and clerics alike away from grammatical studies toward education that could prove more useful in their daily work. There is little doubt that the emergence of the legal book culture, the new alternative to traditional book culture, was largely inspired by the increasing complexity of jurisdictional quarrels and the sophistication of the regnum’s economy. 252

The agreement of Pascal II in 1111 to abandon the temporal possessions that the Church had received from the emperors was abhorrent to most of the clergy, including serious reformers; Stanley Chodorow, “Paschal II, Henry V, and the Origins of the Crisis of 1111,” Popes, Teachers, and Canon Law in the Middle Ages, ed. James Ross Sweeney and Stanley Chodorow (Ithaca and London, 1989), 5–6.

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It is to be expected that some masters in cathedral schools would ofer courses in legal studies, but the one reference that we have to a cleric teaching law, that of Anselmo of Besate to the legal teaching of Sichelmo, his magister at Reggio, tells us little about the character or extent of the instruction. In any case, at this early stage in the development of legal studies, we would expect work on the cutting edge to have come from those who could compare theory with practice. These scholars would have been practicing lawyers who, while arguing cases in the courts, also ran private schools. By the second half of the eleventh century, such practitioner-teachers appear to have enjoyed a near monopoly on legal education. Consequently, not only the intensiication of anti-intellectual prejudice associated with church reform but also the rise of legal studies hurt the cathedral school’s grammar curriculum. The potential notary had to have enough knowledge of Latin to work with the formulas in his documents. Potential lawyers needed more knowledge of grammar than that, but the specialized language of the Justinian corpus could better be taught in law school itself. Jurists who became legal scholars must have had more preparation in grammar than the average lawyer, but they developed the paleographic and editing skills necessary to reconstruct the ancient legal texts themselves in the course of their working lives. Had the cathedral school had another string to its bow in the form of the study of dialectic, the institution could possibly have reclaimed its central role in higher education, but this possibility was largely precluded by a widely held suspicion that dialectic would inevitably be used in theology to the detriment of the faith. Although the study of logic appears to have made solid progress in Italy in the irst half of the century, perhaps even ahead of Francia, by the second half, the danger that logic would question revealed truth led Damiani to denounce the use of dialectic in theology altogether. He may have been the irst to sound the alarm, but the Roman papacy must quickly have realized the risk of freedom of thought that dialectic encouraged, at a time when the papacy needed to present itself to the world as impeccably orthodox. Dialectic in Italy, including the Italian kingdom, survived in the twelfth century, but only as an anemic appendage to rhetoric and law.

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Part II

The Birth of a New Order

Chapter 4

The Investiture Struggle and the Emergence of the Communes

rom the first quarter of the twelfth century we can discern for the irst time in the regnum the emergence of an intellectual tendency that would dominate its mental universe and condition its approach to learning in general for several centuries. I call this the legal–rhetorical mentality in that the major currents of intellectual energy were expended primarily in legal studies and in the development of a spare, practical Latin rhetoric akin to notarial prose. While no one cause explains the genesis of this mentality, without question the Investiture Struggle (1075–1122) as it developed in the regnum played a major role in providing the focus for a Latin book culture hitherto disparate in character and feeble in creative activity. In the following four chapters I will argue that, paradoxically, it was an antisecular religious movement championed by the papacy that inspired a secular legal–rhetorical culture to which laymen and most clergymen subscribed and in which lay intellectuals gained predominance. The fundamental purpose of this chapter is to show that, although the issue of investiture troubled the peace of all of western Europe, it revolutionized the society of the regnum to an extent unmatched elsewhere. Crucial to understanding why this was the case is that nowhere else in western Europe did the struggle over church reform in the nearly ive decades between 1075 and 1122 stir the consciousness of the masses to the extent that it did in the regnum. In part this was because, in pursuit of victory for radical reforms, Pope Gregory VII (1073–85), who had already as a cardinal demonstrated his sympathy with popular protest, made it a policy to convey the reform message to the urban masses, thereby putting a religious face on all manner of popular protests. Through decades of prior diplomatic service he intimately knew the Italian clergy and supported like-minded bishops eager to carry the papal campaign to the people. Although Gregory’s successors modiied the policy, the change could not prevent the development of a sense of agency in town-dwelling laymen and laywomen that was to distinguish Italy’s urban population for centuries to come. Whereas in transalpine Europe and southern Italy the papacy pursued reform primarily through negotiations with princes, in the highly urbanized regnum appeal for popular support for the reform program was a practical strategy. Bishops there were particularly vulnerable. In southern Italy and transalpine Europe the sharper

F

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division of spiritual and temporal authority and, especially north of the Alps, the dominant rural character of the society made organized popular opposition to the status quo diicult. In the cities of the regnum, where bishops often encompassed both spheres of power in their oice, popular support for reform was easily galvanized and rarely did alternative authorities exist to keep order. The extent to which this new sense of popular agency found concrete expression will be outlined in the next three chapters. The irst two divisions of this chapter narrate the outbreak of the conlict between papacy and emperor and then describe the widespread social and political turmoil characterizing the battle for reform as it was waged in the regnum. In almost every urban center of the kingdom, over multiple decades, the ecclesiastical establishment was convulsed by internal dissent and occasional mob violence. Although popular participation was doubtless inspired by an array of nonreligious interests, religious partisanship was usually the ostensible motive. In such a climate of civil unrest, popular opinion often played the decisive role in which of the two factions would retain control of the diocese. The third section discusses the war of propaganda that ran parallel to political events with a view to revealing the hostility of papal reformers, already evident in Pietro Damiani, toward the imperial educational program of litterae et mores embraced by the cathedral schools of the kingdom. Anti-intellectual in the sense that they eschewed the citation of ancient authors and use of literary devices (in this they went beyond Damiani), papal publicists from at least 1080s tended to formulate the issues involved in legal terms.The spare, legalist-lavored prose of the reform treatises was the forerunner of what would become the dominant prose style of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, while the focus on canon law anticipated the almost exclusive intellectual concern of the twelfth-century clerical elite. The subject of the fourth section is the relationship between the Investiture Struggle and the development of the commune. While the growth of economic activity and demographic increase marked by urban development were necessarily factors in the rise of the communal movement in the regnum and in the urbanized area of northern Europe restricted to the borderlands between Francia and the empire, almost all of the early communes in the regnum were in one way or other linked to the imperial-papal conlict. Leaders on both sides of the struggle endeavored to gain the support of the urban populations by granting charters guaranteeing substantial privileges to lay oicials, in some cases amounting to the creation of a commune. In a number of instances the commune represented lay initiatives to restore civic peace after decades of religious strife. In others the joint cooperation of bishops and laymen created institutions that would later develop into a commune. Whatever the genesis of the commune, whatever the material interests in play, the political forces involved in its creation were almost without exception deined in the documents in terms of the loyalty of their participants to one party or the other in the struggle for reform. Nourished by the political destabilization of the regnum’s society, the communal movement meant that from the early twelfth century a second, largely autonomous center of urban power existed, lay in character and ofering rewards in terms of power, prestige, and potentially wealth. Republican in form but admittedly controlled by 182

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an elite, the commune sought the loyalty of the urban masses by embellishing their exercise of authority with religious symbolism and by insisting on the identity of the communal government with the city – an identiication that aroused in the members of the new institution the patriotic sentiments traditionally felt by laymen and clerics alike for their homeland. Intellectually, with the introduction of communal institutions a new space opened up for secular lay thought, at least one propitious for creative thinking about law, ethics, and politics. The next section of the chapter ofers an analysis of the progress of the reform movement between 1075 and 1122 in other areas of western Europe. I will show that, outside Germany, the Investiture Struggle did not inspire the participation of the populace because it was settled largely through negotiations between the papacy and the existent temporal and ecclesiastical hierarchy. While in German areas of Europe the papal–imperial dispute occasioned a series of bitter civil wars into the twelfth century and massive sufering among the populace, nonetheless we have little evidence to show that the masses were anything other than victims of warfare. As for the beginning of the communal movement, although the relatively urbanized border areas between Francia and the empire were responding to economic and demographic stimulation similar to that of the Italian cities, the political context in which they developed, the fact that the nobility were usually not included within the citizenry, and the small size of the cities limited the autonomy of the communes and rendered their existence uncertain. Hedged in by a resiliant episcopacy and the growing power of territorial princes, these communes never enjoyed the degree of autonomy attained by their Italian counterparts. The chapter concludes with an assessment of the fate of the cathedral schools in western Europe in the aftermath of the conlict and a brief comment on the success of the papal reform efort in the regnum. GREGORY VII AND THE OPENING PHASE OF THE INVESTITURE CONTROVERSY

After word of the ban against the king became known to the people, our whole Roman world trembled.1

As Bonizone’s testimony to the general consternation that followed on the news that Gregory VII had excommunicated Emperor Henry IV at the Lenten synod in 1076 shows, contemporaries had some appreciation of the momentous character of what would become the most historically signiicant event in western Europe in the eleventh century. In one stroke Gregory had initiated a war between spiritual and temporal power that would last oicially until 1122 but whose efects on the course of western history and culture would extend down to the present day. 1

Bonizone of Sutri, Liber ad amicum, ed. Ernst Dümmler, in MGH, Libelli de lite imperatorum et pontiicum saeculis XI et XII conscripti, 3 vols. (Hannover, 1891–97), 1:609: “postquam de banno regis ad aures personuit vulgi, universus noster romanus orbis contremuit.” See also Benzone, Liber ad Henricum IV, ed. Georg Pertz, in MGH, Scriptores, no. 11 (Hannover, 1854), 642: “Infernus totum vomuit, quod habet et quod potuit. Turbavit terram, maria atque sanctuaria.”

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The two important writers on church reform in Italy in the tenth century, Rather and Atto, had spoken out against the church’s relation to the temporal power of their day, but of the two only Atto, and even then only in general terms, had identiied princely intervention in spiritual afairs as a major source of the problem and had called for canonical elections of bishops. Neither of the two men had immediate followers. Instead, when the issue of church reform was raised again in the eleventh century, most ecclesiastics looked to the Christian emperor for leadership. The aggressive policy of church reform that Henry III pursued in the second quarter of the eleventh century testiies to the positive efect that royal intervention could have in spiritual matters, especially in the reformation of the papacy. Even reformers like Pietro Damiani easily envisaged a future reform of church life as a joint efort of the emperor and the pope.2 Consequently, while there was nothing new in the condemnation of nicolaitism and simony, the position held by radical papalists at the curia, that any investiture of a cleric by a layman constituted simony, was revolutionary. The novel thesis challenged the entire structure of the church hierarchy. The long minority of Henry IV and the unsettled political situation in the empire, moreover, encouraged radical reformers to push as far as possible for a powerful papal monarchy “liberated” from lay interference. The opening salvo in the campaign of the radicals was Cardinal Humbert’s Libri tres adversus simoniacos (Book I, 1054–56; Books II and III, 1058), in which he (a) deined simony as a heresy; (b) argued that because it was a heresy, sacraments performed by simonical priests were invalid; and (c) demanded that bishops be elected according to canon law, in accordance with procedures that allowed the king or emperor no role in the actual election.3 A series of papal decrees on simony from 1059 to 1078 showed the inluence of Humbert’s work: in condemning clerical marriage and simony, and forbidding the faithful from receiving sacraments from clerics guilty of those crimes, the decrees stopped just short of embracing Humbert’s position that sacraments performed by such clerics were invalid. The issue, however, that led to the inal rupture between the young monarch and the new pope in 1076, after less than three years of an uneasy relationship between them, was not whether Henry IV had the right to invest bishops; investiture became an explicit issue only in 1078.4 The immediate cause of the break stemmed instead from Henry’s appointment of two bishops in the Roman province at Fermo and Spoleto without consulting with Gregory and continued personal contact with ive of his counselors who had been excommunicated by 2 3

4

Augustin Fliche, La réforme grègorienne, 3 vols. (Louvain and Paris, 1924–37), 1:228–29. The work is published in Libelli de lite, ed. Fredrick Thaner, 1:100–253. The work has more recently been edited by Elaine G. Robinson, “Humberti cardinalis Libri Tres adversus simoniacos” (Ph.D. diss., Princeton Univerity, 1972).The studies of Fliche on the struggle over investiture remain fundamental: La réforme grégorienne, together with his La réforme grégorienne et la reconquête chrétienne (1057–1125), vol. 8 of Histoire de l’Église depuis les origines jusqu’à nos jours (Paris, 1946), with a rich bibliography, 7–11. For more recent analysis see Michel Anton, “Die folgenschweren Ideen des Kardinals Humbert und ihr Einluss auf Gregory VII,” SG 1 (1947): 65–92; and Uta-Renate Blumenthal, Die Investiturstreit (Stuttgart and Berlin, 1982), 74–76. Rudolf Schiefer, Die Entstehung des päpstlichen Investiturverbots für den deutschen König, Schriften der Monumenta Germaniae historica, no. 28 (Stuttgart, 1983), 132–52 and 204–5.

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Alexander II (1061–73). The fact that the emperor had relied on one of the excommunicated counselors, Count Eberhart, to invest Tedaldo as the archbishop of Milan in 1075 was particularly emphasized in Gregory’s harshly worded letter to Henry IV on December 8, 1075, demanding that the ive counselors be dismissed. The preemptory character of Gregory’s order so angered Henry, however, that he went out of his way to take part in the decision of a large portion of the German episcopate, meeting at Worms in January 1076 to renounce obedience to the pope.5 The bearers of Gregory’s December letter may have already threatened Henry orally with possible excommunication, but in any case the fact that the German bishops at Worms renounced their obedience to Gregory made the pope’s excommunication of them and the emperor at the Lenten synod of 1076 almost inevitable. In sponsoring the break, Henry may have misjudged the strength of Gregory’s position in Rome, but he clearly underestimated the character of his papal opponent. Probably Tuscan by origin, Gregory had been trained from boyhood in Rome at the monastery of Santa Maria on the Aventine and in the papal school at the Lateran. Whether he ever became a monk remains a matter of debate.6 As a student at the Lateran, he likely would have had Lorenzo of Amali , one of the leading scholars of western Europe, as a teacher. Lorenzo was well schooled in pagan literature and had perhaps studied with Gerbert. As a monk at Montecassino, he had helped initiate the revival of the monastery, whose days of glory would be under Desiderio (Victor III, d. 1087).7 Despite Gregory’s education under Lorenzo, his letters as pope, the major weapon of papal propaganda, were almost devoid of classical references; but whether that betokened a reluctance to cite pagan authority or simply relected 5

6

7

The German episcopacy, angered by Gregory VII’s claims to interfere in the functioning of their dioceses, wholeheartedly supported Henry IV in his opposition to the pope. Here I am echoing Blumenthal, Der Investiturstreit, 130–31. See also Herbert E. J. Cowdrey, Gregory VII 1073–1085 (Oxford, 1998), 130 and 134, who summarizes the problems confronting pope and emperor at the outset: “the heart of the problem was whether or not Henry would part with his German counsellors who were guilty of simoniacal deals and who stood behind his episcopal appointments in Germany as in Italy, and whether the German bishops were still so far alienated from Gregory by his interventions in Germany ... that they would rally to the king if he rejected Gregory’s demand that he dismiss his counsellors and do penance” (134). For brief outlines of his early life, see Fliche, La réforme grégorienne et la reconquête chrétienne, 57; and Henri X. Arquillière, Saint Grégoire VII. Essai sur sa conception du pouvoir pontiical (Paris, 1934), 21–22. Their view that Gregory was initially a monk has been the dominant position; see Cowdrey, Pope Gregory VII, 28. Recently Blumenthal has argued that the weight of evidence points to Gregory having been a canon and not a monk: Gregory VII: Papst zwischen Canossa und Kirchenreform (Darmstadt, 2001), 31–43. See Megan McLaughlin’s review of this position in Speculum 78 (2003): 140–41. Walther Holtzmann, “Laurentius von Amali: Ein Lehrer Hildebrands,” SG 1 (1947): 207–10; republished in his Beiträge zur Reichs- und Papstgeschichte des hohen Mittelalters: Ausgewählte Aufsätze von Walther Holtzmann (Bonn, 1957), 9–33. Because of Lorenzo’s role in educating Gregory, the imperial cardinal Beno in 1098 labelled him princeps maleiciorum: Benonis aliorumque cardinalium schismaticorum contra Gregorium VII et Urbanum II scripta, ed. Karl Franke, in Libelli de lite, 2:376. For Lorenzo’s learning, see Francis L. Newton, “Tibullus in Two Grammatical Florilegia of the Middle Ages,” Transactions and Proceedings of the American Philological Association 93 (1962): 253–86, esp. 259. On Lorenzo’s Lexicon prosodiacum, see Henry M. Willard, “Codex Casinensis 580 T. Lexicon Prosodiacum saec. XI,” Casinensia 1 (1929): 297–304.

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papal chancery tradition it is impossible to say. The feature in Gregory’s prose that shows clear beneit from Lorenzo of Amali ’s instruction is his generous use of rhetorical techniques, which enabled him to articulate eloquently the thoughts and emotions of a powerful personality.8 The overwhelming predominance of biblical resonances in Gregory’s style suggests that he had been in intimate contact with scripture from boyhood and that it had shaped his thinking and expression. Perhaps in relection of his schooling and then of the active life that he had led since early adulthood, Gregory had only the most supericial knowledge of the Church Fathers, with the exception of Gregory the Great, his namesake and model, whom he knew well.9 Gregory VII wrote his letters in a period just before ars dictaminis formalized papal correspondence, and their like would not be seen again until the correspondence of Innocent III, when a personality of heroic proportions would break through the massive restraint imposed by formulas to ind its voice. Innocent’s letters, though, would depend for their efect on manipulating more than a century of epistolary theory, lending them an elegance and sophistication that contrast with the directness and immediacy of Gregory’s. In a spare eloquence redolent of the Vulgate and especially of the Psalms, whose music and words he had internalized, Gregory expressed his espousal of reform, his reproach of unrepentant sinners, his weariness and frustration at many defeats and disappointments, and his underlying sense of responsibility before God. Sent throughout Christiandom, Gregory’s letters, with their appeal for the reform of Christian society, may have been a major force in converting many to the cause.10 At the same time that Gregory sent out letters to whip up support among bishops and other members of the clerical elite, he also committed himself fully to an alliance with new, popular-religious forces. The reform of clerical abuses that the eremitical orders, puriied by poverty, had denounced, and that reform popes had championed after 1049, was a cause that ofered discontented town-dwellers a compelling way to channel their various complaints against local clergy. Nicholas II and Alexander II had generally shown support for popular movements that opposed a simoniacal clergy, but Gregory went further by counting on their help to carry out his program. As cardinal, he alone, at the synod held at Rome in 1067, spoke in 8

9

10

Hubert E. J. Cowdrey, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 1073–1085: An English Translation (Oxford, 2002), 456, lists nine references to classical authors; the authors are Cicero, Horace, Lucan, and Virgil. Friedrich Bock, “Annotationes zum Register Gregors VII,” SG 1 (1947): 281–89, discusses the degree to which Gregory was responsible for writing or dictating the letters himself.Two in the collection are in Gregory’s hand and four bear the indication dictatus papae, but the responsibility for the others is impossible to assign. Although admitting the diiculty of deciding which letters were actually composed by Gregory himself, Cowdrey concludes that “the force of Gregory’s personality is stamped upon even the more routine letters that were dispatched in his name”: The Register of Pope Gregory VII, xvi. Arquilière, Saint Grégoire VII, 272–76, notes that in his papal letters Gregory cites Gregory the Great ifty-eight times, Augustine once, Ambrose three times, and Chrysostom twice. Ian S. Robinson, “The Dissemination of the Letters of Pope Gregory VII during the Investiture Contest,” Journal of Ecclesiastical History 34 (1983): 175–93, discusses the extent of their difusion. Cf. his “Bernold von Konstanz und der gregorianische Reformkreis um Bischof Gebhard III,” Freiburger Diözesan Archiv 109 (1989): 176. I am indebted to William L. North for this last reference.

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support of the monks of Vallombrosa, who had stirred up the Florentine people by preaching against Pietro Mezzabarba, their bishop, and accusing him of buying his oice. The moderate Pietro Damiani, in contrast, joined in the general condemnation of the monks’ efort to depose Mezzabarba by instigating lay pressure, speaking out against them as “locusts who devour the greenness of the Holy Church.”11 As pope, Gregory’s reliance on popular participation in pursuit of church reform would heighten the religious and political consciousness of broad groups of the urban population of the kingdom. At the same time, he would have to share responsibility for the consequences of violent popular action in the streets.12 RELIGIOUS REFORM AND POPULAR VIOLENCE

Henry II and Conrad II had made it a policy to place men from the imperial chapel in key episcopal positions in the Italian kingdom.The archbishop of Aquileia was consistently German, while candidates from beyond the Alps were favored for Ravenna and a few Tuscan and Lombard bishoprics as well. Whereas about a fourth of Henry III’s appointments were Germans, a somewhat smaller proportion of Henry IV’s were: unrest in the Italian cities forced the son to pay more attention to local sentiments than his father had done.13 Nonetheless, like his father, Henry IV needed to be sure that he could count at least on the bishops whose territories guarded the approaches to Germany. While Italian bishops usually owed the emperor loyalty for 11

12

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The debate is described in Andrea Strumi’s Vita sancti Iohannis Gualberti, ed. Friedrich Baethgen, MGH, Scriptores, no. 30, pt. 2 (Leipzig, 1929), 1095; and Attone’s Vita sancti Iohannis Gualberti, PL, 146, col. 692. See also Robert Davidsohn, Forschungen zur älteren Geschichte von Florenz, 4 vols. (Berlin, 1896–1908), 1:47–49. Berthold of Reichenau writes in his Annales under 1067 that the Camaldulensians “scriptis quibusdam publice protestati sunt”; ed. Georg Pertz, MGH, Scriptores, no. 5 (Hannover, 1849), 273. The fact that Cardinal Humbert consecrated the monastery church at Vallombrosa in 1058 points to a direct inluence of Humbert’s position on Giovanni Gualberti; Giovanni Spinelli and Giustino Rossi, Alle origini di Vallombrosa: Giovanni Gualberto nella società dell’XI secolo (Milan, 1984), 27.Yoram Milo, “Dissonance between Papal and Local Reform Interests in Pre-Gregorian Tuscany,” SM 20 (1979): 70–86, explains the political reasons that made it diicult for the papacy to support the position of the Vallombrosans. Ildebrando must have been aware of those considerations but still chose to side with the monks. Mezzabarba was driven out the following year (1068), discredited by a Vallombrosan monk who successfully passed an ordeal of ire. For Damiani’s hostility to Vallombrosan activism, see above, Chapter 3, “Church Reform.” Hagen Keller “Pataria und Stadtverfassung, Stadtgemeinde und Reform: Mailand im ‘Investiturstreit,’” in Investiturstreit und Reichsverfassung, ed. Josef Fleckenstein,Vortäge und Forschungen, vol. 17 (Sigmaringen, 1973), 328: “Denn nicht nur in Mailand, sondern in allen italienischen Städten sind die politischen und religiösen Auseinandersetzungen des 11. Jahrhunderts gekennzeichnet durch eine Aktivierung der städtischen Bevölkerung und oft auch der benachbarten Landbevölkerung, und zwar eine Aktivierung aller Schichten, wie sie das abendländische Mittelalter bis dahin noch nicht erlebt hatte.” Gerhard Schwartz, Die Besetzung der Bistümer Reichsitaliens unter den sächsischen und salischen Kaisern mit den Listen der Bishöfe (951–1122) (Leipzig, 1913), 5–6; for the eleventh-century appointments in Aquileia, 31–36. In Ravenna ive of the seven archbishops between 1001 and 1072 were German: Ovidio Capitani, “Politica e cultura a Ravenna tra papato e impero dall’XI al XII secolo,” Storia di Ravenna: Dal mille alla ine della signoria polentana, ed.AugustoVasina (Ravenna, 1993), 169.Archbishop Giberto (1073–1100), after 1080 Clement III, was Italian. The irst papal reformer to become archbishop was Gualtiero (1118–44): Capitani, “Politica e Cultura,” 191.

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his granting of their position, German bishops in Italy did so even more, because they were utterly his creatures. Whether of German or Italian origin, however, the bishops of the regnum at the outset of the Investiture Struggle were almost without exception loyal to the emperor and hostile to Gregory VII, and a large number endorsed the creation of Henry’s antipope in 1080. By 1122, however, the imperial episcopate had been largely swept away and reform bishops had taken their places. Such a total transformation could not have been accomplished without enormous active support for the program of reforms on the part of the urban population. The irst popular riots in the name of radical reform occurred in Milan, a city where the emperors had never challenged the powerful sense of local identity by attempting to impose a non-Milanese bishop. The uprising against the concubinage of the clergy of the Pataria there in the spring of 1057 marked the entry of the lower classes into the struggle for church reform.14 Arialdo, the leading preacher of the radicals, possibly inspired by contact with Cardinal Humbert during two trips to Rome in the latter half of that year, combined an attack on clerical marriage with a denunciation of simony.15 Within months of the outbreak of violence in Milan, local patarie formed and revolted against the ecclesiastical establishment in Brescia and Piacenza as well. In 1059 the murder of the bishop of Brescia by the local clergy, who were angered by his publication of papal decrees enforcing celibacy, led to widespread refusal throughout Lombardy to accept the sacraments at the hands of married priests or priests living with concubines.16 Ecclesiastical authorities appear to have responded successfully to such challenges in most of Lombardy, but civil unrest continued to rock Milan, the largest city in the regnum, over the next half-century. In the 1060s, if not earlier, the radical party 14

15 16

Cinzio Violante, La pataria milanese e la riforma ecclesiastica: I. Le premessi (1045–1057) (Rome, 1955), 148–49. Attacking what it considered a corrupt clergy, the Pataria claimed that sacraments performed by a bad priest were invalid. Their opponents generally defended the episcopal hierarchy and urged respect for the priest regardless of his personal moral status. Violante considers the Pataria as having been mostly composed of artisans, merchants, and popolo minuto (192). He believes, however, that people of other groups such as minters were also among their number: “I laici nel movimento patarino,” in I laici nella societas christiana dei secoli XI e XII: Atti della terza settimana internazionale di studio, Mendola, 21–27 agosto 1965 (Milan, 1968), 597–687. John Howe, “The Nobility’s Reform of the Medieval Church,” American Historical Review 93 (1988): 317–39, rightly stresses the importance of reform eforts of nobles from the tenth century. Paolo Golinelli, La pataria: Lotte religiose e sociali nella Milano dell’XI secolo (Novara, 1984), 14–15. Cf. Cinzio Violante, “La chiesa bresciana nel medioevo,” Storia di Brescia, 5 vols. (Brescia, 1963–64), 1:1035. In the case of Piacenza, the bishop, Dionigi (1048–82), ultimately reentered the city with the approval of the papacy: Pierre Racine, “La nascita del comune,” Storia di Piacenza: Dal vescovo alla signoria, ed. Piero Castignoli et al., 6 vols. (Piacenza, 1984–2003), 2:65. See as well, on the revolt in Piacenza, Giuseppe Fornasari, “La riforma gregoriana nel Regnum Italiae,” Studi gregoriani 13 (1989): 297–305. All that is known about the pataria movement in Cremona is a reference in Bonizone’s account of the reaction to the death of the bishop of Brescia in 1059; Liber ad amicum, 1:594: “Quod factum [the attempted assassination of Adelman of Liège] non mediocre patariae dedit incrementum: nam non solum Brixiae, sed et Cremonae et Placentinae et per omnes alias provincias multi se a concubinatorum abstinebant communione.” On the situation in Brescia, see Arsenio Frugoni, Arnaldo da Brescia nelle fonti del secolo XII (Turin, 1989), 4–5. Cf. Violante, “La chiesa bresciana,” 1:1034–35.

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turned to Vallombrosa for support, and for a time Giovanni Gualberti was supplying Milan with priests trained at Vallombrosa to perform the sacraments for those unwilling to take them at the hands of simoniacs.17 The death of the movement’s leaders led to the dissolution of the Pataria by 1075, but violence related to religious politics had by then became endemic in the city. Three archbishops in succession, Guido of Velate (1045–68), Gotofredo (1068–74), and Tedaldo (1074–85), who has been mentioned earlier, spent a part of their reigns under papal excommunication; only Anselmo da Rho (1086–93), a bishop with imperialist sympathies but who was ultimately accepted by the papacy, succeeded temporarily in quieting the bitter dissensions.18 The expulsion and exile for simony, however, of Grosolano, a propapal archbishop, in 1103, shows that the reform program itself could breed factions.19 The divisions created by the struggle over church reform in Milan were common to most of the other cities of the regnum as well. In Lucca, Anselmo, bishop since 1073, was forced to lee in 1080 and a pro-imperial bishop, Pietro, took his place.20 In 1091, Gottefredo, who was probably appointed bishop in Lucca by Urban II, was residing in the Valdinievole, unable to occupy his diocese. Rangerio (d. ca. 1112), a Gregorian bishop elected in 1096, was only able to enter Lucca in 1097.21 Gregory’s deposition of the imperial Gandolfo and consecration of Eriberto in 1082 led to a schism in Reggio lasting until 1098.22 Similarly, at Modena, after the 17

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Strumi, Vita Sancti Johannis Gualberti, 1100. Historians disagree as to whether the intervention of Giovanni Gualberti in Milan occurred before or after the popular revolution against the Florentine bishop Mezzabarba and his deposition in 1068: Antonella degli Innocenti, “Giovanni Gualberto,” DBI, vol. 56 (Rome, 2001): 344. The narrative here is based on Gian Luigi Barni, “Dal governo del vescovo a quello dei cittadini,” and “Milano verso l’egemonia,” Storia di Milano, vol. 3 (Milan, 1954), 114–236 and 238–57. Guido was excommunicated in 1066 by Alexander II. Forced to lee Milan briely in 1067, he resigned his see in 1068. Gotofredo was excommunicated in 1073 and deposed by Henry IV in an efort to placate the Milanese. His choice of Tedaldo, who was never recognized by the papacy, was no more fortunate.The appointment of Anselmo da Rho in 1086 ended two years of vacancy.The election of his successor, Arnolfo, in 1093 was initially condemned by Rome as irregular but ultimately allowed. On Arnolfo’s death in 1097, Anselmo of Bovasio was elected with papal approval. On his death in 1101, Grosolano was chosen to replace him. See as well the article by Herbert E. J. Cowdrey, “The Papacy, the Patarenes and the Church of Milan,” Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 5th ser., 18 (1968): 25–48; reprinted in his Popes, Monks and Crusaders (London, 1984). Grosolano was driven from the city in 1103 and deposed in 1112: Barni, “Dal governo del vescovo,” 270 and 303. Giordano of Clivio was elected in that year to replace him, but Grosolano (d. 1117) disputed the archbishopric with him for some years (316). The religious confusion in Milan in this period is highlighted by the fortunes of Grosolano, who may have come from Camaldoli and who ultimately retired there: Piero Zerbi, “Monasteri e riforma a Milano dalla ine del secolo X agli inizi del XII,” Aevum 24 (1950): 55, n. 6. On Lucca, see Martino Giusti, “Le canoniche della città e diocesi di Lucca al tempo della Riforma gregoriana,” SG 3 (1948): 333–34; and especially Hansmartin Schwarzmaier, Lucca und das Reich bis zum Ende des 11. Jahrhunderts. Studien zur Sozialstruktur einer Herzogstadt in der Toscana (Tübingen, 1972), 402–7. Rafaele Savigni, “L’episcopato lucchese di Rangerio (1096–ca. 1112) tra riforma ‘gregoriana’ e nuova coscienza cittadina,” Ricerche storiche 27 (1997): 9–10. Francesca Bocchi, “Le città emiliane nel Medioevo,” in Storia della Emilia Romagna, ed. Aldo Berselli, 3 vols. (Bologna, 1976–80), 1:423. See as well Pericle di Pietro, “Aspetti socio-economici e culturali

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excommunication of another bishop Eriberto in 1081, rival bishops divided the see until 1095, with the papal one residing at Savignano and the imperial one within the city.23 On the death of Eriberto, the propapal candidate, Bernardo, was chosen bishop; he held the see until his death about 1097; but the Modenese objected to the pope’s choice of Bernardo’s like-minded successor and refused him entry into Modena for several years. In Parma, beginning with the election in 1062 of the imperialist bishop Cadalo (Honorius II) as pope and rival of Alexander II, proimperial sentiment remained strong until the 1090s, when a signiicant radical-religious faction emerged. Subsequently, after years of bitter struggle between two rival claimants, Parma accepted the reform candidate as bishop in 1106.24 In Bologna the struggle between rival bishops lasted from 1078 to 1104.25 In the diocese of Padua, in 1095, upon the death of the imperial bishop Milo, a strong advocate of the vita communis of the clergy, Henry IV appointed Pietro Cizarella, who was subsequently deposed by the Council of Guastalla in 1106 and replaced by a papalist, Sinibaldo. Pietro, however, refused to submit, and he and Sinibaldo fought over the see for years.26 In 1091, when Henry IV captured Mantua, Ubaldo, the bishop supported by Matilda, led, and the emperor replaced him with a German, Chuno, in 1092. Matilda retook the city and drove him out, but for years afterward, until his death in 1112, Chuno continued to claim the bishopric. The see of Brescia was dominated by a line of imperial bishops down to 1087, when the reform party succeeded in canonically electing Arimanno, a reform bishop. Forced into exile by an imperial challenger, Oberto Baldrico, a German, he only fully recovered the see in 1098.27 Because of his willingness to compromise with the imperialists, however, he was deposed in 1116 by the papacy and was replaced by a hard-line papalist.28 In Piacenza, although Bishop Dionigi managed to return to the city in 1057 within a short time after his expulsion by the local pataria, he was oicially deposed by Gregory VII in 1074.29 Nevertheless, Dionigi appears to have continued to exercise power in the city until his death in 1082, when the propapal Maurizio took his place. But antipapal sentiment still ran high in the city, and when Bonizone assumed the bishopric in 1089, he was almost immediately expelled and an imperial bishop, Winsico, who had been appointed by Henry IV, replaced him. The advent of Winsico was followed in 1090 by a bloody battle between propapal populares and

23

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25

26

27 28 29

della vita modenese in età matildica,” Studi matildici: Atti e memorie del III convegno di studi matildici. Reggio E., 7–8–9 ottobre 1977 (Modena, 1978), 162. Luigi Simeoni, “I vescovi Eriberto e Dodone e le origini del comune di Modena,” Atti e memorie: Deputazione storia patria per le antiche provincie modenesi, ser. 8, 2 (1949): 77–87. Cf. Bocchi, “Le città emiliane,” 1:425. Reinhold Schumann, Authority and the Commune, Parma 833–1133 (Parma, 1973), 97, 147–50 and 159–63. On the makeup of the reform party in Parma, see 316–25. Gina Fasoli, “Ancora un’ipotesi sull’inizio dell’insegnamento di Pepone e Irnerio,” Atti e memorie della deputazione di storia patria per le provincie di Romagna, n.s., 21 (1971): 32–34. See as well Paolo Prodi and Lorenzo Paolini, Storia della chiesa di Bologna, 2 vols. (Bologna 1997), 1:73–77, 86, and 96. Schwartz, Die Besetzung der Bistümer, 58–59. As late as September 1110, Pietro was present “in domo solariata predicti episcopi” (59). Frugoni, Arnaldo da Bresica, 3–4. Cf.Violante, “La chiesa bresciana,” 1039–42. Violante, “La chiesa bresciana,” 1046–47. Racine, “La nascita del comune,” 65–66; and Bocchi, “Le città emiliane,” 416–18.

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imperialist milites.30 At some time prior to 1095, Aldo, a papal reformer, replaced Winsico in turn.The sharp division between a series of Genoese bishops loyal to the emperor and a cathedral chapter dominated by reformers led to more than twenty years of bloody warfare in town and country that ended in 1099 with the consecration of a propapal bishop.31 The alternation of imperial bishops with bishops of the radical reform party, often involving rivalry between two claimants, either both residing within the diocese or with one plotting against the other from outside, necessarily resulted in major shifts of fortune for many city-dwellers. Many of an exiled bishop’s conspicuous supporters among the clergy and laity had to accompany him into exile, while those of his people remaining behind plotted their bishop’s return. A lack of documentation for other cities and the fragmentary material surviving even in the cases of most of the cities that I have already mentioned make an overall assessment of the divisions diicult. As is suggested by the chronology of disruptions of civic peace, a decisive reduction in violence occurred with the ascension of Henry V in 1106.The sharp divisions between the two parties were softened by the eforts of Henry V to compromise with the papacy and Matilda of Tuscany. Political relationships became more nuanced. Reformers throughout the regnum witnessed the success of their eforts to control the bishoprics, but the reform party itself split over the compromises.32 At the same time, the growing autonomy of lay political organizations fed by decades of disputed authority in the cities meant that bishops had to reckon with a new competitor for power over the diocese. THE PROPAGANDA WAR AND THE NEW STYLE

The Investiture Struggle sparked the irst international propaganda war in European history. Until nearly the end of the thirteenth century, there would be nothing comparable to this battle of words, which was particularly intense in the regnum between the 1080s and the 1110s but continued, principally in northern Europe, for decades afterward. Although not all have survived, ifty-ive papal tracts and fortyeight imperial ones (a few of which are in verse) still exist for the period from 1075 to 1122.33 Most are gathered in the three volumes of the Libelli de lite, published in the late nineteenth century. Both sides defended their positions with many arguments, largely based on historical precedent and ingenious interpretations of biblical and patristic sources. 30

31

32 33

On this conlict, see Pierre Racine, “Città e contado in Emilia e Lombardia nel secolo XI,” Evoluzione delle città italiane nell’XI secolo, ed. Renato Bordone and JÖrg Jarnut, Annali dell’Istituto storico italo-germanico 25 (Bologna, 1988): 131–33; Bocchi, “Le città emiliane,” 418; and Emilio Nasalli Rocca, “Osservazioni su Bonizone come canonista,” SG 2 (1947): 151–62. Valeria Polonio, “Da provincia a signora del mare. Secoli VI–XIII,” in Storia di Genova: Mediterraneo, Europa, Atlantico, ed. Dino Puncuh (Genoa, 2003), 131. Violante, “La chiesa bresciana,” 1046–47. Carl Mirbt, Die Publizistik im Zeitalter Gregors VII (Leipzig, 1894), 93–94. See the observations of Ian S. Robinson, Authority and Resistance in the Investiture Contest: The Polemical Literature of the Late Eleventh Century (Manchester and New York, 1978), 8–11.

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Although the polemicists were biased and their study of sacred authorities was shaped by their immediate needs, as the controversy matured discussion tended to center on sources relevant to investiture issues. In the end the core texts supporting the papal position on investiture would be those used as authoritative in constructing canon law on the subject. Because the polemical works written in northern Italy and the Patrimony were interdependent, a characterization of the literature cannot be conined to the regnum alone.34 In this larger area we shall consider the major Italian treatises from the pontiicate of Gregory VII down to the death of Pascal II (1118).This literature is important because it evinces the development of a broader dimension of interest in law in the regnum, which up to the time had been focused principally on the documentary culture. Canon law had been a traditional subject of study in cathedral schools, but heretofore canonical and theological material had been so intermingled that canon law could not be regarded as a discipline in its own right. The bitter debates concerning the relationship of spiritual and temporal powers tended to encourage emphasis on legal not theological issues and to efect a separation of canon law from theology. We shall consider Italian treatises of the Investiture Struggle in two periods: seven that survive from 1085 to Pascal’s election in 1099, and ive written between 1099 and 1112. In all of those written before 1099 the policies of Gregory VII constituted the focus of discussion. Of the ive written in the regnum, three were imperialist – Pietro Crasso’s Defensio Heinrici IV (1082–84), Benzone of Alba’s Liber ad Henricum (1064/65–1085), and Wido of Ferrara’s De scismate Hildebrandi (1086) – and two papalist – Bonizone’s Liber ad amicum (1085/86) and Anselmo of Lucca’s Liber contra Wibertum (1085/86).35 Two treatises were written by Roman cardinals, presumably in Rome or in the neighborhood. The irst, Cardinal Deusdedit’s propapal Libellus contra invasores et simoniacos et reliquos schismaticos, has been dated to a decade after the group of ive above (1097).36 The second consisted of a series of writings by a number of Roman prelates known as Benonis aliorumque cardinalium scripta and was compiled in 1098.37 Of the ive treatises belonging to the second phase, that is, the controversies swirling about the policies of Pascal II, four were propapal: Bruno of Segni’s Libellus de 34

35

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37

For example, the De honore ecclesiae of Placido of Nonantola, near Modena, was written with full knowledge of the Orthodoxa defensio imperialis of Gregorio of Catino of Farfa, composed in Roman territory; Mirbt, Die Publizistik, 76. The ive works are published in the following: Petri Crassi Defensio Henrici IV. Regis, ed. Lothar von Heinemann, MGH, Libelli de lite imperatorum et pontiicum saeculo XI et XII, ed Friedrick Thaner, 3 vols. (Hannover, 1891–97), 1:432–53; Benzonis episcopi Albensis ad Heinricum IV, ed. Karl August Pertz, MGH, Scriptores, no. 11 (Hannover, 1854), 591–681; Wido episcopus Ferrariensis De scismate Hildebrandi, ed. Roger Wilmans, Libelli de lite, 1:529–67; Bonizonis episcopi Sutrini Liber ad amicum, ed. Philipp Jafé and Ernst Dümmler, ibid., 1:568–620; and Anselmi Lucensis episcopi Liber contra Wibertum, ed. Ernst Bernheim, ibid., 1:517–28. Deusdedit presbyteri cardinalis libellus contra invasores et symoniacos et reliquos schismaticos, ed. Ernst Sackur, MGH, Libelli de lite, 2:292–365. Benonis aliorumque cardinalium schismaticorum contra Gregorium VII et Urbanum II scripta, ed. Kuno Francke, ibid., 2:366–422. For minor writings concerning investiture, see the list in Mirbt, Die Publizistik, 84–85.

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symoniacis (before 1109), Rangerio’s De anulo et baculo (1110), Placido of Nonantola’s De honore ecclesiae (1111), and the anonymous Disputatio vel defensio Paschalis papae (1112).38 Gregorio Catinensis’s Orthodoxa defensio imperialis (1111), composed at Farfa, near Rome, is the only surviving imperialist work for the period.39 My analysis will briely trace the increasingly legalistic treatment of issues surrounding investiture in the Italian treatises, which went along with a decreasing tendency to draw on the tradition of litterae et mores in presenting or defending arguments. The treatises of radical reformers were the irst to ferret out legal principles systematically from heterogeneous religious sources. Imperialist treatises subsequently followed the same path, but failed to match the papalists in their organized presentation of a legal position. The contributions of the imperial polemicists in the irst phase of propaganda testify to their continuing debt to the traditional grammatical education of litterae et mores.40 That is especially true of Benzone of Alba, whose Liber ad Henricum, which was obviously designed to win the emperor’s favor, is reminiscent of Anselmo’s Rhetorimachia. A grand farrago of short prose pieces alternating with poetry, Benzone’s work, composed over roughly twenty years from 1064/65 to 1086, consisted of seven books.41 Benzone enjoyed playing with diferent rhythmical patterns in his poems. He had a wide knowledge of ancient writers: he cited Cicero, Sallust, Gellius, Boethius, Horace, and Virgil, as well as Persius and the Disticha Catonis.42 He compared the emperor Henry IV to Scipio (597) and in his dedicatory poem to the Liber ad Henricum dropped the names of Demosthenes, Lucan, Statius, Pindar, Homer, Quintilian, and Terence (599). Church reform only became the focus of the treatise in books 6 and 7, where Benzone attacked irst the patarie and then Gregory VII. Benzone’s acquaintance with Christian literature seems to have been limited to scripture, short phrases or passages of which he cited or echoed in his account. He felt no need to justify his attacks on the radical papal reforms by speciically invoking authoritative statements drawn from the Church Fathers or papal or conciliar declarations of the faith.43 38

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Brunonis episcopi Signini libellus de symoniacis, ed. Ernst Sackur, in Libelli de lite, 2:543–62; Placidi monachi Nonantulani Liber de honore ecclesiae, ed. Lothar von Heinemann and Ernst Sackur, in ibid., 2:566–639; Rangerii episcopi Lucensis Liber de anulo et baculo, ed. Ernst Sackur, in ibid., 2:505–33; and the anonymous Disputatio vel defensio papae Paschalis, ed. Ernst Sackur, in ibid., 2:658–66. Gregorii Catinensis monachi Farfensis orthodoxa defensio imperialis, ed. Lothar von Heinemann, in ibid., 2:534–42. Again for minor writings on both sides, see Mirbt, Die Publizistik, 84–85. Inluenced by Lucan and Augustine, Cardinal Humbert had already drawn a sharp distinction between ancient pagan Rome, the prostitute, and the Rome of Christ, the virgin: Percy Schramm, Kaiser, Rom und Renovatio, 2 vols. (Leipzig, 1929), 2:29–33. The basic study of Benzone’s treatise remains Hugo Lehmgrübner, Benzo von Alba. Ein Verfechter der kaiserlichen Staatsidee unter Henrich IV. Sein Leben und der sogennannte ‘Panegyrikus,’ Historische Untersuchungen, no. 6 (Berlin, 1887). Lehmgrübner (3–4) argues convincingly that Benzone was a southern Italian by origin. On Benzone, see as well Fliche, La Réforme grégorienne, 3:215–49; Schramm, Kaiser, Rom und Renovatio, 1:258–74; and Giovanni Miccoli, “Benzone d’Alba,” DBI, vol. 8 (1966), 726–28. Horace is his favored poet (600, 615, 628–29, 672–73). He also cites Sallust (608); Gellius (611); Virgil (615 and 670); and Cicero (627). Fliche, La Réforme grégorienne, 3:232, makes this observation.

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Pietro Crasso’s Defensio Heinrici IV, in contrast, drew on more heterogeneous sources for his argument.44 He made wide use of the Church Fathers as well as papal and conciliar declarations in his exposition of the imperial position. Of the Fathers, Pietro primarily quoted passages from Jerome, Augustine, Ambrose, and Gregory the Great; he also quoted papal and imperial letters and constitutions, as well as Orosius (439), Josephus (445), and Cassiodorus (449). Among classical authors he cited Sallust, Ovid, Terence, and possibly Martianus Capella.45 Pietro argued that the emperor should call a council to depose the pope.46 The sections written in 1084 and addressed to the Saxons, whom Crasso claimed Gregory VII had led by deception to revolt against their lawful monarch, referred to the Institutes and the Code of Justinian to prove that Emperor Henry IV legitimately possessed the monarchy through inheritance and that Gregory’s attack on imperial perogratives was criminal.47 Because he cited the Justinian corpus of Roman law, Pietro has traditionally been associated with Ravenna, principally owing to an unsubstantiated belief that the corpus passed from Ravenna to Bologna at the end of the eleventh century.48 Given what is now known about the difusion and use of the texts of Roman law in the period, it is more probable that Pietro came either from Emilia or Lombardy.49 Whatever his origin, though, he must have had a ine cathedral school education. 44

45 46

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Although Pietro traditionally has been associated with Ravenna, the place-names that he cites in the work, with the exception of Rome, that is, Milan, Cremona, and Nonantola, suggest that he may have been Lombard: Robinson, Authority and Resistance, 77. Ibid., 87, n. 103. The citation from Terence’s Phormio is from IV.3.623, not IV.3.18. Chapters 1–4 embody the defense of Henry as promised by the title and urge him to call a council to judge Gregory VII, while chapters 5 and 7 constitute a detailed indictment of the pope, likely used for the council held in Rome in March 1084, summoned by Henry. The council’s purpose was to strip Gregory of his position and even his clerical status. In Chapters 6 and 8 Crasso appeals to the Saxons in revolt to throw down their arms and rely on the clemency of Henry, their hereditary lord. This appeal relates to the open warfare that had broken out between the emperor and the Saxons beginning late in 1083: see Augustin Fliche, La Réforme grégorienne, 3:103–7. For a detailed discussion of the work and the historical circumstances of its composition, see Karl Jordan, “Der Kaisergedanke in Ravenna zur Zeit Henrichs IV: Ein Beitrag zur Vorgeschichte der stauischen Reichsidea,” Deutsches Archiv für Geschichte des Mittelalters 2 (1938): 85–128. Defensio, 1:443–46 and 1:452–53. Crasso claimed that Henry, who had inherited the crown from his father, could not be denied dominium in the empire: ibid., 1:444–45. For references, see Fliche, Le Réforme grégorienne, 3:115–19 and 3:133. Crasso argued as well that both canon law and Roman law airmed this: Defensio, 446–53. On his precedence in introducing Roman law to the debate, see Percy Schramm, Kaiser, Rom und Renovatio, 288. A statement by Odolfredo, a thirteenth-century Roman lawyer at Bologna, to that efect is quoted in Nino Tamassia, “Odolfredo. Studio storico-giuridico,” Atti e memorie della r. deputazione storia patria per le provincie di Romagna, ser. 3, 12 (1894): 41. This article was republished as Odolfredo: Studio storico-giuridico (Bologna, 1894). Odolfredo’s statement reads: “Nam primo cepit studium in civitate ista in artibus, et cum studium esset destructum Rome, libri legales fuerunt deportati ad civitatem Ravenne, et de Ravenna ad civitatem istum [Bologna].” See the discussion by Charles Radding and Antonio Ciaralli, The “Corpus Iuris civilis” in the Middle Ages: Manuscripts and Transmission from the Sixth Century to the Juristic Revival (Leiden and Boston, 2007), 73–78. Robinson, Authority and Resistance, 75–83, expresses hesitations on other grounds. I ind unconvincing the suggestion that Pepo the jurist might be identical with Pietro Crasso; Carlo Dolcini, “Velut aurora surgente”: Pepo, il vescovo Pietro e l’origine dello Studium bolognese, Istituto Storico italiano per il medio evo, Studi storici, 180 (Rome, 1987). While Crasso’s citations from Roman law demonstrate

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Although the text borrows little from pagan authors, it belongs to the curial tradition. Pietro begins the work with a poem consisting of nineteen strophes in iambic tetrameter proclaiming Henry the victor over Gregory. Twenty-four verses at the conclusion of the work solicit the emperor’s favor. Consequently, like Benzone’s, Pietro’s treatise gives the impression of being something of a court performance.50 The third imperialist,Wido of Ferrara, who wrote De scismate Hildebrandi, was the most politically moderate of the three and perhaps the most gifted writer on either side of the controversy. The treatise, written about 1086, was likely a response to a nearly contemporary work by Anselmo of Lucca that attacked the legitimacy of Clement III, the antipope. In the irst of the two books, Wido summarized in eight points the charges against Gregory VII’s legitimacy as pope, refuting each in turn by using the defenses ofered by Gregory’s supporters. In the second book, Wido returned to the eight points, showing that, despite the defenses that he himself had earlier provided, Gregory was nonetheless guilty on every count. The theoretical importance of Wido’s treatise lay in the clear distinction it made between the spiritual and temporal aspects of the bishop’s oice. Wido held that all secular powers of bishops were a gift from the emperor, while all spiritual powers came from the Church as represented by the pope.51 The ultimate resolution of the issue of investiture was in fact to be reached largely on the basis of this distinction. The way in which Wido used evidence to support his arguments on both sides demonstrates that he had an intimate acquaintance with biblical and patristic sources. Unlike the other two imperial authors, he included no poetry. Nevertheless, the opening lines of the irst book echo Ovid (Met. 2.3), and in the course of his exposition Wido also cited Virgil (537) and Cicero (550).52 In his ability to set forth a series

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his knowledge of the Novellae in the Epitome Juliani, Institutes, and Code, he does not know the Digest; Pier S. Leicht, “Ravenna e Bologna,” Atti del Congresso internazionale di diritto romano: Bologna e Roma, XVII–XXVII aprile, MCMXXXIII, 4 vols. (Pavia, 1934–35), 1:288. Also see comments on his knowledge of the law by Karl Jordan, “Der Kaisergedanke in Ravenna zur Zeit Heinrichs IV,” 103–5. Referring to Crasso’s attribution of a passage from the Code (9, 40.10) to the Digest, Bruno Paradisi, “Il pensiero politico dei giuristi medievali,” Studi sul medioevo giuridico, Istituto storico italiano per il medio evo, Studi storici 163–73 in 2 vols. (Rome, 1987), 1:272, considers Pietro Crasso to be separated from the northern Italian jurists by an abyss (un abisso). On the poetry, see Max Manitius, Geschichte der lateinischen literatur des Mittelalters, 3 vols. (Munich, 1911–1931), 3:28. Robinson, Authority and Resistance, 70–71 and 80, rightly considers the style of Benzone and Pietro Crasso as linking them to the panegyrical style of the imperial chancery, but in a broader context the writings of both are products of a traditional elitest conception of audience. Pietro’s literary ambitions are evident from the opening prose lines: “Haec aetas inter multa humanae vitae adversa protulit quoddam genus hominum, quod in tantum a moribus atque ab integritate vitae prioris aetatis discrepat, ut pene ipsi incognitum habeatur naturae, de qua aestimatur, ut aut ipsa in productione aberasset, aut ipsum genus hominum a prioris aetatis stirpe originem penitus non duxisset. Nam a ide et iustitia et veritate caeterisque virtutibus, quae sunt instrumenta salutis animarum, tantum abhorret, ut eas aut omnino non cognoscat aut cognitas in odio habeat”; Defensio, 1:434. Ibid., 1:564–66. His conclusion, however, remains unclear, because at diferent times he seems to suggest that the emperor name the bishop and at others grants the emperor only the right to invest the bishop with secular powers connected with the oice: Fliche, Le Réforme grégoriene, 3:294. Konrad Panzer, Wido von Ferrara: De scismate Hildebrandi. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des Investiturstreites (Leipzig, 1880), 23–38, for a discussion of Wido’s style. A brief biography and discussion of the work is also found in Francesca Roversi Monaco, “Guido,” DBI, vol. 61 (Rome, 2003), 366–69. Wido’s

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of credible arguments for his opponents before tearing them down,Wido relected a rare degree of intellectual lexibility for the age, a trait that could appear a weakness to his ruthless and often fanatical enemies. One such enemy was a papal reformer, Bonizone of Sutri (1045–before 1095). Probably born in Cremona, he came from a modest background and in an earlier generation might never have had an opportunity for preferment in the imperial church. Initially appointed bishop of Sutri by Gregory VII in 1075 or 1076, he was subsequently elevated to the see of Piacenza in 1086. He lost the diocese in 1089, after sufering horrible mutilations at the hands of his enemies.53 Bonizone’s Liber ad amicum (ca. 1085/86) constituted a justiication for armed militancy against the enemies of right doctrine. Formally the treatise was written in order to answer two questions asked by a friend: (1) If God is a god of justice, why does He permit the Church to lie prostrate and allow evil men to exult? (2) If we judge from the examples of the Church Fathers, is it right for Christians to take up arms to defend the faith? In responding to both questions, Bonizone summarized in nine books the history of the Church from the time of Adam down to his own day. The last four books dealt with events of the eleventh century in a manner that was egregiously tendentious. In creating his version of the Church’s history, Bonizone relied mainly on two historical sources, Cassiodorus’s Historia ecclesiastica tripartita and the Liber pontiicalis, but he supplemented them with abundant documentation from other ecclesiastical sources. While Bonizone’s knowledge of the Latin Fathers appears to have been limited, he knew Gregory the Great’s Liber pastoralis and the letters of Jerome and Isidore thoroughly, as well as the Bible.54 Alone of the papal polemicists, Bonizone referred in the course of his account to pagan authors, twice to Virgil and once each to Horace and Lucan.55 Bonizone’s book would prove important because his

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descriptive power is at its height in his characterization of Gregory VII, a portion of which reads as follows: “Preferebat sitim caeteraque incommoda corporis, cum ad nutum cuncta suppeterent. Fugiant alii praesentiam hominum, devitent consortia mulierum, declinent frequentiam urbium, solitudines adeant, invia et praerupta requirant, abdant sese specubus montium et cavernis petrarum, alantur herbis, potentur fontibus, feris cohabitent; hic suscepti regiminis necessitate compulsus, quod maioris est meriti, inter seculares et ilios tenebrarum singularis meriti praerogativa dignissimus habebatur. Cumque omnes occcuparentur negotiis seculi et mundi desideriis et questibus inhiarent, animi virtute cuncta transcendens, vitam istam peregrinationem, non patriam existimabat. Iam vero quam cunctis afabilis, tractabilis fuerit et communis, quis explicare suiciat?”; De scismate Hildebrandi, 1:534–35. Manitius speaks of his use of the Sallustian historical ininitive as distinctive of Wido’s style: Manitius, Geschichte der lateinischen Literatur des Mittelalters, 3:33. However, Bonizone, a less skillful writer than Wido, also frequently used the same verbal form. According to Rangerio’s Vita metrica Anselmi lucensis episcopi, Gerhard Schwartz and Bernard Schmeidler, MGH, Scriptores, no. 30, pt. 2 (Leipzig, 1934), 1299, vv. 6887–90, his torturers cut out his tongue, put out his eyes, split his nose in two, and removed his ears: “Et iam multa ferens Sutriorum pulsus ab urbe, / Proque ide longo squalidus exilio/ Sed necdum lingua mutilus necdum sine luce/ Et necdum gemina nare vel aure carens.” Cf. Giovanni Miccoli, “Bonizone,” DBI, vol. 12 (Rome, 1970), 248. Miccoli, “Bonizone,” 252, considers him “relativamente limitato della cultura e degli interessi culturali.” Walter Berschin, Bonizo von Sutri. Leben und Werk (Berlin and New York, 1972), 5, calls his intellectual orientation “kirchlich-pastoral.” In Liber ad amicum Bonizone echoes Virgil twice (603 and 615) and Lucan (582) and Horace (614) both once. He was very hostile to the study of dialectic, but thought that law could be helpful to a bishop: Berschin, Bonizo von Sutri, 5, n. 10.

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construction of events surrounding the development of the Church would provide a historical context congenial to the interpretation that radical reformers were giving to the texts they were striving to make part of the canon. While the second papal polemicist, Anselmo of Baggio (1035–86), did not completely resist literary ambition, he revealed no weakness for ancient letters. From a powerful house of Milanese capitani, Anselmo, the nephew of Pope Alexander II (d. 1073), was educated in Milan. That he studied with Lanfranco at Bec is unsubstantiated. Anselmo’s irst prose biographer, Pseudo-Bardo, writes that he “was skilled in the grammatical and dialectical art.” Gregory VII admired Anselmo’s knowledge of divine letters, and also his discretion.56 Appointed bishop of Lucca in 1073 by one of the last acts of his uncle, he was driven from the city in 1080 because of his reforming zeal. He devoted the rest of his life to working closely with the Countess Matilda in promoting Gregory VII’s reform eforts in the northern half of the Italian peninsula. Anselmo’s greatest scholarly achievement was a Collectio canonum, a collection of canon laws in thirteen books, which he wrote in exile. The irst two books focused on the biblical, patristic, conciliar, and papal sources that endorsed the principle that the papacy was supreme in the spiritual realm. In its turn Anselmo’s Collectio canonum was to become one of the major sources for the Decretum.57 Anselmo’s only surviving contribution to the debate over investiture was clearly the work of a scholar deeply involved in exploring the law of the Church. Pietro Crasso, Wido, and Bonizone had been generous in their citation of biblical and patristic texts, but in Anselmo’s work such source material takes up at least a half of the text. Written to demand that Giberto, the antipope Clement III (1080–1100), step down, Anselmo’s Liber contra Wibertum (1085/86) advanced its arguments by alternating passages of Anselmo’s own prose with extensive citations from authorities supporting his position. His citations, often lengthy, were taken from the Bible and the Church Fathers, including Augustine, Cyprian, Innocent I, and Ambrose, as well from the pseudo-Isidorian decretals, which he had already included in his Collectio.58 Writing a decade later, Cardinal Deusdedit, also a canonist, gave no sign of having literary ambitions. His Collectio canonum focused, more systematically than that 56

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Pseudo-Bardo’s remark is found in Vita Anselmi episcopi Lucensis, ed. Roger Wilmans, MGH, Scriptores, no. 12 (Hannover, 1856), 13: “in arte grammatica et dialectica extitit peritus.” For Gregory’s appraisal, see Das Register Gregors VII, ed. Erich Caspar, Epistolae selectae in usum scholarum ex Monumentis Germaniae historicis, 3rd ed., 2 vols. (Berlin, 1967), 1:18; I, 11: “tantam divinarum litterarum scientiam et rationem discretionis.” Both of these sources are cited from Cinzio Violante, “Anselmo da Baggio, santo,” DBI, vol. 3 (Rome, 1961), 399. Kathleen G. Cushing, Papacy and Law in the Gregorian Revolution: The Canonistic Work of Anselm of Lucca (Oxford, 1998). Maureen Miller’s review in the American Historical Review (2000): 599–600, however, points to some important laws in the work. It should be noted that Gérard Fransen, “Anselme de Lucques, canoniste?” in Sant’Anselmo vescovo di Lucca nel quadro delle trasformazioni sociali della riforma ecclesiastica, ed. Cinzio Violante, Studi storici, no. 13 (Rome, 1992), 143–56, argues that either Anselmo did not author the book or he wrote only the irst seven books. Jürgen Ziesc, Historische Beweisführung in Streitschriften des Investiturstreits, Münchener Beiträge zur Mediävistik und Renaissance-Forschung, 5 (Munich, 1972), 34–43, provides a detailed outline of Anselmo’s argument.

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of Anselmo, on issues directly connected with the reform struggle – that is, the liberty of the Church; the prerogatives of the clergy, particularly of the pope; and the inalienable ownership of church possessions. In writing his attack on royal investiture and simony in his Libellus contra invasores et simoniacos et reliquos schismaticos, published in 1097, Deusdedit drew heavily on his own collection, as Anselmo had done on his.59 Given the stern character of Deusdedit’s prose, it is surprising to learn that as a young man in Francia – he was probably from the Limousin – he had been a poet well acquainted with Horace, Prudentius, Boethius, and Servius, among others.60 After a few opening lines, the author summarized the theses that he intended to treat: (1) that the king could not appoint bishops to churches; (2) that simoniacs were heretics; (3) that a priest ought to be honored by laymen, not defamed and judged; and (4) that secular powers could neither introduce into the church nor expel clerics and that they had no control over church property.61 To prove his arguments, Deusdedit devoted proportionately even more space to citing religious sources than Anselmo of Lucca had done. The Benonis aliorumque cardinalium scripta, connected with the synod that a group of cardinals, supporters of the antipope Clement III, held in Rome in 1098, consisted of a series of letters. The irst two letters were authored by Cardinal Beno and were entitled Gesta ecclesiae romanae contra Hildebrandum, 1 and 2.62 The irst one, probably composed in 1085/6, around the time of Gregory VII’s death, condemned Gregory as ruthless in his lust for power and cruel, a poisoner, a heretic, and a necromancer. The second, written sometime after 1088, repeated the charges in greater detail. Both letters were refurbished for the collection, which contains eight other letters and a short addendum by other writers. The addendum and the eight letters were probably written in the months around the time of the synod in 1098 and were designed to prove that Urban II, Clement III’s rival, was guilty of heresy. The signiicance of this collection of imperialist letters for present purposes lies in the fact that all omit any reference to ancient authors and make infrequent use of rhetorical igures. While Beno’s earlier and later letters exhibit little reliance on sacred authorities in making their arguments, that is not the case with the other imperialist writers in the collection whose work can be securely dated as composed in 1098. Like the papalists, the imperialists by then had come to believe that their case could only be won by inding the right sacred texts to sustain their position. 59

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For a general biography of Deusdedit, see Harald Zimmermann, “Deusdedit,” DBI, vol. 39 (Rome, 1991), 504–6. A shorter version of this work seems to have been prepared for the Council of Clermont in 1095: Zimmermann, “Deusdedit,” 505. His collection of religious poems, Libellus theoposeos, was written when he was between thirty and thirty-ive: “Iam senis lustris, si bene rem teneo, / humanis utor rebus inutiliter” (lines 1–2):Walther Holtzmann, “Kardinal Deusdedit als Dichter,” Historisches Jahrbuch 57 (1937): 220. Deusdedit appears to have come from Aquitaine (230). Libellos contra invasores et symoniacos, 2:300. The letters are found at 2:369–80. Beno was probably from Lorraine; Zelina Zafarana, “Benone,” DBI, vol. 8 (Rome, 1966), 564. Mirbt, Die Publizistik, 60–66, describes the contents. Carl Erdmann, “Gesta romanae ecclesiae contra Hildebrandum,” Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte, kanontische Abteilung 26 (1937): 433–36, dates the work as written about 1098.

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Their own prose was heavily interlarded with citations from a vast variety of sources that were generally regarded as canonical. In the second phase of the investiture polemic, which began with the conlict between Pascal II (1099–1118) and Henry IV’s son, Henry V (1004/6–1125), the Italian authors on both sides take the same legalistic approach to establishing their position. A survey of four of the ive treatises surviving from this period, Bruno of Segni’s Libellus de symoniacis, Gregorio of Catino’s Orthodoxa defensio imperialis, the anonymous Disputatio vel defensio Paschalis papae, and Placido’s De honore ecclesiae, shows that they are alike in this respect, save that the biblical exegete, Bruno of Segni, limits his evidence entirely to citations from scripture. Gregorio of Catino, an imperialist, testiied to the kind of research that went into writing the treatises: “For the sake of this [inding authorities] we, by divine gift the senior monks of a by-nomeans unlearned monastery, together collected the opinions of many Catholics, and we made it a point to respond through their words to those eloquent men calumniating and blaspheming us indiscriminately in the name of the Lord.”63 His treatise Orthodoxa defensio imperialis relects his own efort to match papalist writers’ citation by citation from Christian sources. The outstanding methodological achievement of the polemical literature was Placido of Nonantola’s Liber de honore ecclesiae. Written in 1111, the work was designed to integrate into an organized whole the mass of accumulated biblical passages, patristic sources, and papal and conciliar pronouncements that favored the radical reformers’ position.The book was dedicated to honoring and defending the Church as well as to proving the primacy of the see of Peter, the salviic role of the Church in the divine plan, and the right of the church to possess property. The author broke down his discussion into one hundred and seventy logically sequential chapters, for example: 31. That the bishops ought to have ecclesiastical property in their power. 32. That the church ought to have earthly property. 33. That ecclesiastical property ought not to be controlled by laymen. 34. About the same matter.64 Many of the rubrics began with a statement based “on reason” that the author then followed with authoritative texts to support the claim. There was always one citation or more from sacred sources to support each proposition. With its emphasis on clarity of exposition, the Liber stylistically resembled a legal treatise. The mentality displayed in Placido’s work, in dividing his major issues concerning investiture into their respective subsets of issues and the conception of these subsets as rubrics under which relevant canons could be placed, marked the mature formulation of the radical reformers’ thoughts on investiture. Judging from surviving material, while the same issues continued to interest transalpine thinkers for 63

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“Huius rei gratia nos calogeri divino munere haud ignari cenobii plurimorum sententias catholicorum pariter collegimus et quibusdam magniloquis nos calumpniantibus atque indiscrete blasphemantibus in nomine Domini per eos rationabiliter respondere curavimus”: Orthodoxa defensio imperialis, 2:535. Liber de honore ecclesiae, 2:570: “XXXI. Quod episcopi aecclesiasticas res in potestate sua habere debeant. XXXII Quia aecclesia etiam terrenas res habere debeat. XXXIII. Quod res aecclesiasticae ad laicos disponendae non respiciant. XXXIIII De eadem re.”

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many decades, Placido’s was the last major treatise by an Italian on either side of the question. The explanation for the lack of further treatises in Italy probably lies in the fact that in the propapal atmosphere that prevailed in the peninsula after 1122, the source material used in the partisan treatises became absorbed into more general treatises on canon law – notably into Gratian’s Decretum. While the treatises that I have just discussed suggest that by the turn of the twelfth century both parties were fortifying their position with a battery of ecclesiastical authorities, it is important to mention also a fourth propapal contribution, the poem on investiture De anulo et baculo, composed in 1110 by Rangerio (d. 1112).65 Given its genre, the work seems to belong to an earlier stage of the struggle in Italy. Like Deusdedit, Rangerio was probably born in Francia. Educated at Rheims and later a monk at Cluny, he likely came to Italy in the train of Urban II, former prior of the abbey, when the pope returned to Italy in 1096, after a voyage in Francia where the latter issued the call for a crusade.66 Consecrated bishop of Lucca by 1096, he could not occupy his see until 1097, when the imperial bishop, Gottefredo, was driven from the diocese. In the intervening period he likely resided at the court of Matilda of Tuscany, to whom he dedicated the poem. The work, in hexameters, consisted of a forty-line preface followed by 580 couplets. Rangerio’s initial subject was the ring and staf , the symbols of a bishop’s oice. He began by characterizing the ring as representing a marriage and the staf as the sign of the shepherd and then went on to play on the imagery, arguing that a king, who does not receive either, cannot therefore present them to another. A long section ensued deining the hierarchy of oices in the Church (vv. 109–564) and contending that the hierarchy held no place for a layman. After a second elaborate discussion (vv. 565–859) of the sacred character of (among other things) clerical vestments, the altar, and holy oil, Rangerio returned to focus again on the ring and staf (v. 860). He challenged his opponents to prove that kings had ever had the power to invest bishops with those objects and concluded by denying that a king could create a bishop, on the grounds that the oice of king ranked far below that of any kind of cleric. The poem is notable in that it contains an early reference to the Donation of Constantine as a source of papal power, a claim that would play a vital role in the subsequent history of spiritual–temporal relations (vv. 1071–1120). Unlike the imperialist poetry of Benzo and Pietro Crasso, Rangerio’s verses ofer no classical citations or reminiscences. In contrast with the other writings of radical reform, Rangerio showed no compulsion to justify his arguments by reference to sources, although he occasionally incorporated biblical verses or phrasing. Although such poetic treatment of the problem of investiture would recur in the ongoing debate north of the Alps, nevertheless there, as in Italy, the dominant tendency 65

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A poem with the same title was composed in the same period by Gualfredo, the pro-papal bishop of Siena. Another of his works, De utroque apostolico, dealt with the investiture issue; Nicolangelo D’Acunto, “Gualfredo,” DBI, vol. 60 (Rome, 2003), 170. Neither writing survives. Pietro Guidi, “Della patria di Rangerio autore della Vita metrica di S. Anselmo vescovo di Lucca,” SG 1 (1947): 278.

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would continue to be a legalistic approach. Northern Europeans, as we shall see in the next chapter, had much to teach Italian canonists about method, but the general intellectual impact of the new discipline of canon law in northern Europe was diminished by the fact that it had to compete for attention in the curriculum of the cathedral school with grammatical, dialectical, and theological studies, which were in full development. The efort to make canon law into a discipline followed a somewhat diferent path in the regnum, where the cathedral schools were emerging from the Investiture Struggle weakened by religious divisions and where their program of grammatical studies was identiied with the old imperial church by victorious radical reformers. At the same time, private schools of Roman law were lourishing, and these ofered an alternative institutional model for teaching canon law. The result was that, while some cathedrals began ofering courses in the new discipline of canon law, instruction also became available in specialized private schools, especially in Bologna, which became the most important center for the study in Italy. This new discipline, added to those of Roman law and of ars dictaminis, a new formulaic rhetoric thriving by the 1120s, further nourished a legal–rhetorical mentality that would dominate the Italian kingdom down into the fourteenth century. THE COMMUNAL MOVEMENT

The earliest Italian communes had their origin in this half-century of conlict, but the notorious lack of chronicles in Italy makes it diicult to ascertain exactly how these new institutions emerged. Surviving documentation, however, makes it clear that over the decades issues of religious reform had, paradoxically, deeply politicized the urban populations where communes arose. Almost everywhere participants involved in the communal movement locally are designated as being loyal to one party or the other. Consequently, the origins of the communal movement in the regnum cannot be understood apart from the Investiture Struggle.67 67

Philip Jones, The Italian City-State: From Commune to Signoria (Cambridge, 1997), 136: “In the Regnum most evidently the enlargement of urban privileges ... and the progress of urban liberty were governed if not determined by the sharpening conlict between emperor, pope, and house of Canossa and the related party alignments, imperialist, papalist, or both by turns, of the towns.” Pierre Racine, Plaisance du Xe à la in du XIIIe siècle, 3 vols. (Lille, 1979), 1:206, sees the religious movement of patarines as contributing to the sensitivity of the cities of Italy to political questions and to creating a municipal consciousness. See also Gina Fasoli, “Gouvernants et gouvernés dans les communes italiennes du xie au xiie siècles,” Recueils de la Société Jean Bodin pour l’histoire comparative des institutions 25 (1965): 47–86, esp. 67. Fasoli writes (62–63): “La querelle des investitures a favorisé et accéléré un mouvement intimement connexe avec le développement économique et démographique de la ville: à la prospérité économique, due non seulement aux contingences favorables mais aussi à l’initiative individuelle qui en a su tirer proit, s’accompagnent inévitablement l’assurance de soi, en tant qu’individus et en tant que groupe, et l’esprit d’indépendance; et l’on désire encore un système politique, administratif, judiciaire plus souple et répondant mieux aux nécessités d’une activité en phase d’expansion.” Cf. 60, where she links the development of the Italian cities to the struggle over investiture by deining the latter as “un tournant décisif dans l’histoire des villes et des institutions urbaines.”

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The following Italian cities formed a commune in the period from 1075 to 1122:68 Cities

Years

Biandrate Pisa Asti Cremona Milan Arezzo Pistoia Bergamo Como Florence Bologna Lucca Brescia

1093 1094 1095 1097 1097 or 1117 1098 1105 1108 1109 1115 1116 1119–1120 1120

Most of the dates are the years when consuls, as the leading oicials of communal governments were usually called, irst appear in the documents, but the foundation may have occurred some years earlier.69 In no case was a commune the direct outgrowth of the pataria. In their concern for social justice and in the formulation of their goals in Christian language, however, the patarie contributed positively to the development of communal ideals. Analogous in this sense to the eforts led by bishops in northern Europe to establish the Peace of God, the patarie introduced into the regnum the juramentum commune (the oath to keep the peace and punish those who did not) that served later as the model for the oath taken by men joining the commune.70 That the commune sometimes represented a stage in the peacemaking process helps to explain why some bishops took the lead in establishing it.71 68

69

70

71

My list of dates for the founding of communes difers from that given by Daniel Waley, The Italian City-Republics, 2nd ed.(London and New York, 1978), 27, for the following cities (his dates are included in parentheses): Pisa (1081–85); Genoa (1099); Cremona (1112–16); Lucca (1115); Bergamo (1117); and Bologna (1123). On the commune of Genoa, which he dates as 1099, see below note 73. For the tentative character of these dates, see Wickham, Courts and Conlict in Twelfth-Century Tuscany (Oxford, 2003), 16–19. Hagen Keller,“Die Entstehung der italianischen Stadtkommunen als Problem der Sozialgeschichte,” Frühmittelaltliche Studien 10 (1976): 206–11, questions, however, the signiicance of the appearance of the consuls as an indication of the existence of a commune. Cf. his “Gli inizi del comune in Lombardia: Limiti della documentazione e methodi di ricerca,” in Evoluzione della città italiana nell’ XI secolo, ed. Renato Bordone and Jörg Jarnut (Bologna, 1988), 48–53. Hagen Keller, “Entstehung der italienischen Stadtkommunen,” 195–97. See as well Dilcher, Die Entstehung der lombardischen Stadtkommune: eine rechtsgeschichtliche Untersuchung, 107–8; and Philip Jones, The Italian City-State, 147–48. In the 1040s eforts to establish the Peace of God failed, probably due to interurban hostility: Pierre Racine, “Évêque et cité dans le royaume d’Italie: Aux origines des communes italiennes,” Cahiers de civilisation médiévale, Xe–XIIe siècles 27 (1984): 137. Maureen Miller, The Bishop’s Palace: Architecture and Authority in Medieval Italy (Ithaca, N.Y., and London, 2000), 143–46, argues persuasively against the tendency of Italian scholarship to present

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Although the irst mention in a document of a consulatus in Milan came only in 1097 and the irst use of the term consules even later, in a document of 1117, some kind of governing assembly of citizens may have existed by the middle of the eleventh century.72 Weakened by the Pataria, a succession of archbishops likely found it necessary to make concessions to the urban community in exchange for support. It seems reasonable to suppose, consequently, that the creation of the commune marked the inal stage in the negotiations between the ruler and the body politic of the city. Although a consul appears briely in Genoa in 1098 in the midst of an efort to attain stability in the midst of a civil war ostensibly over religion, the commune was not solidly established until 1122.73 The appearance of consuls in Bergamo in 1108 followed by two years the creation of a power vacuum in the city caused by the second excommunication and exile of Bergamo’s imperial bishop.74 Driven out of Cremona by the local pataria in 1067, the explusion of the imperial bishop, Arnolfo da Velate, introduced an extended vacancy in the bishopric. As in Bergamo, in the absence of the bishop, the lay community created the communal government whose consuls irst appeared in documents in 1097.75 Several of the early communes resulted from the desire of papal and imperial leaders to strengthen their ties with important urban populations. The appearance of the commune in Florence by 1115 relected Matilda’s efort to retain the support of the city.76 Henry IV generously endowed Pisa and Lucca in 1081 with some form of self-government in an efort to lure them away from Matilda. In charters to the two cities Henry reassigned to the cives a signiicant portion of his powers as sovereign.77 Henry IV promised the Pisans, for example, that he would not hear appeals over local justice, nor would he name a new marquess to replace Matilda (who was under the ban of the empire) without the approval of twelve men elected by a city

72 73

74

75

76

77

the commune as arising in opposition to the bishop or as largely the result of lay eforts. Jones, The Italian City-State, 141:“communes seem in general to have resulted from compromise, a ‘reallocation’ or ‘resettlement’ of power, largely paciic, within a single social order.” Barni, “Dal governo del vescovo,” 241 and 320; and 242. Valeria Polonio, “Da provincia a signora del mare: Secoli VI–XIII,” Storia di Genova: Mediterraneo, Europa, Atlantico, ed. Dino Puncuh (Genoa, 2003), 131–32 and 136. Jörg Jarnut, “Gli inizi del comune in Italia: Il caso di Bergamo,” Archivio storico bergamasco 5 (1983): 205. Although the irst mention of a consul occurred in a document dated between 1112 and 1116, François Menant, “Cremona in età precomunale. Il secolo xi,” Storia di Cremona: Dall’alto medioevo all’età comunale, ed. Jörg Jarnut et al., vol. 1 (Cremona, 2004), 135–36, efectively argues that the commune dated from at least 1097. On the imperial–papal conlict in Cremona that left the city without a bishop, see ibid., 126–29. Matilda created the commune of Florence to secure its support: Dameron, Episcopal Power and Florentine Society, 1000–1320 (Cambridge, Mass., and London, 1991), 65–67. Charters for these two cities and those given by the emperor to Modena in 1085–86 and to Mantua in 1091, are discussed in detail by Tilman Struve, “Heinrich IV. und die ideles cives der städtischen Kommunen Oberitaliens,” Deutsches Archiv für Erforschung des Mittelalters 53 (1997): 497–553. See as well Gina Fasoli, Città e sovrani fra il x e xii secolo (Bologna, 1963), 67–70. Although no mention is made of consuls in any of the four charters given by Henry IV, the terms of the documents imply that some kind of urban government already existed or would be created to fulill them.

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assembly. Subsequently, at least by 1090, the local bishop, an imperial ally, is recorded as working with a popular assembly, perhaps the same one alluded to earlier in Henry IV’s charter. By 1094 we have the irst mention of consuls, not as leaders of an association of merchants – that sort of consul had already been mentioned in a charter dated between 1080 and 1085 – but clearly as city oicials.78 As for Lucca, the expulsion of its reform bishop in 1080, together with the imperial charter of 1081 granting the cives judicial jurisdiction within a six-mile radius of its walls, rendered the city independent of Matilda of Tuscany.79 Between 1081 and 1096 the city and the diocese was hotly contested by imperial and reform candidates. In the latter year Lucca again accepted Matilda’s suzerainty, and Rangerio, a reform bishop, was irmly established in the city in 1097.80 Although a consulate does not appear in the documents until 1119, the recognition of the commune was likely the last step in a development in progress for two generations.81 The creation of the commune of Asti followed a diferent course. In 1091 Marchioness Adelaide, who had recently allied herself with the papacy, and Dodone, the imperial bishop of Asti, quarrelled over Adelaide’s efort to exert more control in the towns of her domain.82 In his opposition to her policy, Dodone had the support of the noble leaders of Asti, many of whom were sympathetic to the papal party but who also felt threatened by the countess’s designs. Adelaide’s troops burned Asti in a raid, but she died soon after. Henry IV, eager to support a loyal follower, then granted Dodone the powers of a count, and Dodone, apparently recognizing that claimants to Adelaide’s lands continued to pose a threat to his authority, created the commune in or before 1094. The fact that in Bologna political power in the eleventh century was shared between the bishop and a count meant that even after 1094, when a rival no longer challenged the reform bishop for control of the diocese, the largely Gregorian populace still remained in conlict with the count, a staunch imperialist.83 Although 78

79 80 81

82

83

Herbert E. J. Cowdrey, “The Mahdia Campaign of 1087,” English Historical Review 92 (1977): 1–22, esp. 12–15, traces the rise of the commune, but he seems to suggest that Henry’s efort to lay hold of the city so frightened the largely Guelf population that they pressured the imperialist bishop to create the commune. I do not see, however, that this negates the inluence of Henry IV’s initiative. Sturve, “Heinrich IV. und die ideles,” 501. Schwarzmaier, Lucca und das Reich, 408–9. Chris Wickham, “Economia e società rurale nel territorio lucchese,” Sant’Anselmo vescovo di Lucca (1077–1086) nel quadro delle trasformazioni sociali e della riforma ecclesiastica, ed. Cinzio Violante, Nuovi studi storici, no. 13 (Rome, 1992), 400–401, stresses the poverty and political weakness of Pietro, the schismatic bishop appointed by Henry VI in 1081 to replace Anselmo. Schwarzmaier, Lucca und das Reich, 331–34, argues that, in the absence of Matilda’s authority, the local group of judges whose families had fused with members of the episcopal vassalage created judicial institutions that laid the basis for the commune in this period. Although Wickham, Courts and Conlict, 22, sees consular patterns developing in the city from 1080s, he dates the existence of a commune with the appearance of the irst consuls in 1119/20. Renato Bordone, Città e territorio nell’alto medioevo: La società astigiana dal dominio dei Franchi all’afermazione comunale (Turin, 1980), 351. In 1096 a letter of Urban II to the clergy and people of Bologna thanking them for their support indicates how important to his cause the pope considered the support of the city’s population: Alfred Hessel, Geschichte der Stadt Bologna von 1116 bis 1280 (Berlin, 1910), 35–36. Hessel (38)

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details are lacking as to the maturation of a lay organization before Henry V granted what appears to have been communal status in 1116, the continuing tension between the populace and the count likely nurtured self-government. In the case of Arezzo, where the cathedral chapter along with a signiicant body of elites, the people, and Constantino (1062–96), the bishop, shared allegiance to the papacy, the emperor’s appointment of Constantino’s successor, a man loyal to him, probably in 1097, resulted in the creation of a commune the following year, perhaps the price the new bishop paid for obedience.84 Although Brescia, Pistoia, and Como had experienced violence from their own pataria, communes in all three cities emerged in periods when reform bishops held their sees uncontested.85 Perhaps in the case of Brescia, whose consuls appear in 1120, the commune may have taken shape in response to the period of thirteen years of conlict between imperial and papal bishops (1097–1112).86 The speciic motives behind the rise of the communes in Pistoia and Como, however, are even more obscure.87 The exceptional character of the double commune founded at Biandrate in 1193 suggests that its origins were not comparable with those that we have discussed.88 Even if incomplete, the history of the rise of the earliest Italian communes appears indissolubly linked to the progress of the Investiture Struggle in that the crisis of authority signiicantly politicized the urban masses. The eforts of the leadership of both parties to woo popular support only strengthened the sense of agency that the

84

85

86

87

88

emphasizes the letter as evidence of the “Machtfaktor” of the burghers in the religious conlict in Bologna and concludes: “Ihre politische Entwicklung wird also damals schon auf eine Stufe gelangt sein, von der der Schritt zur Selbständigkeit nicht mehr allzu gross war.” The commune was established, however, only in 1116: Antonio I. Pini, “ Bologna nel suo secolo d’oro,” Rolandino e “l’ars notaria” da Bologna all’Europa: Atti del convegno internazionale di studi storici sulla igura e l’opera di Rolandino organizzato dal Consiglio Notarile di Bologna sotto l’egida del Consiglio Nazionale del Notariato, Bologna – città europea della cultura, 9–10 ottobre 2000, ed. Giorgio Tamba (Milan, 2005), 4–5. Jean Delumeau, “Sur les origines de la commune d’Arezzo,” in Les origines des libertés urbaines: Actes du XVIe congrès des historiens médiévistes de l’enseignement supérieur (Rouen 7–8 juin 1985) (Rouen, 1990), 328–29. Pierre Racine, “Communes, libertés, franchises urbaines: Le problème des origines: L’exemple italien,” Les origines des libertés urbaines, 41; and Storia d’Italia: Il medioevo, ed. Girolamo Arnaldi et al., vol. 1 (Milan, 1958), 202–6. Alfredo Bosisio, “Il comune,” in Dalle origini alla caduta della signoria viscontea (1426), Storia di Brescia, 5 vols. (Brescia, 1963–64), 1:579–80. Despite the consistent reform attitude of Pistoia’s recent bishops, its cathedral chapter, and lay population, the autonomy of nearby Lucca may have inspired the desire for communal government in 1105: Natale Rauty, Storia di Pistoia, Vol. 1: Dall’alto medioevo all’età precomunale, 406–1105 (Florence, 1988), 318. On Como, see Dilcher, Die Entstehung 133, who cites the mention of consuls in a document of 1109. Of the two communes created at Biandrate, one was popular and the other composed of a small number of local elite: Romolo Caggese, Classi e comuni rurali nel medio evo italiano. Saggio di storia economica e giuridica, 2 vols. (Florence, 1907), 1:181–82; and Jones, The Italian City-State, 142. I have been unable to determine whether religious conlict played any role in the origins of the two institutions.

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urban population felt. Although it is likely that in most Italian cities some form of popular participation in episcopal government predated 1075 at least by decades, nevertheless the internal and external threats to urban peace thereafter encouraged laymen to assume increased responsibility for city government.89 The point at which that responsibility became institutionalized as a commune depended on historical circumstances in each place. The commune not only assumed much of the secular power of the bishop but, by bringing into the ruling circle individuals and groups with alternate claims to power in the city and its suburbs, it largely succeeded in unifying secular authority in the area. Although bishops had generally controlled the city, their authority had encountered resistance from those holding remnants of public power of imperial, marquisate, or comital origin.90 By absorbing these claimants into the regime, although never entirely, the commune was able to achieve a “uniied system of government” that the bishops had never enjoyed.91 Once established, communes expanded and intensiied the powers previously exercised by the bishop. The ongoing economic and demographic growth of the twelfth century abetted the process by generating a need for more extensive regulation of interpersonal and institutional contacts at the local and regional levels. Almost inevitably, communes also aspired to expand their authority to the whole diocese where the bishop and often the urban elite possessed lands.92 The de facto autonomy granted the communes by the Peace of Constance in 1183 further encouraged them to create city-states. As in earlier popular urban assemblies, leadership in the new communal institutions fell to the possessing classes: the capitani, milites, and cives.93 Because of their urban experience and involvement in commerce as town-dwellers, members of the Italian nobility tended to work well with new families that had risen from below. Moreover, despite the elite character of communal regimes, the leadership, drawing 89 90

91 92

93

Pierre Racine, “Évêque et cité dans le royaume d’Italie, 133–34. Nicola Ottokar, “Il problema della formazione comunale,” Questioni di storia medioevale, ed. Ettore Rota (Como, 1946), 362–64; and Cinzio Violante, “L’Età della riforma della chiesa in Italia,” Storia d’Italia, ed. Nino Valeri, 5 vols. (Turin, 1963), 1:6–98. The phrase is Ottokar’s; “Il problema della formazione comunale,” 363. Ottokar, ibid., nicely contrasts the Italian comune with that of northern Europe by distinguishing the former as civitas and the latter as urbs; that is, whereas the northern commune was more or less limited to the city walls, the Italians traditionally conceived of the urbs along with its suburbia. The amphibious character of the urban nobility with signiicant possessions in the country, however, was not true everywhere. For example, in Tuscany, Florence contrasted with its neighbors Pistoia, Volterra, and Arezzo. Elio Conti, La formazione della struttura agraria moderna nel contado iorentino, vol. 1: Le campagne nell’età comunale, Studi storici, nos. 51–55 (Rome, 1965), 180, shows that the urban nobility of Florence, with the exception of the Visdominici, had few possessions in the countryside in 1100. See also Dameron, Episcopal Power, 68–92. Heller, “Die Entstehung der italienischen Stadtkommunen,” 206. Renato Bordone, “Les ‘élites’ cittadine nell’Italia comunale (XI–XII secolo),” Mélanges de l’École française de Rome. Moyen âge – Temps modernes 100 (Rome, 1988): 47–53, discusses the problems connected with establishing membership in the urban elite over time. For the debate surrounding the role of the rural aristocracy versus that of the urban elite in the founding of the commune, see Renato Bordone, “Tema cittadino e ‘ritorno alla terra’ nella storiograia comunale recente,” Quaderni storici 52 (1983): 255–87; and Elisa Occhipinti, Italia dei comuni: Secoli XI–XIII (Rome, 2000), 22–24.

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on Christian formulations of brotherly love, mutual service, and peace and justice for all, held a wide appeal for the lower classes of urban society. In time, loyalty to the commune became diicult to distinguished from loyalty to the city itself. Manipulation of symbols also played an important role in cementing patriotic with religious sentiments. Communal councils held their meetings in consecrated spaces – that is, the cathedral, baptistery, or another large church. Bishops often presided, lending their authority to communal rituals. Communal carroccii (municipal wagons), which served as rallying points for communal militia in battle, were decorated with religious as well as secular symbols and were placed for safekeeping in the local cathedrals or the baptisteries, where they acted as centers of religious cults.94 The insertion of the commune into the established network of authorities of the regnum raised numerous legal issues involving the relationship of the new institution to episcopal government, to satellite lordships, and to the empire as a whole. As the commune extended its authority over the surrounding countryside and intensiied its control over the activities of its citizens and subjects, legal questions also arose. As a result, lawyers and notaries were increasingly called upon to deine a welter of novel legal relationships and to capture these in the language of statutes and notarial documents. Combined with the growing complexity of economic relationships in the twelfth century, the demands imposed by communal institutions gave an impetus to legal studies, especially the study of Roman law, the most sophisticated of the secular laws dominant in the regnum. At the same time, the growing importance of the secular government likely rendered ecclesiastical recruitment, at least from the upper classes, correspondingly more diicult. Because the privilegium fori (see Introduction) was as a rule incompatible with membership in the commune, ambitious young men from the elite may have thought twice before renouncing their lay status, which would have entailed sufering exclusion from the political life of the commune. The higher standards of conduct expected of the clergy after 1122 created an additional disincentive for those without a deep spiritual vocation. THE INVESTITURE CONFLICT BEYOND THE REGNUM

The Investiture Struggle played a key role in unleashing the creative intellectual initiative of laymen and clerics in the regnum and signiicantly determined the direction that intellectual initiative would take. In areas to the south and in transalpine Europe, apart from the empire, its efect on intellectual culture was minimal, while in Germany the consequences of decades of civil war over the issue proved disastrous for scholarly and literary life. A brief description of the history of the conlict outside of the regnum should serve to make clear Italian exceptionalism as of 1122. From the outset of the Investiture Struggle Gregory VII’s principal strategy was to negotiate directly with reguli and lesser territorial lords, with whose support 94

Augustin Thompson, O.P., Cities of God: The Religion of the Italian Commues, 1125–1325 (University Park, Penn., 2005), 125–28. On the symbolism of the carrocio, see the bibliographical summary of Edward Coleman, “The Italian Communes: Recent Work and Current Trends, The Journal of Medieval History 25 (1999): 393.

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papal legates convoked provincial ecclesiastical councils designed to impose reforms on the clergy.95 In taking such a top-down approach, Gregory VII and Urban II exhibited an extraordinary degree of tolerance. In their dealings with the rulers of England, Francia, and southern Italy, they evinced a willingness to overlook the violation of some of the most fundamental principles of reform in the hope – ultimately vindicated – that in the long run the reform doctrines would prevail, at least at the theoretical level. Almost permanently at war with the German emperor from 1075, the popes could not risk increasing the number of their enemies in other parts of Europe. Unlike the situation in the regnum, elsewhere in Europe popular pressure to all appearances played only a small role in the settlement of the investiture issue, and what popular agitation did occur was largely conined to the urbanized border regions between northern Francia and the empire. Even in those areas, however, unrest was sporadic and could not have had much efect on the establishment of church reforms. In part the lack of popular participation in reform stemmed from the fact that, whereas in the regnum bishops generally were both religious and secular leaders, in England and Francia, even if a bishop was under attack for moral corruption, it was the secular ruler who enforced order. In England there was no conlict over investiture until 1100, when the new king, Henry I (1100–35), recalled Anselmo, archbishop of Canterbury, from his two-year self-imposed exile in Rome.96 Gregory VII had recognized William the Conqueror’s right to appoint bishops in England and Normandy, provided he prohibit simony and clerical marriage in his territories. Even in the corrupt reign of William Rufus (1087–1100), when simony was rampant, Urban had allowed the appointments to continue. Until his death in 1089, Lanfranco, as archbishop of Canterbury, had also reluctantly tolerated the abuse, and although his successor, Anselmo of Aosta, had been critical of the king’s infringement on ecclesiastical freedoms, it was not until Anselmo’s return from exile that an English archbishop actively opposed the king’s claim to invest bishops with the ring and staf.97 Only in 1105, when the new pope, Pascal II (1100–18), published the excommunication of the members of the English king’s council and the bishops whom he had invested, did the king seek to compromise with the papacy.98 At the Diet of London in 1107, Henry renounced investiture 95

96

97 98

Although symbols, rituals, and myths evolved that endowed other rulers with a sacral aura, no king could claim the commingled secular and spiritual authority that the emperor inherited from Constantine and Charlemagne. For the imperial claim to control the papacy, see Chapter 2. On the difusion of symbols of sacral kingship, see Francis Oakley, Kingship: The Politics of Enchantment (Malden, 2006), 87–107, especially 97 and 99. Christopher Harper-Bill, “The Anglo-Norman Church,” in A Companion to the Anglo-Norman World, ed. Christopher Harper-Bill and Elisabeth van Houts (Sufolk, 2003), 175, dates the beginning of the controversy in England from Anselm’s return from his two-year exile in Rome (1198–99). Cf. Friedrich Kempf, “Die gregorianische Reform (1046–1122),” in Friedrick Kempf et al., Die mittelalterliche Kirche:Vom kirchlichen Frühmittelalter zur gregorianischen Reform: Handbuch der Kirchengeschichte, vol. 3, pt. 1 (Freiburg and Basel, 1966), 432–33 and 450–51; and Herbert E. J. Cowdrey, “The Gregorian Reform in the Anglo-Norman Lands and in Scandinavia,” La riforma gregoriana e l’Europa: Congresso internazionale, Salerno, 20–25 maggio, 1985. Relazioni, ed. Alfons M. Stickler, 321–52, SG, no. 13 (Rome, 1989). After 1103, Henry was duke of Normandy as well. Kempf, “Die gregorianische Reform,” 451.

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of bishops with the ring and staf of oice but retained the right to receive the homage of bishops and abbots-elect for the temporalities of the bishopric or abbey. Throughout the struggle between the king and the Roman Church the vast body of the English and Norman clergy remained obedient to their monarch; nor did anything like a pataria movement arise.99 Nowhere else in transalpine Europe were circumstances more propitious for the introduction of papal reforms than in Francia.100 In achieving its reform objectives there, the papacy found the ground already prepared by the Peace of God, a peace movement that, although it had lost much of its fervor by 1075, had stirred entire populations to collective action in the name of repressing violence and that from the late tenth century had been associated with monastic reforms paralleling those initiated earlier by Cluny. Beginning in southern Francia, the Peace, led by bishops in cooperation with the local nobility, had aroused massive support in an efort to defend church property, protect dependent cultivators from pillaging predators, and free peasants from being placed by force under the authority of a landlord.101 The pursuit of peace became associated in the popular mind with the expectation that the clergy, as the guardians of peace, had to stand outside the normal social framework. Hence implicit in support for the movement was a campaign against simony, clerical marriage, and the use of weapons by clerics.102 There were two main stages of the Peace: the irst (989–after 1000) was concentrated in Aquitaine, while the second (1019–38) extended from the ecclesiastical province of Bourges and the duchy of Burgundy in the east to parts of the provinces of Sens and Rheims in the north.103 Although occasional ecclesiastical councils devoted to establishing the Peace are recorded during the rest of the century, after the 1030s secular princes assumed the leadership of the peace efort and the focus was altered to emphasize the prohibition of warfare on certain days of the week and 99

100 101

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Following the lead of Ivo of Chartres, the Diet separated investiture with staf and ring given by the archbishop from investiture with the temporalities of the bishopric bestowed by the monarch; Fliche, La réforme grégorienne et la reconquête chrétienne, 350–51. Pascal II regarded the arrangement with Henry I, almost duplicated in the pope’s agreement with Philippe I in Francia, as only a temporary solution: Stanley Chodorow, “Paschal II, Henry V, and the Origins of the Crisis of 1111,” Popes, Teachers, and Canon Law in the Middle Ages, ed. James Ross Sweeney and Stanley Chodorow (Ithaca, N.Y., and London, 1989), 14. Kempf, “Die gregorianische Reform,” 434. There is a large literature on this movement. A full survey of the various regional church councils proclaiming the Peace and the Truce of God is given in Hartmut Hofman, Gottesfriede und Treuga Dei, Schriften der Monumenta Germaniae Historica, no. 20 (Stuttgart, 1964). A map indicating cities associated with the early Peace of God is found in the introduction to The Peace of God: Social Violence and Religious Response in France around the Year 1000, ed. Thomas Head and Richard Landes (Ithaca, N.Y., and London, 1992), 5. On the Peace of God as a response to the birth of a new society, see Robert I. Moore and his summary of his position in “Postscript: The Peace of God and the Social Revolution,” in ibid., 308–26. Robert I. Moore, “Family, Community, and Cult on the Eve of the Gregorian Reform,” Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 5th ser., 30 (1980), 65. See as well Amy G. Remensnyder, “Pollution, Purity, and Peace,” in Head and Landes, The Peace of God, 280–307. Hans-Werner Goetz,“Protection of the Church, Defense of the Law, and Reform: On the Purposes and Character of the Peace of God, 989–1038,” in Head and Landes, The Peace of God, 261–64.

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during stated times of the year.104 Although still involving religious symbolism, this Truce, as it was called, unlike the Peace of God, had little interest in reform of clerical corruption, and its provisions were imposed without depending on grassroots enthusiasm.105 Nonetheless, the results of the Peace proved long-lasting. Not only had the movement created a widespread sensitivity to the spiritual exigences of the clerical life, but, backed by an aroused popular opinion, it in many cases efectively led to an implementation of the reforms entailed by the guiding ideal. Almost inevitably the Peace also created among the populace a new sense of agency that served to encourage more lay participation in religious life and promote conidence in the power of collective action. Albeit only indirectly, that conidence likely inspired the communal movement that began in Le Mans in 1070. Although lay investiture had not been identiied as simony in the Peace of God, the Peace’s inluence helps to explain the relative ease with which the papacy, in the decades after 1075, negotiated with the secular princes and church councils in the southern areas of Francia over issues of church reform.106 The princes, for their part, seem to have been willing to cooperate with the papal legates by suppressing lay investiture and clerical marriage in their territories. During the pontiicate of Gregory VII a number of princes went so far as to become vassals of Saint Peter. Negotiations with the Capetian ruler were not so easy. In the case of the French monarchy, Gregory VII and his two immediate successors demonstrated extraordinary restraint in their contacts with King Philippe I (1060–1108) – this despite the king’s dealing fast and loose with ecclesiastical property and his simoniacal practice of placing his own men in the large number of bishoprics that the Capetian family controlled. Gregory allowed his aggressive papal legate, Hugh of Die, to pursue simoniacal bishops, but only to a point.107 Urban II exercised even greater restraint when disciplining French bishops than had Gregory VII.108 As for the king, although 104

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Herbert E. J. Cowdrey, “The Peace and Truce of God in the Eleventh Century,” Past and Present 46 (1970): 42–67; and his “From the Peace of God to the First Crusade,” in La primera cruzada, novecientos años después: El concilio de Clermont y los origínes del movimiento cruzado, ed. Luis GarcíaGuijarro Ramos (Madrid, 1997), 52–54. Marcus Bull, Knightly Piety and the Lay Response to the First Crusade: The Limousin and Gascony, 970–1130 (Oxford, 1993), 21–56, describes in detail the rise and decline of the peace movement in Aquitaine. On the Truce of God, see Cowdry, “The Peace and Truce of God,” 44 and 59–62; and Landes and Head, “Introduction,” Peace of God, 7–9. The earliest of these was the truce established in the county of Roussillon in 1027 (7). On lack of popular participation in the peace movements in the second half of the century, see Thomas H. Bisson, “The Organized Peace in Southern France and Catalonia,” American Historical Review 82 (1977): 293; and Robert I. Moore, “Postscript,” 325. Kempf, “Die gregorianische Reform,” 435. See as well, Louis De Lagger, “Aperçu de la réforme grégorienne dans l’Albigeoise,” SG, no. 2 (1947): 211–34. At the Lenten synod of 1078, Gregory annulled the suspension of the archbishops of Rheims, Sens, Bourges, and Tours that had been imposed the previous year by the legate: Alfons Becker, Studien zum Investiturproblem in Frankreich: Papsttum, Königtum und Episkopat im Zeitalter der gregorianischen Kirchenreform (1049–1119) (Saarbrucken, 1955), 67. For Urban’s policy toward the French church, see ibid., 80–85. The character of Philippe’s personal life, however, led Urban II with great reluctance to excommunicate the king in 1095 after repeated appeals to renounce his bigamous marriage to Bertrade the previous year. Consequently, he was only too ready to reconcile with the monarch in 1096 when the king promised that he would

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he had been instrumental in the bishops’ obtaining oice, he rarely attempted to frustrate papal eforts to depose them.109 Pascal II inally reached a settlement with the French king over the issue of investiture in 1107. In an arrangement very similar to the one that Pascal and Henry I of England negotiated the same year, Philippe granted canonical elections and renounced the right to invest bishops with ring and staf , while the papacy recognized the king’s right to bestow the temporalities of the bishopric. In contrast with the settlement at London, however, the bishop was not to render homage to the king, which would have entailed becoming the king’s vassal and incurring the attendant obligations.110 Unlike the introduction of papal reforms in the regnum, where an imperial episcopacy had to be expelled by popular force, in Francia, where reforming bishops had prepared the ground by their eforts to spiritualize clerical oice, the papal program was introduced largely through negotiation with the secular and ecclesiastical leadership. Even if reportedly immoral clergymen may occasionally have been the objects of popular anger after 1075, diocesan leaders, supported by the local secular power, prevented the kind of breakdown in public order that occurred south of the Alps. In contrast with the regnum, in most areas of Francia negotiations concerning the establishment of the papal program of reforms were carried on over the heads of the general populace. Winning popular support was everywhere key to the ultimate success of the reform movement, but we must be careful not to exaggerate the extent to which popular agitation had a direct part in imposing church reform. The argument that grassroots supports played an important role in establishing papal reforms in Northern Europe essentially depends on only three cases of violence ocurring over a period of a half-century. Of these three incidents of mass pressure for reform, two were not in Francia but over the border with the Empire. The third was in Normandy. Early in his pontiicate Gregory VII may have had a hand in stirring up anticlerical feeling by granting licenses to wandering preachers in the border area between Francia and the Empire in order to arouse popular opposition to nicolaitism and simony. Although we know of only one such licensed preacher, Wederic of Ghent, who worked in the dioceses of Tournai, Cambrai, and Liège, there may have been others.111 Among them may have been Ramihrdus of Douai (d.1076), who like

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separate from Bertrade, who was already the wife of one of his vassals. Nonetheless, in 1097, when it became obvious that Philippe would not keep his promise, Urban put Philippe under personal interdict and excommunicated him again: Fliche, La réforme grégorienne et la reconquête chrétienne, 311–12; and Becker, Studien zum Investiturproblem in Frankreich, 88–93. Philippe was only restored to communion with the church under Pascal II. Becker, Studien, 63. Ibid., 121–23. Becker (169) summarizes the degree of conlict between pope and king in France thus: “Einen im Bereich des Grundsätzlichen ausgetragenen, zeitlich genau begrenzbaren und zusammenhängenden, mit allen, den Gegnern zur Vernügung stehenden Mitteln ausgefochtenen Investiturstreit zwischen Papst und König hat es in Frankreich nicht gegeben....” Gilles Gérard Meersseman, “Eremitismo e predicazione itinerante del secoli XI e XII,” in Ordo Fraternitatis: Confraternite e pietà dei laici nel medioevo, with Gian Piero Pacini, 3 vols. (Rome, 1977), 1:246–64. On Wederich, see especially 255–56. See as well Henrietta Leyser, Hermits and the New

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Wederic was active in the diocese of Cambrai and whose iery death would lead to a local civil war.112 In 1074/75 Sigebert, a monk of Gembloux, in the region of Namur, gave the earliest report of mass violence in the name of reform. Sigebert testiied to ierce attacks on the clergy being made by the local population in the name of reform: Now then, if you seek the fruit, the Lord’s lock is miserably dispersed, with the shepherds inciting the wolves against it. Having gained the opportunity, which it has always sought, to satisfy its madness, popular error abuses the obedience imposed on it by calumniating the clergy. These men, subject to public mockery, produce, wherever they appear, people crying out insults, pointing their ingers, and striking them with blows. Some clergy, having lost their possessions because of unjust proscriptions, unable to endure the presence of these people, among whom there once were honest and illustrious men, lee despoiled and poor. Others, their bodies mutilated, display before all the people a sentence – according to the clear witness of their so prudent correctors – too lenient for their crime.113

Sigebert’s account does not name those responsible for stirring up the people, however, nor does it provide the basis for determining the long-term efect that popular violence had on the ecclesiastical establishment in the region. The second event concerns the iery death of Ramihrdus of Douai, who in 1076 had been preaching against simony in Cambrai, a diocese located in the empire but in the ecclesiastical province of Rheims. Seized and interrogated by Gerard II, the new bishop of the city, Ramihrdus was placed in a hut by the bishop’s servants and, with or without the prelate’s complicity, was burned to death. Infuriated, Gregory VII granted the bishop a pardon for his servants’ actions only on the condition that Gerard enforce the papal reform decrees in the city.114 Tension between the burghers of the city and their bishop had long existed, but we cannot discount the opposition of the local clergy to the new reforms.115

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Monasticism:A Study of Religious Communities in Western Europe, 1000–1150 (NewYork, 1984), 75. Gregory VII may also have inspired preaching missions of the monks of Hirsau in Swabia and Franconia. Robert I. Moore provides the sources on Ramihrdus of Cambrai in his The Birth of Popular Heresy (New York, 1976), 24–26. Sigeberti monachi Gemblacensis apologia, ed. Ernst Sackur, MGH, Libelli de lite, ed. Friedric Thaner, 3 vols. (Hannover, 1891–97), 2:438: “Nunc autem si fructum requiris, grex dominicus pastoribus lupos in eum incitantibus miserabiliter dispergitur. Plebeius error quam semper quaesivit opportunitate adepta usque ad furoris sui satietatem iniuncta sibi, ut ait, in clericorum contumelias obedientia crudeliter abutitur. Hi publicis illusionibus adducti, quocunque prodeunt, clamores insultantium, digitos ostendentium, colaphos pulsantium proferunt. Alii iniustis proscriptionibus rebus sic amissis praesentiam eorum, inter quos modo honesti et clari erant, ferre non valentes, egeni et pauperes profugiunt. Alii membris multilati non satis discretam pro lapsu suo sententiam ad evidens tam prudentium correctorum testimonium per omnium ora circumferunt. Alii post longos cruciatus superbe necati sanguinis sui vindictam de iusti et omnipotentis defensoris manu incessanter expetunt.” Cf. ibid., 452. Alfred Cauchie, La querelle des investitures dans les diocèses de Liège et de Cambrai (Louvain, 1890–91), 2. Cf. Henri Platelle, “Les luttes communales et l’organisation municipale (1075–1313), in Histoire de Cambrai, ed. Louis Trenard (Lille, 1982), 46. For opposition to the reform, see Cauchie, Querelle des investitures, 15–16; Platelle, “Les luttes communales,” 45–46; and Reinecke, Geschichte der Stadt Cambrai bis zur Erteilung der Lex Godefridi (1227)

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Signiicantly, the bishop’s predecessors had refused to participate in the earlier wave of peace movements, and consequently the ecclesiastical establishment remained immune to the ecclesiastical reforms that the peace movements presumably brought with them. The departure of Gerard, who left Cambrai to attend the emperor’s court, proved the catalyst for the popular revolt.116 The commune that the burghers created, however, was to be short-lived. Calling on the count of Hainaut’s assistance, Gerard returned to Cambrai and with the help of the count’s army destroyed the new government in a massacre. Although we are told that after his death Ramihrdus left a following in the area (“in some towns there are many members of his sect to this day”), the bourgeois revolt that created the commune was allied with the enemies of reform.117 The circumstances surrounding the creation of the second commune in 1101/2 will be postponed until the discussion below of the Investiture Conlict in German lands. We must wait twenty-ive years for further evidence of a tie between popular protest and reform, this time in Normandy. In the 1090s, Marbod (1035–1128), bishop of Rennes, wrote a sharp letter to Robert of Arbrissel (d. 1115), a canon of his cathedral, who had been preaching in the diocese.118 By purportedly arousing the local population to avoid contact with clergy contaminated by concubinage or simony, the bishop warned that Robert was thereby empowering “common and ignorant people” to judge the diocesan clergy: “We see impoverished priests, deserted as if unworthy by their congregations. To them their lock should make oferings, to their prayers commend themselves, from them accept the charge of penance, pay them tithes and irst-fruits. And all of these pastors lament that they are condemned by your unjust reproach.”119 We may assume that Robert, who had been authorized by Urban II essentially to preach the crusade, exercised a similar inluence in other dioceses by means of his preaching tours around northern Francia. To judge from Marbod’s letter, however, unlike in Namur a quarter-century earlier, listeners in Normandy apparently conined their reform activity to passive disobedience to their parish clergy.

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(Marburg, 1896), 106–8. In a letter to the clergy of the archdiocese at Rheims, written late in 1077 or early 1078, the clerics of Cambrai begged for support against the papal prohibition of clerical marriage. The clerics wrote that “Quorum adstipulationi episcopus noster consentiens, nos intolerabiliter aggressus ad impondendum praedictum onus cervici nostrae, multus ac vehemens nuper incubuit: quia et clericos conjugatos chorum intrare et ministrare, et eorum ilios ad sacros ordines provehi, inhibuit”: Recueil des historiens des Gaules et de la France, 24 vols. (Paris, 1738–1904), 14:780. The letter was sent to other cathedral chapters in the area as well. See the response of Noyon in ibid., 780–81. Albert Vermeesch, Essai sur les origines et la signiication de la commune dans le nord de la France (XIe et XIIe siècles) (Heule, 1966), 97. For a detailed analysis of events surrounding the creation and destruction of the commune, see Henri Platelle, “Le movement communal de Cambrai de 1077 et ses destineés ultérieurs,” Les chartes et le mouvement communal: Colloque régional, octobre 1980 organisé en commémoration du neuvième centenaire de la commune de Saint-Quentin (Saint-Quentin, 1980), 131–48. The citation is from Moore, The Birth of Popular Heresy, 25. The letter of Gregory VII to the bishop of Paris asking him to investigate the murder (24), however, does not bear out Moore’s claim that the pope was inviting “the laity to judge their priests and the lower clergy their superiors” (27). For Robert of Arbrissel, see Bruce L. Venarde, Robert of Arbrissel:A Medieval Religious Life (Washington, D.C., 2003). Ibid., 98.

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Unlike in the regnum, then, in Francia lower-class participation in the struggle for reform, down to the inal settlement with Philip I, appears to have been sporadic and uncoordinated even in the limited areas where it occurred. Nor do we have evidence that in the years immediately following the settlement on French territory in 1107 that the masses became involved in implementing reform.120 The most severe threat to the ecclesiastical establishment in the latter period came, not from Robert of Arbrissel, who continued to preach until his death in 1117, but from two iery preachers, Tanchelm of Antwerp (d. 1115) and Henry of Lausanne (l . 1116–45).121 Both (Tanchelm in Flanders and Henry irst in Le Mans in 1116 and afterwards for thirty years throughout northern and southern Francia) drew great crowds to their sermons and appear to have incited their audiences to perform vicious acts against clerics whom the preachers denounced as corrupt. As in the period before 1107, however, the popular enthusiasm aroused by such preaching appears to have exercised little efect on the progress of church reform. Although frequent deposition of bishops and an occasional double election surely produced confusion among the local clergy, it is diicult to establish any direct link between such events and popular agitation. Similarly, in contrast with the regnum, investiture and issues surrounding it seem to have had no direct inluence on the communal movement in northern Francia (Cambrai was in the empire). As in the regnum, economic expansion in northern Europe in the eleventh century created new wealth, encouraged urban growth, and facilitated social mobility, but unlike the communal movement in the regnum, there is no evidence that the conlict over the imposition of papal reforms had anything to do with the creation of the six French communes established before 1122: Le Mans (1070), Saint-Quentin (ca. 1081), Beauvais (1099), Noyon (1108–9), Laon (ca. 1109–12), and Amiens (ca. 1113/17).122 All but the commune of Saint-Quentin, which was recognized by the count of Hainaut, were established with the consent of the local bishop.123 The bloody uprising in the diocese of Laon in 1112 was directly 120

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The establishment commonly branded the preachers as rabble-rousers and as preaching heretical beliefs. Generally speaking, they and their sects had little historical importance: Malcolm Lambert, Medieval Heresy: Popular Movements from the Gregorian Reform to the Reformation (Oxford, 1992), 9–32. Moore, Birth of Heresy, 28–32 and 33–60, publishes the sources for both.The sources given by Moore do not bear out his claim (The First European Revolution, c. 970–1215 [Oxford and Malden, Mass., 2000], 16–17) that Henry “presided for some weeks over a communal regime” in Le Mans (16). See as well Charles Dereine, “Les prédictateurs ‘apostoloques’ dans les diocèses de Thérouanne, Tournai, et Cambrai–Arras durant les années 1075–1125,” Analecta praemonstratensia 59 (1983): 171–89. The origin of the six communes is discussed in Vermeesch, Essai sur les origines, 81–88, 98–116. Oddly,Vermeesch (121) implies that the commune of Saint-Quentin was authorized by the bishop rather than by the count of Hainaut; see his discussion of the commune, 98–103. Ibid., 121–22. Generally regarded suspiciously by overlords as a form of conjugatio, communes were nonetheless authorized by them when it suited their own interests: André Chédeville, Jacques LeGof, and Jacques Rossiaud, Histoire de la France urbaine, Vol. 2: La ville médiévale des Carolingiens à la Renaissance (Paris, 1980), 174–75. Because Cambrai and Valenciennes, also discussed by Vermeesch (88–98 and 116–120), were in this period within the empire, their communes will be discussed below.

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caused by the decision of the bishop, Baudry, to quash the commune, which both he and Louis VI had agreed to support the previous year.124 Scholars generally agree that local peacekeeping institutions associated with the Peace of God provided a model for communal organizations, but the extent to which a point of contact existed between the two remains debatable.125 The purpose of the rules governing these new political bodies, like those made by proponents of the Peace of God, was to guarantee peace and security for the bourgeois (nobles were often not in the commune) within the town’s precincts, and both appealed to concepts of amicitia and Christian brotherhood as guides to conduct. I have dwelt at length on the course of the papal campaign for reform in Francia primarily because of the overwhelming efect that that region would have on the cultural life of the regnum in the course of the twelfth century. The churches of the regnum emerged from the struggle over investiture having been cleansed by ire, while those of Francia, having already experienced widespread eforts at clerical reform, adapted more easily and without greatly sufering the efect of violent interventions by the lay population at large. Consequently, in the aftermath of the Investiture Struggle the French ecclesiastical establishment and cathedral learning enjoyed an institutional continuity unknown by its counterpart in the regnum. In southern Italy the papacy followed an approach similar to that in Francia. In the south, as in Francia, popes had mostly to exert their power indirectly. They did so by working for reform with the agreement of their vassals.126 In Sicily in 1098, for 124

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After accepting money to obtain his consent, the bishop subsequently decided to destroy the arrangement: Autobiographie (De vita sua), ed. and French trans. Edmond-René Labande (Paris, 1981), 328–32. See as well Vermeesch, Essai sur les origines, 108–13; and Alain Saint-Denis, “Pouvoirs et libertés à Laon dans les premières années du XIIe siècle,” Pouvoirs et libertés au temps des premiers Capétiens, ed. Elizabeth Magnou-Nortier (Amiens, 1992), 267–305. Saint-Denis (278) refers to a tension between the bishop and a reforming group of cathedral canons led by Master Anselm, but the issue of ecclesiastical reform seems not to have igured in the struggle over the commune. In the case of the commune at Amiens, founded with the approval of the king and bishop in 1113, the bishop voluntarily left the town for eight months because of disagreements with the communal leadership but returned in 1115. Pierre Desportes, “Les origines de la commune d’Amiens,” 254–60, discusses the cooperation of the commune and bishop in attacking the count. Also see Alfred Vermeesch, Essai sur les origines, 113–16. In the case of the origins of the commune at Noyon, Abel Lefranc, Histoire de la ville de Noyon et de ses institutions jusqu’à la in du XIIIe siècle (Paris, 1887), 31–35, alludes to urban riots leading to its creation in 1108/1109, but Vermeesch, Essai sur les origines, 106, inds no evidence of popular violence preceding the establishment of the commune. In fact, the bishop claimed credit for its establishment (107). Vermeesch holds that the institution of the commune, designed to establish peace in the town, was a descendant of the widespread peace organizations championed by French bishops earlier in the century, but in the case of the commune the initiators were usually local lay residents (Essai sur les origines, 177–83). Dolores Kennelly, “Medieval Towns and the Peace of God,” Medievalia et humanistica 15 (1963): 52, stresses the contrasts in the circumstances for communal foundations. From 1059 the Norman rulers in their oath of fealty to the papacy, swore to surrender all churches in their lands to his authority: Graham A. Loud,“Churches and Churchmen in an Age of Conquest,” Studies in Church History 20 (1993): 46. Norman princes, however, continued to dispose of church property freely: Graham A. Loud, Church and Society in the Norman Principality of Capua, 1058–1197 (Oxford, 1985), 62. See as well Fliche, La réforme grégorienne et la reconquête chrétienne, 235–36 and 322–23, and 419; and Ovidio Capitani, L’Italia medievale nei secoli di trapasso: La riforma della chiesa

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instance, Pope Urban granted King Roger I powers over the local churches equivalent to those enjoyed by papal legates elsewhere.127 By contrast, in dealing with the secular and ecclesiastical hierarchy within its own territories in central Italy, along the Adriatic in the maritime provinces, and at Benevento, popes acted directly to impose their program. On the whole, then, church reform in Italian lands outside the borders of the regnum appears to have proceeded in relative peace.128 THE CASE OF GERMANY

As in the regnum, so in Germany the Investiture Struggle had dire efects on the imperial church, the imperial oice, and public order, but in Germany the destruction of the old order had wholly negative consequences for intellectual life. The excommunication of Henry IV encouraged a new rebellion in Saxony, and the following year a civil war erupted between Henry and Rudolph of Swabia, who was supported by the papal faction. Even after Henry’s victory over Rudolph and the latter’s death in 1080, Henry’s reign remained troubled by the endless plots of princes seeking to augment their territorial power by weakening the central government. When, championed by rebels, Henry IV’s younger son, also named Henry, revolted against his father late in 1104, Rome embraced the younger man as its champion, thereby contributing to a bitter civil war that ended only with Henry IV’s death in 1106. The number of German bishops opposing Henry IV varied depending on his changing political fortunes and his willingness at any given time to compromise with reformers. During his reign, from 1076 to 1106, there were schisms in twentythree bishoprics – about half of the bishoprics in Germany – some lasting years.129 Although over the eight years following Henry IV’s initial deposition by Gregory VII episcopal support for the monarch dwindled signiicantly, in 1084 a sudden change in Henry’s policy in favor of those sympathetic to papal reforms quickly succeeded in winning back the support of many of them. That year saw Henry’s elevation of three reformers, Wezelos of Mainz, Erpo of Münster, and Heinrich of Paderborn, to their respective sees. In the following year Henry illed two other episcopal vacancies, that of Worms and Würzburg, by choosing clerics associated with reform.130 Hitherto alienated bishops, impressed by these appointments, began to return to the royal camp.

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(1012–1122) (Bologna, 1984), 76–78. For a general summary of papal–Norman relationships in the period of the reform, consult Graham A. Loud, The Latin Church in Norman Italy (Cambridge, 2007), 135–47. Graham A. Loud, “Royal Control of the Church in the Twelfth-Century Kingdom of Sicily,” Studies in Church History 18 (1982): 147–48. Kempf, “Die gregorianische Reform,” 435–36. Cf. Loud, “Royal Control,” 159. Herbert Zielinski, Die Reichsepiskopat in spätottonischer und salischer Zeit (1002–1125), pt. 1 (Stuttgart, 1984), 182. Zielinski provides a map locating the schisms (298). See as well the relevant geographical tables (299–301). This paragraph and that following summarize the narrative of events by Josef Fleckenstein, “Hofkapelle und Reichsepiskopat unter Heinrich IV,” in Investiturstreit und Reichsverfassung, ed. Josef Fleckenstein (Sigmaringen, 1973), 135–36.

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Conident of the strength of his standing among bishops, however, Henry now unwisely used the synod of churchmen at Mainz, in 1085, to lash out against his remaining opponents by deposing ifteen archbishops and bishops and appointing his own supporters in their place.The resulting schisms plunged the German church again into confusion and created fresh divisions among the bishops who had come to constitute his support. Among the newly deposed bishops was Herman of Metz, perhaps the most vocal supporter of the Gregorian reforms in Germany. In exile since 1078, Herman had returned briely to his see in 1084 only to formally lose his oice in 1085. Four years later, in 1089, however, he reconciled with Henry and returned to Metz and died the following year.131 Herman’s recall was the result of another new policy introduced by the lexible monarch beginning in 1088 to deal with the schisms in Saxon dioceses, where Henry reconciled with his enemies by simply abandoning the cause of his own appointees. Taking the same approach in dealing with other bishops among those whom he had deposed at Mainz and henceforth generally allowing canonical elections of bishops to stand, he endeavored to regain the loyalty of the episcopate in the face of eforts by a growing group of lay princes to depose him.132 Henry V’s rebellion against his father may in part have been motivated by a fear that, had his father been beaten by the aristocracy with papal support, he might have been denied the succession.133 As it was, his rebellion received endorsement not only from aristocrats and clergy concerned with church reform but also from Pope Paschal II. In the irst years following his father’s death in 1106, the young king embarked on a policy of coopting the reform movement in the kingdom. By opposing simony, appointing reformers to vacant bishoprics and archbishops, and encouraging reforms of monasteries and cathedral chapters, he sought to rehabilitate the idea of sacral kingship.134 Having minimized objections to lay investiture by these means in his northern kingdom, Henry V had still to deal with Pascal II. In February 1111, Henry V’s acceptance of Pascal II’s ofer to reconcile him to the Church in exchange for recovery of the regalia bestowed on the churches by the emperors since the time of Charlemagne infuriated the German episcopacy, who were aghast at the potential loss of property to their bishoprics. When two months later Henry held Pascal II prisoner, whom he had seized ostensibly for the pope’s safety following the chaos caused by the announcement of the agreement

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According to Alfred Haverkampf, Medieval Germany 1056–1273, trans. Helga Braun and Richard Mortimer (Oxford, 1988), 120, ifteen archbishops and bishops were deposed at Mainz and replaced by Henry’s supporters. Expelled in 1078, Hermann had returned to his see for a brief period in 1084, but was deposed by the Council at Mainz in 1085. On Hermann’s life and thought, see Siegfried Salloch, Hermann von Metz: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des deutschen Episkopats im Investiturstreit (Frankfurt am Main, 1931). Fleckenstein, “Hofkapelle und Reichsepiskopat,” 36–37. Haverkampf, Medieval Germany, 125. Henry IV had his older son, Conrad, elected king in 1087, but in 1098 had the younger son, Henry, elected in his stead. Stefan Weinfurter, “Reformidee und Königtum im spätsalischen Reich. Überlegungen zu einer Neubewertung Kaiser Heinrichs V,” in Reformidee und Reformpolitik im spätsalisch-frühstauischen Reich. Vorträge der Tagung der Gesellschaft für mittelrheinische Kirchengeschichte vom 11. bis 13. September 1991 in Trier, ed. Stefan Weinfurter with Hubertus Seibert (Mainz, 1992), 22–38.

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in Saint Peter’s, reformers among the German bishops identiied the emperor as their enemy.135 In the following years, bishops, whether from religious or political reasons, increasingly gravitated to the party of princes eager to depose the king.136 By 1121, Henry’s political position had become so precarious that in order to retain his crown he had no choice but to compromise with the papacy. The inal solution, worked out at Worms in 1122, followed closely the compromise adopted by the papacy in 1107 with the Anglo-Norman and the French kings. Distinguishing between the temporal and spiritual aspects of the bishopric, the pope recognized Henry V’s right to bestow the regalia of the diocese, but only on condition that it follow the election of the candidate. In Germany the king was to bestow the regalia immediately after the candidate had been elected in his presence, whereas in Burgundy and Italy newly elected bishops had six months in which to accomplish the ceremony.137 In assessing the fate of the papal reform movement in Germany, it must be remembered that Henry III had created the reform papacy out of an eagerness to eradicate nicolaitism, that is, impose celibacy on the clergy. The extent to which his goals were successfully transformed into policy by the time of his death is diicult to establish. His successor, Henry IV, appears to have lacked his father’s pious concerns, but even Henry III would have rejected the papal demand that the emperor abandon his claim to govern the imperial church. Traditionally, control of the personnel and the resources of the Church was the greatest source of the emperor’s strength. The German ecclesiastical hierarchy stood irmly behind the emperor at Worms in 1076 in deposing Gregory VII, who by his demands on Henry IV not only was introducing a dangerous innovation but also was threatening the liberty of the German church. Over subsequent decades, however, the papal position gradually won converts throughout the episcopacy, ultimately forcing Henry IV and his son into diicult positions. Their often contradictory shifts of policy created havoc with institutional continuity in many dioceses. While there appears to have been growing support for the papal reforms among the clergy over the almost half-century of the struggle, there are few signs of active interest among the population at large. As earlier in Francia, German bishops from the 1080s, at least in areas near the French border, sought relief from the disorder spawned in part by struggles for the imperial crown and local rebellions against royal authority by creating local institutions of peace.138 Although bishops initiated peace movements in German territory, secular princes soon took over the movements’ leadership.139 In contrast with Francia, from the outset the general population 135 136

137 138

139

Ibid., 38–39. By the second half of the second decade he encountered serious resistance to his interference in episcopal elections. Between 1116 and 1120 ten out of seventeen new bishops were elected canonically: Zielinski, Die Reichsepiskopat, 183. Cf. Weinfurter, “Reformidee und Königtum,” 39–45. Kempf, “Die gregorianische Reform,” 459; and Haverkampf, Medieval Germany, 134–35. Theodor Körner, Iuramentum und frühe Friedensbewegung (10–12 Jahrhundert) (Berlin, 1977), 6–81, discusses the ten occasions on which peace organizations were established in Germany and compares them with those created in France. The dates of the German organizations run from 1082 to circa 1104. Ibid., 123.

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played no role in the creation of peace institutions, and the rules established for the peace did not extend to reform of the clergy.140 Consequently, the German population lacked experience with the cooperative enterprises that the Peace of God had undertaken in Francia, and consequently also with the spirit of religious reform that the movement had incorporated. Popular participation in the religious struggle generally remained peripheral, and where it did occur the masses tended to favor the imperial cause.141 In the case of the burghers’ expulsion of the bishop of Worms in 1073, of the archbishop of Mainz in 1077, and of the archbishop of Cologne in 1106, the townspeople, seeking to limit episcopal control of the city, expressed their support for the secular ruler against their local prelate.142 Similarly, there is little evidence that when the burghers of Speyer expelled their tyrannical bishop in 1111 issues linked to investiture played a signiicant role.143 Nevertheless, there are indications that laymens’ attitudes toward the papal reform program may have changed with time. Among the supporters of Henry V’s revolt against his father were members of the upper nobility who believed, with the papacy, that the young prince was committed to the papal cause.144 In 1092, the burghers of Constance staunchly resisted Henry IV’s efort to replace the Gregorian bishop of the city with a candidate of his choosing. The circumstances surrounding the creation of the second commune at Cambrai and those of the irst and second communes at Metz, however, ofer the clearest evidence that some change of public opinion occurred. Owing in part to slower urban development, and perhaps missing the sense of community developed over time by involvement in diocesan peace movements, few communes were established in Germany in the years before 1122, and the ones that 140

141

142

143 144

In the case of the bishop’s synod at Liège, representatives of the burghers may have been included (ibid., 12–13). Otherwise the general population was excluded from assemblies decreeing the peace. In those localities where an oath was required, however, all residents appear to have been forced to take it. Körner also insists on the secular character of the movement in Germany (ibid., 131). On the whole, the German urban dwellers’ loyalty to the king was stronger than their concern for church reform: Heinrich Büttner,“Basel bis Mainz während des Investiturstreites,” Investiturstreit und Reichsverfassung, ed. Josef Fleckenstein (Sigmaringen, 1973), 360–61. Hans Planitz, Die deutsche Stadt im Mittelalter (Graz, 1954), 103 and 105–6. Fritz Rörig, The Medieval Town, trans. D. J. A. Matthews (London, 1967), 23, attributes the revolt of the burghers of Worms in 1073 to the political opposition of its bishop, along with that of other Rhineland bishops, to Henry IV. The burghers drove out the bishop and welcomed the ruler into the city. In 1077 in Mainz, the burghers expelled Rudolph of Swabia, Henry’s bitter enemy, along with the archbishop: Planitz, Die deutsche Stadt, 106. On Worms and Mainz, see as well Büttner, “Basel bis Mainz,” 355–56 and 357. For Cologne, see Ursula Leward, “Köln im Invesituturstreit,” Investiturstreit und Reichsverfassung, ed. Josef Fleckenstein (Sigmaringen, 1973), who attributes the revolt of 1074 in Cologne to political motives (382–84 and 390), and considers that later as well the people of Cologne “fanden die Forderungen der Reformpartei weitgehend taube Ohren.” She extends the observation to the whole region north of the Rhine (391). Although the motives of the local population of Constance are unknown, their resistance to the king’s eforts to replace their reform bishop with one of his followers in 1092 constitutes an exception to the generalization that urban populations were consistently loyal to the monarch: Helmut Mauere, “Konstanzer Bürgerschaft im Investiturstreit,” in Investiturstreit und Reichsverfassung, 367. Planitz, Die deutsche Stadt, 106. Weinfurter, “Reformidee und Königtum,” 8–23.

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were – Valenciennes (1114), Cambrai (1077 and 1092), and Metz (ca. 1117) – were founded near the French border. The burghers, clergy, and nobles of Valenciennes established their commune peacefully, by common consent, and with the authorization of the count of Hainaut. By contrast, communes in the episcopal towns of Cambrai and Metz were the result of intense conlict, in which issues relating to the Investiture Struggle were involved. In both cities the creation of the commune appears ostensibly to have been linked to the campaigns for religious reform. In the case of the commune established at Cambrai in 1077, I have already argued that its establishment was in part fueled not by popular support for reform but by opposition to the reforms established by the bishop at the command of Gregory VII. By contrast, the events surrounding the creation of the second commune in 1101/1102 and its aftermath suggest that a sizable portion of the population of the city was involved on both sides of the issue. The second commune had its origin in 1092, when two rival bishops were elected by a clergy divided over religious reform. For most of the next decade the imperial bishop held the city. Then, in 1101/1102, threatened with an attack by the papal champion, the count of Flanders, and despairing of help from the emperor, the imperial bishop agreed to the creation of a second commune in exchange for the burghers’ support. In 1103, however, he was expelled and a reform bishop invited to take his place. Four years later, in 1107, the reform bishop was driven out in turn when the emperor captured Cambrai, and in punishment for its disobedience the town lost its commune a second time.145 The successive alternation of imperial with reform bishops in Cambrai cannot be explained by political or economic motives or external pressures alone, any more than it can in the cities of the regnum. Likely by the early twelfth century a shift of power within the cathedral chapter relected a similar shift within the town at large. Although the reasons behind the support of Cambrai’s burghers for one faction or the other may have been diverse, a signiicant number of burghers were apparently converted to religious reform over the years – enough to become a competitive force contending against those who adhered to the imperial cause.146 The beginnings of the communal movement at Metz can be traced to the expulsion of its Gregorian bishop, Herman of Metz, by Henry IV in 1078.147 Although Herman was not deposed at the time, in 1085 Henry IV replaced him with a pious bishop who, after being consecrated, resigned almost immediately. Henry’s second 145 146

147

Platelle, “Les luttes communales,” 47–49; and Reinecke, Geschichte der Stadt Cambrai, 112–18. Alfred Cauchie, Querelle des investitures, 1:14, treats the burghers’ participation in the alternation of bishops as inspired purely by political motives, as do Reinecke, Geschichte der Stadt Cambrai, 100–118; Vermeesch, Essai sur les origines, 94–96; and Planitz, Die deutsche Stadt, 103–4. As in Cambrai, there were bitter quarrels among the clergy over reform in Liège in 1117, but, unlike in Cambrai, the clergy do not appear to have garnered support from the lay population; see Cauchie, Querelle des investitures, pt. 2. Unlike in similar alternations of imperial and reform bishops in Italian dioceses, the cathedral school in Cambrai, like that in Laon, continued to function without apparent interruption; Emile Lesne, Les écoles de la in du VIIIe à la in du XIIe en France, in his La propriété ecclésiastique en France, vol. 5 (Lille, 1940), 321–24. The following two paragraphs are based on Michel Parisse, “Metz dans l’église impériale,” Historie de Metz, ed. François-Yves Le Moigne (Toulouse, 1986), 118–21. See as well René Bour, Histoire de Metz (Metz, 1979), 65–66; and Westphal (major), Geschichte der Stadt Metz, 3 vols. (Metz, 1875), 1:88–91.

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choice fell on a nephew of Pope Leo IX, Bruno of Calw. When the people of the city expelled Bruno and his retinue several years later, they may have done so not only because they were angry at the new bishop for having plundered church property but also because they supported the papal reforms.That conjecture is supported, at least with regard to the clergy, by the fact that on the death of Hermann, who had returned to Metz in 1089 only to die in 1090, a reformer, Poppon, was chosen by a majority of the cathedral chapter as his successor. By 1097, however, when Henry IV invested a rival bishop, Adalbéron IV, with the see, the balance of power in the cathedral chapter had changed and perhaps the popular mood as well: the reform bishop was driven out and the emperor’s bishop welcomed. Until his deposition at Rheims in 1115, Adalbéron remained the bishop of Metz, presumably supported by the burghers of the town. The bishop may at this time have gained their support by helping to create the commune. In any case it had been established by 1117, when Pascal II tried to impose a pious monk as bishop. Forbidden entry to the city, the new appointee was only able to occupy his see in 1122, upon the signing of the Concordat.148 Consequently, in Metz, as in Cambrai, shifts in the fortunes of the movement for religious reform were dependent to some degree on popular opinion. In his light from the city in 1078, Herman likely left behind a faction of sympathetic clergy and laymen, which revived upon his return and which the following year successfully elected a like-minded successor. By 1097 the weight of public opinion, however, had changed, and the populace was to side consistently with the emperor’s position down to the end of the Investiture Struggle. In both cities the changing fortunes of the two parties in the ight for possession of the bishopric likely encouraged the burghers to bargain for a commune. Nonetheless, during the almost a half-century of warfare in which institutional continuity at all levels was repeatedly interrupted, the mass of the German population seems to remained largely passive. The emperor, having witnessed his control over church oices diminish both theoretically and in material terms, was scrambling to ind other supports for imperial authority; the territorial princes were growing in power; and the hierarchical church had to be reconstituted; but apparently in only two German towns, Metz and Cambrai, did popular elements assert their claim to play a role in the construction of their country’s future. INVESTITURE AND CATHEDRAL SCHOOLS

The disruption of the regnum’s cathedral schools prepared the way for a new kind of education and a new institutional basis for its propagation. Under tremendous pressures stemming from the religious struggle between imperialists and papal radicals, commonly with popular support, cathedral chapters in the regnum had often been fractured by struggles over reform. In a number of chapters, collective life seems almost to have ceased.149 In a climate of violence, maintaining institutional continuity 148 149

Parisse, “Metz dans l’église impériale,” 119, asserts that a commune existed in the town by 1117. Between 1086 and 1140 the canons of the cathedral at Mantua seem not to have existed as a collective entity; Alberto Montecchio, “Cenni storici sulla canonica cattedrale di Mantova nei secoli

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in the schools must have been diicult if not impossible.150 The continuity of cathedral education in Pisa, as relected in the scholarly and poetic activity of the canons in the early decades of the twelfth century, may well be explained by the apparent ease with which the city’s commune arose.151 Even in Pisa, however, the cathedral’s period of productivity was over by 1140. This was because new attitudes toward education generated during the years of religious conlict were in play. The suspicion of pagan letters so prominent in the more pietistic generation following 1122 dampened interest in the traditional book culture, while private teachers, conscious of the advantage of teaching new practical disciplines in an enlarging market of clerics and laymen for education, created specialized private schools to rival the cathedral with its less lexible curriculum. These private schools constituted the primary generators of the legalistic-rhetorical mentality that was to prevade intellectual life in the regnum for centuries. The fortunes of cathedral education in Francia were very diferent. Although the outcome of the Investiture Struggle had repercussions at the local level, the struggle over investiture, as we have seen, was overwhelmingly a matter of negotiations between the papacy and princes. Unlike the situation in the regnum, where the clerical establishment, including the institutions responsible for ecclesiastical schooling, was deeply afected, French education enjoyed continuity throughout the ifty-year period. For instance, despite the devastating civil war that raged in and around Laon in 1112, the study of theology and biblical exegesis appears to have prospered in the local cathedral afterwards as before.152 Landolfo junior reported that in 1109 he, together with the noble Olrico, viscount of Milan, and Anselmo of Pusterla, the future archbishop of Milan, went to Laon to study with master Anselm (ca. 1050–d. 1117) and his brother, Ralph.153 Despite the massive revolt of 1112, however, Laon

150

151 152

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XI e XII,” La vita comune del clero nei secoli XI e XII: Atti della settimana di studio, Mendola, settembre 1959, Miscellanea del Centro di Studi Medievali, no. 3, 2 vols. (Milan, 1962), 2:179. A similar situation prevailed from the 1080s at least into the 1120s in Lucca: Martino Giusti, “Le canoniche della città e diocesi di Lucca,” 2:333–35. There is no sign of communal life in the cathedral at Arezzo in the decades immediately after 1103: Giovanni Tabacco, “Canoniche aretine,” La vita comune del clero, 1:249. On Arezzo’s cathedral chapter, see as well Giovanna Nicolaj Petronio, “Per una storia della documentazione vescovile aretina dei secoli XI–XIII: Appunti paleograici e diplomatici,” Annali della Scuola speciale per archivisti e bibliotecari dell’Università di Roma, 17–18 (1977–78): 147–48. Gina Fasoli, “Ancora un’ipotesi sull’inizio dell’insegnamento di Pepone e Irnerio,” 30, writes: “Che le scuole vescovili sfuggissero completamente alla crisi che travagliava le strutture ecclesiastiche e trasformava le strutture polito-amministrative cittadine, pare del tutto inverosimile.... Il distacco di maestri e scolari dalle scuole vescovili, la formazione di nuove scuole specializzate e del tutto autonome devono essere avvenuti un po’ dappertutto, proprio in relazione con la crisi religiosa locale. E impensabile che chi contestava l’autorità spirituale di un vescovo e ne riintava l’ autorità temporale, riconoscesse a lui ed al suo clero il monopolio dell’insegnamento superiore....” For Pisa, see below, Chapter 7, “The Civic Panegyrists.” Lesne, Les écoles, 299–310, traces the history of the school from roughly 800 to 1200. John Contreni, The Cathedral School of Laon from 850 to 930: Its Manuscripts and Its Masters (Munich, 1978), concentrates on the earlier stages of the school’s development. Landuli junioris sive de Sancto Paulo Historia mediolanensis anno MXCV usque ad annum MCXXXVII, ed. Carlo Castiglioni, RIS, no. 5.3 (Bologna, 1934), 30–31. On Anselm of Laon, see Lesne, Les écoles, 303–6; on Raoul, his brother, 308–9. Besides his biblical scholarship and theological writings, Anselm also wrote commentaries on Lucan, Virgil, and Statius; see Günter Glauche, Schullektüre im Mittelalter: Entstehung und Wandlungen des Lektürekanons bis 1200 nach den Quellen dargestellt,

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continued to attract students in 1113–14. Abelard probably came to Laon in these years to learn theology with Anselm and stayed briely to teach the subject in competition with the master.154 The cathedral school of Rheims, moreover, where the clergy had been divided over reform questions late in the eleventh century, but where the division seems not to have extended beyond ecclesiastical circles, also appears to have thrived in the early decades of the twelfth century.155 Whereas in the irst half of the twelfth century the cathedral schools of northern and central Italy led a shadowy existence, a dozen cathedral schools were thriving in Francia.156 While, as we shall see, the destruction of much of the old ecclesiastical order in the regnum lent a creative impetus to intellectual life, this was not the case in the German half of the empire. Most scholars acknowledge that in the course of the twelfth century the number of German cathedral schools declined and that those that survived deteriorated in quality. The main cause is usually said to have been the loss of patronage from Henry IV and Henry V, who were embroiled in Italian adventures and a series of civil wars.157 It is certainly true that institutions so closely tied to the monarchy could not help but sufer when imperial resources were directed elsewhere. At the same time, as in the regnum, decades of civil war, the instability of the German episcopate, and dissension among the clergy likely disrupted cathedral education over a period of decades in major centers. In any case, young Germans eager for education after 1100 now sought it primarily in Francia and the regnum. POST-INVESTITURE RELIGIOSITY

The conlict over church reform was to have profound efects on all phases of life in the regnum. Oicially invited by papal authorities to participate actively in reform eforts, the populace in numerous urban centers developed a lively interest in religious issues and a new sense of responsibility for their own spiritual life. Subsequent papal policy designed to reestablish clerical authority and eliminate lay interference in ecclesiastical government encouraged the channelling of popular religious fervor into a deep pietism and active participation in civic religious rituals supportive of rather than hostile to the clerical establishment. The most striking aspect of the twelfth-century religious landscape would be the fervent activity of a multitude of penitents and conversi who had pledged to live ascetically, devoting themselves to Christian service, while continuing to live in their own homes in urban parishes.158 An expanded conception of sainthood led to the

154

155 156 157

158

Münchener Beiträge zur Mediävistik und Renaissance-Forschung, no. 5 (Munich, 1970), 103–4. On his ethical thought, see Marcia Colish, “Another Look at the School of Laon,” Archives d’histoire doctrinale et litteraire du moyen âge 53 (1986): 7–22. Lesne, Les écoles, gives ca. 1113. By 1115 Abelard had been called back to Paris to become canon of the cathedral. Ibid., 276–98. Ibid., 271–76, 310–21. Zielinski, Die Reichsepiskopat, 124–25. Zielinski sees the German students after 1100 going to study in French and Italian cathedral schools, although among the examples cited none went to Italy. Giovanni Miccoli, “La storia religiosa,” Storia d’Italia. Dalla caduta dell’impero al secolo XVIII (Turin, 1973), 533–41, characterizes the efort of the Church from the later years of the Investiture Struggle

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creation for the irst time of lay saints. Of the nine local lay saints so far identiied for the twelfth century, all but one were members of urban society who established their credentials for holiness by serving the poor with great humility.159 The papal triumph in Italy may have had an even greater efect on the clergy than on laymen. The campaign against clerical marriage encouraged a puriication of the clergy while at the same time inviting a new level of hypocrisy. Especially in the pious atmosphere of Italian towns and cities, clerics would have been closely monitored. In the prevailing atmosphere, the number of religiously minded young men wanting to join the clergy probably increased. At the same time, the expanding sphere of lay-centered communal power would have discouraged the recruitment of young men who had no intention of rising into the higher clergy but simply wished to enjoy the beneits aforded by tonsure. Especially individuals lacking strong convictions would have had to weigh the importance of tonsure’s beneits against the cost of, at least ostensibly, losing their sexuality and being excluded from participation in the political life of the commune.160 The papal reforms particularly afected the multitude of canons in collegial churches, including cathedral chapters. One of the major reforms of Aachen in 816 had been to impose the common life on clerics in collegial churches. Although still charged with performing sacraments for the lay public, the life of the canons themselves was henceforth to resemble that of monks. Over the centuries the rule deined by Aachen, originally designed primarily to facilitate liturgical performance, had generally lapsed, and papal reformers were resolved to reimpose the common life on collegiate churches with the added proviso, cherished by the sterner reformers, that private property be forbidden. Some collegiate bodies ignored the pressure to adopt a rule, and among the various communities of clerics that did subscribe to the general ideal of leading a common life a great deal of variety prevailed in interpreting what such a life entailed.161

159

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to exclude popular lay interference in local churches as exalting the authority of the church hierarchy and depriving the lay population of any ecclesial role. Because of compromises and accords with the Church, however, public lay institutions continued to exercise certain rights in such matters. Jean Leclercq, “Comment vivaient les frères convers,” I laici nella ‘Societas christiana’ dei secoli XI e XII. Atti della terza settimana internazionale di studio, Mendola, 21–27 agosto 1965 (Milan, 1968), 152–82, deines the term conversus as it relates to monasticism. However the term also applies to single and married people who embraced asceticism and usually lived under the spiritual direction of a cleric: Thompson, Cities of God, 69–70. André Vauchez, “Une nouveauté du XIIe siècle: Les saints laïcs de l’Italie communale,” L’Europa dei secoli XI e XII fra novità e tradizione: Sviluppi di una cultura. Atti della decima settimana internazionale di studio, Mendola, 25–29 agosto 1986 (Milan, 1989), 69. Of the lay saints, one was from the lower urban nobility, four were artisans, and the other three came from the upper or middle level of the people (65–66). See also Paolo Golinelli, “Italia settentrionale (1130–1220),” in Hagiographies: Histoire internationale de la littérature hagiographique latine et vernaculaire en Occident des origines à 1550, ed. Guy Philippart, vol. 1 (Turnhout, 1994), 127 and 145–47. This was not, however, Saint Bernard’s view, in that he believed that the number of clerics was increasing; De conversione ad clericos sermo seu liber, cap. 20: PL 182, cc. 853d–854d. Cinzio Violante and Cosimo D. Fonsega, “Introduzione allo studio della vita canonicale del medioevo: Questionario,” La vita comune del clero, 498–99, describe the variety of ways of living the common life in this period. (1) It could be lived in determined liturgical periods or throughout the whole year. (2) The whole community could practice it or just those whose turn it was to oiciate

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Nonetheless, by 1125, a large number of Italian cathedral chapters and other collegiate churches, carried along by reform fervor, had placed themselves under some form of rule. Churches interpreting the common life more strictly rivaled the more observant monasteries in their requirements of manual labor and ascetic practice.The pietism of the laity was consequently reinforced by that of the clergy. Despite the intensiication of religious life in the regnum after 1122, the new spirit did not result in an outpouring of religious scholarship from the clergy. Uninterested in biblical exegesis, indiferent to exploring theology by means of dialectic or to liturgical studies that were being enriched north of the Alps by musical invention, intellectuals among the clergy focused largely on developing canon law.162 The growing organization of papal powers after 1122 and the efort to implement the claim of the papacy to be the supreme justiciar of Christendom were transforming Rome into an institutional model emphasizing administration and organization. Within the context of this model, success in rising in the hierarchy increasingly came to depend on one’s legal knowledge and administrative abilities. Consequently, the Italian church emerged after the Investiture Struggle as deined by two tendencies that were not always reconcilable – on the one hand, toward deep piety and, on the other, toward administrative and legal professionalism. In its own way, then, the Church contributed to the construction of the new legal–rhetorical mentality with its secular orientation.

162

during a particular period. (3) Canons could (a) sleep and eat together or (b) only eat together. They could (1) sleep in their own houses within a walled space; (2) sleep in one house in individual rooms; or (3) sleep in a common dormitory. Pierre Riché, “Les écoles avant les universités,” Luoghi e metodi di insegnamento nell’Italia medioevale (secoli XII–XIV ), ed. Luciano Gargan and Oronzo Limone (Galatina, 1989), 14–15, uses the new mood of piety to explain the Italian retreat from grammatical studies in the twelfth century. He refers to Eriberto of Reggio (ca. 1101) and Bruno of Segni (ca. 1050–1123) as examples of this change. Riché assumes, however, that the Church encouraged exegetical studies in the twelfth century, which does not seem to have been the case, at least in the Italian church. Both of the Italian exegetes whom Riché cites died in the irst quarter of the twelfth century, and they had no successors that I know of.

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Part III

The Dominance of the Legal–Rhetorical Mentality

Chapter 5

The Triumph of the Legal Culture

he results of the Investiture Struggle had enormous consequences for the political life of the regnum in the twelfth century. The emperor’s loss of control over appointments to crucial bishoprics entailed loss of his surest means of asserting imperial power in his southern kingdom. To some extent the power vacuum would be illed by the expansion of papal power relying on the massive buildup of propapal sources justifying Rome’s position on church reform. The disruption of the old political order, however, had also facilitated the rise of a number of new centers of power, the communes. Energized by rapid economic development and demographic growth in the twelfth century, these new institutions became increasingly eager to encoach on the authority of local ecclesiastical and secular lords and to usurp powers traditionally recognized as granted by imperial concession. The irst two sections of this chapter briely outline the rapid expansion of the regnum’s economy in the twelfth century and describe the resistance of the communes to the eforts of Frederick I (1152–90) to reestablish imperial power in Italy beginning in the 1150s after a hiatus of more than three decades. With this background in mind, the main body of the chapter will trace the fortune of the learned disciplines in Italy in the irst eighty years of the twelfth century, primarily the development of the culture of the legal book, namely, the texts of Roman and canon law, and the associated discipline of ars dictaminis. Since knowledge of these disciplines led to inancially advantageous careers, down to the late thirteenth century at least, the legal–rhetorical disciplines dominated the intellectual landscape of the regnum and attracted a broad mixture of laymen and clerics who were willing to pay for an education that potentially had practical value for earning a living.1

T

1

The service of notaries, for instance, proved fundamental to the newly created communes because until the Peace of Constance in 1183 they had an unclear status as public authorities. Communal actions, consequently, could be considered analogous to those of private individuals. For this reason communal governments relied on notaries to legalize their acts. See Pietro Torelli, “Studi e ricerca diplomatica comunale,” Atti e memorie della Accademia vigiliana di Mantova, n.s., 4.1 (1911): 11–12. To reinforce Torelli on the role of notaries in legalizing the acts of communes, see as well Gina Fasoli, “Il notaio nella vita cittadina bolognese (secc. XII–XV),” Notariate medievale bolognese, 2 vols. (Rome, 1977), 2:125–28.

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The traditional book culture did not remain impervious to the expanding interest in literacy and practical knowledge in general. An efort to systematize the teachings of Latin grammar and present them in the form of new textbooks directed at people who did not speak Latin as a native tongue constituted the best indication of such an awareness. At the same time, grammarians likely cut back on the teaching of literature in the knowledge that they would have to adjust to the lower expectations of ars dictaminis, the simpliied rhetoric that dictated Latin prose style into the ifteenth century. It is not too much to say that, as a result, in the twelfth century rhetoric came to rival grammar’s historic domination of the trivium. Of activity in the third member of the trivium, logic, we surprisingly know almost nothing for the period from the 1050s down to the thirteenth century, when references to courses on logic and the names of masters at last begin to appear. In the case of theology, while we might assume that courses were already available in major cathedrals, there is no indication of active scholarship until the 1160s, when theologians at Bologna began producing a modest number of treatises heavily dependent on French theological works, a production that appears to have ceased after about thirty years. The general lack of creativity in traditional ields of book culture contrasts strikingly with rapid advances in the three new disciplines, which were fueled by the demands of a new market for practical education. The dynamics behind the development of Latin culture in Italy in the twelfth century cannot be understood without taking into consideration the commercial revolution that began roughly in the decades around 1100.2 Economic development afected the demand for education by tending to privilege certain kinds of learning over others, by encouraging a wider stratum of the population to seek literacy, and by producing a inancial incentive to become a teacher that had largely been lacking in earlier centuries. We begin, then, by sketching the outlines of the commercial revolution. THE COMMERCIAL REVOLUTION

Northern Italy played a role in the commercial revolution comparable to that of England in the industrial revolution.The economic revival that had resumed in Italy by the second half of the tenth century signiicantly intensiied after 1100. Trade, primarily maritime commerce, constituted the foundation of the revolution. Pisa and Genoa sharply increased their trade with the western Mediterranean islands as well by clearing the seas of Muslim pirates and by attacking their bases in the ports of north Africa.3 In the course of the twelfth century both cities secured trading privileges in southern French coastal cities and in Christian and Muslim Spain. 2 3

For the phrase, see Philip Jones, The Italian City-State: From Commune to Signoria (Oxford, 1997), 189. To the south Amali seriously competed for this trade until the late eleventh century. See Robert S. Lopez, “The Trade of Medieval Europe: The South,” in The Cambridge Economic History of Europe, vol. 2, 2nd ed. (Cambridge, 1987), 345–46 and 353–57; Philip Jones, “La storia economica: Dalla caduta del’ Impero romano al secolo XIV,” in Storia d’Italia, vol. 2.2 of Dalla caduta del’Impero romano al secolo XVIII, ed. Ruggiero Romano and Corrado Vivanti (Turin, 1974), 1692–96, and his Italian City-State, 175–76. Marco Tangheroni, Commercio e navigazione nel Medioevo (Bari, 1996), provides an extended account of the expansion of Italian trade from the eleventh to the fourteenth century.

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Beginning at the end of the eleventh century, the Crusades opened up the eastern Mediterranean for northern Italian cities, principally Pisa, Genoa, and Venice, to launch commercial ventures.4 All three gained trading privileges in the major cities of the eastern Mediterranean, most signiicantly at Constantinople and Alexandria. They also established residential quarters endowed with extraterritorial rights for their merchants. Because the eastern Mediterranean ports were the ultimate destination of Arab merchants bringing goods from the Far East, Italian merchants in the cities there quickly established a lively trade in spices between East and West. By the early thirteenth century Italians controlled most of the trade in the eastern half of the Mediterranean basin as well as in the western half.5 Burgeoning maritime commerce stimulated the economic life of cities in the regnum’s interior. From the early twelfth century Lucca became the major producer of silk cloth in western Europe.6 At about the same time Italian cities began to manufacture cotton and fustian cloth (a mixture of cotton and lax), cheap products produced for both a regional and an international market.7 The early twelfth century also marked the beginnings of a signiicant international trade in woolen cloth of low quality. By the end of the century, however, making use of dye stufs and alum from the East, certain regions, primarily Tuscany, the Val Padana, and Liguria, became specialized centers for inishing high-grade cloth imported from northern Europe. Hemp, leather, and weapons also became items for export. From the 1170s, when the trade fairs of Champagne irst appear in the documents, transalpine trade drew an increasing number of merchants from the interior of the regnum, primarily Lombardy, Emilia, and Tuscany.They carried north not only goods originally imported by eastern sea and land trade but also items of local production, and they returned with merchandise, especially northern cloth, much of which they inished before sale. Although they shared transalpine trade with foreigners in the twelfth century, Italians of the regnum were able to gain a large part of the two-way traic in the course of the following century.8 Sharply increased international and local trade coincided with signiicant demographic growth, a high rate of urbanization, and a rise in food prices and in the value of food-producing farmland.9 The large landowner’s direct cultivation of his domain, 4

5

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7 8 9

Lopez, “Trade of Medieval Europe,” 346–54; Jones, “La storia economica,” 1689–92, and Italian City-State, 173–75. David Abulaia, “Trade and Crusade, 1050–1250,” in Cross-Cultural Convergences in the Crusader Period, ed. Michael Goodrich, Sophia Menache, and Sylvia Schein (New York, 1995), 1–20. On the difusion of Italian merchants to the east and west beginning in the eleventh century, see David Abulaia, “Gli italiani fuori d’Italia,” in Storia economica italiana, ed. Ruggiero Romano, vol. 1 (Turin, 1990), 262–86. It is diicult to know how much competition early Luccan production encountered from Sicily. Anna Muthesius, Byzantine Silk Weaving, AD 400–1200 (Vienna, 1997), 113–18, discusses silk production in Sicily but does not ofer an estimate of its chronology. The irst Latin silk-weaving workshop was established in Sicily by Roger II at Palermo in 1147: Anna Muthesius, “Sicilian Silks,” in Textiles, 5000 Years. An International History and Illustrated Survey, ed. Jennifer Harris (New York, 1993), 165. Jones, “La storia economica,” 1707. Jones, Italian City-State, 177. Athos Bellettini, “La populazione italiana dall’inizio dell’era volgare ai giorni nostri. Valutazioni e tendenze,” Storia d’Italia, vol. 5: I documenti, ed. Ruggero Romano and Corrado Vivanti (Turin,

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which by the early eleventh century had become consolidated and produced a large part of the surplus that sustained urban development, went into decline after 1100 as communal governments expanded their control of the surrounding countryside and invalidated seigneural jurisdictions. In the course of the twelfth century most large landlords tended to rent out their land to local peasants on a contractual basis and lived of the income.10 Communal intervention in the neighboring countryside also encouraged the production of foodstufs through abolishing tolls on the transport of goods in the region, involving the city in the construction of local roads, encouraging peasants to exchange their produce for silver, and increasing the peasants’ need for money by imposing taxes on their communities.11 Agriculture would remain the principal occupation of the regnum throughout the Middle Ages, but the driving engine of its economy proved to be commercial capitalism. By the twelfth century merchants of the regnum’s cities had already demonstrated the ability to mobilize capital from rural and urban sources for investment in trade that would make the area the center of European commerce for centuries.The increasing political control of the urban centers of the regnum over the countryside corresponds to the centrifugal nature of local economies. IMPERIAL CLAIMS AND THE COMMUNES

The possibility of tapping into the immense wealth of the Italian cities was probably an important motive in the decision of the German emperor, Frederick I (1152–90), to descend into Italy two years after his crowning.12 More generally, however, he wanted to reestablish central authority in the southern kingdom. His arrival in the regnum in the fall of 1154 brought to a close three decades of relative freedom from imperial supervision. During those decades powerful magnates and communes had extended their authority over lesser powers, usurping imperial jurisdiction along with lucrative regalian rights, that is, imperial rights and possessions such as the right to coin money, impose taxes, and control mining. Frederick’s efort to subordinate Italian communes to his will would exert a profound inluence on Italian life for the next forty years. From the outset of his rule in 1152, Barbarossa’s governing policy, irst in his German territories and then in Italy, sought to establish the imperial oice as the

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1973), 497, estimates that the population of the Italian peninsula rose from 5.2 to 6.5 million from 1000 to 1100 and from 6.5 to 8.5 million from 1100 to 1200. Statistics for the price of grain, perhaps the best indicator of population growth and economic development in agriculture, begin, to my knowledge, only with the thirteenth century; see Bernard H. Slicher van Bath, Agarian History of Western Europe, A.D. 500–1850, trans. Olive Ordish (New York, 1963), 326. Jones, Italian City-State, 166–68. In large areas of Lombardy François Menant, Campagnes lombardes du Moyen Âge: L’économie et la société rurale dans la région de Bergame, de Crémone et de Brescia du Xe au XIIIe siècle (Rome, 1993), 381–82 and 388, sees this process as having been complete by 1200. Ibid., 292–93. On the central importance of iscal claims, see the observations of Karlrichard Brühl, “La politica inanziaria di Federico Barbarossa in Italia,” Popolo e stato in Italia nell’età di Federico Barbarossa: Alessandria e la Lega Lombarda: Relazioni e communicazioni al XXXIII Congresso storico subalpino per la celebrazione dell’VIII centinario della fondazione di Alessandria. Alessandria 6–7–8–9 ottobre 1968 (Turin, 1970), 201–2.

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font of all jurisdiction. Accordingly, only the emperor could delegate jurisdictional authority, and that involved a speciic grant of power entailing feudal investiture.13 In some places the emperor intended to govern directly through his own oicials; in other places, the local communes, counts, or marquesses, bound by vassalic oaths of fealty to the emperor, would act in his stead, on the condition that they respected speciic rights that only he could exercise.14 His insistent demand for restitution of usurped imperial powers and possessions was often coupled with an ofer to grant them in ief at a price. Frederick’s policy was not intentionally directed against the communes per se; it applied to all agencies claiming to exercise political power. In 1158, at Roncaglia, a college of Roman lawyers for the irst time clearly articulated the emperor’s program for the regnum in a set of principles, which an obedient assembly of Lombard cities and magnates then approved.15 The following spring, however, in reaction to what they viewed as a threat to their liberty, the communes of Milan, Piacenza, Crema, and Brescia rose up in open warfare against Frederick, and the pope joined the conlict in the communes’ support.16 The emperor, in turn, found allies among communes traditionally hostile to his enemies and eager to avail themselves of Frederick’s promise to legalize most of their usurpations of imperial regalia. The high-water mark of Frederick’s power came with the defeat of the Milanese and their allies in 1162 and the utter destruction of Milan, the greatest city of the regnum. Over time, however, the exactions of the emperor’s oicials aroused hostility to his authority even in once friendly cities. In 1167 Cremona, Mantua, Bergamo, 13

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Renato Bordone, “L’inluenza culturale e istituzionale nel regno d’Italia,” Federico Barbarossa: Handlungsspielräume und Wirkungsweisen des stauischen Kaisers, ed. Alfred Haverkamp (Sigmaringen, 1992), 153–54. Alfred Haverkamp, Herschaftsformen der Frühstaufer in Reichsitalien, 2 vols. (Stuttgart, 1970–71), 449, notes that the vocabulary of feudalism is sometimes missing in the privileges granted to communes by the emperor, but considers the relationship of subordination established between the two powers to have been feudal in nature (517–19). Bordone, “Inluenza culturale,” 168. Against an older view going back to Ficker in the late nineteenth century, Alfred Haverkamp, Herschaftsformen der Frühstaufer, 731–39, convincingly argues that the emperor’s policies applied not merely to communes but to all political authorities in the kingdom. Four famous Bolognese masters together with twenty-four judges from twelve cities formulated the major legislation approved by the assembly at Roncaglia. The legislation declared (1) that all jurisdiction belonged to the prince and that every judge had to take an oath of obedience to him; (2) that he could place his palaces and government buildings where he chose; and (3) that under Roman law the emperor had a right to levy personal as well as real-estate taxes on his subjects; Vittore Colorni, “Le tre leggi perdute di Roncaglia (1158) ritrovate in un manoscritto parigino (Bibl. Nat. Cod. Lat. 4677),” in Scritti in memoria di Antonio Guifré, 4 vols. (Milan, 1967), 1:143. See also Constitutio et acta publica imperatorum et regum, ed. Ludwig Weiland, MGH, Legum, no. 4, pt. 1 (Hannover, 1893), 244–45. Kenneth Pennington, The Prince and the Law, 1200–1600: Sovereignty and Rights in the Western Legal Tradition (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1993), 8–37, discusses the statements that Frederick I himself made at Roncaglia regarding his power and the interpretations of his claims down into the thirteenth century. The formation of the league and its actions against Barbarossa are discussed by Giulio Vismara, “Struttura e istituzioni della prima Lega Lombarda,” Popolo e stato, 291–332. See as well Paolo Lamma, “I comuni italiani e la vita europea, 1127–1204,” in Storia d’Italia, ed. Girolamo Arnaldi et al., 2nd ed., 5 vols. (Turin, 1965), 1:288–90.

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Brescia, and Milan formed the Lombard League, and over a ten-year period the ranks of Frederick’s enemies grew to include most of the communes of the province. The league defeated the imperial army at Legnano in 1176; the parties signed an armistice at Venice in 1177; and a peace treaty, at Constance, in 1183. Although formulated as a limited set of concessions by the emperor to the communes, the Peace of Constance rendered the communes de facto almost completely autonomous. Under the terms of the treaty, the emperor recognized the right of the cities of the league to elect their own rulers and make their own laws. In fact, communal governments willingly recognized the suzerainty of the emperor as deined by Constance because his acceptance of their obedience legitimated their existence as political authorities.17 The communes made concessions of their own. Consuls, the elected leaders of the town government, had to be invested either by the bishop or the representative of the emperor; a series of crimes was excluded from the consuls’ jurisdiction; and consuls could render inal verdicts in other crimes only when sums of less than twenty-ive pounds of gold were involved. Furthermore, cities were required to furnish soldiers and tribute on the occasion of an imperial descent into Italy. Although the Peace of Constance directly concerned only the cities of the Lombard League, within a few years major cities of the Piedmont, Tuscany, and the Romagna assumed equivalent autonomy on their own.18 Territorial lords, especially in the Piedmont, Liguria, and Lombardy, now felt free to act as independent powers vis-à-vis the emperor. Nevertheless, Frederick’s allies, the greatest Italian feudal princes of Lombardy, Monferrato, Biandrate, and Malaspina, emerged from Constance with their power diminished in relation to their neighboring cities.19 Weakened in their position, at Constance they could not speak for themselves, but were represented in the bargaining by Asti, Vercelli, and Piacenza respectively.20 City-dwellers may have become even more loyal to their communes in the aftermath of the epic struggle against Barbarossa, which generated myths that nourished local patriotism for centuries. The lessening of the imperial threat after Constance, however, not only ushered in a period of endemic warfare among the communes but also increased factionalism within the consular elites that dominated communal governments. Divisions in the upper classes in turn encouraged the rise of broader-based groups demanding a right to participate in the communal government. 17

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On the terms of the peace, see Carlo G. Mor, “Il trattato di Costanza e la vita comunale italiana,” in Popolo e stato, 363–77; and Alfred Haverkamp, “Der Konstanzer Friede zwischen Kaiser und Lombardenbund (1183),” Kommunale Bündnisse Oberitaliens und Oberdeutschlands im Vergleich, ed. Helmut Mauerer, Vorträge und Forschungen, no. 33 (1987), 11–61. For the general implications of the peace, see Jones, Italian City-State, 338–41. Gina Fasoli, “La politica di Federico Barbarossa dopo Costanza,” in Popolo e stato, 396–97. Anna Maria Nada Patrone and Gabriella Airaldi, Comuni e signorie nell’Italia settentrionale: Il Piemonte e la Liguria, Storia d’Italia, no. 5 (Turin, 1986), 30–32; and especially for medieval Piedmont, Francesco Cognasso, Il Piemonte nell’età sveva (Turin, 1968). Raoul Manselli, “La grande feudalità italiana fra Federico Barbarossa e i comuni,” Popolo e stato, 343–61. Manselli concludes (361): “i veri, i soli vincitori furono i comuni.”

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Law Schools By 1100, the traditional book culture of litterae et mores, centered in the Italian cathedral schools, a culture that was already threatened by the rapid development of secular legal studies, the growing inluence of reform piety, and the disruption of institutional continuity, had to confront a further challenge: the emergence of private schools narrowly focused on teaching canon law and ars dictaminis. While in principle the two new subjects, which were taking shape as clearly deined academic disciplines, could be accommodated within a cathedral’s educational program, they could also be taught by private teachers beyond the cathedral walls. By the midtwelfth century, Bologna emerged as the unrivalled center of private education in ars dictaminis and canon law as well as Roman law. Why did it happen? Part of the answer lies in Bologna’s natural advantages: centrally located in the kingdom, it had access to a rich countryside where abundant supplies of food were normally available, making the city capable of feeding a substantial student population.21 Although the cathedral must have ofered some level of education, absence of evidence of a cathedral school in the late eleventh century suggests that private teachers were not competing against a lourishing educational institution. Indeed, the growth of private schools in the city may well have beneited the cathedral’s school by drawing students to the city. Bologna’s chief attraction for students, however, lay in the character of the legal education ofered in the city. First, working in a territory where Roman law had become the customary law, Bolognese lawyers enjoyed the advantage over their Pavian counterparts of being able to study only one law; Pavian jurists had been concerned with Roman law as a way of supplementing or conceptualizing Lombard law and not with mastering it for its own merits. Second, by the fourth quarter of the eleventh century, Bologna had already produced a famous jurist. Pepo’s pioneering citation of the Digest indicates that he at least thought a passage from the most diicult book in Justinian’s corpus was applicable to a living issue.22 Pepo’s role in

21

22

Admittedly it is easier for Richard W. Southern, “The Schools of Paris and the School of Chartres,” Renaissance and Renewal in the Twelfth Century, ed. Robert Benson and Giles Constable with Carol D. Lanham (Cambridge, 1982), 119–20, to explain why Paris, the royal capital and probably the largest city in Western Europe, outdistanced its rivals. I placiti del Regnum Italiae, ed. Cesare Manaresi, in FSI, vols. 92, 96, and 97 (Rome, 1955–60), 3:333–35, n. 437 (for March 1076). He also appeared in three other placita: 3:304–7, n. 426 (June 7, 1072); 3:355–58, n. 448 (February 1078); and 3:367–69, n. 453 (November 1079). Kantorowicz maintained that Pepo completely misunderstood the passage cited from the Digest: Hermann Kantorowicz and Beryl Smalley, “An English Theologian’s View of Roman Law: Pepo, Irnerius, Ralph Niger,” Mediaeval and Renaissance Studies 1 (1941–43): 250. By contrast, Ennio Cortese, “Legisti, canonisti e feudisti: La formazione di un ceto medievale,” in Università e società nei secoli XII–XVI. Pistoia, 20–25 settembre 1979 (Pisa 1982), 200, maintains that it was “straordinariamente adatta al caso.” Charles Radding and Antonio Ciaralli, The Corpus iuris civilis in the Middle Ages: Manuscripts and Transmission from the Sixth Century to the Juristic Revival (Leiden and Boston, 2007), 184, write: “The particular passage quoted was far from prominent – little more than a phrase, and not an especially memorable one – in a long excerpt near the end of a rather technical title.That the passage had been

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various placita in Tuscany points to his possessing some knowledge of Lombard as well as Roman law. His interests may have extended to canon law as well.23 Although Pepo was celebrated as early as 1090 as the “brilliant light of the Bolognese,” we must concur with Odolfredo, who wrote in the mid-thirteenth century that “whatever his learning had been, it remains unknown.”24 Nonetheless, the exalted appraisal of his legal talents, accorded perhaps less than a decade after his death, can be taken to mean that Pepo was at least among the pioneers in legal studies south of Lombardy. A inal explanation for the rise of Bologna as the center of legal studies concerns the city’s reputation as a leader in notarial studies. As was said in Chapter 3, by 1060 Bolognese notaries had made two historic advances in the ars notarie: they had established the principle of notarial ides and conceptualized the distinction between the juridical act and the document that registered it. Perhaps a kind of symbiotic relationship existed between these innovations in the notarial art and an the early development of the study of Roman law at Bologna. In any case, the two disciplines appear closely linked at an early date in Bolognese legal history if indeed Irnerio (d. 1125), the “father of Roman law,” also developed the theory of the “four instruments.” The theory at least dates back to Bologna in the early twelfth century. It maintained that all notarial documents could be organized under one of four rubrics – namely, sales contracts, mortgages, donations, and testaments. The theory aroused the criticism of early thirteenth-century reformers, who felt that it straitjacketed the scope of ars notarie, but a century earlier the conceptualization of these categories had proved fundamental to structuring the ars.25 Irnerio may also have

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noted at all, much less remembered, tells us that the Digest was being read with special attention to its description of Roman procedure. Such mastery could not have been achieved quickly.” Ludwig Schmugge, “Eine neue Quelle zu Magister Pepo von Bologna,” Ius comune 6 (1977): 1–9; and Piero Fiorelli, “Clarum bononiensium lumen,” Per Francesco Calasso: Studi degli allievi (Rome, 1978), 415–19. Nino Tamassia, “Odolfredo: Studio storico-giuridico,” Atti e memorie della r. Deputazione di storia patria per le provincie di Romagna, ser. 3, 12 (1895): 41. Writing circa 1090, Gualfredo, bishop of Siena, refers to Pepo as “clarum Bononiensium lumen”; Arrigo Solmi, “Il rinascimento della scienza giuridica e l’origine delle Università nel Medioevo,” Contributi alla storia del diritto comune (Rome, 1937), 237. Ralph Niger circa 1180 emphasized Pepo’s role in the recovery of Roman law:“cum igitur a magistro Peppone velut aurora surgente iuris civilis renasceretur initium, et postmodum propagante magistro Warnerio iuris disciplinam religioso scemate traheretur ad curiam Romanam, et in aliquibus partibus terrarum expanderetur in multa veneratione et munditia, ceperunt leges esse in honore simul et desiderio”: Kantorowicz and Smalley, “An English Theologian’s View of Roman Law,” 250. Cf. Giorgio Cencetti, “Studium fuit Bononie: Note sulla storia di Bologna nel primo mezzo secolo della sua esistenza,” SM, ser. 3, 7 (1966): 794–95. For bibliography on the origins of teaching law in Bologna, see Gina Fasoli, “Ancora un’ipotesi sull’inizio dell’insegnamento di Pepone e Irnerio,” Atti e memorie della Deputaziione di storia patria per le Provincie di Romagna, n.s., 21 (1971): 19–37. Gianfranco Orlandelli, “Documento e formulari bolognesi da Irnerio alla Collectio contractuum di Rolandino,” Notariado público y documento privado: De los orígines del síglo XIV. Actas del VII Congreso internacional de diplomática. Valencia 1986, 2 vols. (Valencia, 1989), 1009–36; and “Irnerio e la teorica dei quattro istrumenti,” Atti della Accademia delle Scienze dell’Istituto di Bologna. Rendiconti 61 (1972–73): 121. Cf. Orlandelli, “La scuola di notariato,” Le sedi della cultura nell’Emilia romana: Età comunale, ed. Girolamo Arnaldi et al. (Milan, 1984), 133–34. The notarial manual Formularium tabellionum di Irnerio, ed. Giovanni B. Palmieri, in Scripta anecdota antiquissimorum glossatorum, Bibliotheca iuridica Medii Aevi, ed. Augusto Gaudenzi, 3 vols. (Bologna, 1888–1901), 1:199–229, formerly attributed to Irnerio, is now generally considered to be a work

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been responsible for reforming an important formula related to mortgage contracts (petitionibus emphyteocariis annuendo) – a formula that the two Bolognese notaries whom I mentioned in Chapter 3, Bonando and Angelo, included for the irst time in a document of 1116 and that was destined for a long life.26 As has been said earlier, aspiring students of the notarial art generally learned their skill by apprenticeship to a notary, but the precocious sophistication of the ars notarie in Bologna suggests that already by 1100 the city might have ofered some formal training in the notariate. Be that as it may, as earlier in Pavia, Pepo and Irnerio would likely have had disciples who learned from them both Roman law and ars notarie. Most students would have been drawn to Bologna by the aspiration of becoming a notary, but some, their curiosity about the Roman law aroused by their masters, might have been inspired to move beyond the legal training needed to draw up notarial documents.27 Recently several scholars have raised doubts about whether law schools existed in Bologna before the middle decades of the twelfth century. While admitting that lawyers such as Irnerio may have had young apprentices who accompanied them into court and helped them prepare for their cases, scholars suggest that lawyers were primarily devoted to activity in the courts and not to providing systematic analyses of legal texts for students.28 Only at mid-century, their argument runs, with a work

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of the late twelfth century: Orlandelli, “La scuola di notariato,” 132–34. Enrico Besta, ed., L’opere d’Irnerio: Contributo alla storia del diritto italiano, 2 vols. (Turin, 1896), 1:179–84, accepted Irnerio’s authorship of such a work, but he denied that the edited text of 1888 was that of Irnerio. On Bonando and Angelo, see Orlandelli,“La scuola di notariato,” 133–34.Also see Cencetti,“Studium fuit Bononie,” 800; and Gianfranco Orlandelli, “Documento e formulari bolognesi,” 1015–17. On the basis of two thirteenth-century authors, scholars have sometimes argued that the success of Bologna’s earliest Roman lawyers was due in part to the patronage of Matilda of Tuscany. Odolfredo wrote that Pepo began lecturing on the law “auctoritate sua” (i.e., Matilda’s); Tamassia, “Odolfredo,” 41. Writing a few decades before Odolfredo, Burchardt of Ursperg, who seems to have been well informed about Italy, explained that Irnerio irst began commenting on Roman law “per petitionem Mathilde comitisse.” For Burchard, see Burchardi praepositi Urspergensis Chronicon, ed. Oskar Holder-Egger and Bernard von Simpson, MGH, Scriptores rerum germanicarum in usum scholarum, no. 16 (Hannover, 1916), 15–16. In all probability both Pepo and Irnerio had contact with the countess, but that this extended to patronage is doubtful. Richard W. Southern, Scholastic Humanism and the Uniication of Europe: I. Foundations (Oxford, 1995), 274–82; and Anders Winroth, The Making of Gratian’s Decretum (Cambridge, 2000), 170, as well as his “Origins of Legal Education in Medieval Europe,” http://law.usc.edu/academics/assets/docs/ winroth.pdf (accessed Oct. 1 2009), 8. For an earlier discussion of the issue, see Giovanni Diurni, “L’expositio ad Librum papiensem e la scienza giuridica preirneriana,” Rivista di storia del diritto italiano 49 (1976): 166–68. Winroth bases his judgment largely on the diference between what he argues were two editions of the Decretum. Because of a reference the irst edition (Gratian I) makes to the Second Lateran Council of 1139, he considers it written ca. 1140. He believes a revised version, double the size of the irst, was probably inished after 1150 (Gratian II). The irst certain date is 1155–58, when it was cited by Peter Lombard: Winroth, The Making of Gratian’s Decretum, 142. Gratian I knew very little Roman law. Gratian II added most of the law texts, and his work demonstrates a thorough grasp of its rules and terminology. According to Winroth, Gratian I represents the mediocre level of legal studies in the city around 1140. By contrast, at the time of the writing of Gratian II, law schools were lourishing (144–45 and 173–74). Although Winroth follows John T. Noonan, “Gratian Slept Here: The Changing Identity of the Father of the Systematic Study of Canon Law,” Traditio 35 (1979): 145–72, in debunking the myths

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like Bulgaro’s Stemma, which contains a series of ictitious lawsuits in which students would take sides and the teacher would render and explain his verdict, can it be said that law schools existed in Bologna.29 While no modern historian could argue for a broadly institutionalized form of law training at Bologna early in the twelfth century, nonetheless it is likely that individual lawyers like Irnerio devoted a signiicant part of their time to teaching activities in their own schools. First, it is a fact that as early as the mid-eleventh century contemporaries reported that law was being taught in Italian private schools.30 Second, there is abundant evidence of a high level of philological research being carried out on all three major works of the Justinian corpus by the early twelfth century.31 Scholarship of such a character went beyond whatever practical interests a lawyer would have had for arguing a particular case. Consequently, I see no reason to reject the traditional outline of the development of legal instruction at Bologna according to which such instruction is traced back at least to Irnerio. The four leading Bolognese jurists of the next generation, known as the “Four Doctors” (Bulgaro, Martino, Ugo of Porta Ravegnana, and Jacopo), all may have had him as their master. His public role in the last stages of the Investiture Struggle may also have increased Bologna’s visibility as a center for the study of Roman law. A devoted follower of the imperial faction, his loyalty must have made him a persona non grata to Matilda (d. 1115) until her formal reconcilation with the

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surrounding the life and writings of Graziano, he tends to assume that Graziano wrote his Decretum in Bologna. The traditional reason for that assumption depends on Bologna’s reputation for the study of law in the period leading up to Graziano (162). By denying such a reputation to that generation, Winroth has partially removed the justiication for claiming Bologna as the site of the composition of the early edition. Winroth does not have the same problem dating Gratian II because he argues that the law schools began to blossom between 1140 and the 1150s. The only speciic mention of Bologna in the Decretum, however, is found in a letter included in Gratian II, C.2, 1.6, d.p.c. 31, but omitted from Gratian I: Winroth, The Making of Gratian’s Decretum, 142. Winroth argues that, nevertheless, the presence of a letter from the bishop of Reggio in the comparable section of Gratian I, a letter also present in a letter collection attributed to Bologna, points to a connection of Gratian I with that city. The letter is published by Wilhelm Wattenbach, “Iter Austriacum 1853,” Archiv für Kunde österreichischer Geschichtsquellen 14 (1855): 81–82. Although Bologna was the leading center for ars dictaminis, the subject was the object of study in other areas of the kingdom, and Wattenbach ofers no proof that the collection was Bolognese. Consequently, there is no reason to assume that Gratian I tells us anything about the state of the study of law in Bologna in 1140. Moreover, I would agree with Kenneth Pennington (review of Winroth, Speculum 78 [2003]: 295) that, as Winroth thought earlier, Gratian I was written ca. 1120. No texts are cited in the work date after ca. 1119, except the reference to canon 28 of the Second Lateran of 1139, which is “imprecise, the text of the canon is not given, and it might be an interpolation.” At such an early date Gratian I, a canonist, would not have been expected to be abreast of recent developments in Roman law. Winroth, The Making of Gratian’s Decretum, 159–68. See Chapter 3, under “Mania for Law.” See as well the remark of Wipo, Chap. 3, n. 167. A poem written ca. 1130 on the war between Como and Milan, waged between 1118 and 1127, associates Bologna, an ally of Milan, with legal studies: “Docta suas secum duxit Bononia leges” and “Docta Bononia et huc venit cum legibus suis”; De bello Mediolanensium adversus Comenses liber cumanus in RIS, vol. 5 (Milan, 1724), 418, v. 211, and 453, v. 1848. Charles Radding and Antonio Ciaralli, The Corpus iuris civilis in the Middle Ages, is largely devoted to advances made in establishing and analyzing the Justinian corpus in the regnum down to 1100.

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emperor in 1111. Irnerio’s appearances afterwards in comital placita ranging from 1112 to 1125 show him to have been both a causidicus (lawyer) and a iudex (judge), depending on the situation.32 By the last years of his life Irnerio became not only a leading citizen of Bologna, but also between 1116 and 1118, a major igure in the court of Henry V. His eforts to justify Henry’s creation of Gregory VIII as antipope procured Irnerio a papal excommunication in 1119 at the Council of Rheims, from which he was absolved just three years later, with the signing of the Concordat of Worms.33 By the mid-thirteenth century, when Odolfredo commented on the life of Irnerio, it had become part of the legend of the Bolognese school, thus we cannot take what he reports at face value. He writes that he had heard from his teacher that Irnerio had been a teacher in the arts before teaching law; and in another passage he refers to Irnerio as loicus or logician.34 The recent attribution to Irnerio of a large collection of theological sentences, Liber divinarum sententiarum quas Guarnerius [iurisperitissimus] ex dictis Augustini aliorumque doctorum excerpsit, has led to his being characterized as a cleric who subsequently became a jurist.35 While I ind unconvincing the evidence adduced for his authorship of the work – I consider Irnerio as having belonged to what by his time had become a legal tradition of notaries and lawyers dominated by 32

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The documents are published by Enrico Spagnesi, Wernerius bononiensis judex: La igura storica d’Irnerio (Florence, 1970), 29–106. Irnerio was probably instrumental in obtaining a pardon from Henry V in 1115 for the revolt of Bologna against Matilda the previous year: Spagnesi, Wernerius, 73–74. A detailed account of the years 1116–25 is given by Spagnesi, 132–43. Odolfredo reports that Irnerio began as a teacher “in artibus”: “Dominus Yrnerius, quia loicus fuit, et magister fuit in civitate ista in artibus...”; Tamassia, “Odolfredus,” 42. Cf. Ernesto Besta, L’opera d’Irnerio, 1:54–55, for discussion of the passage. Giacomo Pace’s argument that Irnerio was of German origins (“Guarnerius Theutonicus: Nuove fonti su Irnerio e i ‘quattro dottori,’” Rivista internazionale di diritto comune 2 [1991]: 123–33), has been convincingly refuted: Enrico Spagnesi, “Irnerio teologo: Una riscoperta necessaria,” SM, ser. 3, 42 (2001): 341–42. Guarnerius Iurisperitissimus, Liber divinarum sententiarum, ed. Giuseppe Mazzanti (Spoleto, 1999). The identiication of Guarnerius as the author with Irnerio the lawyer (“Incipit liber divinarum sententiarum quas Guarnerius Iurisperitissimus ex dictis Augustini aliorumque doctorum excerpsit”), however, is found as the title of the work in only one of the three extant manuscripts: Biblioteca Ambrosiana Milan, Y 43 sup., but not in Bibliothèque municipale Troyes, 1317, or Biblioteca Ambrosiana Milan, 40 sup. The Troyes manuscript gives no author, and 40 sup. omits “Iurisperitissimus.” Nor was “iurisperitissimus” found in the manuscript on which the two Milanese manuscripts were based (Mazzanti, Liber, 12). Moreover, in Y 43 the adjective “iurisperitissimus” is written above the title line by the rubricator. Mazzanti argues that the adjective was not added as an afterthought but, because of the word’s length, was consciously put there so as to allow the rest of the title to it on the line. I consider it a later addition had the rubricator intended from the beginning to include the word in the title, he would have put half of the title on the line occupied by the interjected adjective and given better balance to the page. Mazzanti further contends that the rubricator would not simply have picked the famous jurist as the Guarnerius of the manuscript, because it would have been incongruous to make a jurist author of a theological work were he not indeed the author (ibid., 13–15). Essentially Mazzanti maintains that Irnerio was already a well-known cleric, who subsequently took up Roman law (ibid., 83–84). On the contrary, as my Chapter 7 demonstrates, in the twelfth century there would have been no incongruity in a lay jurist accruing a collection of theological sententiae. Consequently the rubricator would have felt no contraint in making such an identiication. There is no place here for a detailed analysis of Mazzanti’s other arguments for Irnerio’s authorship, none of which I consider cogent, but his work has great merit on other grounds and deserves to be better known.

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laymen – his interest in theology would not be surprising. As Chapter 7 will show, laymen throughout the twelfth century, like Burgundio of Pisa, Mosè del Brolo, and Ugo and Leo Eteriano, also translated and composed theological tracts. Were the Liber Irnerio of Bologna’s work, the likely case would be that he was a lay jurist with theological interests rather than a cleric with a genius for interpreting Roman law. Of all the legal writings attributed to Irnerio’s pen over the last two hundred years, however, only two short accessus, one to the Codex and the other to the Institutes, and a series of glosses have been ascribed to him by modern legal historians.36 Now, his authorship of the glosses has been questioned. The belief had been that those glosses found in early manuscripts designated with the initial (siglum) y were those of Irnerio. Recent critics, while allowing that the glosses concerned were the products of a jurist or jurists writing in the earlier decades of the twelfth century, deny that the sign necessarily denotes Irnerio’s authorship.37 It has also been argued that the use of sigla identifying a particular author’s glosses did not begin until the middle decades of the century.38 Whether Irnerio wrote the glosses or someone else did, however, is inconsequential for our purposes, for if, as scholars seem to have assumed, these are early Bolognese glosses, their contents tell us much about the general character of legal study in the early decades of the Bolognese law schools.39 First, the glosses indicate that their author or authors read widely through the Corpus iuris civilis, covering the Digest and large parts of the Code (with the exception of the Tres libri) and the Institutes.40 The brevity of the interpretations suggests that they may have served only as aide-mémoires for lecturing or preparing to argue a case. At the same time the glosses given to both the titles and individual parts of the Justinian books reveal 36

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Hermann Kantorowicz with William W. Buckland, Studies in the Glossators of the Roman Law: Newly Discovered Writings of the Twelfth Century (Cambridge, 1938); reprinted with addenda and corrigenda by Peter Weimar (Aalen, 1969), 37–50 and 231–40. Winroth, The Making of Gratian’s Decretum, 164–68. Winroth argues convincingly that the identiication of the siglum y to denote Irnerio’s glosses rests on pure assumption. He points to the fact that by the second half of the century y was the common symbol used before a marginal commentary to distinguish it from an addition to the text in the margin. The same would presumably be true of the sign in earlier comments. Important for my purpose is Winroth’s argument that by the second half of the twelfth century glossators regularly used their initials to indicate glosses they edited (167). Consequently, while later glossators might occasionally write y-glosses without another siglum, we might assume that if glosses are marked only by y, they can usually be assumed to have been composed before the mid-1150s. See the next note. Gero Dolezalek, Repertorium manuscriptorum veterum Codicis Iustiniani, Ius commune, Sonderhefte, no. 24, 2 vols. (Frankfurt am Main, 1985), 1:463–74. Cf. James A. Brundage, The Medieval Origins of the Legal Profession: Canonists, Civilians, and Courts (Chicago and London, 2008), 84. In what follows I have taken the judgments of scholars characterizing Irnerio’s approach to the Justinian corpus based on the glosses to describe early twelfth-century Bolognese legal scholars generally. Hermann Kantorowicz, Studies in the Glossators of the Roman Law, 33, describes the glosses as follows: “Nearly all of them are purely technical; they display as well as demand a thorough understanding of the Justinian law, even of some of the more diicult parts of the Digest. Innumerable references, similia amd contraria, are noted in the margin to connect the explained passages with every other part of the sources (except the Tres libri).The style of the glosses is always concise, sometimes laconic, and the reasoning is often very subtle.”

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the character of the methodology and the interests of the writer or writers. Generally, the glosses are not so much concerned with establishing the meaning of the text – for example, with determining the Roman conception of property and property rights – as they are with the character of the legal procedures to which these rights gave rise.41 The approach is that of a master teaching his students to be lawyers, asking the questions: What was the character of a particular legal procedure? What were the parties against whom the action proceeded? What kind of remedy did it provide and how could the action be brought before the court? How, moreover, did its nature compare with that of a related action? These are the questions of a person long experienced in arguing cases in the courts. In working out the meaning of the text, the glosses in numerous instances followed closely the thought and style of the ancient jurists. Although terms from logic, like deinitio, distinctio, and quaestio, are used to describe techniques of analysis, the actual arguments are not dialectical. Even in the more extensive treatment of legal points in summulae, where there would be space for dialectical arguments, the distinctions and deinitions propounded are not original with the author but are borrowed from the Justinian texts. Moreover, terms like natura, quantitas, genus, species, and so on, in the glosses are not imposed upon the writings but are commonplaces in the Justinianic writings themselves.42 Irnerio’s successors, the Four Doctors, took the same approach in their commentaries.43 The fact that the early glosses do not relect the direct inluence of Aristotelian logic casts doubt on Odolfredo’s claim that Irnerio had begun as a loicus, a claim that relects his assumption that Aristotelian logic had been as important for legal study in its earliest years as it had become in his own time. The statement by a student in a model letter of the early twelfth century that he was devoting himself unstintingly to the study of law and dialectic at Pavia (studio legum et dialectica) would seem to substantiate Odolfredo’s assumption.44 By dialectica, however, the student may have meant the art of argumentation generally, an art taught by Cicero as well as by Aristotle. If 41 42

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Radding, The Origins of Medieval Jurisprudence, 166–69. Bruno Paradisi, “Osservazioni sull’uso del metodo dialettico nei glossatori del sec. XII,” Studi sul medioevo giuridico, Studi storici, Istituto storico italiano per il medio evo, fasc. 163–73 in 2 vols. (Rome, 1987), 702. See also his Storia del diritto italiano: Le fonti del diritto nell’epoca bolognese: I civilisti ino a Rogerio, vol. 4.1 (Naples, 1967), 125. This would explain what Gerhard Otte, “Die Rechtswissenschaft,” in Die Renaissance der Wissenschaften im 12. Jahrhundert, ed. Peter Weimar (Zurich, 1981), takes to be Irnerio’s “dialectical” approach to the law. As Otte writes (132–33): “In den wenigen überlieferten Texten des Irnerio inden sich nämlich verhältnismassig viele Stellen, in denen von logischer Terminologie Gebrauch gemacht oder eine Diktion benuzt wird, die in ihrer unerbittlichen Knappheit und Präzision untrügliches Zeugnis intensiver Beschäftigung mit Logic ist.” Otte’s analysis here and in his book Dialektik und Jurisprudenz. Untersuchungen zur Methode der Glossatoren (Frankfurt am Main, 1971) unfortunately deals only with secondary sources in German and appears to be innocent of the ongoing discussion in Italy on the role of dialectic in early Roman law studies. Cf. Harold J. Berman, “The Origin of Western Legal Science,” Harvard Law Review 90 (1977: 894–943. Of course, the terminology cited in the glosses could have been found in Isidore and Papias. Paradisi, “Osservazioni,” 703–4. Botho Odebrecht, “Die Briefmuster des Henricus Francigena,” Archiv für Urkundenforschung 14 (1936): 250. In pleading for money, the student writes: “innotescat me divina misericordia Papie studio legum vel dialectice alacrem et sanum nocte dieque adherere.”

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the student meant Ciceronian logic, then his statement would better coincide with the current scholarly view that not Aristotelian but Ciceronian logic, more congenial to the rhetorical conceptions found in the Justinianic writings themselves, constituted the primary ally of the new medieval jurisprudence.45 Admittedly, in the course of the second half of the twelfth century, increasing doses of the logica vetus appeared in the generation of Bolognese lawyers after the Four Doctors. Rogerio, Giovanni Bassiano, and Pillio were particularly skilled in dialectical argumentation.46 The logica nova, however, only made its appearance in Azzo’s generation at the end of the century, and even then was restricted to the De sophisticis elenchis.47 How did these later twelfth-century lawyers learn logic, whether Aristotelian or Ciceronian? As we shall see, the student’s reference to the study of logic above was one of the few references to the subject in the twelfth century. The paucity of evidence would suggest that independent courses of logic might have been rare and that they were at the elementary level. In any case, teachers of law would have been responsible for teaching their students legal argumentation just as they had to teach students, most of whom had had perhaps only two or three years of Latin grammar, to read the legal texts.48 Legal logic in its Ciceronian form also played a vital role in the hermeneutical practices of Bolognese legal scholars as it did in those of their predecessors at Pavia. The early Bolognese glossators, so-called because glosses served as their typical form of expressing scientiic investigation of the Corpus, employed distinctions, quaestiones, and cross-references and sought to reconcile apparent contradictions in the laws.The Bolognese difered from the Pavians, however, in that they worked on the complete Digest.49 The Pavian Expositio ad librum papiensem, written in the 1070s or 1080s, had 45

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Albert Lang, “Rhetorische Einlüsse auf die Behandlung des Prozesses in der Kanonistik des 12 Jahrhunderts,” Festschrift Eduard Eichmann zum 70 Geburtstag, dargebracht von seiner Freunden und Schülern in Verbindung mit Wilhelm Laforet, ed. Martin Grabmann and Karl Hofmann (Paderborn, 1940), 69–71. See also Elizabetta Graziosi, “Fra retorica e giurisprudenza,” Studi e memorie per la storia dell’Università di Bologna, n.s., 3 (1983): 3–38; Erich Genzmer, “Die justinianische Kodiikation und die Glossatoren,” Atti del Congresso internazionale di diritto romano: Bologna e Roma, XIIII–XXVII aprile, MCMXXXIII, 4 vols. (Pavia, 1934), 1:363–64; and Paradisi, “Osservazioni,” 703. Bibliography on the debate between scholars over the issue of the inluence of dialectic on the glossators of the twelfth and early thirteenth centuries is discussed in Paradisi, “Osservazioni,” 695–98. Paradisi’s conclusion that dialectic played an important role in legal analysis only after 1150 seems to me convincing in the light of the history of dialectic in northern and central Italy in the preceding 150 years. See as well Gerhard Otte, Dialektik und Jurisprudenz, 22, who notes that before Placentino no ancient thinkers except for Cicero are mentioned in the glosses. Otte, Dialektik und Jurisprudenz, 22. Similarly, Paolo Marangon, Alle origini dell’Aristotelismo padovano, sec. XII–XIII (Padua, 1977), 15–17, inds no evidence in Padua of the use of the logica nova in the twelfth century. His eforts to prove that the logica vetus was taught in the second half of the twelfth century depend on manuscripts containing works of logic that, he argues on the basis of a series of questionable assumptions, were in the Paduan monastic libraries at that period (24–42). See below, n. 132. The Lombard writers tended to concentrate their attention primarily on the Digestum vetus, i.e., books 1 to 24.2. The Collectio britannica, compiled circa. 1090, contains excerpts of the work mainly from this section as does the Liber decretorum of Ivo of Chartres, who collected material for his work during a visit to Rome in 1093–94: Stephan Kuttner, “The Revival of Jurisprudence,” Renaissance and Renewal in the Twelfth Century, ed. Robert L. Benson and Giles Constable with Carol D. Lanham

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drawn on the Digest but primarily on its earlier books, while the Bolognese, in contrast, made glosses on all parts of the ifty books. Indeed, the Digest seems to have occupied a cherished place in their teaching. The most diicult of the four parts comprising the Justinian corpus, the Digest is composed of 9,123 extracts from the writings of ancient Roman jurists organized into ifty books, each of which is subdivided under titles. Each extract consists of a sentence or two and is accompanied by the name of the jurist who wrote it and the name of the work whence the extract was taken. Although the contents of the Digest were sometimes not only repetitious but often mutually contradictory, Bolognese legal scholars operated from the assumption that the work as a whole was utterly consistent. This forced scholars to work hard to reconcile the seemingly irreconcilable. In efect, the obligation that the scholars felt to make the entire Digest agree liberated them from the text and encouraged them to seek a consistency in the law beyond what a scrupulous literal interpretation of the text would have provided.50 While by the time of Irnerio’s four famous successors in the middle decades of the twelfth century Bologna was generally recognized for its leadership in legal studies, it did not enjoy a monopoly in teaching civil law. To judge from the distribution of manuscripts of various parts of the Justinian corpus in the second half of the eleventh century, the new interest in Roman law had not been limited to Pavia and to Pepo in Bologna. At least by 1124/27 training in Roman law was available in Pisa, and from the middle decades of the century courses in Roman law were being given at least at Modena. By the second quarter of the twelfth century, Roman law was being taught as well in the Valence–Die region of southern Francia, and by the third quarter at Montpellier.51 Nonetheless, at least into the early modern period, Bologna would remain the most prestigious law school in Europe, where students of all nationalities came to study. Perhaps the major issue dividing the Bolognese glossators in the generation after Irnerio was the extent to which Roman law ought to be qualiied by the principle of equity.52 The two principal igures in the dispute were Bulgaro (d. 1166) and Martino (ca. 1100–1160s). Bulgaro, taking the Justinianic texts as his focus, insisted on a narrow and scientiic reconstruction of the law and refused to compromise its

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(Oxford, 1982), 302–3. See also Ennio Cortese, “Alle origini della scuola a Bologna,” Scritti, ed. Italo Birocchi and Ugo Petronio, 2 vols. (Spoleto, 1999), 1107–10. This is a paraphrase of Francesco Calasso, Medio Evo del diritto (Milan, 1954), 531–32. Although Kuttner, “Revival of Jurisprudence,” 300, may exaggerate in seeing the rediscovery of the Digest as “the beginning of everything,” nonetheless it was surely key to further advancement. Peter Classen, “Italienische Rechtsschulen ausserhalb Bolognas,” in Proceedings of the Sixth International Congress of Medieval Canon Law, Berkeley, California, 28 July–2 August 1980, ed. Stephan Kuttner and Kenneth Pennington, Monumenta iuris canonici, ser. C, sub. 7 (Vatican City, 1985), 205–21, discusses various possibilities for law schools in twelfth-century Italy. He considers the existence of a school of Roman law at Pisa and Modena as established. Also see chap. 8, “Roman and Canon Law in Francia.” By espousing equity the glossators were not appealing to natural law. Rather “equity” had to be based on the Corpus juris civilis; Paradisi, Storia del diritto italiano, vol. 4.1:409. See the whole discussion 399–414. Ennio Cortese, Il diritto nella storia medioevale, 2 vols. (Rome, 1995), 2:76–81, suggests that the debate relected disagreement over whether Roman law ought to be interpreted rigorously in isolation from canon law or whether consideration ought not be given to canon law when canon law addressed the same issues.

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demands according to contemporary circumstances. Martino, however, was committed to the world of utraque lex – that is, he believed that Roman and canon law worked together in establishing justice. Implicit in the two approaches were difering attitudes toward the three other kinds of law currently operative in the Italian peninsula: Lombard law, feudal law, and customary law. Whereas Bulgaro considered Roman law the ius unicum and wanted to keep it uncontaminated by other legal systems, Martino had a more ecumenical approach.53 Apparently Martino deemed other systems of law worthy of study in themselves and felt that knowledge of them would be useful to scholars working on the Justinianic texts.54 Within the context of the Italian peninsula, where Lombard law prevailed over wide areas, Martino’s integrative approach was more relective of the way law was actually being practiced. By the second half of the eleventh century the irst known copy of Liber papiensis appeared.55 A later revision, called the Lombarda, circulated in various editions. The most widely used version probably originated in Pavia at the end of the eleventh century.56 Perhaps certain legists at Bologna taught both Roman and Lombard law, but if so, it has not been proven.57 The earliest known commentaries on the Lombarda in the mid-twelfth century were those by Ariprando and Alberto.58 Although it has been suggested that both commentaries were written 53

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If we can judge by the glosses attributed to Irnerio, early Bolognese jurists showed no interest in Lombard law. In that sense, Bulgaro was the defender of Bolognese tradition. Besta, LOpere d’Irnerio, 110, n. 1, inds one allusion to Lombard law in an anonymous gloss found in a manuscript containing the so-called Irnerian glosses. Bruno Paradisi,“Diritto canonico e tendenze di scuola nei glossatori da Irnerio ad Accursio,” Studi sul medievo giuridico, 579–81, identiies Martino’s position with that of the French legists (580): “Le idee generali, dominanti tutto il sistema e tali da imprimergli un indirizzo coerente, il valore attribuito all’equità, l’attenzione dedicata al diritto canonico e perino la prevalenza che gli veniva talvolta concessa al diritto canonico e perino la prevalenza sul Giustineo, un riconoscimento implicito che, attraverso questi criteri, veniva tributato al valore della consuetudine e l’apertura verso il diritto contemporaneo quale esso era in realtà; tutte queste erano anche le linee del pensiero di Martino.” See also his “Bulgaro (Bolgaro) Giovanni Battista,” DBI, vol. 15 (Rome, 1972), 52. In describing the contrast between Bulgaro and Martino, Cortese, “Alle origini della scuola di Bologna,” 1118–19 and 1136–37, maintains that not only French law schools but Italian law schools outside Bologna generally shared Martino’s views. Cf. Giovanni Santini, Università e società nel XII secolo: Pillio da Medicina e lo Studio di Modena:Tradizione e innovazione nella scuola dei Glossatori Chartularium: Studii Mutinensis (regesta) (specimen 1069–1200) (Modena, 1979), 28–50. See Chap. 3, n. 221. Peter Weimar, “Die legistische Literatur der Glossatorenzeit,” in Handbuch der Quellen und Literatur der neuren europäischen Privatrechtsgeschichte, vol. 1: Mittelalter, 1100–1500: Die gelehrten Rechte und die Gesetzgebung, ed. Helmut Coing (Munich, 1973), 165.Weimar also provides a list of the editions and bibliography. See as well Bruno Paradisi, Storia del diritto italiano: le fonti dal sec. X ino alle soglie dell’età bolognese: Lezioni universitarie (anno 1960–1961) (Naples, 1961), 448–49. The identiication of Ugo, author of a work on Lombard law, De pugna, as Ugo of Porta Ravegnana, one of the “Four Doctors,” has been generally discredited; Hermann Kantorowicz, “‘De pugna’: La letteratura longobardistica sul duello giudiziario,” in Studi di storia e diritto in onore di Enrico Besta per il XL anno del suo insegnamento, 4 vols. (Milan, 1939), 2:1–15. Kantorowicz considers Ugo, the author of the work, to have been Pavian (15). The texts are published by August Anschütz, Die Lombarda-Commentare des Ariprand und Albertus: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des germanischen Rechts in zwölften Jahrhundert (Heidelberg, 1855). Two texts are involved, the irst by Ariprando and the second by Alberto. The fact that both men are referred to in the text in the third person suggests that we are dealing with reportationes: Luigi Prosdocimi, “Alberto

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in Bologna, this seems unlikely, given that the texts seldom cite Roman law.59 The smaller law schools, such as those at Modena and Piacenza, where both Roman and Lombard law are known to have been taught, would have been more likely sites for the commentaries’ composition. The legal writings of Vacella on the Lombarda, composed during the late twelfth century, probably at Mantua, relect a similar lack of interest in the Justinian corpus.60 The commentaries of Ariprando, Alberto, and Vacella on Lombard law involved only portions of the Lombarda. That of Carlo di Tocco (d. after 1215) covered the whole text of the work and became its glossa ordinaria. A native of Benevento, di Tocco studied Roman law somewhere in northern or central Italy while at the same time pursuing the study of Lombard law, which remained the basic law in former Lombard areas in his native south. In his glosses to the Lombarda, which he completed after his return to Benevento late in life, he consummated the process begun by the Pavians early in the eleventh century of using Roman law and its categories to dominate the heterogeneous material of Lombard origin. Already fallen into desuetude in the north, the study of Lombard law in the south remained vital down to the late fourteenth century, and di Tocco’s work served as its fundamental textbook.61 In his commentary on the Libri feodorum, written circa 1207, Pillio of Medicina used Roman law to render another legal system, feudal law, more coherent.62 The oldest edition of the Libri feodorum, a motley collection of decisions of feudal courts, customs, imperial constitutions on the “feud” (i.e., beneice), and fragmentary pronouncements of jurists on various issues relating to feudal tenure, was composed after 1150 and has been attributed to the Lombard lawyer Oberto of Orto.63 While the irst edition contained material relating to imperial legislation on feuds from Conrad II in 1037 to Lothar III in 1136, a second, called the Libri ardizzoniani, brought the legislation down to the end of the reign of Frederick I. It is the second text on which Pillio commented.64 With Pillio the Libri feodorum came into the mainstream of jurisprudence, and in the course of the thirteenth century the

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longobardista,” DBI, vol. 1 (Rome, 1960), 746. Cf. Kantorowicz, “‘De pugna,’” 11. There are a few citations of the Institutes and the Code in both. Alberto mentions the Digest once. The preface to Ariprando’s work and the longer version of the same preface to Alberto, however, contain other references to the Justinian corpus: Kantorowicz,“‘De pugna,’” 11–12. Both versions of the preface appear to have been written by an unidentiied “Albacrucius”; Prosdocimi, “Alberto longobardista,” 746. Kantorowicz (“‘De pugna,’” 13) suggests Piacenza, but Prosdocimi, “Alberto longobardista,” 746, leaves the matter open. Cf. Cortese, Il diritto nella storia medievale, 125–26. Federico Patetta, “Vaccella, giurisconsulto mantovano del secolo XII,” Accademia delle scienze di Torino 32 (1896–97): 1–16, establishes that Vacella was not the same person as Vacarius and that he was from Mantua. For his biography, see Giuliana D’Amelio, “Carlo di Tocco,” DBI, vol. 20 (Rome, 1977), 304–10. Cf. Weimar, “Die legistische Literatur,” 186. Cortesi, Il diritto nella storia medievale, 159–61. Calasso, Il medio evo del diritto, 554, for a description of the material. On the work of Pillio, see Cortesi, Il diritto nella storia medievale, 167–72. For his glosses on the text, see Antonio Rota, “L’apparato di Pillio alle Consuetudines feudorum,” Studi e memorie per la storia dell’Università di Bologna 14 (1938): 1–170. For the editions of the Libri feudorum, see Weimar, “Die legistische Literatur,” 167. Cf. Cortese, Il diritto nella storia medievale, 161–62. Cortese, Il diritto nella storia medievale, 163. It was called after the Veronese legist Jacopo d’Ardizzone because he was believed to have been the irst to work on the new edition.

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text became a part of the Libri legales: in the series it followed immediately after the Novellae, itself in fourth place after the Institutes, Code, and Digest.65 The intensity with which northern and central Italians pursued the study of law in the eleventh and twelfth centuries can only be understood in the light of the political history of the area. The sporadic Italian sojourns of the emperors were not suicient to maintain German authority within the kingdom. The burning of the royal palace at Pavia in 1024 as a protest against imperial exactions, moreover, was symptomatic of the diiculties inherent in the eforts of a foreign ruler to maintain order. The long minority of Henry IV, followed by ifty years of schism, in which the authority of both emperor and pope was persistently challenged, brought into question the legitimacy of all claims to power. The advent of communal governments in the late eleventh and early twelfth centuries further complicated jurisdictional issues concerning the competing claims of local bishops, counts, and others with pretensions to authority. As argued earlier, in this long-term crisis of political authority, the image of the law as objective and constant promised an impersonal, self-propelling order independent of the weaknesses of individuals or contemporary institutions. Roman law especially, enshrined in the Justinian corpus and a product of the greatest world monarchy in history, proved particularly attractive as a potential template for ordering society. The law itself became the authority that Italians of the eleventh and twelfth century so desperately needed: its principal ministers were not kings, counts, or popes but notaries and lawyers. CANON LAW

The eleventh-century reform movement stimulated an interest in older collections of canonical literature and in new sources in an efort to justify or attack what appeared to many to be revolutionary principles. Written between 1008 and 1012, the monumental collection of canon law texts compiled by Burchard of Worms in his Decretum had dominated the study of the canons until the last quarter of the eleventh century, but the sources that he used largely relected the state of canon law in a Church dominated by emperors.66 As already stated, canonists in the circle of Gregory VII, inspired by the papal–imperial conlict, emphasized canons that exalted the authority of the papacy within the Church. They tended to focus more than before on juridical questions and less on ethical or theological ones.67 The 65

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Ibid., 167. In his intensive study of the Tres libri of the Codex, bk. 11, with its tendency to assimilate mortgage to a form of property, Pillio was led to identify the feudal beneicium with dominium utile and thereby to create the classic distinction between dominum directum and dominium utile (169–72). Paul Fournier, Yves de Chartres et le droit canonique, (Paris, 1898), 48–51. For the date of the work, see Paul Fournier and Gabriel Le Bras, Histoire des collections canoniques en occident depuis les Fausses Décrétales jusqu’au Décret de Gratien, 2 vols. (Paris, 1931–32), 1:366. See as well the important observations of Greta Austin, “Authority and the Canons in Burchard’s Decretum and Ivo’s Decretum,” in Readers, Texts and Compilers in the Earlier Middle Ages: Studies in Medieval Canon Law in Honour of Linda Fowler-Magerl, ed. Martin Brett and Kathleen G. Cushing (Farnham, Surrey, and Burlington, Vt., 2009), 35–58. Carlo Guido Mor, “Diritto romano e diritto canonico nell’età pregraziana,” Scritti di storia giuridica altomedievale (Pisa, 1977), 362. These collections, moreover, resort to citations of Roman law only sparingly in contrast with an imperialist author like Pietro Crasso.

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most prominent of these new compilations, such as the Collectio canonum attributed to Anselmo of Lucca (written before ca. 1085), the collection with the same name by Deusdedit (written ca. 1085), and the Liber de vita christiana by Bonizone, composed after Gregory VII’s death, also demonstrated a greater concern than had earlier works to weed out texts of questionable authenticity.68 The writings of two transalpine contemporaries, however, were to exert an important inluence on the development of canon law studies, in that their formulations of the law relected the conciliatory tendency in promoting papal reforms inaugurated by the French pope, Urban II. In contrast with the rigidity of Anselmo and Deusdedit, the northern canonists Bernold of Constance (d. ca. 1100) and Ivo of Chartres (1040–1116) laid down rules for calculating the valences of individual canon laws and deined a large area in which prelates enjoyed a measure of freedom in granting dispensations from them.69 Ivo’s Decretum (ca. 1093) and Panormia, composed sometime before his death in 1116, however, went beyond Bernold’s De excommunicatis vitandis, de reconciliatione lapsorum, et de fontibus juris ecclesiastici (ca. 1091) in that it clearly distinguished a hierarchy of authoritative texts according to whether they were indulgences, counsels, precepts, prohibitions, or dispensations from the law.70 Both men argued, however, that most of what appeared to be contradictory in the canons resulted from a failure on the part of the interpreter either to distinguish between absolute and contingent laws or a failure to sort out which authors outranked the others in authority.71 At least Ivo of Chartres’s discussions of a prelate’s power to dispense with canon law would ind themselves relected in various passages in Graziano’s Concordia discordantium canonum. 68

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Gerard Fransen, Les collections canoniques, Typologie des sources du moyen âge occidental, fasc. 10. A-III.1 (Turnhout, 1973), 26; Calasso, Il medio evo del diritto, 322–24, with bibliography. On Urban II’s less rigid approach to canon law and its similarity to that of Bernold and Ivo, see Fournier, “Un tournant de l’histoire, 1060–1140,” Nouvelle revue historique de droit français et étranger 41 (1917): 156–58. Fournier, however, was misled into believing that Urban II himself had written on the lexibility of ecclesiastical discipline: Stephan Kuttner, “Urban II and the Doctrine of Interpretation: A Turning Point?” in Post Scripta: Essays on Medieval Law and the Emergence of the European State in Honor of Gaines Post, ed. Joseph Strayer and Donald Queller, in Studia gratiana 15 (1972): 53–85. Bernold’s work is published; De excommunicandis vitandis, ed. Friedrich Thaner, in MGH, Libelli de lite imperatorum et pontiicum saeculis XI et XII, ed. Friedrich Thaner, 3 vols. (Leipzig, 1925), 2:7–160. Ivo’s Decretum and his Panormia were originally found in PL 161, cols. 47–1022 and 1046–1344 respectively. New editions of both works by Martin Brett and Bruce Brasington are available at http://www.wtamu.edu/%7Ebbrasington/ivo.htm (accessed Feb. 27, 2010). The Panormia has been dated variously from 1095 to 1118; ibid., Panormia, “Method,” 2. Ivo’s authorship of the work, however, has been disputed by Christoph Rolker, “The Earliest Works of Ivo of Chartres: The Case of Ivo’s Eucharist Florilegium and the Canon Law Collections Attributed to Him,” Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte, kanonistiche Abteilung 124 (2007): 109–27. See also his “Ivo of Chartres’s Pastoral Canon Law,” Bulletin of Medieval Canon Law, n.s., 25 (2002–3): 114–45. Joseph de Ghellinck, Le mouvement théologique du XIIe siècle (Brussels, 1948), 488–89, cites the crucial passages from Ivo. Bernold’s statements on methodology are scattered throughout his text; see, for example, De excommunicandis vitandis, 132, 135, 139, and 157. Cf. Fournier, “Un tournant d’histoire,” 157–65; as well as Stephan Kuttner, “The Father of the Science of Canon Law,” The Jurist 1 (1941): 5.

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Commonly referred to as the Decretum, Graziano’s work became the basic textbook for the study of canon law in western Europe, and it was at Bologna that the work irst gained prominence.To an extent the creation of canon law as an independent discipline involved distinguishing itself clearly from the study of theology, with which it had historically been linked. Already under way in the eleventh century, Graziano’s Decretum constituted a milestone in this process of separation. Although additions appear to have been made very early on, by the 1150s the Decretum had taken on its inal form. The irst of three parts contained 101 “distinctions,” or sets of statements (frequently, quotations from canonical sources), each grouped around a particular point. Thirty-six ictional causae (legal situations) together with questions and answers rising from them, comprised the second part. The third part, De consecratione, contained ive distinctions concerning sacraments and liturgy. The history of the Decretum has recently been complicated by the discovery that there were two versions of the work, Gratian I and Gratian II, the irst completed either in the early 1120s or early 1140s and the second in the early 1150s. It has also been argued that portions of Gratian I may go back to the irst years of the twelfth century.72 The inal version, Gratian II, is based on Gratian I, but there are major diferences: (a) The second version contains more than twice the amount of source material as the irst; (b) Gratian I makes a handful of references to Roman law and interprets them clumsily, whereas Gratian II cites almost two hundred passages and handles them in a sophisticated fashion; (c) Given that the author of Gratian II added a great number of interpolations to his version, the earlier version has greater logical consistency and must have been a better school text; (d ) Only Gratian II contains the third part of the Decretum, namely, the Tractatus de consecratione.73 Scholars have not yet established whether the two versions were written by the same author. In any case the author of Gratian I deserves to be regarded as the father of canon law. His cogent use of dialectical reasoning suggests that he was heavily inluenced by work being done in logic in transalpine Europe. Already before Abelard, scholars in Francia had been using Aristotelian dialectic to resolve conlicts arising from disagreements in the sources of Christian theology.74 In his Sic et non 72

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For the two versions, see above, no. 28; for a possibly earlier form of the work, see Carlos Larrainzar, “El borrador del la ‘Concordia’ de Graziano: Sankt Gallen, Stiftsbibliothek MS 673,” Ius ecclesiae: Rivista internazionale di diritto canonico 11 (1999): 593–666. Also see Larrainzar’s earlier conclusion in the same journal: “El Decreto de Graciano del Códice Fd (= Firenze, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, Conventi Soppressi A.I.402): in memoriam Rudolf Weigand,” Ius Ecclesiae 10 (1998): 471–75. Kenneth Pennington,“Gratian, Causa 19, and the Birth of Canonical Jurisprudence,” in “Panta rei”: Studi dedicati a Manlio Bellomo, ed. Orazio Condorelli, 4 vols. (Rome, 2004), 4:339–55, concludes that the San Gallo manuscript is an “Ur-Gratian” and that both it and Gratian I belong to the early twelfth century. The diferences are based on Winroth’s analysis (1) 122, (2) 128–30, and (3) 144–45, respectively. Marcia Colish,“From the Sentence Collection to the Sentence Commentary and the Summa: Parisan Scholastic Theology, 1130–1215,” Manuels, programmes de cours et techniques d’enseignement dans les universités médiévales: Actes du Colloque international de Louvain-la-Neuve (9–11 septembre 1993), ed. Jacqueline Hamesse (Louvain-la-Neuve, 1994), 13, maintains that Abelard and his followers were “less adept at applying these rules in practice than were many other scholastic theologians working before and during his lifetime.” Cf. Ermenegildo Bertola, “I precedenti storici del metodo del

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Abelard codiied the process by grouping quotations from the authorities under systematically arranged rubrics designed to cover the whole range of theological problems. By carefully distinguishing the meaning of the texts and sharpening the theological conceptions involved, Abelard envisaged constructing a uniied theological doctrine.75 Gratian I skillfully adopted Abelard’s methodology, originally applied to theology, for his own purposes. Certainly the author of Gratian I found inspiration for structuring his work at least in part by studying the writings of two northern canonists: Alger of Liège (1070–1131) and the aforementioned Ivo of Chartres.76 Each in his way furnished the author of Gratian I with a model for his approach to organizing the texts of canon law. Whereas canonists before Alger had organized their collections under subject categories without comment, Alger asserted a strong authorial presence. He had no intention of creating a general collection of canon laws but addressed an issue of immediate local interest in the diocese of Liège: the eicacy of sacraments administered by unworthy priests.77 Nevertheless, his work, De misericordia et iustitia (early 1090s), provided a new methodology for dealing with texts generally. He organized the work around questions and used canonical sources as the basis for his answers.78 In the process of citing the canons relevant to a particular question, he pointed out apparent contradictions in the texts, resolved conlicts, and provided answers based on his understanding of his sources.79 In one sense Ivo’s undertaking was more ambitious. His monumental collection of texts, also called the Decretum (written in the early 1090s) set out to provide

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‘Sic et non’ di Abelardo,” Rivista di ilosoia neo-scolastica 53 (1961): 255–80; and Mary McLaughlin, “Abelard as Autobiographer: The Motive and Meaning of His ‘Story of Calamities,’” Speculum 42 (1967): 478–80. Ghellinck, Mouvement théologique, 174, writes that “l’efort constructif d’Abélard pour une élaboration rationelle de toute la doctrine révelée et l’entraînement suscité par ses essais ont profondément marqué de leur empreinte toutes les générations, à partir du premier quart du xiie siècle. On assiste alors à un tournant dans l’histoire de la théologie: le désir d’une synthèse complète, rationelle, fait surgir l’ère des ‘Summistes’ et assure leur succès....” Kuttner, “Father of the Science,” 9, stresses the close link between early collections of canon law and those of theology. Although the Investiture Struggle drew canonists to focus more on juridical problems, until Graziano, legal and theological sententiae were commonly mixed together in both varieties of collections. For a listing of the canonical collections deinitely used by Graziano in his own work, see Peter Landau, “Neue Forschungen zu vorgratianischen Kanonssammlungen,” Ius commune 18 (1984): 15. Gabriel LeBras, “Le Liber de misericordia et justitia d’Alger de Liège,” Revue historique de droit français et étranger 45 (1921): 80–118; and his “Alger de Liège et Gratien,” Revue des sciences philosophiques et théologiques 20 (1931): 18–21. This work, generally dated to about 1104, has been convincingly redated to the early 1090s by Nikolaus Häring, “A Study in the Sacramentology of Alger of Liège,” Mediaeval Studies 20 (1958): 41–42. His De misericordia et justitia is found in PL 180, cols. 857–968. It has been reedited by Robert Kretzschmar, Alger von Lüttichs Traktat “De misericordia et iustitia”: Ein kanonistischer Konkordanzversuch aus der Zeit des Investiturstreits, Quellen und Forschungen zum Recht im Mittelalter, no. 2 (Sigmaringen, 1985). On his methodology, see Fournier and Le Bras, Histoire de collections canoniques, 2:343–44; and Kuttner, “Father of the Science,” 7. Alger’s methodology had some parallels with the dicta found in Bonizone’s canonical collection, Liber de vita Christiana (1090–95), but the latter’s interventions in the text were meant to describe the organization of the sources and to ofer “pastoral admonitions”: ‘Kuttner, “Father of the Science,” 6.

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canons for a much broader range of issues related to ecclesiastical discipline and justice. Like his predecessors, however, Ivo merely placed his texts under appropriate rubrics without authorial comment. Ivo’s Panormia, which he based largely on material taken from his Decretum, was more systematically arranged.While lacking Alger’s consistent authorial presence, Ivo did intervene by including brief summaries of the texts, often indicating what principle of law he believed they illustrated.80 Ivo’s Panormia was contemporary with Alger’s De misericordia, and both contributed to the approach that the author of Gratian I took to the texts of canon law, the irst principally by using commentary throughout the work and the second by its scope.81 But the identiication of precedents should not lead us to overlook Graziano’s originality. Although by the early twelfth century it had become a common goal of canon lawyers such as Bernold, Ivo, and Alger to seek resolution of contradictions in the canons by a variety of means, including dialectical argument, no author before the author of Gratian I seems to have conceived of the systematic use of such analysis to reconcile seemingly intractable contradictions in the sources with the goal of creating a unitary complex of juridical norms for the Christian Church. In both conceiving and implementing his project, the author of Gratian I was indebted to theological and philosophical doctrines developing in Francia by 1100. Parallel to his contemporary Abelard in theology, he set out to exploit for canon law “the full dialectical method of raising doctrinal problems for the sake of systematic progress and synthesis.”82 Although previous canonists had already made progress in the direction of separating juridical from theological questions, the author of Gratian I went further in isolating legal issues as the focus for his new methodology, and thereby separating canon law from dogmatic theology.83 Given the revolutionary potential of Gratian I, why do no commentaries on it survive? The poor knowledge of Roman law that its author evinced makes it improbable that Gratian I, even if composed in the 1120s, was written in the Bologna of Irnerio. By contrast, Gratian II, ifteen to thirty years later, almost certainly was produced in Bologna, where it enjoyed great success, as is shown by the rash of commentaries that followed its publication. Whether or not both versions were written by the same author, it was the second version of the work that 80 81 82

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Fournier and Le Bras, Histoire de collections canoniques, 2:98. Ghellinck, Mouvement théologique, 452. Kuttner, “Father of the Science,” 10–11. On the doctrinal ainity between Graziano and Abelard as well as Hugo of Saint Victor, see Kuttner, “Zur Frage der theologischen Vorlagen Gratians,” Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte, kanonistiche Abteilung 23 (1934): 243–68. Describing Graziano’s methodology, Kuttner, “Father of the Science,” 15–16, writes: “He always raises a problem, proposes an answer which he supports with a series of canons, each of them introduced with a summarizing rubric, then indicates an objection and supports it in the same way, concluding with a solution in which the contrasts are reconciled by a remarkable range of dialectical distinctions.” Cf. his “Discorso commemorativo tenuto nell’Aula Magna dell’Università di Bologna nella mattina del 17 aprile 1952,” Studia gratiana 1 (1953): 24–28. For an example of the close relationship between sacramental theology and canon law, see Nikolaus Häring, “The Interaction between Canon Law and Sacramental Theology in the Twelfth Century,” Proceedings of the Fourth International Congress of Medieval Canon Law, Toronto 21–25 August 1972, ed. Stephan Kuttner, Monumenta iuris canonica, ser. C, subsidia, no. 5 (Vatican City, 1976), 483–93. Cf. Arthur M. Landgraf, “Diritto canonico e teologia nel secolo XII,” Studia gratiana 1 (1953): 373–413.

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became historically important, and its author was the Graziano known to the earliest Bolognese commentators. Methodologically the Decretum may have had signiicant repercussions on the study of Roman law. Whereas the irst generations of Roman lawyers made their discoveries by depending primarily on tools of rhetoric, “Graziano” relied heavily on advances made in dialectical reasoning, guided by the logica vetus, primarily in the ield of theology. The success of Graziano’s book in turn might have played a role in the increased reliance on dialectical reasoning found in the work of scholars of civil law in the generation after that of the Four Doctors.84 Between the 1150s and the 1180s, Bolognese canon lawyers wrote about one hundred and ifty sets of glosses on Graziano’s work, as well as a series of systematic textbooks and detailed commentaries.85 Already by the 1150s the Decretum had been abridged by an unknown legist in Incipit Quoniam egestas (ca. 1150); Paucapalea had written his Summa (ca. 1150); and perhaps Rolando had published his Stroma ex decretorum corpore carptum (early 1150s).86 Consisting of a scattering of marginal notes indicating parallel or contrary passages, notable facts, and summaries of speciic arguments, the latter two commentaries were superseded within a decade (ca. 1164) by Ruino’s Summa decretorum, which provided a general and detailed commentary on the whole Decretum. Ruino’s work, however, was not composed of glosses but rather consisted of summaries of the contents of individual chapters.87 Highly inluential, the Summa decretorum directly inspired two members of the next generation of canon lawyers: Stephen of Tournai and Giovanni of Faenza.88 84

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The increased use of dialectical legal reasoning in Roman law seems to have begun with Rogerio’s Quaestiones super Institutis. He was a student of Bulgaro: Paradisi, “Osservazioni sull’uso del metodo dialettico,” 704. Stephan Kuttner, “Bernardus Compostellanus antiquus: A Study in the Glossators of the Canon Law,” Traditio 1 (1943): 279–80. A repertorium of many of these glosses is found in Rudolf Wiegand, Die Glossen zum Dekret Gratians: Studien zu den frühen Glossen und Glossenkomposition, Studia gratiana, vols. 25 and 26 (1991). On Rolando and Paucapalea, see Rudolf Weigand, “Frühe Kanonisten und ihre Karriere in der Kirche,” Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte, kanonistiche Abteilung 76 (1990): 136–37. Weigand argues for a series of versions of Rolando’s Summa into the 1160s. On the abbreviation, see Rudoph Wiegand, “Die Dekretabbreviatio ‘Quoniam egestas’ und ihre Glossen,” in “Fides et ius”: Festschrift für Georg May zum 65. Geburtstag, ed. Winfried Aymans, Anna Egler, and Joseph Listl (Regensburg, 1991), 256. John T. Noonan, “The True Paucapalea,” in Proceedings of the Fifth International Congress of Medieval Canon Law, Salamanca, 21–25 September 1976, ed. Stephan Kuttner and Kenneth Pennington, Monumenta juris canonici, ser. C, subsidia, no. 6 (Vatican City, 1980), 157–86, has argued that the Summa über das Decretum Gratiani, ed. Johann F. von Schulte (Giessen, 1890), considered to be the summa of Paucapalea, was derived from it. Rudolf Weigand,“Paucapalea und die frühe Kanonistik,” Archiv für katholisches Kirchenrecht 150 (1981): 137–57, convincingly refutes Noonan’s position that Bib. Naz., Conv. Soppr. G. IV, 1736, not known to Schulte, was Paucapalea’s Summa. Rolando’s Stroma was edited by Friedrich Thaner (Innsbruck, 1874). Stephan Kuttner, Repertorium der Kanonistik (1140–1234): Prodromus corporis glossarum, Studi e testi, no. 71 (1937), 131–32; Gabriel Le Bras, Charles Lefebvre, and Jacqueline Rambaud, L’histoire du droit et des institutions de l’Église en Occident, vol. 7: L’âge classique 1140–1378 (Paris, 1965), 278–79; and Robert Benson, “Ruin,” Dictionnaire de droit canonique, vol. 7 (Paris, 1965), 779–84.Weigand’s “Frühe Kanonisten,” 138–39, dates the work to 1164. Weigand, “Frühe Kanonisten,” 132. Étienne’s work was written in the 1160s and John’s about 1171 (140 and 143).

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By 1160, however, a form of commentary consisting of a mixture of summaries and gloss apparatus characterized most of the production of the Italian school. Of the dozen or more commentaries of that type produced over the next thirty years, the most complete representative of the genre was Uguccio of Pisa’s Summa decretorum, probably composed between 1188 and 1190. Generally considered the greatest of all the decretists, Uguccio built a bridge between the ius antiquum and the ius novum – between the earlier school of canon law that focused on Graziano’s compilation and the later one concerned with welding his Decretum into a unitary structure with papal decretals.89 After an extended introduction on the general nature of canon law, Uguccio submitted the complete text of the Decretum to an exegetical and analytical gloss. As he moved through the work, his interpretation took the form of a continual dialogue with the opinions of canonists, theologians, and Roman lawyers of his own century. He closely analyzed the legal decisions of ecclesiastical authorities, church councils, and so on, as well as the positions of individual writers, and he was always ready to make his own position clear. His reliance on Roman law, his use of papal decretals in his interpretations, and his tendency to treat canon law as independent from theology all signaled a new orientation. His work provided the foundation for John the German’s commentary (before 1217) that became the glossa ordinaria for the Decretum.90 The achievements of Italian canon lawyers, from the author of Gratian II to Uguccio, were considerable. With the Decretum the Church inally had a codiication of its laws, and the rich mantle of interpretation, which Uguccio ultimately systematized, lending its provisions coherence and intelligibilty. At the same time the interpretive tradition tended to expand the concept of the spiritual sphere and emphasize its superiority to secular rule. At least its dominance seemed symbolically guaranteed: Was not the sun superior to the moon, the soul to the body, and the spiritual to the temporal? In the period after the Investiture Struggle, canon lawyers consistently endeavored to expand spiritual jurisdiction and to present the papacy as the highest administrator, legislator, and judge of the Church. ARS DICTAMINIS

From the early decades of the twelfth century Bologna’s fame grew not only as a center for legal studies but also for instruction in ars dictaminis, the art of letter writing, a newly formalized discipline that by mid-century had largely coopted the ield of rhetoric.91 What explains the emergence of the sudden popularity of this new ield of 89

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Alfons M. Stickler,“Uguccio de Pise,” in the Dictionnaire de droit canonique, vol. 7 (Paris, 1965), 1357–62. See also Le Bras, Histoire du droit, 279–81; and Kuttner, Repertorium, 157–160. Cf. Cortese, Il diritto nella storia medievale, 2:226–28. Weigand, “Frühe Kanonisten,” 145, ofers no date of composition. This paragraph is based on Stickler, “Uguccio de Pise,” 1358–60. See as well Le Bras, Histoire du droit, 279–80; and Kuttner, Repertorium, 3. On Johannes Tentonicus, see Brundage, The Medieval Origins of the Legal Profession, 119. The ield of letter writing has produced a series of excellent scholarly summaries and bibliographical tools. See Giles Constable, Letters and Letter-Collections, Typologie des sources du Moyen Âge occidental, fasc. 17, A-11 (Turnhout, 1976); Martin Camargo, Ars dictaminis, ars dictandi, Typologie

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study? Chapter 4 maintained that intense popular interest in religious reform, which was stimulated by written as well as oral argument, awakened a relatively large number of laymen and clerics to the advantages of both reading and writing. Especially in the context of the rapidly widening economic and political horizons of Italian society, the ability to write a letter could prove a ticket to success. Ars dictaminis aimed at simplifying letter writing, a genre of composition that had hitherto been very lexible and had often been used as a medium for attaining literary distinction. The character of the letter style that emerged as the standard model by the middle decades of the twelfth century was in large part determined, irst, by the low level of Latin literacy – the Latin had to be highly formulaic, with minimal opportunity for individual variation liable to error – and second, by the increasingly legalistic mentality of the regnum.92 The new style of letter writing as developed in Bologna was a sister of the notarial document. The kinds of situations requiring notarial documentation, while numerous, were limited, and even a barely Latin-literate notary could keep a collection of documents covering all occasions on hand to serve as models. Manuals of ars notarie would not appear until the irst quarter of the thirteenth century, when notarial schools spread. The subjects for letter writing, however, appeared almost ininite in number. Therefore, any serious efort to regulate the letter in accordance with the twelfthcentury’s passion for organization demanded manuals laying down general rules of composition. From the outset, examples of model letters were often appended to the manuals, and by the second half of the twelfth century collections of model letters without theoretical introductions were circulating independently. Although throughout its long career ars dictaminis claimed to be based on ancient antecedents, it was in fact a medieval creation largely determined by the needs of the contemporary society.93 Nonetheless, the teachers of the ars dictaminis did take

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des sources du Moyen-Âge occidental, fasc. 60, A-V.A.2 (Turnhout, 1991); Franz-Josef Worstbrock, Monika Klaes, and Jutta Lutten, Repertorium der Artes dictandi des Mittelalters.Vol. 1:Von dem Änfangen bis um 1200 (Munich, 1992); hereafter referred to as Repertorium; and John O. Ward, Ciceronian Rhetoric in Treatise, Scholion, and Commentary, Typologie des sources du Moyen Âge occidental, fasc. 58, A–V.A.2 (Turnhout, 1995). Emil Polak surveys the thousands of manuscripts containing medieval manuals of dictamen and letters in Medieval and Renaissance Letter Treatises and Form Letters: A Census of Manuscripts Found in Eastern Europe and the Former U.S.S.R. (Leiden and New York, 1992), as well as the companion volume, Medieval and Renaissance Letter Treatises and Form Letters: A Census of Manuscripts Found in Parts of Western Europe, Japan, and the United States of America (Leiden and New York, 1994). For the interplay between dictamen as both a product of this process and an active force in its development, see Giles Constable, “The Structure of Medieval Society according to the Dictatores of the Twelfth Century,” Law, Church, and Society: Essays in Honor of Stephan Kuttner, ed. Kenneth Pennington and Robert Somerville (Philadelphia, 1977), 253–67. In fact, the ancients had little to say about letter writing because the letter was considered to require the lexibility of conversation.The earliest surviving Greek treatise (3rd. c. A. D.) deines the structure of the letter as “loose and not too long,” while Cicero contrasts letters written as they are in “plebian style” and “everyday words” with the rich variety of styles used in his orations: George M. A. Grube, A Greek Critic: Demetrius on Style (Toronto, 1961), 112. In the case of oicial or public communications, letters that were read aloud on delivery, the rules governing oratory, for which there were many textbooks, were applicable. Julius Victor in the fourth century contrasts litterae negotiales to litterae familiares: Julius Victor, Ars rhetorica, ed. Karl Halm, in Rhetores latini minores (Leipzig, 1863), 447.

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what help they could get from antiquity and sought guidance for letter composition in the ancient handbooks of oratory, primarily in Cicero’s De inventione and the pseudo-Ciceronian Ad Herennium. The ancients had understood that oicial communications, particularly important letters, were often read aloud by the recipient or in the recipient’s presence and thus at the moment of communication took on the appearance of orations. Circumstances of political and social life, however, encouraged the medieval dictatores to impose on what earlier and later ages considered personal letters the same stylistic practices imposed on oicial ones.94 Lacking in large part ancient or modern distinctions between public and private, medieval society had no reason to separate private from public personalities or individuals from oice or status within a particular group. A letter, whatever its purposes, was expected to relect the power relationship between writer and addressee. Conceived along such impersonal lines, the letter became an eicient vehicle for oicial purposes. Diplomacy particularly required an elaborate protocol by which subtle changes in formulas or structure constituted signals of altered attitudes and situations. Dictamen’s tyranny of stylistic prescriptions, however, discouraged the spontaneity and direct expression of thought and feeling that, at other times in history, have given the personal letter its distinctive character. With the difusion of the prescriptions of ars dictaminis the personal letter as such disappeared.95 The irst surviving handbook of the new discipline in the art of letter writing, the Flores rhetorici, was composed by Alberico (d. 1105) in the monastic setting of Montecassino around 1075. We would have expected the new simpliied version of letter writing to have begun in the busy area north of Rome where the economy and the political system were in rapid development. There is suicient evidence, nevertheless, to suggest that the doctrines taught by Alberico were common to other classrooms in the period, and that his was but the irst surviving example of a synthetic treatment of the subject.96

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For more bibliography on ancient epistolography, see my “‘Medieval Ars dictaminis’” and the Beginnings of Humanism: A New Construction of the Problem,” Renaissance Quarterly 35 (1982): 7. John O. Ward, “Rhetorical Theory and the Rise and Decline of Dictamen in the Middle Ages and Early Renaissance,” Rhetorica 19 (2001): 177, cogently attributes the lack of manuals in antiquity to the use of formularies and models in the schools and various secretariats of the empire. On oral reading of writings, see Ruth Crosby, “Oral Delivery in the Middle Ages,” Speculum 11 (1936): 88–110; and Constable, Letters and Letter Collections, 53–54. Also see Letters of Peter the Venerable, ed. Giles Constable, 2 vols. (Cambridge, Mass., 1967), 2:27, n. 115. Paul Saenger’s Space between Words:The Origins of Silent Reading (Stanford, Calif., 1997) is devoted to a consideration of the relationship between silent and oral reading. The inluence of Italian-style dictamen becomes obvious in northern Europe only after 1200. The letters of Peter of Blois (d. 1205) are the last survivors of the old epistolography. Joseph de Ghellinck, L’essor de la littérature latine au xii siècle, 2 vols. (Brussels, 1946), 2:67, criticizes the dictatores for misunderstanding the character of the letter as a means of communication: “en transportant dans le genre épistolaire ce que l’Orator de Cicéron reservait au genre oratoire, appelé à captivé l’oreille pour mieux conquérir l’esprit, ils enlevaient à la lettre tout ce qu’elle pouvait avoir de charme personnel, d’abandon conidentiel, de sentiment et de vie.” While valid for letters of a personal nature, as suggested above, the criticism is unfounded as far as oicial letters are concerned. The existence of a tradition of rules for letter writing prior to Alberico’s formulation of the art is the focus of William D. Patt’s study, “Early Ars dictaminis as Response to a Changing Society,”

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Alberico’s manual began by dividing the letter into ive parts, the salutatio, the exordium or proemium, the narratio, the argumentatio, and the conclusio.97 His associations with the model of the ancient oration become clear when he characterizes the task of the exordium as rendering the reader “attentive, kindly disposed and receptive” and illustrates his discussion of the structure of the letter by examples drawn indiscriminately from letters and speeches.98 He then turns to a detailed consideration of colores rhetorici applicable to all kinds of composition, which takes up more than half the book.99 The extensive and often frequent quotations from ancient literature relect the assumption that the student would have had training in pagan texts before studying letter writing. Another work attributed to Alberico, Brevarium de dictamine, also discusses letter writing, but only as part of a longer treatise considering a range of other rhetorical topics.100 Because Alberico wrote the irst surviving manual providing the rules for the composition of letters, some scholars tend to regard him as the founder of ars dictaminis. Others, however – and I include myself among their number – disagree with that judgment. Alberico melds letter writing into a broad treatment of Latin composition.101 In contrast, the prime characteristic of medieval ars dictaminis as it developed in the twelfth century was its separation from the study of rhetoric in general.102 The igure who should more properly be considered the founder of ars dictaminis was Adalberto of Samaria, a layman teaching in Bologna, whose Praecepta dictaminum (written in Bologna between 1112 and 1118) was concerned only with letter writing to the exclusion of all other aspects of rhetoric.103 He knew Alberico’s work

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Viator 9 (1978): 135–55. Alberico of Montecassino’s manual is published as Flores rhetorici, ed. Mauro Inguanez and Henry M. Willard, Miscellanea cassinese, no. 14 (Montecassino, 1938). See the bibliography for Alberico in Anselmo Lentini, “Alberico,” in DBI, vol. 1 (1960), 646; and Paul Oskar Kristeller, “Philosophy and Rhetoric from Antiquity to the Renaissance: The Middle Ages,” in his Renaissance Thought and Its Sources, ed. Michael Mooney (New York, 1979), 318, n. 22. He did not, however, consider the salutatio a part of the letter proper; Flores, 36–38. Because conirmatio and refutatio appear to be included by Alberico in argumentatio, only partitio from the classical oration is omitted: Inv., I:22–23. In composing his letter in the form of an invective, Gunzo, it will be remembered, followed the six-part oratorial pattern faithfully. In the edition of the work, Alberico devotes pp. 35–41 to letter writing and 41–56 to the colores and other aspects of composition. The most complete edition of the Brevarium de dictamine is that by Peter-Christian Groll, who edited chapters 1–17 (of 22) for part 2 of his doctoral dissertation,“Das ‘Enchiridion de prosis et de rithmis’ des Alberich von Montecassino und die Anonymi ‘ars dictandi,’” Ph.D. diss., University of Freiburg, 1963). His edition, however, was based on only three of the ive manuscripts that have so far been identiied. Janine L. Peterson, “The Transmission and Reception of Alberic of Montecassino,” Scriptorium 57 (2003): 34–35, dates the irst seventeen chapters to 1082 and pp. 18–22 to early in the twelfth century. Alberico is the likely author of at least part of the work. Camargo, Ars dictaminis, ars dictandi, 30–31. Ward, “Rhetorical Theory and the Rise and Decline of Dictamen in the Middle Ages,” 177–90, maintains that in the twelfth century in both Italy and transalpine Europe ars dictaminis was taught separately from classical rhetorical theory. The text is published in Adalbertus samaritanus: Praecepta dictaminum, ed. Franz-Josef Schmale, MGH, Quellen zur Geistesgeschichte des Mittelalters, no. 3 (Weimar, 1961). Schmale believes him to be a layman (8). For dating, see Worstbrock, Repertorium, 1. Doubtless there were other masters in between Alberico and Adalberto whose works have not survived. Enrico Francigena (l. 1120s) refers to his own master as Anselmo: Patt, “Early Ars dictaminis,” 143, and Ugo of Bologna (l . 1120s)

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and criticized it for “repetitiousness” (reciprocaciones) and unspeciied “oddities” (inusitationes). Nevertheless, while Adalberto’s manual relected his awareness of a public primarily concerned with knowledge of the mechanics of letter writing, his observation that preparation for that art required previous training in grammar, rhetoric, and dialectic suggests that he had not yet divorced ars dictaminis from the traditional curriculum.104 From the fact that Adalberto frequently cited ancient authors in the theoretical sections of the manual and in the model letters, together with the fact that he composed the models in elaborate language, we may infer his commitment to the book culture of the previous century.105 His inclusion of papal, imperial, and episcopal letters indicates that he was setting a high standard for his students to imitate. Nonetheless, Adalberto’s emphasis on the importance of letter writing threatened the broad curriculum of study that he inherited. In a passage from one of his own model letters in which he endeavored to promote dictamen, Adalberto was unknowingly prophetic when he wrote, “For what advantage is it to anyone to sweat for a long time in the profession of grammar, if he does not know how, when it shall be necessary, to write at least one letter?”106 If, as the passage suggests, knowledge of letter writing might be the goal of one’s formal education, what need would there be “to sweat for a long time in the profession of grammar”? Adalberto’s successors would decide that there was none. The manuals of two of Adalberto’s contemporaries, Ugo of Bologna’s Rationes dictandi prosaice (ca. 1119–24) and Enrico Francigena’s Aurea gemma (ca. 1119–24), probably written in Pavia, were also narrowly concerned with letter writing.107 Enrico’s model letters resemble those of Adalberto in that they are written in a learned style with classical references, although fewer. By contrast, Ugo’s manual, dedicated to “D., Citizen of Ferrara, most just judex sacri palatii of the emperor,” ofers numerous models of letters for diferent occasions ranging in style from stilus altus to stilus humilis.108 In this way his manual meets the promise that he makes in

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in his Rationes dictandi prosaice, published in Ludwig Rockinger, Briefsteller und Formelbücher des eilften bis vierzehnten Jahrhunderts, Quellen und Erörterungen zur bayerischen und deutschen Geschichte, no. 9 (Munich, 1963), 1:53, defends Alberico against the attacks of Adalberto and a certain Aigulfo, who remains without further identiication. Adalberto, Praecepta, 31: “Primum itaque dictatorem oportet cognoscere grammaticam, rhetoricam, dialeticam, eloquentie studia huic operi necessaria.” In my discussion of ars dictaminis in my “The Arts of Letter-Writing,” in The Cambridge History of Literary Criticism. Vol. II: The Middle Ages, ed. Alastair Minnis and Ian Johnson (Oxford, 2005), 70, I presented Adalberto as both reducing the ield of rhetoric to letter writing and divorcing it from the literary tradition grounded in the classics. I now conclude, however, that while he deserves credit for the irst innovation, the divorce from the Latin classics occurred in the work of Adalberto’s contemporary Ugo and generally in writers of the following generation. Adalberto’s letter is included among the model letters in Ugo’s Rationes dictandi, 84: “Quid enim prodest alicui diu gramaticae professioni insudare, si nescierit cum oportuerit – saltim unam epistolam dictare?” Enrico’s collection of letters is published by Odebrecht, “Briefmuster,” 242–61. The preface to the work was published by Ernst H. Kantorowicz, “Anonymi Aurea gemma,” Medievalia et humanistica 1 (1943): 56–57. Ugo’s salutation reads (53): “Ugo bononiensis ecclesie canonicus et sacerdos humillimus seruus crucis Cristi D Ferariensium civi sacri palacii imperatoris equissimo iudici salutem et peticionis

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the preface that the work will serve the needs not only of beginning students but also of more experienced letter writers. Generally his models for the salutation and exordium are elaborate, and students could have been expected to choose among them for the one appropriate to a particular occasion. If Adalberto was the founder of ars dictaminis, Ugo was the creator of the letter in stilus humilis, which would become the trademark of Bolognese ars dictaminis and the dominant style of letter writing in Italy for the next three hundred years.109 The Summa dictaminum (1144/45) by Master Bernardo, a cleric who was either French or had close ties to Francia, returns letter writing to its place in the broader ield of rhetoric in general.110 Bernardo had already published an earlier letterwriting manual in Bologna, the Rationes dictandi (ca. 1138–43), that would exert an enormous inluence on the ield. Apparently a partial draft of the longer Summa, the Rationes dictandi laid out in detail what was to become the standard ive-part letter of ars dictaminis: salutatio, benevolentie captatio (also called the exordium), narratio, petitio, and conclusio.111 While the Summa constituted an ampliication of the teachings of the Rationes on letter writing, the work in its later sections went beyond dictamen to treat a wide range of genres of literary composition.112 Uncharacteristically for Italian artes dictaminis of the period, the book began with a verse prologue consisting of thirty-six hexameter lines, seventeen of which were borrowed from the epilogue of Marbod of Rennes’s De ornamentis verborum. It then proceeded to discuss at length the ive-part letter with many examples (fols. 1–37) and then gave instructions in writing metric (fols. 37v–58v) and rhythmic poetry (fols. 59–70), and in colores rhetorici (fols. 70–86).113 We might expect that the evident commitment of the author to the traditional book culture would have produced letters as elaborately worded as those of

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efectum.” As for his audience, he writes that, with these rules, “disciplinam rudibus et documenta provectis breviter conmodeque traderem.” For an example of Ugo’s stilus humilis, see my “The Arts of Letter-Writing,” 72. Repertorium, 30. In his examples in the Summa, he mentions such place-names as Paris, Lyon, Arles, Cluny, and Clairvaux, along with Italian place-names. For a description, see Repertorium, 24–27. The irst of the two parts of the Rationes dictandi was published by Rockinger, Briefsteller und Formelbücher, 1:9–28, who mistakenly attributed it to Alberico of Montecassino; Repertorium, 25. Signiicantly, in the course of explaining the rules of the art, the author made only one classical reference and that a commonplace. The author paraphrased Cicero, In Cat. 3.5: “Quis sim, ex eo quem ad te misi cognosces.” See James J. Murphy, Three Medieval Rhetorical Arts (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1971), 20, who translates from Rockinger’s edition. Murphy, however, attributes the quotation to Sallust. For a description of the Summa dictaminum, which remains unpublished, see Repertorium, 29–31. My folio citations are taken from Biblioteca dell’Accademia dei Filopatridi Savignano dei Rubicone, 45. I am grateful to Dr. Arturo Menghi Sartorio, librarian of the Accademia, for sending me a disk version of the manuscript. The treatise on rhetorical colors is essentially taken from Marbod’s De ornamentis verborum. The manuscript also includes two letter collections, one ascribed to Bernardo (fols. 86–133v) and the other to his disciple Guido (fols. 134–54v). For Guido’s letter collections, see below n. 122. The opening verses and the section on Latin verse in the Summa make it highly probable that he was the author of the treatises on Latin metric and rhyme in the Savignano di Romagna manuscript. Bernardo’s manual enjoyed enormous popularity in northern Europe, where it it well with a thriving traditional book culture: Repertorium, 24.

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Adalberto or Enrico. The letters in the collection ascribed to Bernardo dated from their contents to 1142–44, however, are syntactically uncomplicated and highly formulaic. They raise the question of why Bernardo would have thought the Summa’s extensive treatment of rhetorical igures and linguistic detail necessary.114 As for classical references, the letters contain only two. Aphoristic in character, the one taken from Lucan and the other from Sallust, both had probably already become proverbial among dictatores.115 The collection of model letters attached to the Introductiones prosaici dictaminis (1145–52), a work closely related to the Summa dictaminum, perhaps composed by one of Bernardo’s students, exhibits the same tendency to streamline letter writing by composing in stilus humilis.116 The anonymous author imitates earlier manuals by including letters from emperors and popes in his collection, but in this case they are all imaginary creations, written in the same simpliied style as his other models.117 A second contemporary collection, this one of Tuscan origin, dated 1154/55, ofers model letters that can easily be imitated, but they deal largely with local politics and everyday relationships.118 The editor of the collection refers to it as a “forerunner of municipal ars dictandi.”119 The collection was typical of ars dictaminis manuals in the second half of the century in that it consisted merely of model letters with no discussion of theory.120 It has been suggested that after 1150 dictatores no longer needed to discuss the theoretical aspects of dictamen in their manuals because they could teach theory from the older manuals.121 While this may be partly true, the absence of theoretical discussions after 1150 more likely indicates that, given the development of a new streamlined style of letter writing, teachers felt able to teach students dictamen simply by imitating 114

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Bernardus bononiensis: Multiplices epistole que diversis et variis negotiis utiliter possunt accomodari, ed. Virgilio Pini (Bologna, 1969). I do not understand the ascription “bononiensis.” Bernardo cites (20) Lucan, I:281: “semper nocuit diferre paratis,” and quotes (21) Sallust, Iug. 10.6: “nam concordia parvae res crescunt, discordia maximae dilabuntur.” The latter quotation had already appeared both in Adalberto, 24, and Enrico of Francigena, 253. The Introductiones prosaici dictaminis is described in Repertorium, 37–42, and dated as written between 1145 and 1152 (38). The Repertorium says of its author (24): “Möglicherweise handelt es sich um das Werk eines Schülers des Bernardus.” Charles H. Haskins, “An Italian Master Bernard,” in Essays in History Presented to Reginald Lane Poole, ed. H. W. Carless Davis (Oxford, 1927), 215, notes that no classical author is mentioned in the manual except Cicero. Presumably, the citations from Cicero would have been from the rhetorical manuals. Hermann Kalbfuss, “Eine Bologneser Ars dictandi des XII. Jahrhunderts,” Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken 16 (1914): 1–35. Helene Wieruszowski, “A Twelfth-Century Ars dictaminis in the Barberini Collection of the Vatican Library,” Traditio 18 (1962): 382–92. She dates the manuscript 1154/55 (384). Ibid., 385. Wieruszowski (385) considers the references to mythology and the scattering of Ovidian references as indicating that the teaching of ars dictaminis was “still based on a thorough study of ancient authors.” Given that these are models, the level of Latin training required of a student to put together his own letter would have been equivalent to Latin II in a modern American high school. Cf. Patt, “Early Ars dictaminis,” 149. I should add that two northern Italian manuals were roughly contemporary with Bernardo’s Summa: Praecepta prosaici dictaminis secundum Tullium, ca. 1140, and Alberto of Asti, Flores dictandi, ca. 1148–53. Both were devoted strictly to letter writing. For a description of the manuals, see Repertorium, 152–53 and 19–20, respectively. Charles H. Haskins, “Early Artes dictandi in Italy,” Studies in Medieval Culture (New York, 1929), 188. Cf. Wieruszowski, “A Twelfth-Century Ars dictaminis,” 385.

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the forms and language of the model letters that they provided in their manuals without speciic recourse to theory. About twenty years lay between the irst and second generation of manuals, but already in the irst generation Ugo, when writing to a layman, showed himself willing to abandon the elitist conception of the letter as a manifestation of the writer’s training in the book culture. Despite the elaborate pretensions of second-generation manuals such as the Summa dictaminum and the Introductiones prosaice dictaminis, dictatores realized that style had to it the capacities of the expanding mass of new learners, both laymen and clerics.That involved fashioning a new form of eloquence using elements of the stilus humilis, a form that could be mastered by students with only a modest level of training in grammar. As it had done in the study of Roman and canon law, Bologna became the leading center for the study of ars dictaminis in Italy, with a continuous tradition of teaching over the following century. One of Bernardo’s students, Guido, a canon of the Bolognese cathedral, taught the subject at the cathedral in the 1150s.122 In the 1180s, Geofrey of Vinsauf was giving instruction in dictamen in the city, likely in his own school, and from the 1190s Boncompagno and Bene of Florence taught ars dictaminis there for several decades.123 Guido Faba followed them in the 1230s and 1240s. TRADITIONAL CATHEDRAL DISCIPLINES: GRAMMAR AND THEOLOGY

Although the methods of teaching Latin grammar in Italian schools do not appear to have altered drastically in the twelfth century, two new textbooks were introduced, one composed in the second half of the eleventh and the other early in the twelfth century. Until then the basic textbooks for grammar had been the late-ancient Ars grammatica of Donatus, an elementary text, and the Institutiones grammaticae of Priscian, an advanced one.124 Both of the older texts provided a prescriptive analysis of Latin grammar and used examples drawn from ancient Latin authors to illustrate the rules, but neither paid much attention to the construction of sentences using the parts of speech. Conceived as a basic text for students whose native language was Latin, Donatus’s work did not provide models for declining nouns and adjectives or for conjugating verbs. 122

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Guido is probably the author of Modi dictaminum, which Repertorium (69–70) dates to ca. 1159. Like Ugo, Guido was a canon of Bologna: Augusto Campana, “Lettera di quattro maestri dello ‘Studio’ di Bologna all’Imperatore Federigo I nelle Epistolae del dettatore Guido,” Atti del Convegno internazionale di studi accursiani (Ott. 21–26, Bologna, 1963), ed. Guido Rossi, 3 vols. (Milan, 1968), 1:134–38. A letter collection, Incipiunt epistole secundum rectum et naturalem ordinem a Guidone non inutiliter composite, very probably his, is found in Savignano sul Rubiconte, Ms. 68, fols. 134–154v. It remains unpublished: Repertorium, 69.These letters consistently begin with elaborate salutationes and exordia (easily compiled from lists in manuals) followed by simple narrationes. The clerical character of most of the correspondence likely relects Guido’s teaching in a cathedral school. The work of these later dictatores will be discussed in Chapter 11, “The New Arts of Rhetoric.” The best analysis of the development of grammar in Western Europe is Robert Black, Humanism and Education in Medieval and Renaissance Italy:Tradition and Innovation in Latin Schools from the Twelfth to the Fifteenth Century (Cambridge, 2001). For the relationship of Priscian and Donatus to the new grammar manuals of the eleventh and twelfth centuries, see especially 44–55.

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The southern Italian grammarians of the ninth century Ilderico and Orso had already indicated dissatisfaction with Donatus and Priscian by composing their own advanced grammars that combined instruction found in Donatus and Priscian with that of other ancient grammarians.125 Nonetheless, Ilderico’s and Orso’s books proved no easier to study than those of their ancient predecessors, and neither seems to have enjoyed wide circulation. Papias’s mid-eleventh-century Ars grammatica, however, took a diferent approach to teaching advanced grammar. Essentially a summary of Priscian’s rules, the Ars grammatica drew on other sources as well. Papias remained largely faithful to Priscian’s organization, but he treated only phonetics and parts of speech. He did so, but in a form that made it easier for students to memorize the rules and generally facilitated learning the language.126 In his efort to summarize Priscian, Papias omitted almost all references to the Greek language as well as most of the Latin quotations that Priscian had used to illustrate the lessons. When Papias did provide examples taken from Priscian’s text, he usually deleted the name of the ancient author. Where he felt the need to clarify the presentation, he rearranged the order of treatment and occasionally added deinitions of Priscian’s terms. Aware of changes in the language since Priscian’s time, Papias designed his grammar to it the needs of contemporary learners.127 Of forty-six twelfth-century copies of Priscian whose provenance is known almost all have been found in transalpine monasteries. Only four have been identiied in the regnum. The regnum’s holdings of Priscian, however, rose relatively in the decades around 1200 to three of twelve.128 The number of manuscripts of Papias from known locations are much fewer in the twelfth century: ive of which one was from the regnum.129 By the twelfth century, although comparison of the number of manuscripts of Priscian with those of Papias would suggest the opposite, Priscian may already have been replaced in innovative educational institutions by Papias’s summary. Priscian’s is a large manuscript, laborious to copy and diicult to replace. It would have been carefully warehoused. Papias’s summary version is considerably smaller, easier to copy, and less likely to be closely guarded in monastic libraries. Paradoxically, therefore, if in this case we accept the rule of the survival of the unittest, the smaller number of surviving Papias manuscripts would relect the fact that the work was more heavily used than was Priscian, both in Italy and in Francia.130 I see no way of moving from this assumption, however, to a solid assessment of the extent to which the two grammars served teachers’ needs on either side of the Alps. A second new manual, designed to remedy the shortcomings of the ancient textbooks of grammar at the elementary level, appeared as early as the irst decades of the twelfth century. Destined to become the core manual for teaching the subject down to 1500, the Janua ofered students extensive paradigms of nouns, verbs, 125 126 127

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See Chapter 1, under “Italian Intellectual Life Beyond the Regnum.” The text has been edited by Roberta Cervani, Papiae Ars grammatica (Bologna, 1998). Roberta Cervani, “Considerazioni sulla difusione dei testi grammaticali: La tradizione di Donato, Prisciano, Papias,” BISI 91 (1984): 411–21. Cf. Black, Humanism and Education, 49 and 51. Cervani, “Considerazioni sulla difusione dei testi grammaticali,” 401–3. Ibid., 406. For my discussion of the rule, see my introduction, p. 11.

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participles, and pronouns, along with rules for their formation and a thorough discussion of irregularities in their application. Whereas Donatus’s grammar assumed knowledge of Latin morphology, the Janua made no such assumption. Divided into eight sections, each corresponding to a part of speech, the Janua proceeded by asking a question, providing an answer, and giving an example or examples.The author left no technical term undeined.131 For earlier centuries in Italian schools, teachers who were charged with teaching elementary grammar had doubtless complemented oral instruction with morphological paradigms, accompanied by lists of exceptions. The originality of the author of the Janua lay in his integrating this instruction into a systematic form. In light of the expanding Italian interest in practical Latin literacy, it is tempting to see this new elementary grammar as an efort to simplify instruction, even though the course of study that its pages suggest would have required about two or three years of grammar school to complete.132 While, given its elementary nature, the Janua would have been far more widespread than the manual of Papias, no Italian manuscripts of the work or even fragments exist before the thirteenth century.133 Evidently the Janua, a schoolbook of little monetary value, passed from the hands of one generation of masters to another and did not survive rough and intensive usage.134 The circulation of the Janua was not conined to Italy, but by the second half of the twelfth century, a northern elementary grammar similar to it, probably of French origin, also appeared.135 These two elementary manuals along with Papias’s led to a general improvement in the instruction of Latin grammar and relected a growing interest in learning the language. In the case of Italy we have no idea, however, what reading texts complemented the grammar manuals, nor what reading material, if any, followed the basic courses. Formal grammar education for most students in the regnum did not likely go much beyond the Janua, and if further education was involved, students rarely went beyond lessons in ars dictaminis. 131 132

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Black, Humanism and Education, 44–63 and 369–78. As we shall see, only two years of grammar training was suicient for entry into notarial school (see Chap. 9, n. 32). According to a model letter in Bene of Florence’s Candelabrum (Bene lorentini Candelabrum, ed. Gian C. Alessio, Thesaurus mundi: Biblioteca scriptorum latinorum mediae et recentioris aetatis, no. 2 [Padua, 1983] 219), three years of preparation in grammar were normal for canon law in early thirteenth-century Bologna: “Sciatis quod Bononie gramaticam tribus annis audivi, biennio in logica laboravi, tandem in iure canonico sum titulum magisterii consecutus.” It seems likely that these requirements relect the expectation that the basic grammar book would be completed within two or three years. Black, ibid., 48, maintains that “it was assumed” that pupils “would progress further in the study of Latin language and literature.” Given the practical orientation of Italian Latin culture, I do not think that this can be assumed. Although the irst example of the text is a Germanic manuscript dating from the second half of the twelfth century, the Italian origin of the text is indicated by the geographical names mentioned in it, all belonging to postancient Italy (ibid., 369). The manuscript tradition for the Janua is found in ibid., 373–78. The argument that the absence of evidence suggests extensive use of the Janua cannot be extended to Donatus, who seems not to have exercised much inluence on the teaching of grammar in the twelfth century (ibid., 48–49). See the listing of twelfth-century Donatus manuscripts whose origin can be ascertained, Cervani, “Considerazioni sulla difusione dei testi grammaticali,” 401. Black, Humanism and Education, 46, shows that the full Janua was already in circulation before “the two earliest skeletal manuscripts” appear. He believes these manuscripts were written in northern Francia.

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Apart from the discussion of ars dictaminis, there is little more to say about the study of rhetoric in the regnum down to 1180, nor do we know much about the teaching of the other member of the trivium (logic or dialectic). Despite what appears to have been a vigorous beginning in the eleventh century down to the Investiture Struggle, the study of logic in the twelfth century waned, becoming subservient to instruction in Roman and canon law. Of the seven indications that logic was being taught in the twelfth century, three are unhelpful. A certain Petrus dialecticus witnessed a document in Mantua in 1140; at Vercelli late in the twelfth century a canon was skilled in dialectica; and a manual of dialectic, with no marginal annotations, survives in a twelfth-century manuscript that had been donated to the cathedral school in Lucca sometime before 1194.136 Adalberto’s insistence that the study of ars dictaminis required preparation in grammar, rhetoric, and logic, and the claim of Enrico of Francigena’s student to be studying law and dialectic at Pavia (if it was indeed Aristotelian logic), evidence coming from the irst quarter of the twelfth century, however, makes it likely that logic was being taught at least at Pavia and Bologna in that period. If a late twelfth-century gloss on the De sophisticis elenchis that attributes an earlier commentary on the work to a certain Master Alberic is correct, we have reason to believe that the master wrote it while teaching somewhere in the regnum in the second quarter of the century.137 He was likely the Parisian logician with whom John of Salisbury studied and who left Paris for Bologna around 1142, not to reappear in Paris until sometime after 1146. Alberic not only based his commentary on the translation of the text by Giacomo of Venice, but he also utilized Giacomo’s commentary on the work written about 1130. Given the recent nature of Giacomo’s work, it seems likely that Alberic irst encountered the De sophisticis elenchis and Giacomo’s commentary in Italy.138 The strongest evidence for the existence of courses in logic in the regnum, however, is found in a poem composed by Walter of Châtillon in 1174 and addressed to students at Bologna, among them young students of the trivium, that is, logic, grammar, and rhetoric.139 It seems unlikely, however, that instruction in logic at Bologna 136

137

138

139

For Mantua, see L’Archivio capitulare della cattedrale di Mantova ino alla caduta dei Bonacolsi, ed. Pietro Torelli (Verona, 1924), 26, doc. 18. For the canon of Vercelli skilled in dialectic, see Chapter 9, n. 72. The Lucchese manual is discussed in Chapter 6, “The Cathedral Schools.” Lambertus M. de Rijk, Logica modernorum: A Contribution to the History of Early Terminist Logic, 2 vols. in 3 pts., Wijsgerige teksten en studies, no. 6 (Assen, 1962), 1:82–83. Ibid., 85–86. Citing John of Salisbury’s Metalogicon, 10, as evidence, de Rijk suggests that Master Alberic was in Bologna after 1142. The relevant passage in John is found in Ioannis Saresberiensis episcopi carnotensis Metalogicon libri IIII recognovit et prolegomenis, apparatu critico, commentario, indicibus, ed. Clement C. I.Webb (Oxford, 1929), 78–79. De Rijk reasons that the gloss was composed at Bologna: Logica modernorum, 1:87–88. Cf. Lambertus M. de Rijk, “Some New Evidence on Twelfth-Century Logic: Alberic and the School of Mont Ste. Geneviève (Montani),” Vivarium 4 (1966): 18–19. On Giacomo’s commentary, see Sten Ebensen, “Jacopus Veneticus on the Posterior Analytics and some early 13th-century Oxford Masters on the Elenchi,” Cahiers de l’Institut du moyen âge grec et latin 21 (1977): 1–3. Incidentally, it might have been by means of Alberic’s teaching that the De sophisticis elenchis gained entry into the legal commentaries in the second half of the twelfth century. It appears to have been the only text of Aristotle’s logica nova to do so. The speech is published in Moralish-Satirische Gedichte Walters von Chatillon: Aus deutschen, englischen, französischen und italienischen Handschriften, ed. Karl Strecker (Heidelberg, 1929), 38–52.

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or in any other school of the regnum went beyond the elementary level, in that until well into the thirteenth century no document provides us with the name of a teacher of the subject. Until at least late in the twelfth century, consequently, the study of logic in the regnum appears to have remained elementary, afording students only the basic knowledge of the subject useful in their legal studies.140 Like the trivium, theology was a traditional subject of the cathedral school, but apart from the writings of Pietro Damiani, it is diicult to identify a theological work written in the regnum in the eleventh century or the early decades of the twelfth. A revival of interest in theology appeared only in the 1130s, and by mid-century Bologna had become the principal center for teaching the subject in Italy. Between 1159 and 1161, four teachers at Bologna sent a letter to Frederick I appealing his order that all students from anti-imperialist cities be expelled from the city. Their request was that an exemption be made at least for clerics from three cities, Brescia, Cremona, and Milan.141 In all likelihood all four petitioners were canonists, but only Gandolfo and Rolando, who were both canonists and theologians, can be identiied.142 Rolando, canonist and theologian, was possibly French, but given the frequency with which Italians studied philosophy and theology in Francia, he may have been an Italian who returned to his country after inishing his schooling.143 The experience of Landolfo Junior and his Milanese friends, who studied theology and biblical exegesis at Laon circa 1109, suggests that a stream of young Italians, who initially sought out Lanfranco and Anselmo, continued to low across the Alps in 140

141

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143

In fact, we have only a sketchy idea of what teaching of logic there was before 1250. It is revealing that the articles in L’insegnamento della logica a Bologna nel XIV secolo, ed. Dino Buzzetti, Maurizio Ferriani, and Andrea Tabarroni, Studi e memorie per la storia dell’Università di Bologna, n.s., no. 8 (Bologna, 1992), make no reference to the history of logic at Bologna before the second half of the thirteenth century. Campana, “Lettera di quattro maestri bolognese,” 1:140–41. The title of the letter to the emperor, “Magistrorum epistola ad Imperatorem pro suo negotio” (ibid., 140), implies that the teachers were directly concerned with the efects of the imperial decree of expulsion were it to be fully enforced (ibid., 143). Doubtless their income would have been afected. Conciliar decrees of 1179 and 1215 forbade beneiced clergy to teach for compensation, but only if students were clerics of the same church or pauperes: Giuseppe Manacorda, Storia della scuola in Italia. Il medio evo, 1 vol. in 2 pts. (Milan and Palermo, 1913), 1.1:69–72. Rudolf Weigand, “Magister Rolandus und Papst Alexander III,” Archiv für katholisches Kirchenrecht 149 (1980): 7, n. 20, identiies Guidotto as possibly G. de Bornardo but cannot further identify magister Petrus. He considers both canonists. On Gandolfo’s theological writing, see Ghellinck, Mouvement théologique, 297–373. On his canon law writings, see Augusto Campana, “Lettera di quattro maestri bolognese,” 146, n. 30. The Rolando subscribing to this document is not identical with Alexander III, who taught theology earlier at Bologna according to the later witness of Uguccio: John T. Noonan, “Who Was Rolandus?” Law, Church, and Society: Essays in Honor of Stephan Kuttner, ed. Kenneth Pennington and Robert Somerville (Philadelphia, 1977), 43–44; and Weigand, “Magister Rolandus,” 7–8. Cf. Weigand, “Frühe Kanonisten,” 136–37. Rather, he is a canonist and theologian writing in the 1150s and early 1160s. Also see James A. Brundage, “Marriage and Sexuality in the Decretals of Pope Alexander III,” in Miscellanea: Rolando Bandinelli Papa Alessandro III, ed. Filippo Liotta (Siena, 1986), 59, n. 3. While he acknowledges extensive traits of Abelardian thought in Rolando’s work that may have come from study in Francia, Noonan, “Who Was Rolandus?” 39–40 and 41, suggests that he might have been Modenese in origin.

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the twelfth century, now principally in search of French masters in cities like Laon, Paris, and Orléans.144 In his Summa (ca. 1155), Rolando goes further than any contemporary theologian except Pietro Lombardo in critically examining the sources in his theological treatise and identifying his own position toward them.145 The inluence of Abelard is shown in Rolando’s reliance on dialectic, his clear deinition of terms, his rigorous analytical methodology, his use of questions and answers, and in the major rubrics he used for organizing his material. By contrast, Gandulfo’s theological tract, Sententiae, written perhaps a decade later, is largely an abridgement of Pietro Lombardo’s Liber sententiarum, which Pietro had written in Francia. Gandulfo reproduced Lombardo’s solutions but lacked the citations and critique of authorities that the original contained.146 For a brief period from the 1130s to possibly the 1150s the cathedral school at Lucca appears to have ofered courses in theology. Oddone of Lucca, bishop of the diocese of Lucca after 1138, may have been one of the young men who studied theology in Francia, but the only evidence for his teaching theology at Lucca comes from a mistaken attribution to him of a Summa sententiarum in some manuscripts of the work.147 Oddone’s one appearance in the surviving documents of the cathedral chapter lists him only as a priest.148 Nevertheless, there is some indication that at least 144

145

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148

Lotulfo of Novara, a cleric hostile to Abelard, was such an émigré scholar who came to Francia to study with Anselm of Laon and remained: Lino Cassani, “La scuola di Novara ai tempi di Pier Lombardo,” Miscellanea lombardiana (Novara, 1957), 369; Damien Van den Eynde, “Du nouveau sur deux maîtres contemporains du Maître des Sentences,” Pier Lombardo 1 (1953): 6–9; and John R. Williams, “The Cathedral School of Reims in the Time of Master Alberic, 1118–1136,” Traditio 20 (1964): 93–114. Rolando’s Summa is published by Friedrich Thaner, Summa magistri Rolandi nachmals Papstes Alexander III (Innsbruck, 1874), who considered it to have been authored by Rolando Bandinelli. I have summarized the basic aspects of the work drawing on Marcia Colish, “Systematic Theology and Theological Renewal in the Twelfth Century,” Journal of Medieval and Renaissance Studies 18 (1988): 150–51. Ghellinck, Mouvement théologique, 315–43, as well as the editor’s introduction to the Sententiae: Magistri Gandulphi bononiensis Sententiarum libri quatuor, ed. Joannes de Walter (Vienna and Breslau, 1924), xl–lxix. My characterization of the work is taken from Marcia Colish, “From the Sentence Collection to the Sentence Commentary and the Summa,” 18–19. Ferruccio Gastaldelli, in his Wilhelmus Lucensis: Comentum in tertiam Ierarchiam Dionisii que est De divinis nominibus, ed. Ferruccio Gastaldelli (Florence, 1983), xxvii–xl, identiies the Summa sententiarum, a work of systematic theology on which Lombard depended heavily for his own compilation, as Oddone’s achievement. On the attribution of the work in surviving manuscripts, see ibid., 537–41. On the great importance of the work, see Ghellinck, Mouvement théologique, 197–203. For a description of its contents, see Marcia Colish, “Systematic Theology,” 145–46; it is published in PL 176, cols. 41–174. Gastaldelli dates the writing between 1138 and 1141 (“La Summa sententiarum,” 546). David E. Luscombe, The School of Peter Abelard:The Inluence of Abelard’s Thought in the Early Scholastic Period (Cambridge, 1969), 211–12, believes that the author could have been a disciple of Hugh of Saint Victor, but he ofers no name. Marcia Colish, however, informs me that the author, in discussing sacraments in cases where there were diferences in administration as between the Gallican and Roman churches, identiies himself as a member of the former church: Summa sent. 5.4, 7.14–7.17, 7.20: PL 176, cols. 130, 165–66, and 170. This efectively refutes the attribution to Oddone. “Nos Albertus et Albericus et Rainerius et Oddus presbiteri et Gerardus et Amatus diaconi atque Hubertus simulque Anselmus subdiaconi et confratres ecclesiae et canonice S. Martini ...”: Regesta

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two theologians of the next generation, Pietro Lombardo and Guglielmo of Lucca, had studied in the local cathedral school in Oddone’s time, and that the cathedral was not without contact with some of the great theological minds of Francia. A letter of Hugh of Saint Victor’s expressing appreciation for Lucca’s hospitality in providing housing for him may not be much, but evidence of the tie of Lucca to Gilbert de la Porrée and Bernard of Clairvaux is stronger.149 A letter of Bernard to Gilduin (1114–55), abbot of Saint Victor, written circa 1134, explained that Pietro (Lombardo) had, with Bernard’s assistance, already spent a brief time studying at Rheims and now wanted to come to Paris for a short period.150 He recommended the young man on behalf of “pater et amicus noster” Uberto, bishop of Lucca. That phrase suggests that not only Bernard but also Pietro had a connection to Lucca. Indeed, Uberto’s support of the young scholar may mean that Pietro had studied in his city, perhaps with Oddone. As his name indicates, Guglielmo of Lucca (d. 1178), a professor of theology at Bologna in the third quarter of the twelfth century, originally came from Lucca and probably began his studies there.151 Guglielmo’s aggressive use of Abelardian dialectic raises the possibility that he had studied in Francia and aligns him with two colleagues, Rolando and Omnebene (d. 1185), another Bolognese teacher of theology whose work showed strong sympathies with Abelard’s thought.152 Guglielmo applied Abelard’s methodology in composing a commentary written between 1169 and 1177 on Pseudo-Dionysius’s De divinis nominibus, written between 1169 and 1177 and his only surviving work.153 Generally speaking, the theological work done in Italy in the middle decades of the twelfth century was heavily inluenced by Abelard’s methodology and thought, but possibly with the exception of Rolando, whose origin is obscure, it does not seem to have been especially innovative. To a large extent, the traditional symbiotic

149

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151 152

153

del Capitolo di Lucca, ed Pietro Guidi and Oreste Parenti, Regesta Cartarum Italiae, vol. 6 (Rome, 1910), 354, doc. 821 (1125). Before his death in 1141, probably in 1133 when the curia was at Pisa, Hugh of Saint Victor visited Lucca and later wrote to the canons thanking them for his stay: Ghellinck, Mouvement théologique, 190. The gift of a manuscript of Hilary’s rare De Trinitate to the cathedral of Lucca made by the French theologian Gilbert of Poitiers (d. 1154) suggests a special tie with the cathedral. His name was also registered among the obituaries of the cathedral: Gastaldelli, Wilhelmus lucensis. Comentum, xxxii–xxxiii. Uberto may have met Bernard when the latter was at Pisa in 1133: Gastaldelli, “La Summa sententiarum,” 543. The relationship, however, could have predated 1133. Epistole, Sancti Bernardi Opera, ed. Jean Leclercq and Henri Rochais, 8 vols. (Rome, 1957–77), 8:391: “Dominus Lucensis episcopus, pater et amicus noster, commendavit mihi virum venerabilem P. Lombardum, rogans ut ei parvo tempore, quo moraretur in Francia causa studii, per amicos nostros victui necessaria provideram ...”; cf. Gastaldelli, “La Summa sententiarum,” 542–43. On Lombardo’s life, see Joseph de Ghellinck, “Pierre Lombard,” Dictionnaire théologique catholique, vol. 12 (Paris, 1935), cols. 1941–43; and especially Marcia Colish, Peter Lombard, 2 vols. (Leiden and New York, 1994), 1:15–23. Colish’s study is the deinitive work on Lombard’s thought. On his teaching in Bologna, see Gastaldelli, Wilhelmus lucensis: Comentum, xliv. Luscombe, The School of Peter Abelard, 244–60. On Omnebene as canonist and theologian, see Weigand, “Frühe Kanonisten,” 137–38. He left Bologna in 1157 to become bishop of Verona. On Rolando as a canonist, see above, n. 142. On Guglielmo and Abelard, see Gastaldelli, Wilhelmus lucenis: Comentum, lxiii. Gastaldelli, Wilhelmus lucenis: Comentum, xciii, for dates.

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relationship between canon law and theology served for a time to maintain a level of interest in theological studies in Bologna, but that interest steadily diminished as canon lawyers, especially Uguccio, systematically iltered theology out of canon law in favor of more strictly juridical conceptions. That no theological works by Bolognese theologians after Guglielmo exist up at least to 1250 does not mean, of course, that none were written, but rather that none have survived. Theological thinking could not go much beyond the point it had reached by the 1180s without making use of the corpus of Aristotelian works on philosophy, natural science, and advanced logic, but Italian cathedral schools, the likely site for such speculative work, evinced no particular interest in such a demanding undertaking. The future of the ield lay in the hands of thinkers in transalpine Europe who were eager to create ambitious conceptual models of the universe based on the full Aristotelian corpus of writings on natural science and logic. From the 1220s, Paris-trained Franciscan and Dominican theologians would introduce to the regnum the new scholastic approach to theology, but until the second half of the thirteenth century, such theology remained largely a transalpine importation. CONCLUSION

The twelfth century witnessed a reconstruction of the political institutions of the regnum, a task that thrust legal professionals into new positions of responsibility. Consequently, intellectual life during the century was caught in an updraft caused by the rapid growth of new disciplines. An intellectual elite, Roman and canon lawyers, represented the pinnacle of achievement in the evolving legal–rhetorical culture, while notaries occupied a second tier. However, of greater importance than legal studies for fostering the new mentality because many more people had access to it, ars dictaminis, the third new discipline, provided a democratized version of rhetoric only somewhat less formulaic than that of notarial documents. Requiring only elementary grammatical knowledge, the rules of ars dictaminis could be learned in a matter of months, and in exercising the art individuals had at their disposal model letters to guide their own compositions.Within the context of legal–rhetorical education ars dictaminis served at the secondary level between elementary grammar and specialization in one of the legal disciplines. The appearance in the early twelfth century of an innovative grammar book, the Janua, designed to meet the needs of students whose irst language was not Latin, relects a new creativity on the part of teachers of one of the traditional subjects of the school curriculum. This eicient manual shortened the period required for embarking on the study of ars dictaminis and of canon and Roman law texts. Papias’s Ars grammatica would have fulilled the same purpose at the next level of grammar study in the case of students intending to read ancient pagan and patristic literature. As for theology, Italian scholars who, attracted to the innovative thinking introduced in Francia by Anselmo of Aosta and Peter Abelard, had crossed the mountains for their training and then returned home, succeeded by the middle decades of the century in raising the level of theological discourse in their own country. By 1180, however, that time had passed. In the absence of a concerted efort in Italy to exploit 266

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the logica nova and Aristotle’s philosophical and scientiic texts, the study of theology, insulated from developments in the ield taking place north of the Alps, by the late twelfth century lost whatever vitality it had enjoyed. As we shall see in the next chapter, the spectacular success of ars dictaminis attests to a growing market for literacy among laymen and clerics alike, a market that encouraged the expansion of private schools, often mobile, devoted to teaching grammar and rhetoric. Private schools were mentioned as early as the tenth century, and in the eleventh the private law school, run by a practicing lawyer, already seems to have been the dominant institution for teaching the subject. In teaching the new discipline of canon law, canon lawyers in the twelfth century tended to follow the institutional model of their colleagues in secular law. The disruptions caused in the ecclesiastical establishment by the decades of conlict over investiture, moreover, coupled with the inlexibility of traditional institutions, opened to laymen the opportunity to exploit the new market for a streamlined approach to rhetoric and even to rival the parish priest and collegiate churches in teaching grammar school, if not so much primary school. Although we can speak only in general terms regarding the link between the commercial revolution and the developments in education discussed in this chapter, nonetheless it is fair to say that the expanding economy reinforced the causes promoting the ascension of the legal–rhetorical disciplines. Because landholding, agricultural techniques, and commercial transactions all became more complex, knowledge of the ars notaria and of Roman and feudal law became a valuable commodity. Ars dictaminis not only often served as the bridge between grammar school and notarial training but facilitated communication in a commercial and political society whose interests extended beyond the local perimeter. The increasing monetarization of the economy and the widened distribution of the growing wealth of Italian society, moreover, encouraged the commodiication of education, making teaching a possible way of earning one’s livelihood and ultimately leading laymen to compete with clerics for students at every level of education.

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Chapter 6

The Institutional Structure of Education, 1100–1180

his chapter aims to describe as far as possible the institutional structure of education in the regnum in the twelfth century. In the previous century, with the exception of emerging private schools of law taught by practicing lawyers, the organization of formal education remained traditional. In short, although there had been private teachers and tutors since at least the tenth century, primary and secondary education remained largely in the hands of parish priests, collegial churches, and monastic establishments in both town and country. Parents interested in having their children develop skill in grammar probably sent them on to the diocesan school in the cathedral.The most prominent cathedral schools also ofered an advanced curriculum including the study of ancient pagan and patristic literature, a number of theological texts, and collections of canon law. In the case of monasteries, most schools were likely restricted to boys or girls who were either already oblates or potential oblates. That traditional educational structure fractured in the twelfth century. The study of Roman law became a discipline taught entirely in private lay schools, while collegiate churches and private schools shared the teaching of the two other new disciplines, canon law and ars dictaminis. A further challenge to the traditional arrangement in the twelfth century came from lay grammar schools, which now competed directly with church schools. In the countryside, where generally only primary education was available, schooling remained the concern of the parish clergy. In urban areas, although the cathedral school, with its library, continued to exert a hold on advanced education in grammar, laymen began to compete with the clerical establishment for students at the primary as well as secondary level. By the mid-thirteenth century, we shall see that, although ecclesiastical schools still retained a place in primary education, where children learned their letters, calligraphy, and the basic elements of the Latin language, clerics had ceded to laymen much of the responsibility for training in grammar. Let us now examine the twelfth-century developments in detail.

T

EDUCATION FOR THE CHURCH UNIVERSAL

Formal pronouncements of the universal Church on education provide little information about the structure of ecclesiastical schools in medieval Italy. Admittedly, 268

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even if legislation speciic to Italy had existed, it would be diicult to establish its efect on the ground. In fact, for more than two hundred years, between the Carolingian period and the papacy of Gregory VII, no legislation regarding educational institutions survives. Only in 1079, a church council in Rome ordered bishops to promote the teaching of the “arts of letters” (artes litterarum) in their diocese, a vaguely formulated aim.1 A full hundred years later, in 1179, the Third Lateran Council declared that every cathedral should provide a beneice for a master who would be charged with teaching the local clerics and the poor gratis.The injunction of Lateran III reveals (1) that education in the cathedral was generally available to lay people; (2) that teachers in the cathedral normally charged fees for their services for laymen and for clerics foreign to the diocese who could aford it; and (3) that ecclesiastical institutions were required to provide education for the poor gratis. According to the decree, the last step was taken in order to provide that “the opportunity of reading and proiting [from reading] not be taken from poor people who cannot be helped by the wealth of relatives.”2 A third decree promulgated by Lateran IV in 1215, very like that of Lateran III in 1179, admitted that the previous order to maintain a master of grammar in each cathedral “was not at all observed in many churches” (in multis ecclesiis ... minime observatur).3 As a consequence, Lateran IV stipulated that each cathedral and any other church of the diocese that had the means to do so was ordered to make available a beneice for a master who would teach grammar and other subjects (in grammaticae facultate ac aliis) to clerics and poor students of the diocese.4 Each archbishopric had also to support a master of theology. If the expense of providing for two masters proved too great, another church of the metropolitan see would 1

2

3 4

For the Carolingian eforts, see Chapter 1, under “The Schools and Liturgical Performance.” For the Roman synod of 1079, see Giovanni D. Mansi, ed. Sacrorum conciliorum nova et amplissima collectio, 53 vols. in 57 pts. (Paris, 1901–27), vol. 20, col. 509: “ut omnes episcopi artes literarum in suis ecclesis doceri faciant.” Admittedly only the title to the canon survives, but it suggests that the canon enjoined bishops to promote education in their diocese. Cf. Giuseppe Manacorda, Storia della scuola in Italia: Il medio evo, 1 vol. in 2 pts. (Milan and Palermo, 1912–13), 1.1:70. Mansi, Sacrorum conciliorum ... collectio, vol. 22, cols. 227–28 (Chap. xviii): “ne pauperibus, qui parentum opibus juvari non possunt, legendi, et proiciendi opportunitas subtrahatur, per unamquamque ecclesiam cathedralem magistro, qui clericos eiusdem ecclesiae, et scholares pauperes gratis doceat, competens aliquod beneicium assignetur, quo docentis necessitas sublevetur et discentibus via pateat ad doctrinam.” Schools were to be restored “in other churches or monasteries,” a provision that seems oicially to void the imperial order of 817 (see Chapter 1, under “The Schools and Liturgical Performance”) forbidding monasteries to educate any but their own oblates: Manacorda, Storia della scuola, 1.1:70–71. Mansi, Sacrorum conciliorum ... collectio, vol. 22, col. 999 (Chap. xi). Ibid.: “Quia nonnullis propter inopiam et legendi studium et opportunitas proiciendi subtrahitur, in Lateranensi consilio pia fuit institutione provisum ut per unamquamque cathedralem ecclesiam magistro, qui clericos ejusdem ecclesiae, aliosque scholares pauperes gratis instrueret, aliquod competens beneicium praeberetur, quo et docentis relevaretur necessitas, et via pateret discentibus ad doctrinam.” A statement of the master’s task a few lines below oddly appears to equate “scholares pauperes” only with clerics: “constituatur magister idoneus ... qui clericos ecclesiarum ipsarum et aliarum, gratis in grammaticae facultate ac aliis instruat juxta posse.” The opening words of the chapter, however, clearly indicate that the term “scholares pauperes” means poor students generally, both lay and clerical.

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be responsible for having the grammar master.5 The text suggests that theologians enjoyed a certain mobility, in that they were not necessarily canons of the cathedral where they were teaching. Directed to the Church Universal from Scandinavia to Spain and from England to the Ukraine, the decrees of Lateran III and IV probably efected little change in cathedral schools in the regnum. By 1150 every diocese and archdiocese there probably already had at least one teacher of grammar, if not the theologian required to meet the standards laid down by the councils. After years of disruption in many dioceses between 1075 and 1122, Italian cathedral schools resumed their traditional function in education, even if, as we shall see, their role was of diminished importance. At the same time as church councils were setting down requirements that certain subjects be taught in diocesan schools, they also speciically deined the ields of study forbidden to clerics, especially those of secular law and medicine. Lateran II’s prohibition of the study of leges temporales et medicinam by monks and regular canons in 1139 was reemphasized by the Council of Tours in 1163.6 While the ban on clerics studying Roman and other forms of secular law would have had little relevance to Italy, where laymen controlled the profession, in Francia, where regular canons actively worked as lawyers, it would have had important consequences if enforced.7 Lateran III (1179) subsequently limited the practice of secular law by beneiced clerics to cases involving themselves, their church, or individuals living in poverty. The Super specula (1219) of Honorius III essentially repeated this limitation.8 In 1211 Innocent III forbade members of the clergy (but only those with beneices) from acting as notaries – again a ban that would have had only slight importance in the 5

6

7 8

Ibid., cols. 999–1000. The text of Lateran IV provides that the theologian is paid by the archbishop, but “non quod propter hoc eiciatur canonicus, sed tamdiu reditus ipsius percipat, quamdiu perstiterit in docendo.” Giovanni Cacciafronte (d. 1184), bishop of Vicenza, for example, brought a theologian to Vicenza from Lombardy in order for him to teach theology in his city; Girolamo Arnaldi, “Scuole nella Marca trevigiana e a Venezia nel secolo XIII,” SCV 1:353. In forbidding these professions, Lateran II, Chap. ix states: “Prava autem consuetudo, prout accepimus, et detestabilis inolevit, quoniam monachi et regulares canonici, post susceptum habitum et professionem factam, spreta beatorum magistrorum Benedicti et Augustini regula, leges temporales et mediciam gratia lucri temporalis addiscunt. Avaritiae namque lammis accensi, se patronos causarum faciunt: et, cum psalmodiae et hymnis vacare debeant, gloriosae vocis conisi munimine, allegationum suarum varietate, justum et injustum, fas nefasque confundunt”; Mansi, Sacrorum consiliorum ... collectio, vol. 21, col. 528. Cf. Friedrich Merzbacher, “Scientia und ignorantia im alter kanonischen Recht,” Mittellateinisches Jahrbuch 2 (1965): 219. The Council of Tour repeated the prohibition: “Non magnopere,” Decretales Gregor. IX, bk. 3, title 50. Ne clerici vel monachi, §3: Corpus juris canonici ..., ed. Emil Friedberg, vol. 2 (Leipzig, 1881), col. 658. See below, Chapter 8, under “Roman and Canon Law in Francia.” Lateran III’s limitation extended not only to members of the upper clergy but also to those beneiced in minor orders: “Clerici in subdiaconatu et supra, et in minoribus quoque ordinibus, si stipendiis ecclesiasticis sustententur, coram judice saeculari advocati in negotiis ieri non praesumant, nisi propriam, vel ecclesiae suae causam fuerint prosecuti, aut pro miserabilibus forte personis, quae proprias causas administrare non possunt”: Mansi, Sacrorum conciliorum ... collectio, vol. 22, col. 225. Decretales Gregor. IX. bk. 3, title 50, “Ne clerici vel mon.,” ¶10, col. 660, prohibited the practice of the two disciplines “ad arcidiaconos, decanos, plebanos, praepositos, cantores et alios clericos personatus habentes, nec non et presbyteros.”

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regnum.9 In any case, while it had little to do with the regnum, the degree to which such legislation was enforced is open to question.10 By the 1180s, acting independently of church councils, the papacy was beginning to direct its attention to the two great centers of European advanced education, Paris and Bologna, and by the irst quarter of the thirteenth century it succeeded in establishing a supervisory role over their operations. Details of the papal relationships with Bologna will be discussed in Chapter 9. THE CATHEDRAL SCHOOLS

As in earlier centuries, we know most about cathedral schools, but that knowledge is less for the period 1100–80 than for the irst seventy-ive years of the previous century. There are three reasons. First, with the rise of notarial ides, we no longer have the witness lists designating the magischolae and scholastici in ecclesiastical documents. Second, we lack accounts of schooling like those of Anselmo of Besate, Pietro Damiani, and Landolfo Senior.The chronicle of the Milanese cleric Landolfo Junior (1077–ca. 1137) provides details of his education in the years around 1100, but they concern principally the French schools that he attended after his initial schooling in Milan. A third possible explanation for less documentation lies in the fact that the cathedral schools made a smaller contribution to Italian education than in the previous century. The lack of accounts like those of Anselmo, Landolfo, and Pietro Damiani might itself be explained as a consequence of the decline in the importance of cathedral schools. The one detailed, personal account of an educational itinerary surviving, that of Landolfo of San Paolo Junior (ca. 1077–ca. 1137), also known as Landolfo Junior, provides us a beginning to our enquiry. Landolfo’s Historia mediolanensis, inished around 1134, relects the deep-seated rancor still plaguing the Milanese church, together with the instability of ecclesiastical institutions and of the lives of churchmen like Landolfo, in the wake of the reform period.11 Initially educated by his uncle Liprando, Landolfo Junior inished his training in Milan circa 1095/6 with Andrea Dalvulto, presbyter and primicerius at the cathedral.12 Milanese students had gone abroad for further study in the eleventh century, but the frequency of Landolfo Junior’s trips early in the twelfth suggests that for Italians Francia had by then become the major center for the advanced study of Latin letters and theology. In 1103, around the time 9

10

11

12

“Fraternitati tuae per apostolica scripta mandamus, quatenus clericis in sacris ordinibus constitutis tabellionatus oicium per beneiciorum [suorum] subtractionem appellatione postposita interdicas”: Decretales Gregor. IX., bk. 3, title 50, “Ne clerii vel monachi,” ¶8, col. 659. As we have seen, with a few exceptions, clerical notaries had disappeared from notarial documents in the regnum by 1000. Landuli junioris sive de Sancto Paulo Historia mediolanensis anno MXCV usque ad annum MCXXXVII, ed. Carlo Castiglioni, RIS, no. 5, pt. 3 (Bologna, 1934). Ibid., chap. 40, 24. Dalvulto does not seem to have been the magischola. Landolfo’s passage is ambiguous: speaking of a colleague Nazario, he writes that he was “coetaneus et condisciplulus ... mecum in una vicinitate et sub disciplina hujus presbiteri Andree.” We only know from Landolfo that in 1100/1 that position was held by Arnaldo magister scolarum (chap.3, 4).

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when his uncle successfully underwent a proof of ire to substantiate his accusation of simony against the Milanese archbishop Grosolano, Landolfo was studying at Orléans under masters Alfred and Jacob.13 Three years later Landolfo appeared again in Francia, this time for a year and a half, in the company of Olrico, still probably a layman at the time, and Anselmo of Pusterla, future archbishop of Milan. He again studied with Master Alfred, now at Tours, and then moved on to Paris, where he worked with William of Champeaux.14 In William’s classroom, Landolfo probably heard lectures on logic similar to the ones described by Abelard, who studied with William a few years later. Around 1106, Landolfo returned for a third time to Francia, this time to Laon where, with his Milanese friends, Olrico and Anselmo of Pusterla, he studied theology with two French theologians, Master Anselm and Anselm’s brother Ralph.15 Landolfo tells us that another Milanese cleric somewhat older than himself, Giordano of Clivo, who later (1112) became archbishop of Milan, had studied ancient Latin literature (lectionem auctorum non divinorum sed paganorum) in Provence before 1102. Landolfo was hostile to Giordano, stressing his lack of religious preparation for the oice: not only had he spent his time studying pagan and not sacred letters but he could neither sing nor play an instrument.The lack of musical ability in a church that prided itself on the centrality of the Ambrosian liturgy to its religious life proved clearly a major defect in his qualiications for high church oice. Landolfo had to concede, however, that once a deacon, Giordano had worked hard on Saint Paul’s Letters and on learning all things pertaining to performing holy rites.16 Endowed with a superior education, Landolfo might have become a teacher in the cathedral school had it not been for his opposition to Archbishop Giordano. He could not even obtain a beneice and, denied an ecclesiastical income, remained an acolyte until his death. Forced out of the church of Saint Paul, over which he seems to have had some claim, he bought a house in Milan and there earned his living as “a praeceptor, a scribe, a teacher of boys, sharing in public duties and beneits, and the writer of the correspondence of the consuls of the city.”17 Thus, by the time he 13 14

15

16 17

On Landolfo’s uncle’s act, see Liprando, chaps. 15–16, 11–12; on Landolfo’s absence, chap. 14, 11. Ibid., chap. 22, 14–15. That Olrico was a layman at this point depends on Landolfo’s reference to him as vicedominus mediolanensis (chap. 22, 15), a similar reference (chap. 25: 16), and the fact that on his return from Laon his friends “nescio quo spiritu ipsum iuvenem et infra ordinem vicedominum elegerunt in archipresbiterum” (chap. 25, 16). Ibid., chap. 25, 16. Abelard, who worked with these same masters a few years later, describes their teaching: Historia calamitatum: Texte, critique avec une introduction, ed. Jacques Monfrin (Paris, 1962), 68–69. A few years later Abelard was to follow the same route from Paris to Laon. Ludolfo, Abelard’s enemy, seems also to have begun his career in Francia as a student of Master Anselm: Franz Bliemetzrieder, “Théologie et théologiens de l’école épiscopale de Paris avant Pierre Lombard,” Recherches de théologie ancienne et mediévale 3 (1931): 289–90. He is credited by Bliemetzrieder with having made a collection of the master’s sententiae. Historia mediolanensis, chap. 29, 18. Among other things, he seems to have been a teacher and a civil servant. He writes: “Quia in ipsa (domo) vivendo lector, scriba, puerorum eruditor, publicorum oiciorum et beneiciorum particeps, et consulum epistolarum dictator, salva mea querela, in ecclesia et in ipsa civitate Mediolani videor”: ibid., chap. 23, 15. Studies of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries show that communal governments often invited clerics to serve in oicial positions, usually those involving great trust, such as that of communal treasurer: Richard Trexler, “Honor among Thieves,” in Essays Presented to Myron

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wrote his chronicle in 1134, Landolfo was dependent on communal employment for part of his earnings. Given the evidence we have for the Milanese notariate in the period when Landolfo was working for the commune, it is unlikely that, although a scribe of the commune, he was also a notary.18 However, he provides us an early example of a common practice of Italian communes down at least into the ifteenth century: the employment of clerics, usually in religious orders, to ill certain sensitive administrative oices requiring a high degree of probity and political neutrality, a tradition relecting the usually easy relationship between lay and clergy in the Italian cities that continued after the Investiture Struggle. The biography of the archbishop whom Landolfo’s uncle helped to drive from Milan in 1103 likely provides further evidence of a growing tendency in the last quarter of the century with the onset of the Investiture Struggle – of young Italian intellectuals interested in literature, philosophy, and theology to study abroad in Francia.The fact that Grosolano (d. 1117), probably born in the area of Parma, wrote several short Latin poems and was the likely author of a fable in 168 lines of hexameter suggests that he had studied in Francia, where poetry appears to have been more popular than prose.19 At least for the study of literature, the situation now contrasted with that which pertained a century earlier, when the regnum had been the recognized center of grammatical studies in western Europe. Students who did not have the means to go abroad could choose from a number of schools in the city. To judge from the Ordo et ceremoniae ecclesiae ambrosianae mediolanensis, written in the 1130s, the cathedral school had a magister scholarum, but no mention is made of other teachers.20 The Ordo’s reference to a magister scholarum at the monastery of Saint Ambrogio testiies to the existence of the school there

18

19

20

Gilmore, ed. Sergio Bertelli and Gloria Ramakus, 2 vols. (Florence, 1978), 1:317–34; and Frances Andrews, “Regular Observance and Communal Life: Siena and the Employment of Religious,” in Pope, Church, and City: Essays in Honor of Brenda M. Bolton, ed. Frances Andrews, Christoph Egger, and Constance M. Rousseau (Leiden and Boston, 1984), 357–83. Landolfo’s work with the young commune of Milan may have been an early example of this practice. See Chapter 2, n. 152. From the irst notarial documents of the commune beginning in 1117, all the notaries were laymen. This is the suggestion of Mirella Ferrari, “Produzione libreria e biblioteche a Milano nei secoli XI e XII,” Atti dell’11º Congresso internazionale di studi sull’alto medioevo, Milano, 26–30 ottobre 1987 (Spoleto, 1989), 702–3. Ferrari publishes the two poems and the fable (728–33). See also Gabriele Archetti, “Grosolano (Grossolano),” DBI, vol. 59 (Rome, 2002), 792–96. The only other fable known to have been written in medieval Italy was the Metrum Leonis of Leo of Vercelli in the tenth century. On Grosolano as archbishop, see Chapter 4, under “Religious Reform and Popular Violence.” On his origin, see Archetti, “Grosolano (Grossolano),” 792. A speech that exists in Latin and Greek versions, the Sermo ad imperatorem de processione Spiritus Sancti contra Graecos, may indicate that he knew some Greek. It was apparently delivered in 1110, while Grosolano was in Constantinople; Ferrari, “Produzione libreria,” 702–4. The sermon, along with a second, are published by Ambrogio Amelli, ed. Due sermoni inediti di Pietro Grosolano archivescovo di Milano, Fontes ambrosiane, no. 6 (Florence, 1933). Beroldo of Milan, Beroldus sive Ecclesiae ambrosianae Mediolanensis: Kalendarium et ordines saec. XII, ed. Marco Magistretti (Milan, 1894), 22. In the various ceremonies described in the Ordo, the magister scholarum plays an active role: ibid., 22, 25, 26, 40, etc. The approximate date is based on ibid., ix–x. Cf. Antonio Viscardi, “La cultura milanese nei secoli vii–xii,” Dagli albori del Comune all’incoronazione di Federico Barbarossa (1002–1152), Storia di Milano, vol. 3 (Milan, 1954), 747–48.

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assumed present from at least the tenth century.21 The Church of Santa Tecla in the city continued to produce many liturgical manuscripts throughout the twelfth century, which might be an indirect result of an active school as well.22 Besides Milan, the names of schoolmasters indicate that cathedral schools can be identiied in at least ten other cities in the twelfth century. For Reggio, documents make two references to magiscole in the cathedral in 1140 and 1150.23 At Parma, Riticheld or Rotichild was listed as magister scholarum in 1105; and Giberto was canonicus et magister schole from 1163 to 1170.24 Documents identify three capiscolae for Modena: Aimone (1096–1110), Sigezone (1132–50) and Alberto (1171–99).25 One capiscola is identiied in Piacenza in 1129. Uggerio, cantor et maior scholarium, was teaching in Siena in 1139, and an Ugo or Ugolino, magiscola or maior scole, held the same position from 1182 to 1202.26 21 22

23

24

25

26

The magister scholarium is mentioned by Beroldo (15). Viscardi, “La cultura milanese,” 707–23. I do not think that the term schola in the title of Milo major in schola Sancte Cecilie in 1153 refers to an educational institution: Antiqui diplomi degli archivescovi di Milano e note di diplomatica episcopale, ed. Giacomo C. Bascapé, Fontes ambrosiani, no. 18 (Florence, 1937), 68. Ferdinando Ughelli, Italia sacra sive de episcopis Italiae ..., vol. 2 (Venice, 1717), cols. 291 and 298. In 1215, Innocent III allowed a canon of Cremona to continue studying canon law at Reggio: Heinrich Denile, Die Entstehung der Universitäten des Mittelalters bis 1400 (Berlin, 1885), 294. CAPar., n. 20, 3:19–20; n. 299, 3:241; n. 314, 3:258; n. 342, 3:278; n. 355, 3:289; n. 391: 3:318. Donizone, Vita comitissae Mathildis celeberrimae principis Italiae, carmine scripta a Donizone presbytero, ed. Luigi Simeoni, RIS, n.s., 5, no. 2 (Bologna, 1940), 35, vv. 847–48, celebrated the school there in 1115: “Scilicet urbs Parma, quae grammatica manet alta, artes ac septem studiose sunt ibi lectae.” In 1140, the archbishop of Ravenna conirmed the rights of the church of Parma and listed the magister scholarum third after the archpriest and the archdeacon; Manacorda, Storia della scuola, 1.2:320. See also Giorgio Cencetti, “Genesi e svilippo dello ‘Studio Parmense’: Nota su un recente indagine,” SM, 3rd ser., 11 (1970): 331–41. Giovanni Santini, Università e società nel XII secolo: Pillio da Medicina e lo Studio di Modena: Tradizione e innovazione nella scuola dei glossatori: Chartularium Studii Mutinensis (regesta) (specimen 1069–1200) (Modena, 1979), 127. For Piacenza, see Mancorda, Storia della scuola, 1.2:316. Cf. Ugo Gualazzini, Ricerche sulle scuole pre-universitarie del medioevo: Contributo di indagini sul sorgere delle università (Milan, 1943), 276. Chartularium studii senensis: Vol. 1 (1240–1357), ed. Giovanni Cecchini and Giulio Prunai (Siena, 1942), 578 and 580, identiies these masters in Siena. Carte dell’Archivio di Stato di Siena: Opera metropolitana (1000–1200), ed. Antonella Ghignoli (Siena, 1994), 185–88, 194–95, 199–200, 212–15, and 230–31, cites Ugo or Ugolino in this position in 1182, 1185, 1189, 1193, and 1196. He is also cited in a document of 1198 as “Ego Ugolinus cantor et canonicus sancte Marie senensis ecclesie,” Carte dell’Archivio di Stato di Siena:Abbazia di Montecelso (1070–1255), ed. Antonella Ghignoli (Siena, 1992), 129. Possibly because Ugo/Ugolino had a son, Paolo Nardi, L’insegnamento superiore a Siena nei secoli XI–XIV:Tentativi e realizzazioni dalle origini alla fondazione dello studio generale (Milan, 1996), 43, considers Ugo teaching in the cathedral as a laymen (43).The documents 1182, 1193, and 1196 cited above, however, also list his son, Orlando or Rolando, as a canon of the cathedral. By 1182, Ugolino was evidently a mature man and a widower. He is probably identical with Ugolino di Arrigolo di Folco, member of a leading Sienese family, who was teaching school near the monastery of San Vincenzo in 1173. At the time he was a layman active in Sienese politics (36–37). Nardi (37) suggests that Ugolino may have been teaching in an external monastic school belonging to the Badia a Passignano on the grounds that Ugolino stated in a document that “quando legebat apud S.Vincentium videbat sepe venire ibi monacos et abbatem de Passignano.” I interpret Ugolino as saying simply that his school was near the church and that he often saw the abbot and his monks come to their church. See also Paolo Nardi, L’insegnamento superiore a Siena nei secoli XI–XIV, 31 and 43.

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In Arezzo, Ubaldo di Assiari, a cleric, was teaching in the cathedral around 1125, and presumably, in 1147 Guido di Nicola, scholasticus, held the same position.27 The names of capiscolae for Genoa in 1111 and 1179, as well as for Treviso in 1093 and 1198–99, establish the existence of cathedral schools there.28 Giovanni Cacciafronte (ca. 1125–84), bishop of Vicenza, is credited with having established a school of theology in his city and employing a theologus Lombardus as the teacher.29 An act in the cathedral archive of Vercelli refers to a porticus grammaticae, while subsequent documents mention scolae, the portico juxta scholas, and, in one dated 1185, scolae cantorum.30 As we saw in the last chapter, at least from the 1130s to the 1150s the cathedral of Lucca likely had a professor of theology. In 1187, we have the name of the cathedral’s magisola, a priest named Enrico.31 We do not know whether a manuscript from the cathedral library, Biblioteca Feliniana Lucca, 614, given to the library by Guglielmo (d. 1194), magister luc[ensis] . . . demum primicerius, postremo luc[ensis] episcopus, had any relationship with the courses ofered in the school.32 Probably composed in the 1170s in the area of Vicenza, the text reproduces an almost complete program of education in the trivium and quadrivium. It includes Papias’s Ars grammatica and four other treatises, one each for rhetoric, dialectic, arithmetic (with a section on geometry), and music.33 If the manual mirrored the instruction currently given at 27

28

29 30

31

32

33

Black, Education and Society, 177. Giovanna Nicolaj Petronio, “Per una storia della documentazione vescovile aretina dei secoli XI–XIII: Appunti paleograici e diplomatici,” Annali della Scuola speciale per archivisti e bibliotecari dell’Università di Roma, 17–18 (1977–78): 147–48, however, considers the cathedral school in Arezzo as having been in decay after 1080. At the same time she notes that notarial learning in this period advanced and concludes that, given the legal concerns associated with the issue of investiture, private law schools had replaced cathedral learning. Giovanna Petti Balbi, Insegnamento nella Liguria medievale: Scuole, maestri, libri (Genoa, 1979), 18 and 21. She gives the names of seven magiscole for the thirteenth century (21–23). For Treviso, see Angelo Marchesan, Treviso medievale: Istituzioni, usi, costumi, aneddotti, curiosità, 2 vols. (Treviso, 1923), 2:217–18. Another magister scholarum in Treviso is found in the year 1208 (218). Anna Morisi, “Cacciafronte,” DBI, vol. 15 (Rome, 1982): 785. This paragraph is based on Carla Frova, “Città e ‘Studium’ a Vercelli, secoli XII e XIII,” Luoghi e metodi di insegnamento nell’Italia medioevale, secoli XI–XIV, ed. Luciano Gargan and Oronzo Limone (Galatina, 1989), 89–91. He is given as presb. Henrigus magiscola, Regesto del Capitolo di Lucca, ed. Pietro Guidi and Oreste Parenti, Regesta chartarum Italiae, no. 18 (Rome, 1933), 11, doc. 1559 (1187). Black, Education and Society, 176, cites another Enrico, Enrico grammaticus, a parish priest in the city in 1167, who likely taught school at his church. Ferruccio Gastaldelli, “Note sul codice 614 della Biblioteca capitolare di Lucca e sulle edizioni del De arithmetica compendiose tractata e della Summa dialectice artis,” Salesianum 39 (1977): 693–702; for Guglielmo’s prior ownership of the book, see 698. Guglielmo was designated primicerius in Regesto del Capitolo di Lucca, ed. Guidi and Parenti, Regesta chartarum Italiae, 9 (Rome, 1912), n. 1207, 127 (1163); and n. 1314, 189 (1173). He is not to be confused with Guglielmo of Lucca, the Bolognese theologian, who was probably trained at Lucca by Ottone and who died in 1178; see above, Chapter 5, “Traditional Cathedral Disciplines: Grammar and Theology.” On the basis of references in this portion of the text, the original manuscript was composed at Vicenza probably in the second half of the twelfth century: Karen M. Fredborg, “The ‘Lucca’ Summa on Rhetoric,” Papers on Rhetoric IV, ed. Lucia Calboli Montefusco (Bologna, 2003), 136–37. She tends to consider it to have been written in the 1170s (137). In the same volume, Gian Carlo Alessio, “Due trattati di retorica nell’Italia centro-settenrionale,” 12–15, provides further evidence for the Vicentine origin of the texts and dates the work to the 1160s or 1170s.

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the cathedral of Lucca, the cathedral school was ofering courses at the secondary level. The absence of marginal notes of any sort, however, makes this conclusion problematic.34 Surely more dioceses maintained cathedral schools than I have named. In the discussion of the literary work of this period in the next chapter, I surmise that early twelfth-century Pisa boasted an active cathedral school; the literary production of the cathedral canons at Cremona make the existence of a school there almost certain;35 and the classical resonances of Mosé del Brolo’s poetry suggest that at least in the late eleventh century the cathedral of that city provided the lay poet with excellent training in grammar.36 As for most of the cathedral schools mentioned above, however, little more can be said of them than that they existed at the date given in the documentary source. ADVANCED EDUCATION

The rise in the Italian private school should be seen in the light of the signiicant economic development under way in the kingdom from the late tenth century. The increasingly vigorous economy gave a new deinition to what contemporary society considered “useful” knowledge and provided the means to reward inancially those

34

35

36

Only a treatise on astronomy is missing to complete the quadrivium. The contents of the treatise on rhetoric are summarized by John O. Ward, Ciceronian Rhetoric in Treatise, Scholion, and Commentary, Typologie des sources du Moyen Âge occidental, fasc. 58, A–V, A-2 (Turnhout, 1995), 124–25. Another copy of the rhetorical treatise exists in Milan, Biblioteca ambrosiana, I.29 sup. fols. 96ra–118v; Ward, Ciceronian Rhetoric, 29, n. 70 and 124–26. Fredborg, “The ‘Lucca’ Summa on Rhetoric,” convincingly argues that the section on rhetoric was heavily inluenced by Thierry of Chartres’s commentary on rhetoric (126–36). She maintains that the author of the rhetorical text was not the author of the treatise on dialectic because the former makes no comparisons with dialectic (136). The author of the manual on dialectic knew all of Abelard’s logical work and sided with him when he seemed to contradict Aristotle or Boethius: Guglielmo, vescovo di Lucca: Summa dialectice artis, ed. Lorenzo Pozzi (Padua, 1975), 6. While the elegant volume could have served as a model text from which copies were made for the school, the valuable manuscript may simply have been one that the donor wanted preserved after his death. This second interpretation is that of Gastaldelli, “Note sul codice,” 696, who maintains generally that “le scuole canonicali, come era quella della chiesa di San Martino a Lucca, non avevano lo scopo di formare dei matematici o dei maestri delle artes, ma di preparare degli ecclesiastici addetti alla celebrazione quotidiana dell’uicio divino che dovevano essere in grado di leggere, di capire e di cantare.” Cremonese clerics in the third quarter of the century were particularly productive: a Cremonese priest, Giovanni, narrated a now lost history of the papal schism between Alexander III and Victor; another Cremonese composed a huge illumined martyrology; while a third, a canon of the local cathedral, Ambrogio, wrote a Vita S. Hymerii Americi episcopi. He may also have been the author of an account concerning the reburial of the saint’s remains: Francesco Novati,“Obituario della cattedrale di Cremona,” Archivio storico lombardo 7 (1880): 257–58. The scholarly tradition of the city was continued by Gregorio, bishop of Bergamo (1133–46), who wrote a treatise, Tractatus de veritate corporis Christi, against the Berengarian heresy: Giovanni Cremaschi, Mosè del Brolo e la cultura a Bergamo nei secoli XI–XII (Bergamo, 1945), 30. The work is published in Sanctorum patrum opuscula selecta ad usum praesertim studiosorum theologiae, ed. Hugo Hürter, no. 39 (Innsbruck, 1879), 1–123.

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who professed to impart such knowledge. Private schools run by individual teachers were to prove more market responsive than traditional ecclesiastical institutions, and competition between specialized private schools acted as a driving force in advancing learning in particular ields of knowledge. We begin by assuming that cathedral schools generally ofered elementary and secondary training in grammar. Some would have devoted extended grammar training to reading the Church Fathers and possibly ancient Latin literary and historical texts. The extent to which pagan works were studied, however, is diicult to ascertain. The eventual victors in the regnum had been the papal reformers, whose brand of piety was at odds with the traditional book culture and its emphasis on pagan authors. Especially the many cathedral chapters and collegiate groups, which in the religious enthusiasm roused by the Investiture Struggle had elected to live under a strict rule, would likely have been hostile to using such traditional material in their schools.37 At the same time, the numerous surviving texts of ancient literature and history copied in this century indicate that these works probably still formed part of the curriculum in some ecclesiastical schools (see Appendix). The cathedral’s course in rhetoric would have consisted of instruction in ars dictaminis. The manual of ars dictaminis by Ugo of Bologna (1119–23) and the collection of model letters of Guido of Bologna (ca. 1160), both of whom were canons in the Bolognese cathedral, indicate that ars dictaminis was taught there as the course on rhetoric, and it very likely served the same purpose in other cathedral schools. As for the third member of the trivium, logic, the absence of any references to a magister dialecticae or magister logicae suggests that at the most the subject played a minor role in the curriculum. Theology would also have been an advanced subject natural to a cathedral’s educational program. Most clerics seeking promotion to the priesthood would have had only minimal preparation in theology, if any at all, but exceptional individuals would have gone on to study theology after training in grammar. One might assume that, because theology had no ostensible marketable value, theologians such as Gandolfo (l. mid-12th c.), Guglielmo of Lucca (d. 1178), and Omnebene (d. 1185) in Bologna, and the unnamed theologian brought to Vicenza by its bishop, Cacciafronte (d. 1184), would have taught at the cathedral. The assumption, however, is rendered problematic by a letter from a prospective student to a professor of theology referring to scientia divitatis and requesting him to come to teach at Bologna the following winter, where he would ind a hundred 37

Peter de Honestis’s Regula clericorum (PL 163, col. 730), written around 1115 in response to Pascal II’s request for an organized set of rules to govern communities of canons, describes a highly limited educational program for boys and young men concentrating on learning the church ritual: “In scholis item sint usque ad annos sexdecim: vel quousque hymnos, psalmos, cantum et secundum usum Scripturarum optime legere didicerint” (col. 730a). Peter makes some exceptions to limiting study to boys up to sixteen: “Quod si prior aliquos horum, vel etiam majorum, ardentiores in Dei servitio, ac vera religione, et paratiores ad omnem obedientiam, et ordinis observationem, et ad adjuvandum fortiores, ad discernendum providiores, et fratrum animabus, ac corporibus utiliores esse in veritate perspexerit, et eos felicioris ingenii et prudentioris consilii veraciter cognoverit, si ipse justum judicaverit, contemptis libris turpibus et fallacibus, ad divinas Scripturas discendas et intelligendas, artis grammaticae disciplina eos erudiri praecipiat.” Presumably the pagan authors were included among “libris turpibus et fallacibus.”

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students awaiting his instruction.The collection of Guido bononiensis ecclesie canonicus et sacerdos contains both this letter and the answer made by the professor, a certain “P.”38 In his airmative response, master P. asks the student to ind him “a it and suitable school and hospice, away from prostitutes” (scolas aptas et idoneas ... ac hospitium remotum a ganeis).39 This exchange of letters suggests that at least some theologians not only taught their subject privately on the basis of a contract between a teacher and the individual student but also that the lessons took place in a location outside of a church. Formal relationship between master and student in a private school was based on a contract between the two men, the former consenting to teach a deined body of material for a given time and the student agreeing to pay a certain sum for the training. The resulting arrangment created a societas. Often the arrangement provided not only for the student’s education but for his room and board as well. Contracts between a master and his socii could not be broken unless the master or the socii released the other from its terms.40 Interest in teaching privately would have been particularly strong for masters of the new disciplines whose instruction had obvious professional value. Although usage of the terms socius and socii to describe students does not seem to have occurred before the twelfth century, this kind of contractual arrangement had likely provided the structure for the study of Roman law in Pavia and Ravenna since the early

38

39

40

Guido’s collection is found in Biblioteca dell’ Accademia dei Filopatridi Savignano sul Rubicone, 45 fols. 134–54. The two letters referred to in the text are on fols. 142v–143. Cf. Augusto Campana, “Lettere di quattro maestri dello ‘Studio’ di Bologna all’imperatore Federico I nelle Epistole del dettatore Guido,” Atti del Convegno internazionale di studi accursiani: Bologna, 21–26 ottobre 1963, 3 vols. (Milan, 1968), 1:136. Although the letters in Multiplices epistole que diversis et variis negotiis utiliter possunt accomodari, ed. Virgilio Pini, Biblioteca di “Quadrivium”: Testi per esercitazioni accademiche, no. 7 (Bologna, 1969), are attributed in the manuscript title to Bernardo, a number of them are those of Guido; Savignano sul Rubicone, Ms. 68, fol. 86v. Guido, Multiplices epistole, 14, writes of having a hundred students (scolares), but his own teacher, Bernardo of Faenza, addresses Guido as socius (16) and refers to him as being “inter multas sodalium et varias idelium sociorum catervas, que quondam pro diversis causis nobis adheserunt.” Guido himself refers to his former fellow students in Bernardo’s class as socii. Guido’s letters to his former fellow students are found on 20–21. It is tempting to interpret the term scolares as referring to students in the cathedral school and that of socius as referring to students in private schools, but this distinction is not made in the case of Reggio’s invitation to Jacob of Mandria, cited below, to bring his scolares with him, although they almost certainly were his socii, i.e., private students. Savignano sul Rubicone, Ms. 68, fols. 142–43. In his collection of model letters Enrico Francigena includes a letter also from a professor of theology urging a prospective student to come to study with him, thus suggesting that the relationship between teachers and students in that ield was a private, contractual one: Botho Odebrecht, “Die Briefmuster des Henricus Francigena,” Archiv für Urkundenforschung 14 (1936): 247. Boncompagno of Signa, Liber de obsidione Ancone, ed. Giulio C. Zimolo, RIS, no. 6.3 (Bologna, 1937–46), 54, reports the words of the Bolognese lawyer, Ugolino Gosia, who, invited to become podestà of Ancona in 1201, replied: “Sed si urbis dominium hoc tempore michi daretur, absque sociorum licentia, quos iura doceo, quibus teneor, presum et subsum, recipere, non auderem.” Cf. Manlio Bellomo, Saggio sull’Università nell’età del diritto comune (Rome, 1992), 48–50, on mutual obligations of professors and students.

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eleventh century.41 Societates in secular law would have appeared in Bologna a few decades later, and their number mushroomed in the twelfth century. Other Italian cities, eager to have legal education available locally, showed their appreciation of the close relationship between master and student in the terms they ofered to attract masters to teach. For example, Pillio of Medicina, in his Summa trium librorum, written sometime after 1180, reported that he had been given a hundred marks of silver by the city of Modena to come with his socii to teach there.42 Similarly, the agreement in August 1188 between Jacopo of Mandria and the commune of Reggio stipulated that Jacopo live in Reggio for a year “with his students for the purpose of holding school.”43 In the case of instruction in ars dictaminis, the weight of the evidence taken from collections of model letters indicates that most of the teaching was done by private masters who moved from one town to another imparting their learning to groups of students specially formed for this purpose. This is not to deny that ars dictaminis was often available in cathedral and monastic schools, but it would have been diicult for local clerics to compete when specialists, sometimes of legendary talent, were in the neighborhood.44 The collection of Enrico Francigena contains a letter from a teacher of dictamen who, having recently begun teaching in a town, thanked a student for his friendship.45 The itinerancy of many of these teachers also emerges from the model 41

42

43

44

45

The best summary of the teaching organization remains Giorgio Cencetti, “Studium fuit Bolonie: Note sulla storia dell’Università di Bologna nel primo mezzo secolo della sua esistenza,” SM, ser. 3, 7 (1966): 802–16. On the term socii, see also Bellomo, Saggio sull’Università, 52. On the basis of the opening pages of the Summa, Giovanni Santini, Università e società nel XII secolo, 191, maintains that Pillio began teaching in Modena around 1174–75. However, because Placentino is treated in those pages as already dead, the work had to be written after 1180: Ennio Cortese, Il diritto nella storia medievale, 2 vols. (Rome, 1997), 2:144–46. Santini (171) also believes that Pillio, like lawyers before him, taught in the cathedral school and was responsible to the bishop as well as to the commune. He argues that lawyers in Bologna also taught in the cathedral, which in his opinion had a long history of learning (144–45). He does not appear to know the conclusions of Cencetti’s important “Fuit studium Bononie” of 1966. Nor does he know Johannes Fried, Die Entstehung des Juristenstandes im 12. Jahrhundert: Zur sozialen Stellung und politischen Bedeutung gelehrter Juristen in Bologna und Modena (Cologne and Vienna, 1974), 219–20, who sees no reason for believing that the bishop was involved in Pillio’s hiring. Fried cites Pillio, who mentions that he was “a suis civibus receptus” (220) and, like Cortese, he maintains that Pillio came to Modena in 1180 but may have returned to Bologna after 1201 (189–90). The contract indicates that Jacopo borrowed a total of sixty libre from Reggio and gave his lands as collateral. He also promised to come to teach in Reggio for one year and not to teach elsewhere during that time without permission of the city government: Liber grossus antiquus comunis Regii: “Liber pax Constantiae,” ed. Francesco S. Gatta, Biblioteca della Deputazione di storia patria dell’Emilia e della Romagna: Sezione di Modena, 6 vols. (Reggio Emilia, 1942–46), 1:277–79, doc. 152 (1188). Cf. Gualazzini, Ricerche sulle scuole pre-universitarie, 270–72. Paul Geyl, “From Monastic Rhetoric to Ars dictaminis: Traditionalism and Innovation in the Schools of Twelfth-Century Italy,” The Benedictine Review 34 (1983): 39, stresses the interest of clerics, and especially of monks, in ars dictaminis. The teacher, W. de Saramando, writes: “Letor tamen gaudio, cum vestram, quorum ab initio mei adventus in hanc terram amicitiam exoptavi, nunc, ut in litteris vestris continetur, habeo”: Odebrecht, “Die Briefmuster,” 247.

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correspondence of Adalberto of Samaria. Promising that there were ifty students awaiting the teacher’s instruction in Cremona, the correspondent beseeched Adalberto to come to the city. In his response, Adalberto, who was under contract for a year in Bologna, politely refused, citing his present commitment. Nevertheless, he urged all in Cremona who wanted his instruction to come to Bologna.46 A young man who, in the letter collection of Ugo bononensis ecclesiae canonicus et sacerdos, asked the master where he intended to teach the following winter certainly shows he expected teachers to be shifting about constantly.47 These letter collections are all from the irst quarter of the twelfth century. Ascertaining the preferred arrangement for teaching canon law is more diicult. The few lay canon lawyers like Walfredo, who taught at Bologna in the 1130s, would likely have rented their own classrooms.48 In the case of clerics, however, they might have taught in the cathedral, in another church, or in a rented space in town.49 The only instance we have that provides the location of a cleric’s lessons in canon law is not Bolognese but concerns Gerardo Ofreducci of Marostica, who taught canon law at Padua. Gerardo gave his lessons in a house belonging to Martino Gosia “qui erat iuxta majorem ecclesiam paduanam” (which was close to the major Paduan church).50 Had Gerardo been employed by the bishop of Padua we would expect him to have taught in quarters belonging to the diocese, not in a private house where earlier the great Martino had taught Roman law. Nevertheless, whether or not canonists worked in a church or a rented classroom, it is likely that they taught students on the basis of a contract. We do not know, for example, where Graziano taught, but his contemporary, the theologian Rolando, 46

47

48

49

50

Charles H. Haskins, “An Early Bolognese Formulary,” Mélanges d’histoire oferts à Henri Pirenne par ses anciens élèves et ses amis à l’occasion de sa quarantième année d’enseignement à l’Université de Gand, 1886–1926, 2 vols. (Brussels, 1926), 1:203–4. Rationes dictandi prosaice, in Ludwig Rockinger, ed., Briefsteller und Formelbücher des eilften bis vierzehnten Jahrhunderts, Quellen und Erörterungen zur bayerischen und deutschen Geschichte, no. 9 (Munich, 1963), 1:82–83. Cf. Concetti, “Studium fuit Bononie,” 811–12. John T. Noonan, “Gratian Slept Here:The Changing Identity of the Father of the Systematic Study of Canon Law,” Traditio 35 (1979): 155, briely discusses magister Walfredo, imperial judge, canon lawyer, advocate of Montecassino. He was described by the canons of St.Victor as frater exterior. He had at least one legitmate son. For Burgundio of Pisa, Roman and canon lawyer, see as well, Chapter 7, “Lawmen: Pioneers of a New Aspect of Grammatical Studies.” I am completely in agreement with the summary assessment of James A. Brundage, The Medieval Origins of the Legal Profession: Canonists, Civilians, and Courts (Chicago and London, 2008), when he writes: “Teachers of canon law who lacked institutional ailiation with a monastery or cathedral chapter usually lectured and held their disputations in dwellings that they owned or rented. This was certainly true of the decretists who taught at Bologna. Although nearly all of them about whom we have much personal information were clerics of one sort or another, they usually carried on their teaching privately, and only occasionally taught within a permanent institutions. Teachers of Roman civil law at Bologna, so far as we know, were all laymen and seem to have done their teaching and legal consulting in houses that they owned or rented.” A document of 1239 refers to the election to the bishopric of Padua in 1165 of Gerardo Ofreducci of Marostica “qui tunc regebat in legibus in domo Martini de Goxo que erat juxta majorem ecclesiam Paduanam in episcopum Paduanum”: Monumenti della Università di Padova (122–1318), ed. Andrea Gloria (Venice, 1884), 115–17, and n. 564.

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either knew or assumed that Graziano wrote his Concordia for his socii.51 While it is doubtless true that in large parts of the regnum instruction in canon law fell to a canon of the local cathedral, in Bologna and other centers of education teaching a subject like that of Roman law or ars dictaminis was a commercial enterprise and was based on a contract. Private contractual relationships in twelfth-century Italian education were given added importance by the imperial decree Authentica habita, which Frederick I promulgated at Roncaglia in 1158. A general edict, the Authentica habita extended imperial protection to everyone who, for the sake of knowledge, studied abroad; forbade reprisals against students in compensation for grievances held against their fellow countrymen; and granted foreign students the choice of placing themselves under the jurisdiction of the local bishop or that of their dominus (a term that may have referred to teachers in law schools) or magister (a term perhaps embracing all other teachers).52 Local lay students were not included in the decree but remained under the jurisdiction of their commune, while jurisdiction over local clerics belonged to the bishop of the diocese. Although the emperor likely saw the teacher’s potential juridical power present in his pedagogical role, the jurisdictional role of the teacher added signiicantly to the institutional importance of the societas.53 The societas, whose development was itted to the needs of teaching the new disciplines, consequently, tended to displace the classroom arrangement of the cathedral school as the primary institutional setting for education in these ields. At the same time, masters in private grammar schools were more likely to create shortcut grammar curricula to meet the immediate needs of students than were traditional cathedral schools. Some private masters may have taught advanced courses in the authors, but the bulk of the student population was satisied with enough knowledge of grammar to study ars dictaminis, the notariate, or one of the two other legal disciplines. ANTICIPATIONS OF THE STUDIA

By the second half of the twelfth century, we have some indication that Italian teachers in higher education were intent on deining programs of study in specialized 51 52

53

Cencetti, “Studium fuit Bononie,” 806. “Verum tamen, si eis litem super aliquo negotio quispiam movere voluerit, huius rei optione data scolaribus, eos coram domino aut magistro suo vel ipsius civitatis episcopo, quibus in hoc iurisdictionem dedimus, conveniat”; cited from the edition by Heinz Koeppler, “Frederick Barbarossa and the Schools of Bologna: Some Remarks on the Authentica Habita,” English Historical Review 54 (1939): 607. While most scholars agree on the general terms of the Habita, they vary widely in their interpretions of motive and consequence: Cencetti, “Studium fuit Bononie,” 816–33; and Sven Stelling-Michaud, “La storia delle università nel medioevo e nel Rinascimento,” in Girolamo Arnaldi, ed., Le origini dell’Università (Bologna, 1974), 178–79. An earlier document abolishing reprisals against foreign students, apparently at the request of students and teachers from Bologna, may already have been issued three years before, in 1155, but seems only to have applied to Bologna: Giovanni de Vergottini, “Lo Studio di Bologna, l’impero, il papato,” Dissertationes historicae de Universitate studiorum bononiensi ad Columbiam Universitatem saecularis ferias iterum sollemniter celebrantem missae: Studi e memorie per la storia dell’Università di Bologna, n.s., 1 (Bologna, 1956): 40–49.

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ields that would lead to a licentia (that is, a degree), a certiication of an individual’s knowledge of a subject as well as a recognition of his right to teach it.The provisions of Lateran III bring to light a contemporary practice whereby churches granted teaching licenses to applicants to teach in their locality and indicate that in some instances these licenses were being sold. To correct what it considered a simoniacal practice, one canon of Lateran III explicitly stated that no one knowledgeable in a ield should be denied the right to teach, nor should anyone pay to exercise the right.54 All evidence for sales of the licentia, however, comes from north of the Alps, mostly from Francia.55 No documents referring to a licentia exist for the Kingdom of Italy in the twelfth century. This absence of any mention is diicult to interpret. To my knowledge, the irst mention of a licentia in an Italian document occurred in 1219 in Bologna, when Honorius III bestowed on the archdeacon of the cathedral the right to certify that the candidate had successfully completed a program of studies in the Bolognese Studio.56 Certiication allowed the individual to teach his specialty in Bologna and would have helped him if he sought work elsewhere in Italy. A survey of twelfth-century lists of canons in various Italian cathedrals, however, appears to indicate that already in the second half of the century some members of cathedral chapters were holders of some form of certiication of training, if not the licentia. Beginning in the 1160s, an increasing number of canons are listed as magistri in a variety of chapters where previously there had been one or none at all. In Bergamo, the irst magistri appear in the 1160s;57 at Lucca, in 1165;58 and at Arezzo, 54

55

56 57

58

Mansi, Sacrorum conciliorum ... collectio, vol. 22, col. 228 (chap. xviii): “Pro licentia vero docendi nullus pretium exigat, vel sub obtentu alicuius consuetudinis, ab iis qui docent, aliquid quaerat: nec docere quempiam, petita licentia, qui sit idoneus, interdicat.” Nothing like a licentia docendi appears in the various passages of the Decretum that speak of schools and teaching: Giorgio Cencetti, “Sulle origini dello studio di Bologna,” Rivista storica italiana, 6th ser., 5 (1940): 249, n. 5. The twelfth-century references to a licentia are mostly French, and none are Italian: Gaines Post, “Alexander III, the Licentia docendi, and the Universities,” Anniversary Essays in Mediaeval History by Students of Charles Homer Haskins, ed. Charles H. Taylor and John L. La Monte (Boston and New York, 1929), 256–63 and 268–77. Manacorda, Storia della scuola, 1.1:71–94 and 193–220, insists that the diocesan right to grant the licentia allowed ecclesiastics to control Italian education in the twelfth century, but he ofers no speciic example for Italy before 1219.While maintaining that the origins of the University of Bologna were independent of the cathedral and bishop, Giorgio Cencetti, “La laurea nelle università medioevali,” Atti del Convegno per la storia delle università italiane tenutosi in Bologna il 5–7 aprile 1940 e memorie in esso presentate: Studi e memorie per la storia dell’Università di Bologna, ser. 1, 16 (1943), 249–73, asserts that the licentia docendi given by the bishop was commonly used in Italian dioceses to authorize teaching in ecclesiastical schools in the twelfth century, but he provides no examples. See the discussion in Chapter 9, under “The Studia: Bologna and Its Competitors.” Giovanni Cremaschi, Mosè del Brolo e la cultura a Bergamo nei secoli XI–XII (Bergamo, 1945), 31–32, for a list of magistri that begins in 1160. The irst mention of a magister in the Regestro del Capitolo di Lucca, no. 9, doc. 1230, 139 (1165), shows a magister Ermanno of San Martino. Subsequently, the Regestro indicates the presence of seven magistri in the Lucchese church between 1171 and 1180: doc. 1289, 176 (1171): magister Ermanno subdiaconus of San Martino; doc. 1314, 189 (1173): magistri Riccardo and Stefano of San Frediano, and magistri Guglielmo primicerius, Pandolfo, and Ugo archipresbiter of San Martino; doc. 1415, 267 (1180): magister Baldicione of San Martino.

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in 1162.59 In Novara four magistri appear among the canons in the documents for 1171–80, and by the end of the century eighteen out of ninety-four canons there bore the title.60 The same phenomenon had occurred in Francia, beginning about twenty-ive or thirty years earlier than in Italy.61 Scholars of Italy have tended to identify these magistri as teachers in the cathedral school, although the usual designation for a teacher during the century was scholasticus, magiscola, or magister scolarum.62 Those canons referred to as magistri, moreover, would seem to be too numerous for all of them to have been teachers in the local cathedral school. Probably both in Francia and Italy, rather than testifying to the presence of practicing teachers in the cathedral schools, these titles airm the educational status of their holders. The magistri would have been members of the chapter who had obtained degrees in canon law, theology, or (at least north of the Alps) civil law, and who had returned to their beneices in the cathedral. This novel nomenclature, rapidly coming into wide use, likely points to a new development in education. To my mind the new title signaled a consolidation of requirements for advanced study by professors in the discipline in particular educational centers. Presumably this involved the student’s following a relatively speciic course of study and passing an examination to test whether or not he was a candidate worthy of being a magister. The fact that, as the twelfth century came to a close, the number of canons designated as magistri signiicantly increased would then mean that a growing group of clerics wanted and obtained professional degrees. Regrettably, because we lack comparable documents for laymen for this same period, we are unable to ascertain whether or not a similar process was under way in their case. 59

60

61

62

Angiolo Moretti, “L’antico Studio aretino: Contributo alla storia delle origini delle università nel medio evo,” Atti e memorie della reale Accademia Petrarca di lettere, arti e scienze, n.s., 15 (1933), 313–14, lists magistri beginning with two in 1162 and refers to their appearance thereafter as “frequenti.” Le carte dello archivio capitolare di Santa Maria di Novara, ed. Ferdinando Gabotto et al., Biblioteca della Società storica subalpina (1913–24), vols. 78–80. For 1171–80, see vol. 79, 386, and vol. 80, 12, 14, and 42 (for irst appearances). For the later igures, see Pierre Riché, “Les écoles avant les universités,” Luoghi e metodi di insegnamento nell’Italia medioevale (secoli XII–XIV), ed. Luciano Gargan and Oronzo Limone (Galatina, 1989), 16. In the case of Modena, Santini, Università e società, 139, n. 76, names ive magistri between 1100 and 1155 and counts more than twenty-ive for the rest of the century, but this includes medical doctors. In the case of the earlier ive, Aimone and Sigizo, as indicated by their title magister scholarum, were teachers. In the case of Lanfranco, an architect, magister indicates that he was a builder. The professions of the two remaining magistri Peliciario (1150) and Armanno (1155) remain unknown, but I suspect that the title does not indicate a master’s degree. Richard W. Southern, “The Schools of Paris and the School of Chartres,” Renaissance and Renewal in the Twelfth Century, ed. Robert L. Benson and Giles Constable, with Carol Lanham (Cambridge, Mass., 1982), 134–35. Southern writes: “We are in the presence of a new system of nomenclature. The magistri who witness charters are not given this title in order to specify their functions in the community of the chapter, but to specify their status as professional men.” Santini, Università e società, 137 and 146, and Vito Tirelli,“Gli inventari della biblioteca della cattedrale di Cremona (sec. X–XIII) e un frammento di glossario latino del secolo X, tav. L–LV, IMU 7 (1964): 33, have argued that the large numbers of magistri in local chapters indicate a lourishing educational organization in the city. See as well Petronio, “Per una storia della documentazione vescovile aretina, Scuola, 155–56, who assumes that the many canons bearing the title magistri at Arezzo were teachers.

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If European clerics were pursuing formal degrees with a new intensity, it would help to explain why clauses began appearing in episcopal constitutions all over Europe, apparently beginning in Spain in 1173, to the efect that students “qui in scolis fuerint”(who shall be in the schools) were allowed to receive the income of their prebends in absentia.63 Individual clerics had certainly had such permission before, but a growing number of requests probably now required that the process be institutionalized by the diocese.64 Perhaps after 1179, when by papal decree cathedrals were to maintain a professor of theology, poorer archdioceses, unable to aford such a professor, were likely forced to allow clerics to retain their beneices while studying theology elsewhere. LAY ENTRY INTO ELEMENTARY AND GRAMMAR SCHOOL TEACHING

With rare exceptions, indications about schools in rural areas of the regnum throughout the Middle Ages are sparse. Before the twelfth century we have a few tantalizing references to schools in the countryside, such as that of Atto of Vercelli (d. 944), who forbade nuns in his diocese to teach men in their convents or laymen to teach in the presence of clerics without their permission.65 We can assume, however, that, with rare exceptions, education in the countryside was limited to primary instruction and that the teachers were principally clerics. The best evidence available for establishing the extent and character of education outside the big cites comes from an inquest, carried out between 1177 and 1180, to settle a boundary dispute between the dioceses of Siena and Arezzo.66 Most of the witnesses came from the disputed parishes, but several were town-dwellers. 63

64

65 66

Heinrich Denile, Die Entstehung der Universitäten des Mittelalters bis 1400 (Berlin, 1885), 746–47, n. 3. Honorius III in Super specula partially resolved the issue of whether students could receive their beneices while away at school, an issue hotly debated in Italy, by declaring that those studying theology away from their cathedral were granted ive-year exemptions; Manacorda, Storia della scuola, 1.2:72–73. The commune of Pistoia, in the last half of the twelfth century, regarded sympathetically the need to support clerics while they were away studying in schools. Though prohibiting clerics from alienating any possessions of their mothers or fathers against the will of their other relatives, an exception was made for those who “in scholas studendi causa iverit” (would go to the schools in order to study): Luigi Chiappelli, “Maestri e scuole in Pistoia ino al secolo XIV,” Archivio storico italiano 78 (1920): 170. Chiappelli, however, misunderstanding the meaning of the statute, sees it as proof of a local school. Oddly, Tirelli, “Biblioteca della cattedrale di Cremona,” 34, interprets the provision regarding those “qui in scholis fuerint” in Sicardo’s episcopal constitutions for Cremona of 1185 as proving the existence of a school of advanced studies at Cremona. See Chapter 1, under “Ninth-Century Schools and Schoolmasters in the Regnum.” DSArezzo, 1:519–73. Jean-Pierre Delumeau, “La mémoire des gens d’Arezzo et de Sienne à travers des dépositions des témoins,” in Temps, mémoire, tradition au Moyen Age: Actes du XIIIe Congrès de la Société des historiens médiévistes de l’enseignement supérieur public, Aix-en-Provence, 4–5 juin 1982 (Aix-en-Provence, 1983), 45–67, uses the same document in order to analyze medieval memory. Enrico Besta, “Il diritto romano nella contesa tra i vescovi di Siena e d’Arezzo,” Archivio storico italiano, 5th ser., 37 (1906): 61–92, provides the history of the struggle between the two bishoprics for the territory.

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Carrying their memories back more than a half-century to the years around 1125, when Arezzo had in fact been awarded the disputed parishes by the papacy, some witnesses anchored the chronology of events relating to the altercation by recalling the time when they had been in school. Of the eighty-seven depositions that remain more or less intact, ifteen, of which eight were those of priests and seven of laymen, make some reference to education or to literacy.67 Of the ive masters to whom the witnesses speciically refer, four were ecclesiastics: three of them rural teachers, and one, presbiter Ubaldo di Assiari, a teacher at San Donato, the cathedral in Arezzo.The ifth master, Oderico, who appears without an ecclesiastical title or church and acted as the bishop’s advocatus, was probably a layman teaching privately in Siena.68 67

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Testimony of clerics: Presbiter Homodeo de Romena (524): “Tempore pape Paschalis secundi, cum iam essem x annorum et nossem iam legere et cantare in antiphonario diurno et nocturno ...”; Presbiter Pietro de Monte Gerlone (525): “Citulus eram et iam legebam in psalterium ...”; Presbiter Rolando de plebe Cosana (530) swore that when the bishop of Siena came to the village, “plebanus eius loci fugerat a facie eius et tunc dixit nobis clericis et scholaribus eius loci ...”; Presbiter Martino de Villa Saturni (539): “cum magistro meo una die manducavi ad mensam eius [the bishop’s] ad plebem S. Martini de Castro cum essem ego annorum x aut plurium”; Presbiter Guido de Camognano (545): “Cum essem annorum xii et forsitan maioris temporis, apud Camognanum, unde eram et adhuc sum, recitante mihi presbitero Segnorello magistro meo ...”; Presbiter Pepo prepositus de Avegnone (557): “Puer eram et legebam in psalterio in plebe de Saturnino.” Since Pietro presbiter Sancti Valenti testiies that at the time in question he was fourteen, a subdeacon, and in “obsequio presbiteri Ugonis in ipsa plebe,” his subsequent reference to Ugo as “magister meus” is ambiguous, although in the context of his training in the village for the priesthood, it is likely that Ugo had been his teacher (520). A priest, Arizio de S. Severo, was told of the papal decision by his magister when he was ifteen (544). The testimony of laymen: Panegrosso de Bibiano (529) refers to his brother as “scolaris” at the time of the visit of the bishop of Siena to the village; Rolando iudex de Monte Cercone (529) recited a Latin quotation spoken by the bishop of Arezzo. Baccalarinus civis aretinus referred to his father as “litteratus” (534); Arezolo de Moscione (547) recalls that a priest coming to a synod in Arezzo lodged “in domo Guiducietti scriptoris” in Castro S. Flore; Bono of Marcena (548): “Existens annorum quasi xiv et scolaris presbiteri Ubaldi de Assiari canonici huius s. Donati.” On the bishop of Arezzo’s triumphant return to the city, Bono remembers that “ego cum aliis scolaribus tunc sonavi campanas”; Teuzo Manducapane (559): “Eram quasi annorum xii et scolaris ad plebem s. Andree de Malcena”; Montone civis senensis (568): “Ut extimo quindennnis eram et ultra et scolaris magistri Oderici.” From the countryside are presbiter Ugo of S.Valentino (520); presbiter Rustico di Collerito (559); and presbiter Segnorello da Camognano (545). Bono of Marcena, a layman, studied with presbiter Ubaldo di Assiari, canon of S. Donato (548); and Montone civis senensis, a second layman, with Oderico (568). Because of Montone’s origin, I assume that Oderico, who unlike the other four teachers does not have a clerical title, was teaching school in Siena. According to Montone, Oderico accompanied the bishop of Siena as the bishop’s advocatus in order to defend Siena’s case for the villages in Rome. As Besta, “Il diritto romano nella contesa tra vescovi di Siena e d’Arezzo,” 91–92, notes, the opposing advocatus of the bishop of Arezzo was a judge, Saraceno di Enrico. Arguments from Roman law igured prominently in the case presented before the pope (88–92).When he lost to the bishop of Arezzo, Gualfredo, the Sienese bishop, complained of those “legispertiti et advocati” with their subtle “allegationes”: Petronio, “Per una storia della documentazione vescovile aretina,” 145. Oderico, like the opposing advocatus, must have had legal training and probably, like him, was a layman. On advocates, Brundage, Medieval Origins of the Legal Profession, 179, writes: “In principle, at least, lay advocates were barred from participation in cases where the opposing party was a cleric. They were also barred in theory from acting, even against other laymen, in cases where “spiritual” matters,

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Signiicantly, both witnesses who had studied in urban schools, Montone civis senensis and Bono de Marcena, were laymen. Montone, a Sienese resident, had studied with Oderico, while Bono of Marcena, a boy from the country, had studied at Arezzo’s cathedral alongside prospective clerics.69 Because of the ages the two witnesses gave for when they had been in school, we may conclude that they were studying grammar at the time.70 Another witness, Bacclarino civis Aretinus, testiied that his father, who had been litteratus, had worked as an agent of the bishop of Arezzo. It was his father, in fact, who had hunted for and found the crucial documents proving the case for the bishop of Arezzo.71 Of all the witnesses, Rolando iudex de Monte Cercone, a member of the rural elite, had perhaps received the best education, as evinced by his ability to quote a Latin epigram uttered by the bishop of Arezzo during proceedings in Rome ifty years earlier. There are obvious problems in using this survey to generalize about the level of education and nature of schooling in the countryside for the whole of the regnum in the irst quarter of the twelfth century. Besides the question as to whether the area around Siena and Arezzo was representative, we do not know the extent of schooling of the other witnesses interviewed in the survey who made no mention of their education. Moreover, investigators in the litigation would naturally have picked the more substantial personages from the community for the inquest, and those personages would be more likely to have had an education than would people chosen randomly from the population at large. Nonetheless, one can draw four general conclusions about education in the regnum: (1) laymen in country villages could acquire a primary education; (2) elementary education in rural areas was mostly the responsibility of parish priests; (3) laymen could receive training in grammar in the cathedral school of their diocese; and (4) lay teachers of grammar were available in urban centers. The example of two lay grammar teachers in Siena, Oderic and Ugolino del fu Arrigolo (at least earlier in his career), points to a complex institutional situation in urban areas of the country. Doubtless there may have been laymen who had taught grammar previously, but from early in the twelfth century we have their names. Indeed, the irst identiiable grammar teacher in Bologna was not a cleric but a layman, Alberto, gramaticus [sic] of Sancto Marino, who appeared among a group of laymen in two placita of Matilda of Tuscany held in 1113 and 1130.72 Corrado gramaticus

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70

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such as tithes or the validity of marriage, were at issue.These theoretical prohibitions, however, were apparently not much heeded in practice: contrary custom yet again prevailed over written law.” Black, Education and Society, 177, cites examples of two other boys who were allowed to study at church schools in Arezzo in 1138 and 1178, but there is no indication that they intended to become clerics. Montone was “ifteen or more.” Bono, who was fourteen, very likely had to go into town to study grammar at nearby Arezzo.The third layman who mentions his own schooling,Tuzo Manducapane, was educated locally at Malcena with Rustico de Collerito (559). Guglielmo litteratus, who worked in the household of the bishop of Arezzo, had been sent out to search for the documents (534). Corrado Ricci, I primordi dello studio bolognese: Ercole Gonzaga allo Studio bolognese. Origini dello studio ravennate; Dante allo studio di Ravenna; etc., 2nd ed. (Bologna, 1888), 139, doc. 18 (1113), lists an Albertus grammaticus de Sancto Marino. Seventeen years later another document, 177, doc. 36 (1130), lists Alberto among the laymen present at the consecration of the bishop of Bologna: “Alberto

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served as a witness to a document in Treviso in 1199.73 An oath imposed on laymen in Borgo San Donnino near Parma in 1198 designated two laymen, Lanfranco and Alberico, in this group as magischole, while at Modena, we have two masters, Bonizo (1160) and Germiniano de Ita magiscola (1166), both probably laymen rather than clerics.74 The irst Modenese teacher, Bonizo, identiied as grammaticus, may have been the notary Bonizo, notarius sacri palatii.75 Similarly laymen, Raniero grammaticus may have taught in Genoa in 1148–49, and in 1191 Girardo gramaticus witnessed a document sub volta fornariorum. That at least the latter was a teacher is likely because a document written forty years later in the 1220s identiies the volta fornariorum as the location of the schools and the oices of the notaries of the city.76 Although elementary education in urban areas mostly remained in the hands of clerics, there is evidence late in the century that laymen, primarily notaries, were also ofering primary training in Latin. A Genoese contract of 1221 between Giovanni di Cogorno and magister Bartolomeus notarius sets forth the terms under which Bartholomeo will accept Giovanni’s son Enrichetto into his home for ive years, irst as a student and then as a preceptor for younger students. Enrichetto presumably will spend three years studying a number of books, including the Psalter, which, in the last two years of his contract, the boy will teach in turn.77 He is also

73

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maistro de sancto marino et ilio Micariani cum multis aliis laicis bononiensibus.” Cf. Concetti, “Studium fuit Bologna,” 795–96. Santini, Università e società, 138–39 and 146, claims that Alberto grammaticus was teaching in Modena as a member of the cathedral chapter between 1113 and 1169. He cites doc. 16, p. 294 (for 1113), doc. 30, p. 297 (for 1160), doc. 40, p. 300 (for 1168), and doc. 43, p. 300 (for 1169). The document of 1113 is the Bolognese document that Ricci cites. The other three likely refer to another Alberto of San Marino, who is never identiied as grammaticus, and it is unlikely that an individual had a teaching career spanning more than ifty years. Marchesan, Treviso medievale, 2:217. By this time, given greater literacy, the title grammaticus likely means that a teacher is concerned. For Lanfranco and Alberico, see CAPar, n. 828, 3:600; and for Rainerio f. Bonizi gramatici, RMod, 2, n. 520, 2:9 (1160). In the case of Germiniano de Ita, we do not know whether the term applies to him or to his son: Germinianus de Ita et f(ilius) eius magiscola, ibid., n. 570: 2:37 (1166). Santini, Università e società, identiies Bonizo grammaticus, mentioned in a document of 1160 with Bonizo notarius cited in a document of 1158 (ibid., 140, n. 77) without any other evidence. Balbi, Insegnamento nella Liguria medievale, 44 and 46. Scholars have mentioned other lay teachers of grammar. A certain Balbo Girardo, magister litterarum, is cited by Ferdinando Gabotto, “Supplemento al dizionario dei maestri che insegnarono in Piemonte ino all’anno 1500,” Bollettino bibliograico subalpino 11 (1906): 108. Gabotto regards two other men (132) designated as Pietro magister and Polo magister as schoolteachers, but on the basis of a questionable argument. Antonio Barzon, “Tracce di una scuola episcopale in Padova (dall 800 al 1170),” in Libri e Stampatori in Padova: Miscellanea di studi storici in onore di Mons. G. Bellino (Padua, 1959), 280, cites Domenico gramaticus abente in loco Silva Beluni as possibly a lay teacher. He also identiies a cleric as teaching in Piove di Sacco in 1126: magister presbiter de Monte-Selice. Manacorda, Storia della scuola, 1.2:140, publishes the relevant portions of the document. Enrichetto is placed for the next ive years “ad standum tecum et tibi serviendum et ad disciplinam tuam audiendum et scolares tuos prout melius sciverit, educendum et ad scripturas, quas eidem facere praeceperis, scribendas, promittens tibi me facturum et curaturum quod usque ad dictum terminum tecum stabit et quod res tuas, quas penes te fuerint, bona ide custodiet et servabit et non fugiet nec te dimittet; et si fugiet, eum, usque ad dies tres post fugam, ad tuam disciplinam et ad tua reverti faciam servicia facienda, et quod scripturas, quas volueris, tibi scribet et libros quos sibi docueris et psalterium in tuo ordine mandato edocebit. Insuper promitto dare tibi pro monstratura et doctrina dicti ilii mei lib. I sold. XI, usque ad annos tres, videlicet annuatim sold. X.” The

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to copy scripturae when the master wishes. In this context scripturae probably means notarial documents. Desiring that his son be a notary, Giovanni apprenticed him in 1221 to a notary and schoolteacher who would teach him the elements of grammar, calligraphy, and the basic skills of the notariate. Although the contract of 1221 belongs to the next century, it apparently relects a practice going back into the previous one. One of Bartholomeo’s predecessors in Genoa would have been magister Salmone notarius, mentioned in a Genovese document of 1191.78 Modenese documents refer to magistri notarii even earlier, that is, to magister Brunus sacri palatii notarius (active from 1173 to 1177) and magister Panzanus notarius sacri palatii (1183).79 These Modenese notaries, like their counterparts in Genoa, were in all probability training apprentices at the same time as they were providing formal education to other young boys. Fortunately, enough documentation exists for education in twelfth-century Modena to provide a fairly good idea of the balance between lay and ecclesiastical teachers working there over the course of the century. We know the names of the magiscolae of the cathedral for sixty of the 103 years between 1096 and 1199.80 Pillio of Medicina, a layman, taught Roman law in Modena beginning in the 1180s and in the 1190s, and a certain Aldrico, also lay, seems to have preceded him from 1157 to 1161.81 As I mentioned previously, Bonizo, possibly also a notary, was giving lessons in grammar privately in the 1150s and 1160s, while two notaries, Bruno and Panzano, designated as magistri notarii, were teaching either elementary Latin or Latin grammar in the 1170s and 1180s.82 Magister Dalino, a teacher of ars dictaminis, who was later praised by one of his students for his skills, witnessed an episcopal document in 1176 and was probably teaching in the city at the time.83 We do not know whether

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80 81

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text has been analyzed most recently by Giovanna Petti Balbi, Insegnamento nella Liguria medievale, 48–50. A contract between Bartolomeo and Tommaso fornarius, written in the same year, in 1221, renewed Bartolomeo’s lease of a room for his school (46). In 1229, magister Baldo, not a notary but almost certainly a lay teacher, is identiied as teaching in a room in the house of a certain Giovanni (46 and 49). Baldi, Insegnamento nella Liguria medievale, 46 and 50. She refers to “la prezenza già nel secolo XII di numerosi magistri notarii” without giving other names (50). Santini, Università e società, 140, cites these notaries and describes them as teaching the ars notarie. However, while these notaries probably had apprentices, they were essentially providing primary and (possibly in some cases) secondary education to the community. If he is correct in identifying Bonizo grammaticus with Bonizo notarius sacri palatii (see above, n. 75), Bonizo would be an early example of a notary teaching grammar. See Chapter 3, under “The Flourishing of the Schools.” On Pillio, see above, n. 42. Cf. Fried, Die Entstehung des Juristenstandes, 187–88. On Aldrico, see Santini, Università e società, 40–41. Santini has both Bruno and Panzano, magistri and notarii sacri palatii, teaching ars notarie, again without evidence, in the cathedral school: ibid., 53 and 140, n. 77. In contrast, I assume that they were teaching privately, as Salamone and Bartolomeo would do in Genoa. Santini, Università e società, 189, cites the document. The student was Boto da Vigevano; see anon., “Boto da Vigevano,” DBI, vol. 13 (Rome, 1971): 362. On the slender basis of his signature on the episcopal document, Santini concludes that he too was teaching in the cathedral school. It is more likely that Boto was an independent master in the city. As for the level of Modenese cultural activity, Giulio Bertoni and Emilio P. Vicini, “Coltura modenese nell’età dell’alto medio evo,” Atti e memorie della deputazione di storia patria per le provincie modenesi, ser. 5, 4 (1906): 161, identify the Relatio translationis corporis sancti Geminiani and a few verses on the Palazzo del Comune, dated 1194, as the

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Dalino was a layman, but we do know that at least three laymen worked in Modena in the middle decades of the century as elementary and secondary teachers together with two Roman lawyers. In sum, although elementary education in rural areas of the kingdom was unquestionably the task of clerics, and clerics in the urban areas were still largely responsible for elementary and secondary education, a growing number of laymen in the twelfth century were working as Latin teachers at both the introductory and secondary levels. In most secondary schools run by clerics or laymen, instruction probably did not go beyond providing the minimal knowledge of grammar ofered by the elementary Latin text, the Janua. Papias’s Ars grammatica would have surpassed the needs of most of these classrooms. Some lay grammar masters doubtless went beyond this program to teach ancient literary works as well, but it seems safe to conclude that cathedrals and a few other large collegial churches, with their manuscript collections, were primarily responsible for advanced training in the Latin language. Open to laymen as well as to clerics, these church schools were the guardians of the heritage of ancient pagan and early Christian literature. They continued to provide the foundation of the modest literary interest that Italians demonstrated in the twelfth century. Equipped with that background, as we shall see in the next chapter, a few Italian laymen were in the twelfth century beginning to compose poetry and study theology, pursuits hitherto the province of clerics, as well as to pioneer in a new and learned enterprise, the translation of Greek texts into Latin. In an ecclesiastical climate in which pietistic and liturgical concerns competed with administrative and legal professionalism, there was little to encourage a cleric’s pursuit of letters. The revival of interest in ancient literary and historical works late in the twelfth century, however, the result of a conjunction of factors, expanded the teaching of pagan authors from the routine curriculum of the cathedral school to the competitive market of private schools, where it inspired a degree of literary creativity heretofore absent in the regnum.84 CONCLUSION

The proliferation of private schools represented a commercialization of education. Antithetical to the ecclesiastical concept that wisdom should not be sold, the market for learning created a strong motivation for teaching. Clerical masters, it must be granted, had long been in the habit of accepting tuition from laymen of means, but masters were usually already endowed with beneices linked to their teaching. All but the greediest masters, therefore, would have seen private tuition payments as little more than casual supplements to their usual income. In contrast, laymen and perhaps unbeneiced clerics – for it is signiicant that no clear examples of members of this category of clerics have been found – depended on the payment of fees for their livelihood. Especially the new disciplines fostered the private school because,

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only sure works written at Modena and conclude: “E questi sono i pochi documenti, dai quali sia lecito trarre qualche conclusione agli studiosi.” Ronald G. Witt, “What Did Giovannino Read and Write? Vernacular Education in FourteenthCentury Florence,” I Tatti Studies 6 (1995): 89–92.

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eager for knowledge of economic value, clients were willing to pay liberally for such learning, especially when it was imparted by a well-known teacher. Although in the twelfth century most elementary and grammar education probably remained in the hands of the clergy – and in the case of elementary education would remain so in the thirteenth century – nevertheless, even in these traditional areas of instruction a number of laymen can be identiied. The schools of Bologna, largely congeries of private schools run as individual societates, were the site of a new development in Italian education by 1219, when the pope charged the archdeacon of the local cathedral with overseeing examinations and bestowing the licentia on successful candidates. Although there had likely been earlier eforts to formulate a basic curriculum for various disciplines and a procedure for testing knowledge, the papal action of 1219 served to formalize those eforts, thereby integrating the various societates into a broader institutional structure. Subsequently, Bologna was to serve as a model for about a dozen similar organizations in the larger cities of the regnum. The studium’s rise marked the deinitive eclipse of the cathedral school as a vital force in either the grammatical or legal–rhetorical culture. The rise of lay-directed grammar schools would not have occurred had there not been a demand among laymen for their existence. Admittedly, students in the cathedral schools were only in part boys intended for the clergy, but in the lay schools their number would have been even fewer. Of the other boys seeking education in both kinds of institutions, a portion of the classes would have been composed of those destined for the notariate. However, the testimonies collected in the Arezzo–Siena area, which refer to the end of the irst quarter of the twelfth century, show that none of the grammatically literate laymen who were named were notaries. One was a lay employee (apparently not a notary) of a bishop; another a local nobleman (a judex, not probably because of his training but his social status); the other two a villager and a town-dweller – neither of whom were notaries. Despite the marked increase in the number of the students preparing for the notariate in the thirteenth century, it was Latin-literate nonlegal men who would constitute a signiicant portion of the new audience for the blossoming literary creativity of the period.

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Chapter 7

Literary Culture in the New Age

y the middle decades of the twelfth century the study of ars dictaminis and of canon and Roman law was lourishing in the form of a large production of manuals and commentaries. The creative intelligence of Italian intellectuals, awakened by the dispute over investiture and stimulated by a rapidly burgeoning economy and demographic growth, had turned to focus on the problems of organizing a society that had been drastically altered by the emergence of two new political institutions: the commune and the post-investiture papacy.The intellectual excitement also seems to have sparked a ripple of interest in literary and scholarly work in the century’s irst three decades. Thereafter came a lull, until in the 1160s the aggressive eforts of Frederick I to establish imperial authority over the communes of the regnum provided an occasion for a new wave of literary production that made those eforts its theme. Although its extent should not be exaggerated, there can be no question that the Latin-literate public experienced some growth in the years between 1100 and 1180. The increase occurred in both the clerical and lay populations and was in large part motivated by practical and professional concerns. The last chapter discussed the increase in private schools, many of which – judging from the evidence – were founded by lay masters. This chapter traces another aspect of the same period, when, for the irst time, laymen participated signiicantly in the traditional culture of the book. The emergence from the early 1100s of lay historians, theologians, and translators of Greek and Arabic texts into Latin, active in areas of learning largely of-limits for another three hundred and more years to their counterparts in transalpine Europe, became a major constituent of the unique intellectual culture of the regnum.

B

THE LITERATURE OF MATILDA OF TUSCANY’S COURT

From the end of the eleventh century, besides the abundant writings associated with investiture issues, Roman law, and ars dictaminis, the production of poetry increased and the Bible for a brief time became the focus of exegetical studies.The impetus for the latter interest arose directly out of the ongoing debate between imperialists and

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radical reformers. The new literary and exegetical activity, however, was not evenly shared throughout the Italian kingdom. Much of it was related to Matilda of Tuscany (d. 1115), who acted as the patron of a circle of writers. The only princely court in the regnum before the last decades of the twelfth century, Countess Matilda’s court at Mantua ofered refuge to exiled bishops like Anselmo of Lucca, Bonizone, Rangerio, and Eriberto of Reggio and provided encouragement for a number of writers from her domains, particularly Placido of Nonantola, Giovanni of Mantua, and Donizone.1 Anselmo of Lucca composed his investiture treatise and possibly the Collectio canonum at the court between 1081/2 and his death in 1086. Bonizone, who dedicated his Liber ad amicum to the countess, probably wrote the work at Mantua as well. Placido at Nonantola, near Modena, was very likely in contact with the intellectuals at her court while writing his propapal De honore ecclesiae. Rangerio, a French cleric who wrote his life of Saint Anselmo at Mantua, left the court in 1097 to occupy his see at Lucca, where he composed his De anulo et baculo (1110). The countess read Latin and appears to have been fully engaged in the intellectual culture of her time. She generously distributed religious books to the churches and monasteries within her domains. Among these were the richly illustrated “Bibbie atlantiche,” the large bibles that began to reappear in the late eleventh century after an interval of almost two hundred years.2 Probably related to the papal reform, these handsome volumes were designed to encourage the reading of the sacred texts in monasteries and schools.3 Matilda’s interest in scripture relected her interest in sponsoring the exegetical work being done within her circle. Anselmo of Lucca’s commentary on the Psalms (of which only fragments survive), Eriberto’s Expositio in septem psalmos poenitentiales, Donizone’s incomplete Narratio Genesis, and Giovanni of Mantua’s Tractatus in cantica 1

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3

On Matilda’s circle, see Mario Nobili, “La cultura politica alla corte di Mathilde di Canossa,” in Le sedi della cultura nell’Emilia Romagna: L’alto medioevo, ed. Ovidio Capitani et al. (Milan, 1983), 217–36; and Giuseppe Vecchi, “Temi e momenti di scuola nella Vita Mathildis di Donizone,” in Studi matildici: Atti e memorie del Convegno, 19–21 ott. 1963, Deputazione modenese di storia patria (Modena, 1964), 210, 212, and 214. Heinrich Fichtenau, “Neues zum Problem der italienischen Riesenbibeln,” Mitteilungen des Instituts für österreichische Geschichtsforschung 58 (1950): 63–66, describes her gifts. Cf. Peter Brieger, “Biblical Illustration and Gregorian Reform,” Studies in Church History 2 (1965): 154–64. The current opinion is that the dynamic behind the production of the big bibles, the Bibbie atlantiche, came from the Roman area. The calligraphy of the bibles does not, however, support this origin: Paola Supino Martini, “Origini e difusione della Bibbia atlantica,” in Le Bibbie atlantiche: Il libro delle scritture tra monumentalità e rappresentazione, ed. Marilena Maniaci and Giulia Oroino (Milan, 2000), 41–42. It is more likely that they originated in Umbria or Southern Tuscany. I am grateful to Lila Yawn for providing me with this reference. See her “The Italian Giant Bibles,” in The Practice of the Bible in the Western Middle Ages, ed. Susan Boynton and Diane Reilly (New York, forthcoming) for further evidence of the production of giant bibles in these areas. The impressive liturgical volume from San Benedetto Polirone, now Verona, CVII (100), with its illuminated collection of tropes and sequences, dated by Giampaola Ropa as belonging to the second half of the eleventh century, suggests that the scriptorium of the Canossan monastery would have been one of the sites for copying the bibles. On Verona, CVII (100), see Giampaolo Ropa, “Testimonianze di vita culturale nei monasteri matildici,” in Studi matildici: Atti e memorie del II convegno di studi matildici. Modena-Reggio E., 1–2–3 maggio 1970 (Modena, 1971), 243–52 and 268–71.

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canticorum and his pericope of Luke, 1:26–56, De sancta Maria tractatus, all demonstrate the large role given to biblical hermeneutics in court circles.4 Matilda seems to have been less prudish than some in her retinue in that her patronage evinces an appreciation of pagan culture and its place in Christian literature. It is unlikely that Rangerio (d. 1112) would have included frequent pagan references in his Vita Anselmi lucensis episcopi (1096–99), a work written at Matilda’s request, had he thought it would displease her.5 The poem in 7,300 lines of hexameter, designed to portray the saintly status of the stern, pious bishop, reveals the learning of its author in its breadth of citations from Sallust, Virgil’s Georgics and Aeneid, Horace’s Epodes, Carmina, and Ars poetica, Lucan, Ovid’s Metamorphoses, and possibly Statius’s Achillides. Gregory the Great and Isidore were Rangerio’s favorites among Christian writers.6 The author’s clear intention was to use Anselmo’s sainthood as proof of the justice of the radical reformation’s cause. 4

5

6

The fragments of Anselmo’s commentary are preserved in Paul of Bernfried, Gregorii VII papae vita, ed. Johannes M. Watterich, in Pontiicum Romanorum vitae, 2 vols. (Leipzig, 1862), 1:541. Probably born in the mid-eleventh century, Eriberto died about 1093: Olivier Guyotjeannin, “Eriberto,” DBI, 43 (Rome, 1993), 151–53. He was Gregorian bishop of Reggio. His commentary is found in PL 79. cols. 549–658. Six letters of Eriberto and his epitaph are found in Ernst Dümmler, Anselm der Peripatetiker nebst andern Beiträgen zur Litteraturgeschichte Italiens im eilften Jahrhundert (Halle, 1872), 59–71. For Donizone (ca. 1070–post 1136), see Paolo Golinelli, “Donizone,” DBI, vol. 41 (Rome, 1992), 200–203. Golinelli considers Donizone’s work the latest of the three commentaries because it contains echoes of those of Giovanni da Mantova and of Eriberto. The work has been published; Giampaolo Ropa, “L’Enarratio Genesis” di Donizone di Canossa: Introduzione, editione, commento e studio d’ambiente (sec. XII–XIII) (Bologna, 1977). See also Ropa, “Testimonianze di vita culturale,” 253–68. Cf. Ian S. Robinson, “The Metrical Commentary on Genesis of Donizo of Canossa: Bible and Gregorian Reform,” Recherches de théologie ancienne et médiévale 41 (1974): 23–37. According to Bernard Bischof, “Der Canticumkommentar des Johannes von Mantua für die Markgräin Mathilde,” in Lebenskräfte in der abendländischen Geistesgeschichte: Festschrift für Walter Goetz (Marburg, 1948), 22–48, Giovanni’s commentary was written between 1081 and 1083. It is published in Iohannis Mantuani in Cantica canticorum et De sancta Maria tractatus ad Comitissam Matildam, ed. Bernard Bischof and Burkhard Taeger, Spicilegium Friburgense, no. 19 (Freiburg, 1973). Bischof notes the absence of classical associations in the works (18). He considers Giovanni’s De Sancta Maria tractatus to be related to the collection of miracles that bishop Ubaldo of Mantua presented to Matilda (24). Giovanni ofered an ecclesiological interpretation of the Psalms—that is, he viewed the bride of the poetry primarily as the Church: E. Ann Matter, The Voice of My Beloved (Philadelphia, 1990), 38. On Rangerio’s origin, see Rafaele Savigni, “L’episcopato lucchese di Rangerio (1096–ca. 1112) tra riforma ‘gregoriana’ e nuova coscienza cittadina,” Ricerche storiche 27 (1997): 6–8. The work is edited by Ernst Sackur, Gerhard Schwartz, and Bernard Schmeidler, in MGH, Scriptores, no. 30, pt. 2 (Leipzig, 1934), 1155–1307. The editors (1153) date the work as written in 1095/96, but it may be dated a few years later: Gabriella Severino, “La Vita metrica di Anselmo da Lucca scritta da Rangerio: Ideologia e genere letterario,” in Sant’Anselmo vescovo di Lucca (1073–1086) nel quadro delle trasformazioni sociali e della reforma ecclesiastica, ed. Cinzio Violante (Rome, 1992), 221. Rangerio had available an earlier life of Anselmo written by a certain B., who erroneously has been identiied as Bardo of Lucca: Edith Pásztor, “Bardo,” DBI, vol. 6 (Rome, 1964), 316. That life is published as Vita Anselmi episcopi Lucensis auctore Bardone presbytero, ed. Roger Wilmans, MGH, Scriptores, no. 12 (Hannover, 1856), 13–35. The author does not seem to have been part of Matilda’s circle. At least he does not indicate that the life was written at her behest. Vita Anselmi lucensis, 1154.

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Rangerio also wrote his De anulo et baculo of 1110 in metric, but the work contrasts with the vita written fourteen years earlier in that in the poem on investiture Rangerio cited no classical sources.7 By this date had the author, now resident in his bishopric, become more sensitive to the appropriateness of introducing pagan authors into Christian texts? While insisting on expressing himself in poetry, was he inluenced by the speciic character of papal investiture discourse that had by that time banished references to the ancients? Of the Italians attached to Matilda’s circle, Donizone (d. ca. 1136), a monk who lived at Sant’ Appollonio at Canossa, not at court, was the only one to compose in verse. He had earlier written in prose, he tells us, and the biography of the countess and her family that he was undertaking was his irst venture into poetry.8 Following the example of the ancient poets, he intended his Vita Mathildis (1111/12–15) as a celebration of the family of Canossa in a “heroic sequence.” The poem’s opening lines, “Wars have been described in the resounding sequence of the French,/We know that the style of Italy depicts battles,/The brilliant deeds of the early Lombards,/The impious deeds or vile words of many men / Are collected in books that they not be forgotten,” however, reveal that literature closer to his own time, French epic poetry and Paolo Diacono’s Historia Langobardorum, were the real sources of inspiration in commemorating for future generations the military exploits of the house of Canossa and Matilda’s tireless battle against the forces of evil.9 Donizone’s Latin is weak, his hexameters uneven, and his choice of diicult words and neologisms from Greek clutter the low of the narrative.10 He does draw on a variety of sources, however, if only a few works are in each group. His use of ancient texts is limited to Virgil’s Georgics and Aeneid and Horace’s Epistolae; apart from Gregory the Great’s Dialogues he appears to have known none of the Church Fathers. Besides liberal biblical references, he cites Paolo Diacono, Isidore, Pietro Damiani, and a number of the treatises in the Libelli de lite, along with some transalpine love lyrics and French epic poetry. He explicitly mentions Guido of Arezzo’s Micrologus. Oddly, he considers Plato a poet.11 Inasmuch as both he and Rangerio in 7 8

9

10

11

See Chapter 4, under “The Propaganda War and the New Style.” Vita di Matilde di Canossa. Edizione, traduzione e note, ed. Paolo Golinelli (Milan, 2008). Donizone’s poem was composed between 1111/12 and 1115: Vita Mathildis, xi. The inal lines celebrating the death of the countess and the visit of Henry V and his wife to Canossa were written in 1116. His confession that this was his irst work in poetry is found in ibid., 8, lines 7–9: “sim licet usus / tantum plana sequi nudisque referre loquelis,/ Hystoriam ingam cum carminibus tamen istam.” On Donizone’s biography of Matilda, see Gina Fasoli, “Rileggendo la Vita Mathildis di Donizone,” Studi Matildici: Atti e memorie del II Convegno di studi matildici, Modena-Reggio E., 1–2–3 maggio 1970 (Modena, 1971), 15–39. Fasoli, “Rileggendo,” 21–22. The Latin reads: “Francorum prosa sunt edita bella sonora,/ Italiaque stilus quod pingit proelia scimus,/ Longobardorum vernantia facta priorum,/ Impia multorum seu vilia dicta virorum,/ Addita sunt libris ne possint mente recidi ...” (8, lines 1–5). See also 32, lines 795–96: “[E]roicum carmen cupio nunc ornet ovanter / Facta ducis magni Bonefacii memorandi.” See the criticism of Luigi Simeoni, Vita comitissae Mathildis celeberrimae principis Italiae, carmine scripta a Donizone presbytero, ed. Luigi Simeoni, in RIS, no. 5, pt. 2 (Bologna, 1940), xvii–xviii. Ropa, “Testimonianze di vita culturale,” 254–65, describes his learning in detail. Cf. Fasoli, “Rileggendo,” 21. Also, for the education of Donizone, see Giuseppe Vecchi, “Temi e momenti di scuola nella Vita Mathildis, 210–17.

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his Vita Anselmi mixed pagan with Christian authors in their expositions, we must again assume that the citation of pagan writers in general was not unwelcome to the countess. The complex scholarly-literary production of the Canossan court, where the presence of a princely patron drew out a variety of creative forces in her entourage, clearly revealed the tension between the emerging legal-rhetorical culture of the future and the older book culture in its newly resurgent form, in this case between a narrow focus on canon law at one pole and a concern for literary expression at the other. All these writers had received their formal education in the last half of the preceding century, which meant that they had been brought up in the traditional book culture of grammar, but, as shown by the character of contemporary treatises on investiture, by 1100 there were those among them who not only no longer valued verbal elegance but even viewed it as distracting one from the communication of truth. Grammar played another role at the Canossan court in the form of exegesis, a relatively new intellectual concern in the regnum and, as we have seen, one closely tied to the efort of reformers to ground their arguments on the irm foundation of scripture. Oddly, while Italian imperialists had equal interest in proving their case, no biblical exegete appears to have emerged from their ranks. Compared with transalpine Europeans, Italians had heretofore shown very little interest in this form of scholarship. Atto of Vercelli’s Expositio epistolarum s. Pauli, composed in the irst half of the tenth century, was perhaps the irst surviving work of this genre written in the kingdom. A brief exegesis of Romans, Corinthians I and II, Galatians, Ephesians, and Philippians, the Expositio, heavily dependent on the Spaniard Claudius of Turin, ofered a straightforward literal reading of the six texts.12 Although his writings exhibit a profound knowledge of scripture, even the proliic Pietro Damiani wrote only a single brief biblical commentary, an allegorized interpretation of Genesis, Expositio mystica historiarum libri Geneseos.13 Like that of Damiani, the biblical exegeses done by scholars at Matilda’s court were modest achievements. Those done by their contemporary, Bruno of Segni (d. 1123), however, made him one of the major biblical scholars of medieval Europe.14 Born and educated at Asti, Bruno held a canonry at Siena from 1070 to 1080. Perhaps because of his services to Gregory VII during the controversy with Berengar, he became bishop of Segni. For the rest of his life, even when he was abbot of Montecassino (1107–11), Bruno was deeply involved in the defense of the Roman papacy and 12

13

14

P. Ceslas Spicq, Esquisse d’une histoire de l’exégèse latine au Moyen Âge (Paris, 1944), 53–54; and Suzanne F. Wemple, Atto of Vercelli: Church, State, and Christian Society in Tenth Century Italy, Temi e testi, no. 27 (Rome, 1979), 24–26 and 44–47. The thesis of Tarcisio Piodi di Robbio, “L’expositio in epistolas Pauli di Attone vescovo di Vercelli” (diss., Università cattolica del sacro cuore, Milan, 1955), cited by Wemple in her bibliography, was not available to me. I do not discuss the commentaries of Claudius, bishop of Turin (d. 827), because of his Spanish origin and late arrival in Italy. On Claudius, see Spicq, Esquisse, 36–37. The biblical commentaries of Lanfranco were all done in Francia. PL 145, cols. 841–58. The work is discussed by Spicq, Esquisse, 53. An anonymous disciple arranged Damiani’s biblical references in his writings according to their order in the Bible; PL 145, cols. 987–1176. These are found in PL 164 and 165.

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served as papal ambassador not only in Italy but also in transalpine Europe. He was canonized in 1181 or 1183. Like the exegetes in Matilda’s court a fervent supporter of the radical reform, Bruno of Segni has been called the greatest Italian biblical scholar of the Middle Ages.15 Whereas the exegetical work of Anselmo, Donizone, and Eriberto was conined to one book of the Bible or, in the case of Giovanni of Mantua, to one book and a small portion of another, Bruno’s commentaries, beginning with the Song of Songs, written for the cathedral canons at Siena in 1078, included Isaiah, Revelations, Job, Proverbs (31:10–31), the Gospels, Judges, and Kings, the last two of which are lost.16 Well educated from boyhood in biblical theology, Bruno had shown no sympathy for or interest in the writings of pagan philosophers and poets – now condemning the erroneous character of their writings, now questioning the utility of their work for Christian thinkers.17 Like Damiani, he was also unsparing in his criticism of the use of dialectic in theology and sought to interpret scripture with scripture.18 Insisting that littera or narratio was inseparable from signiication, his tendency was not to give weight to the literal meaning of a passage, but to pass quickly to the allegorical or mystical sense of the text.19 Bruno’s work, like that of Eriberto, Anselmo of Lucca, Giovanni, and Donizone, was clearly oriented to the support of the papacy.20 In Bruno’s case, he aggressively politicized allegory in order to deine, not only the primacy of the Roman Church and its relationship to the empire, but also the sinful nature of simony and the doubtful status of sacraments administered by simoniacs. Very possibly the political 15

16 17

18 19

20

Hartmut Hofman, “Bruno di Segni, santo,” DBI, vol. 14 (Rome, 1972), 644–47, provides a brief sketch of his life. Joseph de Ghellinck, Littérature latine au moyen âge, 2 vols. (Paris, 1939), 2:107, regarded him as “le meilleur exégète du moyen âge,” but Henri de Lubac appraised him more modestly as the best Italian exegete in the period 600–1200: Henri de Lubac, Exégèse médiévale: Les quatre sens de l’Écriture, 2 vols. in 4 pts. (Lyon, 1961), vol. 2, pt. 1, 215. For a detailed study of his commentaries, see Réginald Grégoire, Bruno de Segni: Exégète médiévale et théologien monastique (Spoleto, 1965); and articles in Bruno di Segni (1123) e la chiesa del suo tempo: Giornati di studio, Segni, 4–5 Novembre, 1999, ed. Francesco Cipollini (Venafro, 2001). His commentary on the Psalms is discussed by Ann Astell, The Song of Songs in the Middle Ages (Ithaca, N.Y., and London, 1990), 42–60. See now also William L. North, “In the Shadows of Reform: Exegesis and the Formation of a Clerical Elite in the Works of Bruno, Bishop of Segni (1078/9–1123)” (Ph.D. diss., University of California at Berkeley, 1998). Hofman, “Bruno di Segni,” 646. His knowledge of their works was probably drawn from earlier biblical commentaries or from lorilegia: Grégoire, Bruno de Segni, 19–22 and 148–49. Grégoire, Bruno de Segni, 147. Ibid., 185–91. Spicq, Esquisse, 113, maintains that Bruno’s Expositio in Pentateuchum, or at least the sections on Genesis and Exodus, are conined to a literal interpretation, while de Lubac, Exégèse médiévale, 2.1: 215–19, convincingly demonstrates that they are also, and primarily, allegorical in nature. Ian S. Robinson, “Political Allegory in the Biblical Exegesis of Bruno of Segni,” Recherches de théologie ancienne et médiévale 50 (1983): 69–98. The topical nature of these commentaries is also stressed by Carla Albarello, “Giovanni da Mantova,” DBI, vol. 56 (Rome, 2001), 78–80; and Silvia Cantelli, “Il commento al Cantico dei Cantici di G. da Mantova,” SM, ser. 3, 26 (1985): 101–84. From the opening paragaphs of his Expositio in Psalmos, Oddone of Asti (d. 1120), a contemporary biblical commentator, announces his Gregorian loyalty when, in commenting on Psalm 1.1, “Et in via peccatorum non stetit,” he writes (PL 165, col. 1151): “Sciendum est autem quoniam alia cathedra est pestilentiae, alia vero salutis. Cathedra enim Petri et Pauli apostolorum pastorumque salutis est; haereticorum, non nisi mortis et pestilentiae.” On Oddone, see Spicq, Esquisse, 113.

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concerns of the papal party helped to determine its preference for allegorical over literal interpretation. At least when dealing with the historical books of the Old Testament that on a literal level depicted a society in which kings were superior to priests, exegetes of radical reform had to shape the biblical texts by means of allegory to it their own purposes.21 The golden age of Italian biblical exegesis enjoyed but a brief summer, covering approximately the span of Bruno of Segni’s mature life. Paradoxically, its fate was adversely afected by the centralizing power of the papacy that the reform produced. A useful weapon in the struggle against the empire, exegesis proved not entirely trustworthy, and, once they triumped in Italy, papal authorities were understandably reluctant to encourage a scholarly enterprise that harbored the potential for producing unsettling interpretations and possibly encouraging heresy. Liturgy, hagiography, and canon law were more reliable supports of orthodoxy.22 THE CIVIC PANEGYRISTS

Pisa, perhaps the largest city in Matilda’s domains, acted as a second cultural center. The cathedral of the city appears to have been the hub of literary activities that, unlike those at Mantua, were principally civic in character. Distinct from many other Italian dioceses between 1075 and 1122, Pisa, a major maritime power in the western Mediterranean by 1100, had escaped open warfare between opposing claimants for possession of the see.23 The relative stabilty of the ecclesiastical establishment throughout the investiture period doubtless contributed to the smooth functioning of the cathedral school and favored continuity with an earlier program of education in which, presumably, ancient Roman literature played a signiicant role. In any case, the rapid development of the city’s economy, the expansion of its territorial possessions inland, its designs on Sardinia and Corsica, and its series of victories over the Muslims along the African and Sicilian coasts revived memories of Pisa’s Roman heritage. Inspired by their pride in economic and military achievement, Pisans in 1063 undertook the building of a new cathedral, the most ambitious construction project in Italy in the eleventh century.24 Heavily dependent on classical models, the structure, both by its architecture and the mixture of ancient Roman and modern inscriptions set in its façade, ofered visible testimony to the Pisan sense of an intimate link between ancient Roman and contemporary Pisan victories over its enemies.25 21 22

23

24

25

Spicq, Esquisse, 95–98. This interpretation was suggested to me by William L. North, who is preparing a monograph on the works of Bruno of Segni. Craig B. Fisher, “The Pisan Clergy and an Awakening of Historical Interest in a Medieval Commune,” Studies in Medieval and Renaissance History 3 (1966): 145–46. Between 1080 and 1084 Bishop Landolfo showed imperial sympathies, but he could do little to give them efect because of the populace’s loyalty to the reform. Why his death was followed by a four-year vacancy in the oice remains obscure. From 1088 on, the bishops were consistently members of the reform party. Giuseppe Scaglia, “Romanitas pisana tra XI e XII secolo: Le iscrizioni romane del duomo e la statua del console Rodolfo,” SM, ser. 3, 13 (1972): 791–843, emphasizes the monumental cathedral as of a piece with the romanitas of the Pisan inscriptions. On the inscriptions, see also Giuseppe Scaglia, “Epigraphica pisana: Testi latini sulla spedizione contro le Baleari del 1113–1115 e su altre imprese antisaracene del sec. XI,” Miscellanea di studi ispanici

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Thirty or forty years before the composition of most of the inscriptions in the 1120s and early 1130s, a Latin poem appeared that helps to explain why representation of Pisan victories over the Saracens igured so prominently in them.26 Comparing the triumphs over the Muslims to the victory of Rome over Carthage and of Gideon over the Midianites, the Ritmo Pisano praised the conquest and destruction of several Moslem cities on the North African coast in 1087.27 Probably written soon after the event by a cleric, the Ritmo raised the African conquests of Pisa to an epic level by depicting Ugo Visconte, the Pisan general who had died in battle, as a great hero “like to the noblest king of the Greeks” (v. 178:615).28 The strophe celebrating Visconte’s death is representative of the seventy-two others in language, versiication, and tone: Non iacebis tu sepultus Ne te tractent Saraceni, Pisa nobilis te ponet te Italia plorabit,

hac in terra pessima, qui sunt quasi bestia. in sepulcrum patrium, legens epitaphium.29

Constructed of lines of ifteen syllables with the principal caesura after the eighth syllable, the second hemistiches of the four-line strophes usually conclude either in rhyme, as here, or in assonance (aabb). Employing a simple vocabulary, the intensely patriotic author endeavored through a mingling of biblical and classical references to envisage the contemporary conlict as part of the historic struggle of good against evil.

26 27

28 29

6 (1963): 234–86; and idem, “Ancora intorno all’epigrafe sulla fondazione del duomo pisano,” SM, ser. 3, 1o (1969): 483–519. See also Fisher, “Pisan Clergy,” 161–77; and Ottavio Banti, “Note di epigraia medievale a proposito di due iscrizioni del sec. XI–XII situate sulla facciata del Duomo di Pisa,” SM, ser. 3, 22 (1981): 267–81. Max Seidel,“Dombau, Kreuzzugsidee und Expansionpolitik: Zur Ikonographie der Pisaner Kathedralbauten,” Frühmittelalterliche Studien 11 (1977): 341–42, dates the facade on which the inscriptions appear as “wahrscheinlich um 1120” (341). The epitaph of Enrico, a consul of Pisa probably in the 1120s, is published by Scaglia, “Romanitas pisana tra XI e XII secolo,” 808: “Quam sequeris belli fortuna, laude sequaris / Romam, Pisa, tui consulis egregii.” Enrico is likened to Cato, Hector, Cicero, Fabius, and Regulus. The dating of the poem is found in Fisher, “Pisan Clergy,” 172. The observation was made by Seidel, “Dombau, Kreuzzugsidee und Expansionpolitik,” 344–45. Fisher, “Pisan Clergy,” 187–91, argues for 1120 against the traditional date of 1088, the year after the victory. His position is refuted by Giuseppe Scaglia, “Il carme pisano sull’impresa contro i Saraceni del 1087,” in Studi di ilologia romanza oferti a Silvio Pellegrini (Padua, 1971), 570–71, n. 20; and Seidel, “Dombau, Kreuzzugsidee und Expansionspolitik,” 343–45. I ind Seidel’s argument that the poem was written by an eyewitness convincing. For Scaglia’s edition of the work, see his “Il carme pisano,” 597–623. The author of the poem announces the parallel between Pisa and Rome in the opening lines (597): “Inclytorum Pisanorum scripturus historiam / Antiquorum Romanorum renovo memoriam / Nam extendit modo Pisa laudem admirabilem / Quam olim recepit Roma vincendo Carthaginem.” The comparison with Gideon and the Midianites is found in the second and third strophes (597–98). Here, as in other poems discussed below, Christian and pagan themes and igures are interwoven. For the date, see Fisher, “Pisan Clergy,” 187. Lines 185–88 (616): “You will not be buried in this foul ground / so that the Saracens, who are like beasts, drag you out./ Noble Pisa places you in a burial place at home./ Reading your epitaph Italy will mourn you.”

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A second epic poem, the Liber Maiolichinus, written in its inal form around 1130, probably by Enrico, a canon of the cathedral, to celebrate the city’s conquest of Maiorca in 1114–15, again magniied the importance of a Pisan victory by associating it with warlike deeds of the ancients.30 Although the crusading theme emerged more explicitly than in the Ritmo, there were only a handful of Christian references. Whereas the author of the earlier poem depended heavily on words taken from scripture and the liturgy, the author of the Liber exhibited a more consistent use of classical vocabulary.31 The second poem’s classicism, however, had clear limits: while metric hexameters dominated, they were often mixed with accentual ones and rhymed endings were not unusual.32 Essentially a chronicle of events set in poetry, the long, generally tedious succession of 3,526 hexameters was at points redeemed by lines infused with the expression of the author’s deep love of his native city.33 These two surviving poems constituted the modest poetic achievements of Pisan literary activity in the late eleventh and early twelfth centuries, but a few prose works accompanied them. Author of a geography and two collections of historical, political, geographical, and legendary texts, Guido, almost certainly the deacon described in the Liber maiolichinus as “versed in the matter of the trivium,” was very likely a canon of the cathedral.34 His Geographica (1118) drew heavily on a late-seventh century geographical work from Ravenna (Ravennatis anonymi Cosmographia), but he interlarded that source with bits and pieces borrowed from elsewhere.35 His compilation consisted of four parts: the irst, an enumeration of the cities of Italy; second, a short description of the ancient Roman provinces of Italy; Guido then listed, with brief comments, the cities circling the Mediterranean and concluded with a summary of the geography of the world drawn from Isidore.36 He made frequent references to ancient literature and history, but it is likely that most of them appeared in the books that he was using as sources. Guido’s irst collection of texts contained selections from books well known in his own time, such as Isidore’s Chronica maiora and Paolo Diacono’s Historiae 30

31

32

33 34

35

36

The text is found in Liber Maiolichinus de gestis Pisanorum illustribus, poema della guerra baleanica secondo il cod. pisano Roncioni, ed. Carlo Calisse, FSI, no. 29 (Rome, 1904). For the author, see Fisher, “Pisan Clergy,” 197–98. See the detailed stylistic analysis in Scaglia, “Il carme pisano,” 586–93. The links with ancient Rome are emphasized throughout the work: for example, in lines 32, 765, and 778–80. For associations with Troy, see lines 2165 and 2380–82. Fisher, “Pisan Clergy,” 202; and Scaglia’s notes to the Ritmo: “Il carme pisano,” 597–625 and 627. Calisse, editor of the Liber, stresses the poet’s ability to exploit his knowledge of ancient literature, history, and mythology in the poem: Liber Maiolichinus, xiii. Liber Maiolichinus, xiv. See also Francesco Novati and Angelo Monteverdi, Le origini continuate e compiute da Angelo Monteverdi (Milan, 1926), 595. Giuseppe Chiri, La poesia epico-storica latina dell’Italia medioevale (Modena, 1939), 43, n. 11. The Liber Maiolichinus, 26, line 530, describes him as “ordine levita, trivii ratione peritus.” For Guido generally, see Carla Albarello, “Guido da Pisa,” DBI, vol. 61 (Rome, 2003), 409–11. The work is published by Maurice Pinder and Gustav Parthey, Ravennatis anonymi Cosmographia et Guidonis Geographica (Berlin, 1860), 449–556. The section on geography was reedited by Joseph Schnetz in Itineraria romana:Volumen alterum: Ravennatis anonoymi Cosmographia et Guidonis Geographica (Leipzig, 1940), 113–42. The parts are divided according to the following chapters: (1) 5–55; (2) 56–68; (3) 69–119; and (4) 120–30.

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Romanae brevarium and Historia Langobardorum.37 The collection concluded with a short account of the Pisan earthquake of 1117. In a second volume he copied Solinus together with fragments of Bede and Orosius.38 He probably found all of these works in Pisa, most likely in the library of the cathedral. Is it possible that he was related in any way to the composition of three short anonymous chronicles written in 1118/9 in the aftermath of the Balearic expedition?39 Nevertheless, it was not a cleric in Matilda’s domains but a rich layman from Bergamo famous for his Greek learning, Mosè del Brolo (d. after 1146), who composed the most elegant poetic work of this period. Like the Pisan writings, the work found its inspiration in the author’s deep feeling for his native city. Little is known of Mosè apart from the years 1130–46, when he served as secretary for the Eastern emperor in Constantinople.40 Besides his work in Greek scholarship, sometime between 1120 and 1130, probably in Constantinople, he composed the uninished Liber Pergaminus, which lavishly celebrated the beauties of his patria.41 The irst Italian Latin poem composed consistently in hexameter bisyllabic rhyme, the Liber Pergaminus strove for efect by using the rhetorical techniques of apostrophe, description, and expolitio, that is, the repetition of the same idea in different words.42 The author knew Ovid and Virgil intimately, but occasionally he also echoed Lucan, Sallust, and Horace. Although he explicitly recognized that the Gallic 37

38

39

40

41

42

Fisher, “Pisan Clergy,” 180, surmises that the collection of texts was made between 1115 and 1118 and the manuscript containing it in 1118/19. The manuscript is described by José Ruysschaert, ed., Codices vaticani latini, codices 11414–11709 (Vatican City, 1959), 311–15. The manuscript is described by H. Idris Bell, “A Solinus Manuscript from the Library of Coluccio Salutati,” Speculum 4 (1929): 451–61. Of the three works, entitled Annales antiquissimi, Fragmentum auctoris incerti, and Gesta triumphalia respectively, the latter two were subsequently added to: Fisher, “Pisan Clergy,” 151–57. The Annales antiquissimi, a short series of dates and events, is published by Francesco Novati, “Un nuovo testo degli Annales pisani antiquissimi e le prime lotte di Pisa contro gli arabi,” Centenario della nascita di Michele Amari, 2 vols. (Palermo, 1910), 2:13. Modern editions of the other two are found in Fragmentum auctoris incerti, ed. Michele Lupo-Gentile, RIS, no. 6, pt. 2 (Bologna, 1936), 99–103; and Gesta triumphalia per Pisanos facta de captione Hierusalem et civitatis Maioricarum, ed. Michele LupoGentile, RIS, no. 6, pt. 2, 87–96. Filippomaria Pontani, “Mosè del Brolo e la sua lettera da Costantinopoli,” Aevum 72 (1998): 159. Cf. Giovanni Cremaschi, Mosè del Brolo e la cultura a Bergamo nei secoli XI–XII (Bergamo, 1945), 59; and Peter Classen, Burgundio von Pisa: Richter, Gesandter, Übersetzer, Sitzungsberichte der Heidelberger Akademie der Wissenshaften: Philosophisch-historische Klasse, 1974, no. 4 (Heidelberg, 1974), 13. Mosè appears to have had close links with the Venetian colony in Constantinople and may originally have gone there as a merchant: Cremaschi, Mosè del Brolo, 54. His special task as secretary seems to have been translating Greek documents into Latin: Pontani, “Mosè del Brolo,” 167. See also Pontani’s “Mosè del Brolo fra Bergamo e Constantinopoli,” in Maestri e traduttori bergamaschi fra medioevo e rinascimento, ed. Claudia Villa and Francesco Lo Monaco (Bergamo, 1998), 13–26. Cremaschi, Mosè del Brolo, 103–4, dates the work between 1120 and 1130. Cremaschi published it, 204–28; other writings are found in ibid., 163–200. The most recent editor, Guglielmo Gorni, “Il Liber Pergaminus di Mosè de Brolo,” SM, ser. 3, 11 (1970): 440–56, dates the poem ca. 1125 (420). Carl Joachim Classen, Der Stadt im Spiegel der “Descriptiones” und “Laudes urbium” in der antiken und mittelalterlichen Literatur bis zum Ende der zwölften Jahrhunderts (Hildesheim and New York, 1980), 55–57, discusses the poem’s place in the tradition of laudes urbium. For a discussion of the stylistic aspects of the poem, see Cremaschi, Mosè del Brolo, 111–15; and Gorni, “Liber Pergaminus,” 436–39 and 457–60.

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captain Brenno had founded his city, Mosè tied the city to a Roman heritage by praising the Roman general Fabius, who had triumphed over the Gallica pestis and set the city on its path to greatness.43 Mosè’s education in Bergamo around the turn of the century, probably in a cathedral school, had evidently prepared him for writing this artful composition, but the composition itself was likely inspired by his contact with the rich classicizing literary productions he encountered in the Byzantine capital under John II and Manuel I, where he appears to have spent decades.44 No work by an Italian can compare with the Liber pergaminus in its elaborate use of ancient authors until, under French inluence, Enrico of Settimello composed his Elegia in 1192/93. Aside from a short, uncompleted fable by Grosolano (1117), archbishop of Milan, the only other surviving poem contemporary with the Liber Maiolichinus and the Liber Pergaminus was De bello Mediolanensium adversus Comenses, composed by an eyewitness from Como in the aftermath of the Milanese victory over his city.45 The anonymous poet recounts, in 2,030 hexameter verses, the history of the war between Como and Milan between 1118 and 1127, which resulted in a Milanese conquest. Although no ancient writer is explicitly cited, the author presents the war as comparable to the Greek war against Troy, and its heroes with contemporary warriors.46 The fact that, with the possible exception of Mosè, the poets discussed to this point and in the next section rarely rose above mediocrity has been attributed by one scholar to the modest role played by ancient letters in medieval Italian education.47 Indeed, in the course of the twelfth century, given the prejudices against pagan letters and the streamlining of education to accommodate the demand for basic Latin literacy, interest in ancient literature and history did diminish. Nevertheless, while this is no doubt true, long-standing factors – the lack of patronage, the absence of a literary/scholarly tradition, the exceptional degree of engagement of clerics in secular government, and a reluctance to rival the ancients – continued to afect not only the attitude toward the ancients but also the quantity and character of literary production. Paradoxically, even as literary production in the regnum remained low, the number of people who could read Latin (albeit scarcely at an advanced level) was quickly rising. A new culture of literacy was thriving, but one that as yet did not concern itself with classical literary forms. Expressed from the standpoint of demand: the regnum lacked a “textual community” that could appreciate or foster traditional literary and scholarly compositions.48 The patriotic orientation of the poems that did survive, 43 44

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Cremaschi, Mosè del Brolo, lines 301–71, on 225–28. According to tradition, Mosè composed the work at the request of the Byzantine emperor: Pontani, “Mosè del Brolo,” 13. For Grosolano’s poem, see Chapter 6, n. 19. In the preface to the De bello Mediolanensium adversus Comenses. Liber cumanus, RIS, no. 5 (Milan, 1724), 413, the author testiies that “quaeque meis oculis vidi potius referabo.” Cf. Max Manitius, Geschichte der lateinischen Literatur des Mittelalters, 3 vols. (Munich, 1911–31), 3:675–76. De bello Mediolanensium, 414 and 442. Novati and Monteverdi, Le origini, 646. For the term, see Brian Stock, The Implications of Literacy:Written Language and Models of Interpretation in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries (Princeton, N.J., 1983), 88–240.

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apart from those written in Matilda’s circle, indicate that uppermost in the minds of clerics and laymen alike was the welfare of the urban patria. For a society in which political, economic, and social issues largely dictated the parameters for intellectual interests, poetry had little relevance. LITERARY PRODUCTION IN THE AGE OF FREDERICK I

Literary productivity fell of sharply after 1130. An apparent void developed between that date and the 1160s, when the intense struggle between the German emperor, Frederick I (Barbarossa), and Milan inspired at least three poems, two of which have survived.49 The war ended in the late winter of 1162 with the destruction of the great Italian metropolis and the humiliation of its people. Milan’s ruin constituted the focus of a hexameter poem entitled De destructione Mediolani.50 Written as a planctus (plaint), the work took the form of a dialogue between a wanderer and Milan. Lamenting her evil fortune to her interlocutor, the city compared its fate to what befell Thebes, Troy, and Rome. Perhaps written as late as 1167 when the Lombard League was taking form against the emperor, the last hexameters of the poem ended with the expectation that Milan would rise again. Associating the Italy of his own day with its ancient Roman heritage, the poet dismissed Milan’s desolation as a temporary condition. For him the city had been the bulwark of Italy: “Latii fortissima dextra” (Strongest right arm of Latium, v. 7); “Spes Latii, Romana salus” (hope of Latium, Roman safety, v. 188).51 The poet was highly skilled technically and easily capable of intermingling ancient pagan literature with biblical references but lacked the imaginative and emotive power to go much beyond a narrative of events.52 In all probability of Bergamasque origin, the Gesta per Federicum Barbamrubeam, an uninished poem celebrating the deeds of Frederick I between 1152 and 1160, was written soon after the date when the poem broke of and before 1162.53 Drawn 49

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Frova, “Città e ‘Studium,’” 89, n. 14, cites a reference in the necrology of the Vercelli cathedral to a work on Frederick I’s military campaigns in Italy by magister Pietro of Cotio, but no manuscript survives. Antonio Viscardi, “La cultura milanese nei secoli vii–xii,” in Dagli albori del comune all’incoronazione di Federico Barbarossa (1002–1152), Storia di Milano, no. 3 (Milan, 1954), 759–60; and Maria Rosaria Matrella, “Note sul De destructione Mediolani: Struttura, stile, lingua,” Rivista di cultura classica e medioevale 22 (1980): 115–33. The De destructione has been published twice: Ernst Dümmler, “Gedicht auf die Zerstörung Mailands,” Neues Archiv der Gesellschaft für ältere deutsche Geschichtskunde 11 (1886): 467–74; and Maria De Marco, ed., “De destructione civitatis Mediolanensis,” in Epos e ritmi dell’età comunale (Bari, 1973), 59–68, 183–92, 323–36. Dümmler, “Gedicht,” lines 7 and 188. For his classical and biblical references, see Matrella, “Note,” 130–32. Gesta di Federico I in Italia, ed. Ernesto Monaci, FSI, no. 1 (Rome, 1887). There is a more recent edition by Irene Schmale-Ott, Carmen de gestis Frederici I Imperatoris in Lombardia, MGH, Scriptores rerum germanicarum in usum scholarum, no. 62 (Hannover, 1965). For correction of the text, see J.B. Rall, “The Carmen de gestis Frederici imperatoris in Lombardia,” SM, ser. 3, 26 (1985): 969–76. On the author, see Cremaschi, Mosè del Brolo, 38–39. Gian Luigi Barni, “La lotta contro il Barbarossa,” in Dalle lotte contro il Barbarossa al primo signore (1152–1310), Storia di Milano, vol. 4 (Milan, 1954), 3–112, provides an excellent narrative of the emperor’s relationship with the Italian cities and especially with Milan. Cremaschi, Mosè del Brolo, 42, considers the poem to have been written by a Bergamasque cleric, magister Iohannes Asinus, but he ofers no evidence.

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from many of the same sources that Mosè del Brolo used in his Liber Pergaminus, the poem mingled praise for the emperor with grief over the desolation inlicted by the Italian cities upon themselves. The author warned that while Milan, which had not yet been destroyed, constituted the greatest threat to public peace, other cities also bore a share of the blame for the insecurity of the times. Presumably a supporter of Frederick I, the author envisaged the emperor as restoring the majesty and power of ancient Rome through his Italian policies.54 The hexameter poem was straightforward, rarely rising above a rehearsal of events. It drew heavily on Virgil, Ovid, Lucan, and other ancient poets for mythological references, phrases, and conceptions, so that whole passages became mosaics of their work. Nonetheless, at a few points, primarily when confronted with the bravery of the Milanese, the poet gave vent to strong Italian patriotism.55 The poem remained incomplete, probably because Bergamo, after several years of complaining of mistreatment by the emperor, broke with Frederick in 1167 and entered the Lombard League against him.56 Three lay historians also wrote in the period 1100–80.57 The irst, the Genoese Cafaro, authored the Annales, a narrative spanning the irst two-thirds of the century.58 Cafaro (1080/81–1166) began his history of Genoa as a series of personal notes when he was twenty. In the notes he recorded the names of oiceholders and succinctly described events of Genoese history, many of which he had witnessed, from 1100 on. His whole interest was in accuracy, not artistic efect.59 The chronicle

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56 57

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Two brief poems remaining from these decades also have patriotic themes as their subjects and are narrative in form: a Brescian poem, Inno bresciano per la battaglia di Palosco, a battle fought in 1156, published by Federico Odorici in Storie bresciane dai primi tempi sino all’età nostra, 11 vols. (Brescia, 1853–65), 5:108; and a poem on the siege of Alessandria of 1175, edited by Oswald HolderEgger, “Rhythmus auf den Sieg des Lombardenbundes vom Jahre 1175,” in his “Bericht über eine Reise nach Italien im Jahre 1891,” Neues Archiv der Gesellschaft für ältere deutsche Geschichtskunde 17.2 (1892): 493–96. Gesta, lines 1059–62: “Imperium quondam romanum terra timebat/ Omnis, ad occasum quaecumque est solis ab ortu/ nec gens ulla ducis romani spernere iussa/ Audebat, proprio nisi vellet honore carere....” See especially the poet’s representation of Milan’s deiance of the emperor by helping Tortona to rebuild its walls, recently destroyed by imperial command (lines 1896–99). At lines 3309–10 he sings praises of “Mediolani sublimis.” Cf. Novati and Morteverdi, Le origini, 600, who see Milan as the heroine of the poem “senza che il poeta lo voglia.” Novati and Morteverdi, Le origini, 599, suggests the timing. To these three histories and the lost work of Pietro of Cotio (cf. n. 49, above) could be added a short account, also now lost, of the papal schism between Alexander III and Victor, written by a certain Giovanni, a Cremonese priest, in the 1160s or 1170s. See Francesco Novati, “Obituario della cattedrale di Cremona,” Archivio storico lombardo 7 (1880): 258. Cremona in these decades hosted other writers as well: Ambrogio, author of a saint’s vita and possibly of an account of the saint’s miracles and translatio (BHL 3957: Translatio s. Hymerii ep. Amerini in Cremonensi Ecclesia); and Alberto, who compiled an immense illuminated martyrology (ibid., 257–58). Cafaro, Annales: ann. MXCIX–MCLXIII, ed. Luigi T. Belgrano, Annali Genovesi di Cafaro e de’ suoi continuatori dal MXCIX al MCCXCIII, ed. Luigi T. Belgrano and Cesare Imperiale, FSI, nos. 11–14 (Rome, 1890–1929), 11:2–75. A brief biography of Cafaro is found in Giovanna Petti Balbi, “Cafaro,” DBI, no. 16 (Rome, 1973), 256–60. The history of the Annales is discussed by Girolamo Arnaldi, “Uno sguardo agli annali genovesi,” in Studi sui cronisti della Marca trevigiana nell’età di Ezzelino da Romano (Rome, 1963),

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was carried forward over the next two hundred years by a series of writers who on the whole remained faithful to Cafaro’s unpretentious style.60 He also authored two histories recording the Genoese contribution to the crusade against the Muslims.61 The De rebus Laudensibus (On the history of Lodi) had three authors: Otto Morena (d. ca. 1161), his son Acerbo (d. 1167), both judices et missi imperatoris, and an anonymous continuator. The prose history recounts the deeds of Frederick I in Italy from 1153 to 1168.62 While hostile to Milan, the city that had destroyed their own native city, Lodi, and scattered its inhabitants in 1111, the work exhibited a remarkable balance in its narrative of events.63 Both Otto and Acerbo used Sallust, and Acerbo, Suetonius and Lucan as well, but no poets are cited. All three writers, however, wrote in a Latin rich in Italianisms.64 Despite the weakness of their Latinity, all three men had a gift for observation, a talent for lively description, and a commitment to the truth – expressly stated by Acerbo and certiied by modern historians – that distinguish them as “natural historians.”65 The author of a third history, Gesta Frederici I imperatoris in Lombardia, treating the years 1154–77, cannot be identiied, but internal evidence indicates that he was a layman.66 The crude lines, while grammatically correct, were bare of classical reminiscences. Occasionally, however, the straightforward narrative is broken by an expression of feeling as when the author, describing the expulsion of the Milanese population from their ruined city, wrote, “And who would be able to hold back tears when he saw the plaint, mourning, and sadness of husbands and wives and

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225–45. Cafaro authored the Annales down to 1152, after which time he worked with another author, presumably Macrobio, bringing the work down to 1163. Their names to the end of our period are as follows: Oberto (1164–73); Ottobono (1173–96); Ogerio (1197–1219); Marchisio (1220–24); Bartolomeo and Urso (1225–48); and an anonymous writer (1249–64). Ystoria captionis Almerie et Tortuose, in Annali genovesi, ed. Luigi T. Belgrano, in Belgrano and Imperiale, no. 11:79–89 (ca. 1150), as well as his De liberatione civitatum Orientis liber, ed. Luigi T. Belgrano, in Annali genovesi, ed. Belgrano and Imperiale, no. 11:99–124 (1156). The De rebus laudensibus is published in Das Geschichtswerk des Otto Morena und seiner Fortsetzer über die Taten Friedrichs I. in der Lombardei, ed. Ferdinand Güterbock, MGH, Scriptores, n.s., no. 7 (Berlin, 1930). The work of the Morenas was carried on by an anonymous writer who may have been related to them. Otto wrote about 60 percent of the work bringing it down to 1161, Acerbo down to 1164, and the continuator to spring 1168 (xxiv–xxvii).The supposed reference to Apuleius in the story of the dying Irnerio and the “Four Doctors” was a thirteenth-century interpolation: Giacomo Pace,“‘Garnerius Theutonicus’: Nuove fonti su Irnerio e i ‘quattro dottori,’” in Miscellanea Domenico Mafei Dictata: Historia-ius-studium, ed. Antonio García y García and Peter Weimar, 4 vols. (Goldbach, 1995), 1:97–99. De rebus laudensibus, xix–xx. Ibid., xvi. The phrase is that of the editor, xvii. The work, Gesta Federici I: imperatoris in Lombardia auct. Cive Mediolanensi (Annales Mediolanenses maiores), was edited most recently by Oswald Holder-Egger, MGH, Scriptores, no. 4 (Hannover, 1892). See the astute comments of Novati, in his le origini, 571.The text itself suggests that the author was a layman. He writes (Gesta, 48), under May 1161, that “electi sunt de unaquaque parochia civitatis duo homines et de eisdem tres de unaquaque porta, quorum unus ego fui, qui ceteris preessent, ut eorum arbitrio annona et vinum et merces venderentur et pecunia mutuo daretur; quod in perniciem civitatis versum est.” Cf. Antonio Viscardi, “La cultura milanese,” 758–59.

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especially the inirm and pregnant women, and boys departing and abandoning their own homes?”67 Although the author began his spare narration with the arrival of Frederick I in Italy and traced the warfare that followed down to the Battle of Legnano in 1176 and the Peace of Venice in 1177, the prime object of the poem was to describe “the oppression and unusual subjection [of Lombardy] and especially the siege, betrayal, and destruction of the Milanese.”68 From the middle decades of the twelfth century historical prose became a genre almost monopolized by lay writers. As we shall see, these texts would serve as a means by which the individual Italian communes established their identity, and their large number points to a signiicant readership of such literature.The inal chapter of this book will use these writings in part to gauge the progress of education among the urban elite. TWELFTH-CENTURY HAGIOGRAPHY

Trends in hagiographic writings are more diicult to date than trends in the genres of composition we have just been discussing – that is, biblical exegesis, patriotic poetry, and communal history – but it would seem that a decisive change in their production occurred after 1130. Compared with the previous hundred years they were fewer in number and a larger percentage appeared anonymously. Especially signiicant was the sharp drop in the number of monastic vitae, along with a new emphasis on recent rather than ancient saints.69 It would be wrong to argue that the decline in numbers relected a growing secularization of society in the regnum. As has been said (Chapter 4, under “PostInvestiture Religiosity”), popular commitment to religious activities probably increased after 1122, and the political life of the commune was closely bound to religious rituals and ecclesiastical sanctions. The general decline in the quantity of hagiographical literature can best be attributed to ambivalence about how to 67

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“Et quis esset, qui posset lacrimas retinere, qui videret planctum et luctum atque merorem marium et mulierum et maxime inirmorum et feminarum de partu et puerorum egredientium et proprios lares reliquentium?”: Gesta Federici I, 53. Ibid., 15–16: “Misere itaque Lombardie ... opressionem et insolitam subiectionem, maxime Mediolanensium obsessionem, proditionem atque destructionem breviter narrare studebo.” Paolo Golinelli, “Italia settentrionale, 1130–1220,” in Hagiographies: Histoire internationale de la littérature hagiographique latine et vernaculaire en Occident des origines à 1550, ed. Guy Philippart, 4 vols. (Turnhout, 1994–), 1:125, presents the hagiographical writings composed after 1130 as characteristic of an age of transition:“La produzione agiograica del secolo XII nell’Italia settentrionale si presenta con le caratteristiche di un età di transizione: non è più l’agiograia tradizionale, basata su modelli precedenti, topoi e cristomimesi, ma non è nemmeno l’agiograia dei secoli successivi, molto più aderente alle igure storiche dei santi e per lo più d’autore. Abbiamo invece testi prevalentemente anonimi, che escono da ambienti culturali tradizionali, quali monasteri e chiese cattedrali, che si distinguono per la grande varietà delle tipologie, perchè vi conluiscono i modelli tradizionali delle Vitae episcopali e monastiche in forme stereotipizzate che pure non riescono a nascondere una società in rapido cambiamento, insieme a Translationes, Inventiones, e Miracula di santi locali (riferiti sia all’epoca contemporanea, si a periodi precedenti), che si sforzano di mantenere vivi culti che probabilmente andavano aievolendosi, mentre ancora stentavano a prendere forma i nuovi modelli di santità, che poi ioriranno nei secoli successivi.”

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represent sainthood in an increasingly urban world where models of Christian conduct were shifting. As mentioned earlier, for the irst time a number of the new saints were laymen (not laywomen). As always, most of the lives were responses to local issues. The struggle over possession of relics gave rise to competing versions of saints’ lives in Reggio Emilia and Ravenna, while rivalry between Bolognese ecclesiastical institutions to make their favorite saint the patron of the city led to a series of publications.70 The discovery of relics or their conveyance from one location to another frequently served as occasions for short works extolling the achievements of the saint whose relics they were.71 The brief Relatio translationis corporis sancti Geminiani, celebrating the conveyance of the relics of Modena’s patron saint, Saint Gimigniano, to the crypt of the new cathedral in 1106, is perhaps the best representation that we have of literature of this last kind.72 Covering the years 1099–1106 and closely associated with the Countess Matilda, who acted as sponsor of the building, the eyewitness account was probably the work of Aimone, the cathedral’s magischola.73 Displaying a gift for vivid narrative, the author focused on the days surrounding the relics’ move. There seems to have been no clear plan of procedure for the ceremony: every major step, even the decision about when the translation should occur, was the object of intense debate within the clerical and lay communities. Finally, on the day established by the bishop, the people thronged the city: “an enormous council of bishops, clerics, abbots and monks, a congregation of knights, and an assembly of people of both sexes, the like of which was never seen in our times nor before in the memory of anyone.”74 The Countess Matilda also attended with a large retinue. Because of crowding, it was impossible to go forward with the translation, so the whole assemblage moved out of the city to an open ield, where the rest of the day passed in preaching, prayers, and hearing confessions. Postponed to the following day, April 30, the translation became the object of a violent dispute between the clergy, who wanted to expose the body to view on the

70 71

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The division of the treatment of medieval northern Italian hagiography at 1130 would seem to suggest more than a convenient break. Golinelli, “Italia settentrionale,” 137–41. For examples of this literature, see, for Padua, Translatio sancti Danielis martyris, ed. Ireneo Daniele, in his “Le due leggende sull’inventione e traslazione del corpo di San Daniele Levita martire padovano,” Atti e memorie dell’Accademia patavina di scienze, lettere ed arti, 98 (1985–86): 81–114 (ca. 1150). For Reggio, see Inventio ss. Prosperi, Venerii et Jocundae as edited by Paolo Golinelli, in his Culto dei santi e vita cittadina a Reggio Emilia, secoli IX–XII (Modena, 1980), 135–40; and for Ravenna, Historia translationis beati Apolenaris in RIS, no. 1, pt. 2 (Milan, 1775), 533–36; Tractatus Domni Rodulphi venerabilis prioris camaldulensis, doctoris eximii, de inventione corporis beatissimi Apollinaris, in ibid., 536–38; and De inventione corporis beati Apollinaris Martyris, in ibid., 538–46. The work is edited by Giulio Bertoni and is found in Relatio translationis corporis sancti Geminiani, RIS, no. 6, pt. 1 (Città del Castello, 1907). William Montorsi, Reediicazione del duomo di Modena e traslazione dell’arca di San Geminiano: Cronaca e miniature della prima età romanica (Modena, 1984), 124–41, provides a translation. Relatio translationis, xix–xx. Ibid., 6: “Congeritur namque maximum episcoporum concilium, clericorum, abbatum et monarchorum; itque congregatio militum, it et conventus populorum utriusque sexus; qualis nec nostris temporibus antea visus est, nec alicuius memorie prius habetur insertum.”

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altar, and the “citizens and all the people,” who did not. The decision fell to Matilda, who advised that they should await the forthcoming visit of the pope. Because he was abroad, the translation came to be delayed for more than ive months. The announced return of the pope to Italy in September was greeted with excitement in Modena: “When news of his arrival [in Italy] became known to us for certain, oh, oh, what happiness, what great joy the news brought to our hearts! Then abundant preparations are made; the glorious pastor is awaited.”75 Even after the arrival of the pope in early October, however, the altercation over whether or not to show the relics at the consecration of the altar continued in his presence. Finally, after a decision was made that a sworn band of six knights and twelve citizens would form a guard to prevent profanation of the sacred body, “the tombal cover that served as a table was raised with great reverence; and another was found placed under it with extreme precision.”76 Again debate ensued as to whether the body should be further exposed, but, presumably by divine intervention, those opposed to exposing the body changed their minds so that “no doubt would remain to anyone lacking faith or darkened by blindness of heart” (ne alicui inido, aut cordis cecitate obscurato, aliqua remaneret dubitatio). Finally, “the lord pope having delivered a sermon to the people, ofering the divine mysteries, remitting all sins, and making a favorable impression on everyone; the bishops, cardinals, clerics, and laymen praying and singing; with wondrous reverence and guarded by the sworn band, the body of the our most holy father, Geminianus, is uncovered, revealed, and beheld in the hands of Buonsignore, bishop of Reggio, and Lanfranco, the architect, with many tears and prayers.”77 When the pope saw that the holy body remained whole and undamaged, he ordered that rather than continuing with the burial, it be postponed to the following day, October 8, so that all might witness the miracle. The Relatio, written shortly after the events, stands apart from the hagiographical literature composed later in the century in being of literary merit. The Vita sancti Rainerii solitarii, written after the saint’s death in 1160 by a disciple, Benincasa, canon of the cathedral church of Santa Maria in Pisa, represents the best of the genre composed in the second half of the twelfth century.78 Rainerio (b. 1115/17), a Pisan merchant who as a youth had seriously embraced the Christian life motivated by the conduct of a fellow citizen, was inspired to devote himself entirely to Christ by an event that occurred in Palestine, where he had gone as a merchant around 1140: 75

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Ibid., 7: “Cuius quidem adventus dum inter nos vere innotuit, o o quante letitie, quantique gaudii motum nostris cordibus imposuit! Preparatur denique apparatus copiosus; expectatur pastor gloriosus.” Ibid.: “Levatur ergo lapis et mensa superposita, magna cum reverentia; invenitur et alia supterposita multa cum diligentia.” Ibid., 7–8:“Faciente domno apostolico sermonem ad populum, ac propinante divina misteria cordibus omnium, remissionemque faciente peccatorum, ac se benivolum reddente mentibus cunctorum, orantibus atque psallentibus episcopis, cardinalibus, clericis et laicis, mira cum reverentia, et iuratorum custodia, detegitur, revelatur et intuetur beatissimum corpus sanctissimi patris nostri Geminiani, per manus Bonisenioris Regini episcopi atque Lanfranchi architectoris, multis cum lacrimis et precibus.” The work is found in Acta sanctorum quotquot toto orbe coluntur, ed. Jean Carnandet, s.v. 4 June (Paris and Rome, 1867), 347–81. On the saint, see Natale Caturegli, “Ranieri,” in Biblioteca sanctorum, ed. Filippo Carafa, 12 vols. (Rome, 1961–69), 11:37–44.

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The Dominance of the Legal–Rhetorical Mentality with all his goods collected and those of his associates, Saint Rainerio went overseas by ship for the sake of making money by buying and selling.Although he was still burdened with the things of this world, his mind, however, was always focused on God. Night and day he begged and prayed that with all things abandoned, he would merit putting on the clothing of a pilgrim, which in the vernacular is called the pilurica or sclavina. Even if in the clothes of a layman, he sometimes fasted from Sunday to Thursday, but more often, and this for a four-year period, from Sunday to Sunday. Nor for this reason did he leave of rowing vigorously in the boat (barca) or diligently doing what was necessary on the ship. As for paying commonly and equally the expenses of the trip, he did so willingly and happily, and when he did not eat, even when asked to do so by his associates, he supplied a poor man in his stead.79

One day in Tyre, as he opened his chest to put in the money that he had earned from sales, a terrible odor arose from it. The same thing happened on a second occasion when he went to ind out how much food (pitancia) he had left. Finally, on another day in Lent when he went to his storeroom to get the cheeses that he intended to sell in the market, they were cloaked by the same fetid smell. “That night God appeared to him in a vision, saying: ‘O foolish one! Behold three times I disclosed the clemency of my presence to you, and as many times you did not recognize it: go to the church and there, speaking with you, I will reveal what you must do.’”80 Rainerio immediately entered the church (presumably where the Pisans held their services) and the Lord appeared again to him saying: “When I poured out the smell three times for you, involved in worldly and mortal afairs, I was the one who made these things smell to you. Now, therefore, free yourself from them, that you might be able to submit your neck and on that day when I was cleansed on Calvary cleanse yourself, wearing the clothing that you wanted for yourself.”81 From the moment of this second encounter with God, Rainerio’s conversion to the religious life was complete. After a residence of thirteen years in the Holy Land, he returned to Pisa, where both in life and in death he was responsible for scores of miracles. Benincasa’s narrative consists of a straightforward recounting of the saint’s life with minimal use of the rhetorical colors that would have heightened the intensity and vividness of the action. He consciously employed the vernacular in referring 79

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Acta sanctorum, s.v. 4 June, 351c: “congregatis suis et sociorum suorum mercibus, partes ad transmarinas, mercandi lucrique faciendi causa, navigio S. Raynerius de aqua perrexit. Qui licet seculi rebus onustus esset, animus tamen ejus ad Deum semper erat intentus: semper omnipotentem die noctuque deprecans et exorans, ut omnibus relictis atque expoliatus ab eo vestimenta mereretur indui peregrina, quae vulgo Pilurica dicitur seu Sclavina. Jejunabat siquidem in laicalibus vestibus aliquando a die dominico in v feriam. Saepius autem, et hoc per quadriennium, a Dominica in Dominicam. Nec propter hoc intermittebat sive in barca fortius remigare, sive quae navi erant necessaria assiduus facere. Expensam, ad symbolum iendum cum suis sociis communiter et aequaliter, devotissime et hilariter faciebat, et pauperem vice sui, dum cibum non caperet, sociorum etiam rogatu, ut in nullo eis molestus ieret, exhibebat.” Ibid., 351e: “O insipide, ter ecce tibi meae clementiam praesentiae reservavi, et me alquatenus non cognovisti: ad ecclesiam vade, et ibi tecum loquens ostendam, quid te oporteat facere.” Ibid., 351f: “Cum tibi putorem, res mundanas et caducas contrectanti, tertio (sic) infudi; ego ipse fui, qui tibi eas putere feci: nunc ergo te ab eis exonera, ut meo conidenter jugo submittere queas colla (sic!): et die qua ego expoliatus sum in calvaria, te expolia; veste, quam rogasti tibi adhibita.”

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to the pilgrim’s garb, and other Italianisms – in these passages in the form of barca and pitancia – are sprinkled throughout the account. Although numerous, works like the Vita sancti Rainerii solitarii do nothing to alter the impression of a bleak literary landscape as far as advanced Latin composition is concerned. The lack of literary works in sophisticated Latin is striking when compared with the lourishing state of scholarship in both Roman and canon law during same period. LAYMEN: PIONEERS OF A NEW ASPECT OF GRAMMATICAL STUDIES

By 1180 laymen in the regnum were becoming established not only as elementary and grammar teachers and historians, but also as translators of Greek and Arabic learning. From around 1200 scientiic texts constituted the overwhelming share of translations done in the regnum, but earlier the choice of authors was partly, if not principally, dictated by theological concerns. Even though they were not professional theologians, the laymen incorporated the new material into their own treatises in an efort to advance the discussion of theological issues. In this enterprise Pisa seems to have played the leading role among cities of the regnum, a role that began in the aftermath of the irst crusade, as commercial and political contact with the East became frequent. Whereas the lowering of literary and historical writing associated with the Pisan clergy had ended by the 1130s, lay-driven scholarly interest continued throughout the century. The most important of the Pisan translators, Burgundio (1110–93), a layman and successful Roman and canon lawyer who served as Pisan ambassador to Constantinople, translated over his long lifetime the Greek passages of the Digest, a number of works by the Greek Church Fathers, principally those of Damascene and Chrysostom, and medical writings, including texts of Hippocrates and Galen.82 He was also the author of a brief theological work, Prologus in commentatione Johannis Crisostomi supra evangelium sancti Johannis evangeliste.83 He already had as forerunners in translating medical texts two other Pisans of unknown status, Rustico and Stefano, who rendered the monumental medical work of ‘Alī ibn al-‘Abba¯s al- Maju¯sĭ (tenth c.) from Arabic into Latin between 1114 and 1127.84 Although a layman, Ugo Eteriano (d. 1182) studied dialectic and theology in Francia and he served occasionally with his brother Leo as ambassador of the Pisan commune to the Eastern emperor, like Burgundio.85 During one of his sojourns 82

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A summary of his life and works with extensive bibliography is found in Filippo Liotta,“Burgundione (Burgundio, Burgundi, Burdicensis, Bergonzone, Burgundo, Berguntio) da Pisa,” DBI, vol. 15 (Rome, 1972), 423–28. Classen, Burgundio von Pisa, provides a detailed discussion of Burgundio’s life. Classen concludes that Burgundio remained a layman throughout his life (13) and credits him with having had at least six sons, Gaetano, Giovanni, and Bandino (30), Ugolino (31), and Galgano and Leo (32). On Burgundio as a Roman and canon lawyer, see Liotta, “Burgundione,” 424. Classen, Burgundio von Pisa, publishes the prologue, 82–102. The work was entitled Kita¯b al-Malikī: Charles Burnett, “Antioch as a Link between Arabic and Latin Cultures in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries,” in Occident et Proche-Orient: contacts scientiiques au temps des Croisades, ed. I. Draeclant, A.Tihon, and B. Van den Abeele (Turnhout, 2000), 6–8. I owe this reference to Eliza Glaze. On the life and works of Hugo and his brother, see Antoine Dondaine, “Hugues Éthérien et Léon toscan,” Archives d’histoire doctrinale et littéraire du moyen âge 19 (1952): 67–134; and Nikolas M.

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both he and his brother decided to remain in Constantinople and join the imperial bureaucracy. A layman until 1181, Ugo was made cardinal by the new pope, Lucius III, but died the following year. Aside from his letters, his writings consisted of theological tracts, which drew heavily on Greek writings. His brother Leo is also credited with several Latin translations of Greek religious texts, as well as two theological works, the second of which was written in collaboration with Ugo.86 The only non-Pisan among Greek scholars in the kingdom was Mosè del Brolo, deemed the leading scholar of Greek among the Latins of his own day.87 Mosè seems to have translated at least two religious texts from Greek: a short work of Epiphanius of Cyprus and an anonymous lorilegium, which bears the Latin title Exceptio compendiosa de divinitus inspirata scriptura sive argumentum orthodoxe idei.88 His philological works included a commentary on Greek letters found in two epistles of Jerome, the Expositio in Graecae dictiones quae inveniuntur in prologis sancti Hieronymi, together with a little treatise on the forms of declension of the Greek word χαρακτήρ (character)

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Häring, “The Liber de diferentia naturae et personae by Hugh Etherian and the Letters Addressed to Him by Peter of Vienna and Hugh of Honau,” Mediaeval Studies 24 (1962): 1–34. Ugo’s lay status is established by the letter of Lucius III of December 7, 1182, that announces Ugo’s death to his brother; Dondaine, “Hugues Éthérien,” 94: “Quia cum laicus esset eum clericum fecimus et usque ad diaconatus ordinem curavimus honoriice promovere, ita quod usque ad tempora eius auditum non fuerit aliquem de laico usque ad diaconatus ordinem sub tam brevi temporis spatio fuisse promotum.” The works attributed to Ugo with some certainty include Libellus de diferentia naturae et personae (1179), Adversus Patharenos, and Libellus de ilii hominis minoritate ad patrem Deum. His most important treatise, De sancto et immortali Deo (ca. 1177), was written with his brother. At the request of the clergy of Pisa, anxious to know the state of the soul after death, he wrote before 1171 Liber de anima corpore jam exuta sive de regressu animarum ab inferis, ad clerum Pisanum. On his appointment as cardinal, see Dondaine, “Hugues Ethérien,” 14. This same Ugo is referred to in the Vita sancti Rainerii solitarii (369f.) as “magister Hugo Latinus, Graecas litteras edoctus,” resident in Constantinople, who initially mocked Rainerio out of selfpride. Having fallen seriously ill, however, and being given water from the Pisan monastery of San Vito blessed by the saint, he was restored to health. Leo’s translations include Achmet’s Oneirocriticon and a work on the Mass by Chrysostom: Dondaine, “Hugues Éthérien,” 119–23. Dondaine also attributes to him a work entitled De haeresibus et praevaricationibus Graecorum (116–19). In 1136, at a large assembly held in the Pisan quarter of Constantinople with Burgundio of Pisa and Jacopo of Venice present, Mosè was chosen as the interpreter, because “inter alios praecipuus Graecarum et Latinarum litterarum doctrina apud utramque gentem clarissimus”: quoted from Anselm of Havelberg, ’Aντικειµένων sive Dialogorum libri III, in Lucien D’Achery, Spicilegium sive collectio veterum aliquot scriptorum qui in Galliae bibliothecis delituerant, 3 vols. (Paris, 1723), 1:172. On the translations of Jacopo of Venice, see Lorenzo Minio-Paluello, “Jacopo Veneticus Grecus: Canonist and Translator of Aristotle,” Traditio 8 (1952): 265–304; and Alessandro Ottaviani, “Giacomo veneto (da Venezia),” DBI, vol. 54 (Rome, 2000), 241–43. Bernard Dod, “Aristoteles Latinus,” in The Cambridge History of Later Medieval Philosophy: From the Rediscovery of Aristotle to the Disintegration of Scholasticism, 1100–1600, ed. Norman Kretzmann, Anthony Kenny, and Jan Pinborg, with Elenore Stump (Cambridge and New York, 1982), 55, considers him the most important Greek translator of the twelfth century and includes among his translation the Posterior Analytics, De sophisticis elenchis, Metaphysics, and a large portion of Parva naturalia. Both have been studied by François Dolbeau, the irst in “Une liste ancienne d’apôtres et de disciples, traduite du grec par Moïse de Bergame,” Analecta Bollandiana 104 (1986): 299–314; and the second in “À propos d’un lorilège biblique, traduit du grec par Moïse de Bergame,” Revue d’histoire des textes 24 (1994): 337–58. See also the discussion by Pontani, “Mosè del Brolo fra Bergamo e Costantinopoli,” 17–19.

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and on the quantity of the penultimate syllable in the declensions of Greek substantives ending in ηρ.89 In contrast to Burgundio, Ugo, Leo, and Mosè, Gherardo of Cremona (1114–87) concentrated on translating Arabic writings and Arabic translations of Greek writings into Latin.90 He arrived at Toledo around 1144 and died there forty-three years later. In that time he translated a vast number of texts dealing with mathematics, philosophy, natural science, logic, and above all medicine. Among his many translations from Aristotle’s works were the Posterior Analytics.91 At least until middle age, Gherardo apparently remained a layman, like the other four Italian scholars of Greek.92 The certain lay status of at least four of these men and their interest in texts of practical value or of a nonspeculative religious nature ofer testimony to the rise of a signiicant body of highly educated laymen in the early twelfth century and to the expansion of Italian intellectual interests in the post-investiture period. Gherardo’s intellectual concerns were widest of all. That he included among his translations a treatise on advanced logic and works of a speculative philosophical character likely relects his response to local Spanish and northern intellectual concerns. Twelfthcentury Italians at home had little interest in such speculative learning.93 CONCLUSION

The paucity of work in literature and most genres of scholarship that was already characteristic of the regnum became more marked in the decades after 1130 when viewed in contrast to the outburst of creative activity in legal studies and practical rhetoric and, in transalpine Europe, in all genres of literary and scholarly composition during the same period. Earlier chapters have explained the failure of the regnum’s book culture to produce such works as the result of (1) the absence of a monastic tradition of literary and scholarly writing; (2) a debilitating reverence for ancient writers; (3) the lack of princely patronage; and (4) the deep involvement of the 89 90

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Cremaschi has published these works: Mosè del Brolo. His life and works are summarized by an anonymous author in “Gherardo (Gerardo) da Cremona,” DBI, vol. 53 (Rome, 1999), 620–33. Fundamental to the biography of Gherardo is the Vita: Karl Sudhof, “Die kurze Vita und das Verzeichnis der Arbeiten Gerhards von Cremona,” Archiv für Geschichte der Medizin 8 (1914–15): 73–82. Each translation and its subsequent history is discussed in “Gherardo (Gerardo) da Cremona,” 622–30. Gherardo referred to himself in an undated comment as Girardus Cremonensis, professione philosophus, while in two documents relating to the cathedral of Toledo (1157 and 1176) he described himself as magister: magister Girardus and Ego Girardus dictus magister. In 1162, however, he subscribed to another document as Girardus diaconus. I think it likely that teaching in the cathedral school at Toledo as he did, Gherardo at some point took orders. See “Gherardo (Gerardo) da Cremona,” 620. As a pioneer in dealing with Aristotelian and Arab texts of natural science, Gherardo, who was particularly vulnerable to their appeal, was led to embrace a stellar determinism, which he taught at Toledo, apparently without censure. A witness to his teaching, Daniel of Morley, reported in his Philosophia (cited in ibid., 620): “Cum vero predicta et cetera talium in hunc modum necessario evenire in Ysagogis Yapharis auditoribus suis airmaret Girardus Tolethanus, qui Galippo mixtarabe interpretante Almagesti latinavit, obstupui ceterisque, qui lectionibus eius assidebant, molestius tuli eique velut indignatus Homiliam beati Gregorii, in qua contra mathematicos disputat, obieici.”

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Italian church in secular afairs. The development of the legal–rhetorical mentality that grew out of the struggle over investiture constituted a ifth factor discouraging creative work in all areas of intellectual life save the legal–rhetorical disciplines. This mentality derived its strength in part from the legal consequences of the shattering of the imperial church and the rise of papal power, but principally from the emergence of a new kind of society centered on the republican commune, with the legal, political, and social issues attendant on its functioning. Apart from that produced under Matilda’s patronage, the focus of clerical scholarly and literary work authored in the regnum between 1100 and 1180 was secular in orientation, and largely patriotic. Because of the practical literacy of notaries and their constant involvement in diocesan afairs, the diference between clerics and laymen, which was sharply deined elsewhere in Europe on the basis of literacy, appears to have been less important in the regnum. The decentralized political organization of the regnum, moreover, tended to promote loyalties that stopped at city walls or were limited by the boundaries of the diocese. Consequently clerics, like laymen, traditionally felt a deep patriotism, a sense that appears to have intensiied with the emergence of the commune. The new political institution gave a distinct face to the city and, even though clerics were largely excluded from urban government, their participation in elaborate civic rituals and their role as intercessors with the divine on behalf of their city in times of war bound the clergy’s identity ever more closely to that of the commune. When clerics wrote, they wrote about the subject that concerned them most. The fragmented body of the ecclesiastical order, together with a tendency among ecclesiastics to identify with the local lay community, prevented the formation of a broad textual community among clerics that might have promoted the kind of scholarly and literary activity common among clergy elsewhere. The importance of such a community for intellectual creativity is illustrated in the case of genres of writing that were connected with rhetoric and Roman and canon law. Whereas the dearth of writings in earlier centuries had been more or less across the board, the years after 1100 witnessed the creation of a substantial literature related to the three new disciplines. The lack of a princely patron did not impede production of works in these three ields, and the unreliability of local storage did not prevent the survival of a large number of the manuscripts.94 The demand of a broad clientele, interested in the knowledge that the manuscripts ofered, explains the change. This clientele had no need of a thorough education in grammar before undertaking the study of law and rhetoric. Signiicantly, the treatises, manuals, and commentaries on these subjects rarely mention ancient authors. It was not that interest in antiquity disappeared, only that the pagan authors, along with the cathedral schools that nurtured their study, became marginal in a society where both clerics and laymen were intellectually preoccupied with practical concerns. 94

A survey of the manuscripts of twelfth-century works of ars dictaminis in Repertorium der Artes dictandi des Mittelalters. Vol. 1: Von dem Änfangen bis um 1200, ed. Franz-Josef Worstbrock, Monika Klaes, and Jutta Lutten (Munich, 1992), would show that the overwhelming percentage of the manuals of ars dictaminis survive only in transalpine monasteries. Destruction of these works in Italy probably resulted from lack of preservation space, but also from intensive use.

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The relative exile of the ancients, however, was only temporary. By late in the century they would be back, recalled by a society with a new appreciation of their importance for the further advancement of knowledge. They would be revived largely by laymen seeking to use them as the building blocks in creating a new intellectual culture. In this chapter we have encountered only the beginnings of that lay enterprise, sparked by increasing opportunities for education, to reach beyond the narrow conines set by a vigorous rhetorical and legal mentality to embrace a wider view of intellectual life that would incorporate elements of the traditional book culture.The emergence of laymen as poets, historians, theologians, and translators in the course of the twelfth century signals their willingness to enter ields that north of the Alps were considered clerical preserves. Furthermore, they invaded these areas without clerical opposition. The fact that it was laymen who pioneered the translation and use of Greek theological tracts in the regnum constitutes a glaring example of the lack of intellectual interest among clerics in an era when opportunities for Latin education generally were increasing. As an explanation I would insist on the increasing strength of two opposing tendencies in Italian ecclesiastical circles, the pietistic and the legalistic, which led clerics largely to abandon their already slender interest in the traditional book culture. Left almost to themselves as a result, in the course of the thirteenth century laymen were free to fashion a new kind of book culture that over several centuries would transform the intellectual life not only in the regnum but throughout the western European world.

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Part IV

The French Renaissance of the Twelfth Century

Chapter 8

French Literary and Scholarly Achievement in the Twelfth Century

he intellectual borders between Francia and the regnum had always been somewhat porous, but in the twelfth century communication between the cultures of the two areas intensiied. Until late in the century, most of the traic in ideas ran from south to north. The regnum liberally exported its innovative approaches to Roman and canon law and letter writing, while imports remained few, consisting mainly of borrowings from philosophical and theological thought generated in the schools of Paris and introduced by returning students or immigrant teachers. By the end of the century, however, French Latin culture became the ascendant culture of western Europe, and the low of ideas between Francia and the regnum had reversed its course. Intellectual development within the regnum cannot be understood without an appreciation of the character of that reversal in the trading of ideas, together with an understanding of the reasons why it occurred. This chapter is devoted to describing the evolution in Francia of ideas that proved inluential in Italian intellectual life beginning late in the twelfth century. Chapters 10 and 11 will trace the importation of the ideas, the reasons for that importation, and its efect on Latin culture in the regnum. In contrast to the situation in the regnum, the lourishing intellectual landscape of Latin book culture, often referred to as French twelfth-century humanism, has been well charted historiographically. The term “humanism” aptly describes French culture in the period, in that its writers relected in their work a belief in antiquity’s relevance to their own intellectual concerns. Unlike later Italian humanism, however, the question of the extent to which moderns should strive to imitate ancient writers or develop their own means of expression remained an open one.1 In any case, respect for the wisdom of the ancient Romans encouraged scholars of the twelfth century to exploit the Roman past in almost every genre of learning. By 1200, however, the intense interest in ancient Roman literature and historical writings, which had inspired a rich production of literary and scholarly work, was

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I have summarized this tension between those seeking to imitate the ancients (antiqui) and modernists (moderni) who believed in the superiority of contemporary writers in my “In the Footsteps of the Ancients”:The Origins of Humanism from Lovato to Bruni (Leiden and New York, 2000), 36–39.

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declining. Since Louis Paetow, who irst recognized it, published his The Arts Course at Medieval Universities, with Special Reference to Grammar and Rhetoric (1910), this decline has been interpreted as relecting a drastic reorientation of French intellectual life.2 While still looking back to antiquity, French intellectuals by 1200 were turning to Greece rather than Rome, to philosophy not literature, and to the problem of relating pagan thought to Christian theology.The recovery, irst of Aristotle’s texts of advanced logic in the middle decades of the twelfth century, and then of the full corpus of his writings – events that led to an understanding of what could be accomplished by the systematic use of reasoning – provoked a massive shift of focus to philosophy, natural science, and theology.Whereas throughout the previous century a rich stream of vernacular poetry had merely complemented Latin literary production, in the thirteenth century the vernacular became the dominant form of literary expression. THE LATIN LITERATURE OF FRANCIA AND ITS AUDIENCES

Writers in contemporary Francia, primarily in northern Francia between 1075 and the early thirteenth century, produced a tremendous quantity of literary work, which dwarfed what northern and central Italians generated in the same period.3 Beginning with Marbod of Rennes (1035–1123), Baudry of Bourgeuil (1045–1130), Hildebert of Mans (1056–1133), and Serlo of Bayeux (circa 1050–1113/22) and extending across the twelfth century to include Matthew of Vendôme (b. ca. 1130–after 85), John of Salisbury (1115–80), Walter of Châtillon (1135–89), and Peter of Blois (1135–1204), French masters of Latin prose and poetry were highly productive, creating works in which modern readers can still recognize literary merit. All those writers drew deeply on ancient Roman literary and historical sources, and a few among them, particularly Hildebert and Walter of Châtillon, had so deeply absorbed the ancient texts that they were able to write Latin poetry, if not prose, that approximated the style of the ancient pagan authors. Hildebert and Walter, however, who are usually designated as antiqui, also exhibited a skill and predilection for writing in a wide range of Latin styles, including rhyming Latin verse. Some of their works show that they were not hesitant to exhibit their mastery of the rules laid down by the moderni as well.4 2

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Paetow’s analysis depends heavily on the treatise of Henry of Andely: Two medieval satires on the University of Paris: La bataille des vii ars of Henry d’Andeli and the Morale scholarium of John of Garland, ed. Louis Paetow, 2 vols. in 1 (Berkeley, 1972). On the decline, see especially Joseph de Ghellinck, L’Essor de la littérature latine au XIIe siècle, 2 vols. (Brussels and Paris, 1946), 2.41–42, who endorses Paetow; and, most recently, Robert Black, Humanism and Education in Medieval and Renaissance Italy: Tradition and Innovation in Latin Schools from the Twelfth to the Fifteenth Century (Cambridge, 2001), 193–94. In rebuttal of Paetow’s position, Edward K. Rand, “The Classics in the Thirteenth Century,” Speculum 4 (1929): 249–69, cited multiple references to ancient Latin authors in works by thirteenth-century authors. On the vitality of classical studies at Orléans in the thirteenth century, see Richard H. Rouse, “Florilegia and Latin Classical Authors in Twelfth- and Thirteenth-Century Orléans,” Viator 10 (1979): 131–60. To judge from Max Manitius’s study of Latin literature in the period from 1075 to 1200, the French contribution also far outweighed the German in most genres: Geschichte der lateinischen Literatur des Mittelalters, 3 vols. (Munich, 1911–31), vol. 3. In my discussion of these poets in “In the Footsteps of the Ancients,” 37–39, I included a stylistic analysis of a poem attributed to Marcus Valerius who, according to Franco Munari, Bucolica, 2nd

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By the twelfth century, the moderni among northern poets were introducing a number of technical innovations in their compositions. They rejected elision, so frequent in ancient poetry. In writing dactylic hexameter they had no compunction about ending a word on the irst syllable of the ifth foot, thus creating a inal block of four syllables, whether composing a single word or a word grouping. Ancient practice tolerated such usage if a monosyllabic word preceded the four-syllabic group, but frequently medieval poets ignored the stipulation.Whereas ancient poets, furthermore, showed a marked preference for words of three syllables or fewer, medieval poets commonly employed longer words. Italian poets, for their parts, preceding Henry of Settimella, who lived near the end of the twelfth century, did not seem to know the new practices or at least ignored them in their own writing.5 There is to my knowledge no proof that any of the French writers who distinguished themselves after 1075 had received formal education in monasteries.6 Baudry of Bourgeuil became an abbot, but he had been educated locally in his hometown at Meung-sur-Loire and then at Angers, probably in the cathedral school.7 Those schools, like their Italian counterparts in the eleventh century, had regularly hosted students from abroad, but whereas Italian cathedral schools, with the exception of Pisa, emerged from the Investiture Struggle badly weakened in their curricula, their French counterparts lourished throughout the twelfth century, continuing to attract domestic and foreign students in increasing numbers. An initial impetus for the rapid increase in scholarship and Latin literary composition in the early days of revival in Francia appears to have derived from the existence of a clerical community of writers and readers interested in reading their works. By comparison with the Italian clergy, the French clergy more closely resembled a caste. In part this was a result of the fact that in Francia the clergy enjoyed the prerogatives accruing from its near-monopoly on Latin literacy, together with the relative lack of social mobility in a largely rural economy, which tended to ix social categories. The castelike character of the French clergy encouraged intense contact among ecclesiastical institutions. While Fonte Avellana, Vallombrosa, and northern Italian monasteries belonging to the Cluniac order did have spiritual networks, confraternities of monasteries linking houses together were less common. Like secular clerics in the regnum, who felt deep loyalty to their city, the vast majority of monks there took their vows and lived

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ed. (Florence, 1970), was an unidentiied French poet of the second half of the twelfth century. Although the dating is still under discussion, it seems likely that the poet was writing in late antiquity and that therefore I should not have included him in the discussion of twelfth-century poets, François Dolbeau, “Les ‘Bucoliques’ de Marcus Valerius sont-elles une oeuvre médiévale?” Mittellateinishes Jahrbuch 22 (1987): 166–70. Ronald G. Witt, “Petrarch and Pre-Petrarchan Humanism: Stylistic Imitation and the Origins of Italian Humanism,” in Humanity and Divinity in Renaissance and Reformation: Essays in Honor of Charles Trinkaus, ed. John W. O’Malley, Thomas M. Izbicki, and Gerald Christianson (Leiden and New York, 1993), 67–68. We do not know where Radulf of La Tourte (b. ca. 1063), a monk of Fleury, and Bernard of Cluny (incorrectly identiied with the town of Morlaix) received their educations: Frederic J. E. Raby, A History of Secular Latin Poetry in the Middle Ages, 2 vols. (Oxford, 1957), 2:23 and 49. Frederic J. E. Raby, A History of Christian-Latin Poetry from the Beginnings to the Close of the Middle Ages, 2nd ed. (Oxford, 1953), 277–78.

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their lives in small, local institutions that were dedicated to local saints or to saints with a long traditional standing locally.8 This strong local focus weakened the sense of belonging to a wider clerical community. Perhaps the clearest evidence of the sense of cohesion felt by the French clergy and thus a partial explanation for the burst of literary creativity that emerged late in the eleventh century may be found in the “rolls of the dead.”9 On the death of a church prelate, a particularly distinguished monk or nun, or (occasionally) a secular lord, a local ecclesiastical institution would designate a member of the community to undertake a journey to other monasteries and churches, bearing with him a long scroll on which the name of the deceased was written and a prayer for his or her salvation inscribed. A formal announcement of the death, the scroll (or in some cases scrolls) had space for each of the places visited to respond by adding their prayers to those of the home institution. This northern European, primarily French practice began in Carolingian Gaul; but only in the second half of the eleventh century, as travel became safer, did the number of scrolls become signiicant. Most of the scrolls that survived were preserved in monasteries, but many were written not for monks but for bishops and important laymen and -women. Likely the roughly 320 scrolls that remain constitute only a fraction of the thousands that made the rounds of churches and monasteries along their carriers’ routes, which often stretched across the whole of Francia into Flanders and southern Germany.10 From a literary standpoint these scrolls assume considerable importance, for by the late eleventh century recipients of the death announcements were not only responding with prayers but with poems, often elaborate ones. Occasionally students in a cathedral school took the opportunity to add a poem of their own to the scroll. Many of the scrolls thus became sites for rivalry in learning and poetic artistry among institutions. The scrolls served to advertise an institution’s literary credentials to churches and monasteries farther along the way. The poetry of Baudry of Borgeuil, a member of the irst generation of important French poets, provides some idea of the character and scale of this singular form of literary publication.11 In his poetic response to the announcement of the deaths of 8

9

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Jean Dufour, “Les rouleaux et encycliques mortuaires de Catalogne (1008–1102),” Cahiers de civilisation médiévale 20 (1977): 15. Léopold Delisle, “Les monuments paléographiques concernant l’usage de prier pour les morts,” Bibliothèque de l’École des chartes 8 (1846): 361–412, was the irst to bring to the attention of the scholarly public the existence of these rolls. See his publication of a selected number of them; Rouleaux des morts du IXe au XV e siècle (Paris, 1866). See also Jean Dufour, “Le rouleau mortuaire de Boson, abbé de Suse,” Journal des savants (1976): 237–54; and his “Rouleaux et encycliques,” 13–48. For a popular treatment of the subject, to be used with caution, see Jean-Claude Kahn, Les moines messagers: La religion, le pouvoir et la science saisis par les rouleaux des morts, XIe–XIIe siècles (Paris, 1987). For the 320 scrolls and material of similar nature (“documents assimilés”) seen by Dufour, see his “Rouleaux et encycliques,” 14. Only four roles are known for Italy, all from the twelfth century (15). Cf. Léon Kern, “Sur les rouleaux des morts,” Schweitzer Beiträge zur allgemeinen Geschichte 14 (1956): 146, n. 39. Baldricus Burgulianus: Baudri de Bourgueil: Carmina, ed. Jean-Yves Tilliette, 2 vols. (Paris, 1998), contains his contribution to the genre. The editor emphasizes (1:xvii) that Baudry’s poems most frequently took the form of letters, funeral inscriptions, and poems for the rolls of the dead. Because

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Audebert of Montmorillon, archbishop of Bourges (1096/97). Baudry recalls with grief the recent deaths of Renaud of Bellay, archbishop of Rheims (January 1096); Bishop Durand of Auvergne (November, 1095); John of Orléans (September 1096); and Hoël of Le Mans (July 1096), along with those of three abbots – Gerard of Montierneuf at Poitiers (January 1097), Natalis of Saint-Nicolas at Angers (May 1096), and Joël d’Antins of Saint-Pierre-de-la-Couture at Le Mans (1096): When like a swarm, the rolls come to us no roll announces life to us, all death Oh! cruel messenger who always brings news That always alicts us with tears and sorrow.12

Assuming that he responded with poems or epitaphs for all those men who died within about ifteen months, we have some idea of the extent of the circulation that these scrolls enjoyed and the literary creativity that they must have inspired.13 Of Baudry’s ninety-one surviving epitaphs, roughly an equal number were written for monks on the one hand and for secular clergy and laymen on the other. The increasingly literary character of the rolls from the late eleventh century highlights the existence of a new and growing clerical audience receptive to the Latin literary works of fellow clerics. The rolls functioned almost like literary journals, enlarging the audience and inspiring new authors. Within decades, secular patronage would reinforce demand, but the closely knit character of the French church served as an initial basis for the intellectual revival of the twelfth century in Francia. Although as we have seen, secular patronage of writers and scholars was not unknown in the eleventh century, the growing concentration of power in the hands of territorial princes from Aquitaine to Flanders would in the course of the twelfth century lead to the formation of courts and the rebirth of a court culture, in which poets and historians would play a leading role. Among such princes the comptal families of Champagne and Blois represent the most active sponsors of Latin learning, but French kings, especially Philip II, also generously encouraged Latin literary, religious, and scholarly writing, especially when it served to heighten the prestige of the royal house.14 Because of its greater accessibility, vernacular poetry in French

12

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14

it is diicult to gain access to this edition, I will cite passages from the poetry using Baldricus burgulianus carmina, ed. Karlheinz Hilbert (Heidelberg, 1979). Carmina, poem 22, p. 49: “Cum velut examen rotulorum venerit ad nos/ (Mortem, non vitam, rotulus michi nunciat omnis) / Nuncius ergo ferus, qui semper nunciat illud,/ Quod semper lacrimis nos impetit atque dolore.” Baudry celebrates the death of Natalis in poems 14–16 (pp. 44–46); of Hoël of Mans in three poems 18–20 (pp. 47–48); and of the archbishop of Rheims, poem 17 (p. 46). My evidence for this patronage can only be anecdotal.Walter of Châtillon was the client of William of Blois, archbishop of Rheims, to whom he dedicated his Alexandreis; Manitius, Geschichte, 3:921 and 928. Andrew, a royal chaplain but probably living at Marie of Champagne’s court when composing his treatise on love, gave her a prominent role in the work: Reto R. Bezzola, Les origines et la formation de la littérature courtoise en Occident (500–1200), 3 vols. in 5 pts., Bibliothèque de l’École des hautes études, sciences historiques et philologiques, nos. 286, 313 (in 2 pts.), 319, and 320 (Paris, 1958–1963), 3.2:377. William, count of Montpellier, received the dedication of Alan of Lille’s Contra haereticos, and Alan dedicated his De poenitentia to Henry, archbishop of Bourges: Manitius,

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and Provençal was more widely promoted in the new courts, but at least in northern Francia, secular and ecclesiastical patrons continued to support Latin writers throughout the century. THE DECLINE OF FRENCH HUMANISM

To what extent did interest in the classics in Francia decline in the thirteenth century vis-à-vis the previous century? A census has been made of all the major libraries in Francia, but it ends in the years around 1200, so by itself it cannot be used to answer the question.15 According to the statistics produced by the study, the second half of the twelfth century witnessed a sharp rise in copying in comparison to the irst half. A sampling of the numbers of texts by major ancient Latin authors copied between 1100 and 1150 and then between 1150 and 1200 indicates an enormous increase: the writings of Statius, sixfold; those of Cicero and Virgil, threefold; and of Seneca and Lucan, fourfold. The multiplication of copies of works by ancient authors was paralleled by the copying of commentaries. Some of the commentaries were ancient and early medieval, but many were of more recent composition. For the ive most popular ancient poets – that is,Virgil, Horace, Statius, Juvenal, and Lucan – only two manuscripts containing commentaries and accessus copied between 1100 and 1150 remain, while forty survive for the period between 1150 and 1200.16 Therefore it

15

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Geschichte, 3:794. On Philip II’s patronage, see Bezzola, Origines, 3.2:361–65. Jean of Marmoutier’s Historia Gaufredi Normannorum et comitis Andegavorum, ed. Louis Halphen and René Poupardin (Paris, 1913), 172–231, was a panegyric dedicated to his patron Geofrey the Handsome (d. 1151); and Stephen of Rouen’s Draco Normannicus (Chronicles of the Reigns of Stephen, Henri II, and Richard I), ed. Richard Howlett (London, 1885), 2:589–757, was written at the court of Geofrey’s son, Henry II: Bezzola, Origins, 2.2:365. The statistics are based on Birger Munk Olsen, L’étude des auteurs classiques latins aux XIe et XIIe siècles, 3 vols. in 4 pts. (Paris, 1982–89). As I observed earlier, although Munk Olsen’s inventory omits a large number of relevant manuscripts and some of his attributions of locations are controversial, my assumption is that omissions are roughly proportional to the numbers he gives for each author and that mistakes in attribution of place roughly balance out one another. For my procedure in producing these statistics, see Chapter 1, n. 149. In this context, the term accessus refers to a formalized introduction that lecturers attached to the beginning of a commentary. The situation for Virgilian commentaries and accessus deserves special mention. For the period 1150–1200, ten were copied, as compared with one for 1100–50. Renewed interest in copying commentaries and accessus after 1150 presumably relects the growing professionalization of teaching and more intensive study of classical authors. If so, how are we to explain the fact that thirty-six commentaries on Virgil survive for Carolingian Gaul (I combine Munk Olsen’s statistics for “France” and “Germany”) from the ninth century? Were the ancients the subject of a greater amount of formal study in the ninth century than in the second half of the twelfth? I have several suggestions by way of an answer. First,Virgil was by far the most popular author of the Carolingian period: the total of surviving commentaries for other major writers (Cicero, Horace, Lucan, and Seneca) is ten. Second, Carolingian monasteries massively produced manuscripts and we cannot know to what extent supply may have exceeded demand. Third, the relatively large number of Virgil commentaries possibly relects the fact that in the ninth century teachers, who were often indiferently trained, needed help simply to comprehend the meaning of a text. Later centuries had copies of these earlier commentaries to use, but also, because knowledge of Latin had improved by 1100, there was less need for teachers to use a commentary in order to understand the text itself.

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appears that, while the study of the classics may have lagged after 1200, the decline followed a half-century when interest peaked. In the absence of statistics for comparing the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, however, the extent to which interest actually diminished after 1200 becomes somewhat diicult to gauge. On the one hand, Paetow was able to marshal an impressive number of thirteenth-century writers who testiied to a lack of interest in the classics in their time. On the other, the voluminous references to ancient literature and history found in French writers in a wide range of disciplines throughout the thirteenth century bear witness to the resilience of classical studies. Specialists in the ield, however, would probably agree that the corpus of Latin literary works composed in the thirteenth century was “vastly inferior in quality” (i.e., less classicist) in comparison with those produced in the previous century. Given the conservative character of medieval education, the study of ancient literary works probably continued to be a staple of grammar training, but after 1200 the creative tendencies of the French intelligensia took a diferent direction. Paetow appears basically right that most of the best minds were drawn away to the study of natural science, philosophy, and theology. The teaching of grammar relected the change, in that at the advanced level the study of literary texts took second place to that of linguistic theory. By 1200, the most brilliant students in the ield, unlike those in the previous century who became authors of Latin literary works, looked forward to writing treatises on the nature of language. That shift in the focus of grammar studies, the foundational discipline for creative writing in Latin, derived not merely from the increasing importance of logic in the course of the twelfth century, a trend enhanced by the introduction of the whole Aristotelian corpus. To an extent the change was also a product of the evolution of institutions of higher learning. By 1140, Paris was quickly becoming the chief center of advanced education in Francia: almost every identiiable French scholar who lourished in the second half of the twelfth century spent some time there as either a student or a teacher or both. Whereas theretofore intellectual life in French cathedral schools had usually depended on the presence of a single master, Paris presented itself as an educational center where students could come, conident that they would have a wide choice of teachers, many of whom were leaders in their ields. By the end of the century Paris had not so much destroyed the competition as reduced other educational institutions to the level of feeder schools.17 Decades before that happened, however, Paris had become the site of intensive competition among masters for students. The traditional single cathedral master who taught all subjects became in Paris the master specialized in a particular ield and at a particular level in the hierarchy of learning.18 Education became a market

17

18

The steep rise in the number of commentaries after 1150 was a response to the need of lecturers teaching formal classes on literature to enhance their students’ appreciation of a text rather than a response to their own need to understand the basic meaning of the text themselves. I am largely summarizing in these paragraphs the conclusions of Richard Southern, “The Schools of Paris and the School of Chartres,” in Renaissance and Renewal in the Twelfth Century, ed. Robert L. Benson and Giles Constable with Carol D. Lanham (Cambridge, Mass., 1982), 113–37. See his bibliography, 136–37. He describes the shift to Paris and why it occurred (118–19 and 128). Southern, ibid., 128, stresses that specialization in Paris arose out of the presence of large numbers of students and intense competition between masters.

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commodity – the teacher the seller, the student the buyer. The sense of competition among rival masters in the same ield was duplicated within the teaching community as a whole in a struggle to augment the prestige of each discipline. In this larger, highly diferentiated milieu, grammarians, whose subject tended to be seen as preparatory for higher studies, started from behind. The creation of the licentia proved central to providing a structure for the disciplines. It seems to have happened in the 1130s, when the term magister began to appear in the roster of French cathedral chapters, apparently to designate, not an individual exercising the teaching function, but rather one having an educational certiication or professional status.19 The introduction of the licentia as an academic degree relected the end of the relaxed approach of the old schools and the beginning of teaching programs with ixed stages and schedules, prescribed texts, and inal examinations to determine qualiications.20 The same process would occur in Italy, but about thirty or forty years later than in Francia. The intense competition for students by teachers both within Paris and between Paris and other educational centers encouraged a new focus on pedagogical methodology, with the objective of advertising more streamlined approaches to teaching a particular discipline. The new focus became obvious in the ield of grammar by the second half of the century, when at the elementary and secondary levels new textbooks appeared. As in Italy, until the twelfth century the fundamental texts used for teaching Latin grammar in Francia had been the late-ancient Ars grammatica of Donatus and the Institutiones grammaticae of Priscian. As I explained in Chapter 5, both contained a descriptive analysis of Latin grammar and used examples drawn from ancient Latin authors to illustrate the rules, but neither treated syntactical construction systematically. In the second half of the twelfth century a new elementary manual, Remigius, appeared in northern Europe. Like Janua, its southern counterpart, which I discussed in Chapter 5, it drew heavily on Donatus; but in contrast with Donatus it was written for nonnative Latin speakers. Also like Janua, Remigius ofered detailed examples of the classes of verbs, nouns, and adjectives, together with irregularities, and so on.21 The Ars grammatica attributed to Papias, a simpliication of Priscian, served teachers of advanced grammar on both sides of the Alps. Like their ancient models, the three manuals followed the prescriptive approach and neglected instruction in syntax. 19 20

21

Ibid., 134–35. Nikolaus Häring, “Chartres and Paris Revisited,” in Essays in Honour of Anton Charles Pegis, ed. J. Reginald O’Donnell (Toronto, 1974), 268–317, discusses the character of teaching in the cathedral at Chartres and the efort of the students of Bernard of Chartres (d. 1126), such as Gilbert of Poitiers, Thierry of Chartres, and William of Conches, to emulate his style of teaching. Wolfgang Schmitt, “Die Ianua (Donatus) – ein Beitrag zur lateinischen Schulgrammatik des Mittelalters und der Renaissance,” Beiträge zur Inkunabelkunde, 3rd ser., 4 (1969): 43–80, discusses the possibility of a relationship between the two works, but Robert Black, “‘Ianua’ and Elementary Education in Italy and Northern Europe in the Later Middle Ages,” in Italia ed Europa nella linguistica del Rinascimento. Confronti e relazioni: Atti del convegno internationale, Ferrara, Palazzo Paradiso, 20–24 marzo 1991 = Italy and Europe in Renaissance Linguistics, ed. Mirko Tavoni (Ferrara, 1996), 12, sees their origin as independent and emphasizes that the two works tended to circulate in separate regions of Europe. See also Black’s monumental study of medieval grammar, Humanism and Education in Medieval and Renaissance Italy, 45–46. On Janua, see my Chapter 5.

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The rapid developments of dialectical reasoning and the prominence of dialectic in current theological discussions encouraged grammarians to approach their own studies with an eye to creating a logical framework for linguistic description.22 Doubtless their motivations in this enterprise included intellectual curiosity, but we cannot overlook the fact that grammarians had something practical to gain by giving their courses a theoretical orientation, which not only tended to raise their discipline’s stature in the broader university curriculum but also distinguished their courses from those of competitors in the same ield. The grammarians achieved their aims by glossing Priscian. With its use of words like “substance,” “quality,” and “accident” in the formulation of rules, Priscian’s text proved an inviting framework for the exercise of logical analysis – an analysis largely missing in the late-ancient grammarian’s own writings. The studies of French and Anglo-Norman grammarians in the course of the twelfth century revealed the hitherto unrecognized complexity of linguistic expression, thereby conirming the usefulness of an overarching conceptual scheme. Discontent with the theoretical vacuity of the Institutiones grammaticae, which was already manifest in the work of some grammarians beginning in the second half of the eleventh century, intensiied in the twelfth century. Based on the practice of the major ancient-Latin authors, Priscian’s grammar was largely descriptive and lacked a systematic analysis of the function of word classes. It failed to formulate the concepts “subject” and “predicate”; the understanding of governance was fragmentary;23 the approach to word order “curious”; and the monumental textbook contained no discussion of how to construct a proposition as a whole.24 The focus of grammarians down to the mid-twelfth century fell primarily on understanding the function of the eight parts of speech (partes orationis) as established by their original usage, rather than their syntactic and semantic role in a particular sentence. As an anonymous grammarian of the time wrote: “For often active words are directed to inanimate objects, such as “I love the book.” In such a construction, 22

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Corneille H. Kneepkens, “On Mediaeval Syntactic Thought with Special Reference to the Notion of Construction,” Histoire Épistémologie Langage 12, no. 2 (1990): 140–41. Cf. Lambertus M. de Rijk, Logica modernorum: A Contribution to the History of Early Terminist Logic, 2 vols. in 3 pts., Wijsgerige teksten en studies, no. 6 (Assen, 1967), 2.1, 99–100; and Alain de Libera and Irène Rosier, “La pensée linguistique médiévale, section 1. Courants, Auteurs et Disciplines,” in Histoire des idées linguistiques, vol. 2: Le développment de la grammaire occidentale, ed. Sylvain Auroux (Liège, 1992), 115–16. The best overall summary of the construction of the logical framework is found in Black, Humanism and Education, 69–74. Priscian used a diversity of verbs to describe governance: exigere, adiungi, coniungi, sociari. Although he did not formulate the concepts of grammatical subject and object, he distinguished between intransitive and transitive verbs as well as relexive verbs and coreferential verbs in which the irst atomic sentence is coreferential with a noun in the second one, e.g., “orara iussit ut se venias” (he ordered that you come to him). He distinguished between intransitive verbs not requiring a noun in the oblique case and transitive verbs that did:W. Keith Percival, “On Priscian’s Syntactic Theory Viewed as a Theory of Componential Semantics,” Papers in the History of Linguistics. Proceedings of the Third International Conference on the History of the Language Sciences (ICHoLS III), Princeton, 19–23 August 1984, ed. Hans Aarslef , Louis G. Kelly, and Hans-Josef Niederehe (Amsterdam and Philadelphia, 1987), 68. The description is Percival’s (ibid., 70).

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however, “I love” does not lose its power of being naturally directed to men. For words are not to be judged according to the act of construction, but according to their own nature of invention.”25 The most systematic investigation of the origins of word classes and their accidents may be found in the works of William of Conches (d. 1154?) and Peter Helias (d. 1166), probably his student. Faulting Priscian for not having explained why the rules functioned as they did, they sought to explain word functions through the use of causa inventionis (a functional explanation).26 Subscribing to the belief that parts of speech, like the letters of the alphabet and individual words, had been invented in the distant past, the authors maintained that once the original causes for that invention had been determined, the proper grammatical functions of word classes would become clear.27 Drawing heavily on his master’s work, Helias, in his Summa super Priscianum, maintained that nouns were ways of signifying (modi signiicandi) substance and quality (that is, of answering the questions “What?” and “Of what kind?”). He divided the noun into four kinds (prenomen, nomen, cognomen, and agnomen) and explained the origins of each.28 The function of verbs was to signify action and undergoing. He deined the origins of the remaining six parts of speech and explained the role that accidental aspects of speech (i.e., number, gender, case, mood, person, etc.) played in signiication within a proposition. A fundamental contribution of early twelfth-century grammarians was the conception of the sentence as divided into two main parts, subiectum and predicatum, or, as grammarians after 1160 usually called them, suppositum and appositum.29 Crucial also to understanding the semantic character of the sentence was the distinction made by mid-century between nominata and signiicata – that is, between objects, whether real or ictive, named by nouns and adjectives, and the diferent meanings of these same nouns and adjectives.The signiicatum “man,” for example, signiied a substance determined by 25

26

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“Sepe enim activa ad inanimata diriguntur, ut ‘amo librum,’ sed tamen in hac tali constructione ‘amo’ non perdit potentiam naturaliter dirigendi ad homines. Non enim sunt iudicande voces secundum actum constructionis, sed secundum propriam naturam inventionis”: cited by de Rijk, Logica modernorum, 114, referring to Cologne 201, f. 29va (translation de Rijk’s). The English term ‘functional explanation’ is taken from Michael A. Covington, Syntactic Theory in the High Middle Ages: Modistic Models of Sentence Structure (Cambridge and London 1984), 2. See also Gregory L. Bursill-Hall, “The Middle-Ages,” in Historiography of Linguistics, ed. Hans Aarslef, Current Trends in Linguistics, no. 13 (The Hague and Paris, 1975), 203; Richard W. Hunt, The History of Grammar in the Middle Ages: Collected Papers, ed. Gregory L. Bursill-Hall (Amsterdam, 1980), 21; and de Rijk, Logica modernorum, 2.1:110–12. Belief in the original invention of words was common: Hunt, History of Grammar, 18–21. The author of the late eleventh-century Glosule writes: “Qui autem invenit prius hanc vocem ‘homo’ non respexit ad illam speciem informem, sed ad rem sensibus subiacentem, quam consideravit sensibilem rationalem mortalem, sicque illi presenti cum omnibus aliis in hac natura convenientibus hoc nomen ‘homo’ imposuit”: ibid., 91, n. 4. Ibid, 21. Cf. Karen M. Fredborg, “Speculative Grammar,” in A History of Twelfth-Century Western Philosophy, ed. Peter Dronke (Cambridge and New York, 1988), 181–82. The Latin word subjectum and the verb subicere/subici were commonly used to express the modern conception of “subject,” while terminology connected with praedicatio expressed the conception of “predicate”: cf. Fredborg, “Speculative Grammar,” 187. On the chronology for the introduction of supponere and apponere, see below.

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a special quality, but it could refer to three nominata: (1) an individual man; (2) the form “man” in “man is a species”; and (3) itself as a noun. “White” signiied a quality, that is, “consigniied” a substance, and referred to a substance in which whiteness inhered. In contrast, “who” signiied an indeinite substance and had no referent.30 The investigation of noun and verb classes necessarily had syntactic implications and led to a consideration of the relationship of one word to another in the sentence (constructio dictionis cum dictione). In the early decades of the twelfth century Master Guido introduced the verb regere (to rule) and its derivatives rectum (that which is ruled) and regens (that which rules) to explain the character of the dependency of one word on another in a construction: the rectum was placed in a particular case (nominative or oblique case) by the force of the regens in order to denote the relationship between the two words.31 Speciically he described the nominative case (Socrates currit) and vocative case (Socrates, veni) as governed intransitively by the verb while oblique cases were governed by (1) transitive verbs (accuso Socratem), (2) nouns (mulier Socratis), (3) participles (accusans Socratem), (4) adverbs (similiter Socrati), and (5) prepositions (per Socratem). Although subsequently William of Conches took issue with Guido’s position that the nominative was ruled by the verb – William argued that, as principal parts of the sentence, both subject and verb remained ungoverned – Peter Helias accepted Guido’s conception, and so subsequently did most grammarians.32 A shift in the principal object of study appeared in the work of grammarians beginning with Peter. His Summa marked the end of almost a century of grammatical study concentrated on the signiication of word classes and their accidents and the beginning of a focused concern for establishing the grammatical-syntactic function of words in the construction of the sentence as a whole.33 As the Promisimus gloss (1170s) deined the role of the grammarian: “These two things, the certain assignment of rules and the subtle investigation into the judgment of construction and its solution, make the perfect grammarian.”34 As in the irst half of the century, only a few of the grammarians are known. Of these, ive are prominent: Robert of Paris (l . 1160s), Robert of Melun (d. 1167), Ralph of Beauvais (d. 1180s), Peter of Spain (l . third quarter of the twelfth century), and Robert Blund (d. 1190s).35 Robert of Paris appears to have been the irst to 30

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35

Ibid., 184. Cf. her “Some Notes on the Grammar of William Conches,” Cahiers de l’Institut du Moyen Âge grec et latin 37 (1981): 27–39. Corneille H. Kneepkens, “Master Guido and His View on Government: On Twelfth-Century Linguistic Thought,” Vivarium 16 (1978): 127. Ibid., 137. Ralph of Beauvais accepted that the nominative case was ruled by the verb, but he made an exception for the nominative in subject position to the substantive verb, that is, to forms of “to be.” Corneille H. Kneepkens, Het Iudicium Constructionis: Het Leerstuk van de Constructio in de 2de Helft van de 12de Eeuw, 4 vols. (Nijmegen, 1987), 1:706. “Hec duo, certa regularum assignatio et subtilis circa iudicium constructionum inquisitio et solutio perfectum faciunt gramaticum”: taken from the gloss Promisimus and cited from Hunt, History of Grammar, 75. For the dating of the work, see Karen M. Fredborg, “The ‘Promisimus,’” in Medieval Analyses in Language and Cognition: Acts of the Symposium, the Copenhagen School of Medieval Philosophy, January 10–13, 1996, ed. Sten Ebbenson and Russell L. Friedman (Copenhagen, 1999), 192–94. Kneepkens, Judicium Constructionis, 1:709 (Robert of Paris and Robert Blund); David E. Luscombe, The School of Abelard: The Inluence of Abelard’s Thought in the Early Scholastic Period (Cambridge, 1969), 51–52 (Robert of Melun); Hunt, History of Grammar, 50 (Ralph of Beauvais) and 98 (Peter of Spain).

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compose a treatise entirely devoted to syntax (1187).36 In doing so, the grammarians developed an elaborate philosophical terminology. A brief discussion of the concept suppositio, which played a prominent role in their thinking, illustrates the approach. Although variants of subicere and praedicare continued to denote the subject and predicate of a sentence in grammatical works after 1160, a new terminology, supponere and apponere, became the dominant way of designating a sentence’s two basic divisions. The term supponere had had a previous life in that earlier twelfth-century grammarians, including Peter Helias, had used it to mean the act of referring to an extralinguistic entity as the subject of the sentence.37 In contrast with that usage, grammarians of the next generation generally employed the term in a syntactical sense, to mean placing a term as the subject of a proposition. The term apponere had earlier been employed as an alternative to praedicare, but by the time apponere appeared for the irst time in conjunction with supponere in the work of grammarians after Peter Helias, both had lost their previous semantic import. Grammarians agreed that to function as a subject term (supponere verbo, that is, “to be subject to the verb”), the word had to be a substantive noun.38 A noun used adjectivally in the place of the subject, for example, aliquod in aliquod animalium currit (some one of the animals runs), assumes that a substantive noun, that is, animal, is understood (aliquod animal currit: some animal runs). In that case the unstated substantive is said to be the subject of (supponere) the verb, while aliquod is said to be the co-subject (consupponere). Likewise, signs or dispositional adjectives such as omnis (all) and nullus (none), besides giving propositions their quantity, were also said both to “distribute” the subject and predicate terms of propositions. Such distributing terms lacked the power to supposit, so instead they were said to “consupposit,” which meant that they stood in for the substantive and acted as if they were suppositing: omnis vivit for omnis homo vivit (every man live).39 36

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Kneepkens, Iudicium Constructionis, 1:709. Robert’s Summa “Breve sit” is published by Kneepkens in the second volume of the Iudicium Constructionis. Kneepkens, “‘Suppositio’ and ‘Supponere’ in 12th-Century Grammar,” in Gilbert de Poitiers et ses contemporains: Aux origines de la Logica Modernorum. Actes du septième symposium européen d’histoire de la logique et de la sémantique médiévale. Centre d’études supérieures de civilisation médiévales de Poitiers, Poitiers 17–22 juin 1985, ed. Jean Jolivet and Alain de Libera (Naples, 1987), 335 and 350. Although at three points in Peter Helias’s work supponere appears to function in a syntactical sense, Kneepkens shows that it does not (232–34); nor does Helias use apponere in the sense of praedicare, as do later grammarians. The phrase supponere verbo probably assumes that personam is understood (supponere personam verbo). Supponere takes the active form when used for the action exerted by the subject term (personam here), so that the noun verbum is in the dative case; ibid., 343–44. The noun was understood to supposit to the verb in two senses: (1) the verb must agree with the gender and number of the subject; and (2) the noun indicates the persona agens or persona patiens in its relationship to the appositio, that is, to the rest of the sentence; ibid., 344. “Et sicut apud gramaticos dictio etiam consigniicativa dicitur signiicare, ita ab eisdem nomen dicitur supponere, idest substantiam signiicare, sive hoc valeat per se, ut substantiuum, sive cum alio, ut adiective constructum. Igitur cum dico ‘homo albus currit,’ homo supponit, albus, ut dixerim, consupponit. Non tamen duo supponunt aut idem, sed substantiuum per se et primo loco, adiectiuum secundarie et sustinente illo.... Et licet adiectivuum, ut diximus, consigniicet suppositum, est dictio dicibilis per se.... Quoddam vero nomen et suam substantiam consigniicat et qualitatem, ut omnis, nullus et similia, que nec per se sunt suppositiva nec per se dicibilia in responsione vel extra. Sed consupponunt ei quod distribuunt, ut ‘omnis homo vivit,’ ‘nullus lapis vivit’”: cited by Kneepkens, ibid.,

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A number of grammarians, however, insisted on distinguishing between the subject of the utterance, signiied by the phrase supponere locutioni, and the grammatical subject, signiied by supponere verbo, which was the grammatical subject of a sentence. Or to put the contrast another way, the grammarians distinguished between who or what the sentence was about and its grammatical subject.40 In the sentence Socrates currit, the grammatical and the locutionary subjects were identical, but that was not the case in the sentence Multum turbae est (There is a lot of people). As Robert of Paris explains the diference: “‘There is a lot of people.’ ‘A lot’ is placed nominally and adjectivally and is the subject of the verb, not of the locution; ‘people’ is the subject of the locution and not of the verb.”41 Although not the grammatical subject of the sentence, “people” was the subject of the utterance. Consequently, supponere verbo was a term related to sentence analysis, while supponere locutioni related to speech analysis.42 Twelfth-century grammarians raised the status of their discipline by creating a theoretical basis for grammar that could only be taught at an advanced level, once the student had mastered the rules of normative grammar.43 Much of their analytical terminology was taken from Priscian, but medieval grammarians gave it precision and applied it systematically to language, as he had not done. The practical goal of their sophisticated approach, as Karen M. Fredborg writes, was “to clarify semantic problems of words used in a context where the range of the meaning of individual words had to be determined.”44 In a text-based culture like that of medieval Europe, the new grammar set standards for accuracy in interpreting texts, which in turn compelled scholars in a broad range of disciplines to reassess the readings of their sources. Grammarians beginning in the 1160s may have shifted their focus but they did not radically alter acquired doctrinal positions. They did, however, introduce a change in the kind of examples that they used to illustrate their discussions. Whereas before the 1160s grammarians largely composed their own phrases and sentences, thereafter they tended to use citations taken from ancient literary and biblical sources. That was true for the ive post-1160 authors whom I mentioned above.45 The later period

40

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42 43

44 45

347, from the gloss commentary “Omnis traditio,” fol. 49vb. On the commentary, see Kneepkens, ibid., 331–32, n. 18. Ibid., 348–49. See also his “On Mediaeval Syntactic Thought,” 144–45; and Karen M. Fredborg, “The Priscian Commentary from the Second Half of the Twelfth Century: Ms Leiden BPL. 154,” Histoire Épistémologie Langage 12, no. 2 (1990): 60–63. This distinction is common to the Leiden anonymous and to Robert of Paris and Robert Blund: Fredborg, ibid., 60. “‘Multum turbae est’. ‘Multum’ ponatur nominaliter et adiective et supponit verbo, non locutioni; ‘turbae’ supponit locutioni et non verbo.”The example is taken from Robert of Paris, Summa “Breve sit,” in Kneepkens, Iudicium Constructionis, 2:125–126, as cited by Fredborg, “The Priscian Commentary,” 60. This is Kneepkens’s conclusion, “‘Suppositio’ and ‘Supponere,’” 348. As the implications of Aristotle’s Posterior Analytics and al-Fa¯ra¯bī’s Liber de scientiis became clear after 1200, grammarians claimed that their discipline met the standards required to be a science: Irène Rosier-Catach, “Modisme, prémodisme, proto-modisme: Vers une déinition modulaire,” Medieval Analyses in Language and Medieval Philosophy, January 10–13, 1996, ed. Sten Ebbensen and Russell L. Friedman (Copenhagen, 1999) 48–51; and Michael Covington, “Grammatical Theory in the Middle Ages,” in Studies in the History of Western Linguistics in Honour of R. H. Robins, ed. Theodora Bynon and Frank R. Palmer (Cambridge and London, 1986), 25. Fredborg, “Speculative Grammar,” 194. Hunt, History of Grammar, 67–69 and 77. See the index of classical references for Robert of Paris, Summa “Breve sit,” in Kneepkens, Iudicium Constructionis, 2:329–33; for Robert Blund, Summa in arte grammatica, in ibid., 3:213–15; and for Peter of Spain’s Summa “absoluta cuiuslibet,” in ibid., 4:87–89.

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coincided with the high point of French interest in ancient literary and historical works. After 1200, though, grammarians returned to the earlier practice of imitating logicians by illustrating their grammatical principles through simple examples of their own manufacture, such as “Socrates runs” – examples that, unlike classical borrowings, lacked any distinctiveness that might distract from learning the rule. This movement away from ancient literary texts probably relected the more general turning to sources of knowledge more relevant to the study of the natural sciences, philosophy, and theology. Although the belief that the true meaning of a word could be discovered by inquiring into its origins had become traditional, the investigations of William of Conches and Peter Helias into the origin of grammatical terms were manifestations of an intensifying general concern with the deinition of words among grammarians.While Peter probably did not produce the lexicon sometimes attributed to him, he did give voice elsewhere to the guiding idea behind the passion for etymology that began in the middle of the century: “Etymology is a composite name from ethimos, which is true, and logos, which is speech, so that etymology is as if ‘speaking truth,’ because he who uses etymology assigns the true, that is, the irst origin of the word.”46 The new lexicons that began to appear went beyond Papias’s Elementaria of the eleventh century. Whereas Papias set words in alphabetical order and attached short deinitions, approximating the modern dictionary, the new lexicons focused on a word’s etymology and the forms derived from it.47 The monumental northern lexicon of the twelfth century was not French, however, but English. Written between 1148 and 1160 by Osbern of Gloucester, the Panormia istar vocabularii or Liber derivationum set forth thousands of etymologies accompanied by illustrative citations, some taken from lorilegia, but many, especially in the case of Plautus and early medieval writers, were drawn from the author’s reading of sources.48 Osbern was primarily interested in improving the Latin of his students and seems to have been unconscious of the theoretical discussions taking place on the Continent.49 His work, however, potentially provided grammarians with grounds for the assumption of the superiority of grammar over other branches of knowledge, because it determined the meaning of all language through the study of etymology. The discussion of syntactical constructions at the theoretical level had a signiicant efect on the practical teaching of grammar at the secondary level in Francia. Around the turn of the thirteenth century two new manuals appeared, the Doctrinale of 46

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Summa super Priscianum, ed. Leo Reilly, Studies in Texts, no, 113, 2 vols. (Toronto, 1993), 70: “Est vero ethimologia compositum nomen ab ethimo quod interpretatur ‘verum,’ et logos, quod interpretatur ‘sermo,’ ut dicatur ‘ethimologia’ quasi ‘veriloquium,’ quoniam qui ethimologizat ‘veram,’ id est, primam vocabuli originem assignat.” On the attribution of a lexicon to Peter, see Manitius, Geschichte, 3:186. Large portions of Peter’s Summa in Priscianum were devoted to etymological analyses. Generally on the new kind of lexicon, see Ghellinck, Essor de la littérature latine, 2:49. Osbern of Gloucester, Derivazioni, ed. Paola Busdraghi et al., 2 vols. (Spoleto, 1996), stresses the importance of his work in teaching students Latin (1–3). Cf. Ghellinck, Essor de la littérature latine, 2:50; and Hunt, History of Grammar, 151–56. Osbern, Derivazioni, 1:1–3. Cf. Hunt, History of Grammar, 153, who also published Osbern’s prologue (159–61).

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Alexander of Villedieu (d. ca. 1240), which he inished in 1199, and the Graecismus of Évrard of Béthune (d. 1215).50 Written in metric for mnemonic purposes, both books embodied in their instruction most of the practical teachings on syntax that were to be found in the theoretical grammar texts that had been composed for students at the most advanced level. The manuals of Alexander and Évrard would become the leading secondary manuals for teaching grammar in thirteenth-century Francia, and the Doctrinale in particular enjoyed wide circulation in Italy over the next centuries. The two grammar manuals, which distilled the syntactical discussions of theoreticians into practical guides for teaching sentence construction at the secondary level, were typical of the eforts of teachers in the decades around 1200 to streamline their pedagogy. Teachers’ concern to promote their reputations inspired manuals in other ields as well: manuals of ars poetria formulating rules for writing poetry; of ars dictaminis, inspired by Italian models, for rhetoric; and, in the irst years of the thirteenth century, of ars predicandi, the response to the new emphasis on preaching in the French church. The earliest manual containing rules for writing poetry, the Ars versiicatoria, was written by Matthew of Vendôme in 1175. His ars was followed by others, including several by Geofrey of Vinsauf (d. ca. 1210–12) and the Parisiana poetria by John of Garland (l. 1205–55).51 Some of the manuals, including Geofrey’s, remained in use down to the early sixteenth century.Their major efect was to standardize styles and aesthetic expectation – in the process, I contend, likely promoting rather than stiling literary creativity.52 I think it unfair to implicate these manualists, as some scholars have, in the decline of grammar.53 To argue that the new manuals stiled aesthetic appreciation of the 50

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The Doctrinale is found in Die Doctrinale des Alexander de Villa-Die. Kritisch-Exegetische Ausgabe, ed. Dietrich Reichling, Monumenta Germaniae Paedagogica, no. 12 (Berlin, 1893). Its date of publication is established, xxi–xxii.The Graecismus is published as Johann Wrobel, ed., Graecismus (Bratislavia, 1887).Vivian Law, “Panorama della grammatica normativa nello tredicesimo secolo,” in Aspetti della letteratura latina nel secolo XIII: Atti del primo Convegno internazionale di studi dell’Associazione per il medioevo e l’umanesimo latino (AMUL), Perugia, 3–5 ottobre 1983, ed. Claudio Leonardi and Giovanni Orlandi (Perugia and Florence, 1986), 125–45, discusses the diferences between these examples of grammars at the secondary level and grammars at the elementary one. The best treatment of the innovations introduced by the grammar books is Black, Humanism and Education, 74–82. Geofrey’s Poetria nova is edited by Edmond Faral, in Les arts poètiques du XIIe et du XIIIe siècle, Bibliothèque des Hautes Études, no. 28 (Paris, 1928), 197–263. Geofrey’s Documentum de modo et arte dictandi et versiicandi is published on pp. 265–320. Marjorie Curry Wood has found more than two hundred manuscripts of the Poetria nova, and she has demonstrated its importance as a teaching text down to the early eighteenth century:Wood, Classroom Commentaries: Teaching the ‘Poetria nova’ across Medieval and Renaissance Europe (Columbus, Ohio, 2010), 251 and 289–307. Faral edits Mattieu’s Ars versiicatoria, in Les arts poètiques, 109–93. John of Garland’s work is found in The Parisiana Poetria of John of Garland, ed. Traugott Lawler (New Haven Conn., and London, 1974). Marjorie Wood argues efectively in regard to Geofrey of Vinsauf that the use of the manual did not impede literary creativity: Classroom Commentaries, 266. I am referring particularly to Ghellinck, Essor de la littérature latine, 2:41–42, and Black, Humanism and Education, 197–98. As Black writes (198) in reference to the use of the Doctrinale and the Graecismus: “In some sense, the latter two works came to serve a dual purpose in thirteenth-century Italy: on the one hand, they reinforced previous grammatical knowledge, providing rules and lists in an easily memorized verse format; on the other, they provided a type of substitute for the study of the authors themselves.”

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Latin language presupposes that older methods were more stimulating; all that we know with any certainty, though, is that they were less systematic. If it is true that the new manuals provided students with a better education in secondary grammar, then they ought to have made the ancient authors more accessible. Had Alexander and Évrard shared responsibility for the decay of the traditional French grammar program, it is diicult to see why Henry of Andely, who around 1250 bitterly lamented the neglect of Latin literature both ancient and modern in his La bataille des VII. ars, would have speciically counted those two authors among the defenders of grammar against logic.54 Indeed, the introduction of the Doctrinale into Italy in the course of the irst half of the thirteenth century gave encouragement to Italian grammarians, who already by the last decades of the twelfth century were trying to improve instruction in the subject by composing their own grammars. Almost certainly the result of their combined eforts was to facilitate the study of Latin grammar.Together, the new manuals laid the foundation for the burst of literary productivity among Latin poets in the regnum after 1250. Works like the Doctrinale remained popular for hundreds of years. In Italy they competed in the classroom with humanist grammars even into the ifteenth century.55 It is important to emphasize that although in the thirteenth century French scholars in vernacular literature, along with the authors of legal, moral, and religious tracts, displayed a liberal acquaintance with ancient literature, they would generally have made that acquaintance at the secondary level of education, not at a more advanced one. The literary moderni had for most of the twelfth century proclaimed the superiority of their own literary work over ancient literature; the moderni of the thirteenth century were a new sect of university grammarians, who tended to question the very value of literature itself.56 They were concerned with theoretical issues of language that not coincidentally elevated the prestige of their own discipline within the academy. It was likely these grammarian-philosophers, rather than 54

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Rand, “Classics in the Thirteenth Century,” 253–54, makes this point. Black is correct to the extent that Alexander himself opposed teaching ancient literature on the traditional grounds that it corrupted Christian morals: Charles Thurot, Notices et extraits de divers manuscripts latins pour servir à l’histoire des doctrines grammaticales au moyen âge (Paris, 1869), 114–15; and The Battle of the Seven Arts, 28, n. 54. From the perspective of the mid-thirteenth century, however, the efect of Alexander’s teaching was seen as encouraging the study of ancient literature, as Henry of Andely’s poem shows: La bataille des VII ars, 49–50, lines 200–204: “Mès Precïens ot .ij. neveus / Qui molt estoient biaus et preus,/ Dant Agrecime et Doctrinal;/ Li [Aristotle] escloperent son cheval,/ De son cheval irent trepié.” The attack on the worth of Alexander’s manual by John of Garland in 1241 strikes me as having been motivated solely by his efort to have his own Compendium grammatice replace the wildly successful work of Alexander: Morale scolarium of John of Garland (Johannes de Garlandia), a Professor in the Universities of Paris and Toulouse in the Thirteenth Century, ed. Louis J. Paetow (Berkeley, 1927), 120 and 222–24, lines 353–70. Black, Humanism and Education, 87. Black, however, stresses the continuing inluence of Alexander’s work on Italian grammar textbooks (87–90). For examples of this sense of superiority, see my “In the Footsteps of the Ancients,” 38, n. 12. See Henry of Andely’s attack on the grammarians of his time (La bataille des VII ars, 45, lines 93–97: “Et la gent Gramaire perverse / Font lessié Claudïen et Perse, /.ij. molt bons livres anciens,/ Les meillors aus gramairiens;/Tuit font la contralietez / De la bone ancienetez.”

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the grammarians of secondary education such as Alexander and Évrard, who were among the anticlassicists so scathingly condemned by Henry of Andely. Imported into the regnum beginning in the years around 1180, the theoretical texts of the French grammarians were adapted to the local context. Italian grammarians, although they adopted much of the vocabulary and syntactical conceptions of French theoreticians, gave little evidence of exploiting the theoretical possibilities, at least until the second half of the thirteenth century. Furthermore, unlike in Francia, in the regnum a deeper understanding of language served over time as the basis for the emergence of a fresh interest in ancient literature. Unless we wish to count Boncompagno’s single-minded rivalry with Cicero, it is safe to say that Italy never developed a sect of moderni, because it had no antiqui to oppose. Instead, the initial efect of the importation of French ideas about grammar gave rise to a clash between the traditionally modest role assigned to grammar in the legal–rhetorical curriculum and a new conception of education in which grammar audaciously claimed a supervisory role over all the other disciplines. FRENCH RHETORIC

Already by the 1150s, as I showed in Chapter 6, Italian theories of dictamen were known in Francia, but whereas in Italy almost from the outset a tendency to simplify dictamen emerged, French dictatores maintained the high level of style originally espoused by Adalberto of Samaria and Enrico of Francigena.57 Whereas in Italy in the course of the second half of the twelfth century ars dictaminis became almost indistinguishable from the study of rhetoric, the anonymous Libellus de arte dictandi (1181–85), attributed to Peter of Blois, typically presented dictamen theory, heavily borrowed from an Italian source, as only part of a basic course in rhetoric, which in turn presupposed intensive training in syntax and literature.58 At the same time the self-conscious ornateness of French ars dictaminis was formulaic enough to be accessible to a broad stratum of literate men who could not meet the rigorous demands of traditional Latin epistolography, which required not only richness and learning but the development of a personal style. With the deaths of John of Salisbury (1180) and Peter of Blois (1205), who were masters of the older epistolography, ars dictaminis triumphed in Francia over its classicist rival. Marked by complicated sentence structure as well as frequent resort to allegory, metaphor, and obscure vocabulary, model French letters seem more a creation of the 57

58

The ars lourished after the middle of the twelfth century: Charles Vulliez, “L’ars dictaminis, survivances et déclin, dans la moitié nord de l’espace français dans le Moyen Âge tardif (mil. XIIIe–mil. XVe siècles),” Rhetorica 19 (2001): 142. Charles H. Haskins, “Early ars dictandi in Italy,” in his Studies in Mediaeval Culture (Oxford, 1929), 176, refers, however, to a letter collection written in the region of Rheims, Orleans, or Sens sometime before 1135. Martin Camargo, Five English ‘Artes Dictandi’ and Their Tradition, Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies, no. 115 (Binghamton, N.Y., 1995), 45–87. For the importance of Bernard’s Summa dictaminum for Peter and for other French dictatores, see above, Chapter 5, “Ars dictaminis”; as well as Franz-Josef Worstbrock et al., Repertorium der Artes dictandi des Mittelalters, vol. 1: Von dem Änfangen bis um 1200 (Munich, 1992), 91.

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schoolroom and the study than the busy chancery.59 In his Parisiana poetria, probably written in the 1220s, John of Garland provided an example: Reverendo Patri ac Domino W., Dei gratia Archiepiscopo Remensi; R., Scolaris Parisiensis in cliuum arduitatis Aristotilice nitens salutem et ad eterni Verbi pascua pervenire. Si Dedalus alis caruisset, numquam pelagus transvolando desiderate portum patrie tetigisset. Cum per pelagus profundum rationis Aristotilice sit ausa paruitatis mee fragilis navicula decurrere, mihi paupertatis abyssum hyare prospicio, nisi dextera vestra prudens, iusta, fortis, moderata, vela studii mei quam cicius sumat et dirigat et deducat.... To the reverend father and lord W, by the grace of God Archbishop of Rheims, R., Parisian scholar striving on the ascending road of Aristotelian diiculty to come to salvation and the pastures of the eternal Word: If Dedalus had lacked wings, never would he have reached the port of his beloved native country in lying over the sea. Although the little boat of my insigniicance has dared to traverse the deep sea of Aristotelian reasoning, I see ahead the abyss of poverty for myself unless your right hand, prudent, just, strong and temperate, take and guide and lead forth the sails of my education as quickly as possible.60

The inclusion of dictamen instruction in a wide-ranging rhetorical work like the Poetria, which was devoted to prose and poetic composition in general, contributed to the literary emphasis in the French letter. A letter such as the one above would have required time to prepare, and it is diicult to imagine such a style being practiced in the hustle and bustle of an Italian chancery. Whereas the French adapted Italian ars dictaminis to their needs, they pioneered another form of rhetoric in the ars predicandi or sermon manual.61 From the time of the Investiture Struggle down to the early thirteenth century, Italian rhetorical interests had been focused on secular rather than religious eloquence, with the result that preaching languished. But in the north, twelfth-century preachers developed the art of preaching in their eforts to arouse popular enthusiasm for the Crusades and, subsequently, for their battle against heretics.62 Maurice of Sully, bishop of Paris 59

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I am omitting a discussion of the diferences between the French and Italian cursus. Because of its complexity the subject cannot be discussed appropriately in a general treatment of ars dictaminis. I have, however, dealt with this diference in my “On Bene da Firenze’s Conception of the French and Roman Cursus,” Rhetorica 3 (1985): 77–98. The Parisiana Poetria, 42/44, with Lawler’s translation, from 43/45. For the development of the ars predicandi, see Richard H. Rouse and Mary A. Rouse, Preachers, Florilegia and Sermons: Studies on the “Manipulus lorum” of Thomas of Ireland (Toronto, 1979); and Nicole Bériou, L’avènement des maîtres de la Parole: La prédication à Paris au XIIIe siècle, 2 vols. (Paris, 1998). See also James J. Murphy, Rhetoric in the Middle Ages. A History of Rhetorical Theory from St. Augustine to the Renaissance (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1974), 269–355.The older work of Thomas M. Charland, Artes praedicandi: Contribution à l’histoire de la rhetorique au moyen âge (Paris and Ottawa, 1936), still remains valuable. Bériou, L’avènement des maîtres de la Parole, 1:15–30, analyzes the writings of the circle of Maurice de Sully. Beryl Smalley, The Study of the Bible in the Middle Ages, 2nd ed. (Oxford, 1952), 244, stresses the rise of popular preaching in the twelfth century and the application of allegory to the sermon: “allegory

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(1160–96), himself a famous preacher, stood at the center of a group of men who were devoted to developing this art, a group that at various times included Peter the Chanter, Robert Courçon, and Stephen Langton.63 It is likely that Innocent III, who studied at Paris in this period and knew members of de Sully’s following, derived much of the zeal he displayed for preaching during his pontiicate (1198–1216) from his French experience.64 The emphasis on ars predicandi reached its culmination in the tenth canon of the Fourth Lateran Council in 1215, which commanded bishops everywhere to provide for regular preaching in their dioceses.65 By the late twelfth century three widely circulated sermon manuals were available for preachers: a compilation of Maurice of Sully’s sermons, composed between 1161–71; and two works by Peter the Chanter, Verbum abbreviatum and Distinctiones, both written a few decades later. The Distinctiones was particularly useful for preparing sermons in that it listed in alphabetical order a certain number of biblical terms, provided each with several igurative meanings, and gave a scriptural passage illustrating each meaning.66 In the early decades of the thirteenth century a new kind of sermon manual appeared that represented a response to the need to sustain a certain level of quality in a situation where increasing numbers of clerics were expected to preach. The model sermons contained in these manuals were more consistent with one another and tended to illustrate a similar organization for the sermon’s presentation. They each began with a theme based on a verse from the Old or New Testament. Then came a protheme or exordium, which was simply another biblical verse related to that of the theme. This second verse served as the basis for a passage invoking divine aid for both the preacher and the audience. After the theme itself had been repeated a second time, the sermon proper began. At every point in the presentation, biblical authority was cited as proof that the speaker’s words were true.67 Later in the

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could be used for instructing the laity, for presenting to them the Church and her sacraments in a concrete and intelligible form.” Cf. Phyliss B. Roberts, Stephanus de Lingua-Tonante: Studies in the Sermons of Stephen Langton (Toronto, 1981), 41–43; and Rouse and Rouse, Preachers, 43–64. There are only a handful of surviving sermons from twelfth-century Italy like the ifteen sermons of Ogero, abbot of Lucedio (PL 184, cols. 879–950), and a collection of sermon notes in Piedmontese dialect; Wendeln Förster, “Galloitalienische Predigten aus Cod. misc. lat. taurinensis D. VI 10. 12ten Jahrhunderts,” Romanische Studien 4 (1879): 1–92; cf. Ernesto Monaci, Crestomazia italiana dei primi secoli (Città di Castello, 1912), 12–14. Roberts, Stephanus de Lingua-Tonante, 44–45. Stephen is known to have preached in Italy (18). On preachers in twelfth-century Paris generally, see Jean Longère, Oeuvres oratoires des maîtres parisiens au XIIe siècle. Étude historique et doctrinale, 2 vols. (Paris, 1975), l:13–29. Roberts, Stephanus de Lingua-Tonante, 2 and 42. Ibid., 42. Bériou, Avènement des maîtres, 1:21. Rouse and Rouse, Preachers, 73–74, summarize the form of the sermon as it appears in 1230–31. Citations from the Church Fathers became frequent only later in the century: ibid., 74. For lists of manuals, see the following: Charland, Artes praedicandi, 21–106; Harry Caplan, Mediaeval “Artes Praedicandi”: A Handlist, Cornell Studies in Classical Philology, no. 24 (Ithaca, N.Y., 1934); and idem, Mediaeval “Artes Praedicandi”: A Supplementary Handlist, Cornell Studies in Classical Philology, no. 25 (Ithaca, N.Y., 1936); Harry Caplan and Henry H. King, “Latin Tractates on Preaching: A Book-List,” Harvard Theological Review 42 (1949): 185–206; James J. Murphy, Medieval Rhetoric: A Select Bibliography (Toronto, 1971), 71–81; Margaret Jennings, “Monks and the Artes Praedicandi in the time of Ranulph

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thirteenth century the structure of the sermon became still more elaborate, with the exordium receiving its own commentary, the discussion of the theme being broken down into divisions and subdivisions, and dialectic being prominently used.68 The manual of ars predicandi received no mention in Henry of Andely’s long poetic diatribe (ca. 1250) against those in the vanguard of Logic personiied – the ars predicandi probably remained in Paris with Theology, “who went to Paris to drink the wines of her cellar.”69 Prominent among Henry’s enemies, rather, are the band of “Lombard knights,” marshaled by Rhetoric in the service of Logic. In its elaborate dress, French dictamen had hitherto borrowed fragmentarily from ancient writers while stressing a patently modern prose style, but if Henry is to be taken at his word, the teaching of dictamen at Paris by the mid-thirteenth century had degenerated further. Out of French hands, it was now controlled by “Lombards,” that is, Italians, who conined rhetoric to stylistic standards of Italian ars dictaminis.70 Henry also enumerates Medicine, Roman and Canon Law, and Astronomy among others in Logic’s army – but his hostility toward Logic’s accomplice, Rhetoric, seems the most pronounced. ROMAN AND CANON LAW IN FRANCIA

The study of Roman law, like that of dictamen, crossed the Alps from the regnum to Francia early in the twelfth century, but with the exception of Provence and the valley of the Rhone, Francia remained largely uninterested in Justinian’s works until they were introduced along with Graziano’s Decretum in the 1160s.71 Unlike in the regnum, the study of Roman law in southern Francia did not emerge from a lay, notarial culture – the irst notaries appeared only in the 1140s – but was from the beginning conined to circles of clerics who taught legal studies in ecclesiastical centers.72

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Higden,” Revue benedictine 86 (1976): 119–28; and Susan Gallick, “Artes Praedicandi: Early Printed Editions,” Mediaeval Studies 39 (1977): 477–89. Roberts, Stephanus de Lingua-Tonante, 77–79; Charland, Artes praedicandi, 9; 66–7. The Battle of the Arts, 43, lines 79 and 82–83: “Madame la haute Science .../ a Paris s’en vint, ce me samble,/ Boivre les vins de son celier.” He writes of the rhetoricians (p. 43, lines 68–69): “Molt i ot chevaliers Lombars,/ Que Rectorique ot amenez.” Near the conclusion the Lombards appear again as the bitter enemies of poetry (60, lines 448–49). Worstbrock et al. Repertorium der Artes dictandi des Mittelalters, describe a large number of French treatises of dictamen for the twelfth century.The single author whom I know for the mid-thirteenth century, however, is Pons or Sponcius of Provence. Pons’s manual is edited by Henri-Georges Le Saulnier de Saint-Jouan, “Pons le Provençal, maître en ‘Dictamen’ (XIIIe siècle),” thesis, École Nationale des Chartes, 2 vols., Paris, 1957. Charles Fierville, Une grammaire latine inédite du XIIIe siècle, extraite des manuscripts n° 465 de Laon et n° 15462 (fonds latin) de la Bibliothèque Nationale (Paris, 1886), 177–92, publishes the portion entitled Summa de constructione. For Italian ars dictaminis in the irst half of the thirteenth century, see Chapter 11, under “Rhetoric: Ars dictaminis.” Karen M. Fredborg, however, has brought to my attention an earlier witness to the circulation of Justinian’s corpus in northern Francia, in the will of Thierry of Chartres (d. 1148/53), published in Cartulaire de Notre Dame de Chartres, ed. Eugène Lépinois and Lucien Merlet, 3 vols. (Chartres, 1862–65), 3:206: “Obiit magister Theodoricus, cancellarius et archidiaconus alme Marie, qui dedit huic ecclesiae Bibliothecam septem artium liberalium, et de legibus Romanis, librum Institutionum Justiniani, librum Novellarum constitutionum eiusdem et librum Digestorum et praeter hec quadraginta quinque volumina librorum.” André Gouron, “Difusion des consulats méridionaux et expansion du droit romain aux XIIe et XIIIe siècles,” Bibliothèque de l’École des Chartes 121 (1963): 56. In his comparison of the chronology

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Signiicantly, a large number of the earliest French jurists bore the title grammaticus, implying a tie between formal training in grammar and knowledge of the law.73 A monk of Saint Victor of Marseilles who, on a mission in Italy for his monastery between 1124 and 1127, wrote from Piacenza to his abbot requesting permission to study law at Pisa, ofers the irst dated testimony of transalpine interest in studying civil law with Italian masters.74 In Francia, however, in contrast to Italy, almost all the French jurists in the twelfth century who wrote published their work anonymously, and as a result almost nothing is known of their biographies, including their educations. The best that can be done is to identify the Bolognese glossators’ inluence on the texts that the French jurists produced. Even then, the inluence may have resulted not from direct contact with the glossators as teachers but merely from their writings. At least by the 1120s, the canons of Saint Ruf, in the vicinity of Valence and Die in Provence, were studying Roman law intensely, as were, from the 1140s, members of the entourage of the archbishop of Arles, Raymond of Montredon.75 A third center emerged in the 1160s at Montpellier, when Placentino arrived there from Italy.76 The Montpellier school lourished into the early years of the thirteenth century. Gerald, French author of the Summa trecensis, began teaching at Montpellier in 1171 and remained for a decade, perhaps dying in the city; with the exception of two brief periods, Placentino seems to have taught there until his death in 1182; and Gui Francesc, Placentino’s student, carried on the tradition until he was driven into exile in 1204 and the school disappeared.77

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of the development of the notariate in Italy and Francia, Gouron seems not to appreciate the long history of the institution in Italy. André Gouron,“Le ‘grammairien enragé’: Aubert de Béziers et son oeuvre (Ms.Turin, Bibl. Naz. D.v. 19),” Index: Quaderni camerti di studi romanistici/International Survey of Roman Law 22 (1994): 462–63. On the letter, see Jean Dufour, Gérard Giodanengo, and André Gouron,“L’attrait des leges: Note sur la lettre d’un moine victorin (vers 1124–1127),” Studia et documenta historiae et iuris 45 (1979): 504–29. André Gouron, “Die Entstehung der französischen Rechtsschule: Summa Iustiniani est in hoc opere und Tübinger Rechtsbuch,” Ius commune, Sonderheft 2 (Frankfurt am Main, 1973), 139, dates the Summa institutionum: “Iustiniani est in hoc opere” to about 1127 and locates its composition in this area. The Summa uses the Institutes and Digestum vetus, the irst nine books of the Codex, and the Iulioni epitome. Absent is direct reference to the Infortiatum and the Digestum novum (139). Already beginning in 1141, documents indicate that members of the court of the archbishop, Raymond de Montredon, had training in Roman law: André Gouron, “Rogerius, Quaestiones de juris subtilitatibus et pratique arlésienne: À propos d’une sentence archiépiscopale (1141, 5 novembre),” Mémoires de la Société pour l’histoire du droit et des institutions des anciens pays bourguigons, comtois et romands 34 (1979 for 1977): 34–37. Gouron convincingly identiies Raymond des Arènes, a member of the Arlesian clergy from at least 1143 until his promotion to cardinal in 1158, with the celebrated canonist Cardinalis: “Le cardinal Raymond des Arènes: Cardinalis?” in Revue du droit canonique, 28: Mélanges Jean Gaudemet (Strasbourg, 1978), 180–92. Gouron believes that he arrived there in 1162: “Sur les traces de Rogerius en Provence,” in Liber amicorum: Études ofertes à Pierre Jaubert, ed. Gérard Aubin (Bordeaux, 1992), 315. See also his “Comment dater la venue de Placentin à Montpellier?” Études d’histoire du droit médiéval en souvenir de Josette Metman (Dijon, 1988), 187–94. Gouron and Montazel have convincingly dated Placentino’s death to 1182 at the latest: André Gouron and Laurence Montazel, “La date de la mort de Placentin: Une fausse certitude,” Tijdschrift voor Rechtsgeschiedenis 61 (1993): 481–92. Géraud appears as a witness in a document involving Saint Gilles in 1132, and he may well have had his legal education at Arles or Saint Gilles. He seems to have left the area about 1160 and, after a lacuna in the documents of a decade, reappears at Montpellier. His last appearance in the documents is 1180: André Gouron, “L’inluence martinienne en France,” in Europäisches Rechtsdenken

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French legal thought in the irst half of the twelfth century developed to a large extent independently of Bologna. The three earliest products of the Valence– Die school, the Tübinger Rechtsbuch (1120s), the Exceptiones Petri (also 1120s), and the Summa Institutionum “Iustiniani est in hoc opere” (ca. 1127) relect no speciic Bolognese inluence.78 The early works of the school of Arles–Saint Gilles, primarily Géraud’s Primo tractavit de natura actionum (ca. 1135) and his irst edition of the Summa trecensis (1135–40), presupposed no other Bolognese inluence except perhaps that of Irnerio.79 The second edition of Gerald's Summa (1158/62), however, shows a close reading of Martino’s writings.80

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in Geschichte und Gegenwart: Festschrift für Helmut Coing zum 70. Geburtstage, ed. Norbert Horn (Munich, 1982), 98–102; and idem, “‘Grammarien enragé,” 448. It is important to make clear that it is an assumption that because Gerald was a legal scholar he taught law during his residence in Montpellier. Cf. Hermann Kantorowicz, “The Poetical Sermon of a Medieval Jurist: Placentinus and his ‘Sermo de legibus,’” Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 2 (1938): 34. On Gui, see André Gouron,“La difusion des premiers recueils de questions disputées: Des civilistes aux canonistes,” in Studia in honorem eminentissimi Cardinalis Alphonsi M. Stickler, ed. Rosalio Josepho Castillo Lara, Pontiicia studiorum Universitas salesiana, Facultas iuris canonici: Studia et textus historiae iuris canonici, no. 7 (Rome, 1992), 160; and his “Autour de Placentin à Montpellier: Maître Gui et Pierre de Cardona,” in Studia gratiana 19 (1976): 348. Possibly Peter of Cardona, promoted to cardinal in the early 1180s, was also teaching for a time in Montpellier. It was there at least that he translated two important Greek passages from the Code, (348–50). The irst two works are edited by Carlo Mor, Scritti giuridici preirneriani: Fonti della “Exceptiones legum romanarum”: Libro di Ashburnham, Libro di Tubinga, Libro di Graz (Milan, 1935). The third is edited by Pierre Legendre, La Summa institutionum ‘Iustiniani est in hoc opere’ (manuscript Pierpont Morgan 903), Ius commune, Sonderheft 2 (Frankfurt am Main, 1973). For the dating of the irst two works see Gouron, “Entstehung der französischen Rechtsschule,” 139 and 155; and for the third, see above, n. 75. Hermann Kantorowicz, with William W. Buckland, Studies in the Glossators of the Roman Law: Newly Discovered Writings of the Twelfth Century (Cambridge, 1938), 118, dates the Exceptiones Petri as written about 1110 and considers it the irst French tract dealing with Roman law. Charles Radding and Antonio Ciaralli, The Corpus Juris civilis in the Middle Ages: Manuscripts and Transmission from the Sixth Century to the Juristic Revival (Leiden and Boston, 2007), 124–31, however, point out that the manuscript is Italian and the glosses are characteristically Lombard. Kantorowicz, Studies in the Glossators, 112, emphasizes that from their early writings, French jurists used the Digest “in the Vulgate text which is identical with the litera Bononiensis and is perhaps the work of Irnerius himself.” André Gouron,“L’auteur et la patrie de la Summa Trecensis,” Ius comune 12 (1984): 1–38, has cogently argued for Gerald’s authorship of the Summa trecensis. The irst edition of the work was inished by 1140 (32). On the date of the irst version of the Summa, see André Gouron, “Lo Codi – source de la Somme au code de Rogerius,” in Satura: Roberto Feenstra sexagesimum quintum annum aetatis complenti ab alumnis collegis amicis oblata, ed. Johan A. Ankum, Johannes E. Spruit, Felix B.J. Wubbe (Fribourg, 1984), 303; and his “Usage de l’hypothèse et reconstruction historique de la science civilique au XIIe siècle,” in Convegno internazionale sul tema: La ilologia testuale e le scienze umane organizzato in collaborazione con l’associazione internazionale per gli studi di lingua e letteratura italiana, Roma, 19–22 aprile 1993 (Rome, 1994), 100. Gouron dates Gerald’s Primo tractavit as written ca. 1135 and contemporary with the irst version of the Trecensis: “Primo tractavit de natura actionum: Geraudus: Studium bononiense, glossateurs et pratique juridique dans la France méridionale,” in Chiesa diritto e ordinamento della “Società christiana” nei secoli xi e xii: Atti della nona settimana internazionale di studio Mendola, 28 agosto–2 settembre 1983 (Milan, 1986), 209. On Bolognese inluence in the second edition, see Gouron, “Entstehung der französischen Rechtsschule,” 144. Because of the Summa’s reference to a siege of Milan, Gouron dates the second version as written either in 1158 or 1162: “Lo Codi,” 303. For the inluence of Martino on French lawyers generally, see Gouron, “Entstehung der französischen Rechtsschule,” 141–42 and 155.

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With the teaching of Rogerio at Arles–Saint Gilles (1152–ca. 1162) and that of Placentino in the years between 1162 and 1182, Bolognese inluence became immediate, but by this time French jurisprudence had already assumed its distinctive character. Whereas Bolognese legists were not to attempt a summary treatment of Justinian’s works until late in the twelfth century, by which time they had spent long decades ferreting out the meaning of individual passages, French legal theorists from the outset, with the Exceptiones Petri, had sought to systematize their understanding of Roman law. First, written in the 1140s, Gerald’s Summa trecensis, a commentary on the irst four books of the Code, clearly relects that tendency. Under each title of the Code, the work (a) provided summulae (summaries) regardless of the order of the laws under the title; (b) cross-referenced relevant laws covered under other titles; and (c) where the Code neglected an important matter, it provided relevant titles from other books of the Corpus.81 Second, besides seeking a coherent formulation of the material in the Code, French juristic studies emphasized the principle of equity. That emphasis in turn caused jurists to regard Roman law as one law alongside feudal, canon, and regional law.82 The traditionally tenuous presence of Roman law in a society where, for one thing, there was no notariate capable of applying pressure in an efort to improve its arsenal of formulas, encouraged such an attitude. As a result of this orientation Martino’s generous approach to equity (which in his case was not meant to derogate from the supremacy of Roman law) and his willingness to turn to other legal sources, including canon law, proved appealing in southern Francia.83 The disappearance of Martino from Bolognese records early in the 1160s suggests that he abandoned the ield to Bulgaro and to his own successor, Giovanni Bassiano, both of whom were proponents of a stricter interpretation of equity, and went elsewhere to teach (we know he probably taught for a time in Padua). But if Martino’s position had little inluence in Bologna, it was important elsewhere, especially in transalpine Europe.84 81

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Kantorowicz describes the form of the legal summa and the contrast between the Italian and the French approach to systematic presentation of the Roman law: Studies in the Glossators, 112–13 and 146–47. Cf. Stephan Kuttner, “Revival of Jurisprudence,” 313, n. 29. Kantorowitz, Studies in the Glossators, 113–14. Kantorowicz makes a sharp distinction between the French conception of aequitas and that of Martino: see Chapter 5, under “The Emergence of the Bolognese Schools: Law Schools.” The opening passage of the irst title of the irst book of Gerald’s Summa trecensis, deining aequitas as embracing all things human and divine, demonstrates his broad vision of law:“Equitas quoque atque iustitia suos extendit radios non tantum in rebus humanis verum etiam divinis et divine quidem res maiores seu venerabiliores habende sunt quam humane: quapropter premittende sunt”: Summa codicis des Irnerius, ed. Hermann Fitting (Berlin, 1894), 5. For a general discussion of aequitas, see Ugo Gualazzini, “Natura, id est Deus,” Studia gratiania 3 (1955): 413–24. Bruno Paradisi, “La renaissance du droit romain entre Italie et France,” Studi sul medioevo giuridico, Studi storici, Istitudo storico italiano per il medioevo, 2 vols. (Rome, 1987), 2:996. See also Stephan Kuttner and Eleanor Rathbone, “Anglo-Norman Canonists of the Twelfth Century,” Traditio 7 (1949–51): 298, n. 27. We have a reference to Gosia’s house near the cathedral in Padua: Chapter 6, n. 50. Giovanni Santini, Università e società nel XII secolo: Pillio da Medicina e lo studio di Modena. Tradizione e innovazione nelle scuole dei glossatori. Chartularium studii mutinensis (regista) (specimen 1069–1200) (Modena, 1979), 135–37, argues that Martino Gosia might be identical with another lawyer named Martino who appears in Modenese documents between 1163 and 1198, but thinks it improbable.

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A third major diference between the glossators and the French school lay in the latter’s belief in the importance of ancient literature and history to the formation of a jurist.85 For twelfth-century Italians, the enormous mass of material provided by the Justinian texts was in itself suicient to provide an education for students of the law.Therefore most Italian law students began their legal studies with minimal preparation in Latin grammar and learned whatever elementary dialectic and Ciceronian rhetoric they needed in their law professor’s classroom. In interpreting the civil law, according to Azzo, “It is not permitted to allege anything but the laws.”86 Doubtless this single-minded focus on the the texts explains why the Bolognese school dominated the ield of legal studies for centuries. The French jurists, by contrast, were products of the lourishing grammar schools of the French literary renaissance, which encouraged students to draw on ancient wisdom in interpreting their legal texts. The juridical lexicon of Aubert of Béziers (d. 1175) manifests the close tie between grammatical studies and law in southern Francia. Perhaps the earliest of its kind, Aubert’s Libellus de verbis legalibus (ca. 1156) contained deinitions of legal conceptions and axioms and was designed as a fundamental tool for juristic scholarship.87 In the second half of the twelfth century northern Francia produced a second lexicon, the Epitome exactis regibus, this one more comprehensive and better organized than Aubert’s.88 The teaching of Rogerio and Placentino, the irst Bolognese-trained glossators to work in southern Francia as far as we know, was deeply marked by such inluences. Little is known of Rogerio (d. ca. 1162), other than, as I have said, that he probably taught for most of his life in Provence at Arles or Saint Gilles.89 He may have 85

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André Gouron, “L’enseignement du droit civil au XIIe siècle: De la coutume à la règle,” in Manuels, programmes de cours et techniques d’enseignement dans les universités médiévales: Actes du colloque international de Louvain-la-Neuve (9–11 septembre 1993), ed. Jacqueline Hamesse (Louvain-la-Neuve, 1993), 193; Kantorowicz, Studies in the Glossators, 128–29; Bruno Paradisi, “Diritto canonico e tendenze di scuola nei glossatori da Irnerio ad Accursio,” Studi sul medioevo giuridico, 2:610. “Non licet allegare nisi leges”; cited from Gouron, “Enseignement du droit civil,” 193. Gouron, “‘Grammarien enragé,’” 451. The work is published by Hermann Fitting, Juristische Schriften des frühen Mittelalters (Halle, 1876; repr. Aalen, 1965), 181–205. Another early French glossary is published as De verbis quibusdam legalibus, ed. Federico Patetta, in Scripta anecdota antiquissimorum glossatorum, Scripta anecdota glossatorum, ed. Augusto Gaudenzi, Biblioteca iuridica medii aevi, 3 vols. (Bologna, 1888–1901), 2:129–32. On legal lexicons generally, see Peter Weimar, “Die legistische Literatur der Glossatorenzeit,” in Mittelalter (1100–1500): Die gelehrten Rechte und die Gesetzgebung, vol. 1 of Handbuch der Quellen und Literatur der neueren europäischen Privatrechtsgeschichte, ed. Helmut Coing (Munich, 1973), 258–60. See also Piero Fiorelli, “Vocabulari giuridici fatti e da fare,” Rivista italiana per la scienza giuridica, 3rd ser., 1 (1947): 296–97. Published as Die Epitome exactis regibus, ed. Max Conrat (Berlin, 1884; repr. Aalen, 1965). Cf.Weimar, “Legistische Literatur,” 260. Kantorowicz, Studies in the Glossators, 123–24, argues that, although Rogerio is never mentioned in any Bolognese document, he probably was educated there and afterwards taught in the city for some time. His teaching career in Francia is certain: ibid., 125. Cf. Gouron, “Lo Codi,” 308. Rogerio taught at a school in Arles or at Saint Gilles nearby between ca. 1152 and ca. 1162: Gouron, “Sur les traces de Rogerius,” 322. Against Kantorowitz and others, Gouron, “Lo Codi,” 312, inds Rogerio’s work much closer to that of Bulgaro than to that of Martino. Kantorowicz, Studies in the Glossators, 122–23, rejects a French origin for Rogerio. For Cortese, Il diritto nella storia medievale (Rome, 1995), 2:106, Rogerio was “probably” of French origin; and for Gouron, “Sur les traces de Rogerius,” 320, there is “great probability” that he was of Provençal origin.

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been a Frenchman educated in Provence before going to study law at Bologna. In any case, while teaching in one of the two towns, Rogerio met the French jurist Gerald, whose Summa trecensis was to serve as the model for his own commentary, Summa Codicis. Rogerio’s commentary parallels the Summa trecensis in that, whether in accordance with the author’s intention or by accident, it ends incompletely at the same point in analyzing the ancient text.90 While Rogerio’s Summa Codicis was straightforward in its method of systematically explicating the passages of the Codex, his minor works betray an exceptionally self-conscious style favoring metaphor, exotic vocabulary, and allegory.91 In these he exhibits a new literary lare through the use if dialogue, with the igure of Rogerius acting mainly as a disciple and Jurisprudentia personiied making the authoritative pronouncements.92 Jurisprudentia is not ancient Roman law alone but law in general, conceived as a logical activity of interpreting legal texts on the basis of a repertoire of concepts.93 Placentino (d. 1181/82) may have been inspired by Rogerio’s example to emigrate to southern Francia.94 In any case, after a period of teaching at Mantua, perhaps 90

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In writing his own commentary on the irst four books of the Codex, according to Gouron, Rogerio drew heavily on the Summa trecensis but borrowed as well from a Provençal version of Gerald’s work entitled Le codi (302). The Summa trecensis was published as a work of Irnerio, Die Summa Codicis des Irnerius, ed. Hermann Fitting (Berlin, 1894). For Le codi, see Eine Summa Codicis in provenzalische Sprache aus dem XII. Jahrhundert: Die provenzalische Fassung der Handschift A (Sorbonne 632).Vorarbeiten zu einer kritischen Textausgabe, ed. Felix Derrer (Zurich, 1974). Rogerio’s commentary is found as Summa codicis, ed. Giovanni B. Palmieri, 2nd ed., in Additiones, vol. 1, rev. ed. Scripta anecdota glossatorum, Biblioteca iuridica medii aevi (Bologna, 1914), 47–233. Placentino’s In codicis dn. Iustiniani was published at Mainz in 1536 (repr. Turin, 1966). Kantorowicz, Studies in the Glossators, 127–29. Paradisi, “Diritto canonico e tendenze di scuola,” 2:607–8, also describes Rogerio’s style. Placentino gives the kinds of dialogues that Rogerio wrote dealing with quaestiones the name legitimae quaestiones. The term distinguishes this allegorized dialogue, where Jurisprudentia speaks for the law itself, from the quaestiones disputatae, which Bulgaro introduced earlier.The quaestiones disputatae constitute reports of debates between two students who take diametrically opposed positions on issues; the reports include the master’s inal decision on the matter: Hermann Kantorowicz, “The Quaestiones disputatae of the Glossators,” Revue d’histoire du droit 16 (1939): 1–67.The quaestiones disputatae replicate the debates inside the schoolroom, while the legitimae quaestiones are composed by the jurist in the quiet of his study. An independent if isolated Italian example of the dialogic legal composition is the Iuris civilis instrumentum of Anselmo of Orto (1154/58 and 1162): Ennio Cortese, “Alle origini della scuola di Bologna,” Scritti, ed. Italo Birocchi and Ugo Petronio (Spoleto, 1999), 1127, n. 60. This conception of jurisprudence opens the door to greater philosophizing about the law: Bruno Paradisi, Storia del diritto italiano: Le fonti del diritto nell’epoca bolognese, I: I civilisti ino a Rogerio, vol. 4 (Naples, 1967), 517–20. Hermann Kantorowicz,“The Poetical Sermon of a Medieval Jurist, 22–26, provides a detailed biography of Placentino. Gouron and Montazel, however, “Date de la mort de Placentin,” convincingly argue for a substantial revision of his dating. I have followed them in my own chronology. Kantorowicz, Studies in the Glossators, 126, suggests that because of his desire to inish Rogerio’s work, Placentino may have been Rogerio’s student. Gouron, “Sur les traces de Rogerius,” 315, believes Placentino inished the uncompleted Summa of Rogerio in 1165 or before. He suggests, however, that Placentino only took up the project of completing the Summa on the urging of Gerald: “Auteur et la patrie,” 34. Giacomo Pace, “Garnerius Theutonicus: Nuove fonti su Irnerio e i ‘quattro dottori,’” in Miscellanea Domenico Mafei-Dictata: Historia-ius-studium, ed. Antonio García y García and Peter Weimar, 4 vols. (Goldbach, 1995), 1:92–93, publishes a gloss to D. 1.2.2., containing

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beginning in 1157/58, he moved to Montpellier around 1162, where he taught – except for two periods of teaching at Bologna and Piacenza – the latter period ending circa 1180, a year or so before Placentino’s death. If references to ancient authors in placentino’s writings came directly from the texts and not from lorilegia, his reading, especially of the poets, was wide. His citations include not only commonly known authors like Virgil, Lucan, and Ovid but also Persius and the Ethica vetus of Aristotle (i.e., Books 2 and 3 of the Nicomachean Ethics).95 As in the writings of Rogerio, one senses in those of Placentino a tension between the traditional style of legal discussion and a desire to produce greater literary efect.96 Irnerio and his disciples, although otherwise apparently indiferent to poetry, had occasionally included little Latin poems in their commentaries as mnemonic devices for students. Placentino followed the practice, but his were more ambitious.97 Placentino may have written part of his Summa de actionum varietatibus at Mantua, but the preface, which contains the allegorical part of the work, was produced after his departure from the city and was probably written in Francia.98 This suggests that a French milieu may have encouraged him to dramatize his legal writings through literary invention. Aware of being superior to his fellow jurists in stylistic ability and

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an account of the line of teachers of civil law at Bologna beginning with Irnerio. The gloss names Placentino as a student of Martino and not of Rogerio, who, according to the chronology, was one of Placentino’s contemporaries. The gloss was written by a student of Francesco Accursio, who probably received the information from his father, the great Accursio (1181/5–1259/63). I doubt the trustworthiness of such a genealogy. Friedrich Karl von Savigny, Geschichte des römanischen Rechts im Mittelalter, 2nd ed., 7 vols. (Heidelberg, 1834–51), 4:275 and 278; and Kantorowicz, “Poetical Sermon,” 32–34. On the Ethica vetus, see ibid., 34. An elaborate allegorical preface is found in Die Summa “De actionum varietatibus” des Placentinus, ed. Ludwig Wahrmund, Quellen zur Geschichte des römisch-kanonischen Prozesses im Mittelalter, no. 4, pt. 3 (Innsbruck, 1925), 1–2. Kantorowicz believed that he might also have authored the Quaestiones de iuris subtilitatibus des Irneius. Zur zweiten säcularfeier der Universität zu Halle als Festschrift für ihrer justistischen Facultat ed. Hermann Fitting (Berlin, 1894), written in the form of a dialogue between Auditor and Iuris Interpres: Studies in the Glossators, 181–205; but see the review by Federico Patetta, Bulletino dell’Istituto del diritto romano 46 (1939): 436–44, together with the discussion of the work by Paradisi, “Diritto canonico,” 561–66 and 615–16, which leaves the question of the author open. Cortese, Diritto nella storia medievale, 2:111–16, considers it to have been written by a northern Italian in the 1160s. Examples of Placentino’s poems in legal writings are found in Friedrich Seckel, “Über neuere Editionen juristischer Schriften aus dem Mittelalter,” Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte, romanistische Abteilung 21 (1900): 323–24; and Pierre de Tourtoulon, Placentin: La vie, les oeuvres (Paris, 1896), 277–79. In his Summulae, Placentino refers to his poetry for the explanation of a legal point; Savigny, Geschichte des Römischen Rechts, 4:283. Gustav Pescatore attributes a poem to Irnerio, Die Glossen des Irnerius (Greifswald, 1888), 65; and for poetry of Bulgaro, see Seckel, “Über neuere Editionen,” 323. Kantorowitz, Studies in the Glossators, 197–98, dates both the Summa and Quaestiones de iuris subtilitatibus (which he ascribes to Placentino) to the early 1160s, when Placentino would still have been in Mantua. Cf. Cortese, “Alle origini della scuola di Bologna,” 2:1128.The opening lines of the Summa, however, indicate that Placentino had left Mantua at the time of writing the preface: “Cum essem Mantuae ibique iuris scientiae praecepta pluribus auditoribus traderem ...”; Summa de actionum varietatibus, 1. The issue is important because I am arguing that the literary preface was Frenchinspired. The dating and authorship of the Quaestiones, with its elaborate preface, is signiicant for the same reason.

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culture, he saw himself as distant kin to Virgil, his fellow “Lombard.”99 His “Poetical Sermon,” written in prosimetron, which he delivered in Bologna, probably during a sojourn there before 1174, represented his eloquence at full diapason.100 Not surprisingly, the earliest references to Graziano’s Decretum in northern Europe probably occurred in the same southeastern area of Francia, which was closely connected by trade with the Italian coastal towns. It is likely that BNP, Lat. 3876, the 1144 copy of the Collectio Caesaraugustana containing the irst transalpine mention of Graziano’s work, presumably the one known as Graziano I, was a product of either the Arles–Saint Gilles or the Valence–Die area.101 The only southern-French canonist in the century who has so far been identiied, namely, Raymond of Arènes (d. 1176/77), originally from Nîmes, was connected with the centers of civil law study both at Valence and Arles–Saint Gilles.102 He appears, however, to have had no successor. The disappearance of the study of civil law around 1200 apparently paralleled the end of scholarly interest in canon law in the region as well.103 Both disciplines probably sufered from the suppression of southern Francia by northern crusaders. In northern Francia Graziano’s Decretum made its irst appearance only in the 1160s, with the publication of Stephen of Tournai’s commentary on the work, the Summa Decreti. Stephen, who was later the bishop of Tournai (1128–1203), had studied civil law under Bulgaro at Bologna and perhaps had had irsthand contact with Graziano himself. A Victorine canon regular by 1155, he studied theology at Chartres and was teaching at Orléans when his Summa Decreti was published.104 Stephen’s frequent references to the Justinian corpus in his commentary seem to have marked the introduction of Roman law to northern French scholars. As a result of Stephen’s inluence, study of civil law in northern Francia developed in close association with that of canon law. The same phenomenon held true for southern Germany, which almost immediately came under the inluence of French writings and immigrant French canonists. But while references to Roman law texts in French canon-law treatises increased signiicantly especially after 1190, interest in 99

100

101

102

103 104

Savigny, Geschichte des Romischen Rechts, 4:278: “Cenotaphium ... Vergilio Lombardo dicitur esse religiosum. Sed certe si mihi Lombardo credidissent divi principes qui contra rescripserunt, eum non reprehendissent.” Kantorowicz, “Poetical Sermon,” 36–41. Gouron and Montazel, “Date de la mort de Placentin,” 488, suggest before 1174. André Gouron,“La science juridique française aux XIe et XIIe siècles: Difusion du droit de Justinien et inluences canoniques jusqu’à Gratien,” in Ius romanum medii aevi, no. 1, pt. 4, secs. d–e (Milan, 1978), 72–73. André Gouron, “Le cardinal Raymond des Arènes Jean Gaudemet,” 180–92; and his “Une école ou des écoles?” in Proceedings of the Sixth International Congress of Medieval Canon Law, Berkeley, California, 28 July–2 August 1980, ed. Stephan Kuttner and Kenneth Pennington, Monumenta juris canonicia, ser. C, sub. 7 (Vatican City, 1985), 226–28. Gourou, “Une école ou des écoles?” 229–30. Joseph Warichez, Étienne de Tournai et son temps, 1128–1203 (Tournai and Paris, 1937), 17–24, 34–36, and 42. Étienne’s work is published as Die Summa des Stephanus Tornacensis über das Decretum Gratiani, ed. Johannes F. von Schulte (Giessen, 1891). It consists of two parts. A third part ascribed by Schulte to Stephen was composed by an unidentiied author; Stephen Kuttner, “The Third Part of Stephen of Tournai’s Summa,” Traditio 14 (1958): 502–5.

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the texts of the civil law themselves remained secondary. In Parisian classrooms such as that of Gérard Pucelle (1115/20–1183), civil law was included in courses that were primarily devoted to theology and canon law.105 As with the jurists of civil law in southern Francia, the works of northern French and southern German canonists were almost all published anonymously, making it diicult for modern scholars to reconstruct schools of thought.106 Like the southern French civil jurists as well, the canonists developed a form of summa designed to serve as a general treatise on the law. That required them to reorganize and present the law in a systematic fashion, which often required using a diferent order from that found in the Decretum.107 French canonists not only shared with French civil lawyers a penchant for literary elegances, but by comparison with contemporary Bolognese canon lawyers they also relied heavily on rhetoric and theology in their discussions of church law. Paradoxically, perhaps the most important representative of the French approach to legal studies among the canonists was Sicardo of Cremona, an Italian canon lawyer, who studied and taught canon law at Paris in the decade from 1170 to 1180 and then became a teacher in the cathedral school at Metz until 1183.108 It is important to note that his Summa was composed between 1179 and 1181, prior to his return to Italy. In contrast with the Bolognese canonists of his generation who commented and glossed Graziano’s text, Sicardo, writing under French inluence, did not use glosses but aimed at producing a systematic-didactic interpretation of Graziano’s text. Although following the Decretum’s order, he grouped the material under individual rubrics of his own making, some of which described the particular contents they covered but others phrased so as to present problems to be answered on the basis of the material found under the rubrics.109 The latter kind of rubric reveals Sicardo’s commitment to logic, in that under each one a proposition was treated as a controversy with negative and airmative arguments developed by use of a topical analysis, for example, ex persona, ex natura, and so on. In some manuscripts of the work the multifarious ways of approaching 105

106

107 108

109

Gouron, “Une école ou des écoles?” 232. On Pucelle generally, see Kuttner and Rathbone, “AngloNorman Canonists,” 296–303. Stephan Kuttner, “Les débuts de l’école canoniste française,” Studia et documenta historiae et iuris 4 (1938): 201. Kuttner, “Revival of Jurisprudence,” 313. Stephan Kuttner, “Zur Biographie des Sicardus von Cremona,” Zeitschift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte, kanonistische Abteilung, 25 (1936): 476–78. Stephan Kuttner, “Rélections sur les brocards des Glossateurs,” Mélanges Joseph de Ghellinck, S.J., vol. 2 (Gembloux, 1951), 783–87, argues convincingly for Sicardo as a member of the French school of canonists. On Sicardo’s method, see Kuttner’s Repertorium der Kanonistik: Prodromus corporis glossarum, vol. 1: Studi e testi, no. 71 (Vatican City, 1937), 151–53. For examples of rubrics structured as problems, see ibid, 152. The rubrics are essentially questions answered through the use of distinctiones. Kuttner, “Débuts de l’école canoniste française,” 198, deines the term as follows: “Elle consiste à établir des divisions et des subdivisions progressives d’une notion, d’un terme, d’un fait, d’une règle, d’une relation juridique. Il ne faut pas confrondre la méthode de distinguer, qui s’applique au besoin dans les gloses, les sommes, les questions etc., avec les Distinctiones come genre littéraire, c.à.d., les écrits composés exclusivement d’une série de Distinctiones qui se succèdent parfois librement et sans ordre, parfois selon l’ordre des diverses notions dans le système légal.”

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an issue were even diagrammed.110 Largely through the writings of Pillio, both the Summa’s systematic approach to the Decretum and its linguistic and rhetorical sophistication would exert an important inluence on Bolognese Roman lawyers in the late twelfth and early thirteenth century.111 Despite its achievements, French legal culture occasionally revealed a weakness for literary elegancies that impeded a close analysis of a legal text. This was the case with the anonymous author of a commentary on the irst part of the Decretum, who a little after 1170 liberally plagiarized from an earlier work by the Italian canon lawyer Ruino.112 Probably a teacher of both canon and civil law, the author indulged in ixing the meaning of terms by way of questionable etymologies. His frequent references to ancient history and literature lent the work a literary quality, as did his general treatment of the text, which neglected signiicant portions of Graziano in an efort to create an integrated presentation.113 Missing, however, was the theological element so predominant in most French canonist writings. The northern French school of canon law, together with the southern German school that depended upon it, were both in decline by around 1210. The reasons for the schools’ demise after only a half-century remain a matter of debate. Surely a major cause, though, lay in the failure of local scholarship in Roman law to invigorate canon-law studies. Another cause, which I will discuss in Chapter 11, lay in the reluctance of northern canonists to join in an efort to incorporate the study of papal decretals systematically into canon law. In Italy the vitality of canon law throughout the twelfth and thirteenth centuries was linked to advances in the study of civil law. In the case of Francia, scholars of canon law, using their largely derivative understanding of Roman law, had probably gone as far as they could by the early thirteenth century. Until the French developed their own vigorous school of civil law in the last quarter of the thirteenth century, 110

111

112

113

Albert Lang, “Rhetorische Einlüsse auf die Behandlung des Prozesses in der Kanonistik des 12. Jahrhunderts,” in Festschrift Eduard Eichmann zum 70. Geburtstag, dargebracht von seinen Freunden und Schülern in Verbindumg mit Wilhelm Leforet, ed. Martin Grabmann and Karl Hofman (Paderborn, 1940), 69–97. Lang,“Rhetorische Einlüsse,” 92–93; and his “Zur Entstehungsgeschichte der Brocardasammlungen,” Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung, kanonistische Abteilung, 31 (1942): 106–41, for Sicardo’s inluence on Pillio. Ruino of Bologna’s work is published in Die Summa decretorum des Magister Ruinus, ed. Heinrich Singer (Paderborn, 1902; rpt. 1963). Singer discusses the character of the plagiarism on clv–clxx. Singer dates the work after 1170 (clxvi). On Ruino, see the bibliography in Robert Benson, “Ruin,” in Dictionnaire de droit canonique, vol. 7 (Paris, 1965), 779–84. Singer, Summa, clxv, writes of the commentator’s penchant for etymology: “Die Lectüre derselben ist deshalb oft recht unerquicklich; namentlich überbietet sich der Verfasser in den gewagtesten Wörterklärungen.” The etymologies that he used were doubtless taken from a glossary of legal deinitions: ibid., clvii–clix, n. 91. Seen from the standpoint of a grammarian, “the text of the Law was simply a series of isolated Latin words, for whom the question of their accentuation and declension was more interesting than that of their juristic meaning, and for whom the legal signiication of a term was of no greater importance than any other signiication”: Hermann Kantorowicz,“A Medieval Grammarian on the Sources of the Law,” Revue historique de droit français et étranger 15 (1937): 38. Kantorowicz bases his observation on a statement in the Vocabularius sacerdos, dated between 1187 and 1211, a work that he attributes to Alexander Neckam: ibid., 25–29.

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Frenchmen interested either in civil or canon law followed the path across the Alps to Italy, principally to Bologna.114 VERNACULAR LITERATURE

The importance of vernacular poetry in the court culture of twelfth-century Francia deserves notice here not only because in thirteenth-century Italy it promoted a taste for such poetry, but also because in doing so it created a public more appreciative of poetic composition in general. As I have suggested, the rise of vernacular literature in Francia was connected to the emergence there of numerous noble courts. Given the low level of Latin literacy among the French nobility, court culture had to operate predominantly in the vernacular. In its irst stage in the irst half of the twelfth century, literary activity, at least in the northern French courts, centered on various epics that had already been circulating orally in northern Francia for several centuries.Typically the epics dealt with the feats of a great hero, such as the Chanson de Guillaume, Renaut de Montauban, Raoul de Cambrai, and the most famous of all, the Chanson de Roland. Promoted by minstrels, who often traveled from court to court, this kind of poetry was already well known before the First Crusade and may well have contributed to the mentality that inspired the military expeditions to the east. By 1150 the growing public for new Latin authors in northern Francia was paralleled by one interested in vernacular poetry – a poetry that drew for its subjects not upon the earlier Middle Ages but upon antiquity. The transition was accompanied by an abandonment of the sets of assonant lines common to the chansons de geste in favor of couplets of rhymed octosyllabic lines. The most famous of the new poems, the Roman de Thèbes (ca. 1152–54), the Roman d’Enéas (ca. 1154–56), and Benedict of Sainte-Maure’s Roman de Troie (ca. 1165), were highly ampliied versions of the Thebaid, the Aeneid, and the histories of Troy ascribed to Dares and Dictys. The publication at the court of Champagne in 1165 of Christian of Troyes’s Eric et Enide, a narrative poem that drew from the Celtic legends, marked a third stage of literary development in the northern part of Francia. Imported from England with the Norman Conquest, the stories of Arthur and the Knights of the Round Table had probably been circulating for a century before being taken up by Christian (d. 1183) and celebrated by him in a half-dozen romances. They initiated a new literary vogue. Christian’s contemporary, Mary of France, enriched the vernacular literary life of northern Francia further with her lais, at least twelve of which she composed between 1160 and 1170. Predominently drawing on Celtic sources, Marie’s lais and those of later authors were written in octosyllabic couplets like the romances but were much shorter in length.115

114

115

This is the thesis of André Gouron, “Une école ou des écoles?” 238–39. Kuttner, “Débuts de l’école canoniste,” 203–4, argues that the failure of the French school derived from their reluctance to accept the Decretales as part of canon law. Maria L. Meneghetti, “La nascita delle letterature romanze,” Storia della letteratura italiana:Vol. 1: Dalle origini a Dante, ed. Enrico Malato (Rome, 1995), 201–2. Mary is also the author of several fabliaux, a genre whose earliest surviving example, Richeut, was composed by an anonymous author circa 1159 (ibid., 204).

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Contemporary with the period when epics were popular, a literary movement began in southern Francia under the guidance of William, duke of Aquitaine (d. 1127), himself probably the irst troubadour. To him belongs the credit for creating vernacular lyric poetry. Unlike in the case of the chanson de geste or the later romances, the poet was not narrating a story but was himself or herself (women also wrote these poems) the subject of the poem. Written in Provençal and usually sung, troubadour lyrics could be composed on a wide range of subjects, but the preferred one was human love. Like its northern counterparts, Provençal poetry was preeminently secular. As the last chapter showed, with one exception there was nothing in twelfth century northern or central Italy comparable to the patronage of Latin and vernacular literature by French secular and ecclesiastical lords. As for the one exception, the court of Countess Matilda early in the century, its culture was exclusively Latinate and deeply religious. Donizone alone among the countess’s coterie stood out, in that he wrote a secular work inspired by the contemporary French epic. Following Matilda’s death, for the rest of the century no princely patron arose anywhere in the regnum to replace her.116

116

It should be noted that, beginning late in the twelfth century, northern Italian princes supported Provençal poets, who became part of the small courts that they were creating. See below, Chapter 10.

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Part V

Toward a Broader Intellectual Life

Chapter 9

The Destabilization of the Elites and the Expanding Market for Education

he impact of Francia on Italian intellectual life in the late twelfth century constitutes a major concern of Chapters 10 and 11. This chapter principally seeks to outline the institutional setting in which these ideas were received, an efort that requires discussing the growth of secondary and advanced education in the regnum from the last decades of the twelfth century and the consequent accelerating rate of Latin literacy among laymen. The expansion of educational opportunities after 1180, however, cannot be understood apart from the dramatic changes that were taking place in the political life of the regnum in the same period. Consequently, the chapter begins by tracing the destabilization of the elite that occurred in the regnum after the Peace of Constance in 1183 and the trend toward more popular communal government that it introduced. Within this context the popularity of Provençal and French poetry after 1200 appears to have stemmed not only from its value as entertainment but also from its use as a model of conduct for a threatened upper class. Similarly, while the abrupt growth of the notariate after 1200 can be partly explained by enhanced opportunities for notarial employment resulting from the increasing complexity of urban governments, the opportunities for political and social advancement available to those with professional legal training in a more luid urban society apparently attracted many laymen to the notariate. The chapter continues by linking the rapid development of secondary and advanced education in the Italian cities after 1180 to the new condition of urban society. Expanding vernacular literacy assumed training in at least the elements of Latin, and experience with vernacular texts diminished the alien character of Latin ones. The swelling demand by prospective notaries for training in Latin grammar encouraged the creation of grammar schools. The establishment of ten studia in the cities of the regnum in the irst half of the thirteenth century, however, constitutes the clearest evidence of the availability of secondary education as preparation for advanced study. Finally, an analysis of the teaching personnel in the expanding network of secondary and advanced education suggests that in the course of the thirteenth century laymen came to play the predominant role in education at both levels. The inal chapter of the book relies on the existence of this thriving educational structure in Italian cities by at least the second quarter of the thirteenth century to maintain that the increase in Latin writings beginning in these decades constituted

T

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the response to a substantial new body of readers and that the subjects treated in these works were partially determined by the fact that, like the authors themselves, the vast majority of this receptive new audience were laymen. THE AFTERMATH OF THE PEACE OF CONSTANCE

The new freedom of action gained by the Italian communes from the Peace of Constance proved a mixed blessing. In the late twelfth century the governments of most northern and central Italian cities were usually shared between the local bishop and a consular regime dominated by milites with personal and economic ties to the diocesan church.1 An amalgam of families with noble antecedents and families, which through acquisition of wealth, lived a noble style of life, this elite was considered the primary military establishment of the commune and usually enjoyed the privileges of bearing arms and of exemption from communal taxes.2 Once freed from the imperial threat, the cities appear to have intensiied their eforts to expand their dominions by absorbing outlying territories. Almost everywhere, however, the policy was hampered by intensiied factional divisions within the city’s ruling group that in many cases resulted in open warfare in the streets.3 The widespread resort in the 1190s to the institution of a podestà, usually an outsider appointed to keep order in the city, served as a direct response to this breakdown in civic peace.4 1

2

3 4

The developments in communal politics narrated in this and the following paragraph are summarized from the more detailed account with bibliography in my “In the Footsteps of the Ancients”: The Origins of Humanism from Lovato to Bruni (Leiden and New York, 2000), 43–46. On the amorphous conception of nobility in the regnum, see Giovanni Tabacco, “Nobiltà e potere ad Arezzo in età comunale,” SM, 3rd ser., 15 (1974): 1–24, and “Nobili e cavalieri a Bologna e a Firenze fra XII e XIII secolo,” SM, 3rd ser., 17 (1976): 41–79; Franco Cardini, Alle radici della cavalleria medievale (Florence, 1981) and “Nobiltà e cavalleria nei centri urbani: Problemi e interpretazioni,” Nobiltà e ceti dirigenti in Toscana nei secoli XI–XIII: Strutture e concetti. Atti del IV convegno, Firenze, 12 dicembre 1981 (Florence, 1982), 13–28; Hagen Keller, “Adel und Rittertum: Ritterstand nach italienischen Zeugnissen des 11. bis 14. Jahrhunderts,” Institutionen, Kultur und Gesellschaft im Mittelalter: Festschrift für Josef Fleckenstein zu seinem 65. Geburtstag, ed. Lutz Fenske, Werner Rösener, and Thomas Zotz (Sigmaringen, 1984), 581–608. Gabriela Rossetti, “Ceti dirigenti e classe politica,” in Gabriela Rossetti, Pisa nei secoli XI e XII: Formazione e caratteri di una classe di governo (Pisa, 1979), xxxii–xxxiii, provides an idea of the complexity of the elite in general when describing that of twelfth-century Pisa: “Un gruppo misto e solidale … sono in varia combinazione signori rurali e ideles episcopi, feudatari imperiali e iudices, fondatori di chiese e titolari di privilegi marchionali: natura e diferenze originarie (se vi furono) risultano stemperate e infruttuoso lo sforzo di enucleare un carattere preminente … sono – da semplice – (da quando ci è dato conoscerli) Pisani homines.” John Koenig, Il “popolo” dell’Italia del Nord nel XIII secolo (Bologna, 1986), 7–8. Hagen Keller, “Adel und Rittertum,” 595; Giovanni Tabacco, The Struggle for Power in Medieval Italy: Structures of Political Rule, trans. Rosalind B. Jensen (Cambridge and New York, 1989), 223–24; and Philip Jones, The Italian City-State: From Commune to Signoria, 500–1300 (Oxford, 1997), 408–9. The appointment of a single executive oicial called the podestà makes its irst appearance in a few communes as early as the 1150s. Frederick I sought to impose his own oicials with that title to run formerly rebellious cities.The character of the institution changed, however, after 1183, when podestà were chosen by the communes expressly so that they would be above party conlict: John K. Hyde, Society and Politics in Medieval Italy:The Evolution of the Civil Life, 1000–1300 (New York, 1973), 101.

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While deeply divided among themselves, the consular regimes faced growing pressure from popolani challenging the legitimacy of governments dominated by a relatively small number of scrapping families. The evolving economy was creating newly prosperous merchant families, among whom were immigrant landholders from the countryside who felt justiied in demanding political rights within the commune.5 In the course of the irst half of the thirteenth century, this claim became vindicated in many cities of the regnum and the political class consequently expanded. Greater popular participation in government often resulted in a concerted efort to establish which families in the commune were illegitimately claiming to be milites and were therefore subject to communal taxation.6 Lacking close ties to the ecclesiastical establishment, these new political elements proved more eager than the old regime to encroach on traditional episcopal privileges. Civil wars continued to disrupt public order, but now popolani played a greater role in these wars, often in alliance with a faction of the nobility. The changing complexity of civic politics became mirrored architecturally in the construction and placement of the score of new communal palaces built to house urban governments between the late twelfth century and the fourth decade of the thirteenth. The Treaty of Constance had dealt directly with the communes, bestowing imperial concessions on them without the intervention of bishops.7 Relective of greater communal independence and the increasing institutionalization of town politics, many of the new communal palaces in Milan, Padua,Vicenza, Verona, Treviso, Mantua, Piacenza, Novara, Asti, Chieri, and elsewhere were constructed in the neighborhood of the economic center of the city, at a distance from the episcopal palace and the cathedral. In cities like Pavia, Como, Brescia, Bergamo, and Modena, the new palaces remained near the cathedral, but both adjoined the town’s marketplace.8 The spacial orientation of the new government buildings strongly indicated the growing recognition of new commercial interests and of new political voices. 5

6

7

8

Johan Plesner, L’émigration de la campagne à la ville libre de Florence au XIII e siècle, trans. Françoise Gleizal (Copenhagen, 1934), demonstrates that the irst in the Florentine contado to emigrate to Florence were from the propertied classes. See also John K. Hyde, Society and Politics in Medieval Italy, 108; and Elisa Occhipinti, L’Italia dei comuni: Secoli XI–XIII (Rome, 2000), 105, with bibliography, 127. Keller, “Adel und Rittertum,” 395–96. Already in the twelfth century, however, doubtless under pressure, nobles within the rural dominions of a few cities had submitted to having themselves and their dependents taxed. The number of such concessions increased rapidly in the thirteenth century: Jones, The Italian City-State, 421. For bibliography on the Peace of Constance, see above, Chapter 5, under “Imperial Claims and the Communes.” Carlo Mor, “Il trattato di Costanza e la vita comunale italiana,” in Popolo e stato in Italia nell’età di Federico Barbarossa: Alessandria e la Lega Lombarda. Relazioni e communicazioni al XXXIII Congresso storico subalpino per la celebrazione dell’VIII centenario della fondazione di Alessandria, Alessandria 6–7–8–9 ottobre 1968 (Turin, 1970), 366–67. Maureen Miller, The Bishop’s Palace: Architecture and Authority in Medieval Italy (Ithaca, N.Y., and London, 2000), 145, observes that “As the communes were solidiing their power and institutions in the closing decades of the twelfth century – after the great contest with Barbarossa – bishops had to reigure their place and role in the city. And this was the great age of expansion in episcopal palaces.” See also 168–69.

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This same period witnessed a rapid professionalizing of the communal bureaucracy.9 The new podestà and, a bit later, the capitani, who brought with them a staf of professional lawyers and notaries to assist them in carrying out their executive and judicial functions, furnished the model for the development. Lawyers had sometimes held judicial positions in consular regimes, but increasingly after 1183 they replaced untrained nobles as judges in many of the local courts.10 Similarly, communes had traditionally depended on notaries to legalize their documents and to keep records of the meetings of various town councils, but after 1200 the demand for notaries in government sharply increased. The very existence of the new communal palaces meant that city governments, heretofore having met in churches or the bishop’s palace, had a place of their own where documents, until then vicariously preserved, could be archived.11 Greater conidence in the permanence of public memory enhanced the role of the communal notary, entrusted with writing and safeguarding the trove of documents. As communes after 1200 expanded aggressively to extend their dominion over surrounding territories and increase their control over daily life within town walls, the communal bureaucracy, largely composed of notaries, grew steadily.12 THE INTRODUCTION OF PROVENÇAL LITERATURE INTO ITALY

The introduction of the Provençal lyric into the regnum late in the twelfth century and its subsequent success is closely tied to political changes taking place in the Italian communes following the Peace of Constance in 1183. Donizone’s reference to French epics in the opening verse of his biography of Countess Matilda (1115) points to a very early circulation of French literature in langue d’oïl in the Italian cities.13 By the second quarter of the century Roland and Olivier igured on the facade of the cathedral of Verona (1139), and between 1120 and 1140 Arthur, Gawain, and possibly Guinivere appeared on that of the cathedral of Modena.14 Names borrowed from the Celtic Arthurian cycle are found in Italian documents in 1114, 1125, and 1136, and by the early thirteenth century those taken from the Carolingian legends had become common.15 The Elegia of Arrigo of Settimello, composed in 9 10 11

12

13

14

15

Jones, The Italian City-State, 413–15. Hyde, Society and Politics in Medieval Italy, 103. Jones writes that documents “from ca. 1200, were concentrated in some kind of central archive (camera actorum, armarium, segrestia”; ibid., 416. Koenig, “Il ‘popolo dell’Italia del Nord,” 409–10, credits the expansion of communal power to the inluence of what he calls the “borghesia comunale.” See above, Chapter 6. This section is largely based on my “In the Footsteps of the Ancients,” 41–46, which deals with the early inluence of French vernacular literature on Italy and the social and political factors that made it attractive to Italians. I will duplicate few of the notes, but will provide references for new material that I am introducing. See ibid., 42, n. 20.The carvings are described by Lorenzo Renzi, “Il francese come lingua letteraria e il franco-lombardo: l’epoca carolingia nel Veneto,” SCV, 1:566–67. See also Edmund G. Gardner, Arthurian Legends in Italian Literature (London and New York, 1930), 4–6. In the 1170s, two documents from Passignano refer to a Turpin and an Orlando in the area, while in 1219 and 1244, oicial lists of Pistoia residents reveal thirteen Orlandos or Rolandos, seven Orlandinos, nine Oliveros, one Carolo, two Pepi, a Roncivalle, and a Pepina. For Passigano, see

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1192/93, bears witness to the inluence of both the French epic and lyric by referring to Tristan “Quis ille/Tristanus qui me tristia plura tulit?” and draws inspiration for an extended lyrical passage describing his own insomnia from a Provençal love poem, Narcisse, composed about twenty years earlier.16 Provençal troubadours had by the last decade of the century already begun their peripatetic existence moving from one noble Italian court to another in the northern part of the peninsula. Peire Vidal (ca. 1150–ca. 1210) installed himself for a time at the court of Bonifacio of Monferrato before moving on to Genoa. Raimbaut of Vaqueiras (1150–1210) followed him to Monferrato and remained to become court poet. Aimeric of Peguilhan (active 1190–1228) can be traced as residing irst with Monferrato, then with the Malaspina in the Lunigiana, and later with the Este near Padua. These three troubadours would be joined in the early decades of the thirteenth century by perhaps as many as forty others seeking refuge in Italy as their homeland was ravaged by the Albigensian Crusade (1208–28).17 Although their exile in the regnum furnished the vast majority with a means of escaping persecution, the political changes brought about by the Peace of Constance help to explain the warm reception given the troubadours by Italian princes. The fact that the great princes of the regnum, Monferrato, Biandrate, and Malaspina, emerged from Constance with their regional power in Italy reduced stands in apparent contradiction to the introduction of court life in their dominions. To an extent their creation of the new courts in imitation of French princes served as vehicles for establishing their identities in a new society in which their ties as feudatories of the emperor had diminished in importance.18 In this sense, the availability of itinerant Provençal troubadours with their experience at southern French courts was providential. Inspired by the presence of the troubadours, Italians themselves learned quickly to imitate their style of verse composition. Among the earliest were two noble poets, the marquis Alberto Malaspina (d. 1206) and the Bolognese Rambertino Buvalelli (1170/80–ca. 1221). By the second quarter of the thirteenth century interest in composing in Provençal was general in northern Italy and along the western coast of the peninsula down to Naples, and Italy had displaced Francia as the center of Provençal culture. Even after the 1230s, when poets of the Sicilian school and

16 17

18

Robert Davidsohn, Die Geschichte von Florenz, 4 vols. (Berlin, 1896–1927), 1:815; and for Pistoia, David Herlihy, “Tuscan Names, 1200–1500,” Renaissance Quarterly 41 (1988): 568. For Arthurian names, see Gardener, Arthurian Legends, 3. Aurelio Roncaglia, “Le origini,”Le origini e il Duecento, Storia della letteratura italiana, ed. Emilio Cecchi and Natalino Sapegno, vol. 1. (Milan, 1987), 223–27, provides other examples from the twelfth century. “What Tristan bears more grief than I?” See below, Chapter 12. On these troubadour poets generally, see Aurelio Roncaglia, “Le corti medievali,” in Il letterato e le istituzioni, Letteratura italiana, ed. Alberto Asor Rosa, vol. 1 (Turin, 1982), 32–147; and Corrado Bologna, “La letteratura dell’Italia settentrionale nel Duecento,” in Storia e geograia: l’età medievale, in Letteratura italiana, ed. Alberto Asor Rosa, vol. 7, pt. 1 (Turin, 1987), 123–41. Aurelio Roncaglia, “Le corti medievali,” 107–8. Court life at Monferrato must have developed rapidly. In 1216 the commune of Genoa hired twenty-four of the violinists, lutists, and trombone players in the count’s service for an oicial ceremony: Giovanna Petti Balbi, L’insegnamento nella Liguria medievale: Scuole, maestri, libri (Genoa, 1979), 69.

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subsequently those of the Sicilian–Tuscan school were writing lyric poetry in local dialects, northern Italians, particularly in the Veneto, continued to use Provençal as their language of choice. To appreciate the extent to which northern Italy became the center of Provençal culture in the thirteenth century it is important to realize that the poetic tradition was codiied in Italy, not in Francia. A Provençal exile, Uc of Saint Circ (d. 1257), at the court of Alberico da Romano at Treviso laid the groundwork by making the earliest known collection of Provençal poetry in the Liber Alberici (ca. 1240), composing commentaries on the poems (razos) and biographies of the poets themselves (vidas).19 By the last part of the century the poems became the object of textual collation and glosses. In a sense, then, by the late thirteenth century the study of Provençal had a scholarly dimension comparable to contemporary eforts of the irst humanists working on Latin literature.20 The sudden popularity of French literature was not only connected with the creation of princely courts in the decades following 1183 but also had to do with the destabilization of the elite in major urban centers. In an environment where upper-class status was in question, Italian elites were easily attracted to the literary representations of the most distinguished chivalry of western Europe, a literature that infused knighthood with all the best traits – courage, honor, strength, liberality, and elegance of manners.21 Dramatization of these qualities in the form of elaborate public spectacles or corti d’amore was not uncommon.22 Of the actual corti held we have the clearest description of one presented in the central square of Treviso in 1214. While it manifests the values of the new courtly society inspired by Francia, it also betrays the disruptive character of the chivalric style of life, especially when it is the elite’s mode of conduct within city walls. In the case of the corte d’amore at Treviso, noblemen and -women from Padua and Venice had been invited to the city to participate in the battle alongside Trevisans.23 An artiicial castle had been constructed in the piazza; its defenders 19

20

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22

23

On Uc and the scholarly development of Provençal culture, see “In the Footsteps of the Ancients,” 47–50. See also Maria Luisa Meneghetti, “La nascita delle letterature romanze,” in Dalle origini a Dante, 220–21, vol. 1 of Storia della letteratura italiana, ed. Enrico Malato (Rome, 1995). The earliest surviving manuscript of the work is dated 1259. On Provençal literature as a written body of work considered by contemporaries as worthy of philological study, see my “In the Footsteps of the Ancients,” 48–49. On the nobles’ conviction that they were intended by birth for rule, see Michele Luzzato, “Le origini di una famiglia nobile pisana: I Roncioni nei secoli XII et XIII,” Bullettino senese di storia patria, 73–75 (1966–68): 67, cited in Giovanni Tabacco, The Struggle for Power in Medieval Italy, 235, n. 87. These chivalric games beginning in the 1190s were inspired by poetic accounts of ictional battles. Raimbaut’s Carros, perhaps written at Monferrato, describes a ictional tournament of women: Meneghetti, “Nascita delle letterature romanze,” 220. The poem is published by Joseph Linskill, The Poems of the Troubadour Raimbaut de Vaqueiras (The Hague, 1964), 204–8. For the description of a similar tournament, Treva, by William de la Tor, see Alfred Jeanroy, La Poésie lyrique des Troubadours (Toulouse and Paris, 1934), 1:252–54. Cf. Gianfranco Folena, “Tradizioni e cultura trobadorica nelle corti e nelle città venete,” SCV 1:482. The account of the corte is found in Rolandino of Padua’s Cronica in factis et circa facta Marchie Trivixane, ed. Antonio Bonardi, RIS, n.s., no. 8, pt. 1 (Città del Castello, 1905–8), 24–25. See the comments of Folena, “Tradizioni e cultura trobadorica, 514–16.

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were noble women, girls, and their servants; and their defenses were various precious furs and cloths. Each lady wore a crown of jewels as protection. The young noblemen who attacked the fortress were equipped with missiles consisting of fruits, nuts, roses, and violets, and their arsenal was reinforced by vials of perfume and spices. Competition in the attack between Paduans and Venetian youth, however, resulted in a row that ultimately led, a year later, to a war in which Padua allied with Treviso against Venice. If to modern minds the severe, manly hero of the Carolingian epic seems very distant from the reined knightly lover of troubadour literature, to Italians of the late twelfth and early thirteenth centuries the incongruity apparently went without comment, and the two seem to have melded easily into the conception of curialitas or cortesia. The diference, nevertheless, was relected in the size of the audiences for the two genres of literature, the epic exercising a broader appeal than the lyric. Until late in the thirteenth century we have reports of public performances of epic cycles on crowded city streets, while the popularity of the lyric was largely conined to the ireside.24 In any case, by the early thirteenth century these imported literatures rapidly came to condition expectations of noble conduct in court and communal society – expectations held not only by those in a position to aspire to embody such ideals but also by those in the lower ranks of society. In contrast with the epic, the Provençal lyric in Italy was primarily transmitted through reading the texts.25 Although the poems may occasionally have been recited publicly, they were more likely read in private by individuals for their own pleasure or that of a small group. Doubtless from the beginning, in southern Francia Provençal poems were written down by their authors, if commonly in helterskelter fashion on scraps of paper or in little notebooks. A small collection could circulate in the possession of a professional troubadour (manuscrits de jongleur).26 By 24

25

26

Until late in the thirteenth century French epic literature circulated freely without any apparent efort on the part of Italians to create their own version of the narratives or to invent new ones. Subsequently, at least in areas of the Veneto, Italians produced a long series of epic poems in FrancoVenetian up into the ifteenth century. Henning Krauss, Epica feudale e il pubblico borghese: Per la storia poetica di Carlomagno in Italia, ed. Andrea Fassò (Padua, 1980), 25–69, discusses the transformation that the French epic underwent once circulating in Italy. Because Italo-French epics were usually anonymous, it is diicult to date most of the compositions. For the arguments regarding the oral transmission of the chansons de geste, see Jean Rychner, La chanson de geste: Essai sur l’art épique des jongleurs (Geneva and Lille, 1955). On the manuscripts of twelfth-century romances, see D’Arco Silvio Avalle, La letteratura medievale in lingua d’Oc nella sua tradizione manoscritta (Turin, 1961), 53–54. Avalle, La letteratura medievale, 48–49. See also Armando Petrucci, “Il libro manoscritto,” Produzione e consumo, Letteratura italiana, ed. Alberto Asor Rosa, vol. 2 (Rome, 1982), 504–8; and Vincenzo De Bartholomaeis, Le origini della poesia drammatica italiana (Bologna, 1924), 23 and 35–36. Petrucci observes (505) that generally the earliest poetry in Italian dialect, like the early poetry in Francia, was written down, not to serve as the basis of transcriptions for circulation, but rather for purposes of conservation. Avalle sees the text as an aide-mémoire for the poet. We cannot overlook the fact that, at least in the case of early troubadour poetry, many poems were dispatched to dedicatees and it is likely that copies were sometimes made by the recipient so honored. In any case, the earliest collections of troubadour poetry date from the very late twelfth and early thirteenth century. The earliest collections mingled the lyrics of diferent authors, but by the irst decade of the thirteenth century, the poems were arranged by author: Avalle, La letteratura medievale, 90.

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circa 1200 manuscripts containing poems by various authors, moreover, appear to have been in circulation. Italy and Provence, however, difered in the manner in which the poems were received: whereas in Provence the poems were often immediately set to music and were doubtless sung, Italian imitators of the lyrics tended not to compose musical accompaniments for them, although they might be used later as lyrics for songs.27 This diference corresponds to a decided diference in the vernacular-literate readership in the two areas and, consequently, to the greater number of Italians who had had at least the elementary education in Latin that taught them how to read and pronounce letters and syllables.28 Furthermore, the burst of interest in texts of Provençal perhaps indirectly promoted the study of the Latin language among laymen in the regnum. At the elementary level, grammar education was largely limited to memorizing the Latin text. In reading vernacular poetry, however, readers advanced beyond memorization to following the meaning of the text that they read. Accordingly, books and reading would no longer be alien to one’s experience, while acquaintance with the act of reading for pleasure per se diminished the association of Latin literacy with its professional uses and enhanced the potential accessibility of Latin texts for general readers. Especially for upper-class patricians a Latin education for their children ofered a way of distinguishing their families from more popular elements in the cities.29 From the 1230s Provençal poetry not only encouraged lyric poetry in Italian dialects, but may also incidentally have inluenced the publication of Italian poems in other genres. Hitherto limited to a local audience, Italian poets tended to think primarily of oral reception of their work by their fellow citizens. Provençal poetry demonstrated that a potentially broad audience existed for vernacular poetry and furnished a textual model for Italian authors to follow. The fact that almost without exception the earliest manuscripts of Italian poetry in all genres date from the early 27

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Aurelio Roncaglia, “Sul divorzio tra musica e poesia nel Duecento italiano,” in L’ars nova italiana del Trecento, ed. Agostino Ziino, vol. 4 (Certaldo, 1978), 365–97; and Corrado Bologna, “Tradizione testuale e fortuna dei classici,” in Teatro, musica, tradizione dei classici, Letteratura italiana, ed. Alberto Asor Rosa, vol. 6 (Turin, 1986), 467–68. Rocaglia maintains (“Sul divorzio tra musica e poesia,” 391) that in Italy the Provençal lyric developed greater complexity and that, beginning with the Sicilians, “intensità d’un invenzione puramente verbale, tutta concentrata sui valori della parola” substituted for music. Pietro Damiani describes a similar curriculum for elementary education in the middle of the eleventh century. Although the earliest testimony we have for the full curriculum of the Italian elementary school dates from the fourteenth century, it was likely already traditional. For a description, see Robert Black, “The Curriculum of Italian Elementary and Grammar Schools, 1350–1500,” in The Shapes of Knowledge from the Renaissance to the Enlightenment, ed. Donald R. Kelley and Richard H. Popkin (Dordrecht, 1991), 139–43; and Piero Lucchi, “Santacroce, il Salterio e il Babuino. Libri per imparare a leggere nel primo secolo della stampa,” Quaderni storici 38 (1978): 598. The inquest in the dioceses of Siena and Arezzo carried out between 1177 and 1180 reveals precedents for a group of individuals who went to grammar school but did not go on for advanced studies: Bono of Marcena, Montone civis senensis, and Rolandus judex de Monte Cercone. Although the last had the title iudex, at this date his position as a rural judge was likely the result of his social position and would not indicate that he had had any formal legal training. See above, Chapter 6, under “Lay Entry into Elementary and Grammar School Teaching.”

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thirteenth century suggests a direct connection between the reception of troubadour poetry and the beginnings of an Italian literature that survived.30 THE MULTIPLICATION OF THE NOTARIATE

As we saw in Chapter 6, already in the twelfth century Latin literacy was not conined to notaries and clerics. A scattering of men with secondary education who exercised neither profession lived even in rural areas of the regnum in the neighborhood of cities. The number would have been greater in cities themselves. One can hypothesize that that number steadily grew in the thirteenth century, but there is no question that the attendance in grammar schools of boys destined for the notariate increased after 1200. The appearance of manuals of ars notarie testiies to the existence of notarial schools at Bologna from the early thirteenth century, but formal training in the ars likely existed in a number of urban centers, including Bologna in the previous century. Nevertheless, most training of notaries occurred and continued into the ifteenth century in the form of apprenticeship to a practicing notary. For instance, probably taught by his own father, a notary in the university city of Padua, Lovato de’ Lovati (1240–1309), the founder of Italian humanism, was writing documents when he was only sixteen or seventeen.31 However they prepared for the notariate, boys hoping to become notaries needed preparation in grammar. The irst surviving statutes of the Guild of Notaries in Bologna, as has been stated, required that candidates for the notariate study Latin grammar for at least two years, a requirement that probably repeated a similar provision in earlier statutes.32 The requirement probably represented a realistic appraisal of the degree of language preparation needed for undertaking notarial training whether the training took place in a school or through apprenticeship. We earlier encountered a Genoese magister notarius, Bartolomeo, in 1221, who promised the father to provide three years of elementary training for his son, on the condition that the boy help the magister for two additional years with the younger students and also copy notarial documents.33 Since the boy would have been between ten and twelve years old at the end of ive years, it can be assumed that, despite the initiation that he received by copying contracts for Bartolomeo, he would still have needed several years of grammar before posing his candidature for the notariate. 30

31

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On the earliest Italian literature in the late twelfth or early thirteenth century, see Roncaglia, “Le origini,” 241; and Andrea Fassò, “I primi documenti della letteratura italiana,” in Dalle Origini a Dante, ed. Enrico Malto, 1:233–64. See my Hercules at the Crossroads: The Life, Works, and Thought of Coluccio Salutati (Durham, N.C., 1983), 21. The increase in the requirement of grammar for admission to the ars notarie from two to ive years by 1290/92 (Robert Ferrara, “Licentia exercendi ed esame di notariato a Bologna nel secolo XIII,” in Notariato medievale bolognese: Atti di un convegno (febbraio 1976), 2 vols. [Rome, 1977], 2:110, n. 45), was likely paralleled by similar increases in other ields, denoting intensifying academic specialization. The notarial statutes of 1304, however, required only four years of grammar for studying ars notarie. Cf. Chapter 6, under “Lay Entry into Elementary and Grammar School Teaching.”

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The father’s need to indenture his son for ive years in return for an elementary education likely meant that he did not belong to one of the elite families from which notaries had traditionally been drawn. That this father, like others of his station, was looking to the profession as a way of raising the family’s status in the next generation would help to account for the spectacular increase in the size of the Italian notariate from early in the thirteenth century.34 Whereas 160 practicing notaries igure in the abundant documentation for Bologna in the twelfth century, 1,171 notaries alone were licensed to practice in the city between 1219 and 1240. Although we lack a comparison with an earlier period, the fact that 1,183 notaries were writing documents in Pisa between 1270 and 1330 and that roughly 1,500 notaries practiced in Milan circa 1288 provides us with an idea of how numerous these professionals became.35 How are we to account for what appears to have been a steep rise of interest in notarial training from around 1200? To an extent the broadening of the notariate was directly related to increased opportunities for employment in the ield. Notaries played a key role in implementing the commune’s expanded authority both in the city and the surrounding countryside from the late twelfth century.The new tendency for communal governments to maintain better records once installed in their own buildings added to the demand for notarial help. Each division of an expanding communal government required a notary to record its proceedings.The number (697) of legal documents issued by the commune of Milan between 1250 and 1274, for example, exceeded by more than 300 percent the number (224) it had issued in the twelfth century.36 The creation irst of the oice of the podestà and subsequently of the capitano brought into being a whole new level of bureaucracy, in that each of these oicials was expected to take up his oice with his own staf of judges and notaries. At the private level, the demand for notarial documents conirming loans, interest payments, promissary agreements, and land leases mushroomed from the late twelfth century, as did that for legal instruments connected with litigation, which was noticeably increasing. While testaments surviving for Bologna in the twelfth 34

35

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Ferrara, “Licentia exercendi,’ 58–59, sees “un notevolissimo incremento numerico” in the Bolognese notariate in the decades around 1200 and considers the increase to have occurred throughout Italian territory “in misura diversa e con un certo ritardo.” He recognizes that the igure for the twelfth century does not take into consideration the loss of documentation. Ibid., 58 and 81. On Pisa, see Ottavio Banti,“Ricerche sul notariato a Pisa tra il secolo XIII e il secolo XIV: Note in margine al Breve Collegii Notariorum (1305),” Bollettino storico pisano 33 (1964–66): 181. The population of neither city in the mid-thirteenth century would have exceeded 50,000. The Milanese number is the estimate of Bonvesin de la Riva, De magnalibus Mediolani = Meraviglie di Milano, ed. Paolo Chiesa (Milan, 1998), 88 (Chap. 3, dist. 18). For Milan as well, see Maria Franca Baroni, “Il notaio milanese e la redazione del documento comunale tra il 1150 e il 1250,” Felix olim Lombardia: Studi di storia padana dedicati dagli allievi a Giuseppe Martini (Milan, 1978), 25. She notes the steep increase in the number of notaries notarizing communal documents after 1200. For the rising number of notaries in other cities, see Andreas Meyer, Felix et inclitus notarius: Studien zum italienischen Notariat vom 7. bis zum 13. Jahrhundert, Bibliothek des Deutschen Historischen Instituts in Rom, no. 92 (Tübingen, 2000), 321–34. Thomas Behrmann, “The Development of Pragmatic Literacy in the Lombard City Communes,” in Pragmatic Literacy, East and West, 1200–1300, ed. Richard Britnell (Sufolk, UK, and Rochester, N.Y., 1997), 27. This and the following paragraph are based on Behrmann’s article.

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century numbered thirty-one, eighty-two survive for the period 1200–50, and once the commune required the registration of testaments in 1265, that number multiplied into the thousands in the remainder of the century.37 Increased registration of legal documents after 1200 accounts for some of the disparity, but at least some of it represents an expanded market for notarial services. The rapid rise in the number of notaries early in the thirteenth century, however, was not alone due to more opportunities for notarial employment. For one thing, purchase of the notarial privilege became less costly. Until the middle of the twelfth century, the notarial profession, like that of the judices, was composed mostly of members of the social elite of either the town or country. Although the papacy occasionally created a notary in the regnum, in the vast majority of cases the notarial title could be granted only by the emperor and oicials to whom he had extended the privilege, speciically, the counts of Lomello, titular counts palatine of the emperor in Pavia, the bishop of Pavia, and the Avvocati, counts palatine at Lucca.38 In the last decades of the twelfth century, after Constance, this regalian authority became much more widely difused.39 In the case of Bologna, at least by 1208, the counts of Panico, who controlled a portion of the Apennines near Bologna, appear for the irst time as exercising such an authorization.The greater distribution of authorities made petitioning for the privilege more accessible and, given the competition between those authorities, probably reduced the cost of the license as well. The attraction of the nearby residence of the count of Panico for notarial candidates in the city is manifest in the number of Bolognese notaries who obtained their licenses from that source. Between 1219 and 1238, 416 notaries registered in the Bolognese matricula of notaries had been licensed by the count of Panico in comparison with 173 by the count of Lomella, heretofore one of only three authorities allowed by the emperor to grant the privilege.40 Not only did the notarial title become more accessible, but, given the destabilization of the elite, the notariate ofered a means of achieving social and political 37

38

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40

Martin Bertram, “Bologneser Testamente. Erster Teil: Die urkundliche Überlieferung,” Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken 70 (1990): 157–59. Behrmann’s igure of 250,000 testaments for the thirteenth century is probably a typographical error: “Development of Pragmatic Literacy,” 30. On papal notaries, see Meyer, Felix et inclitus notarius, 45–47. On the restriction of authority to grant the right to practice the notariate, see Harry Bresslau, Handbuch der Urkundenlehre für Deutschland und Italien, 2 vols, with register, 3rd ed. (Berlin, 1958), 1:625–27; and Meyer, Felix et inclitus notarius, 43–45. Bresslau, Handbuch der Urkundenlehre, 629–30; Julius Ficker, Forschungen zur Reichs- und Rechtsgeschichte Italiens, 4 vols. (Innsbruck, 1868–74), 2:82. Ferrara, “Licentia exercendi,” 81. He lists eleven other sources of authorization including the high imperial German nobility. Meyer (Felix et inclitus notarius, 30, n. 116) maintains that the commune of Bologna began to create its own notaries ca. 1170. He points out (30, n. 116) that between 1219 and 1221 ten notaries registered as communis Bononiae notarius, suggesting that they were created by the commune. It should be added that the efort to establish who possessed the privilege to practice the notariate in Bologna was undertaken by the commune in 1219 and initially dealt only with those claiming already to enjoy the privilege. From 1221 the right to practice the notariate in Bologna or its territories required both the privilege and an examination: Meyer, Felix et inclitus notarius. After 1238, we may assume that the right was based solely on the examination because privileges were no longer mentioned in the matricula (ibid., 81).

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advancement to the sons of families from the lower classes. In contrast with the narrow ruling circle of consular government, the relatively more democratic communes of the thirteenth century were marked by large legislative assemblies and an expanded political leadership. In such a political situation Latin literacy would have been an asset in taking an active role in legislation and administration, but even more so in the case of the notary. Not all new notaries expected to proit from political activity or ind employment in communal government or in the suites of podestà and capitani. Politics was always uncertain and notarial appointments intermittent. Most notaries needed to ind alternative ways of supporting their families, at least for certain periods during the year. Private practice ofered an obvious solution, as did teaching school. Although it is diicult to prove for the earlier part of the thirteenth century, thereafter strong evidence shows that notaries shared with other laymen a major, probably the major, responsibility for teaching grammar in the cities of the regnum.41 Chapter 6 has already discussed the increasing role of laymen, and especially of notaries, in secondary education and, to a lesser extent, at the elementary level in the twelfth century. At least by the middle decades of the thirteenth, teaching at the secondary level had become a favored occupation of notaries as the competition for clients intensiied and the demand for grammar education expanded. It is diicult to say whether students intended for the notariate and the church constituted the bulk of the new students in urban secondary schools in the thirteenth century. The survey of education concentrated primarily in the rural area near Arezzo and Siena in Chapter 6 revealed that already in the early decades of the twelfth century boys not destined for the notariate were receiving a secondary education in grammar school. In the absence of a signiicant expansion of the number of these students from the early thirteenth century, the new audience for Latin literature evident by the 1220s would be diicult to explain. Latin education, at least to the level of ars dictaminis, appears by then to have become a mark of prestige and an expectation for the sons of prosperous urban families. Although we lack statistical evidence documenting the growth of secondary schools in the regnum, political, economic, and social factors all point to a rapid increase in the demand for grammar education from at least 1200.The strongest evidence comes from the signiicant increase in the number of notaries after that date and from the proliferation of studia in the cities of the regnum in the irst half of the century, a development that could not have occurred had not secondary education become more available. Admittedly, in the case of the studia, preparing the relatively few students going into advanced education would not have required the expansion of secondary education underlying the cultural revolution that occurred after 1200. Nonetheless, the growing numbers of university graduates, if still relatively small, served as a kind of updraft of educational expectations that rendered grammar school at least a minimal attainment for a broad segment of the more prosperous families of the community. 41

See my “What Did Giovannino Read and Write? Literacy in Early Renaissance Florence,” I Tatti Studies: Essays in the Renaissance 6 (1995): 89–92.

362

The Destabilization of the Elites and the Market for Education THE STUDIA: BOLOGNA AND ITS COMPETITORS

Although a few other cities in the twelfth century had briely competed with Bologna in higher education, Bologna alone enjoyed continuous expansion and in the course of the second half of the century became the unquestioned center of education in the peninsula. In the last decades of the century, under pressure of sheer growth, Bolognese schools were moving rapidly from being a loose grouping of societates toward a more cohesive organization. An advanced state in the process was reached in 1219 with Honorius III’s bull Cum sepe contingat, which made the archdeacon of the cathedral responsible for bestowing the licentia following on an examination (examinatione prehabita) given by the appropriate teachers. The development of the examination procedure down to the papal bull of 1219, which created the studium, is a shadowy one, as is the entire institutional growth of the Bolognese schools from the imperial decree Authentica habita of 1158, which exempted foreign students from communal jurisdiction in cities where they were studying. Some scholars have seized on a reference by Odolfredo to the antiqui doctores, who “met in the church of S. Peter to give a certain examination,” to argue for the existence of examinations given by a committee of law professors in at least the last quarter of the twelfth century.42 Since his assertion remains unsupported by other evidence, however, Odolfredo may simply have assumed that the examination procedure, which he knew in his own time, had also been used in the previous century. Nonetheless, since neither the arrangement of 1213 agreed upon by the chancellor and masters at Paris for awarding the licentia nor the papal bull of 1231 conirming these arrangements stipulated an examination, Cum sepe contingat with its examinatio prehabita was presumably incorporating an already existing procedure at Bologna for obtaining the license.43 We can be certain that some kind of collective procedure was in place at least late in the twelfth century among the law professors themselves for accepting new teachers into their midst. In his Liber de obsidione Ancone (1202), Boncompagno had the Roman lawyer Ugolino Gosia explain his legal training to the delegation from Ancona who had been sent to ask him to serve a term as their podestà:44 “Since I soldiered under the senators of wisdom, that is, those skilled in law, learning civil 42

43 44

By “antiqui” Odolfredo likely meant teachers before his own master Azzo, who began teaching ca. 1190.The phrase “convenissent in ecclesia S. Petri pro quadam examinatione” found in a legal commentary of Odolfredo, Lectura ad Codicem 4.65.22, is cited by Hastings Rashdall in The Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages, ed. Frederick M. Powick and Alfred B. Emden, 2 vols. (London, 1936), 1:232. Giorgio Cencetti discusses the passage in “Sulle origini dello Studio di Bologna,” Rivista storica italiana 59 (1940): 255, n. 30, as historically valid. However, Peter Weimar, “Zur Doktorwürde der Bologneser Legisten,” Aspekte europäischer Rechtsgeschichte. Festgabe für Helmut Coing zum 70. Geburtstag (Frankfurt am Main, 1982), 424–27, argues that the passage relects Odolfredo’s assumption and has no value as proof of the existence of a system of examinations in the previous century. Weimar, “Zur Doktorwürde der Bologneser Legisten,” 428–29. “Militavi siquidem sub senatoribus sapientie, iuris videlicet peritis, addiscendo iura civilia ut patrum vestigia imitarer, et nondum elapso unius anni spatio promerui de ipsorum beneplacito et assensu in cathedra residere, ac illorum consortio aggregari”: Liber de obsidione Ancone, ed. Giulio C. Zimolo, RIS, n.s., 6, pt. 3 (Bologna, 1937–46), 54.

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laws in order to follow in the footsteps of the fathers, in less than the space of a year, I merited obtaining a chair with their goodwill and consent as well as membership in their fellowship.” Ugolino’s reference to a collectivity of professors both as his teachers and as those responsible for his attaining a teaching position in Bologna with membership in their consortium suggests that the earlier system of separate schools of individual professors had by the 1190s been succeeded by a more cohesive organization providing sequences of courses for students with a view to their examinations.45 That in 1221 students were obligated to swear to observe the statutes of the Bolognese faculty of law, and that in the same year or in the next the doctors of law were meeting as a group to discuss whether a constitution of Frederick II should be added to their lectures on the Code, indicates that at least by that date teachers of law were a corporate body.46 I have already maintained (Chapter 5) on the proliferation of the title magister among cathedral canons in the last decades of the twelfth century in contexts suggesting that the title denoted the completion of a course of study, a degree in canon law or theology, by its holder, and not an occupation. Although the earliest appearances of the title, as dating from the 1160s, could mean that the theologian or canon lawyer had taken his licentia at Paris, the subsequent multiplication of such magistri in Italian ecclesiastical documents points to a more proximate provenance for many of these degrees in the regnum, especially those in canon law.47 Consequently, while before 1219 there likely was an institutionalized procedure by which Bolognese students in Roman and canon law were certiied as having completed a program of advanced study, the exact nature of the procedure or its origin remains unknown.48 As Chapter 6 points out, the word licentia in either of two senses, that is, as a degree or as permission to teach, appears in the twelfth century only in papal and northern European documents. In the regnum the term irst appears in Cum sepe contingat in 1219. We do have solid evidence, however, of external eforts to regulate Bolognese education in the late twelfth century. By this time the commune of Bologna had become aware of the economic advantage of promoting the burgeoning schools by statute. Pillio of Medicina reported, circa 1182, that after leaving his teaching in Bologna for Modena, he was unable to work in the latter city for two years in accord with the oath he had taken as a professor in Bologna. In 1189 this earlier restriction instituted to prevent professors from being lured away to other cities was tightened so that professors wishing to teach at Bologna were forced to swear that they would 45

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Boncompano claims to have read his Rhetorica antiqua in 1215 “coram universitate professorum iuris canonici et civilis et aliorum doctorum et scholarium multitudine numerosa,” which suggests an organization of professors of both laws. Similarly in 1226 he describes his audience in Padua as composed of “professorum iuris canonici et civilis, et omnium doctorum et scholarium Padue”: Ludwig Rockinger, Briefsteller und Formelbücher des eilften bis vierzehnten Jahrhunderts, 2 vols. (Munich, 1863), 1:174. James A. Brundage, The Medieval Origins of the Legal Profession: Canonists, Civilians, and Courts (Chicago, 2008), 226–27. The disappearance of references to theological study at Bologna in the decades after the 1180s and the fame of Paris as the center of theological learning make it unlikely that Italian students were earning degrees in theology at Bologna after that time. Weimar, “Zur Doktorwürde der Bologneser Legisten,” 422–23.

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never teach anywhere else, thereby renouncing the most efective way of pressuring the commune to remedy their grievances.49 The professors’ renunciation of their traditional liberty of migration after 1189 disappointed the students and was likely one of the causes leading the latter to form their own organization in the early 1190s. By imposing the oath on professors, the commune had broken the intimate bond between the dominus and his socii.50 The decided opposition of two of the leading Roman lawyers of the studium, Giovanni Bassiano (d. 1197) and Azzo (d. 1220), to the students forming a universitas with their own rectors probably belongs to this period.51 Scholars do not agree as to whether the new universitas scholarium, divided into the universitas ultramontanorum and the universitas citra-montanorum, was constructed out of the nationes, groups of students organized roughly on the basis of their regions of origin, or whether it was the direct product of the amalgamation of the individual societates of students of Roman and canon law. In the latter case the nationes would have been a subsequent grouping of students within the larger whole.52 Initially the members of the universitas scholarium were all students of canon and Roman law, presumably to the exclusion of native Bolognese. A third universitas for students of the artes, including medicine, was formed only much later.53 The resistance of Bassiano 49

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Rashdall, Universities of Europe, 1:169; Guido Rossi, “Universitas scholarium commune (sec. xii–xiv),” Dissertationes historicae de Universitate studiorum bononiensi ad Columbiam Universitatem saeculares ferias iterum sollemniter celebrantem missae (special issue), Studi e memorie per la storia dell’Università di Bologna, n.s., 1 (1956): 183–84 and 189–90; and Albano Sorbelli, Il medioevo (secc. XI–XV), vol. 1 of Storia della Università di Bologna, 2 vols. (Bologna, 1944), 156.The history of the University of Bologna has been artfully constructed in the form of dialogues, but without notes: Fabio Foresti, Arnaldo Picchi, and Anna L.Trombetti, Storie dell’antico studio di Bologna (Bologna, 1989). Augusto Gaudenzi, Lo studio di Bologna nei primi due secoli della sua esistenza (Bologna, 1901), 137, lists oaths taken by professors not to transfer their teaching elsewhere in 1197, 1198, and 1199. Rossi, “Universitas scholarium,” 187–88. Rashdall, Universities of Europe, 162; Albano Sorbelli, “La ‘nazione’ nelle antiche università italiane e straniere,” in Atti del convegno per la storia delle università italiane tenutosi in Bologna il 5–7 aprile 1940 e memorie in esso presentate (special issue), Studi e memorie per la storia dell’Università di Bologna 16 (1943): 108; and Rossi, “Universitas scholarium,” 191–93. The teachers opposed student organization on the grounds that Authentica habita had given masters jurisdiction over their students and on their reading of the Justinian Code to the efect that only those who exercised a profession could elect rectors or have civil and criminal jurisdiction (ibid., 192). That the universitas scholarium predated the formation of the nationes is the position of Giorgio Cencetti, “Sulle origini dello studio di Bologna,” 252–53; and Rossi, “Universitas scholarium,” 184. The rival position is taken by Pearl Kibre, The Nations in the Mediaeval Universities (Cambridge, Mass., 1948), 5. Rossi is willing to recognize the existence of the nationes earlier as religious societies (194). See also Manlio Mafei, Saggio sull’università nell’età del diritto comune (Catania, 1979), 55–56, n. 119, who clariies the division of opinion and opts for the position of Kibre. For other bibliography, see Cencetti, “Sulle origini dello studio di Biologna,” 252, n. 17; and Sven Stelling-Michaud, “La storia delle università nel medioevo e nel Rinascimento,” in Le origini dell’Università, ed. Girolamo Arnaldi (Bologna, 1974), 205–6. Perhaps the oldest natio was that of the Germans, which existed before 1200 when it is irst mentioned. Like the later ones, it was a mutual-aid society for students who shared a common language and culture: Albano Sorbelli, “La ‘nazione,’” 133. Sorbelli discusses the organization of the nations at Bologna (156–57). The classic study of the nations, however, remains Kibre, The Nations in the Mediaeval Universities. Sorbelli, Storia dell’Università di Bologna, 110–13; and Kibre, The Nations in the Mediaeval Universities, 12–14. The universitas of the artes was probably created in the second half of the thirteenth century.

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and Azzone to the union of all foreign students of law in the city appears to have been realistic in that once united, the universitas scholarium largely regulated the professors in their teaching function. Numerous disputes between the commune and the universitas scholarium perturbed the irst quarter of the thirteenth century, some of them being the result of the changing coniguration of the international political situation.54 Three times in this period students accompanied by professors, who foreswore their oath, left Bologna to take up residence in another city, where they continued their studies. In 1204 they migrated to Vicenza; in 1215 to Arezzo; and in 1222 to Padua. In 1211 the initiative for an aborted emigration came from Innocent III, who ordered the studium transferred because of Bologna’s continued loyalty to the excommunicated emperor Otto IV.55 Innocent III was not the irst pope who sought to exert an inluence on the life of the studium. The provision attached to the canons of the Third Lateran Council of 1179, which allowed absent clerics to maintain beneices while studying in the schools, favored centers of advanced study generally, but it appears to have been directly motivated by Alexander III’s concern about foreign clerics at Bologna.56 In 1181–85 the papacy extended its tuitio or special protection – which traditionally covered merchants, peasants, and pilgrims – to include students.57 In 1184/85 Lucius III intervened to regulate prices of rental housing for students.58 The decade-long papacy of Honorius III was decisive for the institutional development of the studium. On at least three occasions, in 1217, 1220, and 1224, the papacy intervened directly to defend the liberty of the students. In the last of his interventions, the pope acted in response to the commune’s order that students not elect rectors and that the current ones in power leave the city.59 Institutionally, however, the most important intervention of Honorius was embodied in the bull of 1219. While apparently in no way displacing the professors’ role in determining

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At least by 1268, it was empowered to elect its own rector. Awarding some sort of certiication of completion of studies in the arts probably goes back to the late twelfth century, but the earliest documentation for the award is the 1220s. Rolandino of Padua, referring to his education at Bologna, remarks that “illic a Boncompagno meo domino et magistro, nacione et eloquencia lorentino, licet indignus, recepi oicium magistratum”: Cronica in factis et circa facta Marchie Trivixane, 135; cited from Siraisi, Arts and Sciences at Padua, 37, n. 23. See also Girolamo Arnaldi, Studi sui cronisti della Marca trevigiana nell’età di Ezzelino da Romano (Rome, 1963), 82–83. For a detailed account see Rossi, “Universitas scholarium,” 197–219. Rossi, “Universitas scholarium,” 197. We shall see in the next chapter that Innocent III intervened in the teaching of canon law by commissioning a collection of decretals (Compilatio III) and dispatching them in 1210 to Paris and Bologna, a practice followed by Urban III and Gregory XI.The latter declared his edition of the decretals to be the sole textbook on the subject. In this way the papacy attained the power to deine what in the vast decretal literature would be taught as canon law. Giovanni de Vergottini, “Lo Studio di Bologna, l’impero, il papato,” in Dissertationes historicae de Universitate studiorum bononiensi ad Columbiam Universitatem saeculares ferias iterum sollemniter celebrantem missae, Studi e memorie per la storia dell’università di Bologna, n.s., 1 (1956): 88–89. Ibid., 92; and Rossi, “Universitas scholarium,” 182, n. 3 Peter Landau, “Papst Lucius III und das Mietrecht in Bologna,” Proceedings of the Fourth International Congress of Medieval Canon Law,Toronto, 21–25 August 1972, ed. Stephan Kuttner, Monumenta juris canonici, Subsidia C, no. 5 (Vatican City, 1976), 511–22. Ibid., 92–93.

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the academic qualiications of candidate for a degree, Honorius, himself a former archdeacon of Bologna, charged the current archdeacon with the responsibility of awarding the licentia docendi to successful students and, by implication, with the duty of ensuring that the examination itself had been “diligent.”60 The change efected by Honorius was revolutionary. Heretofore a committee of professors having favorably passed on a student’s qualiications could accept him as a teacher like themselves in the city’s schools (witness Ugolino Gosia).61 After 1219, the right to teach could be authorized only by the archdeacon of the cathedral.62 Up to this point interventions of the papacy in the life of the studium could be justiied on the basis of the traditional duty of the papacy to foster education generally, but the bull of 1219 asserted claim to direct intervention in Bolognese academic afairs. It is unclear whether the Bolognese licentia was understood as authorizing the graduate to practice outside Bologna as well as locally. Bolognese-trained lawyers had commonly taught in other Italian cities in the twelfth century, but we do not know the means by which they obtained this privilege. It would seem that with the growth of other studia in the thirteenth century, local teachers, eager to avoid outside competition on their home ground, attempted to conine Bolognese holders of the licentia docendi to Bologna itself. This would explain why in 1292 Nicholas IV felt called upon to declare that the licentia docendi awarded at Bologna gave its recipients the right to teach their subject anywhere without a further examination (licentia ubique docendi).63 The institutional structure developed for the studium in Bologna in the early decades of the thirteenth century was to become the basic model for other organizations of its kind elsewhere in the kingdom. Signiicantly, four of Bologna’s important Italian competitors for students were in their origins either directly or indirectly the products of student immigration from Bologna. In 1204 the departure of a portion 60

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Initially, after 1219 the archdeacon merely awarded the licentia docendi after notiication from the professor that the student had successfully passed an examination, but in the course of the century his control over the examination increased, and late in the century he claimed the power to examine candidates on his own: Lorenzo Paolini, “La igura dell’archidiacono nei rapporti fra lo Studio e la città,” Cultura universitaria e pubblici poteri a Bologna dal XII al XV secolo: Atti del 2o convegno, Bologna 20–21 maggio 1988, ed. Ovidio Capitani (Bologna, 1990), 39–49. The relevant paragraph of the papal bull is found in Rashdall, Universities of Europe, 1:586.Vergottini, “Lo Studio di Bologna,” 90, suggests that possibly the bull constitutes a response to the Cathar heresy and that the role of the archdeacon was to prevent heretics from becoming teachers. Boncompagno, Liber de obsidione Ancone, 54, attributes the following to Ugolino: “promerui de ipsorum [his teachers] beneplacito et assensu in cathedra residere, ac illorum consortio aggregari.” Cencetti, “La laurea nelle università medievali,” Atti del convegno per la storia delle università italiane tenutosi in Bologna il 5–7 aprile 1940 e memorie in esso presentate (special issue), Studi e memorie per la storia dell’Università di Bologna 16 (1943): 262, writes: “La natura giuridica della laurea bolognese subisce così un profondo, se pure inavertito, mutamento: concepita ora come concessa per delega apostolica, quella che, sebbene ormai se ne fosse perduto il senso, era stata in allora cooptazione in un ceto, diveniva concessione fatta da un superiore, investitura di una facoltà.” The recognition of this universal licentia docendi by the papacy came in 1291, under Nicholas IV: Paolini, “La igura dell’archidiacono,” 60, n. 63. See also Rashdall, Universities of Europe, 1:223; and Stelling-Michaud, “La storia delle università,” 158. Rashdall, Universities of Europe, 1:10, n. 1, makes the point that, according to the papal bull, the ius ubique docendi applied only to Bolognese law degrees, not to degrees in the arts and medicine.

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of the students with a number of professors temporarily hurt Bologna inancially, but the studium they founded at Vicenza expired after only about ive years.64 The arrival of the Bolognese professor Rofredo with his students in Arezzo in 1215 gave birth to the studium at Arezzo, and a massive departure from Bologna to Padua in 1222 resulted in the creation of Bologna’s greatest future competitor for students.65 Both of these latter institutions were to have a long life. Padua itself, however, was temporarily weakened six years later when in 1228 a dissident group of Paduan students moved to Vercelli to establish another studium there.66 A further blow to Bologna’s prominent position in advanced education came with Frederick II’s foundation of the studium at Naples in 1224, in order to aford subjects of his kingdom better access to advanced learning and to deprive Guelf Bologna of students from the south.67 Besides the four studia deriving ultimately from Bologna in the thirteenth century, the studium at Modena had its beginning in an even earlier emigration from 64

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Girolamo Arnaldi, “Scuole nella Marca trevigiana e a Venezia,” SCV l (Vicenza, 1976), 375–84. Boncompagno was teaching in Vicenza in 1206 when he witnessed a document along with the student rectors of the universitas scholarium (ibid., 278). A letter included in Boncompagno’s Rhetorica antiqua, irst published in 1215, written to the Patriarch of Aquilea about the dangers of heresy in Vicenza, refers to the “ordo scholarium qui de diversis mundi partibus causa studii Vicentie commorantur:” cited in Gaudenzi: “Sulla cronologia delle opera dei dettatori bolognesi da Buoncompagno a Bene di Lucca,” BISI 14 (1895): 109. For Arezzo, see Helene Wieruszowski,“Arezzo as a Center of Learning and Letters in the Thirteenth Century,” Traditio 9 (1958): 322–30, who argues that a studium existed in some form at Arezzo before the arrival of Rofredo. Cf. Carlo G. Mor, “Lo ‘Studio’ aretino nel XIII secolo,” Atti e memorie dell’Accademia Petrarca di arti, lettere e scienze, n.s. 41 (1973–75): 27–29, shows that two of the early masters cited by Wieruszowski (324, n. 12) were not teachers but artisans and maintains that nothing like a studium existed in the city before 1215. Robert Black, Studio e scuola in Arezzo durante il medioevo e il rinascimento. I documenti d’archivio ino al 1530 (Arezzo, 1996), 101–3, however, points to indications that Arezzo had “scuole superiori ben sviluppate, ecclesiastiche come pure secolari, forse con qualche tipo di ordinamento comunale o corporativo, prima dell’arrivo bolognese” (103, n. 12). Giovanna Nicolaj, “Forme di studi medioevali: Spunti di rilessione,” L’università e la sua storia: Origini, spazi istituzionali e pratiche didattiche dello “Studium” cittadino. Atti del Convegno di studi (Arezzo, 15–16 novembre 1991, ed. Paolo Renzi (Siena, 1998), 59–91, provides an overview of the literature and a detailed account of the early decades of the studium. She shows that, unlike the Bolognese model, the studium in Arezzo was controlled by professors (67). On Padua, see Arnaldi,“Scuole nella Marca trevigiana,” 84–86, as well as his “Il primo secolo dello studio di Padova,” SCV 2 (Vicenza, 1976), 12–14; and the amplication of this article in “Le origini dello Studio di Padova. Dalla migrazione universitaria del 1222 alla ine del periodo ezzeliniano,” La cultura 15 (1977): 388–431. Santo Bortolami, “Da Bologna a Padova, da Padova a Vercelli: Ripensando alle migrazioni universitarie,” L’Università di Vercelli nel medioevo: Atti del secondo Congresso storico vercellese,Vercelli, Salone Dugentesco, 23–25 ottobre 1992 (Vercelli, 1994), 35–75, discusses the motives for the student migration from Bologna to Padua and then from Padua to Vercelli six years later. For the agreement between the commune of Vercelli and the dissident scholars and masters from Padua, see Carla Frova, “Città e ‘Studium’ a Vercelli (secoli XII e XIII),” Luoghi e metodi di insegnamento nell’Italia medioevale (secoli XII–XIV), ed. Luciano Gargan and Oronzo Limone (Galatina, 1989), 85, n. 1. An accessible edition of the agreement is found in Rashdall, The European Universities, 2:337–41. Rashdall, Universities of Europe, 2:21–26; Girolamo Arnaldi, “Fondazione e rifondazione dello Studio di Napoli in età sveva,” in Università e società nei secoli XII–XVI: Nono convegno internationale, Pistoia 20–25 settembre 1979 (Pistoia, 1982), 81–105.

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Bologna in the third quarter of the twelfth century.68 By the early thirteenth century the commune there was electing and paying a small faculty, as did the commune of Reggio where advanced education may have begun in 1188 with the hiring of the Roman lawyer Jacopo of Mandria.69 Indications of a studium at Parma date only from 1214, and those for one at Piacenza only from 1248.70 A similar institution was founded by the commune of Siena in the 1240s.71 Although some of these studia were established under the aegis of the local ecclesiastical authorities, as in the case of Vicenza, Modena, and Piacenza, in no instance could they be considered continuations of a local cathedral school.72 The papacy occasionally encouraged an individual discipline, as it did in the case of Reggio by supporting a professor of theology for ive years (1231–36), but either students or communal governments normally bore the burden of paying the faculty.73 While local studia were major sources of civic pride, they all arose in response to an increasing demand for higher education, a demand buoyed up by the rapid development of the economy and of political institutions, and by what appears to have been a new social prestige accorded to learning. As mentioned earlier, the growing number of studia serves as evidence for a corresponding multiplication of grammar schools, at least in urban centers, designed to prepare students for advanced studies. Because requirements for grammar training were relatively low, teachers in advanced disciplines would, as in the previous century, still be called upon to provide grammar instruction speciic to their ield. Nonetheless, students must have come to the studia with diferent levels of preparation in grammar, and even a minimal requirement of grammar would have encouraged the creation of grammar schools.74 68

69 70 71 72

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Giorgio Montecchi, “Le antiche sedi universitarie,” Le sedi della cultura nell’Emilia Romagna: L’età comunale, ed. Girolamo Arnaldi et al. (Milan, 1984), 120–22, with its extensive bibliography. Because, legally, a center of learning only became a studium with the recognition of the papacy, Montecchi and I use the term loosely. Ibid., 123–24. Ibid., 126–27. Paul Grendler, The Universities of the Italian Renaissance (Baltimore and London, 2002), 45. In the case of Vercelli, a chair of theology had been created in the cathedral in 1194: Frova, “Città e ‘Studium’ a Vercelli,” 89. The inclusion of a chair in theology in the charter of 1228 for the new studium in Vercelli suggests that the bishop was involved in the creation of the new institution: ibid., 99; and Carla Frova’s “Teologia a Vercelli alla ine del secolo XII: I libri del canonico Cotta,” L’Università di Vercelli nel medioevo: Atti del secondo Congresso storico vercellese, Vercelli, Salone Dugentesco, 23–25 ottobre 1992 (Vercelli, 1994), 324–25. On Modena and Reggio, see Montecchi, “Le antiche sedi universitarie,” 121 and 124. Nonetheless, it is unlikely that a cathedral school of any importance existed in the city before 1228. There is a mention of two canons, Ruino “peritus in theologia et in phisica arte” and Menardus “in gramatica et dialectica precipuus et in retorica orator miriicus,” late in the twelfth century, but we cannot know if the two employed their learning as teachers; Frova, “Città e ‘Studium’ a Vercelli,” 91. Frova refers to many magistri among the canons, but this probably meant that many of them had taken master’s degrees. Montecchi, “Le antiche sedi universitarie,” 124. The increase of the required study of grammar for admission to the notariate from two to ive years by 1290/92 (Roberto Ferrara, “Licentia exercendi,” 110, n. 45), was likely paralleled by similar increases in other ields, denoting ever-intensifying academic specialization. The notarial statutes of 1304, however, required only four years of grammar as a requirement for studying ars notarie.

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The number of men studying for advanced degrees in law or the arts would have been smaller than for the notariate. In towns with a studium the bulk of the students above the elementary level would have been students in secondary or notarial schools.75 The boast of Boncompagno (ca. 1170–ca.1240), a professor in the Bolognese studium, that he memorized the names of ive hundred students in thirty days should not be taken to mean that he had that many students in his classes.76 The contract of 1228 between the commune of Vercelli and the group of students and professors intending to transfer their studies there from Padua included a promise of the commune to provide “ive hundred lodging houses of the best quality” and “more, if more were necessary.” Because two or three students would likely have lived in a lodging house, the housing promised suggests that as many as 1,000–1,500 students were expected to emigrate from Padua.77 This igure may perhaps have represented as much as half or more of the student body currently at Padua. Relative to the number of students in these two schools, Odolfredo’s estimate of a thousand students at Bologna early in the century was probably much too low.78 To an extent, enrollment in the studia depended on food supply and the incidence of warfare, both internal and external. One estimate has set the number of students at Bologna in the period 1265–84 as varying from 234 students in 1267 to 1,464 in 1269, following on the reconciliation between Guelfs and Ghibellines. These statistics, based on the names of students appearing in notarial contracts for these years, however, have only relative value and cannot represent the total number of students in the studium. The archive of notarial protocols for the thirteenth century is not complete, and poorer students would have avoided the cost of making notarial contracts if at all possible.79 While it is only a guess, given the estimate of the student 75 76

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In this period ars notaria was not a subject taught in the studium. Rhetorica novissima, ed. Augusto Gaudenzi, in Scripta anecdota glossatorum, ed. Augusto Gaudenzi, 3 vols. Biblioteca iuridica medii aevi (Bologna, 1888–1901), 2:279: “Per illam siquidem imaginationem alphabeti, memorie naturalis beneicio preeunte, in XXX diebus quingentorum scholarium nomina memorie commendavi.” Rashdall, Universities of Europe, 2:12, believes that Vercelli was expecting between 2,500 and 3,000 students. Nancy Siraisi, Arts and Sciences at Padua: The Studium of Padua before 1350, Study and Texts, Pontiical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, no. 25 (Toronto, 1973), 18, however, estimates that the student population of Padua in 1228 about 2,000 before the migration. My estimate is closer to that of Sirasi. Arnaldi, “Origini dello Studio,” 410, however, considers it more probable that the igure of 500 houses was “una cifra esclamativa buttata lì come auspicio per il successo dell’operazione di trasferimento.” If perhaps high, the number available would have had to have a credible relationship to the number of students that were expected to transfer to Vercelli. Odolfredo’s reference to the number of students in Bologna in the early thirteenth century has erroneously been interpreted as saying there were “thousands” of students: Nino Tamassia, “Odolfredo: Studio storico-giuridico,” Atti e memorie della reale deputazione storia patria per le province di Romagna, ser. 3, 12 (1894), 71. Cf. Piero Fiorelli, “Azzone (Azone, Azzo, Azo …),” DBI, vol. 4 (Rome, 1962), 777, who accepts “thousands.” The error in reading the text is corrected by Sven Stelling-Michaud, Université de Bologne et la pénétration des droits romain et canonique en Suisse aux XIIIe et au XIVe siècles (Geneva, 1955), 38, who reads the reference as “a thousand.” Stelling-Michaud, Université de Bologne, 38–39. See also the discussion of Antonio Pini, “‘Discere turba volens’. Studenti e vita studentesca a Bologna dalle origini dello studio alla metà del Trecento,” in Studenti e università degli studenti dal XII al XIX secolo, ed. Gian Paolo Brizzi and Antonio Pini (Bologna, 1988), 62–69.

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population at Vercelli in the 1220s, one could put the number of students in Bologna at about 2,000, with the total number of students seeking advanced degrees in the regnum at 4,000 to 5,000. By the 1220s the mendicant orders began to play a role in Italian education, and the number of their students should be added to the total.80 Initially limited to courses in philosophy and theology, by mid-century the schools also ofered courses in the artes and natural sciences to members of the orders entering with no more than an elementary education. Given that courses, apart from courses in theology, were open only to conversi, the numbers enrolled in mendicant programs would have added at most several hundred students to the total working at the advanced level in the regnum.81 LAYMEN AND THE TRADITIONAL BOOK CULTURE

Two major diferences distinguished education in the regnum Italicae from that in northern Europe in the Middle Ages: the proportionately large number of Italian laymen throughout the period who were Latin-literate and, at least from the early decades of the twelfth century, the importance of laymen in teaching. Already in the eleventh century laymen had played the predominant role in teaching Roman law and ars notarie, but, as we have seen, as early as the 1110s, lay teachers of grammar and rhetoric, such as Alberto of San Marino and Adalberto of Samaria, appeared. While elementary teaching both in the cities and the countryside continued to be largely the responsibility of parish clergy at least down to the end of the thirteenth century, at the secondary level, where fees were regularly charged those able to pay, clerics, especially in cathedral schools, remained active. Nonetheless, from the second half of the twelfth century laymen more commonly appear in the documents as teaching grammar than clerics, and in the course of the thirteenth century, with the increase in documentation, they emerge as playing the leading role in teaching

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Another source suggests that of students of Roman and canon law the former were by far the more numerous, consisting of perhaps as many as 80 percent. Frank Soetermeer, “La proportion entre civilistes et canonistes à l’Université de Bologna vers 1270,” El Dret comú i Cataluña. “Ius proprium”–“ius commune a Europa.” Celbrat in hormenatge al Professor André Gouron: Actes del IIIer simposi internacional, Barcelona 5–7 de novembre de 1992, ed. Aquilino Iglesia Ferreirós (Barcelona, 1993), 151–66, bases his estimate of 78 percent for civil law students on the number of contracts for the sale of books in this period. Some of these buyers, however, may have been students of the ars notarie. At least in the irst half of the fourteenth century, but perhaps earlier, notarial students studied the Institutes in their irst-year program, and their number of purchases would have signiicantly distorted the relative percentage attributed to students of Roman law. I discuss these schools in connection with mendicant education in the following chapter. Mariano d’Alatri, “Panorama degli studia degli ordini mendicanti: Italia,” in Le scuole degli ordini mendicanti (secoli XIII–XIV, 11–14 ottobre 1976, Convegni del Centro di studi sulla spiritualità medievale, no. 17 (Todi, 1978), 55, provides statistics for enrollments in the Dominican schools in the second half of the century, and they are at least suggestive of enrollments in earlier decades. In 1288 there were schools for students of the artes at Viterbo and Spoleto with ten students each and twelve schools for natural science in the whole peninsula, which together had seventy students.The inluence of mendicant schools, however, extended directly to the laity in that lectures on philosophy and theology were open to their attendance: see Chapter 10, under “Logic as an Important Discipline and the Revival of Theological Interests.”

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the subject. Roughly, by the middle decades of the thirteenth century it is possible to say that laymen dominated the traditional culture of the book. One section of the clergy, the lower clergy, never appears among grammarians teaching privately in twelfth-century documents. It is possible that the more systematic collection of tithes and intensive supervision of church properties characteristic of local churches at least after 1200 tended to furnish lower clergy with suicient income that they did not have to teach. At the same time, as I suggested earlier, in the decades following the Investiture Struggle, and with the rise of the commune, the number of men in the category of lower clergy probably dropped signiicantly. Participation in the political life of the commune over the course of the twelfth century became increasingly important for the protection and advancement of family interests, while clerical status made communal membership problematic in almost every commune. The reduced number of men who were lower clergy perhaps accounts for the diiculty in identifying them as teachers. The matriculation records of the notarial guild of Bologna in the thirteenth century ofer suggestive evidence of the small number of married clergy in the general population, at least in one city. Although membership in other notarial guilds was perhaps not as closely policed as it was in Bologna, the prohibition of the Bolognese guild against allowing the entrance of clerics into the ranks of notaries probably prevailed throughout the kingdom. Of the more than two thousand members of the guild between 1219, when the records of matriculations began, and 1300, only one priest appears, in 1259.82 A number of priests apparently succeeded for a time in enrolling, but the matricula shows that they were subsequently expelled. Apparently no member of the lower clergy made the attempt to join. The membership of the notarial guild tells us something about the numbers of clerics in the general population, not because of the notaries on the lists (all laymen except for the one), but because the lists also reveal who their fathers were. Because the names of those enrolled also give the names of their fathers, it is possible to determine how many of the laymen joining the guild had clerics as fathers. In an oicial document we would expect that clerics in lower orders among the fathers, like priests among the fathers, would have some sort of title attached to their names. In these lists that cover the matriculation of notaries at various times over the century, whereas six notaries among the two thousand members, all before 1260, cited priests as their fathers, only one had a father who was a member 82

The earliest provision with this stipulation is found in the statutes of 1336: Gli statuti della società dei notai di Bologna dell’anno 1336: Contributo alla storia di una corporazione cittadina, ed. Nicoletta Sarti (Milan, 1988), 61–62. But this prohibition had been traditional. Otherwise, it would be diicult to explain why names of clerics are crossed out in the thirteenth-century matricula of the guild and only one priest registered as a notary in the eighty years covered by the document: Liber sive matricula notariorum communis Bononie (1219–1299), ed. Roberto Ferrara and Vittorio Valentini (Rome, 1980), 169: Scogoça presbiter, qui dicitur Callamoncinus quondam Callamonis de Butrio de cappella Sancti Vitalis (1259). It is puzzling that Scogoça remained in the matricula when others did not, nor do I know what to make of the listing Oddo ilius Rubini archiepiscopi, 1223–1224 (36). There are three cases in which the word presbyter is probably a proper name: (1) Albertus Presbiteri de Montesevero, 1237 (78); (2) Ugolinus quondam domini Ugolini Presbiteri de cappella Sancti Ambroxii, 1259 (159); and (3) Dominus Anthonius quondam Ugolini Presbiteri capelle Sancte Marie Maioris, 1291 (411).

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of the lower clergy, Rolandinus domini Bonaventure clerici de capella Sancti Benedicti (1261).83 Unless we are to suppose that lay sons whose fathers were in the lower clergy were for some reason less likely to become notaries than lay sons of priests, these statistics suggest a very small number of lower clergy not only in the clergy of Bologna (1 to 6) but also in the city’s population as a whole. If we can generalize: a severe drop in the number of married lower clergy over time provides at least one explanation of why no lower clerics appear among the admittedly few names identiied as elementary and grammar teachers that survive even in the irst half of thirteenth century. There can be no question that clerical status, if a beneice was attached, proved attractive to elderly men, who saw it as a way of providing for themselves in old age. Giovanni d’Andrea recounts how his father, a grammar teacher, concluded his teaching career by entering the Church.84 Two grammarians of the Bolognese studium mentioned below likewise aspired to clerical status late in life, Bene of Firenze and Bonaccio d’Osio of Bergamo, the irst unsuccessfully and the second with success. Perhaps the most illustrious Italian in the next century to become a cleric was Boccaccio, who was in his middle-forties when he entered.85 These men intended to leave their lifetime careers for the beneit of their soul and inancial security. Unfortunately, no statistics similar to those for notaries exist for teachers anywhere in the regnum in the period. In any case, it can be assumed that Roman lawyers were laymen, while those teaching canon law, with notable exceptions, were clerics.86 As a result, the focus of the investigation of the legal status of teachers falls on the two ields shared between lay and clerical teachers in the twelfth century – grammar and rhetoric. Because of the sparsity of evidence, however, the analysis of the legal status of teachers in these two disciplines is limited to Bologna and Padua, the two largest university cities in the thirteenth century, cities where the documentation is relatively ample. The following discussion is based on the assumption that teachers with a wife and/or children were laymen unless they are speciically designated in the documents as having a clerical title. 83

The six notaries who had priests for fathers were: Albertus presbiteri Iohannis de Arçellata, 1221 (21) Nascibene presbiteri Gerardi de Fossule, 1221 (28) Amodeus ilius presbiteri Iohannis Sancti Columbani, 1221 (31) Bonandus presbiteri Iohannis de Crepalcorio, 1228 (52) Iohannes ilius olim Bonandi presbiteri de Crepalcorio, 1250 (124) Guido presbiteri Petri de Carviglano, 1259 (193)

84

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The single appearance of a representative of the lower clergy is the father of Rolandino: Rolandinus domini Bonaventure clerici de capella Sancti Benedicti (1261), 210. Francesco Cavazza, Le scuole dell’antico studio di Bologna (Bologna, 1896), 131. Giovanni refers to his father “qui fuit magister grammaticae, sed non doctor.” Natalino Sapegno, “Boccaccio, Giovanni,” DBI, vol. 10 (Rome, 1960), 842. No statistics exist on the number of men with degrees in both canon law and Roman law, that is, the degree utriusque legis. Apparently, the irst to hold both degrees, albeit successively, was Giovanni Baziano (d. 1197), who began as a civil lawyer and later, becoming a cleric, taught canon law: Filippo Liotta, “Baziano (Basianus, Bassianus, Baxianus, Bazanus, Bazianus, Bosianus),” DBI, vol. 7 (Rome, 1965), 313–15.

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After Alberto of San Marino, no other teachers of grammar have been identiied as teaching in Bologna until the last quarter of the century, when we have three names: two clerics, Uguccio and Oddone, and a layman, Bene of Firenze. A possible fourth was also a cleric, the Englishman Robert Blund, the restive Anglo-French grammarian who resided in Bologna in the early 1180s.87 Given his authorship of books dealing with grammar, it is likely that the later Bolognese canonist Uguccio, a cleric, taught grammar until the 1180s. Oddone or Ottone, a Bolognese grammarian teaching late in the twelfth century, was perhaps identical with Oddone, a second famous canon lawyer who taught the subject in Bologna from 1194 to 1223.88 If the identiication can be made, Oddone, the grammar teacher, would also have been a cleric who switched ields, like Uguccio.The youngest of the three Italians, Bene (ca. 1170–1240), a layman, started teaching in the 1190s and appears to have taught until near to his death around 1240. Although oicially hired as a professor of grammar in 1218, his two rhetorical treatises, Summa dictaminis and Candelabrum, and his Summa gramatice, indicate that he taught both rhetoric and grammar.89 Bene had at least one son, and although he kept the possibility of an ecclesiastical career open as he grew older, he appears never to have realized it. 87

88

89

On Robert Blund, see Chapter 11, under “The Challenge of the New French Grammar to Legal– Rhetorical Culture.” For Uguccio, see Chapter 10, nn. 27–31. For the identiication of the grammar teacher with the canonist Oddone, see Bene lorentini Candelabrum, ed. Gian C. Alessio, Thesaurus Mundi: Biblioteca Scriptorum latinorum mediae et recentioris aetatis, no. 2 (Padua, 1983), xxviii. The position of Robert Black, Humanism and Education in Medieval and Renaissance Italy: Tradition and Innovation in Latin Schools from the Twelfth to the Fifteenth Century (Cambridge, 2001), 86, n. 142, is that the identiication of the grammarian as the canon lawyer is unlikely. His major reason seems to be that that Oddone would not have taught both subjects even diachronically, an assumption contradicted by the example of Uguccio, grammarian and canonist. A document mentioning Bene’s son is found in Candelabrum, xxvii: “Matteus ilius magistri Bene.” In 1218 Bene’s oath to teach nowhere but Bologna contained a proviso that, in case he were to receive a clerical oice in Florence, he would be released from his contract to the studium so he might return to Florence to teach clerics there. Augusto Gaudenzi, “Sulla cronologia delle opere dei dettatori bolognesi, 110. The oath is found in Chartularium Studii bononiensis: Documenti per la storia dell’Università di Bologna dalle origini ino al secolo XV, 1 (Bologna, 1909), 23–24: “iuro ego magister Bene non dare operam ullo modo quod Studium civitatis Bononie aliquo tempore alibi transferatur … et alibi ullo tempore in gramatica facultate non regam, nec scholas habebo, salvo tamen quod si promotus essem ad oitium clericale in civitate Florentie, ut liceat mihi legere clericis illius ecclesie tamen in qua essem ad ordinem clericalem promotus.” He never seems to have received the oice, because he remained in Bologna: [author unnamed], “Bene da Firenze,” DBI, vol. 8 (Rome, 1968), 239–40.Very possibly his wife had died by 1218 and he was seeking to return home to teach in the cathedral with a lucrative beneice. On the practice of combining teaching of rhetoric with grammar, see Nancy Siraisi, Arts and Sciences at Padua, 33–34; Gian Carlo Alessio, however, “Le istituzioni scholastiche e l’insegnamento,” Aspetti della letteratura latina nel secolo XIII:Atti del primo convegno internazionale di studi dell’Associazione per il medioevo e l’umanesimo latini (AMUL), Perugia 3–5 ottobre 1983, ed. Claudio Leonardi and Giovanni Orlandi (Perugia and Florence, 1986), 20, n. 45, suggests that a teacher authoring manuals in both disciplines was a new phenomenon. See below, n. 92. Bono of Lucca, also a professor of grammar in the studium, who authored a manual of rhetoric heavily plagiarized from Bene’s Candelabrum. As in the case of Bene, Boncompagno would probably have considered Bono a grammarian who was meddling in rhetoric.

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In the ield of rhetoric, two rhetoricians were teaching at Bologna in the last decades of the twelfth century, Geofrey of Vinsauf (1188–90), an Anglo-Norman cleric, and Boncompagno, a layman, who began teaching circa 1195. Although he held a chair in grammar, he gave major weight to rhetoric in his teaching.90 Boncompagno had a long career in Bologna, but he also taught for some years at Vercelli and Padua. There were doubtless other teachers of grammar and rhetoric with their repetitori working in the city at the turn of the century, but they have left no trace of their presence. For later grammarians teaching in Bologna, we must wait until the last third of the century, when the Bolognese Memoriali with their abundant documentation allow us to identify members of this group of teachers.91 In the case of the studium, we know of only four professors teaching grammar in the last third of the century. The legal status of the earliest, Gerardo of Cremona (1265–74), is not known. Bonaccio d’Osio of Bergamo (1273–91), who later became a cleric, was probably a layman while teaching at Bologna, whereas Bono of Lucca (1268–79) and Rainieri del maestro Gerardo Albriconi of Reggio (1288–1327) were laymen.92 Nothing remains of the writings of three of these professors, but Bono’s manual of ars dictaminis, Cedrus 90

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Rolandino of Padua asserted that he had taken his doctorate with Boncompagno in grammar (above, n. 53), but all Boncompagno’s surviving works are rhetorical in character. My analysis of teachers in Bologna is largely dependent on Guido Zaccagnini, “L’insegnamento privato a Bologna e altrove nei secc. XIII e XIV,” Atti e memorie della reale deputazione di storia patria per le provincie di Romagna, ser. 4, vol. 13 (1923), who lists doctores puerorum, 269–70, grammarians in secondary schools, 272–78; and teachers of the studium, 278–79. Zaccagnini, “Per la storia letteraria del Duecento: Notizie biograiche ed appunti degli archivi bolognesi,” Il libro e la stampa 6 (1912–13): 113–60, oddly provides another but shorter list of grammar teachers that leaves out many names on the later list but that also includes other names. Zaccagnini’s summary of teachers is a reworking and ampliication of Giovanni Livi’s in his Dante e Bologna (Bologna, 1921), 108–12. Zaccagnini lists Giovanni di Bonandrea as teaching in the studium as a grammarian (279), but in his “Giovanni di Bonandrea dettatore e rimatore e altri grammatici e dottori in arti dello studio bolognese,” Studi e memorie per la storia dell’Università di Bologna 6 (1920): 188–89, he publishes Bonandrea’s election as professor of rhetoric in the studium in 1292. See also James Banker, “The Ars dictaminis and Rhetorical Texbook at the Bolognese University in the Fourteenth Century,” Medievalia et Humanistica, n.s., 5 (1974) 155–56. See Zaccagnini, “L’insegnamento privato,” 278–79, for the names. On Gerardo of Cremona, see also Mauro Sarti and Mauro Fattorini, De claris Archigymnasii bononiensis professoribus a saeculo XI usque ad saeculum XIV (reedited by Caesar Albicini and Carlo Malagola), 2 vols. (Bologna, 1888–96), 1:606. On Bonaccio da Osio of Bergamo, Zaccagnini, “L’insegnamento privato,” 272–73, cites Giovanni d’Andrea, who refers to this master in describing his own education: “Postea sub viro multae reverentiae magistro Bonifatio de Pergamo [Bonaccio] qui etiam postea fuit sacerdos et canonicus pergamensis.…”; ibid., 272. Given the absence of a clerical title in Bolognese documents, it is likely that he was still a layman when teaching at Bologna. In the case of Bono of Lucca (d. after 1279), Giuseppe Vecchi, “Bono da Lucca,” DBI, vol. 12 (Rome, 1970), 275, notes that he married twice and had at least four children. The dates for his teaching are found in Zaccagnini, “L’insegnamento privato,” 279. Because his only surviving work, Cedrus libanus, is an ars dictaminis, Bono is usually considered a rhetorician. Nevertheless, the one existing document of the studium pertaining to him refers to him as teaching grammar: Zaccagnini, “Per la storia letteraria del Duecento,” 121, n. 1. His Cedrus libanus, ed. Giuseppe Vecchi, Istituto di ilologia romanza dell’Università di Roma, Testi e manuali, no. 46 (Modena, 1963), closely follows Bene’s Candelabrum and has a similar grammatical character. Rainieri del maestro Gerardo Albriconi of Reggio, listed as teaching between 1288 and 1327 (Zaccagnini, “L’insegnamento privato,” 279), was the son of a grammarian, Geraldino del fu Enrico of Reggio (ibid., 279): Zaccagnini, “Giovanni

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Libani, a work borrowing generously from the Candelabrum of Bene, survives. Again, as in the case of Bene and Boncompagno, Bono appears to have alternated teaching grammar with giving lessons in rhetoric. As for grammarians teaching at the intermediate and primary levels, ifty-one teachers of grammar in the irst group and seventeen in the second have been identiied.93 Of the secondary school teachers the civil status of ten teachers can be documented, and they all appear to have been laymen: (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7) (8)

93

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95

96

97

98 99

100

101

Giovanni del fu Jacobino of Vicenza, 1267–131494 Ruggero di Marino of Firenze, 1268–9295 Tebaldo di Bonaventura of Amendola, 1279–129096 Consiglio del fu Giovanni di Simeone of Matelica, 1268–131397 Gerardino del fu Enrico of Reggio, 1292–130498 Mino of Colle, 128799 Bonastrenna del fu Bonastrenna of S. Miniato, 1284–85100 Bencivenni of Gagliana in Val di Lamone, 1273101

di Bonandrea,” 170, n. 2. Rainieri’s own son, Galvano, taught logic and rhetoric: Lodovico Frati, “Grammatici bolognesi del Trecento,” Studi e memorie per la storia dell’Università di Bologna 4 (1920): 33. Also see Frati’s discussion of the family; ibid. 31–35. In counting grammar teachers and elementary teachers I have added the following to Zaccagnini’s lists of 48 grammar teachers in “L’insegnamento privato a Bologna,”273–76: Gentile of Cingoli and Bonazo, doctor grammatice. To the fourteen names of elementary teachers found on Zaccagnini’s lists in “L’insegnamento privato a Bologna” 269–70, I have added three: fra Giovanni di Migliore degli Spigliati of Figline, Stefano del fu Pietro, and a Spaniard recorded as “dominus Gonsalvus Gonizzii magister scholarum.” For Giovanni, see Zaccagnini, “Per la storia letteraria del Duecento,” 118; for other teachers, see notes below. Listed by Zaccagnini,“L’insegnamento privato,” 273. A document (ibid., 297 [xv]) shows him having three sons. Zaccagnini, “L’insegnamento privato,” 273, does not list Ruggero but instead a “Rogerio.” Nevertheless, he grants (273, n. 4) that he could be identical with Ruggero of Marino of Florence, whom Livi, Dante e Bologna, 108, lists as teaching from 1271 to 1292, but with no document to support the entry. In 1292, Benvenuta del fu Maserino, moglie del magistro Ruggero grammatico, writes her testament: Zaccagnini, “L’insegnamento privato,” 273, n. 4. Zaccagnini, “L’insegnamento privato,” 274, for dates of teaching. He had three son who taught in Bologna: Bonazunta del fu Tebaldo (1301), Bonventura or Tura del fu maestro Tebaldo (1303), and Giovanni del fu Tebaldo (1301–12): 276. Zaccagnini’s “Giovanni di Bonandrea, 174, n. 7, has Giovanni teaching since 1296. See Zaccagnini, “L’insegnamento privato,” 274, for chronology. He is included in the estimo of 1305 with his wife, Adelasia quondam Gualterii de Castro Britonum: “Giovanni da Bonandrea,” 175. His son Giovanni di Consilio da Matelica was also a teacher (1310–1315): “L’insegnamento privato,” 277. Listed in ibid., 276. He was the father of Rainieri di Gerado Albriconi; see above, n. 92. See ibid. 275, for listing. His testament is published by Zaccagnini in “Mino da Colle grammatico e rimatore del sec. xiii,” Miscellanea storica della Valdelsa 39 (1931): 10. Because all witnesses to the testament are laymen, it is almost certain that he was a layman. Zaccagnini presumes that Mino, who taught at various places in Tuscany such as Pisa and San Miniato, was teaching in Bologna when he made his testament. Zaccagnini, “L’insegnamento privato,” 274. Bonastrenna’s son Giovanni was a student and rector of ultramontane scholars at Bologna in 1307: Zaccagnini, “Mino da Colle grammatico,” 11. Zaccagnini, “L’insegnamento privato,” 273. He is the father of Rainieri di Bencivenni, who taught in Bologna between 1268 and 1279: see ibid., 273, and Zaccagnini, “Per la storia letteraria del Duecento,” 115.

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(9) Gentile of Cingoli.102 (10) Bonazo, 1273–78103 Of the seventeen doctores puerorum and repetitores the civil status of only three can be deined, and two of them are certainly lay: (1) Bongino or Nongino or Longino d’Azzo bresciano, 1268–93104 (2) Bondì, 1295105 (3) fra Giovanni di Migliore degli Spigliati of Figlino, 1292106 Thus, of the sixty-eight names of teachers known to have been working in elementary and grammar schools in the period 1265–1300, the clerical or lay status of thirteen is determinable. Of this number only the friar Giovanni di Migliore was likely a cleric. If the teachers whose status we know are considered representative of the whole body of teachers in this ield in Bologna, we may conclude that by the second half of the thirteenth century laymen dominated the ield of grammar in the city schools. As I indicated above, chaired professors of grammar Bene, Boncompagno, and Bono also taught rhetoric or ars dictaminis. The irst mention of a chair in rhetoric in the studium occurs only in 1291/92 when the Belgian friar James of Dinant, who had already been teaching rhetoric privately in the city, received such an appointment.107 In the following year Giovanni di Bonandrea, a notary and one of 102

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105

106

107

Sinibaldo di Gentile da Cingoli (rep. et maestro) is listed by Zaccagnini, “Insegnamento privato,” 273, as teaching between 1266 and 1289. Presumably his father was Gentile of Cingoli. Although Gentile was known later as a professor of natural sciences in Bologna, a grammar textbook, Flores gramatice, is attributed to him: Sonia Gentile, “Gentile da Cingoli,” DBI, vol. 53 (Rome, 1999), 156. This suggests that earlier Gentile had taught grammer. Moreover, given the tendency of sons to follow their fathers in teaching, as shown by the instances cited above, there is further reason to believe that Gentile himself had taught grammar.The fact that he had a son working as a repetitor as early as 1266, probably in his middle teens at the earliest, makes the current birth date for Gentile “intorno alla seconda metà del XIII secolo” (ibid, 156) improbable. This would mean that the chronology of his training in Paris and his introduction to the Aristotelian texts there should be revised. Zaccagnini, “Per la storia letteraria del Duecento,” 115. Bonazo’s son (name unknown) was teaching grammar in 1279. Zaccagnini, “L’insegnamento privato,” 270. He had a son: Dominus Azolinus, ilius magistri Longini quondam Azi qui fuit de Nogi comitatus Brixie (ibid., 270, n. 6). He is listed in ibid., 270. He was the father of two well-known grammarians, Bertoluccio and Guizzardo (ibid., 270, n. 2). Zaccagnini lists Bertoluccio del fu Bondí as teaching in the studium in 1312–33, and his brother Guizzardo di Bondí del Frignano in 1289–1320 (ibid., 275 and 279). Bertoluccio, author of Flores vertitatis grammaricae, left a son, magister Thomaxius quondam magistri Bartolutii, doctor in grammatica: Guido Zaccagnini, “Le epistole in latino e in volgare di Pietro de’ Boattieri,” Studi e memorie per la storia dell’Università di Bologna, 8 (1924), 242. In this article Zaccagnini dates Bertoluccio’s teaching as beginning in 1310 (241). Zaccagnini, “Giovanni di Bonandrea,” 173, cites a contract of 1292 between fra Giovanni and Stefano del fu Pietro, at the time a student (scolaris Bononie in grammatica), to create a grammar school together. Despite the title fra, it seems unlikely that Giovanni was a friar. He may have been a tertiary. In a personal communication to me Nicholas Terpsra wrote: “ I am not well-versed in the thirteenth century, but I have encountered use of this title in later centuries by a tertiary. In a late-sixteenth-century dispute, a number of tertiaries are identiied as fra even though they are not residents of a conventual house.” Zaccagnini,“Giovanni di Bonandrea,” 198–99: the commune advises the archdeacon of the cathedral to express to the papal vicar its wish that “dictum magistrum recipi faciat in collegio magistrorum

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the leading teachers of rhetoric of his day, was appointed to the same or a similar position. Presumably after 1291 the chair of rhetoric was separated from that of grammar. Concurrently with the courses taught by the holders of the chairs of grammar and rhetoric in the studium, professional rhetoricans were instructing in ars dictaminis in private schools, principally with an eye to its use in the ars notarie. Instruction in ars notarie and ars dictaminis easily melded in practice. The preeminent master of the former at mid-century, Rolandino Passageri, demonstrated his interest in dictamen by including sample letters in his master work Summa totius notarie, while at least one rhetorician, Pietro Boattieri, ofered introductory courses in ars notarie as well as Roman law in his school.108 Younger by twenty years than Boncompagno, Guido Faba (ca. 1190–1245), already a magister in 1210, most likely teaching rhetoric, became a notary in 1216, and between 1221 and 1222 served as scribe of the bishop of Bologna. He subsequently worked for a short time at the papal curia. At some point in the 1220s he may have become a cleric, although the allegorical quality of the unique passage in his writings suggesting this status makes it diicult to be certain. In any case, from 1223 to the end of his life Faba taught rhetoric in the city.109 Faba’s clerical status, however, would have been exceptional when compared with that of Bolognese identiied as teaching rhetoric in the city in the thirteenth century. Matteo dei Libri (d. ca. 1275), Tommasino di Armannino (d. ca. 1287), and Pietro Boattieri (ca. 1260–ca. 1319) were married men and, while we have no indication that Giovanni di Bonandrea, who taught from 1292 to 1321, had a wife, there is no evidence that he was a cleric.110 The only non-Italian known to have been teaching rhetoric in the thirteenth century was James of Dinant.

108

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Bononie regencium in scientiis superioribus tanquam dignum.” James Banker, “The Ars dictaminis and Rhetorical Textbooks,” 154–55, notes that Jacques de Dinant or Jacopus Loydiensis only held the professorship in rhetoric for 1291–92. The following year the chair was held by Giovanni di Bonandrea. On Jacques, see the bibliography given by Gian Carlo Alessio, “Il commento di Jacques di Dinant alla ‘Rhetorica ad Herennium,’” SM, 3rd ser., 35 (1994): 853; and John O. Ward, Ciceronian Rhetoric in Treatise, Scholion and Commentary,Typologie des sources du moyen âge occidental, fasc. 58, A–V. A2 (Turnhout, 1995), 174–75 and 177–79. On Rolandino, see my Chapter 11, under “The New Documentary Science: The Ars Notarie.” Boattieri’s school ofered classes in ars dictaminis, ars notarie, and an introduction to Roman law. His Expositio in Summam Rolandini emerged as the major thirteenth-century commentary on Rolandino’s entire text. See Gianfranco Orlandelli, “Boattieri, Pietro,” DBI, vol. 10 (Rome, 1968), 803–5. On Guido Faba, see Guido F. Bausi, “Fava (Faba), Guido (Guido bononiensis), DBI, vol. 45 (Rome, 1995), 413–19. Bausi notes that Faba calls himself at times cappellanus, canonicus, sacerdos and presbyter, and ecclesie sancti Michaelis fori medii cappellanus (414), and he concludes that it is “molto probabile” that he became a cleric at some point in his life. However, as Bausi goes on to say, “non è da escludere, però, che nel prologo alla Rota nova questa carica (chierico o cappellano della chiesa di S. Michele di Mercato di Mezzo a Bologna) non sia da intendere come una autentica carica ecclesiastica.” Bausi dates the Rota nova as 1225–26 (414). It is important to note that in 1216 he entered the notarial guild as a layman: the Liber sive matricula notariorum communis Bononie (1219–1299), 7, lists him in 1219 as “Guido Faba ilius Nicolai, notarius.” Matteo’s wife was called Bibilla (Bibilla, uxor quondam domini Mattei quondam Alberti de’ Libris de capella sancti Iohannis in monte): Guido Zaccagnini, “Per la storia letteraria del Duecento,” 125. He became a notary in 1232: ibid., 123. In 1272 Tommasino di Armannino married a certain Maria: ibid., 127. His notarial acts appear after 1280 “con una straordinaria frequenza ed in gran

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We have far fewer names of teachers of grammar and rhetoric for Padua than for Bologna in the thirteenth century. From those men whom we can identify, however, it is fair to conclude that the typical teacher of grammar in Padua was a layman and a notary. Two notaries, Guarniero of Campocroce and master Albertino, who had been teaching school in the city in 1189–91, later worked as notaries in the bishop’s palace. If identical with magister Leonardo, who taught school in Padua in 1229, then Leonardo Cuticella, who was employed by the bishop as notary after Guarniero and Albertino, followed the same career path.111 A professor of grammar and rhetoric, Arsegino seems to have studied at Bologna before 1211 when, in his irst appearance in a Paduan document, he is given the title magister.112 The name of a daughter domina Bartholomea ilia olim magistri Arsegini, his steady employment as notarius while teaching, and his last oice in 1233 as sacri palatii notarius existens in oicio sigilli communis Padue all testify to his lay status.113 Similarly, his younger contemporary magister Johannes de Coreda (d. 1257/58) was a teacher of grammar and a notary.114 Despite his apparent Cremonese origin, he was a member of the Consiglio dei Quattrocento in 1252. In this same decade it is recorded of two other Paduan notaries that they “taught school,” but we have no way of knowing their subjects.115 Of the six magistri of rhetoric and grammar cited by Rolandino as present along with other professors of the Paduan studium at the reading of his Cronica in 1262 – Rolandino himself, Morando, Zunta, Dominico, Paduano, and Luchesio – the status of only three is known.116 Rolandino (ca. 1200–76), who appears as a professor in the studium for the irst time in 1229, was active throughout his life as a notary and communal oicial.117 Likewise, if having a less glorious career, magister Dominico worked

111

112 113

114

115

116

117

numero”: ibid., 126. On the work of Tommasino, see Francesco Novati, “Di un’Ars punctandi erroneamente attribuita a Francesco Petrarca,” Rendiconti del reale Istituto lombarda di scienze e lettere, ser. 2, 42 (1907): 83–118. On his son, Armannino di Tommasino, see Ghino Ghinassi, “Armannino da Bologna,” DBI, vol. 4 (Rome, 1962), 224–25. Boattieri married in 1290; Orlandelli, “Boattieri,” 804. For Giovanni di Bonandrea, see Franco L. Schiavetto, “Giovanni di Bonandrea,” DBI, vol. 55 (Rome, 2000), 726–29; he became a notary in 1266 (727). Paolo Marangon, “La Quadriga e I Proverbi di Arsegino: Cultura e scuole a Padova prima del 1222,” Quaderni per la storia dell’Università di Padova 9–10 (1976–77): 15. Marangon, “La Quadriga,” 31–32. Antonio Rigon, “Su Simone vicentino iuris civilis professor e sui magistri Arsegino e Giovanni ‘de Correda’ cremonese (sec. XIII),” Quaderni per la storia dell’Università di Padova 11 (1978): 121–23. In his case we have the name of a son: Niger olim magistri Iohannis artis gramatice professoris, “La Quadriga,” 15 and n. 74. His listing as a member of the city council is given by Marangon, “Scuole e università a Padova dal 1221 al 1256: nuovi documenti,” Quaderni per la storia dell’Università di Padova 12 (1979): 135. Cf. Rigon, “Su Simone vicentino,” 124–25. Marangon, “Scuole e università a Padova dal 1221 al 1256,” 52–53, identiies two notaries, magister Traversino and magister Ugo, each of whom “docet scolares” in 1254. Magister Luchesius olim Johannis Caurete (1254), identiied by Rolandino eight years later as “professor” in “grammatica et rhetorica,” is also recorded here, but again without any indication of whether he was a layman or cleric. Rolandino, Cronica in factis et circa facta Marchie Trivixane, 173–74, lists “magister Rolandinus, magister Morandus, magister Zunta, magister Dominicus, magister Paduanus, magister Luchesius, in grammatica et rethorica vigiles et utiles professores.” Gloria, Monumenti dell’Università di Padova, 371–72; and Arnaldi, Studi sui cronisti della Marca trevigiana, 120–27. Carlo Polizzi, “Rolandinus Paduanus professor gramatice facultatis,” Quaderni per la storia dell’Università di Padova 17 (1984): 231–32, adds details on his notarial career.

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as a notary and communal oicial.118 Magister Paduano’s lay status is proven by the fact that he had a son, Principus notarius q. magistri Paduani doctoris gramatice.119 In the absence of a clerical title before their names in Rolandino’s list, it is likely that the other three teachers were laymen as well. However, we lack suicient information to know whether or not they and Paduano were notaries like Rolandino and Dominico. Very likely the leading role of laymen in teaching rhetoric and grammar at Bologna and Padua by the second half of the thirteenth century was characteristic of the teaching establishment in both these disciplines everywhere in the regnum. The intellectual atmosphere of the two cities, however, contrasted with one another. Bologna throughout the thirteenth century retained its character as the progenitor of the rhetorical-legal mentality. As we shall see in the next chapter, the grammarians of Bologna were the irst Italians to meet the challenge posed by French grammarians to the traditional methods of teaching based on Donatus and Priscian. Nonetheless, the writings of Bolognese holders of the chair of grammar throughout the century assumed a strong commitment to ars dictaminis and to the legalistic, commercial, and political language that constituted its lexicon. Boncompagno might have railed against the “grammarians” who endeavored to introduce French stylistic elements into Italian dictamen, but in the main both he and they embraced the underlying formalistic character of the ars. Indeed, the artful prose of the Bolognese chancery from the middle decades of the century marks the high point of Bolognese rhetoric in stilus humilis.120 The Paduan studium was both newer and smaller, with fewer ultramontane students. As everywhere in the regnum, professors of Roman and canon law stood at the summit of the academic hierarchy, but they appear to have exerted less of an inluence over intellectual life in Padua than did their counterparts in Bologna. Evidence of any school of ars notarie in the city is lacking – probably at least one existed, but it left no trace – and, while rhetoric was unquestionably taught, only one manual of ars dictaminis produced in Padua survives from the thirteenth century.121 Of the 118

119

120 121

A Paduan document of 1260 gives his signature as “Ego Dominicus professor artis gramatice et sacri palatii notarius existens in oiciis sigilli Comunis Padue”; Gloria, Monumenti dell’Università di Padova, 373. Ibid., 374. From a signature in a notarial document by his grandson we know that the family name of magister Paduano was Piombioli: “Tadeus dictus Principus de Plumbiolis q. magistri Paduani doctoris gramatice.” Five other grammar masters have been identiied in the latter part of the century, magistri Alberico da Barbarano (1277–98), Albertino (1286), Paganino Padovano (1287–1310), Pantalone (1297–1325), and Pace of Ferrara (Pace di Friuli) (last years of the thirteenth century). Gloria, Monumenti dell’Università di Padova, 375–77, gives the biography of four; however, he assigns Albertino to Padua only by inference (376). He describes Pace as a professor of logic on the basis of the diploma obtained by Aimerico Polano citing him as his professor of logic (369). However, he had earlier been a professor of grammar in the studium: Philip Stadter, “Planudes, Plutarch, and Pace of Ferrara,” IMU 16 (1973): 137–62. We know the marital status of only two of the ive. Pace was married to Margherita di Pellegrino Mainardi in 1283: Gloria, Monumenti dell’Università di Padova, 369. Albrico da Barbarano had a son (ibid., 375). A summary of the work is published by Paolo Marangon in his “Quadriga,” 38–44. For Rolandino of Padua, see Chapter 12, under “Why Padua and Not Bologna?” Magister Morando’s poem is cited by Salimbene de Adam in his Cronica, ed. Giuseppe Scalia, in Scrittori d’Italia, no. 8, 232–33 (Bari, 1966), 1:314–15.

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writings of the professors of rhetoric and grammar in the studium little remains, but the remnants themselves are suggestive. Besides Rolandino’s own history of the rise and fall of Ezzelino, Cronica in factis et circa facta Marchie Trivixane, only a short goliardic poem in praise of wine, De vino, by Morando survives. The relection of recent scientiic discoveries found in the Cronica of Rolandino and in the poetry of the younger Lovato de’ Lovati, to be discussed in the following chapter, indicate as well a receptivity to intellectual inluences broader than those found in Bologna. Padua, consequently, provided a favorable space for Lovato de’ Lovati’s project of inaugurating the classicizing rhetoric of Italian humanism. THE NEW TEXTUAL COMMUNITY

The purpose of this chapter was to provide the political, social, and institutional context for the discussion of the development of Latin culture in the regnum taken up in the three inal chapters of the book. That discussion will demonstrate that the decades around 1200 constituted the key stage in the transformation of Italian culture from a largely oral society to one in which writing became a serious alternative for the public expression of ideas and feelings. Intellectual life in the regnum had been largely centered in the individual city, its piazzas and assemblies, where ideas and emotions publicly expressed were communicated directly, face to face. The oral element would retain great importance, but from circa 1200, Italians increasingly felt the need to write down what they thought and felt. Intellectual life in northern Europe had from A.D. 800 developed an important written component irst encouraged by imperial patronage. Preserved largely in monasteries for two centuries, the Carolingian literary and scholarly tradition served as the intellectual foundation upon which northern cathedral schools from at least the second half of the tenth century based their own intellectual achievements. Embedded in learned transalpine culture was the expectation that each generation of writers would add to the common corpus of learning and literature. That expectation was decidedly absent in the regnum, where monastic culture had been decidedly less intellectual. The works of the ancients and the Church Fathers were likely studied, but learning did not inspire a desire to contribute to the inheritance. In contrast to the situation in the regnum as well, in Francia in the eleventh and twelfth centuries commitment to patronage seems to have remained common among ecclesiastics, if not among lay princes. The latter’s embrace of patronage coincided with the creation of noble courts in the second quarter of the twelfth century, but, with notable exceptions, that patronage tended to be limited to vernacular poets. By the twelfth century, however, the intellectual revival in Francia, which had actually begun late in the eleventh century with a resurgence of creativity in scholarship, literature, and the arts, was largely independent of the beneicence of ecclesiastical or secular princes. Rather, it relied on the existence of a broad clerical audience growing out of a church establishment whose widespread institutions were in relatively close communication with one another.The circulation of the “rouleaux des morts” has been ofered as a cause of the creation of this new audience, and at the very least the circulation of these scrolls over wide expanses of Francia relects the extent of 381

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intensive communication between churches and monasteries and the existence of such an audience. In the regnum noble courts and patronage began only late in the twelfth century, and, as in contemporary Francia, their support for literary work devolved overwhelmingly on vernacular writers. As for the clerical establishment, most clerics of the regnum, more committed to their city than to the broader ecclesiastical community, would by the thirteenth century be drawn into membership in the newly generated urban society of Latin-literates that constituted the audience for municipal literature. Galvanized in the thirteenth century by the international mendicant orders, a smaller number of clerics, often overlapping with the larger group, would participate in a second community of readers who had an interest in reading Latin religious works, especially theological in content. The basis of the new and larger lay–clerical community, which was concerned with secular Latin literature and scholarship, was twofold. First, the popularity of the troubadour lyric was not limited to courts but included a sizable urban public eager to read the poetry that was produced.The spread of the vernacular lyric appears to have awakened a general appreciation of poetry that, as we shall see, reinforced a parallel stirring of poetic impulses in Latin writers and prepared the way for the reception of ambitious poetic eforts in Latin, which began to appear in the late 1240s. Second, the expansion of grammar education and a growing interest in the wisdom of the ancient pagans not only provided lay writers the learning that allowed them to compose Latin prose and poetry but also created a new audience of Latinliterates whose size was suicient by the 1220s to inspire the production of works. Clerics and notaries composed a signiicant part of this reading public, but as Latin education became more socially respectable, over time the participation of other laymen, whose families for a variety of motives had given them a secondary education, increased in importance. As for the literature this audience read, it was overwhelmingly authored by laymen.

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Chapter 10

New Knowledge and the Tempering of the Legal–Rhetorical Culture

he following three chapters describe the transformation of the regnum’s Latin culture, whose progressive and dominant aspects for most of the twelfth century were law and rhetoric, into a culture open to a broader range of intellectual interests. This present chapter discusses the initial impact on Italian culture of contemporary French conceptions of grammar; the role played by translations of ancient Greek and medieval Arab texts of natural science in creating medicine as a university discipline; the emergence of logic as an independent subject in the schools after 1200; and the rise of a new interest in theological studies. By the 1250s, as a result of these challenges to the legal–rhetorical culture, the intellectual horizons of Italian intellectuals expanded signiicantly in comparison to what they had been a century earlier. In “The Development of the Traditional Disciplines and the Resolution of the Crisis of Language,” Chapter 11, I analyze sequentially the development of disciplines traditionally important in Italian education, grammar, rhetoric, ars notaria, and Roman and canon law, from the last decades of the twelfth century up to roughly 1250. Inluenced both by the efort of masters to compete with rivals for students and by the exchange of ideas fostered in the interdisciplinary communities of the studia, these disciplines made rapid advances in establishing the perimeters of their area of investigation and in organizing their material into summa form. The inal chapter, “The Return to Antiquity,” draws on two themes, the irst developed in Chapter 9, that is, the increasing degree of education among laymen at the local level; and the second, discussed in Chapter 11, the new sense of the relevance of ancient Roman literature and history for contemporary intellectual activity. The chapter irst considers the rich production of communal histories beginning in the 1150s and designed to establish the identity of the cities that formed their subject. The discussion stresses the tendency after about 1220 for these narratives, written mostly by lay notaries, to make frequent reference to Roman authors and to include substantial passages of original poetry. Such demonstrations of grammatical learning provide solid evidence for the rising level of grammar education among laymen as well as a new appreciation on the part of both writers and readers of poetic expression in Latin and of the importance of the Roman literary heritage.

T

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The major part of Chapter 12 is devoted to explaining how laymen’s contact with the pagan world led them to see the ancient Roman ideal of civic responsibility as an antidote to the chivalric ethos that justiied contemporary urban violence. By the 1260s the adoption of Rome as an ethical model was to broaden into a new lay book culture referred to by modern scholars as “Latin humanism,” characterized by close adherence to ancient literary models and infused with lay, civic values. THE CHALLENGE OF THE NEW FRENCH GRAMMAR TO LEGAL–RHETORICAL CULTURE

As happened with respect to French vernacular culture, Italian interest in French Latin culture intensiied in the last decades of the twelfth century. Despite the blooming of civil and canon law studies, irst in southern Francia in the second quarter of the century and then in northern Francia in the third, the low of transalpine law students to Bologna never ceased. Bologna itself had from the middle decades of the century attracted many French and Anglo-Norman students and teachers. Stephen of Tournai, a product of the school of Orléans, was in Bologna between 1145 and 1150. While there he wrote his Quoddam igmentum Bononia metrice, highly praised by Walter of Chatillon.1 Stephen’s early contacts with Italian students in Bologna who later rose to high positions in the papal curia perhaps explain the extent to which he acted as mediator in relations between Paris and the papal court in the 1170s and 1180s.2 One of his fellow students was Richard Barre, who later became archdeacon of Lisieux.3 The Anglo-Norman Peter of Blois came to Bologna in the 1150s for several years of legal study, and his countryman Gervase of Tilbury followed him early in the next decade.4 Not only did Walter of Châtillon study at Bologna circa 1170, but in 1174, on his way north from Rome, he gave a lecture that included forty strophes of poetry before the assembled teachers and students of the city.5 1

2

3 4

5

The basic work on Stephen remains Joseph Warichez, Étienne de Tournai et son temps, 1128–1203 (Tournai and Paris, 1937). Cf. Joseph de Ghellinck, L’essor de la littérature latine au xii siécle, 2 vols. (Brussels, 1946), 1:125–26. Lucien Auvray publishes the poem in “Un poème rythmique d’Étienne de Tournai,” Mélanges Paul Fabre: Étude d’histoire du moyen âge (Paris, 1902), 284–90. His correspondence includes letters from the pope and cardinals; Lettres d’Étienne de Tournai, ed. Jules De Silva (Louvain, 1893). At Bologna he knew Uberto Crivelli, later Urban III (159–60), and Graziano of Pisa, nephew of Eugenius III and later a cardinal under Alexander III (57). For his exchange of letters with members of the papal curia in the 1180s, see below, n. 11. Warichez, Étienne de Tournai, 19. For Gervase of Tilbury’s teaching of canon law at Bologna, see his De otiis imperialibus, ed. Reinhold Pauli, MGH, Scriptores, no. 27 (Hannover, 1885), 385. On Peter of Blois, see Richard Southern, “Peter of Blois: A Twelfth-Century Humanist,” in his Medieval Humanism and Other Studies (Oxford, 1970), 107–8. See Gualteri de Castellione, Alexandreis, ed. Marvin Colker (Padua, 1978), xi–xiv, for his life. For the speech, see n. 14. Although the Archpoet visited Italy in the early 1160s, perhaps with the imperial court, the only city he seems to have known well was Pavia. Frederic J. E. Raby, A History of Secular Latin Poetry in the Middle Ages, 2 vols. (Oxford, 1957), 2:183–85, publishes the poem. For his presence in Pavia, see Jacques Le Gof , “Alle origini del lavoro intellettuale in Italia: i problemi del rapporto fra la letteratura, l’università e le professioni,” Il letterato e le istituzioni, Letteratura italiana, ed. Alberto Asor Rosa, vol. l (Turin, 1982), 663.

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Northern Europeans, however, were coming to Bologna not only to learn but also to teach. As I already mentioned in Chapter 5, John of Salisbury’s teacher of logic in Paris, Alberic, who after 1142 probably came to Bologna, perhaps to study canon law, may have supported himself by teaching logic.6 Bologna also attracted Rolando (if indeed he was French), who may initially have come there to study but remained to teach canon law there in the 1150s. Similarly, Stephen of Tournai’s fellow student from Orléans, Heraclius, later archbishop of Caesarea, irst studied law at Bologna but by around 1178 was teaching there.7 Signiicantly for the history of ars dictaminis, between at least 1188 and 1190 the Anglo-Norman Geofrey of Vinsauf, one of the most renowned grammarians and stylists of the age, was teaching dictamen in Bologna.8 He probably composed his irst surviving work, Summa de arte dictandi, while in the city during this period. The Parisian grammarian master, canonist, and theologian Robert Blund resided at least twice in Bologna.9 A canon of the cathedral of Lincoln, Robert, at some time in the period 1173–82, was criticized by his bishop for his constant moving from one place to another within England and abroad: “Indeed, hard necked and ierce, after my letters calling on you, you decide and resolve now to participate in law cases in Paris, now to return to Bologna, now to go to Lincoln, now to stay at Oxford.”10 From this letter it would appear that Robert had earlier been in Bologna, perhaps as a student of canon law, and had recently returned there.Whether or not he taught at Bologna, and if he did whether his subject was grammar or canon law, the residence in the city of an avant-garde French grammarian would have made him a prime source of knowledge for Bolognese grammarians regarding recent scholarship in the ield in Paris. 6

7 8

9

10

Sten Ebensen, “Jacopus Veneticus on the Posterior Analytics”. For Alberic, see as well Chapter 5, under “Traditional Cathedral Disciplines: Grammar and Theology”; and for Jacopo, Chapter 7, under “Laymen: Pioneers of a New Aspect of Grammatical Studies.” On Rolando, see Chapter 5, “Canon Law.” On Heraclius, see Warichez, Étienne de Tournai, 23. The Summa de arte dictandi, written in 1188/90 and ascribed to a Master Gofredus, is almost certainly Geofrey’s:Vincenzo Licitra, “La Summa de arte dictandi di Maestro Gofredo,” SM, 3 ser., 7 (1966): 865–913; Franz Josef Worstbrock, “Zu Galfrids Summa de arte dictandi,” Deutsches Archiv für Erforschung des Mittelalters 23 (1967): 549–52; and Martin Camargo, “Toward a Comprehensive Art of Written Discourse: Geofrey of Vinsauf and the Ars Dictaminis,” Rhetorica 6 (1988): 175. Hunt depended on the Promisimus gloss, written in Paris between 1168 and 1196, to ill in the developments in grammar between Peter Helias and Alexander of Villedieu: Richard W. Hunt, The History of Grammar in the Middle Ages. Collected Papers, ed. Geofrey L. Bursill-Hall (Amsterdam, 1980), 55–57. The Promisimus is attributed to Blund by Lambertus M. de Rijk, Logica Modernorum: A Contribution to the History of Early Terminist Logic, Wijserige Teksten en Studies, 6, 2 vols. in 3 pts. (Assen, 1967), 2.1:255–57. For a lost summa grammaticae attributed to Blund, see Alfred B. Emden, A Biographical Register of the University of Oxford to A.D. 1500, 3 vols. (Oxford, 1957–59), 1:207. Stephan Kuttner and Eleanor Rathbone, “Anglo-Norman Canonists of the Twelfth Century,” Traditio 7 (1949–51): 323. We learn from a letter of Geofrey, bishop of Lincoln (1173–82), addressed to Robert Blund, that Blund had disobeyed the order of the bishop to return to his diocese. The Latin of Geofrey’s letter reads: “Verumtamen indomita cervice ferox post vocationis meae litteras nunc agere causas Parisiis, nunc reverti Bononiam, nunc Lincolniam proiscisci, nunc morari Oxenesordiaae [sic] ordinas et disponis”: PL 207, Epist. 62, col. 185. Thus, according to the bishop, Robert had been earlier in Bologna and now had gone back there.

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Because of the dependence of Bologna on the papacy as a source of employment for its graduates, moreover, the exceptionally close connection between the papal chancery and Francia in the 1180s would have rendered that city particularly vulnerable to the attractions of French grammatical and rhetorical practices. Alberto of Morra, papal chancellor from 1178 to 1187 and for a brief time pope, bears some responsibility for introducing French stylistic theories into Italy. A canon of Saint Martin of Laon, Alberto, along with other high members of the papal curia, had close contracts with French scholars. Two of his nephews are mentioned in Stephen of Tournai’s correspondence as students in Paris in 1186/87. One of these nephews appears again with nephews of Cardinal Scolari (later Clement III) and Cardinal Orsini (later Pope Celestine III) in 1188/89.11 Very probably on Alberto’s invitation, John of Orléans was designated as papal scriptor in 1179, and in the 1180s two more clerics from Orléans, William and Robert, joined him in the papal chancery.12 The presence in late twelfth-century Bologna of so many transalpine scholars and of Italians returning from studying and teaching in Francia kept Italians informed about contemporary intellectual trends in transalpine Europe – trends that proved particularly attractive to Bolognese grammarians. Not only did the new French concern with Latin syntax remedy neglect of the subject in traditional grammar manuals, but the theoretical approach to syntactical problems had the potential to heighten the status of grammar in the highly competitive atmosphere of academic Bologna. The traditionally humble place grammar occupied in the regnum in comparison to rhetorical and legal studies served as a powerful stimulus for grammarians to advance their claims for grammar as a science and, further, for some among them to declare its superiority to all disciplines, in that it was grammar that determined the meaning of words and their usage in every other discipline. The most vocal witness to the extent and nature of the invasion of French ideas into Bologna was from Tuscany, Boncompagno of Signa, who became an outspoken defender of the legal–rhetorical orientation of Italian Latin culture. Describing in the Rhetorica antiqua or Boncompagnus (1215, 1226/7) the condition of ars dictaminis in the city of Bologna on his arrival in 1193/94, the quixotic dictator wrote: Before my arrival [in Bologna] a cancerous heresy raged among prose writers, because everyone who promised to teach prose writing sent letters that he adorned painstakingly with the elaborate works of someone else or with philosophical dictums. This furnished proof that the orator was skilled, 11

12

In 1186–87, Stephen of Tournai (Lettres d’Étienne de Tournai, 187–88) wrote Alberto of Morra regarding a dispute between two of the cardinal’s nephews studying at Paris. In 1188–89 one of the nephews, together with some students of Apulia, swore before Stephen that they had not written a letter slandering nephews of Cardinal Scolari and of Cardinal Orsini. The number of Italian students studying at Orléans in these years must have been sizable for them to be deined in terms of geographical areas of Italy. Hans M. Schaller, “Die Kanzlei Kaiser Friedrichs II: Ihr Personal und ihr Sprachstil,” Archiv für Diplomatik, Schriftgeschichte, Siegel- und Wappenkunde 4 (1958): 276–77, was the irst to point out the close connection between Francia and the papal curia in these decades. Cf. Peter Classen, “La curia romana e le scuole nel secolo XII,” in Le istituzioni ecclesiastiche della societas christiana dei secoli XI–XII. Papato, cardinalato ed episcopato: Atti della quinta settimana internazionale di studio, Mendola, 26–31 agosto, 1971, Miscellanea del Centro di studi medioevali, 7 (Milan, 1974), 432–36.

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New Knowledge and the Tempering of the Legal–Rhetorical Culture and thus untrained and ignorant people purchased gilded copper for gold. Because I criticized proverbs and condemned the use of obscure composition, the masters and their supporters maintained that I had no knowledge of literature. Nor did they ascribe to talent the fact that I wanted always to write quickly, but considered it a vice and a product of ickleness.13

It is clear from this work, and from earlier writings beginning in 1197, that Boncompagno considered himself the champion of the traditional Italian stilus humilis in opposition to the eforts of a group of foreigners and local teachers under their inluence to create an elaborate literary prose. As the Rhetorica antiqua and other works of Boncompagno show, the target of his criticism was the grammantes, a term used in twelfth-century Bolognese student slang to mean those who were still taking the arts courses that preceded specialization, that is, “beginners.”14 The word also had resonances of Lucan’s garamantes, the name the ancient poet gave to the naked inhabitants of Africa, the nudi garamantes, who uselessly ploughed the desert sands. Since he considered the proponents of the new style of dictamen as essentially grammarians, the term grammantes also provided him with the pejorative associations he wanted in identifying his enemies. 13

14

The text used for this study is the thirteenth-century BAV, Arch. San Pietro, H 13. The citation is found on fol. 19: “Ante adventum meum pullularat in prosatoribus heresis cancerosa, quia omnis qui pollicebatur in prosa doctrinam exhibere, litteras destinabat quas ipse magno spacio temporis vel alius picturato verborum fastu et auctoritatibus philosophicis exornarat. Cuius testimonio probatus habebatur orator. Unde rudes et inscii pro auro cuprum deauratum emebant. Magistri vero et eorum fautores ex eo quod depreciabar proverbia et obscura dictamina contempnebam, dicebant me litteratura carere. Nec ascribebant virtuti sed vitio et levitati quod semper in presentia dictare volebam.” There were two editions of the work, one published in 1215 and the other in 1226/7: Augusto Gaudenzi, “Sulla cronologia delle opere dei dettatori bolognesi da Buoncompagno a Bene di Lucca,” BISI 14 (1895): 107–8. Apparently all our manuscripts derive from the second edition: ibid., 108. I assume that the complaint against the new grammatical studies was found as well in the earlier edition. For the life and works of Boncompagno, see my “Boncompagno and the Defense of Rhetoric,” The Journal of Medieval and Renaissance Studies 16 (1986): 1–31. Boncompagno appears consistently to use gram(m)antes or inlected forms of the word like gramantium. Certainly Boncompagno intended his nudi gram(m)antes to be associated with the nudi Garamantes of Lucan’s Pharsalia, 4, lines 332–334: “Quoque magis miseros undae ieiunia solvant/ non super arentem Meroen Cancrique sub axe/qua nudi Garamantes arant, sedere....” As illustrated by Walter of Châtillon’s poetic speech mentioned above, however, Garamantes was twelfth-century Bolognese slang for students in the irst year of their studies: Karl Strecker, ed., Moralish-Satirische Gedichte Walters von Chatillon: Aus deutschen englischen, französischen, und italienischen Handschriften (Heidelberg, 1929), strophe 6:41: “Primus ordo continet – scolares gramaticos/ logicos e rethores – atque mathematicos,/ quos uno vocabulo – secundum Italicos/ Garamantes dicimus – sive Garmanticos.” Were it not for the consistency with which the word gram(m)mantes appears in manuscripts of Boncompagno’s writings, I would attribute grammantes to a scribal error and read garamantes. The term garamantes was in common use by Boncompagno’s time. John of Salisbury applied it to his scholarly enemies: Entheticus, in Opera omnia, ed. John A. Giles, 5 vols. (London, 1848), 5:243, line 127. Matthew of Vendôme employed it in a derogatory sense in the Ars versiicatoria, ed. Edmond Faral, Les arts poètiques du XII e et du XIII e siècle, Bibliothèque des Hautes Études, 28 (Paris, 1928), 184: “... de fabulis poeticis, quas nudi Garamantes arant in scholastico versiicandi exercitio.” For Dante’s use of the expression, see John Ahern, “Nudi Grammantes: The Grammar and Rhetoric of Deviation in Inferno XV,” Romanic Review 82 (1990): 466–86.

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In the Rhetorica antiqua Boncompagno described the trick he had played on the Bolognese public in an attempt to make them aware of their foolish infatuation with the painfully elaborate style of Orléans. Around 1197/98 he composed a letter purporting to be the work of a certain Robert, very likely intended to suggest Robert of Paris, the famous French grammarian of the third quarter of the twelfth century.15 Boncompagno’s efort to imitate the French manner by writing in Robert’s name began pretentiously: “An unequal style responds to me with a balance of proportion,” and continued with a series of high-sounding clauses that made no apparent sense. The opening remarks ended with the conclusion: “If the premise is granted and the time has not lapsed, no one can deny the truth of the matter.”16 “Robert” thereupon launched into an elaborately worded assault on Boncompagno, “the prince of Italians,” and challenged him to a public competition in which he promised to demonstrate what “the treasury of France” could produce. Designed to mock the obscure French style, the letter by implication suggested the contrast between it and the simpler Italian approach that Boncompagno claimed to represent. We do not know whether Geofrey of Vinsauf was still teaching in Bologna in 1193/94 when Boncompagno (ca. 1170–ca.1240) began the campaign to combat the introduction of French dictamen practices into Italian rhetoric. But theories of composition such as that which Geofrey later set forth in his Poetria nova, written substantially between 1200 and 1202, were clearly being taught.17 Geofrey instructed his students to think carefully in advance about what they intended to write before setting pen to paper: “To ensure greater success for the work, let the discriminating mind, as a prelude to action, defer the operations of hand and tongue, and ponder long on the subject matter.”18 In Boncompagno’s view, notaries and chancellors working under pressure did not enjoy such luxury. Geofrey was also associated with those who taught that orators should decorate their works “with the elaborate words of someone else or with philosophical 15 16

17

18

See Chapter 8, under “The Decline of French Humanism.” “Disparilis proportionis libramine michi stilus respondet: subest causa sed forma non imitatur causatum. Accedit sententia dispar, accidens alterabile, circumferentia tripartita et illatum solubile, antecedenti destructo, per equivocationem relationis conclusio subsequitur et instari non poterit argumen[ta]tio. Si concedatur premissum neque postcedat tempus, rei veritatem nemo poterit difiteri”: Boncompagnus, Steven M.Wight, http://scrineum.unipv.it/wight/tv.htm (accessed September 16, 2010), 1.18.2. Had it been known in Bologna, Paul of Camaldoli’s Introductiones dictandi, written late in the twelfth century, would have provoked Boncompagno’s wrath.Vito Sivo, who published Paul’s short dictamen manual in “Le Introductiones dictandi di Paolo Camaldolese (Testo inedito del sec. XII ex),” Studi e ricerche, Istituto di civiltà classica christiana medievale 3 (1980): 85–100, believes that Paul lourished in the last decades of the twelfth century (72). He cites Charles H. Haskins’s judgment on the treatise as “an adjunct to grammar and versiication” (84). The Haskins citation is taken from his “The Early ‘Artes dictandi’ in Italy,” in Studies in Mediaeval Culture (Oxford, 1929), 188, n. 2. The treatise is awash in citations from ancient authors. I consider the monk’s manual an exaggerated version of dictamen treatises written earlier in the century and not a response to French inluence. Poetria nova, ed. Edmond Faral, Les arts poètiques, 198–99, lines 53–56. The translation is that of Margaret F. Nims, Poetria nova of Geofrey of Vinsauf (Toronto, 1967), 17. Nims (12) dates the major part of the work as written in 1200–1202, with additions and revisions made as late as 1215.

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dictums.” In his Bolognese Summa the French grammarian simply assumed that a proverb or authoritative statement would appear in the exordium. Indeed, for him there was no diference between the exordium and the proverb, except that when the proverb appeared elsewhere than between the salutation and the narration it could not be called an exordium. He endorsed the use of such a device for introducing the narrative as a means of preventing the dictator from “lying among the clouds and inanities.”19 Boncompagno’s irst known attack on the practice of employing ornate phrases in the exordium is found in his Tractatus virtutum of 1197.20 Such use amounted, in his opinion, to a confession that the dictator had to rely on others in order to write efectively. Proverbs led to obscurity, and unless the writer was sure that the recipient would grasp the sense of the enigmatic wording, they should never be used; as a general rule the orator must strive for clarity.21 Begin simply, he advised, and acquire force as the composition progresses, but avoid equivocal and unusual words and dependence on colores rhetorici.22 Boncompagno returned to this theme in the Palma, written in 1198, where he again identiied the practice of the grammantes he opposed. In this tract he castigated the “damnable tribes of grammantes tarred with the ilth of the School of Orléans,” who maintained that they were merely imitating Christ and other biblical igures who had employed the proverb.23 Everything in epistolary style, he wrote, ought to be clear and understandable so that those listening could comprehend at the irst or second reading.24 To this point the nature of Boncompagno’s criticism of his opponents appears to have been limited to their eforts to introduce French dictaminal practices into Italy. His late treatise on oratory, Rhetorica novissima (1235), suggests, however, that these aggressive grammantes not only claimed to dictate to rhetoricians, but also asserted their superiority to lawyers: “The naked grammantes, who rely not on the law but on the utterance, admire the slipperiness of the tongue, thinking that the civil laws are subordinated to the rules of Priscian.”25 This passage indicates that the grammantes 19 20

21 22 23

24 25

“La Summa de arte dictandi,” 892–93 and 901. Tractatus virtutum, Biblioteca Vallicelliana Rome, C 40, fol. 8a (all references to this treatise will be from this manuscript): “Aureliensium sententiam improbo conidenter qui dicunt in principio verba ornatoria secundum auctoritates semper poni debere.” On the date of the treatise between 1195 and 1198, see Gaudenzi, “Sulla cronologia delle opere,” 99. Giuseppe Vecchi, “Boncompagno,” DBI, vol. 11 (Rome, 1969), 724, dates the Tractatus as written in 1197. Tractatus virtutum, fol. 8b. Ibid., fol. 7vb. Boncompagno, Palma, ed. Carl Sutter, Aus Leben und Scriften, 113:“Ceterum damnabiles gramantium caterve fece aurelianensium imbute in stilo epistolari proverbium dicere non erubescunt, cum aperte dicat dominus in evangelio proverbium obscuram sententiam esse, ubi dicitur: Set veniet hora, in qua non in proverbiis loquar vobis, id est in obscuris sententiis set palam id est manifeste annuntiabo de patre meo.” (The Palma is found in Sutter, Aus Leben und Scriften, 105–27.) Boncompagno allows sententiae or simple statements in the exordia and provides a short collection of them in his Breviloquium. Cf. Giuseppe Vecchi, “Il proverbio nella pratica letteraria dei dettatori della scuola di Bologna,” Studi mediolatini e volgari 2 (1954): 287. See below n. 48 In the interpretation of the law, according to Boncompagno (Rhetorica novissima, ed. Augusto Gaudenzi, in Scripta anecdota glossatorum, ed. Augusto Gaudenzi, Biblioteca iuridica medii aevi,

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were not simply insisting on employing forms of stilus altus in composition, but that their knowledge of syntax and vocabulary had led them to represent themselves as the prime interpreters of language in general. Behind this claim lay the new understanding of linguistic constructions developed over the previous century by French grammarians. Consequently, if Boncompagno is to be believed, Bolognese grammarians justiied the subordination of dictamen and legal studies to grammar because both ields were based on written texts. Although the Janua in its various editions enjoyed enduring success into the Renaissance, the Ars grammatica attributed to Papias (l . 1050), like the work of Priscian that it summarized, encountered heavy competition in the thirteenth century from newer secondary grammar manuals that devoted considerable attention to syntactical constructions.26 The irst Italian manual inluenced by the French, however, the Summa artis grammatice a magistro Oguiccione feliciter composita, had scant possibility of being used in the secondary classroom. Probably authored by the Bolognese grammarian Uguccio or Uguccione (ca. 1130–1210), the work was likely composed in the 1160s or early 1170s.27 Although he is best known as the author

26

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3 vols. [Bologna, 1888–1901], 2:292):“Nudi grammantes, qui non de iure sed de sola vocis prolatione conidunt, lingue lubricum intuentur, credentes quod iura civilia subiaceant regulis Prisciani.” On the Janua and the Ars grammatica, see above, Chapter 7, under “Traditional Cathedral Disciplines: Grammar and Theology.” Probably written between 1170 and 1200, Paolo of Camaldoli’s Liber tam de Donatus quam de Prisciano did not relect the inluence from Francia: Sivo, “Le Introductiones dictandi di Paolo Camaldolese,” 72. Found in the collection of Paul’s works in BNP, Lat. 7517, the elementary grammar was irst edited by Michael Boutroix, The “Liber tam de Prisciano quam de Donato a fratre Paulo Camaldulense monacho Compositus: First Edition with Comments,” diss., University of Ottawa, 1971; and subsequently edited in an improved version and published by Vito Sivo, Il “Donatus” di Paolo Camaldolese (Spoleto, 1990), with an extensive introduction. For a complete description of Paul’s grammatical and rhetorical texts, see Robert Black, Humanism and Education in Medieval and Renaissance Italy. Tradition and Innovation in Latin Schools from the Twelfth to the Fifteenth Century (Cambridge, 2001), 68–69. Black describes the collection as a “complete foundation course in grammar and rhetoric” (69). See also 76–78. The grammar exists in one manuscript, BSM, Clm. 18908. Grabman discovered the mauscript: “Die Entwicklung der mitterlalterlichen Sprachlogik (Tractatus de modis signiicandi),” in his Mittelalterliches Geistesleben: Abhandlungen zur Geschichte der Scholastik und Mystik, 3 vols. (Munich, 1926–56). He dates it as having been written in the irst half of the thirteenth century. More recently, on the basis of photocopies that I sent him, Antonio Ciaralli dated it as written 12ex–13in and identiies the calligraphy as either French or central-northern Italian. A brief summary of its contents is found in Corneille H. Kneepkens, Het “Iudicium constructionis: Het leerstuck van de constructio in de 2de helft van de 12de eeuw, 4 vols. (Nijmegen, 1987), 1:139–43. See also Grabmann’s Thomas von Erfurt und die Sprachlogik des mittelalterlichen Aristotelismus, Sitzberichte der bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Phil-Hist. Abt., 1943, Heft 2 (Munich, 1943), 65; and Wolfgang Müller, Huguccio:The Life and Thought of a Twelfth-Century Jurist (Washington, D.C., 1994), 65, n. 120. Grabmann, “Die Entwicklung der mitteralterlichen Sprachlogik,” 110–11, publishes the opening and closing passages of the work. One scribe wrote the entire manuscript, including the last line of attribution. Grabmann hypothesizes that this master could only be Uguccio/Uguccione of Pisa: “Die Entwicklung der mittelalterlichen Sprachlogik,” 111. Lambertus M. de Rijk, “Some New Evidence on Twelfth-Century Logic: Alberic and the School of Mont Ste. Geneviève (Montani),” Vivarium 4 (1966): 18, and Kneepkens, Het “Iudicium’ constructionis, 141, leave the matter of the author’s identity open, as does Giuseppe Cremascoli. See his “Uguccione da Pisa: Saggio bibliograico,” Aevum 42 (1968): 125, with references. Kneepkens, Het “Iudicium constructionis, 1:143, dates the work as written in the 1160s or 1170s and considers its author an Italian writing for an Italian audience; see below, n. 30.

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of the Summa decretorum, a pathbreaking work in canon law, Uguccio is also recognized as having composed four grammatical works: Agiographia, Magnae derivationes, De dubio accentu, and Rosarium. He may have begun at Bologna as a teacher of grammar and then, in the 1170s, moved to canon law. Uguccio became bishop of Ferrara in 1192.28 Whether or not Huguccio or Huguccione the canonist and Oguiccione, the author of the Summa artis grammatice, were the same, the work ofers the irst evidence we have of the inluence of current French interests in speculative grammar in Italy. The author claims to be the disciple of a master R., and given the dependence of the Summa on Robert of Paris’s treatise Breve sit, he was likely was likely the master in question.29 Presumably composed in Bologna – in including sentence examples borrowed from Breve sit the author substituted “Bologna” and the “Po” for the French geographical references found in the original – the Summa would have served as a primary channel for the difusion of recent French grammatical theories to a Bolognese audience in the late twelfth century.30 It may be that Boncompagno chose “Robert of France” to be his ictitious opponent as a way of mocking Uguccio, who, although he had ended his career teaching canon law in the city, was still inluencing grammarians through his earlier works. The pretentious vocabulary and convoluted syntax of the Summa artis grammatice’s 28

29

30

Uguccio appears to have been teaching at Bologna by 1178, the date when we know that he was working on his commentary on canon law: Corrado Leonardi, “La vita e l’opera di Uguccione da Pisa Decretista,” Studia gratiana 5 (1957): 59–60. Giuseppe Cremascoli, De dubio accentu. Agiographia. Expositio de symbolo apostolorum, ed. Giuseppe Cremascoli (Spoleto, 1978), 14 and 96, believes that he shifted his interest from grammar to canon law ca. 1170. Müller, Huguccio, 44–45, raises the possibility that the grammarian and the canonist were two diferent men. He tends to see the second as the later bishop of Ferrara (d. 1210) and the irst as identical with the student of the French grammarian Robert. Against this position is the fact that the author of Summa decretorum refers to himself as author of the Agiographia, while the author of that work claims authorship of the Magnae derivationes: De dubio accentu (94–97). Contra Müller’s doubts, therefore, is the fact that Uguccio the canonist was also a grammarian. It is probable as well that the grammar treatises were connected with his teaching. Müller (Huguccio, 46–48) argues that Uguccio may have started the Magnae derivationes before 1161: a charter dated 1161 was used by the author as an illustration for the word dia, i.e., anno domini: ibid, 46–48. Cremascoli also believes the work was written early in his career as a grammarian, probably before 1170 (94–95). See also Uguccio da Pisa, Derivationes, ed. Enzo Cecchini et al. 2 vols. (Florence, 2004). The editors agree with a beginning date for the work in the 1160s (xxi). For Uguccio’s approximate date of birth, see ibid., xxi. For Uguccio’s contribution to canon law, see Chapter 5, under “Canon Law.” For Robert’s book, see Kneepkens, Het Iudicium constructionis, 2:1–326. In 1966, de Rijk identiied “Oguiccione’s” teacher as the theologian Robert of Melun (d. 1167): “Some New Evidence on Twelfth-Century Logic,” 18–19. He suggests that “Oguccione” had come to Paris to study with Robert. Because the Summa “Breve sit” was the master text for “Oguccione,” I am convinced by Kneepkens that the teacher was the grammarian Robert of Paris. See also Kneepkens, “Please, Don’t Call me Peter: I Am an enuntiabile, Not a Thing. A Note on the enuntiabile and the Proper Noun,” Vestigia, Imagines,Verba: Semiotics and Logic in Medieval Theological Texts, XII–XIV Century, ed. Costantino Marmo (Bologna, 1997), 83–99. The author also replaces Robert’s reference to lingua Gallica with vulgaris: Kneepkens, Het Iudicium constructionis, 142–43. Kneepkens’s conclusion that the author of the work was Italian, however, rests largely on the use of the Italian place-names Bologua and the Po.

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preface indicate that the consciously elaborate periods of Boncompagno’s invented “Robert of France” were successful imitations: Ad comunem disceptare volentium utilitatem multiplices et varias disputationes earumque solutiones, pro nostre facultatis modulo, magistri nostri R. vestigia non pretermittentes, in unum opusculum diligenti non tediosum, auxiliante qui dat salutem regibus, epiloginari et prout nobis visum fuerit, quasdam tantum salutatorie, quasdam hinc inde conlictorie tractaturi, iuxta Oratii procedemus preceptum, illud videlicet: “breve sit quodcumque laboras”; non est enim magnum in paucis efuere, sed multa compendio moderari.31

That these were the words of an Italian meant that the threat to stilus humilis had to be taken seriously. After the Summa artis grammatice the next-earliest new grammar manual, the Summa grammatice of Bene of Florence, while primarily concerned with language instruction, also relects acquaintance with transalpine theories of grammar. Bene, a Florentine layman and professor at Bologna, probably wrote the work sometime between 1195 and 1197.32 His grammar book relects a philosophic mind, one that responded to the approach of the new French school of grammarians. For Bene, words primarily signiied mental concepts of things, not the things themselves, and 31

32

The translation reads: “To discuss for the common utility of those wanting [to know] multiple and various debates and their solutions, as much as our ability allows, not neglecting to follow in the footsteps of our master, R, to be summarized in one little work, not boring to the diligent, with the help of Him who gives salvation to kings, and, as it shall seem right to us, about to treat certain matters merely to be accepted, certain matters here and there debatable, we will proceed according to the dictum of Horace, that is: ‘let whatever you do be brief ’; for this is not to meld many things into a few, but to restrain many things by an abridgement.” The Latin text is cited from de Rijk, “Some New Evidence on Twelfth-Century Logic,” 18, n. 2. De Rijk corrects the translation of this passage given by Grabmann, “Die Entwicklung der mittelalterlichen Sprachlogik,” 1:110. For a general discussion of Bene’s life and works, see anon., “Bene da Firenze,” DBI, vol. 8 (Rome, 1966), 239–40. Although it cannot be proven that he held a professorship in Bologna until 1218, on the basis of his grammar manual and an earlier Summa dictaminis (1199–1216), Bene had doubtless been teaching there decades earlier. See Gian Carlo Alessio’s introduction to Bene Florentini Candelabrum, xxvii–xxxi. For the dates of both the grammar and the dictaminal work, see xxviii–xxix. Anna Maria Velli, “La Summa grammatice di Bene da Firenze,” (thesis, Dott. di Ricerca, University of Florence, 1989), 2, dates the grammar as written between 1195 and 1197/98. Her partial translation of the work is based on eight manuscripts (1–27). Where possible I follow her transcription of the text; otherwise I follow BMV, Lat. cl. 1.7, 4031. The oldest study of Bene’s Summa grammatice is still important: Concetto Marchesi, “Due grammatici del medio evo,” Bullettino della Società ilologica romana 12 (1910): 24–37, who summarizes the treatise. The text rarely provides a rule without a dialectical analysis justifying it: ibid., 31. Black’s objection to Alessio’s position that Bene’s teaching goes back to the early 1190s (Humanism and Education, 86, n. 142, and his Education and Society in Florentine Tuscany: Teachers, Pupils and Schools, c. 1250–1500 [Leiden and Boston, 2007], 126–27, n. 390), is based on his belief that French inluence on grammar only became “fashionable” in the thirteenth century. He considers Uguccio’s grammar probably the work of a Frenchman. Regardless of the identiication of the author of that grammar with the canonist, I agree with Kneepkens that the work was written by an Italian, a student of Robert of Paris, in the late twelfth century, and, judging from the place references, in the regnum. Moreover, Chapter 11 will demonstrate that Roman lawyers at Bologna were responding to theories of French grammar from the 1190s.

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the traditional parts of speech were paralleled by a similar number of general intentions in the mind. Also, like his earlier French counterparts, he relied heavily on dialectical analysis in setting out correct lexical and syntactical usage.33 Doubtless, Bene’s subtleties, ofered as they were apodictically, irritated Boncompagno. It should be said, nonetheless, that Bene’s grammar remained fundamentally normative, the philosophical potential of his observations left undeveloped. Boncompagno’s annoyance with Bene was no doubt intensiied by the fact that Bene was competing with him for students by ofering an un-Italian approach to dictamen. Bene’s conception of rhetoric was much broader than those of Boncompagno or his predecessors since the 1130s. Bene’s Candelabrum, composed between 1222 and 1226, considered dictamen as elocutio, or as only one of the ive divisions of the art of rhetoric. His richly referential text locates it within a wide educational program that evokes the dictaminal writers of the French school. He expected his students to read “philosophos et autores ... et quoscumque ... nobiliores libros” as a way of developing their writing skills.34 In contrast to Boncompagno, he explicitly incorporated into his teaching the lessons of the Ciceronian manuals – he was the irst Bolognese professor, in fact, to use the pseudo-Ciceronian Ad Herennium – and those of the French artes poetrie.35 His dictaminal instruction was marked by reliance on subtle distinctions in language similar to those found in his grammar. In Bene’s Summa dictaminis, he adamantly defended the inclusion of auctoritates in the exordium of letters: “And note that it is very commendable to begin a letter or a speech with an authority if at the same time the authority really seems relevant. It is especially beautiful to inject the verses of authors into the free low of prose 33

34

35

The primary relationship of the verbal sign to mental intention becomes clear in the following passage (Velli, “La Summa grammatice,” 135–36): “Aliud est signiicare, aliud consigniicare. (2) Aliud est designare, aliud signare. (3) Nam stricte ‘signiicare’ est constituere aliquem intellectum de aliqua re ita quod ille intellectus nec citra desistat nec ultra procedat et secundum hoc multe dictiones nichil signiicant. (4) Summitur largius ad constituendum intellectum de aliquo quocunque modo. (5) Summitur quandoque pro ‘appellare’. (6) ‘Appellare’ est alicui rei presentaliter convenire. (7) ‘Consigniicare’ id est cum alia signiicationem suam declarare, sicut ‘convictiones’. (8) Item ‘consigniicare’ id est secundarie dare intelligi, sicut verbum consigniicat tempus. (9) Item ‘consigniicare’ id est signiicationem totius coadiuvare, secundum hoc ‘dictio’ consigniicat in compositione. (10) ‘Designare’ est pro aliquo venire ad satisfaciendum alicui dictioni, sicut nominativus designat suppositum verbi. (11) ‘Signare’ est alicuius oicii esse signum, sicut ‘non’ est signum negationis, ‘omnis’ et ‘quilibet’ distributionis.” Just above this passage he writes (134): “Partes ergo orationis sumpte generaliter sunt vii, sive viii, sicut sunt generales intentiones ipsius anime.” Alessio’s notes to the Candelabrum reveal how intimately Bene knew recent northern literary and pedagogical texts. He borrowed heavily throughout from the work of Geofrey of Vinsauf, whom he had probably known at Bologna. In addition to Alessio’s edition, for borrowings from Geofrey of Vinsauf, see Giuseppe Vecchi, “Temi e momenti d’arte dettatoria nel Candelabrum di Bene da Firenze,” Atti e memorie della Deputazione di storia patria per le province di Romagna, n.s., 10 (1958–59), 125–31. See John O. Ward, “Rhetorical Theory and the Rise and Decline of Dictamen in the Middle Ages and Early Renaissance,” Rhetorica 19 (2001): 191, for references. Gian C. Alessio, “Brunetto Latini e Cicerone (e i dettatori),” IMU 22 (1979): 127–29, especially 127, n. 4, and 128, n. 2. Alessio suggests that Bene’s use of the Ad Herennium in both his Candelabrum and his earlier Summa dictaminis may have been inspired by reading Transmundus’s Introductiones dictandi, ed. and trans. Ann Dalzell, Pontiical Institute Studies (Toronto, 1995), 68–92, with its treatment of the colores drawn from the ancient work and from Isidore.

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dictamen.”36 His insistence in the Candelabrum, written between 1220 and 1226, on the need to balance the use of quoniam or quia in the irst clause with idcirco, si vero, or ideo in the second, articulated a grammatical rule that Boncompagno in his Tractatus virtutum of 1197 had branded “absurd and absolutely contrary to reason.”37 Bene, for his part, had hard things to say about Boncompagno and his work.38 A second object of Boncompagno’s attack against the nudi grammantes was Uguccio’s Magnae derivationes. Besides drawing for his work on earlier medieval lexicographical writings like those of Isidore, Remigius of Auxerre, and Papias, Uguccio seems to have had direct access to Osbern of Canterbury’s massive lexicon, the Panormia, also known as Derivationes.39 At the same time, Uguccio clearly owed a large debt to the writings of the French grammarian Peter Helias, whose Summa not only furnished derivations he could incorporate but also may have inspired the whole enterprise.40 36

37 38

39

40

Bene writes in the Summa dictaminis, fol. 7a:”Et nota quod epistulam vel sermonem incipere ab auctoritate multum est commendibile si tamen auctoritas recte videatur ad negotium pertinere sed maxime pulchrum est versus auctorum ad prosaici dictaminis reducere libertatem.” He does not approve, however, of sprinkling quotations throughout the work. Tractatus virtutum, 9a; and Candelabrum, 143. Alessio, Candelabrum, xxvi, n. 2 (from previous page) cites Candelabrum, lib. 8, 61.4 (286–87) as a direct reference to Boncompagno, recently departed from Bologna: “Letetur itaque nobilissima Bononia et exultet, quia ridiculis Gete et ambagibus Coridonum ulterius non falletur. Gaudeat in perpetuum, quia de tenebris errantium iam meruit liberari.” Bene also probably aimed a barb at Boncompagno when he wrote in Book III of the Candelabrum (128) that “quosdam formularium salutationum fecisse ut natantibus corticem dare possent.” These men, who do not really understand the art of dictamen, do not want rudes to swim with their own hands. By contrast, “nos vero ita formam salutationum exegimus quod quicumque predicta bene intellexerit et diligenter servaverit non alienis coloribus, ut cornicula, exhornabitur nec in aliqua salutatione defectum aliquem patietur.”This criticism would have been directed against Boncompagno’s V. tabule salutationum, his irst book. The fourth and ifth parts of this work are now published by Giulietta Voltolina, “Lo scambio epistolare nella società medioevale attraverso l’opera inedita di un magister dell’Università di Bologna, Boncompano da Signa,” Rivista di cultura classica e medioevale 30 (1988): 45–55, and her “La salutatio nel mondo religioso medievale da un’opera inedita della ine del XII secolo: Le V tabule salutationis di Boncompagno da Signa,” Benedictina 35 (1988): 555–65. Paolo Marangon, “La Quadriga e i Proverbi di Arsegino cultura e scuole a Padova prima del 1222,” Quaderni per la storia dell’Università di Padova 9–10 (1976–77): 29, is justiied in identifying Boncompagno as among those whom Bene regarded as garrulous “rabbis,” who, illiterate, taught grammar without knowing metric. Bene, who over the course of his lifetime taught both grammar and rhetoric, seems to have preferred grammar. At least he exalted the art of poetry over that of prose: Marangon, “La Quadriga,” 28–29, who cites Bene’s Summa dictaminis (BMV, Lat., xi, 7, 4506). Alessio, “Bene da Firenze,” 240, credits him with two small grammatical treatises, De accentu and Regule de metris. On his death he was praised by Maestro Terrisio di Atina, perhaps one of his pupils, for his outstanding abilities as a grammarian: Francesco Torraca, “Maestro Terrisio di Atina,” Archivio storico per le provincie napoletane 36 (1911): 243–44. Claus Riessner, Die “Magnae Derivationes” des Uguccione da Pisa und ihre Bedeutung für die romanische Philologie (Rome, 1965), 21–37. He concludes (37): “Gut die Hälfte der Derivationes stammt aus den beiden Hauptquellen Osbern und Isidor. Für noch ein Viertel des Werks können wir mit ziemlicher Sicherheit die Herkunft bestimmen, wobei in erster Linie Priscian mit grammatikalischen Kommentaren, Papias, Petrus Helie, Remigius, Servius and Glossensammlungen zu nennen sind. Alles übrige (etwa 20%) beruht z.T. auf Quellen, die noch genauer erforscht werden müssen.” Hunt, The History of Grammar, 145–49; and Reissner, “Magnae Derivationes,” 43–45 and 61–76.

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As Helias’s frequent indulgence in etymological analyses in his Summa indicates, the pursuit of the causae inventionis intensiied the traditional concern for the etymologies of particular words as well as for justifying whole word classes.41 Likely Boncompagno had Uguccio speciically in mind when he referred in the Rhetorica antiqua to “aliqui nudi grammantes” who make a useless distinction between grates and gratiae, requiring that grates be given to men and gratie to God.42 Or again, in his Tractatus virtutum, when he rejected the position that quia and quoniam were equivalent, he was directing his remarks to a speciic passage from Uguccio:43 And although grammarians always resolve quoniam into quia, sometimes quoniam has another meaning from quia. Certainly these words facio and ago seem to have the same signiication. Nevertheless, ago domum cannot properly be said, as facio domum can. Buchimenon, however, says in his irst book of the Transumptiones that there is no word that has the same signiicance as another, because it would not have a way of signifying diferent from the equivalent word.44

Boncompagno’s objective in attacking grammarians is not always free of ambiguity. At points he seems to be attacking them on their own turf, accusing them of introducing hairsplitting distinctions in language usage of their own manufacture. Generally, however, he seems equally anxious to resist their interference in his own discipline or any others. As early as the Tractatus virtutum Boncompagno insisted on the all-important diference in the attitudes of rhetoricians and grammarians toward language: Although grammarians consider the properties of words according to the composition of their parts, they are unable to have a natural understanding. 41

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Uguccio’s deinition of etymology was heavily inluenced by Helias. He borrowed the deinition of etymology (ethimologia) in part from Papias, but his accentuating the close tie between the word and the thing was taken from Helias: “ETHIMO grece, latine dicitur verum; logos, sermo vel ratio; unde ethimologia quasi veriloquium, quia ethimologizando vocabulum veram ipsius originem eloquimur; et diinitur sic: ethimologia est expositio unius vocabuli per aliud vocabulum, sive unum sive plura, magis notum vel magis nota in eadem lingua vel diversis, secundum rerum proprietatem et litterarum similtudinem, ut lapis ‘ledens pedem,’ piger ‘pedibus eger’”: Derivationes, 2: 395–96. Uguccio’s text reads (Derivationes, 2:544): “Item a gratia hec grates-tium id est gratie, sed grates deo aguntur, gracie vero hominibus. Sed hic sepe corrumpitur apud autores: gratias enim sepe referunt deo, grates hominibus.” Boncompagno’s manuscript must have read as does BNF, Naz. II, I. 2, fol. 183:“Item a gratia hec grates cui id est gratie. Sed gratie deo aguntur; grates vero hominibus. Sed hoc sepe corrumpitur apud auctores. Grates enim sepe referunt deo, gratias hominibus.” Although Uguccio seems to have taken this position generically, he modiied it in detail: Derivationes, 2:1011: “Et a quis, quia et quoniam in eidem sensu; sed quoniam proprie preponitur et sic sequentem sensum alligat, ut ‘quoniam dicis disco’; quia proprie postponitur et superiorem sensum conirmat, ut ‘scio quia didici.’ Quoniam etiam componitur quoniamquidem, idest, quia vel ergo, et quia sillabicatur quianam, idest quia vel cur.” Tractatus virtutum, 8vb–9a: “Et licet gramatici semper resolvant ‘quoniam’ in ‘quia,’ quandoque tamen ‘quoniam’ aliud habet notare quam ‘quia.’ Porro hec verba ‘facio’ et ‘ago’ eandem videntur habere signiicationem. Tamen non bene dicitur ‘ago domum’ sicut ‘facio donum.’ Dicit autem Buchimenon in primo libro Transumptionum quod non est aliqua dictio quae sic equipolleat alteri in signiicatione quod diversum ab equipollenti non habet modum signiicandi.” Buchimenon was a ictitious author created by Boncompagno to confuse his opponents. See also ibid., 7v and 8v.

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Toward a Broader Intellectual Life For he [Buchimenon] says in the ifth book of the De materiis:“If grammarians were made rhetoricians through knowledge of syntax and dialecticians through empty talking, there would be no diference betweeen syntax and speeches and between speaking and eloquence.” He said in the same book: “One ought not to consider the sense of language from a single word, but the skilled orator should see a certain kind of uniied and common understanding from the conjunction of many words.45

The rhetorician difered from the dialectician in a similar way. Whereas the dialectician asserted that “man” and “risible” were equivalent terms, Buchimenon maintained that anyone who would write “risible” in place of “man” or “risibility” for “humanity,” or vice versa, would be an object of ridicule.46 In constructing his composition the orator must be guided in his use of vocabulary by the context in which the word will be used. While for the grammarian several words may have a like meaning and a more familiar word may be substituted in the deinition of a less familiar one, the rhetorician is bound by the context of his composition to give each word its exact and unique meaning. Similarly, as the example of the word “man” shows, the dialectician approaches words from an angle very diferent from that of the rhetorician. Furthermore, unlike the grammarian and the dialectician, the rhetorician gears his use of language to the nature of the audience he addresses: “It is a virtue to speak rhetorically to rhetoricians, to the wise wisely, and to the simple with simple constructions.”47 Every dictator in creating a work should irst consider the syntax, then the arrangement of words, and inally the language of the whole, making sure that “in the irst and second readings – provided it is well read – the words are 45

46 47

Ibid., 9a: “Nam licet gramatici secundum partium compositiones dictionum considerent proprietates, habere tamen naturale nequerint intellectum. Dicitur enim in quinto libro Materiarum: ‘Si per constructionem gramatici eicerentur rethorici et dialectici per vanam garulitatem oratores, nulla esset diferentia inter constructionem et orationem et inter loquentem et eloquentem.’ Item in eodem libro: ‘Non debet sensus locutionis considerari ex dictione sed inspiciat providus orator ex multarum dictionum conjunctione quendam unicum et medium intellectum.’” See also 8v. Boncompagno’s distinction was commonly recognized by his time. Peter Helias’s Summa super Priscianum, ed. James E. Tolson, 2 vols. (Toronto, 1993), 860 and 885–86, draws similar distinctions between the usages of dialecticians versus grammarians. In his Summa grammatice, Bene at various places insists on the same diference. For example (134): “Pars orationis aliter a dialectico, aliter a grammatico accipitur. Nam a dialetico non dicitur pars orationis nisi nomen et verbum, qui proprie habet signiicare: sed nomen est vox signiicativa ad placitum sine tempore, sed verbum cum tempore: sic ergo pronomen est nomen, et participium verbum, nec sincategoremata sunt partes orationis. Sed a grammatico sumitur pars orationis quandoque generaliter, quoque particulariter: generaliter prout sonat in aptitudine, particulariter prout sonat in actu.” The elaborate distinctions between various meanings of words in the Donatus of Maestro Mayfredo of Belmonte represents an extreme instance of the same concern; see below. For Abelard’s insistence on the polysemous character of words, see his preface to Sic et Non in Sic et Non: A Critical Edition, ed. Blanche B. Boyer and Richard McKeon (Chicago and London, 1976–77), 89–104. The distinction between the approach of grammarians and dialecticians is already found in Gunzo. See above, Chapter 2, “Gunzo,Vindicator of Italian Scholarship.” Tractatus virtutum, 9a. Ibid., 10b: “virtus est loqui rethoricis rethorice, sapientibus sapienter, et simplicibus per simplicem constructionem.”

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understandable, unless someone specially wanted to speak obscurely to a special friend about certain secrets and the sender knew that the recipient had no doubt of this.”48 The error of the aggressive grammarians lay in their efort to treat ars dictaminis as if it were the product of the grammarian’s study, not of the communal secretary’s busy oice. The rhetorician or orator used language in a contextualized atmosphere, unlike the grammarian. Ever mindful of the changing nature of his audience, depending on the particular assignment, the orator strove at all times to adjust his prose to the goal of efective persuasion. To grammarize rhetoric was to misunderstand the fundamental nature of the art. Pushed by the French threat, Boncompagno articulated early on in the conlict the underlying principle at work in his defense of the independence of his discipline: diferent contexts and purposes determined the usage of language in each of the three disciplines of the trivium. It is not known whether opposition among rhetoricans to the inluence of French dictamen on Bolognese dictaminal style was conined to Boncompagno.Azo, however, the most famous Bolognese jurist of his generation and a friend of Boncompagno, was just as vocal in his resistance to the encroachments of grammarians into his own area of expertise. At the same time, the next chapter will show that the work of both men reveals that to an extent they were inluenced by their rivals’ approach. The inluence is especially apparent in Azo’s organization of his commentaries on Justinian and his preoccupation with the signiication of terms. THE REBIRTH OF THE NATURAL SCIENCES

By 1200 contact with an ever-enlargening corpus of scientiic and theological writings of ancient Greek and medieval Islamic origin in translation had awakened European intellectuals to the possibility of asking a wealth of new questions. Whereas in Spain and southern Italy contact with Muslim thought and with Greek culture through Arabic translations was facilitated by proximity to local centers of Muslim learning, in the case of northern Italians, who were the dominant European traders in the Middle East and Constantinople, residence in these foreign locations played a similar role. From the mid-eleventh century to the mid-twelfth the Montecassino–Salerno area served as the locus for a series of translations of Arabic and Greek materia medica, although in the case of the Greek, the texts used were largely based on Arabic translations.49 In contrast with southern Italy, in the northern portion of the peninsula, Burgundio of Pisa’s translations of treatises of Galen and Hippocrates came directly from the Greek, as did works of Aristotle translated by Jacopo of Venice 48

49

Ibid.: “ut quilibet dictator in quolibet suo tractatu, primo videlicet constructionem, secundo faciat appositionem verborum. Appositio est enim artiiciosa dictionum compositio quem ordinem non patitur constructionis. In tertium debet sensum inspicere locutionis. Item virtus est ita dictare quod in prima vel in secunda prolatione dictamen, dum tam bene legatur, intelligi possit, nisi aliquis specialiter speciali amico suo loqui vellet obtusius super quibusdam secretis et sciret mittens quod recipiens nullam haberet super hoc dubitationem.” Paul O. Kristeller, “The School of Salerno: Its Development and Its Contribution to the History of Learning,” in his Studies in Renaissance Thought and Letters (Rome, 1956), 495–551.

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(l . 1128–36). Beginning with Aristotle’s Logica nova, Jacopo rendered a sizable portion of the Aristotelian corpus available to the Latin reader.50 Generally speaking, although a translation of the Koran belongs to the irst half of the twelfth century as do a number of theological works already cited, medicine, astronomy, and mathematics constituted the principal interest of European translators in the irst half of the twelfth century.51 In the second half of the century, however, while translation of scientiic writings continued, translators increasingly focused on philosophical works. In extending the scope of the enterprise, Gherardo of Cremona (d. 1187) was joined by Jewish and Christian scholars in Toledo, most importantly Avendauth and Gundissalinus. Among other works, they translated most of Avicenna’s writings, a variety of treatises by al-Kindī, al-Ghaza¯lī, al-Fa¯ra¯bī and ibn Gabirol, along with extracts from the writings of Themistius and Alexander of Aphrodisias.52 For the future of medicine, Gherardo’s most important translation was Avicenna’s Canon, a systematic study of diseases in ive books that provided a theoretical context for the ield.53 In 1218 at Toledo, the Paduan canon Salione Buzzacarini translated from Arabic three astrological-astronomical works, including pseudo-Trismegistus’s De stellis ixis.54 Although Hebrew translators of Averroes’s writings preceded him, the Englishman Michael Scot (d. 1236), irst in Toledo (ca. 1215–17), then in Bologna (ca. 1220), possibly in Rome (1224–27), and inally at the imperial court, rendered a variety of works from Arabic into Latin, and of these his greatest achievement consisted in his translations of Averroes’s commentaries on Aristotle’s books, principally De animalibus, De physica, Metaphysica, De anima, De caelo, De generatione et corruptione, Parva naturalia, and the Meteorologíca IV.55 Because he frequently traveled with Frederick II, already 50

51

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On Burgundio and Jacopo as translators, see Chapter 7, under “Laymen: Pioneers of a New Aspect of Grammatical Studies.” The chronological distinction between translations done in the irst and second half of the twelfth century is taken from Jean Jolivet, “The Arabic Inheritance,” A History of Twelfth-Century Philosophy, ed. Peter Dronke (Cambridge and New York, 1988), 114–16.The interest of translators of the regnum in Greek theological works appears exceptional. For these translations, see Marie-Thérèse d’Alverny, “Les traductions d’Avicenne: quelques résultats d’une enquête,” Actes du V e Congrès international des Arabisants, Bruxelles, 1970 (Brussels, 1971), 152. Among Gherardo’s translations of Avicenna, the latter’s Canon, a summa of medicine, was particularly important for Italian medical training in the thirteenth century: Marie-Thérèse d’Alverny, “Survivance et Renaissance d’Avicenne à Venise et à Padoue,” in Venezia e l’Oriente fra tardo Medioevo e Rinascimento (Florence, 1966), 75. Gherardo also translated Aristotle’s Prior Analytics; see above, Chapter 7, under “Laymen: Pioneers of a New Aspect of Grammatical Studies.” Michael McVaugh, “Medical Knowledge at the Time of Frederick II,” Le scienze alla corte di Federico II/ Sciences at the Court of Frederick II (special issue), Micrologus 2 (Todi, 1994), 7. Paolo Marangon, Alle origini dell’Aristotelismo padovano (sec. XII–XIII) (Padua, 1979), 34. For his biography, see Lynn Thorndike, Michael Scot (London, 1965), 22–23 and 32. On his translations, see Rudolf Hofman, “Übersetzungbedingte Verständnisprobleme im Grossen Metaphysik-Kommentar des Averroes,” in Aristotelisches Erbe im arabisch-lateinischen Mittelalter: Übersetzungen, Kommentare, Interpretationen, ed. Albert Zimmerman, Miscellanea mediaevalia, 18 (Berlin, 1986), 141–60; and Bernard G. Dod, “Aristoteles latinus,” The Cambridge History of Later Medieval Philosophy: From the Rediscovery of Aristotle to the Disintegration of Scholasticism 1100–1600, ed. Norman Kretzmann, Anthony Kenny, and Jan Pinborg, with Elenore Stump (Cambridge and London, 1982), 59. Only the great commentary on De caelo, however, is unquestionably his (59). Charles Burnett, “Master Theodore, Frederick II’s Philosopher,” in Federico II e le nove culture. Atti

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in his lifetime Michael Scot’s translations circulated widely among Italian scholars. Herman the German translated Averroes’s commentaries on the Ethica (1240), the Rhetorica (1240–46), and the Poetica (1256), while Averroes’s medical treatise, known as Colliget, received a Latin translation only in 1285.56 As the wealth of material on mathematics, astronomy, astrology, medicine, and alchemy became available in the course of the thirteenth century, the study of science became a major concern of Italian intellectual life. A culture hitherto largely dedicated to rhetoric and legal studies developed a new interest in cosmology, astronomy, meteorology, zoology, physics, biology, and mineralogy. The translations also revealed new methods of discovery and modes of structuring information to western Europeans.57 Until these new sciences became irmly embedded in the institutions of the studia after 1250, however, evidence of their evolution remains fragmentary.58 Given the decidedly practical bent of Italian scholarship and its traditional weakness in philosophy and theology, the efort to assimilate the newly introduced scientiic learning at Bologna and Padua, the kingdom’s two greatest centers of learning, tended to focus from the outset on its medical uses. For centuries medicine would remain an amalgam of natural philosophy, astronomy, and astrology before the discipline’s boundaries became clearly deined. In the irst half of the thirteenth century, however, the boundaries were particularly amorphous. The earliest reference to medicine as a subject of study in a studium may be one to the two physici whom Vercelli promised to hire in its contract with students interested in migrating from Padua in 1228.59 We do not know whether the promise was fulilled, nor, if it was, of what the teaching of the physici consisted. Frederick II’s requirement in 1231 that all students wanting to study medicine at his studium have at least three years’ preparation in logic indicates that at least some form of instruction in medicine was available at his new institution.60 Late twelfth- and earlythirteenth-century documents attest to the presence of a number of medical doctors

56

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del XXXI Convegno storico internazionale, Todi, 9–12 ottobre 1994 (Spoleto, 1995), 244–45, suggests that some of these works were the product of cooperation by a team of scholars in Sicily. The translation of the Colliget, however, was completed only in 1285 by the Hebrew scholar Tobia Bonacosa, working in Padua: Nancy Siraisi, Taddeo Alderotti and His Pupils: Two Generations of Italian Medical Learning (Princeton, N.J., 1981), 168. For the dates of the Nicomachean Ethics and Poetics, see Dod,“Aristoteles Latinus,” 60. For that of the Rhetoric, see Marie-Thérèse d’Alverny,“Notes sur les traductions médiévales d’Avicenne,” Archives d’histoire doctrinale et littéraire du Moyen Âge 19 (1952): 347. Richard McKeon, “The Organization of Sciences and the Relations of Cultures in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries,” in The Cultural Context of Medieval Learning: Proceedings of the First International Colloquium on Philosophy, Science and Theology in the Middle Ages–September 1973, ed. John E. Murdoch and Edith Dudley Sylla (Dordrecht and Boston, 1975), 157. McVaugh, “Medical Knowledge at the Time of Frederick II,” 5; and Marangon, Alle origini dell’Aristotelismo padovano, 41–42. Speciically for the organization of medicine, see Paul O. Kristeller, “Philosophy and Medicine in Medieval and Renaissance Italy,” in Organism, Medicine, and Metaphysics: Essays in Honor of Hans Jonas on his 75th Birthday, May 10, 1978 (Dordrecht and Boston, 1978), 33; and Vern Bullough, The Development of Medicine as a Profession: The Contribution of the Medieval University to Modern Medicine (New York, 1966), 61. Hastings Rashdall, The Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages, ed. Frederick M. Powicke and Alfred B. Emden, 3 vols. (Oxford, 1936), 2:339. Vern Bullough, Development of Medicine, 50.

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practicing in Bologna, but it does not appear that the medical training available went beyond apprenticeship to a practicing doctor.61 Ugo Borgononi of Lucca, an oicial surgeon of the commune in 1214, taught his sons and apprentices the medical craft, but his teaching was private and apprentices had to swear that they would keep his lessons a secret.62 Two of his students, his son Teodorico and the Calabrian Bruno Longobucco, however, relect a change of attitude in their generation. Both were famous surgeons, and both wrote manuals describing their surgical techniques. The former’s Chirurgia appeared before 1266 and the latter’s Chirurgia magna in 1252.63 The teaching of medicine as a university discipline in Bologna belongs to the second half of the century.The nature of the medical craft and the program for its study received in these decades extensive discussion in works irst by Taddeo Alderotti and subsequently by Bartolomeo of Varignana.64 Core reading in the curriculum consisted of the works of Galen, Avicenna’s Canon, and the medical tracts of Salerno, collected as the Articella, only introduced into northern Italy in the 1240s.65 Integral to the program was the study of surgery and anatomy based on cadavers. As preparation for medical training all the arts and sciences were to be studied, but most especially logic, astrology, and natural science, primarily as presented in Aristotle’s corpus of scientiic writings. Medicine as a university subject seems to have begun in Padua only when the College of Arts including medicine was organized in 1259.66 A listing of the names and ields of the nine members of the college in 1262 gave three as teaching phisica et sciencia naturalis. All three, magister Agno, magister Giovanni, and magister Zambonino, were medical doctors.67 The dates for the creation of medical faculties at Bologna and Padua, however, are late when compared to Frederick II’s institution of medical training at Naples, presumably in the 1220s. Almost inevitably, in adapting a scientiic heritage centered on the power of reason to a Christian culture in which the ultimate truths were held to elude reason’s 61

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65 66

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Mauro Sarti and Mauro Fattorini, De claris Archigymnasii bononensis professoribus a saeculo IX usque ad saeculum XIV 2 vols. (Bologna, 1969–72), reedited by Caesar Albicini and Carlo Malagola, (Bologna, 1888–96), 1:525–46, provide a number of biographies of men whom they describe as teachers of medicine in Bologna from the eleventh to the mid-thirteenth century. I do not know what to make of a reference in the Vita sancti Rainerii solitarii, Acta sanctorum quotquot toto orbe coluntur, ed. Jean Carnandet, Jun., 4 (Paris and Rome, 1867), 371c, composed shortly after 1160, where a magister Hugo in Pisa is described as “Physicalis doctrinae laurea redimitus” in a context in which he appears to be a physician with a formal degree. Siraisi, Taddeo Alderotti, 14–15. Theodoric’s work borrowed liberally from Bruno’s, but he was also dependent for some of his material on Avicenna: McVaugh, “Medical Knowledge at the Time of Frederick II,” 14–15. Siraisi, Taddeo Alderotti, 118–27, discusses their conception of the ield. She also analyzes the theorizing of Turisanos, a later Bolognese teacher (d. ca. 1350) (128–36 and 154–56). The paragraph in the text on medical education is based on Siraisi, ibid., 117 and 139–40. Ibid., 98. Siraisi, Arts and Sciences at Padua: The Studium of Padua before 1350 (Toronto, 1973), 24. For doctors practicing earlier at Padua, see Monumenti della Università di Padova (1222–1318), ed. Andrea Gloria (Venice, 1884), 114–15. The list is found in Rolandino, Chronicon in factis et circa facta Marchie Trivixane, ed. Antonio Bonardi, RIS, no. 8, pt. 1 (Città di Castello, 1908), 173–74. Siraisi, Arts and Sciences at Padua, 110, explains the sense in which physica et scientia naturalis is to be understood.

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grasp, arguments from reason would at points appear to contradict the faith. In 1238, while the emperor was besieging Brescia, the Dominican Rolando of Cremona (d. 1259), at the time papal legate, clashed with Theodore, a Syrian philosopher at Frederick’s court, in a debate that likely relected issues currently being discussed by philosophers in the emperor’s entourage concerning the eternity of the world and the mortality of the human soul.68 Rolando’s commentary on Job, the Postilla, dated between 1230 and 1250, could be echoing this debate when the author undertook to defend belief in the creation of the earth and the immortality of the human soul against the attacks both of Aristotle and of those who believe “that there is no other God but the heavens.”69 He speciically mentioned the astrologers as part of this latter group. Characteristically in accordance with Rolando’s thought here and in his other works, the Dominican did not refute his opponents by using theological arguments, but rather arguments based on personal observation and scientiic principles.70 Although well aware of the condemnation of the thesis as heterodox by Oxford and Paris in 1277,Taddeo Alderotti (d. 1295) nonetheless provided a detailed description of Averroes’s doctrine of the unicity of the human intellect in a commentary on Johannitius’s Isagoge, completed by 1283. Despite the fact that he neither airmed nor denied its validity, his need to make the digression suggests his own attraction to the doctrine. None of Taddeo’s disciples, however, seems to have expressed any heterodox views in their writings.71 While it is not diicult to identify thinkers in that generation who did, among them Guido Cavalcanti, Gentile of Cingoli, and Pietro of Abano, it is misleading to focus on the advent of the natural sciences as a source of theological deviancy to the neglect of its revolutionary efect on Italian Latin culture 68

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Marangon, Alle origini dell’Aristotelismo padovano, 48–51. For the discussions at the imperial court, see Giovanni Gentile, Storia della ilosoia italiana, ed. Eugenio Garin, 2 vols. (Florence, 1969), 1:15–26. On Theodore speciically, see Burnett, “Master Theodore, Frederick II’s Philosopher,” 225–85. Antoine Dondaine, “Un commentaire scriptuaire de Roland de Crémone: ‘Le livre de Job,’” Archivum fratrum praedicatorum 11 (1941): 125. On Rolando, see also Alexander Brungs, “Roland von Cremona O.P.: Die Geschichte des geistigen Lebens im frühen 13. Jahrhundert und die Deinition der Tugend,” in Roma, magistra mundi: Itineraria culturae medievalis. Mélanges oferts à Père Boyle à l’occasion de son 75e anniversaire, ed. Jacqueline Hamesse, 3 vols. (Louvain-la-Neuve, 1998), 3:27–51. Dondaine, “Un commentaire scriptuaire,” 120. Dondaine dates the work (123). Bruno Nardi, “L’Averroismo bolognese nel secolo XIII e Taddeo Alderotto,” Rivista di storia della ilosoia 4 (1949): 11–22, sees him as supporting Averroes’s position, while covering himself by asserting the doctrine of double truth and his allegiance to Christian doctrine. Nancy Siraisi provides a detailed description of the extent to which Taddeo and his disciples held radical views of the human soul: Taddeo Alderotti, 168–177. Her conclusion is that the interest in heterodox positions was limited to Taddeo himself (177). Whereas Taddeo escaped censure for his opinions, Guido Bonatti (d. after 1282), Taddeo’s Bolognese contemporary and author of the most important astrological work of the thirteenth century, the Liber astronomicus (ca. 1277), did not. Dante condemned both him and Michael Scot to the fourth bolgia of the eighth circle of Hell: Inferno, 20, lines 115–18. Cf. Stefano Caroti, “L’Astrologia nell’età di Federico II,” in Le scienze alla corte di Federico II/Sciences at the Court of Frederick II, Micrologus, no. 2 (Todi, 1994), 72–73. His contemporaries, moreover, criticized Guido not only for religious deviance but also because astrology could not fulill its promises: Lynn Thorndike, A History of Magic and Experimental Science, 8 vols. (New York, 1923–58), 2:830–32. Cf. Cesare Vasoli, “Bonatti, Guido,” DBI, vol. 11 (Rome, 1969), 607.

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generally. For a society that had been distinctive for the practical orientation of its learning, the theorizing of nature, like the theorizing of language and, as we shall see, the development of speculative theology, had the efect of signiicantly expanding its intellectual horizons. Although both Bologna and Padua were equally committed to scientiic investigation, particularly in medicine and astrology, in Bologna the new sciences appear to have taken their place within an array of disciplines that largely ignored their presence, whereas in Padua, academic life had greater porosity. In the latter city, whose studium dated only from 1222 and where academic activity had largely been repressed under the harsh rule of Ezzelino da Romano between 1237 and 1259, disciplinary boundaries were weaker and the translations enjoyed a relatively wide reading public.72 Despite occasional disclaimers in his Chronicon in factis et circa facta Marchie Trevisane (1262), the grammarian-rhetorican Rolandino delighted in identifying the stellar details that had been overlooked by astrologers who erred in their determination of astral conditions favorable for military operations. At times in his narrative he resorted to medical analogies as well.73 Lovato de’ Lovati (1240–1309), possibly his disciple, dedicated the irst two of his surviving poems, dated 1267/68, to a medical description of his severe illness and his subsequent recovery.74 However, it was the Defensor pacis (1326) that would provide the strongest evidence of the extent to which the natural sciences played a formative role on Paduan intellectual life in general. LOGIC AS AN IMPORTANT DISCIPLINE AND THE REVIVAL OF THEOLOGICAL INTERESTS

After what appears to have been a rapid development in the irst half of the eleventh century, the study of logic or dialectic, seen by papal reformers as a potential threat to orthodoxy, seems to have languished in the regnum. The fact that no masters of logic are mentioned in the documents associated with schools for the whole twelfth century suggests that, although the subject may have been taught, it never attained the stature of either grammar or rhetoric. In all probability, as has been said, courses were largely limited to the logica vetus. The legal writings of Bolognese 72

73

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On the refounding of the studium in 1261, see Girolamo Arnaldi, “Il primo secolo dello studio di Padova,” SCV, 2:14–16. He discusses the problem of determining the extent to which advanced teaching continued to be available in his “Le origini dello studio di Padova: Dalla migrazione universitaria del 1222 alla ine del periodo ezzeliniano,” La cultura 15 (1977): 419–31. Arnaldi suggests (224–31) that, because of the needs of the commune, the faculties of grammar and rhetoric would have continued. The discovery of a document of 1259 by Franco Piovan, “Rolandinus Paduanus professor gramatice facultatis,” Quaderni per la storia dell’Università di Padova 17 (1984): 231–32, reinforces Arnaldi’s suggestion. Cf. Paolo Marangon, “Scuole e università a Padova dal 1221 al 1256: Nuovi documenti,” Quaderni per la storia dell’Università di Padova 12 (1979): 131–36. Girolamo Arnaldi, Studi sui cronisti della Marca trevigiana nell’età di Ezzelino da Romano, Studi storici, fascs 48–50 (Rome, 1963), 177–88, and his “Le origini dello studio di Padova,” 422–23. For a description of these poems and bibliography, see my “In the Footsteps of the Ancients”: The Origins of Humanism from Lovato to Bruni (Leiden and New York, 2000), 95–100. In a poem of 1292, Lovato refers to Zambonino di Bartolomeo, a physician, as one of his two best friends: ibid., 96, n. 42, and 112, n. 86.

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lawyers indicate that even late in the century, except for the De sophisticis elenchis, from the logica nova, knowledge of these elementary books would have suiced in the formation of a lawyer.75 Nor do we know more about the teaching of logic in the early decades of the next century. Two model letters in Boncompagno’s Rhetorica antiqua (ca. 1215/26) refer to a course in dialectic at a studium, but we do not know the identity of the teacher or the nature of the course. In answer to a teacher who expressed surprise that his student was studying dialectic without proper preparation in grammar, the student replied that the study of dialectic beneited those studying grammar.76 That logic gained importance in the curriculum in the course of the irst half of the thirteenth century was owing in part to the growing specialization of education with the formation of studia after 1200, but more important was the need scholars felt to follow the arguments contained in the lood of incoming translations of ancient Greek and medieval Arabic scientiic and philosophical texts, many of which presupposed an understanding of Aristotelian logic. By the terms of the contract made in 1228 deining the faculty of the new studium at Vercelli, the commune obligated itself to provide for two teachers of logic. At least one of these new logicians was the German master Walter, a scholar also versed in medicine. who earned a large stipend.77 We cannot know if students were seeking instruction in Vercelli that they did not have in Padua.78 Three years later, in 1231, Frederick II, as has been mentioned, showed how closely the resurgence of logic was connected with the new sciences by requiring that all medical students in his new university study logic as preparation. Charged with ighting heresy, combating the enemy both by example and by argument – when not invoking the secular arm – the newly created mendicant orders strongly promoted the study of logic. The Dominican house in Bologna, San Nicolà, dates from as early as 1218–24, while in Padua the Dominicans received a gift 75

76

77

78

See above, Chapter 5, under “The Emergence of the Bolognese Schools: Law Schools.” With the exception of the De sophisti elenchi, law professors did not relect knowledge of the logica nova in twelfth-century Bologna. Similarly, Paolo Marangon, Alle origini dell’Aristotelismo padovano 15–17, inds no evidence in Padua of the use of the logica nova in the twelfth century. Charles Thurot, Notices et extraits de divers manuscrits latins pour servir à l’histoire des doctrines grammaticales au Moyen-Âge, Notices et extraits des manuscrits de la Bibliothèque impériale et autres bibliothèques, no. 22, pt. 2 (Paris, 1868), 90–91. The master asks: “Cum sit gramatica lac primarium quo addiscentium corda nutriuntur, miror quod sine illius notitia te ad dialecticam transtulisti. Nam qui partes [the parts of speech] ignorat se ad artes transferre non debet, quia non convalescit plantula que humore indiget primitivo.” The student replies: “Ars gramatica potest mole asinarie assimilari, que, dum laborioso impulsu volvitur, grana in farinam convertit, de qua it nutritivus panis per adiutoria successiva. Unde cupio per auxilium dialectice gramaticam adiuvare. Sane qui proicit in dialectica gramaticam non obmittit.” Sarti and Fattorini, De claris Archigymnasii bononensis professoribus, 1:593, remark on the diiculty of inding the title logicae doctores at Bologna early in the thirteenth century: “Sed circa haec tempora, quibus par hoc professorum loruit, si non nova omnino, saltem recens instituta hujusmodi appellatio [logicae doctores]. Certe serius logicae quam grammaticae doctores hoc saeculo prodeunt, hos enim novimus jam ab anno MCCXX.” Arnaldi, “Le origini dello Studio di Padova,” 408. Cf. M. Michèle Mulchahey, “First the Bow Is Bent in Study–”: Dominican Education before 1350 (Toronto,1998), 68–69. Nancy Siraisi, Arts and Sciences at Padua, 17–18, and her Taddeo Alderotti, 6, n. 6.

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of land for their house in 1226.79 According to the rules of the order established in 1220, the friars would have created schools in these houses for instructing converts in philosophy and theology.80 The Franciscan house at Santa Maria di Puliola in Bologna may date from as early as 1211 and as late as 1221.81 A gift of land from the commune in 1236 permitted them to build a bigger church near the Porta Stiera. The establishment of the Franciscans in Padua at Santa Maria Mater Domini belonged to the 1220s. The Paduan Franciscans had as their principal preacher the learned Portuguese Fernando of Lisbon (Saint Anthony of Padua; d. 1230), who delivered eloquent sermons to a wide clerical and lay public. It is unlikely that his duties in the house, however, extended to formal teaching.82 The Franciscan studium in Padua seems to have been established only after his death, with the arrival of Haymo of Faversham, future minister-general of the order (1240–1244), who taught theology courses there.83 The Franciscan studium at Bologna began functioning around the same time.84 Schools for Augustinians and Carmelites were created in Bologna and Padua only in the second half of the century.85 While knowledge of theology was fundamental to those defending the faith, almost as important to mendicant friars was knowledge of logic through which to 79

80

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82

83

84

85

Siraisi, Taddeo Alderotti, 7, gives 1218 for the founding of the Dominican studium. See also Alfonso d’Amato, O.P., I Domenicani e l’Università di Bologna (Bologna, 1988), 81; and Mulchahey, “First the Bow Is Bent in Study,” 28–34. For Padua, see Arnaldi, “Le origini dello Studio di Padova,” 205. Giulia Barone, “La legislazione sugli Studia dei predicatori e dei minori,” in Le scuole degli ordini mendicanti (secoli XIII–XIV) 11–14 ottobre 1976, Convegni del centro di studi sulla spiritualità medievale, no. 17 (Todi, 1978), 207. Caelestinus Piana, O.F.M., Chartularium studii Bononiensis S. Francisci (saec. XIII–XVII): Introductio, Analecta franciscana sive Chronica aliaque varia documenta ad historiam Fratrum Minorum spectantia, no. 11 (Florence, 1970), 10–11, refers to discordant views as to the dating of the establishment of the house between 1211 and 1221. He cites the angry reaction of Saint Francis on irst seeing the house when visiting Bologna, probably in 1221. Paolo Marangon, “I Sermones e il problema antoniano nella valutazione francescana della cultura,” Il Santo, 2nd ser., 26 (1986): 437–47, describes Antonio’s scholarly organization of his sermons. He uses two early vitae of the saint to characterize the conlict within the order over the value of learning. Marangon sees no evidence of his teaching during his time in Padua: “Gli ‘studi’ degli ordini mendicanti,” in Storia e cultura a Padova nell’età di sant’Antonio: Convegno internazionale di studi, 1–4 ottobre 1981, Padova–Monselice, Fonti e ricerche di storia ecclesiastica padovana, no. 16 (Padua, 1985), 353. Marangon, “Gli ‘studi,’” 353–54. See also, Piana, Cartularium studii bononiensis S. Francisci, pt. 1, ser. “lectorum,” 3–4. According to Siraisi, Taddeo Alderotti, 8, the Franciscan studium existed by 1236, but Saint Anthony is said to have taught theology at Bologna between 1223 and 1224: Piana, Cartularium studii bononiensis s. Francisci, pt. 1, ser. “lectorum,” 3–4. What was reported as teaching could have been preaching. The studium in Bologna very likely existed decades before it was recognized as a studium generale by the Augustinian order in 1287, but there is no documentation before that date: Siraisi, Taddeo Alderotti, 8.A modest studium preceded the studium generale established in Padua also in 1287: Mariano d’Alatri, “Panorama geograico degli studia degli ordini mendicanti: Italia,” in Le scuole degli ordini mendicanti (secoli XIII–XVI), 69. The earliest teacher or lector in the Augustinian house was a certain Augustine, who appears in this capacity in 1280–81: Marangon, Alle origini dell’Aristotelismo padovano, 80. Carmelite legislation of 1281 and 1297 refers to the order’s studia generalia, but nothing is known about earlier educational activity. Servites remained a contemplative order throughout the thirteenth century: ibid., 70.

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confound enemies of truth and vindicate Christian doctrine.86 Moneta of Cremona, who taught philosophy at San Nicolà in the second quarter of the century, demonstrated by his writings how important a good foundation in logic was to the Dominican crusade against false belief.87 His one surviving work, Adversus Catharos et Valdenses libri quinque (1243), a monumental defense of orthodox Christian doctrine against Cathars and Waldensians, used biblical texts as propositions for elaborate dialectical arguments designed to show the fallacy of the heretics’ reasoning.88 Paris-trained Rolando of Cremona, who was teaching theology at Bologna in 1258, and had likely been teaching there at diferent times since the mid-1230s, insisted in the preface to his Summa or Questiones in libros sententiarum, composed either at Toulouse or Bologna circa 1234, that philosophical knowledge was fundamental to the study of theology, “especially logic and medicine, as Augustine says in his book On Christian Doctrine; logic is valuable to it as far as form goes, medicine as far as matter.”89 Training in logic served theology by eliminating false ideas from consideration: “Logic approves arguments which are true in theology; it criticizes false ones, however, and liberates its mistess from all the clamor of false arguments.”90 Despite this assertion, the mendicant orders seem not to have taught courses in logic in their schools in the irst years of their establishment. Focused on theology and, in the case of the Dominicans, on philosophy as well, the orders presumably assumed that converts studying these disciplines had already had prior training in logic. That policy changed, irst, with the Franciscans under the leadership of Crescenzio of Iesi, minister-general of the order in 1243–47, when, despite the heavy opposition of the spiritual wing of the movement, the curriculum of the order’s studia was extended to include the artes.91 At least by 1259 the Dominicans followed suit.92 The new policy 86

87

88 89

90

91 92

Italian Cathar writings began circulating in Italy in the last decade of the twelfth century. Jean Duvernoy, Le catharisme: La religion des cathares (Toulouse, 1976), 22–26, discusses these tracts and gives a summary of various Catholic treatises written in the thirteenth century in response. Moneta is listed as teaching philosophy in Sarti and Fattorini, De claris Archigymnasii bononensis professoribus, 1:588–92. See also Thomas Kaeppeli, Scriptores Ordinis Praedicatorum Medii Aevi, vol. 3, I–S (Rome, 1980), 137–39; and Thomas Kaeppeli and Emilio Panella, Scriptores Ordinis Praedicatorum Medii Aevi, vol. 4, T–Z (Rome, 1993), 200–1. Monete cremenenses: Adversus Catharos et Valdenses libri quinque (Rome, 1743). The text is published: Quaestiones in libros Sententiarum, Liber III, ed. Aloysius Cortesi (Bergamo, 1962). The preface is published by Giuseppe Cremascoli, “La Summa di Rolando da Cremona. Il testo del prologo,” SM, 3rd ser., 16 (1975): 858–76. For bibliography on Rolando, see Kaeppeli, Scriptores Ordinis Praedicatorum, vol. 3: I–S, 330–31, and Kaeppeli and Panella, Scriptores Ordinis Praedicatorum, vol. 4, T–Z, 272. Although d’Amato, Il Domenicani, 97, has Rolando teaching at the school from 1233 until his death, the only sure date for his teaching there is 1258: Cremascoli,“La Summa di Rolando da Cremona,” 827, n. 18. The Latin passage reads: “Item in Levitico 7, 24, dicitur quod ilii Israel habebant sibi pinguedinem morticini in varios usus, et Glossa exponit quod pinguedo morticini est scientia philosophica que valde necessaria est theologie, maxime lo[g]ica et medicina, ut dicit Augustinus in libro De doctrina christiana; lo[g]ica valet ei quantum ad formam, medicina quantum ad materiam”: from the preface of the Summa, ibid., 867–68. Cremascoli cannot identify the quotation in Augustine’s writings. “Vera argumenta que fuerint in theologia, loica approbat; falsa autem reprobat et liberat dominam suam ab omni strepitu falsorum argumentorum”: ibid., 869. Alatri, “Panorama geograico,” 64–65. Acta capitulorum generalium ordinis praedicatorum, ed. Benedict M. Reichert, vol. 1 (Rome, 1898), 99 (1259): “Quod ordinetur in provinciis que indiguerint. aliquod studium arcium. vel aliqua. ubi iuvenes instruantur.”

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is relected in the earliest surviving statutes (1259) of the Dominican studium in the convent of San Nicolà in Bologna, which henceforth required that students working for the licentia study logic and natural sciences for two years.93 Giovanni of Parma, a grammaticus et magister in loyca prior to becoming a Franciscan at some time before 1247, may have had his school in Bologna.94 Thereafter, for the rest of the century, we have a series of logicians active in major Italian cities. Lapo of Florence taught natural philosophy as well as logic in 1270; Theodosio of Cremona and Reginaldo of Melanto are cited as logicians in 1273; Martin of Spain in 1275; Guglielmo of Corvi from 1274 to 1279/80; Peregino of Plumbatis in 1283; Taddeo Alderotti at some time before 1287; and Gentile of Cingoli and Guglielmo of Dessara in 1295.95 Tredecino (1262) was the earliest logician named as teaching logic in Padua, while Arezzo may have had two professors of logic as early as 1255.96 It is almost certain that the Peter of Spain, appointed professor of medicine at Siena in 1246, was not the Peter of Spain (perhaps later John XXI), author of the Summaries 0f Logic, which became the major textbook on logic for centuries.97 Ever-increasing institutionalization and, consequently, documentation of education may explain in part why we begin to know the names of logicians in the regnum after 1250, but the earlier shadowy existence of logic, when compared with what is known of grammar and rhetoric in the same period, endorses the position that it only became an important discipline in the course of the thirteenth century. And it was only after 1250 that logic ceased to be the stepsister of grammar and rhetoric and became an integral part of trivium education in the regnum as it had been in northern Europe since the eleventh century. Despite the resurrection of the study of dialectic in thirteenth-century Italy, Italians were slow to produce original work in the ield. The most creative center in Europe for the discipline remained Paris, as it had been in the twelfth century. A major subject of interest at Paris since the time of Abelard, logic constituted the major focus of the writings of Parisian philosophers “down to about 1240.”98 The paucity of philosophical works per se into the 1240s can be explained in large part 93

94 95

96

97

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D’Amato, I Domenicani, 90–92. The curriculum involved studies artium vel logicae veteris et novae for two years followed by the study naturalium for another two years. Piana, Chartularium, 6, cited in Siraisi, Taddeo Alderotti, 9. Reginaldo is cited as teaching logic; Sarti and Fattorini, De claris Archigymnasii bononensis professoribus, 1.1:593–94. Theodosio, Martino, Guglielmo, and Peregino are cited as logicians in ibid., 1593. For Lapo and Gentile, see Siraisi, Taddeo Alderotti, 9 and 43. Alderotti, whose title was medicus et professor loice et medicine, began teaching in 1264; ibid., 35. For Tredecino in Padua in 1262, see Siraisi, Arts and Sciences at Padua, 61. Guglielmo dei Corvi of Brescia taught logic there in 1274–1279/80: Siraisi, Taddeo Alderotti, 49. Helene Wieruszowski, “Arezzo as a Center of Learning and Letters in the Thirteenth Century,” Traditio 9 (1953): 335, n. 56, maintains that two teachers of grammar in the Aretine studium in 1255 were also teaching logic and rhetoric.While we cannot know that these men also taught logic, she is probably right: the studium’s statutes, which forbade anyone to teach grammar, dialectic, or medicine without licentia, suggest that logic was being taught in the city; (405, n. 1). Peter of Spain, Summaries of Logic, ed. and trans. B. Copenhaver, C. Normore, and T. Parsons (Oxford, forthcoming), 1–4. Fernand van Steenberghen, Aristote en Occident: Les Origines de l’Aristotélisme parisien (Louvain, 1946).

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by the fact that the arts faculty at Paris, aside from teaching logic, had narrow constraints on which of Aristotle’s works they could teach. Local church councils in the Paris area in 1210, 1215, and 1231 had forbidden the public teaching of Aristotle’s works on the natural sciences, so that until Roger Bacon’s Paris lectures on the Physics and Metaphysics circa 1245, artistes had to content themselves largely with teaching Aristotle through the Nichomachean Ethics.99 Although Aristotle’s libri naturales could not be taught, they could be read, and members of the faculty of theology at Paris read them. Since the time of Lombard in the mid-twelfth century, theological writings in the form of sententiae and summae had focused on organizing material drawn from the Bible and the Church Fathers by the use of dialectic with an eye to underwriting and elucidating dogma as well as to responding to moral and sacramental issues.Theologians of the twelfth century had approached the external world as consisting of a web of signs pointing toward divine truth. At the beginning of the next century, however, while a signiicant group of theologians remained loyal to that conception, others set out to exploit the mounting knowledge of the natural world conveyed in the translated Aristotelian literature in an efort to reinforce revealed truth. By the second half of the century, the outline of Aristotle’s conception of an autonomous universe subject to its own laws and impervious to divine intervention had clearly emerged from his writings. Theologians like Bonaventura and Aquino reacted by transforming theology into a speculative science aimed at creating an overarching vision of the created universe that conformed both to the teachings of the Christian faith and to what they considered the truths established by natural reason. The work of Rolando of Cremona, the most important Italian theologian of the irst half of the thirteenth century, served as a form of prelude to the more speculative writings of theology to follow. Perhaps a teacher in canon law at Bologna, Rolando joined the Dominican order in 1218–19, and then moved to Paris to study theology.100 At an unknown date he returned to Bologna, whence, in 1228, he traveled again to Paris with Jordan of Saxony to attend the meeting of the general chapter of the order in that year. Admittedly, we have no evidence of Rolando’s having studied theology in Paris between 1219 and 1228, but the fact that in May 1229 he 99

100

Ibid., 63–86 and 108–9. Cf. David Knowles, The Evolution of Medieval Thought, 2nd ed. (London and New York, 1986), 206–7. On Bacon’s Paris lectures, see van Steenberghen, Aristote en Occident, 108–9. I have based my account of Rolando’s life on Cremascoli, “La Summa di Rolando da Cremona,” 826–28. On Rolando’s teaching at Bologna before entering the Dominican Order, see Ephrem Filthaut, Roland von Cremona O.P. und die Anfänge der Scholastik im Predigerorden (Vechta, 1936), 19, who writes: “Somit bleibt also Roland bei seinem Eintritt magnus, celebris in philosophicis, und seine Zugehörigkeit zur Fakultät der Artes darf als sicher gelten.” His statement is based on the life of Rolando by Gerardo of Fracheto, Vitae fratrum ordinis praedicatorum, in Monumenta ordinis fratrum praedicatorum historica, ed. Benedict M. Reichert, vol. 1 (Rome, 1896), 26. Gerardo’s text reads: “magister Rolandus Cremonenesis, qui tunc regebat Bononiae, cuius fama celebris et excellens in philosophicis habebatur.” Written in 1272, less than thirteen years after Rolando’s death, the chronicle has a degree of authority. It is diicult to accept the position that Rolando had been a professor of medicine (in philosophicis) in that there is no indication of medical courses being taught in the studium until the second half of the century: Mulchahey, “First the Bow Is Bent in Study,” 30, n. 93, summarizes the case for his medical career.

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took his licentia docendi in theology at Paris with John of Saint Égide makes earlier training there almost certain. Coincidentally, 1229 was the year when the faculty and student body of the studium began a two-year strike.101 In the absence of teachers of theology,William of Auvergne, bishop of Paris, illed the gap by appointing the newly licensed Dominican as the irst mendicant professor of theology at Paris. After a year Rolando moved to Toulouse, which until recently had been one of the more active centers of the Albigensian heresy. There he combined teaching with an intensive preaching campaign against false doctrines. Returning to the regnum in 1234, he spent the rest of his life crusading against heresy while teaching periodically, presumably at Bologna.102 Only two of Rolando’s works survive. With his hectic career as a preacher, he may not have composed many more. The Summa, sometimes referred to as the Quaestiones, was composed either at Toulouse or immediately after his return to Italy and has been dated variously as written between 1229 and 1236. His Postilla, containing references to the Summa, was composed afterwards, between 1230 and 1250.103 In both works Rolando exhibits a wide knowledge of the newly translated scientiic literature, especially of Aristotle, whom he regarded as the magnus philosophus.104 In these works, he quotes Aristotle hundreds of times, from the De anima, Metaphysica, De caelo et mundo, and De meteorologica as well as from the Nichomachean Ethics, De animalibus, and Physica, in translations from the Arabic by Michael Scot.105 He knew the Secreta secretorum, the Centiloquium, and Ptolemy’s Almagestus and Liber quadripartitum, writings of Avicenna, Averroes, and a host of other works that deal with magic and astrology.106 In fact, seemingly overwhelmed by the sheer quantity of translated works that he had read, he used these sources in large part anecdotally. Although he repeatedly castigated Aristotle for his monumental error in believing the world eternal, he nonetheless had the highest respect for Aristotle’s authority in philosophy. At the same time, lacking an understanding of the synthetic character of Aristotle’s writings, he incorporated Aristotle’s ideas into his own thought piecemeal.107 101 102

103

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Van Steenberghen, Aristote en Occident, 79. As we have seen, we know only that he was teaching there in 1258, but it is likely that he made Bologna, the site of the Dominican studium generale since 1248, his base. On his role as inquisitor, see Francesco Santi, “Il cielo dentro l’uomo. Anime e corpi negli anni di Federico II,” in Federico II “Puer Apuliae”: Storia arte cultura. Atti del Convegno internazionale di studio in occasione dell’VIII Centenario della nascita di Federico II (Lucera, 29 marzo–2 aprile 1995), ed. Hubert Houben and Oronzo Limone (Galatina, 2001), 149–55, with bibiography. Cremascoli, “La Summa di Rolando da Cremona,” 829–30, gives the date of the Summa. For that of the Postilla, see Dondaine, “Un commentaire scriptuaire,” 123. Dondaine, “Un commentaire scriptaire,” 130. Charles R. Hess, “Roland of Cremona’s Place in the Current of Thought,” Angelicum 45 (1968): 432, maintains that Rolando’s two works together refer to “practically all the Stagirite’s works.” Santi, “Il cielo dentro l’uomo,” 149–55. Dondaine, “Un commentaire scriptuaire,” 127, characterizes Rolando’s use of the Aristotelian texts as follows: “Philosophe, Roland l’est in ce sens qu’il tente d’étayer le donné de foi par des arguments d’ordre rationnel, mais il le fait avec un esprit très peu métaphysicien. Le plus souvent il demeure au plan de la physique et de l’expérience.” Nonetheless, Alexander Brungs, “Roland von Cremona O.P.,” 27–51, argues for the originality of some of Rolando’s philosophical and theological positions.

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If somewhat less well-read in the new scientiic literature, Rolando’s colleague at Bologna, Moneta of Cremona, showed a similar appreciation of its importance for the study of theology.108 We know nothing certain about Moneta’s education either before or after his joining the Dominican order in Bologna around 1219/20. Like Rolando, he was said to have been a teacher in the city’s schools, who joined the order in 1219/20 and taught at San Nicolà while intermittently traveling in the regnum as an inquisitor.109 The title of his one surviving work, Adversus Catharos et Valdenses, inaccurately represents the book in that, while most of the text is taken up with refuting the false beliefs of two popular heresies by the use of biblical citations, Moneta devotes some of the later parts of the volume to an attack on the heretical beliefs of contemporary intellectuals by means of arguments drawn from the Church Fathers and Greek and Arab scientiic works.110 He directs his arguments against two principal theses, the eternity of the world and the mortality of the human soul, theses that also bring into question the belief in freedom of the will.111 Regarding the eternity of the world, he maintains that Aristotle never believed that the thesis could be proven by necessary reasons.112 The writings of these two Dominican writers represent an early stage in the process of integration of Greek and Arabic philosophical traditions into Christian revelation that would appear largely completed in the architectonic constructions of thinkers in the second half of the century. As lecturers at San Nicolò, Rolando and Moneta imbued dozens of mendicant converts with an appreciation of their approach to theological questions. Doubtless the local statutes of 1259, imposing the study of logic and natural science on newly entering friars, relect their approach. It might be assumed as well that Dominican theologians at Padua and Franciscan theologians in both cities were also receptive to integrating the natural sciences into their theological lessons. Probably open to laymen, as we know they were later in the century, the lectures on philosophy and theology in mendicant studia would have 108

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Of Aristotle’s works, he refers to the Physicsa, Metaphysica, De caelo, Nichomachean Ethics, De generatione, and Boethius’s commentary on the De interpretatione. Of the Arab philosophers he cites ibn Gabirol (“Avicembron”), Avicenna, Abu¯ Ma‘shar (“Albumazar”), and al-Gha¯zalī (Algazel). Gerardo of Fracheto, Vitae fratrum ordinis Praedicatorum, 169, describes him as “magister Moneta, qui tunc in artibus legens in tota Lombardia famosus erat.” In introducing these arguments in Adversus Catharos et Valdenes, he begins (416): “In hoc autem non arguo catharos, ne pauperes Ultramontanos aut Lombardos sed quosdam qui ut sine fraeno possint vivere ad reatum suum istud apud se coninxerunt quorum errorem describit liber Sapientie capite 2.” At one point earlier on (23–24), when explaining the heretics’ belief in Manichaeism, he cites their use of Aristotle to justify their positions: “Non solum autem testimoniis scripturarum innituntur praedicti heretici, sed etiam rationibus quibusdam, quae eis naturales, vel logicae videntur, cum tamen sophisticae sint. Quod enim duo principia sint volunt haberi per hoc dictum Aristotelis: ‘contrariorum contraria sunt principia’; cum ergo principia contraria erunt. Cum ergo bonum it a principio, et bono Deo, malum erit a principio, idest Deo malo.” Adversus Catharos et Valdenes, 416–30, 477–506, and 549–60. He states that his arguments for the soul’s immortality are based on William of Auvergne’s De immortalitate animae (1240). Santi, “Il cielo dentro l’uomo,” 161–70, discusses the use of an early interpretation of Averroes by Rolando, William of Auvergne, and Michael Scot to argue against William of Auxerre for the unity of the individual soul. Adversus Catharos et Valdenses, 496: “Rationibus mundi novitas demonstratur, et quod Aristoteles nunquam credidit probationes suas esse necessarias rationes ad demonstrandum mundi eternitatem.”

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exerted a wide inluence on intellectuals outside the mendicant orders as well.113 The difusion of the speculative theologies of Bonaventura and Aquino began only in the 1250s, but these earlier eforts to synthesize the natural sciences with theology prepared Italians for acceptance of them. Italian studia of the mendicant orders would not become major contributors to theological thought in the second half of the thirteenth century. This was partly because little osmosis existed between their faculties and the faculties of the local communal studia, in contrast with the situations at Paris, Oxford, and Cambridge. Paris, moreover, remained the intellectual magnet for intellectually gifted Italian mendicants, and the studium there exercised a preeminent claim on the best among them to stay on as masters. Major theologians served terms as teachers in Italian mendicant studia, but only as mature scholars, and rarely for long in any one place. At the same time, without question the mendicant orders succeeded by the end of the century in bringing theology to the fore as a major aspect of Italian intellectual life.They faced a more diicult task in the regnum than north of the Alps, where learned culture remained the dominion of ecclesiastics. In the regnum, aside from the ield of canon law, clerics had largely abandoned the ield of higher education to laymen as they had that of secondary education. Consequently, the friars had to combat a society where secular learning largely prevailed. That they succeeded in reviving theological interests in the course of the second half of the thirteenth century is a testimony to their religious commitment and their exceptional educational skills.114 By these decades the single greatest intellectual challenge posed to the new theology arose from the ambitious claims of natural scientists eager to develop the implications of Aristotle’s concept of a self-contained universe. A conlict at this theoretical level would have been inconceivable a century earlier when neither theology nor philosophy nor the natural sciences enjoyed much inluence in the scholarly community of the regnum. By 1300, though rhetoric and law maintained their position as the most prominent disciplines, the intellectual life of the regnum had become decidedly more varied and receptive to a broader exploration of human experience.

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Charles T. Davis, “Education in Dante’s Florence,” in his Dante’s Italy and Other Essays (Philadelphia, 1984), 146–47, describes the inluence on the young poet of the lectures given at Santa Croce and Santa Maria Novella. In an essay originally published in 1955, Paul O. Kristeller pointed out that scholasticism developed in Italy only in the second half of the thirteenth century, contemporaneously with humanism: “Humanism and Scholasticism in the Italian Renaissance,” Renaissance Thought and Its Sources, ed. Michael Mooney (New York, 1979), 100: “The common notion that scholasticism as an old philosophy was superseded by the new philosophy of humanism is thus again disproved by plain facts. For Italian scholasticism originated toward the end of the thirteenth century, that is, about the same time as did Italian humanism, and both traditions developed side by side throughout the period of the Renaissance and even thereafter.”

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Chapter 11

The Development of the Traditional Disciplines and the Resolution of the Crisis of Language

his chapter traces the path of the traditional Italian disciplines in the period 1180–1250. While French inluences had varying degrees of efect on three of the ive principal subjects taught at Bologna – grammar, rhetoric, and Roman law – the two others – the ars notarie and canon law – developed largely on their own. All, however, relected the increasing institutionalization of learning in their ambition to deine and structure the material pertaining to their particular areas of knowledge. By 1250 the three-tiered educational scheme characteristic of early modern Italy consisting of elementary, secondary, and university levels, was irmly in place.

T

THE NEW LATIN GRAMMARS

What were the long-term efects of the theoretical approach of French grammar on Italian grammarians? We must wait until the third quarter of the thirteenth century for the emergence of Italians who outdistanced the French-inspired author of the Summa artis grammatice (the third quarter of the twelfth century) in their interest in linguistic theory. Both Matteo of Bologna (l. 1270s) and Gentile of Cingoli (d. early fourteenth century) appear to have studied in Paris.1 There in the 1260s 1

Martin Grabmann,“Die Entwicklung der mittelalterlichen Sprachlogik: Tractatus de modis signiicandi” Mittelalterliches Geistesleben: Abhandlungen zur Geschichte der Scholastik und Mystik, 3 vols. (Munich, 1926–56), 1:138–39, was the irst to attribute the Quaestiones super grammaticam et modos signiicandi et super grammaticam, in Bamberg, Staatsbibliothek, Lat. e VII, 59, fols. 94v–101v, to Matteo of Bologna, of whom nothing else is known. He has been deined as a premodist: see Irène Rosier-Catach, “Mathieu de Bologne et les divers aspects du prémodisme,” and her edition of Matteo’s Quaestiones in L’insegnamento della logica a Bologna nel XIV secolo, eds. Dino Buzzetti, Maurizio Ferriani, and Andrea Tabarroni, Studi e memorie per la storia dell’Università di Bologna, n.s., no. 8 (Bologna, 1992), 73–108 and 109–64. On the basis of her analysis of the character of Matteo’s approach, she argues that he likely studied in Paris in the years ca. 1265–70 and that the Quaestiones was probably written ca. 1270 (74 and 103). Cf. Jan Pinborg, Die Entwicklung der Sprachtheorie im Mittelalter, Beiträge zur Geschichte der Philosophie und Theologie des Mittelalters, no. 42, pt. 2 (Munich and Copenhagen, 1947), 63–66; and Gian Carlo Alessio, “I trattati di Giovanni del Virgilio,” IMU 24 (1981): 168, n. 29. Gentile of Cingoli probably irst taught grammar and later the natural sciences at Bologna. Gian Carlo Alessio, “Il commento di Gentile da Cignoli a Martino di Dacia,” discusses his comment on Martin of Dacia’s Tractatus modorum and edits Gentile’s Quaestiones XIII et commentario in Martini

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they encountered a group of thinkers known as Modists, who were committed to the goal of establishing the universal principles of human language – that is, the essential properties of language shared by all the world’s peoples. Beginning with the thesis that implicit in a word are its modi signiicandi, the total of all its possible relationships to other words, they argued that each of these modi had a conceptual referent or modus intelligendi, which in turn relected in thought a particular aspect of external being, a modus essendi. Ultimately, to understand the universal principles of language was to understand the nature of reality.2 The writings of Matteo and Gentile, however, lie beyond the chronological scope of our analysis. In contrast with these grammarian-philosophers, mainstream Italian grammarians in the thirteenth century followed Bene – minus his frequent use of dialectical analysis – in adapting French theory to the practical purpose of language teaching. French manuals of grammar attracted these specialists because they provided an extensive analysis of Latin syntax that was missing in older grammars. Once aware of the insuiciency of the traditional pedagogic approach in teaching their discipline, Italian grammarians could no longer omit a detailed treatment of syntax when writing grammar books, and they liberally borrowed material from French authors for that purpose. Nevertheless, they rarely went beyond the practical needs of teaching the language to indulge in extensive theorizing regarding syntactical relationships.3 Instances where they did were limited to allusions to the potential philosophical implications of language. Like Bene in the late 1190s, they frequently borrowed terminology from French grammarians – terms such as suppositum, appositum, regere, determinare – and followed

2

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Dacii Modos signiicandi in L’insegnamento della logica a Bologna, 3–71. Alessio dates the work to the 1290s: 7. The last sure date that we have for his life is 1302: Andrea Tabarroni, “Gentile e Angelo sul Peryerminias e i maestri di logica a Bologna all’inizio del XIV secolo,” L’insegnamento della logica a Bologna, 408–9. Cf. Gian Carlo Alessio, “La grammatica speculativa e Dante,” Letture classensi 13 (1984): 69–88, for Modism’s inluence on Dante. See also Gentile’s Quaestiones supra Prisciano minori, ed. Romana Martorelli Vico (Bologna, 1985). The editor dates the work as written in the 1290s (xii and xx–xxii). For the problem of Gentile of Cingoli’s chronology, see my Chapter 9, n. 102. Shortly after 1300 Bertoluccio di Bondi composed his Flores veritatis grammatice along modist lines: Alessio, “I trattati,” 161–62, 180, and 185, with its rich bibliography. Geofrey L. Bursill-Hall, Speculative Grammars of the Middle Ages:The Doctrine of the ‘Partes orationis’ of the Modistae (The Hague and Paris, 1971), 88–114; Michael A. Covington, Syntactic Theory in the High Middle Ages: Modistic Models of Sentence Structure (Cambridge and London, 1984), 30–31. Costantino Marmo, Semiotica e linguaggio nella scolastica: Parigi, Bologna, Erfurt, 1270–1330: La semiotica dei Modisti (Rome, 1994). The character of the Italian manuals is concisely described by Charles Thurot, Extraits de divers manuscrits latins pour servir à l’histoire des doctrines grammaticales au Moyen-Âge, Notices et extraits des manuscrits de la Bibliothèque impériale et autres bibliothèques, vol. no. 22, pt. 2 (Paris, 1869), 92: “la dialectique et la métaphysique ne pénètrèrent pas dans l’enseignement grammatical. Jean de Gênes, dans l’abrégé de grammaire qui constitue les premières parties de son Catholicon, se contente d’exposer les règles sans chercher à les raisonner. Les autres grammaires faites par des Italiens ont le même caractère.” After characterizing Bene’s speculative tendencies, Anna Maria Velli, “La Summa grammatice di Bene da Firenze” (thesis, Dott. di Ricerca, University of Florence, 1989), 81–82, concludes: “A questo riguardo, è forse possibile che il desiderio di sperimentare efettivamente una impostazione, seppure parziale, più logico-ilosoica che normativa, sia stata in realtà frenata in Bene ed in altri suoi contemporanei, da esigenze pratiche contingenti di tipo squisitamente didattico, informate al rispetto di una ormai consolidata tradizione.”

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the northern manner of organizing the presentation of the material.4 Two pedagogic French grammars, the Doctrinale of Alexander of Villedieu, published in 1199, and Évrard of Béthune’s Graecismus, published in 1216, were especially inluential. The result of this qualiied dependence on French models was that, while maintaining the practical focus of their manuals, Italian grammarians insistently utilized a language and a manner of presentation that served to dignify their profession in confrontations with other disciplines. The Donatus of Bene’s contemporary Maestro Mayfredo of Belmonte, written in the third decade of the thirteenth century, represents such an attempt to integrate theory with the practical needs of teaching.5 His treatise, found in Biblioteca Capitolare, Ivrea, 7, published in 1225, treated in order the noun (2), verb (28), preposition (44), participle (65), pronoun (71), adverb (98), interjection (107), and conjunction (107). Under each general rubric he provided an elaborate analysis of the modi signiicandi of key terms used in grammatical analyses in general, as well as of terms speciically connected with the individual topic being discussed. In each case rules of usage followed the deinitions. Mayfredo relied almost entirely on quotations taken from classical sources for his examples. The treatment of the noun, with its painstaking efort to establish distinctions between the various meanings of the term nomen, set the pattern for a long survey of the parts of speech. After providing fourteen senses of the term, the author settled on the last as his present meaning: “The noun is the part of speech that distributes the common quality of the bodies or things concerned with each.”6 He then proceeded to deine terms such as pars, signiicatio, substantia, and accidens involved in explaining this deinition. Mayfredo’s language at points borders on the theoretical, as in his treatment of numerus, whose meaning was crucial to an understanding of singular and plural nouns: “Therefore it is to be seen what number is and how many numbers there are and what is the cause of invention for such an accident and in what number resides and many other unclear matters.”7 His explanation of the origin of number and “many unclear matters,” however, is strictly practical: “The cause of invention of such an accident was so that we might avoid confusion and have a distinction. For it is necessary to make distinctions about one or about many in speaking, and thus each thing is signiied as it exists. If, however, one asks in what this accident lies, we say that it is a consignifying accident and that it is both in the thing and in the one speaking and the one comprehending.”8 4

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For examples of the use of this terminology by Italian grammarians, see Robert Black, Humanism and Education in Medieval and Renaissance Italy:Tradition and Innovation in Latin Schools from the Twelfth to the Fifteenth Century (Cambridge and New York, 2001), 93–96. According to Giuseppe Capello, “Maestro Manfredo e maestro Sion, grammatici vercellesi del Duecento,” Aevum 17 (1943): 59, Mayfredo began teaching in 1210 in Vercelli and wrote his work ifteen years later. “Nomen est pars orationis quae unicuique subjectorum corporum seu rerum communem qualitatem distribuit”; Bibl. Cap. Ivrea, 7, 2. “Videndum est ergo quid sit numerus et quot sint numeri et que sit causa inventionis in tali accidente et cui insit numerus et cetera dubitabilia”; ibid., 10. “Causa autem inventionis in tali accidente fuit ut vitaremus confusionem et haberemus distinctionem. Oportet enim distinctiones facere loquendo de uno vel de pluribus et ita quelibet res

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Whereas in contrast to Donatus and Priscian, thirteenth-century French grammarians of both the secondary and advanced levels broke with their twelfth-century predecessors by substituting passages of their own creation for those taken from ancient models to illustrate their grammatical prescriptions, this was not the case in Italy.9 Both in his grammar and his dictaminal work, Bene depended heavily on ancient authors for examples of his rules or as endorsement of his prescriptions, as did Mayfredo of Belmonte, Balbi of Genoa, and Sion of Vercelli. Pietro of Isolella cited them less in his grammar, but in his section on metrics, models from ancient authors dominated.10 In short, Italian grammar books largely relected their authors’ commitment to the ancient literary inheritance as the basis for correct speech. As already suggested at various points in the analysis, interest in ancient writers never died out. Even after 1130, as the rhetorical-legalistic mentality intensiied, their works enjoyed perhaps a smaller audience, but they were still being read, if passively. The reticence to refer to the ancient literary tradition changed after 1190. Grammarians were not alone in expressing the new attitude. Boncompagno demonstrated, by his oblique references to ancient authors and his intense desire to compete with Cicero, how highly they were regarded in his generation. As we shall see, from circa 1190, the ancient writers made their appearances in the legal discussions of Roman lawyers as well. While there is no way to prove that the ancients were studied to a greater or lesser degree in the schools after 1190, it is clear from their emergence in the texts that Italian attitudes toward the ancients were changing. For centuries Italians had hallowed the ancient Roman inheritance but had used it timidly. Now they were actively embracing it to further contemporary goals. RHETORIC: ARS DICTAMINIS

Despite Boncompagno’s repugnance of grammarized rhetoric, French inluence acted as a tonic for Italian dictamen. The discipline had been codiied by the 1150s and had remained without signiicant innovation until the last decade of the century. It would be diicult to identify a single Italian dictator of the status of Alberico, Adalberto, or Bernardo in these intervening years.The ifty years following, between 1200 and 1250, however, were to witness an amazing variety of elite dictaminal styles. French dictamen was not the only external inluence at play in this development; it shared responsibility with the newly French-inspired interest in preaching to be discussed later.

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signiicatur prout se habet. Si autem queritur cui insit accidens dicimus quod est accidens consigniicatum et inest rei tum et inest vocanti licet comprehendenti”; ibid., 11. This contradicts Black’s position that with the introduction of French manual literature, the Italians followed current French practice of constructing their own grammatical examples and neglected the classics: Humanism and Education, 198. Black (ibid.) also cites Henry of Andely’s La bataille des VII. ars, in which Henry laments the loss of interest in the classical authors in the middle decades of the thirteenth century: but see above, Chapter 8, under “The Decline of French Humanism.” Throughout the Compendium grammatice the associations are classical: Charles Fierville, Une grammaire latine inédite du XIIIe siècle, extraite des manuscrits nº 465 de Laon et nº 15462 (fonds latin) de la Bibliothèque Nationale (Paris, 1886), 7–173. He speciically cites Horace and Seneca in the preface (7); and Lucan (32 and 36). In his chapter “De re metrica,” 94–108, of the twenty-six illustrations of the rules given, twenty-four are from ancient poets.

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Besides the stilus humilis at least three new styles developed in the irst ifty years of the century. The most imposing of the three, the one preferred by the papal dictatores for the most important correspondence from the pontiicate of Honorius III (1217–27) and by the imperial chancery from about 1221, was the stilus rhetoricus.11 Conceived unambiguously as “oratorical,” the stilus rhetoricus was marked by frequent interjections and interrogatives, creating the impression of deep feeling. With this style the papal chancery attained a level of diction unknown since the correspondence of Gregory VII; after him the free low of creativity had been throttled by the papal chancery’s embrace of stilus humilis. Just as Gregory’s letters had been connected with a period of great interest in the Bible for polemical purposes, so it was that a parallel connection existed between the Italian stilus rhetoricus and the new interest in preaching that began in Francia with Maurice of Sully at Paris in the last half of the twelfth century and spread to Italy, especially with the ascension of Innocent III (1198–1216).12 Particularly inluential in the stylistic development of the new form, however, was the crusade sermon, which had had its origins in the late eleventh century.13 The masters of the style displayed an attraction to rhymed prose strongly reminiscent of the Vulgate. Parallelism in the syntactical structure of clauses composing the sentence – that is, in their length – invited the use of both rhyme and cursus in their respective opening and closing syllables. Echoes and actual quotations of biblical passages were ubiquitous. Because it was a diicult style to use and time-consuming to write, only the most gifted dictator could compose in stilus rhetoricus. One senses the beginnings of the style in the diction of Innocent III with its measured expressions of pathos, often reinforced by biblical quotations, but the 11

12 13

Selected letters of Honorius III are found in Epistolae saec. XIII e regestis pontiicum romanorum selectae, ed. Carl Rodenberg, MGH, Epistolae saeculi XIII e regestis pontiicorum selectae, no. l (Berlin, 1883). The new style seems to have afected imperial letters beginning with those of February 10, 1221: Jean Louis-Alphonse-Huillard-Bréholles, ed. Historia diplomatica Friderici secundi, 6 vols. (Paris, 1852–61), vol. 2, pt. l, 123–26. The Historia diplomatica contains Honorius’s complete correspondence with Frederick II, as does Honorii III romani pontiicis Opera omnia quae exstant, ed. César A. Horoy et al., 5 vols. (Paris, 1879–82), vol. 5. For bibliography on the style, see my “Medieval Ars Dictaminis and the Beginnings of Humanism: A New Construction of the Problem,” Renaissance Quarterly 35 (1982): 14–15, n. 32. In his superb analysis of the letters of Pietro della Vigna and their inluence on Latin rhetoric in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. Benoît Grévin, Rhétorique du pouvoir médiéval: les Lettres de Pierre de la Vigne et la formation du language politique européen (XIIIe–XVe siècle), Bibliothèque des Écoles françaises d’ Athènes et de Rome, no. 339 (Rome, 2008), 135, n. 46, points out that the term stilus rhetoricus is anachronistic. Essentially he maintains that letters written in this style can be assimilated “au stylus orléanais, sur la base de leur commune complexité” (135). In my view, however, the style of this kind of papal letter is distinct from the oicial correspondence of either the papacy or any other European chancery in the twelfth century and should be distinguished with its own title. The same distinction should be made in regard to the imperial chancery. On the development of preaching, see Chapter 8, under “French Rhetoric.” Hans-Martin Schaller, “Die Kanzlei Kaiser Friedrich II: Ihr Personal und ihr Sprachstil,” Archiv für Diplomatik, Schriftengeschichte, Siegel- und Wappenkunde 4 (1958): 279–81, in his important article on chancery style identiies the crusade sermon as having had an important inluence on the stilus rhetoricus. He does not discuss the broader efects on Italian dictamen of the revival of preaching in general, but he provides a rich analysis of other inluences afecting the development of the style; see 281–89.

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emotional intensity of the expression decidedly increased under his successor in the 1220s. Here is an example from the chancery of Honorius III, a letter written in 1226 by the pope to Frederick II complaining about the emperor’s ingratitude toward the Church: Oh God! What remnants of hope remain for others in such a son, if he causes a loving mother to despair? O God! What fragments of favor will others garner from a ward like this, if such a useful guardian is assailed with slanderous barbs? Oh God! How many demanding eforts did the Church waste if the vine-sprout that it planted and cultivated with intense labor is transformed into a bitter foreign vine, since it is less costly to produce no fruits rather than harmful ones. O what plentiful and bitter tears Innocent, our predecessor of happy memory, shed for you! O with what care he worked so that he might snatch you from the hands of those wishing to harm you, that he might free you from the snares of those plotting against you, and (as it were) snatch you from the jaws of death! Behold what repayment imperial generosity would ofer him! Behold how regal magniicence would compensate him, when he is said secretly to plot against the life of his ward and quietly plunder his property!14

This style of letter writing generally circulated in the form of two collections of letters composed at the papal curia, those of Tommaso of Capua and Riccardo of Poi.15 A second new style, and one that adapted the stilus rhetoricus for its own purposes, was the stilus obscurus.The Bolognese-trained dictator Pietro della Vigna (1190?–1249), who became Frederick II’s chancellor, is considered its originator. Called obscurus probably because of the intensive use of the full range of colores rhetorici so as to maximize the symbolic potentiality of the language, this style had a complexity in its expression of ideas that often demanded a hermeneutical analysis of the contents in order to determine the intent of the author. As might be expected, the tendency to ambiguity was even greater in private correspondence.16 While these decidedly 14

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Epistolae saeculi XIII, 217: “Ha Deus, que in tali ilio aliis spei reliquie relinquuntur, si mater tam diligens desperare cogatur? Ha Deus, que de tali pupillo fragmenta favoris ceteri colligent, si tutrix tam utilis iaculis detractionis impetitur? Ha Deus, quot et quantos labores amisit ecclesia, si palmes, quem multo sudore plantavit et coluit, in amaritudinem vitis convertitur aliene, cum sit minoris dispendii nullos fructus producere quam nocivos. O quam uberes lacrimas, quam amaras felicis recordationis predecessor noster Innocentius pro te fudit! O, quanta sollicitudine laboravit, ut, te a nocentium eriperet manibus, insidiantium laqueis liberaret, et quasi de mortis faucibus extorqueret! Ecce, quid retributionis eidem imperialis liberalitas aferat! Ecce, quid regalis magniicentia recompenset, dum pupilli vite insidiator occultus dicitur et bonorum tacitus spoliator!” For Tommaso of Capua, see Emmy Heller, “Der kuriale Geschäftsgang in den Briefen des Thomas von Capua,” Archiv für Urkundenforschung 13 (1935), 198–318. See also Collectio monumentorum veterum et recentium ineditorum, ed. Simon F. Hahn, 2 vols. (Brunswick, 1724–26), 1:279–385. On Riccardo da Poi , see Ernst Batzer, “Zur Kenntnis der Formularsammlung des Richard von Poi,” Heidelberger Abhandlungen zur mittleren und neueren Geschichte, 28 (1910): 1–149. Peter Herde is editing Poi ’s letters for the Monumenta Germaniae historica. The mid–thirteenth-century jurist Odolfredo referred to Pietro’s style as “supremus”: “Unde volentes obscure loqui et in supremo stilo, ut faciunt summi doctores et sicut faciebat Petrus de Vineis”: Nino Tamassia, “Odolfredus: Studio storico-giuridico,” Atti e memorie della deputazione storia

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literary traits suggest French inluence, the heavy reliance on echoes of the Psalms and the Song of Solomon both in vocabulary and imagery likely derived from associations with the sermon. A thorough study of the efect of the papal letter collections in the regnum has yet to be done, but we are well informed as to the efects of della Vigna’s collection on letter writing in this area in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. In the half-century after 1245, the Hohenstaufen chancery inspired prologues in a number of key Bolognese legal documents, and in the decades after 1250 echoes of its language are to be found in the phraseology of the Florentine chancery.17 Although only one Florentine oicial letter survives from this period (1258), it seems probable that Brunetto Latini, the republic’s chancellor for many years until his death in 1294, wrote important diplomatic correspondence in this style. Northern Italian Ghibellines late in the century found the collection an excellent source of both formal elements and ideas.18 However, in the fourteenth century, despite the fact that letters from della Vigna’s collection continued to be favorite choices for model letters in ars dictaminis manuals, the style appears to have ceased exercising much inluence. Consummate writers, primarily Dante and Cola di Rienzo, drew heavily on della Vigna in composing their own letters, but generally notaries in communal and princely chanceries were content to rely on stilus humilis to communicate their governments’ intentions.19 The last of the three styles remained closely related to the humilis in its straightforward character of sentence construction. At the same time it was similar to the obscurus in its use of igurative language, especially its frequent borrowing of biblical imagery. Just as there was a tendency for private correspondence in obscurus style to be more complex than oicial letters in it, so this third style, essentially a stilus medius, could serve authors who used stilus humilis in their public correspondence when writing in their own name. Paradoxically, Boncompagno was the irst to employ the stilus medius in the preface to the Palma of 1197, and it reappeared in some of his letters, Rota Veneris, Liber amicitiae, and the introduction to his law treatises, such as the Oliva.20 Similarly, Bene

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patria per le provincie di Romagna, ser. 3, 12 (1894): 388. I have not seen the new edition of the letters: Friderici II. Imperatoris epistulae. Petrus de Vinea. Novam editionem, ed. Johannes R. Iselius, 2 vols. (Hildesheim, 1991). Piero’s style has been the subject of a number of studies: Ettore Paratore, “Alcune caratteri dello stile della cancellaria federicana,” Antico e nuovo (Rome, 1965), 117–63; Otto Vehse, Die ämtliche Propaganda in der Staatskunst Kaiser Friedrichs II (Munich, 1929), 137–75; Francesco Di Capua, “Lo stile della curia romana e il cursus nelle epistole di Pier della Vigna,” Giornale italiano di ilologia 2 (1949): 97–116; and Hans-Martin Schaller, “Epistolario di Pier delle Vigne,” Politica e cultura nell’Italia di Federico II, ed. Sergio Gensini (Pisa, 1986), 95–111. As said in n. 11 above, the major work on the della Vigna’s letters is Benoît Grévin, Rhétorique du pouvoir médiéval. Grévin is right to consider this style to be identical to the “stilus Aurelianensis.” The style, however, is new in Italy. Grévin, Rhétorique du pouvoir médiéval, 751 and 769–73. Ibid., 781–95. On the use of della Vigna’s collection in manuals of ars dictaminis, see ibid., 750–66. On Dante and Cola, see 795–822. Carl Sutter, Aus Leben und Schriften des Magisters Boncompagno: Ein Beitrag zur italienischen Kulturgeschichte im Dreizehnten Jahrhundert (Freiburg im Breisgau, 1894), 105–6, Palma; 81–82, Rota Veneris; and 67–68, Oliva. The term stilus medius is my term and is not a distinction made in thirteenth-century manuals.

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of Florence prefaced his Candelabrum with a short introduction replete with biblical echoes: “This present work is called the Candelabrum because it is recognized as ofering the clearest knowledge of writing to people long walking in the shadows of ignorance. Wherefore you, to whom it is given to know the mystery of truth, hasten with happy heart to the light of this work, certain beyond all doubt that if you taste of the fountain of this well, that of the Egyptians will no longer please you.”21 Guido Faba demonstrated a similar preference for this new style when composing his prefaces.22 A bitter enemy of the school of Orléans and its literary treatment of the letter, Boncompagno seems here to have been an innovator moved to wield the weapons of his enemies in exploiting the possibilities for eloquence created by the new emphasis on preaching. Nonetheless, he was cautious. Although he displayed his rhetorical powers in key places in his works, the basic message of his manuals was that students should adhere to the simple style by which they could earn their livelihood. While summa manuals of Bene and Boncompagno ofered wide-ranging discussions of dictaminal theory and exhibited knowledge of a wide range of ancient authors, those of later Bolognese rhetoricians, beginning with Faba, tended to treat dictaminal rules in a straightforward manner as uncontroversial and with few exceptions, nodded to only rarely in the direction of antiquity. In this way rhetoricians after Boncompagno realized his intention to separate rhetoric clearly from grammar in their works. In any case, throughout Italy by the end of the century the traditional stilus humilis reasserted its monopoly on chancery style. The destruction of the Hohenstaufen court certainly contributed to this result, but the eminent practicality of the humble style for highly coded diplomatic exchanges on a European-wide basis was certainly the major reason. Exceptional dictatores could use them, but for most notaries the complex styles were beyond their capacities. THE NEW ARTS OF RHETORIC

While traditional Italian ars dictaminis confronted French inluence head on, two new genres of rhetoric emerged in the early decades of the thirteenth century, assuming their basic form by 1230, and they appear to have been immune from controversy. One, ars predicandi, was of transalpine origin but traveled easily, while the other, ars arengandi, was and remained purely Italian. As Chapter 8 pointed out, although initially concentrated in Paris, the interest in preaching intensiied throughout western Europe from the second half of the twelfth century. By the last decades of the century it was serving as a major weapon in the Church’s battle against the Cathar heresy and became the deining activity of the Dominicans and Franciscans. 21

22

Candelabrum Bene lorentini, ed. Gian Carlo Alessio (Padua, 1983), 3: “Presens opus Candelabrum nominatur, quia populo dudum in tenebris ignorantie ambulanti lucidissimam dictandi peritiam cognoscitur exibere. Unde ad huius operis lumen vos quibus datum est nosse misterium veritatis gratulanti animo properate certi, procul dubio, quod si gustaveritis ex hoc fonte cisterne vobis Egiptiorum amplius non placebunt.” See Ernst Kantorowicz, “An Autobiography of Guido Faba,” Mediaeval and Renaissance Studies 1 (1943): 253–80.

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The sermon manual or ars predicandi, as it developed after 1200, provided a consistent formal structure for sermon composition designed to guide the increasing numbers of clerics who were expected to preach.23 Presumably it played a role in the education of both regular and secular clergy and in time became an integral part of the training given to mendicant friars. Although there is little indication that the authors of the early manuals intended their instructions for anything but Latin sermons, once the lessons had been learned, they were applicable as well to sermons in the vernacular. Given the fragmentary character of surviving sermon literature in Italy for the twelfth and most of the thirteenth centuries, it is extremely diicult to trace the earliest efects of the new rules on sermon composition.24 Regrettably missing are the sermons delivered by renowned Italian preachers like the Dominicans Giovanni and Bartolomeo of Vicenza or the Franciscan Gherardo of Modena, three preachers who in 1233 generated the sweeping peace demonstrations that led to the paciication of Lombardy in that year.25 The surviving sermons by Paris-trained Anthony of Padua (1231), composed around 1228, however, relect the new French practice in that, immediately after the announcement of the theme of the sermon, a second biblical verse or protheme followed. Expounded briely, this second device served as an introduction to the theme, which was announced again, and then the sermon began. The detailed explanations given to key words in both the theme and protheme, distinguishing the various senses of each word, providing biblical references for each sense, and multiplying meanings by use of allegory, clearly identify Anthony’s model as French sermon style.26 The earliest surviving sermon (ca. 1230) of Federico Visconti (d. 1277) also bears witness to the inluence of the recent development in French ars predicandi. Born in Pisan territory around 1200, Visconti studied at Bologna and Paris as a young man. (He did so twice in Paris, irst probably about 1230 and a second time after 1236).27 One of his earliest sermons (1231), delivered in Pisa before the archbishop, 23

24

25

26

27

Richard H. Rouse and Mary A. Rouse, Preachers, Florilegia and Sermons: Studies on the “Manipulus lorum” of Thomas of Ireland (Toronto, 1979), 43–64; and Siegfried Wenzel, “The Arts of Preaching,” The Cambridge History of Literary Criticism. vol. 2: The Middle Ages, ed. Alstair Minnis and Ian Johnson (Cambridge, 2005), 84–96. Also for this section on ars predicandi and ars arengandi, see Chapter 7 and the text and notes to my “In the Footsteps of the Ancients,” 353–59. Louis-Jacques Bataillon, “La predicazione dei religiosi mendicanti del secolo XIII nell’Italia centrale,” Mélanges de l’École française de Rome, no. 89 (1977): 691–92, contrasts the diference between the survival of sermon literature in France and in Italy in the thirteenth century. André Vauchez, “Une campagne de paciication en Lombardie autour de 1232: L’action politique des ordres mendiants d’après la réforme des statuts communaux et les accords de paix,” Mélanges d’archéologie et d’histoire 78 (1966): 503–9.The names of about a dozen preachers participating in this drive for peace are known (506–11). An analysis of his sermon form is found in Gustavo Cantini, “La technica et l’indole del sermone medievale ed i sermoni di Antonio di Padova,” Studi franciscani 6 (1934): 60–80 and 195–224. See also, R. P. Arsène Le Carou, “Les sermons de St.-Antoine de Padoue,” La France franciscaine 16 (1933): 44–57. Les sermons et la visite pastorale de Federico Visconti, archevêque de Pise (1242–77), ed. Nicole Bériou and Isabelle Le Masne de Chermont (Rome, 2001), 42. The date of the irst sermon in his collection is given in ibid., 100.

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was in large part a plagarism of a sermon given by the French preacher John of La Rochelle.28 Although there are exceptions, the great majority of the sermons in his collection, like this one, began with a theme followed by a protheme and adhered closely to the precepts of contemporary French practices of preaching.29 The use of the French ars predicandi carried over from Latin to vernacular sermonizing as seen in a popular preacher like Giordano of Pisa (d. 1310) and would continue to dictate the rules to preachers up into the ifteenth century.30 Despite the popularity of the new form of sermon in Italy, it does not appear that, at least during the thirteenth century, Italians tried to compete with transalpine authors by writing their own ars predicandi. Possibly, an exception was a preaching manual likely authored by Tommaso of Pavia (l . 1249–56) but ascribed in the manuscripts to Bonaventura.31 Although Italians eagerly accepted the lead of Francia in the art of preaching, in the early decades of the thirteenth century they developed a form of secular rhetoric that remained peculiarly their own. The ars arengandi constituted the response of rhetoricians to the new political conditions prevalent in Italian communes after the breakdown of regimes dominated by narrow consular elites. The creation of larger public bodies, together with the institution of the podestà, the new executive head of the commune, who was required to make periodic appearances before popular assemblies, made speeches necessary, and the manuals provided guidance.32 28 29 30

31

32

Ibid., 140–41. Ibid., 134–40. Carlo Delcorno, Giordano da Pisa e l’antica predicazione volgare (Florence, 1975), is the fundamental book on vernacular preaching in Italy in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. The form of the vernacular sermon as it had developed by the turn of the fourteenth century is demonstrated by the sermon of Giordano: see ibid., 83–111. Delcorno, however, stresses the lexibility of the ars and the possibility for variety that it ofered. On the humanist reaction to the ars in the ifteenth and sixteenth centuries, see John O’Malley, Praise and Blame in Renaissance Rome (Durham, N.C., 1979). Charland, Artes praedicandi, 33, mentions without speciic endorsement the view of Ephrem Longpré, “Les Distinctiones de Fr. Thomas de Pavia, O.F.M.,” Archivum Franciscanum Historicum 16 (1923): 14, n. 4, that the tract should be attributed to Tommaso of Pavia, who lived in the irst half of the thirteenth century. The ars arengandi tradition in Italy focused primarily on deliberative and epideictic oratory. There was, however, a concern with judicial oratory in canon law already in the twelfth century: see Albert Lang, “Rhetorische Einlüsse auf die Behandlung des Prozesses in der Kanonistik des 12 Jahrhundert,” Festschrift für Eduard Eichmann zum 70.Geburtstag dargebracht von seiner Freunden und Schülern in Verbindung mit Wilhelm Laforet, ed. Martin Grabmann and Karl Hofmann (Paderborn, 1940), 94–97; and Peter von Moos, “Sulla retorica dell’exemplum nel medioevo,” in Retorica e poetica tra i secoli XII e XIV. Atti del secondo Convegno internazionale dell’Associazione per il Medioevo e l’Umanesimo’ italiano (AMUL) in onore e memorie di Ezio Franceschini, Trento e Rovereto, 3–5 ottobre 1985, ed. Claudio Leonardi and Enrico Menestò (Florence and Perugia, 1988), 53–79. For texts, see Die Rhetorica ecclesiastica, ed. Ludwig Wahrmund, in Quellen zur Geschichte des römisch-kanonischen Prozesses im Mittelalter, I, pts. 4 and 5 (Innsbruck, 1904). John Ward, Ciceronian Rhetoric in Treatise, Scholion, and Commentary, Typologie des sources du Moyen Âge, fasc. 58, A–V, A-1 (Turnhout, 1995), 116–19, provides important insights into the nature of the text and of the genre. See also the series of late-twelfth-century school exercises published in Hubert Silvestre, “Dix plaidoiries inédites du XIIe siecle,” Traditio 10 (1954): 373–97. The plaidoiries, designed to represent statements made orally in a court of canon law, begin with an exordium to the judge and occasional vocatives and rhetorical questions. In Italy the earliest discussion of oratory in canon law cases known

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The relatively late appearance of speech manuals in comparison with those for letters meant that up to the early decades of the thirteenth century, when a speech was required, dictatores simply adapted the instruction given for letter writing to the composition of speeches. The increasing demand for speeches, however, rendered the more demanding method impractical. Nevertheless, even with the advent of the new manuals, the ars arengandi assumed prior training in ars dictaminis. Throughout the century ars arengandi manuals tended to consist entirely of examples of model speeches themselves. The earliest datable Italian manual, the Oculus pastoralis, some parts of which belonged to the late 1220s, established the basic format for a number of later ones.33 Along with a wide range of model speeches relating to public matters, the writer provided procedural and ethical counsel for communal oicials, especially for new podestà. Written in the style marked by the biblical language introduced by Boncompagno into Bolognese dictamen, the Oculus sought to provide a series of elegant Latin orations for the “uncultivated and moderately educated laymen” whom it claimed as its audience.34 Signiicantly, in their stylistic variety the speeches paralleled the model Latin letters of the period. References to ancient authors and echoes of medieval French writers suggest that the Oculus formed part of the increasing number of Italian works inspired by French literary interests.35 More popular than the Oculus because less literary and more schematic were the manuals of Guido Faba (1190–1242/45), whose Arenge and Parlamenti e epistole, were written in the 1230s and 1240s.36 The Arenge consisted primarily of a collection of exordia or arenge, that is, the opening section of various kinds of Latin speeches designed to render the listener favorable to the orator’s message. The second work, written in the wake of the success of the Arenge, was similarly devoted to introductory remarks, but this time the models were in volgare and not Latin. This latter

33

34 35

36

to me is the late-thirteenth-century work of Bonaguida, Summa introductoria super oicio advocationis in foro ecclesiastico, ed. Agathon Wunderlich, Anecdota quae processum civilem spectant (Göttingen, 1841), 120–65, where the author describes the situations in which such speeches occurred in the courtroom. Published initially by Muratori as Oculus pastoralis sive libellus erudiens futurum rectorem populorum, in Antiquitates italicae medii aevi, vol. 4 (Milan, 1741), cols. 93–128, the work was published in part as Trattato sopra l’uizio del podestà, scrittura inedita del buon secolo, ed. Pietro Ferraio (Padua, 1865). In this century Piero Misciattelli published the work under the title Trattato su l’uicio del podestà (da un codice del sec. XV) (Siena, 1925), and Dora Franceschi published it in “Oculus pastoralis pascens oicia et continens radium dulcibus pomis suis,” Memorie dell’Accademia delle scienze di Torino, classe di scienze morali, storiche e ilologiche, 4th ser., 11 (1966), 1–74. She provided a detailed analysis of the work and an edition of an early vernacular translation in “L’Oculus pastoralis e la sua fortuna,” Atti dell’Accademia delle scienze di Torino, classe di scienze morali, storiche e ilologiche, 99, pts. 1–2 (1964–65), 205–61.The best discussion of the work is found in Terence Tunberg’s dissertation, “Oculus pastoralis” (Ph.D. diss., University of Toronto, 1987).Tunberg’s conclusion was that parts of the work belong to the late 1220s (15). Tunberg, “Oculus pastoralis,” 1: “laycis rudibus et modice literatis.” Ibid., 67–83. Tunberg cites Ovid, Horace, Juvenal,Vegetius,Virgil, and either Lucan or Statius of the poets, and Cicero and Sallust of prose writers. He inds echoes of Alan of Lille, Martin of Braga, and Walter of Châtillon. For a brief discussion of the dates, see Francesco Bausi, “Fava (Faba), Guido (Guido bononensis)” DBI, vol. 45 (Rome, 1995), 414.

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composition marked the beginning of a series of manuals providing instruction in speechwriting in the vernacular.37 Narrowly conceived as a practical guide to speechwriting in that it provided only models for imitation, the ars arengandi was very likely considered to be a branch of ars dictaminis, and accordingly speechwriting would have been taught as part of the general course on dictamen. By contrast, the ars predicandi, although it presupposed a background in grammar and rhetoric, would have been taught as a specialized course for student preachers. Such training would have been a central part of the curriculum in the new mendicant studia springing up in major Italian cities in the course of the thirteenth century, but probably cathedral schools also ofered such courses to their diocesan clergy. At about the same time as the author of the Oculus endeavored to create models for public speeches in assemblies and parlamenti, Boncompagno was dedicated to replacing the prescriptions of Ciceronian rhetoric for judicial oratory with rules of his own invention. Although it dealt briely with consilia, colloquia, and contiones, the kinds of speeches of most concern to ars arengandi, the Rhetorica novissima (inished in 1235) considered them as genres outside the area where eloquence could be achieved.38 Condemning Cicero’s rhetorical writings as inadequate to meet the needs of students of law and in any case largely ignored by teachers of rhetoric, Boncompagno promised a new theoretical approach to forensic oratory that would make the study of rhetoric useful for lawyers. His reduction of the genera causarum from three to two – that is, from iudiciale, deliberativum, and demonstrativum to civile and criminale – plainly indicated his intention to focus narrowly on judicial rhetoric.39 Although in theory he rejected the classical organization for the discussion of rhetoric (i.e., inventio, dispositio, memoria, elocutio, and pronuntiatio), he curiously relied on this very classiication to present his views.40 He was particularly concerned in his treatment of dispositio (arrangement) to argue that the six-part division of the oration (i.e., exordium, narratio, divisio, conirmatio, confutatio and conclusio) should be reduced to three, exordium, narratio, and petitio. While not denying that divisio, conirmatio, and confutatio were ingredients of the oration, they were not, he argued, major divisions.41 37

38

39 40 41

Arenge con uno studio sull’eloquenza d’arte civile e politica duecentesca, ed. Giuseppe Vecchi (Bologna, 1954), and Parlementi e epistole, ed. Augusto Gaudenzi, I suoni, le forme e le parole dell’odierno dialetto della città di Bologna (Bologna, 1889), 127–60. See also Giuseppe Vecchi, “Le arenge di Guido Faba e l’eloquenza d’arte civile e politica duecentesca,” Quadrivium 4 (1960): 61–90. Cf. Alfredo Galletti, L’eloquenza: Dalle origini al XVI secolo (Milan, 1958), 462–66. For the fortune of the ars arengandi, see my “In the Footsteps of the Ancients,” 354–59. The Rhetorica novissima was edited by Augusto Gaudenzi in Scripta anecdota glossatorum, ed. Augusto Gaudenzi, 3 vols. (Bologna, 1888–1901), 1:251–97. The observation is that of Terence O. Tunberg, “What Is Boncompagno’s ‘Newest Rhetoric’?” Traditio 42 (1986): 301. As Tunberg explains, consilia refers to deliberations of communal magistrates or the advice of a council given to a great magnate; colloquia are discussions between two diferent states, lordships, or corporate bodies; and contiones are speeches before public assemblies. My interpretation of Boncompagno’s Rhetorica novissima draws substantially from Tunberg’s article. Tunberg, “What Is Boncompagno’s ‘Newest Rhetoric’?” 308–9. Ibid., 310–11. Ibid., 256.

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In structure the oration as Boncompagno conceived it resembled the three-part division of the letter set forth in the Palma in 1198 namely, salutatio, narratio, and petitio.42 Never enjoying a wide circulation, Boncompagno’s Rhetorica novissima failed to attain its implicit aim of making him the Cicero of future generations.43 The fact that most speech models provided by the manuals of ars arengandi in the thirteenth century were constructed according to the three-part division endorsed by Boncompagno derived more from the shared wisdom of these generations than from his direct inluence.44 At the same time, Boncompagno’s description of Cicero’s rhetorical writings as being relatively neglected in his day must be taken as a relection of his incessant eforts toward self-aggrandizement. He granted that the De inventione was being taught at Bologna, but insisted in pointing out that it was only part of the afternoon series of lectures.45 Despite his denial that he had ever taught Cicero, we know that he commented on the De inventione at least in the 1190s.The other Ciceronian manual, the Ad Herennium, did not become the subject of its own course until late in the thirteenth century.46 Nevertheless, it must have enjoyed some popularity, in that the Florentine Giamboni had in the 1260s already made a free translation of the work in his Fiore di rettorica.47 I have argued elsewhere that the interest in these Ciceronian texts remained in the thirteenth century largely what it had been in the eleventh; that is, the primary purpose of studying them was to develop the reasoning capacity of students.48 I no longer agree with this assessment. My present view is that, after 1190, as issues concerning language and style became a subject of intense debate in Bologna, the use of Ciceronian manuals as guides to eloquence became more important and their 42 43

44 45 46

47

48

Sutter, Aus Leben, 109–10. By contrast with the popularity of the three-part division of the speech, the ive-part division remained basic for the letter into the ifteenth century despite the endorsement of a three-part letter by Boncompagno and Faba. On Faba, see his Summa dictaminis, ed. Augusto Gaudenzi, in “Guidonis Fabae Summa dictaminis,” Propugnatore, n.s., 3, no. 1 (1890): 297. Faba has exordium, narratio, and petitio. Tunberg, “What Is Boncompagno’s ‘Newest Rhetoric’?” 331–32. Rhetorica novissima, 252. On James of Dinant’s commentary on the Ad Herrenium, see Chapter 9, n. 107. For bibliography on medieval commentaries of the De inventione and the Ad Herennium, see Paul O. Kristeller,“Philosophy and Rhetoric from Antiquity to the Renaissance. The Middle Ages,” in Renaissance Thought and Its Sources, ed. Michael Mooney (New York, 1979), 317, n. 5; and John Ward, “From Antiquity to the Renaissance: Glosses and Commentaries on Cicero’s Rhetorica,” in Medieval Eloquence, ed. James J. Murphy (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1978), 36–38, and particularly his Ciceronian Rhetoric, 134–67. For Giambono’s work and for the attribution to Giambono rather than to Guidotto of Bologna, see the edition by Giovanni Speroni (Pavia, 1994). For a possible vernacular translation of the Ad Herennium, see Virginia Cox, “Ciceronian Rhetoric in Italy, 1260–1350,” Rhetorica 17 (1999): 240, n. 1. It would have served as a companion to Brunetto Latini’s Rettorica, the uncompleted translation of the De inventione. Latini’s work is published as La rettorica: Testo critico di Francesco Maggini (Florence, 1915); and republished in La Prosa del Duecento, ed. Cesare Segre and Mario Marti (Milan and Naples, 1959), 105–70. Segre republished the work again in La rettorica: Testo critico di Francesco Maggini (Florence, 1968). Francesco Maggini, La “Rettorica” italiana di Brunetto Latini (Florence, 1912), 17–22, discusses the circumstances of its composition in detail. See my “In the Footsteps of the Ancients,” 352–53.

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role as manuals for teaching argumentation diminished. By 1200 the latter task was largely being fulilled by independent courses in logic, which can now for the irst time be documented. THE NEW DOCUMENTARY SCIENCE: THE ARS NOTARIE

Like the ars arengandi, the ars notarie developed in the decades after 1200 in total isolation from inluences coming from Francia, but unlike the ars arengandi, essentially a narrow ofshoot of ars dictaminis, it had a complexity that invited organization in summa form. By 1200, the rapid development of communal society in northern and central Italy, with its demand for documents related to judicial process and public administration, was pushing the ars notarie even further from its foundation in the private contractual arena.49 At the same time, notaries, like civil lawyers, faced a legal crisis generated by the growing tension between communal legislation (ius novum or ius proprium) and the lex communis. While jurists strove to clarify the relationship between these two areas of the law, notaries struggled to adapt formulas to relect the results of their conclusions.50 Ranieri of Perugia’s Liber formularius, written between 1216 and 1223, distinguished itself for the care it gave to analyzing the meaning of the formulas and for its efort to provide some theoretical analysis of the ars notarie. However, its theoretical focus largely excluded from consideration, the new aspects of the notarial function in judicial and administrative areas. By contrast, his Ars notarie, composed between 1226 and 1233, generously compensated for that failure. The second of the three books treated judicial documents in both theory and practice, and in the work’s inal pages the author endeavored to meet the needs of public administration by including arenge for meetings of communal councils and public acts.51 The two leading writers on the notarial art of the next generation, Salatiele and Rolandino, moved beyond Ranieri but in opposite directions from one another. 49

50

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The confusing situation is relected in a negative way by the author of the early thirteenth-century Formularium tabellionum, ed. Giovanni Palmieri, vol. 1: Scripta anecdota glossatorum, ed. Giovanni Palmieri, Biblioteca juridica Medi Aevi,vol. 1, rev. ed. (Bologna, 1913), 11, who renounced the efort to present a systematic analysis of the notarial document “quum sicut celi stellas innumerabiles esse cognoscimus, ita quidem non possunt contractuum diversitates et varietates dinumerari neque perscrutari”: quoted from Gianfranco Orlandelli, “Appunti sulla scuola bolognese di notariato nel secolo XIII per una edizione della Ars notarie di Salatiele,” Studi e memorie per la storia dell’Università di Bologna, n.s., 2 (Bologna, 1961): 9. For the date of the work see ibid., 11, n. 5. See also his “La scuola di notariato,” in Le sedi della cultura nell’Emilia Romagna. L’età comunale, ed. Girolamo Arnaldi et al. (Milan, 1984), 134. The following analysis of the development of the ars notarie is largely based on Orlandelli’s articles. For the problem of the jurists, see Francesco Calasso, Il medioevo del diritto (Milan, 1954), 453–66. See also Norbert Horn, “Die legistische Literatur der Kommentatoren und der Ausbreitung des gelehrten Rechts,” in Handbuch der Quellen und Literatur der neueren europäischen Privatrechtsgeschichte. vol. 1: Mittelalter, 1100–1500: Die gelehrten Rechte und die Gesetzgebung, ed. Helmut Coing (Munich, 1973), 262. Orlandelli, “Appunti,” 22–28. The date for the work is given by Ludwig Wahrmund in Quellen zur Geschichte des römisch-kanonischen Prozesses im Mittelalter, vol. 3, pt. 2 (Innsbruck, 1917), xvi. Orlandelli suggests that Ranieri worked on the treatise up to the end of his life around 1245; “Appunti,” 22, n. 1.

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Salatiele devoted three-fourths of his Ars notarie (1242–54) to theoretical considerations, focusing on Roman law, not as a means for understanding notarial practices, but rather as the source of principles embodied in the formulas.52 The set of formulas with which he concluded the work appears to be more an illustration of his principles rather than as a collection of models for everyday use. In contrast, his younger rival, Rolandino Passagieri (ca. 1217–1300), made his mark in the mid1250s with the publication of a huge collection of documents, Summa totius artis notarie, including models for judicial and administrative purposes, devoid of theoretical considerations.53 Whereas the methodology of Salatiele ultimately proved unable to efect a cohesive bond between abstraction and practical needs, Rolandino subsequently developed a broad theoretical approach to the notariate, rooted in the formulas of everyday use, in his Tractatus notularum and his Tractatus de oicio tabellionatus in castris et villis exercendo. The corpus comprising his major work, the Summa, along with these two treatises, another formulary for testaments, and a gloss by Rolandino himself entitled Aurora, quickly became the leading textbooks of the ars notarie. With additional commentaries added to it later in the century by Pietro of Anzola and Pietro Boattieri, the Summa retained its preeminent position in the ield at least into the seventeenth century. TRANSALPINE INFLUENCE AND THE CIVIL LAWYERS

Inluences from the French legal tradition afected the way in which Roman law was taught and written in thirteenth-century Bologna. As we have seen, the full form of the summa had already been developed for the Code in Francia from the 1140s by a line of civil lawyers – namely, Gerald, Rogerio, and Placentino. Although minor Italian law schools founded by graduates from Bologna were already making limited summaries of individual titles of the work, lawyers in Italian schools generally had been reluctant to provide a systematic exposition of the three works of the Justinian corpus by means of an apparatus of glosses with analyses of the theoretical dimensions of the titles.54 By the late twelfth century, however, Bolognese lawyers were coming to realize that the tangled masses of glosses made by three generations of legal scholars were creating an obstacle to scientiic advance. Largely because of the need to exert control over this cumbersome heritage but also in part because of his strong 52

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Ars notarie, ed. Gianfranco Orlandelli, 2 vols. (Milan, 1961). The work was initiated in 1237 and inished in its irst form in 1242, subsequently taken out of circulation; and then, between 1242 and 1254, reworked (ix). The contents of the text are briely described in idem, “Appunti,” 29–37. For a brief discussion of Rolandino’s text with bibliography, see Orlandelli, “La scuola di notariato,” 146–47. For its date and chronological relationship to Rolandino’s other works, see Orlandelli’s introduction to Ars notarie, ix–xi, and “Appunti,” 8. Giorgio Tamba discusses the dates of birth and death; Giorgio Tamba, “Rolandino nei rapporti familiari e nella professione,” in Rolandino e l’ars notaria” da Bologna all’Europa; Atti del convegno internazionale di studi storici sulla igura e l’opera di Rolandino organizzato dal Consiglio Notarile di Bologna sotto l’egida del Consiglio Nazionale del Notariato, Bologna—città europea della cultura, 9–10 ottobre 2000, ed. Giorgio Tamba (Milan, 2002), 79–81. The systematic exposition of a single title or law of the Corpus would appropriately be called summula: Ennio Cortese, Il diritto nella storia medievale, 2 vols. (Rome, 1995), 1:133–36.

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disagreement with certain interpretations made by Placentino in his Summa Codicis, Azzo (l . 1190–1220) became the irst Bolognese civil lawyer to adopt the summa form for his own work.55 His two monumental texts, Summa Codicis and Summa Institutionum, dwarfed those of his Provençal predecessors in size and constituted the most complete analysis of the two books down to that time. His efort to repeat the process with the Digest remained uninished at his death, but his work enjoyed such success that the summa genre of law book became common in Bologna. Azzo’s greatest disciple, Accursio (1181/85–ca. 1260), found an alternative way of organizing the mass of glosses circulating in the schools. Writing on all the books of the Corpus juris civilis, by 1228 he had accomplished the enormous task of selecting the best glosses on the texts, identifying the authors of the individual opinions, and creating an apparatus that included these opinions as well as critical observations of his own. His work quickly became the glossa ordinaria, or the magna glossa, for the Justinian corpus and efectively brought to an end the epoch of the glossatores.56 Legal scholars of the following generation who initiated a new stage in the study of civil law usually have been referred to as the post-glossators. The late years of the twelfth century also witnessed the introduction into the Bolognese law classrooms of a pedagogical approach that emphasized reasoning over memory, which, although perhaps borrowed from the minor law schools, had a transalpine origin.57 The method can be traced to Sicardo’s Summa, which he developed while teaching canon law in Paris in the 1170s and formulated in writing at Mainz by 1181.58 Partly consisting of brocarda, that is, general propositions distilled from the law with passages drawn from legal sources pro and con, Sicardo’s Summa was designed to sharpen students’ awareness of the complexities of the law and train them in its interpretation. The work in turn inspired Pillio of Medicina’s Libellus disputatorius, composed at Modena after his arrival there from Bologna about 1181. The use of quaestiones had not been foreign to Bologna: Bulgaro’s students decades before had debated legal texts, in appearance contradictory, with the purpose of reconciling them by exegetical means.59 Pillio’s genius was to focus on actual cases that involved conlicting legal principles and laws and to compile them in book form. The Libellus disputatorius in its revised version (circa 1195) became almost immediately popular for classroom teaching.60 While it did not replace the traditional 55 56 57

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Calasso, Il medioevo del diritto, 535–36. Ibid., 543. Cortese, Il diritto nella storia medievale, 2:146–59, outlines the nature and difusion of the new technique. See also Annalisa Belloni, Le questioni civilistiche del secolo XII: Da Bulgaro a Pillio da Medicina e Azzone (Frankfurt am Main, 1986), 53–58. Stephan Kuttner, “Zur Biographie des Sicardus von Cremona,” Zeitschift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte, kanonistische Abteilung 25 (1936): 476–78, was the irst to prove that the canonist and the historian were the same man. For his inluence on Pillio, see Chapter 8, under “Roman and Canon Law in Francia.” Cortese, Il diritto nella storia medievale, 2:153–54. Bassiano (2:155–56) later required his students to debate imaginary cases on the basis of conlicting laws. Bassiano was trained in Bologna under Bulgaro, but seems to have been teaching in his native city of Cremona around 1170: Ugo Gualazzini, “Bassanio (Bosiano, Bossiano, Boxiano), Giovanni,” DBI, vol. 7 (Rome, 1965), 140. The date of his teaching in Bologna is not known. For the date, see André Gouron and Laurence Montazel,“La date de la mort de Placentin,” Tijdschrift voor Rechtsgeschiedens 61 (1993): 486.

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Bolognese method of explicating the text (interpretatio litterae), the quaestio approach had become a fundamental teaching device in Italian law schools by the early 1200s. The new emphasis on debate consequent upon the difusion of manuals of brocarda gave added impetus to the institution of courses in dialectic in the early decades of the thirteenth century. Besides pioneering in the use of the summa form of legal treatise and introducing a new method of teaching, transalpine jurists were also the irst seriously to undertake interpretation of the last three books of the Codex (Bks. 10–12).61 Known as the Tres libri, these books by tradition were considered as separate from the irst nine. With their plethora of technical terms associated with Roman administrative law, the Tres libri made enormous demands on the lexical and historical knowledge of their interpreters. Even by his time, Azzo, who chose not to gloss the work, confessed, “there are many words that are not understood.”62 Admittedly, Jacopo of Porta Ravegnana, one of the Four Doctors, had already glossed portions of the books prior to 1143.63 But the Tres libri only became a serious subject for study when, after Rogerio in Francia had provided scattered glosses on the text, Placentino, probably fascinated by the countless names of magistrates, geographical regions, and peoples, decided to compose a summa on the text. As it was left incomplete at his death in around 1181/82, his student Pillio took up the same enterprise in Modena, but dropped the work in the middle of the eleventh book.64 Rolando of Lucca, about a decade later (before 1197), inally inished a commentary, but the master version of the commentary was authored early in the thirteenth century in Bologna by Ugolino dei Presbiteri (d. after 1233), who included it in his systematic glosses on all the books of the Roman law (libri legales). His gloss would dominate the interpretation of the three books until Accursio placed his own stamp on the Tres libri with his magna glossa.65 The introduction of the Tres libri into the syllabi of Bolognese law schools and the linguistic demands of structuring a consistent theoretical analysis required by the summa form accentuated the importance of training in lexicography, etymology, and syntax.The Tres libri required the expositor to deal with hundreds of terms connected with the administration of the ancient Roman Empire, many of them alien to the rest of the Justinian corpus. Not coincidentally, serious scholarship on the Tres libri and the creation of the summa form had begun in Francia among legists with a strong background in the liberal arts. 61 62

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Cortese, Il diritto nella storia medievale, 145–46. Emanuele Conte, Tres Libri Codicis: La ricomparsa del testo e l’esegesi scholastica prima di Accursio, Ius commune: Veröfentlichungen des Max-Planck-Instituts, Sonderhefte, Studien zur europäischen Rechtsgeschichte, no. 46 (Frankfurt am Main, 1990), 14. On the creation of the Tres libri, see Charles M. Radding and Antonio Ciaralli, The Corpus iuris civilis in the Middle Ages: Manuscripts and Transmission from the Sixth Century to the Juristic Revival (Leiden and Boston, 2007), 203–4 and 207–8. This is the date when Jacopo’s student Vacario left Bologna for England. A gloss of Jacopo to the Tres libri found in Vacario’s Liber pauperum (ca. 1149) suggests that Vacario brought a copy of the work with his master’s glosses to England when he left Italy some time before 1143: Conte, Tres Libri Codicis, 109. Gouron and Montazel, “La date de la mort de Placentin,” 486. Conte, Tres Libri Codicis, 55–59 and 68–70.

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The increased dependence of civil lawyers on grammar, moreover, went beyond their new focus of interest in the Tres libri and the demands of writing a sustained genre of legal exposition. As I said in Chapter 3, beginning in the late eleventh century, the efort of legal scholars to restore the original text of the Justinian corpus was the irst major hermeneutical enterprise in medieval western Europe and the greatest achievement of medieval philology. This focus on legal hermeneutics helps to explain why, as legal and rhetorical studies grew steadily more important after 1100, the traditional grammar curriculum, whose capstone was the reading of ancient literature, declined. By the late twelfth century, however, given its relevance to civil law, the study of grammer took on a new life in the law schools. The new awareness of Latin’s linguistic complexity produced by the importation of French grammatical ideas must initially have proved threatening to lawyers, dealing as they were with the reconstruction and interpretation of an ancient text replete with words and passages of ambiguous meaning, alternative readings, omissions open to conjecture, and debatable syntactical constructions. What diferences did this new appreciation of grammatical structures and the multilayered character of the modes of signiication make to their project? To what extent could this new understanding of language help legal scholars resolve hermeneutical problems in the text? A new breed of Italian grammarians was eager to answer these questions for the civil lawyers, just as, decades earlier in Provence, grammarians had shown their willingness to annex legal studies on the grounds that language and its meaning were their specialities. Despite his obvious passion for literary studies, Placentino, at least a decade before 1190, had expressed his impatience with the claims of grammarians, as well as of dialecticians, to meddle with legal texts and had steadfastly refused to surrender any of law’s terrain to them. He was even willing in his Summa Institutionum to exaggerate the importance for jurists of retaining their independence from restraints imposed by grammarians and dialecticians on their work: “Hence it is that in liberal studies, in grammatical and dialectical studies, we ‘lie down’ and ‘sit,’ that is, we are weak; and we ought not to learn these disciplines but unlearn them.”66 Although this declaration of law’s independence was a direct response to a particular juristgrammarian, Placentino surely meant it to apply generally.67 In southern Francia, 66

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Cited from Pierre de Tourtoulon, Placentin: La vie, les oeuvres (Paris, 1896), 70: “Inde est quod in liberalibus disciplinis, in gramaticis[,] in dialecticis, jacemus atque sedimus, id est debiles sumus, easque disciplinas non discere sed dediscere debemus.” Azzo probably borrowed this passage from Placentino for his preface to the Summa Institutionum: “Dicitur autem liber institutionum quasi instructionum, quia in his primis legum praceptis instruimur, ut possimus percipere maiora iura et ad iuris arcana valeamus conscendere et ingredi ad legum penetralia. vel dicitur institutionum quia in statum Romani iuris nos erigit. cum enim tres sunt positiones corporis, statio, sessio, cubatio, plurimum homo potest cum stat quam cum sedeat iaceatve. tunc enim debilior est. inde est quod in liberalibus disciplinis, in grammatica, dialectica, iacemus atque sedemus, id est, debiles sumus, easque disciplinas non discere sed didicisse debemus. per hanc autem disciplinam stantes eicimur, id est, fortiores reddimur, quia moribus informamur”: Frederic W. Maitland, Select Passages from the Works of Bracton and Azo, Publications of the Selden Society, no. 8 (London, 1895), 12. Placentino writes of the rabies grammatica: Toutoulon, Placentin, 70. For another example of this language, see André Gouron, “Le ‘grammairien enragé’: Aubert de Béziers et son oeuvre (Ms. Turin, Bibl. Naz. D. 19),” Index: Quaderni camerti di studi romanistici: Index/International Survey of Roman

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he found himself confronted with a practice that began with the introduction of Roman law studies into the area, that is, unlike in his native Italy, grammarians taught civil law. Consequently, before Boncompagno in Bologna, Placentino in Francia had resisted the eforts of grammarians to impose their own methodology and concerns on legal studies. The work of Azzo (d. ca. 1220), a good friend of Boncompagno and the leading Bolognese lawyer in the decades around the turn of the thirteenth century, relects the same awareness of the threat to jurisprudence posed by grammarians.68 In a quaestio composed around 1200 in which he openly disagreed with one of his former students, a Frenchman teaching in the city, he wrote with irm conviction spiced by wit. His remarks concerned a problem raised by Bernard Dorna, francigenus, who “ex more Francigenorum” had ofered a solution to a vexed passage in the law by a series of proofs including citations not only from legal texts but also from Ovid.69 While in his response sarcastically praising the efect of Bernard’s poetry on the emotions – “the most obdurate Diogenes himself would be moved to dancing and, hearing them [the verses], the madness of the demon vexing Saul

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Law, 22 (Naples, 1994): 458–60. Gouron (458) has brilliantly shown that Placentino was directing his attack at Aubert, magister legum, who made his irst appearance at Béziers in 1148 and his last at Villeneuve in 1175. Placentino’s language was a takeof on Aubert’s deinition of the word “Institutio” in his Abbreviatio Institutionum: “quia erigit animum in statum civilis juris, id est in eam animi positionem, in qua quis positus in jure civili plurimum potest, ut qui stat plus potest et fortior est quam qui sedet vel jacet.” Azzo’s biography is given by Piero Fiorelli, “Azzone (Azone, Azzo, Azo …”), DBI, vol. 4 (Rome, 1962), 774–81. He was teaching law in Bologna by at least 1191 (775). For the date of his death, see ibid., 775. For Pillio’s style, see Hermann Kantorowicz with Williams W. Buckland, Studies in the Glossators of the Roman Law: Newly Discovered Writings of the Twelfth Century (Cambridge, 1938): reprinted with addenda and corrigenda by Peter Weimar (Aalen, 1969), 129 and 203.On Pillio’s career, see the detailed study of Giovanni Santini, Università e società nel XII secolo: Pillio da Medicina e lo Studio di Modena. Tradizione e innovazione nella scuola dei glossatori. Chartularium Studii Mutinensis (regesta) (Specimen 1069–1200) (Modena, 1979). Emil Seckel, “Über neuere Editionen juristischer Schriften aus dem Mittelalter,” Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte, romanistische Abteilung 21 (1900), 330–31, has shown the connection between Boncompagno and Azzo by citing Boncompagno’s rather ungenerous claim, made after Azzo’s death, to have been the author of Azzo’s preface to the Summa Institutionum.The preface is published by Maitland, Works of Bracton and Azo, 2–16. The quaestio is found in Die Quaestiones des Azo, ed. Ernst Landsberg (Freiburg im Breisgau, 1888), 71–75. Manuscripts of the work are discussed by Hermann Kantorowicz, “Quaestiones disputatae,” Revue d’histoire du droit 16 (1938): 13–15.The only surviving work of Bernard is the Summa libellorum, probably written between 1213 and 1217, ed. Ludwig Wahrmund, Die Summa libellorum des Bernardus Dorna, in Quellen zur Geschichte des römisch-kanonischen Prozesses im Mittelalter, vol. 1.1 (Innsbruck, 1905), xxi. Two French manuscripts identify Bernard as archdeacon of Bourges. He was in all likelihood a cleric during his career at Bologna (xix–xx). Bernard’s approach seems to relect that taken generally by teachers of both laws in contemporary Paris. Gerald of Wales (d. 1223), lecturing on canon law there at the end of the twelfth century, describes his approach to teaching legal texts: “Adeo namque vivas legum et canonum rationes introductas rhetoricis persuasionibus adjuvabat; adeoque tam verborum schematibus atque coloribus quam sententiarum medullis causas adornabat, dictaque philosophorum et auctorum miro artiicio inserta locis congruis adaptabat; ut quanto scientiores et eruditiores accederent, tanto avidius et attentius ad audiendum memoriaeque igendum aures et animos applicarent”: De rebus a se gestis, in Giraldi cambrensis opera, ed. John S. Brewer, 8 vols. (London, 1861–91), 1:45–46.

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would be placated” – Azzo concluded: “In truth, because it is alien to our ield to sing while counting feet and syllables on a drum, since the hunt for syllables has been removed from the courtroom, for this reason, if no response shall be made to his words and rhymes, I think no one will be surprised.”70 Not only are not all statements of the poets believable, but the laws of Justinian are the proper guides in legal cases. In fact, if poetry is sometimes used as proof in such matters, it is only because “legitimate” proofs are lacking. Azzo was quick to combat incursions of grammarians into his own discipline. His Summa Institutionum drew a sharp line between grammarian and legist. Commenting on Inst. 1, 2.2, regarding the deinition of “servi,” Azzo wrote: “They have been called so from ‘servando’ [i.e. preserving] not from ‘serviendo’ [i.e., serving], as the grammarians say.” This was because slavery began when princes ordered captives to be sold rather than killed.71 A little later, commenting on Inst. 1.5, De libertinis, he wrote: “I do not distinguish between ‘libertum’ and ‘libertinum’ as do the garamantes, so that a ‘libertus’ is called a ‘manumissus,’ and a ‘libertinus’ is said of a son of a ‘manumissus.’”72 Just prior to his death around 1220, in composing his Lectura in Codicum, Azzo still apparently felt the need to attack how the meddling grammatici or garamantes interpreted the law.73 An analysis of the various references to this group in the Lectura suggests that grammarians in Bologna were still claiming the right to impose their understanding of vocabulary on the text. When, for example, the Code spoke of ad quemcunque alterum locum, the grammarians insisted that alterum referred to only one place, whereas, according to Azzo, the syntactical construction of the text clearly intended it to refer to three.74 70

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Die Quaestiones, 74: “Verum quia alienum est a studio nostro dinumerando pedes et syllabas cantare in tympano, cum aucupatio syllabarum ab aula sublata sit, idcirco etsi verbis suis et rismis non fuerit responsum nemini duco dignum admiratione videri.” “Est autem servitus constitutio iuris gentium qua quis dominio alieno contra naturam subicitur. Appellati sunt a servando non ‘a serviendo,’ ut dicunt grammatici. ‘Principes enim captivos vendere iubent ac per hoc servare non occidere solent’”: cited from Maitland, Works of Bracton and Azo, 46. Ibid, 56: “Nec distinguo inter libertum et libertinum ut garamantes, ut libertus dicatur manumissus, libertinus dicatur ilius manumissi. Nam et qui manumittitur libertinus est, ut dictum est. ‘Diciturque libertinus quasi ‘liberatus a servitute.’” Incidentally, Maitland observes that editors of Azzo’s texts have tended to alter gramantes or garamantes into grammatici (ibid., xxxv). Consequently, until new editions are made of these works, it is diicult to know when a reading of grammatici should be gramantes or garamantes. In any case, this particular argument with gramantes or garamantes may be directed at Uguccio, who distinguished between “libertus,-i” and “libertinus,-i, ilius liberti”: Uguccio of Pisa, Derivaziones, eds. Euzo Cecchini et al. 2 vols. (Florence, 2004) 1:674. In the same passage, however, Uguccio admitted that “In legibus tum habetur pro eodem manumissus, libertus, colibertus, libertinus.” Francis De Zulueta, “Footnotes to Savigny on Azo’s “Lectura in Codicem,” Studi in onore di Pietro Bonfante nel XL anno d’insegnamento, 4 vols. (Milan, 1930), 3:268. Ad singulas leges XII. Librorum Codicis Iustiniani Lectura (Paris, 1577), I, 5, 8.14 (p. 34): “Quicunque. vel ad quemcunque alterum locum. Nota quia + alterum dicitur de tribus quod est contra grammatcos.” At one point, however, Azzo did rely on the garementes [sic] for a deinition (IV, 23.2 [p.200]): “Ministerii. Ministerium dicitur de faciendo carminando. misterium + dicitur secretum a misti quod est secretum. sicut dicitur [sic] garementes.”

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At the same time Azzo took very seriously the lessons of the French grammarians on the matter of signiication of terms.75 In his Summa Codicis, composed between 1208 and 1210, the jurist carefully deined the basic terms that he would use in the commentary, legal terms such as iusiurandum and posthumus, Christian ones such as ides, trinitas, ecclesia, episcopus, haereticus, and apostata, as well as common words like ignorantia, error, statua, and imago.76 Furthermore, he made a point of deining every specialized legal term as it occurred in the course of his exposition. In his analysis of testamentary law in the Code’s sixth book, Azzo speciically took up the problem of signiication in a chapter entitled “De verborum et rerum signiicatione” (On the signiication of words and things).77 The chapter considered the signiication of words generally, and particularly in regard to testaments: We have fully discussed above the persons, things, and actions covered by our law, but because many doubts arise in the aforesaid treatises concerning the explanation and interpretation of words, we will treat the signiication of words and things. Consequently, we will see what a word is and why it is so called and in what way it is used. Similarly [we will discuss] what it means to signify and in what way it is understood here. Afterwards we will see when signiication of words occurs and when signiication can be narrowed and when extended.78

Although deining signiication in the narrow sense as “the demonstration made by attributing the proper name of the thing about which it is a question,” Azzo also acknowledged that words could signify things indirectly.79 75

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The interest in the new grammar seems to have been widespread among Bolognese lawyers. Velli, “La Summa grammatice,” 76, comments on the curious fact that the surviving manuscript of Bene of Florence’s grammar begins with an analysis of the gerundive and supine. She reasons that this part of the treatise may have circulated separately for the use of lawyers, and that the present manuscript represents a version assembled out of order. In providing this analysis,Velli writes (72–73) that Bene was concerned “sopperire alla necessità di rendere grammaticalmente e sintatticamente più chiare ed accessibili certe forme verbali che, nelle espressioni giuridiche latine in particolare modo, avevano via via assunto funzione e signiicato particolari.” The interest of lawyers in understanding these verbal forms is also relected in the Tractatus de gerundiis, composed by Andrea Ciai , a Pisan jurist, in the mid-thirteenth century. On Ciai, see Maria T. Napoli, “Ciai (Cassus, Ciafari, Crai, Crii , Zacci, Zai , Ziafe, Ziai), Andrea (Andrea da Pisa),” DBI, vol. 25 (Rome, 1981), 95–97. The dating is given by Fiorelli, “Azzone,” 778. For the Summa I have used Aurea summa (Turin, 1578). The titles for the deinitions include: “Fides quid sit et qualiter deiniatur” (2b); “Trinitas quae est (26);“Ecclesia quot modis dicatur” (2vb);“Episcopus unde dicatur” (3va);“Haereticus quis sit et unde dicatur” (4vb); “Apostata qui sint” (5b); “Ignorantia quid sit et qualiter diferat ab errore” (8a); “Statua et imago qualiter diferant” (10b); “Iusiurandum quid sit” (66a); and “Posthumus quid sit” (150b). Aurea summa, Bk. 6, 157v–58. “Dictum est supra plene de personis et de rebus et de actionibus, in quibus ius nostrum maxime consistit, sed quia circa verborum expositiones et interpretationes oriuntur multae dubitationes in praedictis tractatibus, ideo ponit de verborum et rerum signiicatione. Videndum ergo quid sit verbum et unde dicatur, et qualiter hic accipiatur. Item qui sit signiicare, et qualiter hic ponatur, visuri postea quando standum sit signiicationi verborum, et quando signiicatio possit arctari, vero prorogari”: ibid., 157v. “Signiicatio autem proprie nihil aliud est quam demonstratio facta proprio nomine rei, de qua quaeritur, attributo. Hic autem large ponitur, ut etiamsi proprium nomen non interveniat, si tamen

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In dealing speciically with testaments, Azzo stipulated that the signiication of the words in a will must be adhered to unless it appeared that the testator had meant something diferent. For example, were the testator to will a slave named Stichus in the testament whose real name was Pamphilio, the testator’s intention should prevail.80 Similarly, if the testator willed his furniture and named speciic objects, then only those objects were being willed. If he willed his silver, it would be assumed that he intended to include his silver money, unless it could be shown otherwise.81 Despite his criticism of Bernard Dorna, citations from Roman poets make occasional appearances in Azzo’s work, but whereas Bernard had used them as authorities, Azzo ofered passages from their work to illustrate legal issues.82 Placentino may have been Azzo’s precedent for citing Roman poets in his legal texts, while Azzo in turn may have exerted an inluence in this regard on mainstream Bolognese jurists of the next generation. In any case, while the use of ancient literature by Azzo’s successors, such as Accursio remained restrained, nonetheless, from Azzo’s time the pagan authors gained admission into the lawbooks of thirteenth-century Bolognese jurists.83 His successors, however, no longer seem to have felt that grammarians were a threat to their discipline. Boncompagno’s outburst (1226/27) against those who

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res per aliud verbum, quod aliquo modo accedere possit ad rei ostensionem, notiicetur dicatur signiicari”; ibid., 157. “Sciendi est igitur, quod signiicationi verborum est inhaerendum; nisi testatorem aliud sensisse appareat, ut f . de legatis.iii.l. non aliter. Si igitur legaverit mihi servum sub appellatione Stichi, cum tamen vocaretur Pamphilus: non Stichus, qui ex verbis signiicatur, sed Pamphilis debetur”: ibid; 157v–158. “Si vero per appellativum aliud testator voluit signiicare, siquidem diminuere voluit signiicationem verbi: ut si plures signiicabat, et voluit pauciores signiicari, stabitur testatoris voluntati: ut ecce, legavit supellectilem, et enumeravit quasdam species de supellectili, ut in eis restringeretur legatum vel legavit argentum factum, et voluit illis verbis comprehendi nummos, qui comprehenderentur: nisi aliud appareret evidenter testatorem sensisse”: ibid., 158. An example of what he considered proper use of the poets in legal analysis is found in a comment on Inst. 1.2: “‘Ius autem civile’ pluribus modis dicitur. Uno modo ‘ponitur pro statuto cuiuslibet civitatis.’ Sed ubi non additur nomen civitatis ius civium Romanorum signiicamus, sicut cum poetam dicimus, nec addimus nomen, subaudiatur apud Graecos egregius Homerus apud Latinos Vergilius …”; Maitland, Works of Bracton and Azo, 36. De Zulueta, “Footnotes to Savigny,” 267–68, identiies references in Azzo to Virgil, Juvenal, Persius, Gellius, Ovid’s Ars amoris and the Heroides, as well as to Servius’s commentary on the Aeneid. Kantorowicz argues that, if indeed he was the continuator of Giovanni Bassiano’s Materia ad Pandectas, then he also knew Boethius and Aristotle’s Prior Analytics: Studies in the Glossators, 41. Interestingly, Odolfredo, a student of Azzo’s himself, compared Azzo’s knowledge of the liberal arts unfavorably with that of Giovanni Bassiano’s, Azzo’s master: “Sed de domino Azone non miror, quia non fuit extremus in artibus, licet in scientia nostra fuerit summus, sed de domino Johanne miror, quia fuit extremus in artibus”; cited from Friedrich Karl von Savigny, Geschichte des römischen Rechts im Mittelalter, 2nd ed. 7 vols. (Heidelberg, 1834–51), 3:293–94. While this may be true, Giovanni, like his predecessors in the Bolognese school, kept his classical learning out of his lawbooks whereas Azzo did not. Similarly, although his concern for literary style relected a good foundation in literature, Rogerio did not speciically cite ancient authors either. Bruno Paradisi, “Osservazioni sull’uso del metodo dialettico nei glossatori del sec. XII,” Studi sul medioevo giuridico, Studi storici, Istituto storico italiano per il medio evo, fascs. 163–73, in 2 vols. (Rome, 1987), 709, refers to Accursio’s citations. His contemporary, Odolfredo, also occasionally utilized ancient poets and prose writers; Nino Tamassia, “Odolfredos,” 213–14.

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believed that the civil law was subordinated to the rules of Priscian was the last we hear of the matter.84 By including lexicons in his own books, Azzo had begun the process of shutting out the grammarians from interpreting legal texts. Later jurists tended to follow his example. CANON LAW AND THE DECRETALS

While the curriculum of the Bolognese law schools changed with the introduction of the Tres libri into the classroom, the beginning of synthetic analysis of the Justinian texts, and a new pedagogy stressing debate, canon law from around 1190 was undergoing an even more dramatic change, challenged as it was by the task of integrating recent and current papal pronouncements with the provisions of the Decretum. The task did not prove congenial to more conservative canon lawyers, especially in Francia. As Simon of Tournai wrote: “A thicket of decretal letters is ofered by sellers as if under the name of Pope Alexander of holy memory, and the older sacred canons are cast out, despised, and erased … and a new collection of them is taught solemnly in the schools and is for sale in the market.”85 Their objections may have been rooted in their belief in the traditional tie between theology and canon law still preserved to a limited extent in the Decretum, but however it is explained, their reluctance to participate in broadening the conception of canon law rendered their teaching antiquated. Since the middle of the twelfth century, and especially from the pontiicate of Alexander III (1159–81) the papacy increasingly had asserted itself as the supreme judge and legislator of the Church.At the same time, cases brought to Rome revealed the inadequacies in Graziano’s work, especially with regard to judicial procedures, the regime of beneices, ecclesiastical jurisdiction, and marriage.86 Papal decisions were sought not merely to ill lacunae in the Decretum but also to deine more speciically what passages in the work meant in practical terms. Accordingly, papal responses or decretales were often more technical than the canons included in the Decretum. As papal pronouncements, the decretales had in some way to be harmonized with the fundamental legal text. Graziano himself, of course, had already incorporated many papal decretals into his collection; short lists of them were also added at the conclusion of the work in 84 85

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Rhetorica novissima, 293, cited above. PL 211, col. 517; Epist. 251: “profertur a venditoribus inextricabilis silva decretalium epistularum quasi sub nomine sanctae recordationis Alexandri papae, et antiquiores sacri canones abiiciuntur, respuuntur, exspuuntur.... Novum volumen ex eis compactum et in scholis solenniter legitur, et in foro venialiter exponitur:” cited by Gabriel Le Bras, Charles Lefebvre, and Jacqueline Rambaud, L’âge classique, 1140–1378: Sources et théorie du droit, vol. 7 of Histoire du droit et des institutions de l’Église en Occident (Paris, 1965), 140. See Stephan Kuttner, “Les débuts de l’école canoniste française,” Studia et documenta historiae et juris 4 (1938): 203, on the consequences of the failure of the French school to accept the Decretales as part of canon law. Cf. Cortese, Il diritto nella storia medievale, 2:225. Generally for the post-Graziano period, see Vito Piergiovanni, “Il primo secolo della scuola canonistica di Bologna: Un ventennio di studi,” Proceedings of the Sixth International Congress of Medieval Canon Law, Berkeley, California, 28 July–2 August 1980, ed. Stephan Kuttner and Kenneth Pennington, Monumenta juris canonici ser. C, subsidia, no. 7 (Vatican City, 1985), 251–56. Le Bras, L’Âge classique, 140–41.

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individual manuscripts; and around the time of the Third Lateran Council in 1179, separate collections of papal decretals appeared in diferent parts of western Europe.87 But the unsystematic, largely eclectic character of these various texts demonstrated the need for a rationally organized collection. Bernardo of Pavia’s Breviarium extravagantium (ca. 1192) or Compilatio I was the irst successful response.88 While concentrating on the decretals of Alexander III, Bernardo’s collection of 912 fragments contained as well texts from pre-Decretum collections of canons that Graziano had either ignored or rejected and a few texts from Roman law. Whereas earlier collections had usually been organized chronologically, Bernard divided his work into ive general books and arranged the material in each book under rubrics that it the individual text’s purpose. Unlike Graziano, in selecting material only of juridical importance, he emphasized the discipline’s independence from theology.89 As with the Decretum, Compilatio I was soon rendered insuicient by the continuing production of papal decretals, and a variety of collections appeared, designed to include these in the program of studies.The two most systematic were composed between 1202 to 1206. The collection of Gilbert, made in 1202–3, and containing decretals from Alexander III to Innocent III, was incorporated into a second collection by Alan of Wales in 1206, who added other decretals going back to Eugenius III (1147–53).90 Gilbert, if not also Alan, appears to have his collection authored in Bologna.91 These collections served as the basis for Compilatio II (1210–12), the work by John of Wales that became the teaching text for the decretals between Compilatio I of Bernardo of Pavia and Compilatio III, which contained the decretals of Innocent III’s pontiicate up to late June 1209. This latter text was written by Pietro of Benevento under papal command, and copies of it were dispatched to Paris and Bologna early in 1210. Issued by a papal bull on February 21, 1210, Compilatio III marked the beginning of a papal efort to place instruction in canon law directly under pontiical control and reinforce Rome’s claim to be the source of the Church’s law.92 Whereas earlier 87

88

89 90

91 92

Ibid., 223–27. Cf. Stephan Kuttner, Repertorium der Kanonistik (1140–1234): prodromus corporis glossarum, Studi e testi, no. 71 (Vatican City, 1937), 272–88. On Bernardo’s life and work, see Filippo Liotta, “Bernardo da Pavia (Bernardo Circa, Bernardo Balbi, Bernardus Balbus, Berardus papiensis).” DBI, vol. 9 (Rome, 1967), 279–84. See also Gabrielle Le Bras, “Bernard de Pavia,” Dictionnaire de droit canonique, vol. 2 (Paris, 1937), cols. 782–89.The work is published in Quinque compilationes antiquae nec non collectio canonum lipsiensis, ed. Emil Friedberg (Graz, 1959), as are the other four subsequent compilationes. The decretals were called extravagantes – that is, extra decreta vagantes. Le Bras, “Bernard de Pavia,” col. 784; and Liotta, “Bernardo da Pavia,” 281. Gilbert and Alan, both English, taught at Bologna along with John of Wales: Rudolf Weigand, “Frühe Kanonisten und ihre Karriere in der Kirche,“Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte, kanonistische Abteilung 76 (1990): 148. The English were more active than the French in the study of canon law in the decades around 1200; ibid., 146–48. Charles Lefebvre, “Gilbert,” in Dictionnaire de droit canonique, vol. 5 (Paris, 1953), cols. 966–67. On Innocent III’s view of papal control over spiritual and temporal power, see Kenneth Pennington, “Pope Innocent III’s View on Church and State: A Gloss to Per venerabilem,” in Law, Church, and Society: Essays in Honor of Stephan Kuttner, ed. Kenneth Pennington and Robert Somerville (Philadelphia, 1977), 49–68. It is highly unlikely that Innocent III had any formal legal training himself: Kenneth Pennington, “The Legal Education of Pope Innocent III, Bulletin of Medieval Canon Law 4 (1974): 70–77.

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compilations had been undertaken by private initiative, Compilatio III was created under papal direction. The decrees of the Fourth Lateran Council were similarly collected (Compilatio IV) and oicially sanctioned by a papal bull, as were those of the pontiicate of Honorius III (Compilatio V). Both were dispatched to Paris and Bologna and, in the case of Compilatio IV, sent as well to Padua.93 The Decretales of Gregory IX, promulgated at Spoleto in 1234, completed the process of establishing papal jurisdiction as supreme over church law.94 Drawing on earlier compilations for his collection, collectively known as the Quinque compilationes antiquae, Gregory nonetheless stipulated that henceforth those compilations could no longer be taught.95 Henceforth the Decretum and Gregory’s book of Decretales, the Liber extra, would be the two textbooks of canon law. Consequently, ifteen years after Honorius III had integrated Bologna into the ecclesiastical structure by decreeing that all doctorates would henceforth have to be approved by the archdeacon of the cathedral, Gregory IX established papal control over the corpus of church law to be taught there.96 The glossa ordinaria on the Liber extra, probably written near the end of his life, was the work of Bernardo of Parma (d. 1263). Throughout this second stage in the development of canon law, involving the amalgam of papal decretals with Graziano’s Decretum, Italian canonists were almost continually in the forefront of scholarship. French scholars were late in committing themselves to the new study and, though the English contribution was signiicant at certain stages, as in the formation of Compilatio II, the work appears to have been done at Bologna. Indeed, by the early thirteenth century, at least in Francia, where a few decades earlier French canon law studies had seemed to promise one day to rival those at Bologna, the impetus was temporarily lost and the French bowed to Italian superiority in the ield. CONCLUSION

By 1200 scholars in the various branches of knowledge in the traditional Italian curriculum of education were in the process of creating manuals in summa form in an efort to conceptualize a total view of the material comprising their respective disciplines.These volumes appeared in the ields of grammar, rhetoric, the ars notarie, civil 93

94

95

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Girolamo Arnaldi, “Le origini dello Studio di Padova: dalla migrazione universitaria del 1222 alla ine del periodo ezzeliniano,” La cultura 15 (1977): 405–6. Decretales Gregorii P. IX, in Decretalium Collectiones, ed. Emil Friedberg, 2 vols. (Leipzig, 1879–81), 2:1–928. Because they were promulgated at the same time, all parts of the Decretales enjoyed identical authority. For this reason Le Bras, L’Âge classique, 241, refers to the work as a “code” rather than a compilation. As the preface to the Decretales reads (3–4): “Volentes igitur, ut hac tantum compilatione universi utantur in iudiciis et in scholis, districtius prohibemus, ne quis praesumat aliam facere absque auctoritate sedis apostolicae speciali.” Antonio Padoa Schioppa, “Il diritto canonico come scienza,” Proceedings of the Ninth International Congress of Medieval Canon Law, Munich 13–18 July 1992, Monumenta juris canonici. ser. C, subsidia, no. 10, ed. Peter Landau and Joers Mueller (Vatican City, 1997), 436, suggests several reasons for the ease with which the papacy gained control of canon law. Mauro Sarti and Mauro Fattorini, De claris Archigymnasii bononensis professoribus a saeculo XI usque ad saeculum XV, rev. ed., Cesare Malagola and Carlo Albicini, eds., 2 vols. (Bologna, 1888–89), 2:15.

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law, and canon law. In the last case, the commentary of John the German (before 1217) served as the principal analysis of the Decretum. The ongoing efort made by canon lawyers to incorporate the papal decretals met with success decades later in the work of Bernardo of Parma. Two new disciplines emerged after 1200, logic and medicine, but the history of their development remains shadowy for the irst half of the thirteenth century. The spectrum of learning by 1250 had signiicantly expanded beyond what it had been in 1180. The legal–rhetorical culture remained dominant but its hold on intellectual life had been tempered. Theological studies, moribund in the last decades of the twelfth century and nurtured since the 1220s by the mendicants, were revived and advanced. Knowledge of the natural sciences, informed by the lood of translations and fueled by intense interest, was achieving a degree of organization that would qualify after 1250 as worthy of a place in the studia whether labeled medicine or physics. Roman lawyers had demonstrated their creativity by adopting the new understanding of syntactical and lexical theories to improve interpretations of Roman law. Lawyers also showed a receptivity to pagan literature and history as a way to reveal the meaning of passages in the law books that hitherto had remained obscure. The classical references that appear in the commentaries after around 1190 were not concessions to the current French practice of using poets as legal authorities, but relected a new sense of the currency of ancient literature and history beyond their role as classroom tools for teaching the Latin language. In contrast to the disappearance of references to the ancients in French grammar manuals after 1200, new grammar manuals authored in the regnum largely depended upon ancient writers for their examples illustrating rules of usage. By focusing on sentence construction and reorganizing the methods of presentation of the material, Italian grammarians were seeking to improve the quality of instruction at the level beyond the two to three years covered by the Janua. The appearance of these manuals likely indicates a desire not only to improve teaching but also to respond to a new and broad interest in achieving a more thorough knowledge of the language. The relative paucity of original literary and scholarly production in the medieval regnum had never been the result of ignorance of either the ancient texts or Christian literature. Instead, as I have argued throughout this book, it was the fact that within the traditional book culture the inherited texts enjoyed such an inordinate respect that clerical intellectuals remained largely content to transmit from one generation to the next what they had received. Had there been many patrons over several generations, a diferent culture might have developed; or had there existed a community of clerics like the one in France, there would also have been an incentive for scholarly and literary activity. In the regnum, however, that did not happen. Even after 1000, when communications among various parts of the kingdom improved, a development that might have been expected to foster a sense of wider community inally among clerics, each individual tended to remain loyal to the fortunes of his own urban patria. When a textual community inally emerged among Italian clerics in the course of the thirteenth century, it did so in the wake of the arrival of the friars, whose loyalties lay with the international Church and not with any particular locality. Coming from the north, the friars were focused on theology, 436

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hermeneutics, and liturgy. Under their inluence, the regnum developed, in the second half of the thirteenth century, a vibrant religious book culture that coexisted alongside the still dominant legal–rhetorical culture. After 1250, however, a third culture became established – a new book culture, whose concerns were neither legal nor ecclesiastical. Its promoters were laymen, mostly notaries, whose chief interests were those bound to moral and civic life. It drew inspiration from the classical tradition and it was oriented toward grammar (which encompassed poetry) and rhetoric (which encompassed prose). This new culture would ultimately transform the regnum into the champion of a new vision of secular life. Its causes and early development form the subject of the inal chapter of the book.

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his chapter will bring together some subjects discussed in the previous three chapters: the improved methods of teaching Latin grammar in the schools, the difusion of grammar education among the laity; the generally enhanced vitality of intellectual life; the new audience for poetry created by the importation of French and Provençal literature; and the dire social and political efects of the chivalric ideal that this literature exalted. The combination of these elements in the thirteenth century was to foster the birth of a self-conscious urban morality that subsequently, irst in Italy and then in western Europe as a whole, would challenge and ultimately replace the medieval ethos dominated by rural, clerical, and chivalric values. The changed nature of communal historiography after 1220, with its frequent citation of ancient authors and its extensive use of poetry in the Latin narrative, bears witness to how extensively grammar education had become difused among the urban laity. The writers of these newer histories did not work for patrons but were responding to an audience that would appreciate their innovations. By the middle decades of the century a series of poets, overwhelmingly laymen, could make a similar assumption about the receptivity of the public to their work. As the distinctive nature of their urban existence became apparent to Italian intellectuals, who became increasingly aware of the disruptive inluence of the chivalric ethos that ennobled partisan violence and of the incongruity between their actual lives and the moral values emphasized by the clergy, they turned to ancient moral writings for solutions. These thinkers fell roughly into two groups. The appeal pioneered by Albertano of Brescia (d. ca. 1270) drew on Cicero and Seneca when adumbrating in the Latin of the day a conception of civic harmony founded on Christian love. Brunetto Latini (d. ca. 1294) in the next generation politicized Albertano in that, inluenced by ancient Roman republicanism, he conceived of this harmony as occurring in a republican society. Latini expanded the inluence of his ideas by articulating them in the vernacular and reinforced their efect by translating a portion of Cicero’s writings. The stream of translated ancient Latin works that followed his initiative served over the following century to impress on readers of vernacular writings the character of ancient society and aforded them a background against which they could compare and contrast their own society.

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The second approach, initiated by Lovato de’ Lovati (1240–1309), embraced an aesthetic ideal that in time would have profound practical consequences, irst for Italian society and subsequently for European society as a whole. Building on the understanding of the mechanics of the Latin language generated by the new grammar manuals of the irst half of the thirteenth century, Lovato successfully created a style of classicizing Latin that had been rarely attained by any writer since late antiquity. His hope of inspiring the political and moral reform of his audience lay in his ability to capture in his own work the lexical and linguistic combinations that lent ancient prose and poetry their compelling efect.The reading practices that he introduced and the goal that he assigned them would serve as the basis of a new Latin book culture known as humanism. ENRICO OF SETTIMELLO’S ELEGIA

One of few medieval Latin works by an Italian to become a standard text in the fourteenth-century classroom, Enrico of Settimello’s Elegia was the product of the last decade of the twelfth century.1 Inspired by contemporary French epic and Provençal poetry, the text, composed in 1192/93, represented a complete break with the preoccupation with patriotic subjects of preceding Italian poets.2 Despite the wide popularity it subsequently enjoyed, the Elegia had no immediate sequel. At least during the next seventy or eighty years, the lay Latin poets, who virtually monopolized poetic composition in this period, embraced military and civic themes characteristic of the twelfth century. The poem’s attraction for grammar teachers in the fourteenth century probably lay in its didactic message and in the rich blend of echoes of ancient and medieval poetry. The failure of Enrico’s Latin to meet the standards of ifteenth-century Latinity, however, would account for its progressive disappearance from the schools after 1400. Despite its exceptional status, the Elegia merits discussion in that it represents the earliest instance of the role played by the Arthurian and Celtic cycles and Provençal poetry in widening the emotional and thematic range of Italian Latin poetry. An isolated poet in his own time, Enrico was the forerunner of Lovato de’ Lovati who, 1

2

The Elegia is published by Giovanni Cremaschi (Bergamo, 1949). See also his article “Enrico da Settimello e la sua Elegia,” Atti dell’Istituto veneto di scienze, lettere ed’arti, classe di scienza morali, lettere ed arter, 108 (1949–50):177–206. Four other poems can be dated to the last decades of the twelfth century, three dealing with military events and one religious. All were of scant literary merit. (1) “Il ritmo nonantolano ‘De Ierosolima a Saldino capta,’” ed. by Maria Clara Lilli in Atti e memorie della Deputazione di storia patria e le antiche province modenesi, ser. 8, 5 (1953): 314–25, recounts Saladin’s capture of Jerusalem; Composed ca. 1191–94. (2) Il poemetto piacentino (1187), ed. Georg H. Pertz, MGH, Scriptores, no. 18 (Hannover, 1863), 416–17, which celebrates a minor victory of Piacenza in 1187. The poem is included in a prose history of Piacenza that could have been written completely in the thirteenth century, but the poem was probably written shortly after the event and included in the narrative. (3) Inno dei Bresciani per la vittoria di Rudiano, celebrating a battle fought in 1191 and edited in Federico Odorici, “La battaglia di Rudiano, detta di Malamorte,” Archivio storico italiano, 2nd ser., 3.2 (1856): 20–22. (4) Vita rhythmica, in Camillo Afarosi, Memorie istoriche del monastero di S. Prospero di Reggio, 3 vols. (Padua, 1733–46), 2:128–30, celebrates life of Saint Prospero (late twelfth century).

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as a sensitive reader of the same foreign literature, composed Latin lyric poetry both inspired by and in rivalry with it. Enrico of Settimello, a Florentine cleric, had studied at Bologna, probably in the early 1180s. Glosses to the text report that he had been employed by the bishops of Florence and Volterra because of his talent for ars dictaminis, a subject that he doubtless studied in Bologna. The bishop of Volterra is said to have bestowed on him the rich beneice of Calenzano as a reward for his services. However, Enrico’s poem tells us that, once having enjoyed great honor and inancial ease, he had lost all and had been reduced to ruin. Of the four books in regular Latin elegaic verse, the irst two, containing a lament on his evil fortune and an altercation between himself and Fortune, are the most inspired. Throughout the poem Enrico indulges his love for elaborate colores rhetorici and indiscriminately mixes ancient Latin with neologisms like archivolans, cirager, and omniicus, some of which he probably invented himself. However, his generous use of assonance, paronomasia, and etymology – elsewhere in the poem too exaggerated for the modern taste – conveys beautifully the writhing insomniac unable to ind oblivion in sleep (1:187–94): Volvor et evolvor; lectus, bene mollis, acutis urticat spinis tristia membra meus. Nunc nimis est altum, nimium nunc decidit, unquam pulvinar medium nescit habere modum. Nunc caput inclino, nunc elevo, parte sinistra nunc ruo, nunc dextra, nunc cado nuncque levor, Nunc hac, nunc illac, nunc sursum, nunc rotor infra, et modo volvo caput qua michi parte pedes. Non ita stare queo: surgo lectumque revolvo: sic modo volvo pedes qua michi parte caput.3

The author’s laments in the Book II are interrupted by the appearance of Fortune, who severely chides him for rebelling against her commands. A bitter argument ensues, climaxing in a mutual declaration of eternal enmity. Fortune swears (2:249– 250), “Tunc ea: Vade ferox: hostis meus esse memento,” and Enrico replies, “Tu quoque vade: hostis esse memento mea.”4 The mood changes abruptly at the beginning of the third book with the entrance of Philosophy, a beautiful, digniied woman accompanied by her court of the seven Liberal Arts. In contrast with the aggressivity of Fortune, Philosophy sympathetically counsels Enrico to remember the lessons he learned at Bologna: all who rise must fall, and the only tranquility lies in poverty. In a world where the power of vice grows ever stronger, Enrico only refuge lies in living a virtuous life, accepting 3

4

“I toss and turn and my softest of beds pricks my sad body with sharp thorns. Now too high, now to low, my pillow never is in the right place. Now I lower my head, now raise it, now I roll to the left, now to the right, now I sink down, now raise myself up. Now this way, now that, now on my back, now face down; and now I put my feet where my head was. I can’t remain like this: I rise up and turn the bed; thus now I turn my feet to where my head had been.” “Depart, ferocious one, and remember, you are my enemy.” “Depart yourself, and remember, you are my enemy.”

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serenely what Fortune inlicts. The poem ends with an address to his dearest friend, identiied with the senhal Longepres, a second addressed to another with the senhal Florenti, and inally a third to Bishop Peter.5 Although echoes and references to Virgil, Lucan, Horace, Statius, Juvenal, Maximianus, Martianus Capella, and Seneca are also present, Ovid serves as Enrico’s most important classical source. In addition, he drew generously from the Old and New Testaments, but he used early Christian literature only sparingly. As important as these sources, however, were the modern French Latin poets Walter of Châtillon, Alan of Lille, Hildebert of Lavardin, Matthew of Vendôme, and Walter Map. Almost certainly, these writers were instrumental in wrenching Enrico away from the Italian twelfth-century poetic tradition so focused on patriotism and military conlict. If Enrico’s debate with Fortune and the counsels of Philosophy failed to reveal a mind gifted for philosophic thought, nonetheless the Elegia developed a theme common to much northern poetry. Enrico’s contact with French vernacular literature also played a signiicant role in this process. While it is impossible to determine whether his knowledge of the Tristan story and the Arthurian legends to which he alludes in the Elegia (1:98, 120, and 157) came to him orally or by reading, the key scene of the sleepless night in Book I, the most lyrical part of the poem, certainly drew upon his reading of the French love poem Narcisse, written circa 1170. In that poem the lover, unable to sleep, tosses itfully upon her bed. Like her, Enrico had sufered a deep wound, but in his case the arrows striking the heart were sent by ira, not amor.6 Enrico knew, of course, Ovid’s brief reference to the sleeplessness of the lover in the Amores 1.2.1–5, but both for vocabulary and action the Elegia’s passage receives its immediate inspiration from the vernacular account.7 Enrico probably drew his knowledge of the classical sources that he used from local sources, but the lyrical elements of the Elegia perhaps derived from his acquaintance with three modern schools of poetry: the vernacular poets of Provence, those of the Celtic and Arthurian cycles, and the northern French Latin humanists. We shall witness a similar inspiration, at least as regards vernacular poetry, in Lovato’s earliest poetry almost eighty years later. In Lovato’s case, however, these inluences would be melded by his efort to write classicizing Latin into poetry redolent of antiquity. 5

6

7

It is unclear whether in fact two rather than three men are addressed in the concluding lines: Longepres (4: lines 231–40), Florenti (4: lines 241–46), and the bishop (4: lines 247–54). The identiication of Longepres as Monaco, archbishop of Caesaria (1181–87), has been generally accepted. Author of a Latin poem on the siege of Acre (1189–91), De expugnatione civitatis Acconensis, Monaco had spent the two years between the collapse of Crusader power in the Holy Land and the reconquest (1187–91) in Florence, where he and Enrico became friends: Angelo Monteverdi, “Longepres,” SM, 2nd ser. 1 (1928): 162–64. Whether or not the bishop and Florenti are the same man, the lines addressed directly to Florenti make it clear that the work is dedicated to Florenti: “Suscipe millenis citharum quam dirigo nervis/Orpheus ignota carminis arte rudis” (4, lines 245–46). Cremaschi, “Enrico da Settimello,” 181–83, discusses the bibliography. Simonetta Bianchini,“Arrigo da Settimello e una sua fonte oitanica,” SM, 3rd ser., 30 (1989): 855–63. The scene in Narcisse is an ampliication of that found in the Provençal Roman d’Aenéas, lines 8400– 8420, composed ca. 1156 (858–59). The repeated reminiscences of the Amores in the Elegia prove that he knew the poem.

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A gap of more than ifty years exists between the composition of the Elegia and the next surviving Latin poem of literary signiicance, Urso of Genoa’s Historia de victoria quam Genuenses ex Friderico II retulerunt, composed around 1245.8 In its subject, the victory of Genoa over the armies of Frederick II in 1245, Urso’s poem continued the military theme predominant in the meagre production of poetry in the regnum during the previous century, but in its frequent citation of ancient authors, primarily Virgil, the work relected a tendency that was emerging in Italian historical writing beginning several decades earlier. Compared with transalpine historical writing, the number of historical works composed in the regnum prior to the mid-twelfth century was surprisingly small. At the risk of repetition, I here provide a listing of those works written between roughly 800 and 1270. Annals that provide only dates and a corresponding list of historical events are not included. Ninth Century 9.1 Andreae Bergomatis historia, ed. Karl Waitz, MGH, Scriptores rerum langobardicarum et italicarum saec.VI–IX (Hannover, 1878), 221–230. Cleric. A continuation of Paolo Diacono’s Historia Langobardorum (790s) that carries the history down to 875. 9.2 Agnello (805–after 854), Liber pontiicalis, the History of the Archibishops of Ravenna: Agnelli Ravennatis Liber pontiicalis ecclesiae Ravennatis, ed. Deborah M. Deliyannis, Corpus Christianorum: Continuatio mediaevalis, no. 199 (Turnhout, 2006). Cleric. Contains many passages in poetry, most taken from epitaphs.The only ancient pagan author cited is Virgil, who is mentioned forty times. Tenth Century 10.1 Liudprando, bishop of Cremona, Antapodosis, recounting historical events between 877 and 949; Gesta Ottonis, narrating Otto I’s deposition of Pope John XII at Rome in 963; and Relatio de Constantinopolitana legatione, describing Liudprando’s last embassy to Constantinople in 968/969: Liudprandi Cremonensis. Opera omnia, ed. Paolo Chiesa, Corpus Christianorum: Continuatio mediaevalis, no. 156 (Turnhout, 1998). A wide range of ancient authors are quoted, including Lucretius, Martial, and Pliny, although these three authors may have been cited from lorilegia. His frequent citations from Cicero’s Ad familiares indicate that he has read the text. Scattered throughout are 271 lines of his own poetry. Eleventh Century 11.1 The Cronaca di Novalesa, ed. Gian Carlo Alessio (Turin, 1982), recounts the vicissitudes of the abbey of Santi Pietro e Andrea di Novalesa from its legendary 8

The work was published twice in the nineteenth century: Historia de victoria quam Genuenses ex Friderico II retulerunt, ed. Tommaso Vallauri, in Historia Patriae Monumenta, Chartarum, 3 vols. (Turin, 1836–53), 2:1741–64; and Vittoria de’ Genovesi supra l’armata di Federico II: Carme di Ursone notaio del secolo XIII, ed. and trans. (Ital.) Giovanni B. Graziano (Genoa, 1857).

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foundation in the time of Nero down to the author’s own time. Written by a monk of the abbey in the middle years of the eleventh century, the work reveals the inluence of Carolingian chansons de geste, Lombard legends, and the German epic Waltharius, together with hagiographic and patristic literature. No citation of ancient Latin authors. 11.2. Chronica monasterii sancti Michaelis Clusini, in MGH, Scriptores, no. 30, pt. 2, ed. Gerhard Schwartz and Elisabetha Abegg (Leipzig, 1929), 960–68, was written anonymously by a monk of the abbey between 1058 and 1061. The author narrates the circumstances that in the tenth century led, irst, to the founding of a church at Chiusa, and subsequently of a monastery. The author cites the Aeneid twice and possibly Tibullus once. 11.3 In his Gesta archiepiscoporum Mediolanensium, Arnolfo, a Milanese nobleman, traced Italian political history from the reign of Ugo in 926 to 1077, with a focus on the urban civil wars that began in the 1050s. His interest in the law suggests that he was a judge and notary: Cinzio Violante, “Arnolfo,” DBI, vol. 4 (Rome, 1962), 282. There are two modern editions of the work: Liber gestorum recentium, ed. Claudia Zey, MGH, Scriptores rerum Germanicarum in usum scholarum, no. 67 (Hannover, 1994); and Liber gestorum recentium, ed. and trans. (Ital.) Irene Saravelli, Fonti per la storia dell’Italia medievale: storici italiani dal cinquecento al millecento ad uso delle scuole, no. 1 (Bologna, 1996). Citations of Horace, Lucan, Ovid, Sallust, Statius, and Virgil. 11.4 Landolfo senior’s Mediolanensis historiae libri quatuor, ed. Alessandro Cutolo, RIS, n.s., no. 4, pt. 2 (Bologna, 1942), was composed around 1100. The cleric traces the religious history of the Milanese church down to circa 1085. No direct citation of classical authors but references to Sulla, Marius, Catiline, Caesar, Nero, Trajan, Nerva, and Maximianus. Eighty-ive lines of contemporary poetry. Twelfth Century 12.1 Three fragmentary Pisan histories (written in the aftermath of the Balearic expedition (1118–19): Annales antiquissimi, in Francesco Novati, “Un nuovo testo degli Annales pisani antiquissimi e le prime lotte di Pisa contro gli arabi,” Centenario della nascita di Michele Amari, 2 vols. (Palermo, 1910), 2:11–20; Chronicon Pisanum seu fragmentum auctoris incerti, ed. Michele Lupo Gentile, RIS, n.s., no. 6, pt. 2 (Bologna, 1936), 99–103; and Gesta triumphalia per Pisanos facta de captione Hierusalem et civitatis Maioricarum et aliarum civitatum et de triumpho habito contra Ianuenses, ed. Michele Lupo-Gentile, RIS, n.s., no. 6, pt. 2 (Bologna, 1936), 89–96 [1118/19]). Anonymous clerical author(s). No poetry or classical authors. 12.2 A cleric, Landolfo junior recounts events surrounding the Milanese church from 1095 to 1137: Landulphi junioris sive de Sancto Paulo Historia mediolanensis anno MXCV usque ad annum MCXXXVII, ed. Carlo Castiglioni, RIS, n.s., no. 5. pt. 3 (Bologna, 1934). No poetry or classical authors. 12.3 The historical writings of Cafaro (1080/81–1166): his Annales: ann. MXCIX_ MCLXIII, ed. Luigi T. Belgrano, succinctly covers the history of Genoa down to 1163: Annali Genovesi di Cafaro e de’ suoi continuatori dal MXCIX al MCCXCII, ed. Luigi T. Belgrano and Cesare Imperiale, FSI, nos. 11–14 (Genoa, 1890–1929), 443

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11:2–75. Because he frequently served in a judicial capacity as consul of the placita (Giovanna Petti Balbi, “Cafaro,’ DBI, vol. 16 [Rome, 1973], 259), Cafaro may have had legal training as a notary. His work is introduced by a four-line metric poem: Annales genovesi, 11:4. His Ystoria captionis Almerie et Tortuose, ed. Luigi T. Belgrano, Annali genovesi, 11: 79–89 (ca. 1150); and his De liberatione civitatum Orientis liber, ed. Luigi T. Belgrano, Annali genovesi, 99–124 (1156), deal with Genoa’s overseas adventures. No classical authors appear in any of the three works. 12.4–6 Ottonis Morenae et continuatorum: Historia Frederici I, in Das Geschichtswerk des Otto Morena und seiner Fortsetzer über die Taten Friedrichs I. in der Lombardei, ed. Ferdinand Güterbock, MGH, Scriptores rerum germanicarum, n.s., no. 7 (Berlin, 1930).The work of Otto Morena (d. ca. 1161), his son Acerbo (d. 1167), and that of an anonymous continuator, the Historia Frederici I (also known as De rebus Laudensibus) recounts the deeds of Frederick I in Italy from 1153 up to 1168.9 The Morenas were judges and laymen. Otto cites Sallust once: 10; Acerbo cites Sallust, 139, 161, 168, 198, and 201; Lucan, 167 and 168; and Suetonius, 167 and 168. There is no poetry. 12.7 A lost history of the papal schism of 1159 to 1164 by a certain Giovanni, a Cremonese priest, written in the 1160s or 1170s; Francesco Novati,“L’obituario della cattedrale di Cremona,” Archivio storico lombardo 7 (1880): 258. 12.8 Oberto Cancelliere, Annales ianuenses, ann. MCLXIV–MCLXXIII, ed. Luigi T. Belgano, FSI, no.11: 153–261. As chancellor of Genoa he was by necessity a notary. Forty-one lines of contemporary poetry are scattered through the text. No classical authors or poetry. 12.9 Gesta Federici I. imperatoris in Lombardia auct. Cive Mediolanensi (Annales mediolanenses maiores) is edited most recently by Oswald Holder-Egger, in MGH, Scriptores rerum Germanicarum in usum scholarum, no. 27 (Hannover, 1892), 1–64. Composed ca. 1177/78: 6. Also the probable author of Gesta Federici I imperatoris in expeditione sacra, ibid., 78–96, composed in the 1190s: 76. No poetry or classical references. 12.10 Anonymous Genoese, Regni Iherosolymitani brevis historia, ed. Luigi T. Belgrano, FSI, no. 11: 127–46 (ca. 1188). No poetry or classical authors. 12.11 Ottobono Scriba, Annales Ianuenses, ann. MCLXXIV–MCLXXXXVI, ed. Cesare Imperiale, FSI no. 12:1–66. Ottobono was scriba communis and notarius; ibid., xxiv–xxv. No poetry or classical authors. 12.12 Bernardo Marragone, Gli annales Pisani, ed. Michele Gentile, RIS, n.s., no. 6. pt 2. (Città di Castello, 1936), 3–74, written between 1182 and 1190 (ix). A judge, Bernardo was an important political leader of the commune: ibid., vi. Metric poem of twenty-ive lines (5–6). No classical authors. Thirteenth Century 13.1 Ogerio Pane, Annales Ianuenses, ann. MXLXXXXVII–MCCXIX, ed. Luigi T. Belgrano and Cesare Imperiale, FSI, no. 12:69–154. No poetry or classical authors. He was a notary and scribe of the Genoese chancery: ibid., 12:xl. 9

The quantity of legal expressions throughout the work suggests that all three authors had legal training and were perhaps notaries: Morena, Historia Frederici I, xvi.

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13.2 Sicardo, bishop of Cremona, Cronica, MGH, Scriptores, ed. Oswald HolderEgger, 31 (Hannover, 1903), 22–181. The Historia was inished in 1212. A universal history from the tenth century that emphasizes the history of Cremona. His sources are almost entirely early Christian and medieval. Sallust, Lucan, and Horace each serves once as a source; ibid., 80, 81, and 165, respectively. 13.3 Boncompagno of Signa, Liber de obsidione Ancone, ed. Giulio C. Zimolo, RIS, n.s., no. 6. pt. 3 (Bologna, 1937), a layman, narrates the siege of Ancona by the imperial legate Christian of Mainz and the Venetians in 1173. Composed circa 1201. Allusion to Sallust, 6. 13.4 Marchisio Scriba, Annales Ianuenses, ann. MCCXX–MCCXXIV, ed. Luigi T. Belgrano and Cesare Imperiale, FSI, no. 12:157–202. He was a notary: ibid., xl. No poetry or citation of ancient authors. 13.5 Tolosano’s Chronicon Faventinum AA. 20 av. C-1236, ed. Giuseppe Rossini, RIS, n.s., no. 28. pt. 1 (Bologna, 1936–39). He was a canon of the cathedral: ibid., v. Rossini counts 131 lines of contemporary verse in the narrative (xii–xv). Lines or fragments from ancient poets include Virgil’s Aeneid, 35, 41, 42, 45, 48, 50, 61, 76, 79, 95, 96, 109, 171; Ovid, 48, 76, and 96 (Met.); Horace, 74 (Odes) and 79 (Epist.); and Lucan, 75. For the most part these are integrated into the author’s own poetry. 13.6 Sanzanominis iudicis Gesta Florentinorum ab anno 1125 ad annum 1231, ed. Otto Hartwig, in Quellen und Forschungen zur ältesten Geschichte der Stadt Florenz, 2 vols. (Marburg, 1875, and Halle, 1880) 1:1–34. A layman and judge. Contemporary poetry, 16–17 (46 lines); 24 (3 verses); 25 (2 lines); 27, (10 verses). 13.7 Giovanni Codagnello, notary of Piacenza, the most proliic of the earlythirteenth-century chroniclers. His Annales Placentini, ed. Oswald Holder-Egger, MGH, Scriptores rerum Germanicarum in usum scholarum, no. 23 (Hannover and Leipzig, 1901), 3–116, was probably written between 1230 and 1235: Girolamo Arnaldi,“Giovanni Codagnello,” DBI, vol. 26 (Rome, 1982), 563. No ancient authors. Contemporary poetry, 6 (2 lines); 7 (2 lines); 16–17 (41 lines); 72 (6 lines); and 74–83 (305 lines). He also authored Gesta obsidionis Damiate, ed. Oswald Holder-Egger, MGH, Scriptores, no. 31 (Berlin, 1903), 463–503; and an adaptation of Gesta Federici imperatoris in Lombardia, entitled Libellus tristiae et doloris, ed. Oswald Holder-Egger, MGH, Scriptores rerum Germanicarum in usum scholarum, no. 27 (Hannover, 1892), 14–64; and a fabulous chronicle beginning with the ages of the world and ending with Charlemagne’s invasion of Spain, partially published in Oswald Holder-Egger, “Über die historischen Werke des Johannes Codagnellus von Piacenza,” Neues Archiv der Gesellschaft für ältere deutsche Geschichtskunde 16 (1890): 253–346 and 475–509. For publication of other works, see Arnaldi, “Giovanni Codagnello,” 563. 13.8 Gerardo Maurisio, Chronica Dominorum Ecelini et Alberici fratrum de Romano (AA. 1183–1237), ed. Giovanni Soranzo, RIS, n.s., no. 8. pt. 4 (Città di Castello, 1914), 3–63. Probably written in 1237: ibid., x. A notary and judge (ii) from Vicenza, Maurisio cites Ovid, from the Fasti (on p. 4), from Ex Ponto (on pp. 7, 18, and 46), and the Tristia (on pp. 14, 43, and 44); and Horace, from the Carmina (on pp. 3–4). Contemporary poetry, presumably by Gerardo, may be found on p. 4 (6 lines), 6 (2 lines), 42 (34 lines), 43–44 (29 lines), 45–47 (74 lines), 47–58 (387 lines), and 62–63 (36 lines). He includes on 59–63 poetry by his friend, Taddeo notarius (114 lines).

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13.9–10 Bartolomeo Scriba and Urso of Genoa, Annales Ianuenses, ann. MCCXXV–MCCL, ed. Cesare Imperiale, FSI, no. 13 (Rome, 1923).10 Both were notarii imperialis: ibid., xii and xv. They cite Lucan, 25; Cato, 76; one line of contemporary poetry: 16; 2 lines, 17; and 10 lines, 94. 13.11 Rolandino, Cronica in factis et circa facta Marchie Trivixane [AA. 1200cc –1262], ed. Antonio Bonardi, RIS, n.s., no. 8. pt. 1 (Città di Castello, 1905), who writes between 1260 and 1262, focuses on Padua: Girolamo Arnaldi,“Il notaio e cronista e le cronache cittadine in Italia,” La storia del diritto nel quadro delle scienze storiche (Florence, 1966), 302. Rolandino cites (25): Horace, Epist.; (64): Ovid, Heroides; (66): Lucan; (80): twoline anonymous poem; (89): four verses from Aesop; (99): Ovid, Ars amatoria and Prudentius, Psychom.; (106): Ovid, Heroides; (123): Lucan, same passages as before; (126): Horace, Epist.; (146): Horace, De arte poetica; (159): Ovid, Ex Ponte, and Virgil, Aeneid; (173): Horace, Epist. 13.12 Parisio de Cerea, Chronicon, ed. Georg Heinrich Pertz, MGH, Scriptores, 19 (Hannover, 1866), 2–18. A notary by 1224, Parisio carried his chronicle of Verona from 1117 to 1277: Girolamo Arnaldi, Studi sui cronisti della Marca trevigiana nell’età di Ezzelino da Romano, Studi Storici, no. 48–50 (Rome, 1963), 7. Arnaldi identiies him as a notary: ibid. 12. The pages of the chronicle devoted to 1260–77 appear to have been added later: ibid., 16. No poetry or classical references. 13.13 Cronica de origine civitatis Florentie, ed. Anna M. Cesari, published in “Cronica de origine civitatis Florentie,” Atti e memorie dell’Accademia toscana di scienze e lettere “La Columbaria,” n.s., no. 44 (1993), 187–253. The best manuscript of the work is dated 1264, which may be taken as an approximate date for the work’s composition: ibid., 190, n. 8. The mythological contents are discussed: ibid., 192–201. No poetry or classical references. 13.14 Annales S. Justinae Patavini, ed. Philipp Jafé, MGH, Scriptores, 19 (Hannover, 1866), 149–93. Composed by an anonymous monk at the Paduan monastery of Santa Justina, the work recounts events “in parts of the March (of Treviso) and Lombardy as well as beyond the conines of Italy” (149) between 1207 and 1270. A substantial portion (153–79) concerns the wars against Ezzelino (1237–59). One citation from Sallust (149) and another from Virgil (183). The listing of these historical works by epochs warrants four observations. First of all, it indicates that laymen, starting with Arnolfo of Milan in the fourth quarter of the eleventh century, played a role in historical writing that became the leading one after 1150. Of the twenty-four historians – beginning with Cafaro – writing between 1150 and 1270, six were anonymous authors, and of these two were decidedly laymen and one a cleric.11 Three histories were authored by clerics in the period (12.7, 13.2, and 13.5). The remaining ifteen were laymen. Second, of these, ten were designated as notaries and, if their titles relect the accepted practice in 10

11

I have counted this portion of the Annales as two works because, while Urso and Bartolomeo worked together from 1225 until 1238, Urso continued alone until 1250. The Annales were subsequently composed by anonymous scribes of the chancery until 1264. The task was then assigned to four Genoese patricians and lawyers: Annales Ianuensis, 13:xvii, and Annales Ianuensis, 14: xi. The numbers in the text assigned to the works of anonymous writers are 12.6, 12.9, 12.10, 13.6, 13.13., and 13.14. Of these 12.9 and 13.6 were by laymen and 13.14 by a cleric.The anonymous continuator of the Morena history (12.6) was likely lay as well.

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their epoch, the identiication of Marragone (12.12) and Sanzanome (13.13) as judices meant that they were notaries as well.12 Otto Morena (12.4) and his son (12.5) had the title judex et missus imperatoris and were doubtless notaries. Evidence of the legal training of the rest is less certain. Legal expressions are common in the prose of the Morenas’ anonymous continuator (12.6). The case for Cafaro (12.4) is based solely on his tenure of judicial oices.While as a foreigner Boncompagno (13.3) could not practice the profession in Bologna, his treatises on various aspects of the ars notarie indicate that he had had training as a notary. Third, the interest in establishing communal identity through the writing of history is relected in the increase in communal histories after the Peace of Constance. Whereas earlier in the twelfth century histories were written for Pisa, Milan, and Genoa, after 1183, besides a new version of Pisan and a series of continuations of Genoese history, the cities of Cremona, Faenza, Florence (2), Piacenza, and Verona found their historians. Ezzelino’s military successes inspired historians to chronicle his actions, just as Frederick I’s campaigns had inspired historians a century before. However, of the three histories focused on the tyrant – those by Maurisio, Rolandino, and the monk of Santa Justina-Rolandino’s narrative, with its account of the oppression and inal liberation of Padua, deserves to be considered a communal history as well. Most important for our purposes, however, is a fourth observation: whereas historical literature up to 1230 rarely echoed the writings of ancient authors, after that date the communal historians’ knowledge of ancient Roman writers and of the techniques of poetic composition indicate more intensive training in grammar. The historians’ use of Latin poetry – even if modest at best – testiies not only to their training in grammar but also to a new understanding of poetry as an efective means of conveying ideas and emotions. Furthermore, the increase of new communal histories written after 1220 bears witness to the existence of a growing number of Latin readers in major urban centers. From at least the eighth century, local patriotism had been the source of inspiration for much of the meagre literary production coming from Italian cities. Initially an endeavour of clerics, by the eleventh century laymen began to join them in celebrating their cities literarily.The interest in reading this kind of literature presumably expanded after 1200, running parallel with the emergence of an urban audience for vernacular poetry. Composed of members of the urban clergy, the swelling number of lay notaries, and other members of the elite with grammar training, the audience for these histories would naturally have been smaller than that for vernacular writings. Nevertheless, the new histories were not composed in response to royal or princely patronage, but in the expectation of attracting a local readership. More speciically, by the 1220s, the inclusion of references to ancient authors and original poetry presumably relected an increasingly sophisticated public, one potentially receptive by the late 1240s to an ambitious poetic project like that of Urso of Genova, which initiated a new epoch in Latin literature in the regnum. 12

The works of the nine notaries are, for the twelfth century, 12.8 and 12.11, and, for the thirteenth century, 13.1, 13.3, 13.7, 13.8, 13.9, 13.10, 13.11; and, 13.12. In the case of Marragone and Sanzanome, it is likely that by the late twelfth century judges in communal government had training as notaries.

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The facts that from the late twelfth century the number of histories grew and that most of their authors were notaries cannot be separated from the political and social consequences of the Treaty of Constance of 1183, which gave the Italian cities de facto autonomy, destabilizing the old elite and enhancing the value of a Latin education as a means to social and political mobility. Designed to answer the need to provide their communes with a sense of identity, the Latin histories were in large part authored by the best-educated among the notaries, who, like most other members of the expanding notariate, sought advancement through their training in writing and speaking.13 Similarly motivated, notaries in the Veneto in the second half of the thirteenth century were to initiate an alternative approach to Italy’s ancient Roman past that in coming centuries was to have a transforming efect on European intellectual and literary culture. ALBERTANO OF BRESCIA, MODEL OF THIRTEENTH-CENTURY NOTARIAL CULTURE

Albertano of Brescia (l . 1226–1253) was the irst European to formulate a code of conduct speciically designed to guide the daily lives of citizens of the urban commune. Probably composed in the 1220s and 1230s, Boncompagno’s short moral treatises, Amicitia and De malo et senio, were by comparison tours de force.14 Both treatises were products of Boncompagno’s rivalry with Cicero’s De amicitia and De senectute. The Amicitia displayed Boncompagno’s ingenuity by ofering twentythree deinitions of friendship, while his De malo et senio, a collection of pessimistic observations on old age, was designed to contradict Cicero’s positive assessment of growing old. Neither spoke to the ethical needs of communal society. However, another contemporary work already mentioned, Oculus pastoralis, composed by an anonymous author around 1222, did so in a limited way by ofering moral guidance to the commune’s chief executive oicer, the podestà.15 The work was not a moral treatise but rather a manual primarily intended to provide models for speeches and letters used by a podestà. Many of the model speeches outlined the standards of conduct that a good podestà should follow. The author repeatedly urged oicials to remain above the battle of factions and to administer justice equally to all comers. In its inal pages, the igure of Justitia inveighed against the vices of podestà and implored God to direct the steps of communal oicials in His ways.16 There was 13

14

15 16

This conclusion lends weight to Robert Black’s statement that the early humanists – almost all legal professionals – used “classical writers and history to justify the literary and learned activities of the non-noble literary and professional classes.” Black concludes: “It is diicult not to see early humanism as an ideology justifying the political and social aspirations of the legal class to which Lovato, Latini and Geri belonged”: in “The Origins of Humanism,” Interpretations of Renaissance Humanism, ed. Angelo Mazzocco (Leiden and Boston, 2006), 56. Granting this motive, I would, however, insist that the opposition of the early humanists to aristocratic values had its justiication in the destructive character of those values within the setting of the urban commune. For Boncompagno’s two treatises, see my “Boncompagno and the Defense of Rhetoric,” The Journal of Medieval and Renaissance Studies 16 (1986): 27–29. See Chapter 11, under “The New Arts of Rhetoric.” Dora Franceschi, “L’Oculus pastoralis e la sua fortuna.” Atti dell’ Accademia delle scienze di Torino: classe di scienze morali, storiche e ilologiche 99, pts. 1 and 2 (1964–65), 66–70. For the focus on oicial performances in the Oculus and other manuals of the genre, consult Quentin Skinner, The Foundations of Modern Political Thought, 2 vols. (Cambridge and New York, 1978), 33–35.

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nothing systematic in the work, nor did later examples of this genre of manual go beyond the fragmentary moral counsel found here. The admonitions of the manuals appeared to be products of experience, commonsense conclusions independent of any literary or philosophical tradition. Albertano’s writings were of a diferent order. His achievement amounted to an articulation of a broad program for citizens increasingly conscious of the need for moral regeneration in their cities. His biography testiies to his active participation in the civic and political life of his own commune. Albertano irst appeared in 1226 as an oicial of the podestà of Brescia at Mosio, where the second league of Lombard cities came into being in order to frustrate the designs of Frederick II to impose his authority on the regnum. A year later he reappeared, this time as a representative of the commune in a contract purchasing land for the Broletto, the new communal palace planned for the city. During the same decade he served the commune in a series of inquisitiones designed to determine communal rights and properties in the contado.17 In the wake of Frederick II’s imminent return to Italy from the Holy Land in 1231, Albertano, along with a second Brescian, Lanfranchino of Rodengo, signed an agreement on Brescia’s behalf renewing the Lombard League for a second time. Captain of Gavardo, an outlying village, during Frederick II’s long siege of Brescia in 1238, Albertano was captured and imprisoned for months in Cremona. In 1243 he reappeared at Genoa in the suite of Emanuele Maggi, the Brescian who had been elected podestà of the city. Finally, in 1251, we have his name on the treaty that established peace between Brescia and Bergamo after ifteen years of war. As for so many authors, Albertano’s forced coninement in his Cremonese prison in 1238 encouraged relection. The result was his irst work, dedicated to his son Vincenzo, the De amore et dilectione Dei et proximi et aliarum rerum et de forma vitae, composed, according to the inal words of the treatise, in his cell.18 The De arte loquendi et tacendi, a work of enduring success over the centuries, dedicated to his son Stefano, followed in 1245.19 Albertano completed a third treatise, Liber consolationis et consili, dedicated to Giovanni, a third son, the next year.20 Less important for his ideas than the treatises were his ive surviving sermons: the irst, the Sermo Januae, delivered in Genoa before a group of Genoese notaries and judges in 1243, and four others given in 1253 in the new Franciscan church of San Giorgio Martire in the presence of a confraternity of causidici.21 17

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20 21

For these biographical details, see James M. Powell, Albertano da Brescia: The Pursuit of Happiness in the Early Thirteenth Century (Philadelphia, 1992), 2–3. “Explicet liber de amore et dilectione Dei Dei [sic] et proximi et aliarum rerum et de forma vite, quem Albertanus causidicus Brixiensis de hora Sancte Agathe compilavit ac scripsit, cum esset in carcere domini imperatoris Frederici in civitate Cremone”: Sharon Hiltz,“De amore et dilectione Dei et proximi et aliarum rerum et de forma vita: An Edition” (Ph.D. diss., University of Pennsylvania, 1980), 289. Thor Sundby, Della vita e delle opere di Brunetto Latini (Florence, 1884), 171–77, published the work as an appendix. Albertano of Brescia, Liber consolationis et consilii, ed. Thor Sundby (Copenhagen, 1873). The Sermo Januae is found in Sermone inedito di Albertano giudice da Brescia, ed. Luigi F. Fè d’Ostiani (Brescia, 1874). It was presented in the house of Pietro di Nigro at the time when Albertano worked in Genoa for the podestà.The four sermons are found in Sermones quattuor, ed. Marta Ferrari (Lonato, [1955]). See also her “Intorno ad alcuni sermoni inediti di Albertano da Brescia,” Atti dell’Istituto veneto di scienze, lettere ed arti, 109 (1950–51): 69–93.

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A devout patriot, Albertano could not but feel anguish over the intense factionalism, occasionally erupting into violence in the streets, that characterized civil life in Brescia throughout most of his life. During his maturity, moreover, weakened by these divisions, the city had repeatedly to resist eforts of Frederick II to annul the terms of the Peace of Constance granting the communes of the regnum their autonomy. When that resistance erupted in open warfare, Frederick II could count upon military support from the party of Brescians in exile.22 Taken as a whole, Albertano’s writing constituted a counterweight to the ethos underlying the divisions that endangered communal peace and weakened Brescia’s ability to defend its liberty in the face of outside powers. That ethos, which encouraged partisanship focused on family and personal honor, found its dramatic embodiment in the chivalric genre of literature that celebrated the military hero and emphasized the ethical primacy of loyalty to one’s lord in opposition to the citizen’s obligation to the republican community. In contrast, Albertano’s civic morality, couched in Christian terms, strove for reconciliation and cooperation. Despite the strong religious thread that runs through Albertano’s writings, he also drew signiicant inspiration for his conception of a civil society from pagan writers, primarily Cicero and Seneca. Whereas a limited number of Cicero’s writings, primarily his De inventione, had been quoted by Italian authors for centuries, references to Seneca appeared in the regnum for the irst time, in the Elegia of Enrico of Settimello, only in early 1190s. Albertano gained his knowledge of the Roman Stoic by reading an unglossed manuscript of Seneca’s Epistulae ad Lucilum (now Biblioteca Civica Brescia, Queriniano B II 6), which he probably found in the local cathedral library. He worked his way through the diicult text, glossing passages, not like later philologists with an eye to restoring its original reading, but rather in order to identify aspects of the Roman sage’s wisdom that were pertinent to contemporary life.23 Although he was heavily indebted to Augustine and a wealth of other Christian authors, the inluence of Cicero and Seneca enabled Albertano to interpret Christian ethical teachings in a new way. In his irst surviving work, De amore et dilectione Dei, he outlined a program by which people could live in love of God and their neighbors while leading fulilling lives as members of a civil society.24 Directed to urban 22

23

24

For the political events of the period 1200–1250, see Alfredo Bosisio, “Il comune,” in Dalle origini alla caduta della signoria viscontea (1426), Storia di Brescia, 5 vols. (Brescia, 1963–64; c1961), 1:648–73. Claudia Villa, “Progetti letterari e ricezione europea di Albertano da Brescia,” in Albertano da Brescia: alle origini del Razionalismo economico, dell’Umanesimo civile, della Grande Europa, ed. Franco Spinelli (Brescia, 1994), 61, suggests that the quasi-Christian character of Seneca’s words made his ideas more persuasive for Albertano. The apocryphal correspondence between Seneca and Saint Paul was also to be found in the Queriniano manuscript. Judging from the citations in his various works, Albertano’s knowledge of ancient Latin writers included Terence, Horace, Ovid, Sallust, Pseudo Caecilius Balbus, and a wide number of works by Cicero and Seneca. His ability to read the previously unglossed letters of Seneca indicates superior grammatical training. Likewise his Latin prose style in stilus humilis is formal, grammatically correct, and innocent of vernacular corruptions; ibid.: 60–61. “Hec est, inquam, societas, in qua omnia sunt que putant homines expetenda: honestas, gloria, tranquillitas, atque iocunditas; ut cum hec adsint, beata vita sit, cum sine hiis esse non possint, quod cum optimum maximumque sit”: Sharon Hiltz, “De amore et dilectione,” 102. Cited by Powell, Albertanus of

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readers whose prosperity derived from commerce, the work provided a justiication for their means to a livelihood. Although necessarily aware of the Church’s suspicions of trade and merchants, Albertano emphasized to his audience that, while Cicero had praised agriculture as a source of wealth, “one may also acquire ‘good’ riches and have licit dealings by transferring things from the place in which they abound to places where they are lacking, especially to the great cities.”25 Fortiied by a wide range of authorities, biblical sources as well as pagan, patristic, and medieval authors, he celebrated hard work and justiied proiting from its results.26 The pursuit of wealth must not, however, be inordinate, in that an immoderate desire for wealth annuls the love of God and fellow human beings: “We read that many saints had great and many riches.... Acquire and possess wealth, but do not invest your heart in them.”27 Poverty is to be avoided, because when temporal goods are lacking, “man is made poor, a begger, a rogue, a thief, and acquires all the vices.”28 Nonetheless, any proit that we make that is not shared with one’s partner (socius) in business is illegitimate, as is wealth gained by hurting others.29 The individual is duty-bound to use some of his assets to alleviate the suferings of the poor, but not to the point where he himself is reduced to misery.30 In giving alms to the poor on this basis, the giver should have no fear of depleting his resources, because God will reward his charity by increasing his wealth.31 Confronted with the traditional view that the contemplative life is superior to the active one, Albertano sets out the virtues of both: the contemplative life may be

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Brescia, 49. The De amore et dilectione Dei provided a rule of life akin to that used by lay confraternities of the period, but was better adapted to the daily life of the citizen. “Potes eciam acquirere bonas opes et licitas negotiationes transferendo res de locis in quibus habundant ad loca in quibus deiciunt, maxime ad magnas civitates”: Hiltz, “De amore et dilectione,” 174–75. In these paragraphs on Albertano’s economic and social ideas, I am indebted to Oskar Nuccio’s “I trattati ed i sermoni di Albertano da Brescia: Fonti inesplorate dell”Umanesimo economico,” in Albertano da Brescia: Alle origini del Razionalismo economico, 95–155. In my view, however, Nuccio presents Albertano as more of a theorist than he was in fact. “Provisio enim Dei adiuvat homines sine dilatione et pigritia laborantes.... Laborare itaque debes cum magna cura et diligenti opera pigritiam fugiendo, sompnollenciam fugando ac otia repellendo, ut labores et actus tui ad efectum perducantur”: Hiltz, “De amore et dilectione,” 173–74. The full quotation reads (ibid., 160): “Multos enim sanctos legimus divitias magnas et multas habuisse, ut fuit beatus Job; et eciam in evangelio legitur de Ioseph ab Arimathia, qui nobilis erat decurio, vir dives et justus, et discipulus Domini, ocultus tamen propter metum Iudorum. Opes itaque acquiras et possideas, non tamen eis cor apponas.” Cf. Liber consolationis et consilii, 100–102 “Temporales insuper res in tantum omnibus prosunt ut eis deicientibus eiciatur homo pauper, mendicus, fur, latro, et fere omnia vitia acquirat”: Hiltz, “De amore et dilectione,” 158. “In sua natura honesta sunt lucra, per que nemo leditur, et bene acquiritur, quod a nullis adhuc dominis abrogatur. Illa enim vera lucra iudicamus, que integritate sufragante percipimus. Acquiras ergo lucra cum honestate et socii utilitate”: ibid., 163. “Et habunde facias helimosinam secundum vires et facultates tuas et ex tua habundantia, ut helemosine tue non sint aliis consolatio, tibi autem tribulatio, nec expectes quod ilii tui pro te vel alii faciant helemosinas, vel ablata restituant”: ibid., 36. He writes more succinctly in his second sermon: “Et nota, non tamen debet aliquis tam de suo alii tribuere quod postea mendicare cogatur: Sermones quattuor, 27. “Potes eciam cognoscere quod divitie hominum non minuuntur, sed crescunt per elimosinas per multa exempla humana. Nam multas bonas domos vidi quarum divitie habundaverunt et creverunt quando helimosine in eis habundabant et habunda(n)ter iebant”: Hiltz, “De amore et dilectione,” 33.

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better for those who are willing to leave the world, but not for those who wish to live in it: “Thus among men there are distinct duties. For one thing is said to clerics, and another to those remaining in the world.”32 Cicero provides him with an assessment of the beneits of each life. Citing Cicero’s De oiciis 1.21.70, he writes: “More fruitful to the race of men and more itting for love and distinction is the life of those who are devoted to the state and to great matters.”33 On the vita contemplativa he resorts again to Cicero’s view, expressed in De oiciis, 3.5.25, that “the life of repose is easier and safer and less heavy and troubled than the other.”34 Although, in the same manner as Cicero, Albertano leaves the choice between the two forms of life open for his son Vincenzo, the treatise’s concentration on moral issues surrounding the active life suggests that he considers the merit gained by the urban citizen as at least approaching that of the contemplative in the eyes of God. Essential to his purpose of creating a prosperous, peaceful community is the encouragement of commercial activity while stressing love as a restraint.The De amore et dilectione Dei focuses on three kinds of human love – love of God, for other human beings, and love of spiritual things – and lays down a pattern of conduct to follow that relects all three.35 Using Andreas Capellanus’s deinition of love as a passion that rises from physical attraction and inheres in the mind, Albertano understands love as the basis of friendship.36 He distinguishes, however, between good and bad friendship, good and bad love. The communion between men that is founded on disinterested love is only possible for the good and humble, the implication being that the true commune is a society of friends. Excluded from it are those of unregulated life, the avaricious, and magnates – types of men incapable of true friendship.37 The ideal commune is guided by its love of spiritual things, especially of justice, which is to be cherished as the chief virtue in both public and private life. Relying on Seneca and Cicero, Albertano deines just conduct as “to live honestly, to do no harm to another, and to give each his due.”38 Justice banishes the fear of one citizen of another that leads to the destruction of urban peace. In Cicero’s words, “Nothing is more stupid than to seek to be feared in a free city.”39 Incidentally, love of the liberal arts, while not a virtue, is to be prized as well, because it teaches self-control and proper action.40 The importance of Albertano’s second and most popular work, De arte loquendi et tacendi, lies in its emphasis on the potential of human speech to engender either 32

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“Ita inter homines distincta sunt oitia. Nam aliud dictum est religiosis, et aliud in seculo manentibus”: ibid., 216. “Fructuosior autem hominum generi, et ad caritatem amplitudinemque aptior est vita eorum qui se ad rem publicam et ad magnas res gerendas accomodaverunt”: ibid., 286. “Facilior et tutior [et minus] aliis gravis aut molesta vita est otiosorum”: ibid., 287. Ibid., 1. Ibid., 41. “Et eciam alibi de societate et clientela et consuetudine potentum et divitum superborum et ducum vitanda, a multis sapientibus instruimur”: ibid. 68. Ibid., 235. “Nichil enim est stultius quam in libera civitate velle timeri”: Sermone inedito, 45. Cited from Powell, Albertanus of Brescia, 60. The sentence is based on De oiciis 2.7.24. “Licet enim liberales artes non dent virtutem, tamen animum preparant ad accipiendam virtutem”: Hiltz, “De amore et dilectione,” 237.

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good or evil. Inspired by the opening chapters of Cicero’s De inventione, the author stresses that language, the basic instrument for communication in human society, serves as a powerful tool in the hands of the orator to assert his inluence over other members of society.41 Because speech has fundamental ethical and social implications in that it can enhance or disrupt civic life, Albertano ofers practical rules governing how the power should be exercised and when silence is to be preferred. Although it was useful through the centuries at one level as a courtesy book, serious readers of the De arte loquendi et tacendi, especially in Italian republics where politics had become the stuf of rhetoric, might also have considered it an admonition to assess carefully the possible consequences of speech in public forums. Albertano was particularly concerned to communicate his message to notaries and lawyers, the professional classes from which communal oicials were normally chosen. These men, who occupied a special status akin to that of priests, were expected to behave honestly and according to reason.42 In his sermon delivered before notaries and causidici in 1238, Albertano stressed their obligation to give advice and assistance to those seeking the beneit of their legal wisdom, which he deined as “knowledge of the perfect good of the human mind and of divine and human afairs.” Albertano’s Liber consolationis et consilii (1246) stands out among his other works for its focus on the vendetta, the main cause of disruption in Italian communal life. In large part a dialogue between Melibeus and his wife, Prudentia, the work addresses the natural desire of men to avenge themselves against those who have wronged them. Melibeus, a rich man but not a member of the urban aristocracy, has seen his daughter injured and his home invaded by a band of magnati. On the advice of a large group of supporters whom he has called together for consultation, he resolves to wage war on the perpetrators. Before he can take action, however, his wife, Prudentia, intervenes, beseeching her husband to consider the impracticality and irrationality of seeking vengeance. After overcoming his objections to taking advice from a woman and laying out the justiication for her appeal, she successfully convinced her husband to forgive the malefactors.43 Going to her family’s enemies, she inds them sorry for their deed and ready to seek forgiveness. Convinced by Prudentia not to make extreme demands of the penitents, Melibeus in the end accepts their plea for pardon and dismisses them in peace. Prudentia’s arguments for reconciliation and her approach to preventing a vendetta reveal the character of Albertano’s conception of the ideal urban society. Appealing 41

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Enrico Artifoni, “Retorica e organizzazione del linguaggio politico nel Duecento italiano,” in Le forme della propaganda politica nel Due e nel Trecento: Relazioni tenute al convegno internazionale organizzato dal Comitato di studi storici di Trieste, dall’École française de Rome e dal Dipartimento di storia dell’Università degli studi storici di Trieste (Trieste, 2–5 marzo 1993), ed. Paolo Cammarosano (Rome, 1994), 157–82. Artifoni aptly observes (159): “D’altra parte è necessario dire subito che la presenza delle arti della parola nella società duecentesca fu qualche cosa di più di una presenza tecnica, perchè intorno ad essa si andarono aggregando tanto una sensibilità acuta sulle consequenze morali e sociali del parlare quanto una rilessione sul ruolo della parola nella storia degli uomini....” See also his “Gli uomini dell’assemblea, l’oratoria civile, i concionatori e i predicatori nella società communale,” in La predicazione dei frati dalla metà del ’200 alla ine del ‘300. Atti del XXII Convegno internazionale, Assisi, 13–15 ottobre 1994 (Spoleto, 1995), 144–88. Powell, Albertanus of Brescia, 58–60. Ibid., 86–89 and 106–12.

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to both pagan and Christian authorities, Prudentia proves to her husband that the vendetta was not only an irrational response to the injury done him and their family, but also that it ran counter to the teachings of the Christian faith. Melibeus appears to have been especially moved by her argument that his honor could be saved without embarking on a course whose outcome could only be uncertain and that would violate the Christian precepts of peace and brotherly love. As for the solution of the conlict, the ceremony of pardon demonstrates the limitations of ancient Roman inluence, especially that of Cicero, on Albertano’s concept of civic life. Not only did Albertano consider punishment for the injury a private matter to be settled by the two parties concerned, but he explicitly rejected resorting to communal authorities.44 Civic harmony for Albertano depended solely on the high moral character of citizens of the commune. Modeled on the traditional ceremony for resolving the vendetta, oaths were given by Melibeus’s enemies and by oath helpers (juratores), who swore that the enemies would honor their oaths. In this case, however, the oaths were not mutual and the ceremony sought to avert warfare, not conclude it. Melibeus’s enemies pledged in advance to meet his terms and begged forgiveness in tears on bended knees, submitting themselves and their property to Melibeus’s will. In this way the honor of Melibeus and that of his family found vindication without bloodshed, and both parties avoided the troubled peace that the victory of one side over the other might have produced.45 Albertano never presented his ideas for civic morality as a coherent whole. Perhaps he never considered them in an integrated way. Nevertheless, while not a systematic thinker, he undertook the pioneering task of creating an ethic that would it the needs of city-dwellers and justify their way of life. He avoided any clear decision on the relative value of the clerical versus the lay life, but the justiication that he gave for trade, his condemnation of poverty, and his positive evaluation of wealth departed from signiicant prejudices encouraged by clerical teachings. Albertano’s solution to urban violence was seriously intended but not practical, in that it placed its trust in personal reform to keep the public peace and ignored the responsibilities of public authority in that task. Despite the many duties that he performed for his commune, Albertano never apparently understood the important role that political participation had played in the conception of the lay ethics that he borrowed from Cicero. He seems to have completely missed Cicero’s linking of ethics with political participation in a republic responsible for security and justice. Brunetto Latini in the next generation would remedy the omission by placing service to the republic at the center of his political thought. The thousands of thirteenth-century readers of Albertano’s Latin works either in the original or in their Tuscan translations would without diiculty have appreciated that he was dealing with conditions of urban life and its economy as they themselves were experiencing it.46 They avidly read texts that airmed the dignity of the lay 44 45 46

Liber consolationis et consilii, 88–89. Powell refers to a “moral transformation” in Melibeus; ibid., 89. The three treatises of Albertano were translated by Andrea of Grosseto in 1268: Il iore degli ammaestramenti di Albertano da Brescia scritti da lui in latino negli anni 1238–1246: Volgarizzati nell’anno 1268 da Andrea da Grosseto, ed. Domenico Santagata (Bologna, 1875). A second translation was made by Sofredi del Grazia, at some time before 1278: Trattati morali di Albertano giudice di Brescia, ed. Sebastiano

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life and the justice of commercial proit. While Albertano’s idealized concept of the Christian commune remained beyond hope of realization, at the least it ofered a goal to which a society wearied by internal feuding could aspire. BRUNETTO LATINI’S CIVIC PROJECT

Albertano’s writings exerted a strong inluence on Italian vernacular literature. They likely inspired Brunetto Latini (d. 1294), who, though less self-consciously Christian, imitated Albertano’s blending of pagan and Christian authors to provide moral instruction for laymen.47 However, Latini was more aware than Albertano of the ancient context in which the pagan authors had written. Whereas Albertano never speciically completed his idea of community by referring to political organization, Latini emphasized the parallel between the modern commune and republican Rome, drew on Cicero to glorify republicanism as a form of government, and addressed his fellow Florentines primarily as citizens of the commune. Latini’s primary goal was to adapt the political experience of the ancient Romans in an efort to create a civic consciousness in his native Florence. A major political actor in republican politics and chancellor of the Florentine republic from 1253 to 1260, and again for periods after 1267 until his death, Latini hoped that his partial translation of Cicero’s De inventione (1260–62) and those of three of the ancient orator’s speeches, Pro Ligario, Pro Marcello, and Pro rege Deiotaro, would convince his fellow citizens that the commune had a paramount claim to their loyalty.48 Latini’s translations were innovative in that they relected the new approach of making the vernacular conform to the Latin style of the original. He appears to have hoped that by capturing Cicero’s eloquence in the vernacular he would heighten the emotional efect of the ideas he expressed. Consequently, in contrast to the tendency of contemporary French translators to paraphrase the ancient texts, Latini strove to embody in Tuscan the form of the Latin period.49

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Ciampi (Florence, 1832). For these translations, see also Bodo Guthmüller, “Die volgarizzamenti,” in Die italienische Literatur im Zeitalter Dantes und am Übergang vom Mittelalter zur Renaissance, vol. 2 of Die Literatur bis zur Renaissance, ed. August Buck (Heidelberg, 1989), 334–35. For an anonymous Tuscan translation of Albertano’s works (1272 or 1274), see ibid., 333. For the difusion of Albertano’s work, see Powell, Albertanus of Brescia, 121–27. Angus Graham, “Who Read Albertanus? Insight from the Manuscript Transmission,” in Albertano da Brescia: Alle origini del Razionalismo economico, 69–82, identiies more than 300 manuscripts of Albertano’s Latin works and 130 of various translations; he adds that “there is much work yet to be done” (69). He writes (also 69): “Albertanus seems already to be established as belonging among the most widely read authors of the second half of the medieval period. Some indication of his popularity may be gauged by the condition of many surviving manuscripts. Personal inspection of some 50 reveals that, while a good many have been carefully preserved, many others betray evidence of heavy early use.” Claudia Villa, “Progetti letterari,” 62, suggests a probable connection between Brunetto Latini, who summarized a passage of Albertano in his Tresor, composed in northern Francia between 1262 and 1266, and Sofredi del Grazia and Andrea da Grosseto, Albertano’s translators. James Powell,“Albertano da Brescia e i suoi lettori,” 86, admits that, although “non c’è dubbio che questi scritti stimolarono l’interesse nella vita pubblica e nelle virtù civili,” it would be diicult to demonstrate the fact. The standard biography of Latini is Bianca Ceva’s Brunetto Latini: L’uomo e l’opera (Milan and Naples, 1965). On the dating of these translations, see Villa, “Progetti letterari,” 64. See my “In the Footsteps of the Ancients,” 181–85.

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Latini so inspired his younger colleagues by his example that his approach to translation became characteristic of the Tuscan school. By 1360, a large proportion of the then-known works by ancient authors of the irst century B.C. and the irst and second century A.D. had been translated into Tuscan. By then too, as a result of the efort to model Tuscan on Latin prose,Tuscan had evolved from a dialect to a literary language for prose. With Dante earlier in the century, of course, it had already attained that status for poetry. Like Albertano, Latini emphasized the power of rhetoric to inluence the moral character of the community, but in Latini’s view the model orator was distinctly republican, and ethical development depended on the nature of the political constitution. Concerned with isolating the values that were central to well-ordered communal government and to constructing an ideal type of citizen, Latini used passages referring to Cicero in I fatti di Cesare to develop a new interpretation of the signiicance of the ancient Roman’s career. Whereas the Middle Ages had regarded Cicero as a philosopher, an eloquent speaker, or, in the words of Guidotto of Bologna, as “d’arme maraviglioso cavaliere,” Latini portrayed Cicero primarily as a statesman defending Roman liberty. He particularly praised him for his struggle against Catiline, who threatened through conspiracy to impose a tyranny on the republic. Cicero’s example, in turn, underwrote Latini’s own activities as a citizen who used his oratorical skills to defend the freedom of his commune in popular assemblies. Latini’s new portrait of Cicero was subsequently echoed in the works of Dante, Remigio de’ Girolami, and then Villani. In rejecting the imported French ethos, Latini went beyond Albertano. His parodic exploitation of William of Lorris’s Roman de la rose in his Tesoretto, a sort of handbook of social conduct, reveals that the turn away from French culture was more than simply a growing interest in ancient literature.50 On a “great smiling plain,” evocative of the locus amoenus (pleasant seat) of the Roman, the encounter of “Master Brunetto” with the Virtues marked a high point in the work. Here, as in a vision, Latini beheld the courts of Vertute, “the chief and savior of reined custom and of good usage and good behavior” (lines 1239–41), and of her four daughters, the four Cardinal Virtues, Prudenza, Temperanza, Fortezza and Justizia (lines 1245–47).51 Each Cardinal Virtue had her own palace wherein dwelt virtues that were speciic to her. There were, in all, twenty virtues in the these palaces., but Latini chose to speak only of four of them, “whom I obey and adore / Very much with my heart.”52 Not coincidentally, the four are the virtues most closely associated with chivalry and the courtly ethic, Cortesia (Courtesy), Largezza (Largesse), Leanza (Loyalty), and Prodezza (Prowess). As each one in turn lectured a handsome knight on the manner in which his conduct should embody her instruction, it became clear that, by redeining their content, the author sought to claim these virtues as the ones also belonging to a citizen.53 50 51

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This and the following two paragraphs are taken from ibid., 198–99. I am using here the edition and translation of Julia Bolton Holloway, Brunetto Latini: Il Tesoretto (The Little Treasure) (New York and London, 1981). Ibid., lines 1336–39. Leanza, for example, admonishes the knight (lines 1939–41): “E volglio c’al tuo comune/ Rimossa ongni cagione/ Sie diritto e leale/ E già per nullo male/ Chenne possa avenire/ Ne lo lasciare

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Latini used the subsequent meeting of “Master Brunetto” with the “God of Love” to show his intention to both correct and displace de Lorris as love’s authority. By implication, Latini contrasted his negative view of love with the courtly eroticism of the immensely popular French text. Whereas de Lorris had authorized his version of love by relying on the Ovid of Ars amatoria and Amores, Brunetto countered by introducing the Ovid of the Remedia amoris, who – presumably as a way to authenticate Tuscan vernacular – “spoke to me in Italian” (line 2373), helping to free him from love’s commands and regain the path of virtue.Thus, Latini established his own literary authority through “a confrontation with and correction of the use of Ovid in the Rose.”54 The monumental Italian efort to bypass French culture and establish a direct link with antiquity, of course, was Dante’s Commedia, which, largely neglecting French cultural achievements, claimed the Aeneid as one of its major models and underwrote Dante’s auctoritas by placing Virgil at his side as companion through Inferno and Purgatorio to the very gates of Paradiso.55 THE NEW LATIN POETRY

Whereas the return to the ancients in Tuscany took the form of a massive translation of texts into the local vernacular in the century after the 1260s, in northern Italy the interest in Latin poetry, apparent from the short poems that formed part of the narrative in communal histories beginning in the 1220s, encouraged a series of independent poems, beginning with Urso of Genoa’s epic account of the defeat of Frederick II’s army outside Genoa in 1242. Five major poets besides Urso – Bellino Bissolo (l. 1290s), Bonvesin de la Riva (before 1250–ca. 1315), Stefanardo of Vimercate (l. 1260s–1280s), Bonifacio of Verona (d. 1293), and Lovato de’ Lovati (1240–1309) – began writing over the next three decades.56 Of the six, only Stefanardo was a cleric.

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perire.” If the knight feels himself wronged, he should not seek revenge by resorting to violence, Prodezza advises (lines 2003–14), but rather should resort to the services of a lawyer. This paragraph summarizes the argument of Kevin Brownlee, “The Practice of Cultural Authority: Italian Responses to French Cultural Dominance in Il Tesoretto, Il Fiore, and the Commedia,” Forum for Modern Language Studies 33 (1997): 259–61; the quotation is found on 261. Like the Tesoretto and Commedia, Brownlee argues that a third work, Il iore, also manipulates the Roman de la rose in an efort to evoke the model while denying its authority: “In this way, the Italian Fiore aggressively appropriates the French Rose into a newly emerging Italian cultural context” (263). See also his “Jason’s Voyage and the Poetics of Rewriting: The Fiore and the Roman de la Rose,” in The ‘Fiore’ in Context: Dante, France, Tuscany, ed. Zygmunt G. Baranski et al. (Notre Dame, Ind., and London, 1997), 167–82. As for Dante as the possible author, see Patrick Boyde, “The Results of the Poll: Presentation and Analysis,” in The ‘Fiore’ in Context, 375, who writes that “10 years after the appearance of Contini’s incomparable edition of the Fiore, his championship of the attribution or attributability of the poem to Dante Alighieri has not won universal assent.” For a dating of the work in the late 1280s, see Brownlee, “The Practice of Cultural Authority,” 261. Ibid., 264. I do not include in my survey Orino of Lodi’s poem De regimine et sapientia potestatis (Comportamento e sagezza del podestà), ed. and trans. Sara Pozzi, Quaderni di studi lodigiani, no. 7 (Lodi, 1998), or the anonymous author of De laude civitatis Laudae, ed. Georg Pertz, MGH, Scriptores, no. 22 (Hannover, 1872), 372–73. Orino’s work is a manual for podestà composed while the author was in the service of Frederick of Antioch, imperial vicar of the Duchy of Spoleto, the March of Ancona, and of the

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Although the poetry of both Urso and Stefanardo exhibited strong tendencies toward classicizing, Lovato de’ Lovati proved far superior to either in linguistic skill and learning. The irst to capture with consistency the lavor of the classical authors and to state explicitly that imitation of the ancients was his goal, Lovato may rightfully be considered the founder of Italian humanism. The work of Urso and Stefanardo indicates, however, that Lovato was not a completely isolated igure. He was only the most successful among a small group of poets, inspired by the development of grammatical studies in Italy, who strove to make ancient poetic style their own. Beyond his poetry and philological achievements, moreover, he stands out for his leadership of a small circle of scholar-poets in Padua and nearby cities who carried his ideal on into the next generation. Around 1290, in a poetic letter written to his friend the poet Bellino Bissolo, Lovato related that while walking in Treviso recently he had come across a singer on a high stage “bellowing the battles of Charlemagne and French exploits” in French, “gaping in barbarous fashion, rolling them out as he pleased, no part of them in their proper order, songs relying on no efort.”57 Nevertheless, the audience had hung on every word. While recognizing the wisdom of maintaining the middle course between writing verses for the few and for the many, Lovato declared that “if you must err on one side, it should be on the side of daring.”58 He would rather die with the Seven on

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Romagna (De regimine, 94, n. 3). Frederick held the oice between 1246 and 1250. For the dating and summary of the poem, see Fritz Hertter, Die Podestàliteratur Italiens im 12. und 13. Jahrhundert (Leipzig, 1910), 75–79. The second poem can be dated to the 1250s: John K. Hyde, “Medieval Descriptions of Cities,” Bulletin of the John Rylands Library 48 (1965/66): 340. It is heavily inluenced in its style by Orino, whom the author mentions twice in lines 58 and 73 of the short poem: De laude civitatis 373. Similarly, I have not included Bonaiuto of the Casentino in the discussion because all his surviving poetry was written after 1290. His poetry is found in BAV, Vat. Lat. 2854: Paul Oskar Kristeller, “Umanesimo e scolastica a Padova ino al Petrarca,” Medioevo 11 (1985): 4. Finally, because of the paucity of their surviving writings, I have excluded from consideration two grammarians, mentioned as professors at Padua in 1262, Montenaro and Morandus, who authored goliardic poems: John K. Hyde, Padua in the Age of Dante (London, 1966), 294. To Hyde, I would also add Francesco Novati, Carmina medii aevi (Turin, 1883), 57–58 and 69–70, who published Morando’s poem. I have also omitted classicizing poets in the circle of Lovato de’ Lovati who were obviously inluenced directly by him. A small number of their poems are included in the collection published by Luigi Padrin, Lupati de Lupatis, Bovetini de Bovetinis, Albertini Mussati necnon Jamboni Andreae de Favafuschis carmina quaedam ex codice Veneto nunc primum edita: Nozze Giusti-Giustiniani (Padua, 1887). Lovato’s poem is published with English translation by William P. Sisler, “An Edition and Translation of Lovato Lovati’s ‘Metrical Epistles’ with Parallel Passages from Ancient Authors” (Ph.D. diss., Johns Hopkins University), 1977, 38–43 (Lat.) and 50–55 (Eng.). The passage describing the experience is found on 38: “Francorum dedita linguae/Carmina barbarico passim deformat hiatu/ Tramite nulla suo, nulli innitentia penso/Ad libitum volvens.” The translation is Sisler’s, 50. On these lines of Lovato’s poem, see the exposition of Walter Ludwig, Litterae Neolatinae: Schriften zur Neulateinischen Literatur (Munich, 1989), 10–11. This and the following two paragraphs are drawn from my “In the Footsteps of the Ancients,” 52–54. Sisler, “An Edition and Translation,” 41: “Si tamen alterutra fuerit tibi parte cadendum/Audendum magis est”; the translation is on 53.

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the plain of Thebes “than be marked for death while shamefully running away.”59 The reference here was to his intention to write his poetry in Latin as opposed to the vernacular: “Do you despise him [the courageous poet] because he believes that one must follow in the footsteps of the ancient poets [veterum vestigia vatum] or because he subordinates a discourse well formed with metric rules suited to its subject lest the word become the predominant concern and the subject perish? Or because he mocks the verses of rhythmic compositions where rhyme distorts the meaning?”60 This letter of circa 1290 conveys the elitism of Lovato, who looked down on vernacular literature as inferior to Latin. Sensitive to the isolation of his position, he presented his stance as akin to heroism. Although the immediate antagonist was poetry in langue d’oïl, given Lovato’s loyalty to the veterum vestigia vatum, there can be no doubt that he also considered Provençal poetry inferior to Latin verse. More generally, the letter indicates the creative tension that existed between French vernaculars and Latin poetry at the dawn of Italian humanism and injects an element of competition into the mixture of causes leading to the rise of a new Latin poetry beginning with Urso in the late 1240s. The irst two surviving examples of Lovato’s poetry were written in 1267/68, in the period when Conradin and Charles of Anjou were struggling for possession of the Hohenstaufen Italian inheritance.The irst of the two was addressed to Lovato’s friend Compagnino, a Paduan legist, who apparently was not living in Padua at the time.61 Lovato had been ill, and the sick man reported his illness to his friend in 227 lines of elegiac verse. The second letter, composed in dactylic hexameter, was probably sent days later. By this time, the poet felt well enough to think of marrying his iancée. From the outset of the irst poem, the poet’s voice resonates with echoes of antiquity: Accipe quam patria tibi mittit ab urbe salutem, Compagnine, tui cura secunda, Lupus. Scire voles, sic te socii iactura pericli Exagitat, quali est mea cumba lacu.

Here the “tui cura secunda, Lupus” draws either on Propertius 2.1., lines 25–26, or Statius, Silvae, 4.4., v. 20; and “socii jactura .../ exagitat” recalls either Propertius, 3, 7, lines 41–42, or Ovid, Amores, 2.14., lines 31–32. Lovato may have been the irst person to allude to Propertius or this particular work of Statius since ancient times. Almost immediately, lines follow that echo Tibullus, another poet exceedingly rare in, if not 59

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Ibid., 41: “potius me saeva trisulci/ Fulminis ira necet Capaneia bella moventem,/ quam notet exitio turpis fuga.” The translation is on 53. Ibid., 42: “Quod sectanda putat veterum vestigia vatum, / Despicis aut metrica quod cogit lege decentem / Sermonem servire rei, ne principe verbo/ Res mutata cadat? Quod textus metra canori / Ridet, ubi intentum concinna vocabula torquent?” The translation is mine. For a close analysis of this passage, see Ludwig, Litterae Neolatinae, 31–32. These two letters are published by Sisler with English translations: “An Edition and Translation,” 56–110. The date 1267/68 is universally accepted for the writing of the letters; ibid., 13–14. On the identity of Compagnino, a Paduan lawyer, see Guido Billanovich, “Il preumanesimo padovano,” SCV, 2:33. The remainder of this section on Lovato draws on my “In the Footsteps of the Ancients,” 95–111.

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totally unknown to, the Middle Ages. This is learned poetry, densely interspersed with ancient poetic fragments and mythological and biblical reminiscences. Wasted by a fever lasting many days, despairing of help from his doctors, bedridden and desperate, Lovato described in the irst poem how he inally resorted to magic. The scene may have been imagined, or in any case embellished. After describing the gyrations of the sorceress, a wrinkled old woman, who was about to administer a secret potion to him, Lovato elaborately described the contents of the magical mixture:62 Postmodo secrete Circaeas aggerat herbas, Nec desunt monti gramina lecta Rubro Quas dederat Pindos, Orthrys, Olumpus, Athos Quas Anthedoni gustarunt intima Glauci, Nec quae refovent ictam serpente, Galanthi, Nec Florentini stamina fulva croci Additur his myrrhae facinus, gummique Sabaeum, Et quae cum casiis cinnama mittit Arabs. His oculis lyncis, renovataque cornua cervi Et candens refugo concha relicta mari, Neu teneam verbis animum, miscentur in unum Singula Thessalici quae docuere magi.63

The passage intermingles lavish borrowings from a well-known work, Ovid’s Metamorphoses, with newly revived authors like Tibullus, Propertius, and Martial and rare works by familiar authors like Horace’s Carmina and Statius’s Silvae.64 Despite his apparently life-threatening illness, the young Lovato did not seek solace in Christianity. Sickness taught nothing and death meant only the cessation of life:“Look at the earth lowering with so many thousands of young men: after a short time, the black day may overwhelm them. Nature overturns her own work and, restless, always fashions matter in new forms.We are mocked by the gods, creations of their hands, and we are not today what we were yesterday. So I want nothing except to enjoy happy times, and when sweet things are lacking, to die sweetly (lines 195–202).”65 62

63

64 65

The words borrowed from ancient authors are italicized. Represented are Tibullus, Ovid (Meta.), Propertius, Statius (Silv.), Martial, Virgil (Ecl.), and Horace (Car.); see Sisler, “An Edition and Translation,” 68–81. Lines 83–84 (pp. 60–61). Sisler’s translation reads as follows (85–86): “Afterwards, she secretly piles up the herbs of Circe which Pindos, Othrys, Olympus, and Athos had provided for her, and which the inner parts of Anthedonian Glaucus had tasted. Nor are herbs collected from Mount Rubrus lacking, nor those which renew you, bitten by a serpent, Galanthis, nor the tawny ibers of the Florentine crocus. To these are added the working of myrrh and Sabaean gum and twigs of cinnamon, which, with cinnamon bark, the Arabs send. Also added to these are the eyes of a lynx and the regrown horns of a deer, and a glistening white conch, left behind at low tide. And to make sure that I cannot keep my mind [as opposed to Sisler, I read the phrase ‘Neu teneam animum’ to mean: ‘keep control’] through magic words, all the individual things which the Thessalian wizards taught are mixed into one.” Sisler identiies the texts represented by the italicized words (73–75). Ibid., 66: “Aspice lorentem iuvenum tot milibus orbem/ Quos breve post tempus merserit atra dies/ Versat opus natura suum, semperque igurat/ Materiam formis irrequieta novis/ Ludimur a

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At times Lovato struggled unsuccessfully to bend the language to his thought.66 A few passages read like prose (e.g., lines 53–64). The work’s antique facade was occasionally blemished by biblical references and, at one point, by the mention of Tristan wounded for love of Isolde (lines 221–22). The overall efect, however, was impressive. The vocabulary was classical throughout, the metric quantities were generally correct, and rhetorical igures were used with restraint. In the irst poem, Ovid was the presiding genius of Lovato’s creation, from the opening section describing the ravaging ire of Lovato’s disease (akin to the love pangs of the ancient heroines of the Heroides) to the elegiac character of the conclusion, where the poet, seeking consolation in the act of writing, invoked, among other examples, the scene of the exiled Ovid relieving his misery through song on the shores of the Black Sea: Naso Tomitana metro spatiatus in ora Flebilis exilii debilitabat onus. (lines 215–16).67

In the second poem, Ovid shared with Propertius the honor of providing the most subtexts. With Lovato’s poetic epistle, we move into another realm of sensibility from that found in the classicizing writing of his contemporaries Urso and Stefanardo. The diction of their epics was more classicizing than that of twelfth-century Italian authors of the genre, but the genre remained traditionally medieval. Stefanardo’s De controversia hominis et fortune, despite its formal classicizing, descended from a long line of twelfth-century French didactic poetry, whereas Lovato’s letter of 1267/68 broke new ground in Italy in that he wrote lyric. The second, shorter letter, written to the same correspondent as the disease abated days later, was equally personal in tone and equally classicizing.The two letters, along with two others by Lovato and one to him from another friend, Ugo Mezzabati, were included with Justini’s Epitome of Pompeius Trogus and Bede’s De temporibus in a manuscript probably copied by Lovato himself (the British Library, Add. 19906).68 While neither of the histories in the manuscript was rare in the Middle Ages, the marginal notes to Justin’s Epitome indicate that the commentator matched the account given in the text to comparable passages in Livy’s Decades, I, III, and IV.69 The third and fourth Decades were almost unknown in previous centuries, and Lovato’s now-lost manuscript of Livy, probably taken by him from the monastery of Pomposa, played a central role in the revival of Livy’s work.

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68 69

superis, manuum factura suorum/ Nec sumus hoc hodie quod fueramus heri./ Nil igitur [cupio] quam laeto tempore fungi/ Et cum desierint dulcia, dulce mori.” Sisler’s translation is found in “An Edition and Translation,” 90. For example, the image of death predicting that his prayers for death will be denied: “Invisus mihi sum; mortem precor; atra repugnat/ Antropos et vanas praecinit esse preces” (58, lines 39–40). Ibid., 67: “Ovid, walking around on the shores of Tomis, used to lessen the burden of his wretched exile with verse.” Billanovich, “Il preumanesimo padovano,” 29–30. Giuseppe Billanovich, La tradizione del testo di Livio e le origini dell’umanesimo, Studi sul Petrarca, no. 8 in 2 vols. (Padua, 1981), 1:6–10.

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The two poems were written within a year of Lovato’s completion of his training to become a judge. Product of a family of notaries – the profession of his father, Rolando, and his grandfather, Lovato – Lovato was working as a notary with his father by his mid-teens. Once qualiied, he served numerous terms as judge in the communal courts while at the same time playing an active role in communal government. At some point he was honored with communal knighthood and, thus ennobled, became an attractive candidate for the oice of podestà in foreign communes. We know at least that he held the oice in Bassano in 1283, in Vicenza in 1291, and perhaps Treviso in 1290. He was married and had at least one son.70 Until Lovato was sixteen, Padua had been dominated by the tyrannical Ezzelino da Romano, and the commune, reestablished after his expulsion in 1256, enjoyed a fragile existence.The economy of thirteenth-century Padua, like its neighboring cities of the Veneto mainland,Verona,Vicenza, Ferrara, and Treviso, was based largely on agriculture, and the dynamics of political life in the region depended on the interaction of three great families, the Estensi, the da Camino, and the Camposanpiero.71 A fourth powerful house, the da Romano, had inally been exterminated in 1259/60. Within each of the ive cities, politics were driven by interurban factions faithful to one or another of the great houses, and citizens’ loyalty to the commune often took second place. The destruction of the da Romano tyrants resuscitated the communal organization in each city, but after decades of crises, each fell in turn under signorial rule. Padua was the last to submit, in 1328. Traditionally the major players in politics in these cities had been the magnates, great landholders resident in town but having the capacity to call on their dependents in the country when they needed armed men. In the aftermath of the destruction of the da Romano regime in these cities, not only were there reprisals against those who had been its local supporters, but also a good deal of jockeying to ill the power vacuum created by the family’s extinction. This instability ofered opportunities to notaries and judges, who formed the administrative and judicial class in these cities as well as most of the urban intelligensia, for social and political advancement. Lovato’s ennoblement was probably his reward from the commune for his role in an event of enormous historic importance for Padua and its citizens. In 1275, 70

71

Roberto Weiss, “Lovato Lovati (1241–1309),” Italian Studies 6 (1950): 3–11, summarizes what is known of Lovato’s life. Hyde, Padua in the Age of Dante, 194–95.Taken together, the ive Veneto cities would only have been slightly larger than Florence at the time. David Herlihy and Christiane Klapisch-Zuber, Les Toscans et leurs familles: Une étude du Catasto lorentin de 1427 (Paris, 1978), 68–69, estimate the population of Florence before the plague at about 120,000. Their estimate relies heavily on Giovanni Villani’s igures for baptisms at San Giovanni. Villani himself estimated a population of 90,000 “mouths” in 1338, which the authors interpret as the number of bread consumers: Cronica. ed. Francesco Gherardi Dragomanni, 4 vols. (Florence, 1844–45), 3:324. He was not, therefore, speaking of total population. Herlihy and Klapisch (212) give the size of Verona in 1425 as 14,225 and of Florence in 1427 as 38,000. If the same ratio prevailed in the early fourteenth century, Verona would have had a population of about 44,000. Benjamin Kohl, Padua under the Carrara, 1318–1405 (Baltimore and London, 1998), 8, counts a population of 30,000 for Padua in 1320. Given that Ferrara, Treviso, and Vicenza were smaller than Padua or Verona, the combined population of the ive cities would probably have been roughly 130,000.

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workers excavating land for a new building disinterred a male body whose stature and general build suggested that it was that of an ancient warrior. Called to the scene, Lovato identiied it as the corpse of Antenor,Trojan prince and legendary founder of Padua. Judging from the names of the podestà inscribed on the tomb in the middle of the city, the monument that now houses it was constructed in 1283/84. Lovato’s authoritative identiication of the body as that of Antenor ignited public rejoicing. Although doubtless acting in good conscience, Lovato could not in fact have done more to objectify Padua’s ancient roots and nourish civic pride.The belief of the Paduan people that they were descendants of an ancient hero, of course, was an example of the kind of foundation myth common to many Italian cities in the Middle Ages, but Padua was now exceptional in that its founder’s body lay enshrined in the center of the city. The public response to the hero’s discovery relects the widespread awareness in the city of an inefable link between themselves as Paduans and an undiferentiated ancient world. Lovato and his immediate circle used this awareness to promote themselves and their works. Although but a handful in number, they had a wide audience for their work, even though few outside the circle could have understood the diicult Latin they employed. Nonetheless, not only the hundreds of laymen and clerics who had had some acquaintance, usually minimal, with ancient literature in grammar school, but the whole citizen body were prepared to applaud texts that they believed revived the language of antiquity and recalled Padua to its ancient glory. The existence of the local audience for classicizing Latin writings was dramatically demonstrated decades later, in 1315, with the public presentation of the Ecerinis, a Latin play written by Lovato’s disciple Albertino Mussato (1261–1329) and heavily inluenced by Senecan tragedy. Everyone in the audience knew the plot of the play, the rise and fall of the da Romano family, but few would have understood the Latin verses, even if they had had the verses in writing. Despite this, for the occasion the authorities ordered all public oices and businesses closed. The ceremonies that began at the university with a reading of the Ecerinis and the bestowal of the laurel crown on Mussato were followed by a procession through the streets to his home. The studium subsequently declared that the procession and play were to be repeated publicly each December. Lovato’s dedication to reviving ancient Latin poetic style, however, was motivated by more than its appeal to his aesthetic sensibilities and the social and political prestige that he enjoyed.Years after Lovato’s death, in an epistolary poem written in the midst of a period of intense political conlict in the city, Albertino Mussato would recall his late master’s ardent patriotism in a series of rhetorical questions directed to the dead man: “Why did you say that after the highest God the commune was to be worshiped? Why did you demand that the native country be favored over our sweet children and over our living father?”72 Although he never articulated the relationship, Lovato’s philological and literary interests were linked to his patriotism. In 72

“Cur mihi supremo monitu communia dixti/ Post cultum summi jura colenda Dei?/ Iussisti patriae dulces postponere natos,/ Et patriam vivo preposuisse patri”: Epistolae in Albertini Mussati: Historia augusta Henrici VII Caesaris et alia quae extant opera Opera, Lorenza Pignoria et al. (Venice, 1636), 46 (each work separately paginated).

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his earliest poetry of 1267/68, even while violently ill, he worried about the efects on Padua of war between Conradin, the Hohenstaufen heir to the Sicilian crown, and Charles of Anjou, but his moral and political concerns emerged most clearly in his shorter poems.73 His poems, written in the last decade of the thirteenth and irst decade of the fourteenth century by Lovato and circulated with those of his associates, are strikingly varied in character. Among them are puns in verse, complex word games, and serious poetry in hexameter and elegiac meters. Lovato’s thoughts on morality in his poems range from a curiously rhyming one-line sequence of proverbs to an exchange of poems with Mussato devoted to deining the nature of friendship and another concerned with the advisability of having children.74 These poems, like a number of those by other members of his circle, relect the moral preoccupations of laymen and suggest why ancient writings on ethics would have spoken directly to them. Judging from Lovato’s poems in the collection, however, political issues held greater interest for him than moral ones. In 1302, when called on by Mussato (poem xxv) to predict the repercussions for Padua of the warfare between Charles of Anjou and some of the Tuscan cities, Lovato (xxvi) cautiously ofered a prediction based on his general experience.75 Because liberty only thrived in times of peace (“Libertas immota viget” [xxvi, 26]), he feared that the hostilities might awaken Paduan factionalism. As for his own conduct, “I, more sensibly, would choose to give my sails to no wind” (xxvi, 33). Recognizing the dangers of civic division, as had Albertano of Brescia, Lovato presumably enshrined his opinion in his De conditionibus urbis Padue et peste Gueli et Gibolengi nominis, a work about local factionalism that no longer survives. 73

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Sisler, “An Edition and Translation,” 65: “Teutonicus reboet Boreali crudus ab Arcto/ Transeat hac sitiens Appula regna furor/ Excipiat rabiem Karolus metuendus ab Austro/ Et videant Ligures proelia pulchra ducum/ Marchia Tarvisii nitidis horrescat in armis.” Lines 181–85 imply that Lovato did not yet know, when writing the poem, of Conradin’s defeat by Charles of Anjou on August 23, 1268. Conradino’s army left Germany in the second half of 1267. The date of the poem is probably sometime in the summer of 1268: Sisler, “An Edition and Translation,” 14. These poems are published in Padrin, Lupati de Lupatis. Lovato’s poem lv (36) consists of a collection of moralisms, e.g., “In sapiente viro, patrii irmaminis est vox” (lv: 8). The poetic exchange of letters (lv: 12–16) between Lovato (xiv and xvi) and Mussato (xv) is devoted to answering two questions: “Quis vere sit amare potens, quis dignus amari”: 13, line 8. Essentially elaborations of Aristotle’s Nicomachean Ethics, Bk. 8.1–3, the poetic character of the poems is blunted by rough adherence to the Aristotelian text.While Aristotle’s three kinds of friendship, based on the good, the useful, and the pleasurable, were obviously well known to Mussato, he defers to Lovato to give the detailed exposition of the conception. Curiously, although Lovato declares that neither the utile nor the delectabile is the “verae nexus amicitae” (xvi, 41–42), he excuses himself from discussing which of the three kinds is to be preferred. Two versions of the poetic debate concerning the advisability of having children exist. The irst, published by Padrin, was based on the only codex then known: BMV, Lat. cl. XIV, 223 (4340) (version A). The second (version B), based on the Leiden, Bib. Rijksuniversiteit Leiden BPL 8A (L), was published by Francesco Novati, “Nuovi aneddoti sul cenacolo letterario padovano del primissimo Trecento,” Scritti storici in memoria di Giovanni Monticolo, ed. Carlo Cipolla et al. (Venice, 1922), 180–87. Other manuscripts containing the work have since been identiied. For a comparative discussion, see Carla Maria Monti, “Per la fortuna della Questio de prole: I manoscritti,” IMU 28 (1985): 71–95. Mussato’s poem is found in Padrin, Lupati de Lupatis, 19; Lovato’s, in ibid., 20–21.

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He may have taken as an omen the decisive failure of the Paduan efort to rival the Venetian salt monopoly in 1304. Perhaps Mussato’s reminiscences in the De gestis Italiae referred to the uncertainty of this period: “Often, when we exchanged ideas with our companions in taverns, I recall the sage Lovato and his nephew Rolando saying that our city, continually growing heavier, labored daily with its greatness to remain stable for a while, and that the aging order of afairs was slackening with the changing government of the world, and it [Padua] was less able to act on this account, because it had grown so much.”76 In any case, Lovato’s poetry written in the aftermath of the Treaty of Treviso, signed in October 1304 to end the salt war with Venice, betrayed deep anxieties. In a poem addressed to Mussato around this time, Lovato wished to know whether in Mussato’s opinion the peace was genuine or, because of the unequal advantage given to Venice, it would provoke further animosity between the two cities.77 Feeling that Padua had surrendered more, Lovato asked whether the city, resenting restrictions on its liberty, would not go to war again: “For wounded liberty might be the cause of a second conlict. Because the nature of liberty, which grieves when compelled not to go its own way, needs a release from prison, nor does it want to be held oppressed, nor does it tolerate being despised; restless of serving, it sums up its strength and, incited by a hidden stimulus, more iercely exercises its consuming fury (xxx: 20–25).”78 While Mussato in poem xxix deplored the unfavorable peace and the potential discord arising out of the Paduans’ accusing one another of betrayal, Lovato urged calm (poem xxviii).79 The matter of the salt-marshes was a small one compared to the beneits of peace: “Peace, even a simulated one, is peace: often the true follows the feigned.”80 If Mussato wished to retain the respect of the people, he should pretend to be satisied with the agreement. The twenty years leading to the establishment of the signorial government of the Carrara that followed Lovato’s death would bear out his assessment of the precarious character of Padua’s republican liberty. While some of the poetry was merely written for amusement, most of the poems, replete with classical allusions, were meant to be serious eforts to meet ancient 76

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Mussato, De gestis Italicorum post Henricum VII Caesarem, Bk. II, chap. 2, Albertini Mussati: Historia augusta Henrici VII Caesaris, 8: “Meminerimque ego Lovatum vatem Rolandumque nepotem, dum sepe in diversoriis cum sodalibus obversaremur, inquientes ut sic ingravescens iugiter, et in dies nostra civitas magnitudine laboraret sua modicumque restare temporis, ut iam senescens rerum ordo mutata universi politia solveretur minusque eam posse hoc ipso, quod plurimum creverat.” Note Livy, Ab urbe condita, Pref. 4, where Rome “eo creverit, ut iam magnitudine laboret sua.” Lovato, along with his friend Zambono, had been among the Paduans to sign an agreement of alliance with Verona against Venice on May 18, 1304: Paolo Sambin, “Le relazioni tra Venezia, Padova e Verona all’inizio del secolo XIV,” Atti dell’Istituto veneto di scienze, lettere ed arti 111 (1952–53): 212. Padrin, Lupati de Lupatis, 63–64, provides the historical background for poems xxviii to xxxii, 22–26. Billanovich, “Il preumanesimo,” 51–52, has rearranged this exchange of poems between Mussato and Lovato as follows: xxx (Lovato), xxxi (Mussato), xxviii (Lovato), xxix (Mussato). He regards xxvii (Lovato) as the inal poem in the series. Mussato declares that he and Lovato feel alike about the treaty and shows himself reluctant to accept it: “Proinde ulula qui dulce soles ululare, Lycaon/ Unice mi curas comes et solamen in omnes/ Dic age: res patriae soli plorabimus ambo/ An simulemus eas taciti, virtute relicta/ Ut reliqui cives, turbae et numeremur inerti?”: 25, lines 27–31. “Pax, simulata quidem, pax est: simulatio saepe/ Assequitur verum”: 22, lines 7–8.

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standards. Nonetheless, despite Lovato’s stated opposition to vernacular literature in his poetic epistles, his poems, like those of others in the group, occasionally use the sonnet form, employ senhals, and conclude with a renvois. Although there is nothing unclassical in the vocabulary, they lack intensity and display a poverty of igurative language that contrasts sharply with the four earlier epistles. Overall, it is impossible to identify ancient models for these compositions. This diiculty may help to explain Lovato’s having fallen away from the level of diction and inspiration found in the earlier poems.Whereas those poems had been grounded on the ancient poetic letters of Ovid and Horace, in the shorter ones Lovato seems to have worked independently, and he failed. His borrowings from ancient texts here interact less with the subjects, and the poems are at times distinguishable from prose only by their metric. The absence of an ancient model, not Lovato’s desertion of his classical aesthetic in his last years, best explains the mediocrity of the poems. Doubtless most of Lovato’s writings have been lost, but if we are to believe Petrarch (1304–75) writing in 1344, Lovato’s “reputation [as a poet] was well known in that time not only in Padua but throughout all Italy.” It may be that these shorter poems never circulated. In any case, on the basis of the corpus of Lovato’s writings available to him, Petrarch showered Lovato with praise: “Lovato of Padua would in recent times easily have been the prince of all the poets whom our age or that of our fathers knew, if he had not, in embracing the studies of the civil law, mixed the Twelve Tables with the nine muses and turned his attention from heavenly concerns to the noise of the courtroom.”81 Petrarch was no lenient judge of classicizing poetry. Of all the poets between late antiquity and his own time, Lovato was the only poet to receive his praise.82 The task of deining the relationship between Lovato’s literary and philological interests and his ethical and political commitment, however, is not as easy as with Albertano or Latini. In Albertano’s case, Cicero and Seneca prompted him to ofer an alternative set of lay moral values for those traditionally found in clerical teaching and to seek civic peace through emphasis on the Christian citizen’s obligation to the commonweal. Latini, for his part, used Cicero to defend republican government and to incite his fellow Florentines to serve the state. The role that antiquity played in Lovato’s moral and political thought has to be gleaned from poetic expression where it formed an intimate part of the matrix of his creative imagination. His success at re-creating the music of ancient verse and its texture of feeling encouraged him, not only to identify personally with an ancient if ill deined secular culture superior to his own, but also to use his richly associative poetry to enhance the ethical values of communal life. Beyond the circle of the cognoscenti, moreover, the goal of his work was to stimulate the historical imagination of the Paduan people in an efort to strengthen the tie that bound them together through their common relationship to the city’s ancient past. 81

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Rerum memorandarum libri, ed. Giuseppe Billanovich, Edizione nazionale delle opere di Francesco Petrarca, vol. 5, pt. l (Florence, 1943), 84: “Lovatus patavinus fuit nuper poetarum omnium quos nostra vel patrum nostrorum vidit etas facillime princeps, nisi iuris civilis studium amplexus et novem Musis duodecim tabulas immiscuisset et animum ab eliconiis curis ad forensem strepitum delexisset.” Lovato and Mussato are the only poets since late antiquity whom Petrarch cites in his works: Witt, “In the Footsteps of the Ancients,” 235–36.

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In summary, Lovato’s irst two poems, written in 1267/68, marked the beginning of a new Latin book culture that we know as Italian humanism. At its base lay a deepening interest in grammatical studies and a new appreciation of the relevance of ancient authors to contemporary life, which began to emerge in the decades around 1200. Italian humanism, however, represented only the most scholarly manifestation of a much broader awareness of italianità on the part of Italian thinkers, and of the need to articulate their awareness as a way of empowering their society. Linked as it was to the growing sense of communal identity inspired by the terms of the Peace of Constance, this awareness inspired intellectuals, both in the vernacular and in Latin, to conceptualize an ethic that would satisfy the character and needs of Italian communal life. They found the prescriptions they sought in the ancient Roman writers of the irst century B.C. and irst century A.D., themselves products of an urban lay society – theoretically at least – republican. It has been argued elsewhere that Lovato’s approach to antiquity came to have a greater cognitive efect on the future of European thought than the translation enterprise of Latini and his followers.83 Inscribed in the Tuscan language resided a range of thought and feelings alien to those found in the ancient originals. The translations over time made available to a large public most of the works of the great Roman writers, but in the process lexical ambiguity reduced the potential of ancient writings to modify contemporary patterns of thought and speech. By contrast, the humanists, eager to imitate ancient style in their own writings, were less apt to dilute the impact of their encounter with the linguistic universe of the pagan writers. In their dialogue with these authors, they sought the technical skill for achieving vetustas in their own work.84 The classicizing efort thereby led to the reconstruction of their contemporary experience in terms of the ancient language. The humanists, like the vernacular translators, were involved in a process of translation, but their relationship with antiquity was quite the reverse, in that they were translating their own thoughts and feelings into the language and conceptual framework of the ancients. WHY PADUA AND NOT BOLOGNA?

Bologna had been the leading center of Italian education in the twelfth century and in the course of the second half of the century had become the goal of most students crossing the Alps to seek instruction in Roman and canon law. By the early thirteenth century, its teachers of ars notarie had won the same distinction in their ield. In the decades around 1200, selectively incorporating ideas developed by French scholars in their disciplines, Bolognese grammarians and rhetoricians produced treatises that deined the teaching of these subjects in Italian schools for at least the rest of the century. 83

84

This paragraph and the next are taken from my discussion of the comparative transformative power of vernacular translation of the ancients with humanist imitation: ibid., 206–10. I have characterized the problem of translating Latin into the vernacular as “slippage” (209). I would translate the word vetustas as “having the lavor of antiquity”: see ibid., 38. For the use of this word beginning with Mussato (ibid., 28, n. 57), see the index of that volume.

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Why, then, did humanism begin in Padua? An ofshoot of the one in Bologna, the Paduan studium sufered two successive blows early in its existence. In 1228, a large contingent of its student body deserted the city for Vicenza, and in 1237 the studium was shut down, not to be fully restored until after 1256. Nevertheless, eight or nine years later, the twenty-seven- or twenty-eight-year-old Lovato exhibited the profound grasp of ancient Latin grammar, lexicon, and metric that made it possible for him to attain a level of Latin diction unknown in Italy since ancient times. Without our attempting to explain genius, it is fair to ask: where had Lovato received such advanced training in grammar and what in the intellectual atmosphere of Padua inluenced the direction taken by his talents? The outstanding characteristic of Bolognese intellectual life in the thirteenth century was that, despite the inroads made initially by grammarians and then by natural scientists, legal–rhetorical concerns continued to dominate. As the list of scholars teaching in thirteenth-century Bologna suggests, Bolognese citizens exhibited a marked preference for teaching rhetoric, the ars notarie, and Roman law. Signiicant regarding this preference is the fact that almost all the grammarians identiied as teaching at the secondary and advanced levels had names linked to areas beyond Bologna and its contado. True, some of the teachers may have been second- and third-generation residents of Bologna, but it is unlikely that there were many citizens among them. Politically marginalized, grammarians may occasionally have taught rhetoric, but their focus would have been narrowly academic. In contrast most of the rhetoricans were native Bolognese. Some also taught ars notarie. As might be expected, the names listed in the matriculation registers of the Bolognese notariate are, with few exceptions, either Bolognese citizens or from outlying Bolognese territories, and, with the notable exception of Ranieri of Perugia early in the thirteenth century, the teachers of the ars appear overwhelmingly to have been citizens. Although in the hierarchy of learning notaries were beneath lawyers, nonetheless, as in other cities, they served as the bureaucrats who kept the commune running and had their ingers on the pulse of political life. Entrusted as they were with transforming the decisions of the commune and other oicial bodies into statements of policy, Bolognese notaries from the 1240s exhibited the linguistic artistry of their trade by framing the most important guild and communal documents in terms of a political theology. Drawing on all the stylistic resources of ars dictaminis, they utilized prefaces to frame legislative acts so as to reconcile the original equality of mankind established by God with a hierarchical structure of command and obedience. They did this in part by paralleling human government with the angelic hierarchy where orders of angels related to one another in that fashion.85 85

Massimo Giansante, Retorica e politica nel Duecento: I notai bolognesi e l’ideologia comunale (Rome, 1999), analyzes the rhetoric of a series of Bolognese documents beginning with the statute of the cambiatori in 1245. For the themes expressed in these, see especially 110–11 and 117–41. Giansante sees Rolandino Passagieri as either the author or at least as the guiding genius in the composition of all of the Bolognese documents he examines. Cf. his “Rolandino fra retorica e ideologia,” in Rolandino e “l’ars notaria” da Bologna all’Europa. Atti del convegno internazionale di studi storici sulla igura e l’opera di Rolandino organizzato dal Consiglio Notarile di Bologna sotto l’egida del Consiglio Nazionale del Notariato, Bologna–città europea della cultura, 9–10 ottobre 2000, ed. Giorgio Tamba (Milan, 2002), 51–74.

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The Return to Antiquity

The notarial profession dramatically demonstrated its social and political weight in the Bolognese community when, beginning in the 1260s, reacting against a seizure of power by the Ghibellines led by the noble Lambertazzi family, the largely Guelf notarial guild took the lead in opposition. After 1280, they were major architects in creating a government of corporations in which they played such a central role that this period in Bolognese communal history has been dubbed “la repubblica di notai.”86 The notarial guild achieved its successes largely owing to the eforts of Rolandino Passagieri (d. 1300), author of notarial manuals that became the standard teaching texts in the ield up to the seventeenth century. Scholarly opinion also credits him with the authorship of the most eloquent statements of purpose in contemporary Bolognese legislative documents. Born to a Guelf popular family, Rolandino enrolled in the notarial guild for the irst time in 1234. After serving as chancellor of the commune for various terms in the 1240s, 1250s, and early 1260s, he was dismissed by the Lambertazzi faction in 1265. Rolandino responded to the challenge posed to republican government by creating a military organization of Guelfs called the Compagnia della Croce, which ultimately triumphed over the enemy and drove them from the city in 1274. After a brief reconciliation in 1279, the Lambertazzi were deinitively exiled in 1280. The contrast between Rolandino Passagieri and his older contemporary, Rolandino of Padua (ca. 1200–76), exempliies the extent of the diferences in the intellectual character of the two university cities. A document of 1259 refers to Rolandino of Padua as magister Rolandinus Paduanus professor gramatice facultatis, that is, as a professor of grammar in the communal studium.87 Signiicantly, the irst listing of professors in the studium in 1262 shows that the commune had hired six professors of grammar and rhetoric.88 While in Bologna the number of grammarians and rhetoricians teaching privately might partially explain why the commune did not yet feel it necessary to create a chair of rhetoric in the studium until 1291 and why it had only one chair of grammar, the Paduan commune appears to have been largely responsible for supporting these disciplines in its studium. 86

87

88

The phrase is that of Gianfranco Orlandelli, “Premessa,” in Liber sive matricula notariorum communis Bononiae, 1219–1299, ed. Roberto Ferrara and Vittorio Valentini (Rome, 1980), viii. Alfred Hessel, Geschichte der Stadt Bologna von 1116–1280 (Berlin, 1910), 342–43, deals with the ascent of the notarial guild to political power. He regards the constitutional reforms of 1255–56, creating a capitano del popolo as marking the beginning of the political ascendency by the notaries (518–19). On the role of the notaries in Bolognese society and politics in the irst half of the thirteenth century, see Giorgio Tamba, “Il notariato a Bologna nell’età di Federico II,” in Federico II e Bologna (Bologna, 1996), 83–105. For the second half of the century, see his Una corporazione per il potere: Il notariato a Bologna in età comunale (Bologna, 1998), 299–324. On the notarial guild’s rise to political preeminence, see also Antonio I. Pini, “Bologna nel suo secolo d’oro: Da ‘comune aristocratico’ a ‘repubblica di notai,’” Rolandino e “l’ars notaria” da Bologna all’Europa, 1–20. The discovery of a document of 1259 by Carlo Polizzi, “Rolandinus Paduanus professor gramatice facultatis,” Quaderni per la storia dell’Università di Padova 17 (1984): 231–32, suggests that at least by November 1259 the Studio was functioning in some way. Rolandino may have been teaching grammar privately in previous years, and in this capacity he could have been Lovato’s teacher. On the refounding of the studium in 1261, see Chapter 9, under “The Studia: Bologna and Its Competitors.”

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Toward a Broader Intellectual Life

In addition to teaching grammar and rhetoric in Padua’s studium, Rolandino of Padua served intermittently as a notarial oicial in the communal government and on occasion wrote documents for private parties.89 His family has not yet been fully identiied, but his father must have been a cut above the average notary in that he had kept notes on contemporary events in the Paduan area, which his son later used in writing his history of the March of Treviso. Whether in Bologna or Padua, Rolandino of Padua studied with Boncompagno. As I explained earlier in this chapter, Rolandino’s history, Cronica in factis et circa facta Marchie trivixane, with its frequent references to major ancient Latin writers, indicates that Rolandino, like Boncompagno, had a solid foundation in advanced grammar. Similarly, Arsegino, a Paduan rhetorician who had studied at Bologna about a decade earlier, shows a similar background. His treatises on ars dictaminis beginning in the 1220s, like those of Boncompagno and Bene, include scattered references to ancient writers in his discussion of rhetoric. Whereas Rolandino Passageri stands out as a representative of the legalistic bent of Bolognese rhetoric, which reached its pinnacle in the legislative prefaces to diverse pieces of communal legislation published between the 1240s and 1280s, Rolandino of Padua relects the more supple rhetorical interests of the Paduan intellectual community, where rhetorical and grammatical elements were more integrated. The marked interest in scientiic literature evident both in Rolandino of Padua’s history and in Lovato’s early poetry relects the more interdisciplinary character of the city’s intellectual life when compared with that of Bologna.90 Furthermore, because of its recent history of oppression and the long closure of the studium, Padua did not draw many teachers from abroad. Most secondary and advanced education was taught by local men and therefore by citizens of the commune. As a result, unlike in Bologna, an intimate connection existed in Padua in the 1260s between citizen–teachers of grammar, the notariate, and participation in communal government, whether in a political or administrative capacity.91 This connection in turn served to foster the development of humanism, because (1) notaries as a group were the most active participants in thirteenth-century communal service in the city, and accordingly the most sensitive to the social and political needs of their society and to the dangers threatening its stability; and (2) as grammarians, these citizens and public oicials had access to knowledge of the ancient world and the opportunity to turn to antiquity in search of models for urban life and political stability. Petrarch was to be the irst thinker in western Europe to envision ancient Rome as an alternative society against which to compare his own, but the intellectual orientations of Albertano, Latini, and Lovato were already being signiicantly shaped 89 90

91

For his communal oices, see Chapter 9, under “Laymen and the Traditional Book Culture.” For Rolandino, see Chapter 10, under “The Rebirth of the Natural Sciences.” Lovato’s two earliest poems, dedicated to his illness, show his interest in herbs and their efects. His explanation for the diminishing power of Padua is based on an organic conception of civil society. Most of these men also probably taught rhetoric, but rhetoric remained committed to ars dictaminis, the unclassical genre of prose dictating the rules for public eloquence. Because humanism began in grammar, I am concerned with the grammatical side of their teaching.

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The Return to Antiquity

by the inluence of Roman writers.92 Without calling directly on his fellow citizens to imitate ancient Rome, Albertano drew on Roman authors in piecing together a civic morality for his own time. Latini harked back to ancient Rome, and particularly to Cicero, in his attempt to rally his fellow citizens to embrace their political responsibilities as citizens of a republic. Lovato’s antiquity appears to have been more amorphous, in that he tended to conceptualize moral and political issues against a general background of ancient secular culture. All his ancient sources, however, were Roman, and the vetustas that he sought to emulate was that of the great Roman writers. In pioneering the efort to emulate the language of ancient Rome, Lovato initiated the construction of a linguistic world of thought and feeling in which chivalric or feudal values and sentiments would become literally unspeakable. Out of this construction would emerge, over time, an uncluttered conception of a secular community that would ultimately have a corrosive efect on medieval society and culture.

92

For a discussion of Petrarch’s conception of ancient Rome as an alternative society, see my “In the Footsteps of the Ancients,” 22–23.

471

Conclusion

While acknowledging the importance of a host of factors that gave medieval Italian culture its distinctive character – among them geography, politics, and economics – this book has focused on the two Latin cultures of the regnum for its main explanation and has followed the development of these cultures over a period of four hundred and ifty years. The goal has been to determine how it was that by the middle decades of the thirteenth century laymen played the principal role in the regnum’s intellectual life and how, inspired by their reading in ancient literature and history, they created a new vision of the lay life that, in the form of Latin humanism, would ultimately have a transformative efect on European mentality in general. In the course of my analysis I invoked a second explanatory conception, Brian Stock’s “textual community,” in an efort to understand the sharp contrast in the development of the regnum’s Latin culture compared to that of transalpine Europe. With the help of this conception I undertook to explain the regnum’s meagre production of literary work and religious scholarship up to the thirteenth century and why that production rose so dramatically in the century’s latter half. The results of this long and detailed study require a summary. At the outset it is important to repeat what my Introduction stated regarding the geographical scope of the book. Of the three principal cultural regions of the peninsula – the regnum Italiae, the papal territories, and the peninsula’s southern third, later known as the Kingdom of Naples – my work concerns only the irst. Established by Charlemagne in the late eighth century, the regnum endured, at least theoretically, until unoicially dissolved in 1443, when Frederick III assumed the imperial throne as emperor of the German nation. The analysis began with the fact that early-medieval Italy was in western Europe the only country that possessed two Latin cultures, the traditional book culture and the culture of the document, the latter presuming only practical Latin literacy. I subsequently traced the interaction of these two cultures into the twelfth century, when the documentary culture became absorbed by, or at least secondary to, a new book culture founded on Justinian’s corpus. From that point on in the analysis I contrasted the traditional culture of the book with the culture of the legal book down to the end of the twelfth century, when the former began to undergo signiicant changes. 472

Conclusion THE TWO LATIN CULTURES IN THE FIRST THREE CENTURIES

The Carolingian conquest in 773 resulted in the dispersal of the brilliant court of Desiderio at Pavia. Within a decade, however, Charlemagne had managed to reassemble its leading scholars and poets at his own court in Gaul, where they helped him lay the groundwork for the educational projects that inspired a renaissance of letters in his northern kingdom. At the same time, by doing so he robbed the regnum of the minds that might have inspired the next generation to emulate their work. The invading Franks had encountered not only a lourishing court culture at Pavia but also a more sophisticated legal system. Apart from limited regions of Gaul the everyday use of legal documents was practically unknown in Charlemagne’s kingdom, whereas the regnum had had a long tradition of encoding a wide range of human actions in written documents, drawn up primarily by specialists in the practice – that is, lay or clerical notaries. Charlemagne and his successors through capitularies did much to advance the institution of the notariate in his newly conquered kingdom. Whereas in their homeland the Carolingians had largely clericalized the royal bureaucracy, in the regnum they worked with the Lombard bureaucracy of lay judges and notaries already in place in the capital at Pavia. At the local level they forbade priests to practice the notariate. The sources also indicate that a number of Frankish noblemen in their Italian principalities, anxious to control the notariate, excluded not only priests but all clerics from the profession. The regnum also felt the weight of Carolingian authority in ecclesiastical afairs. The irst chapter draws attention to a particular aspect of Carolingian educational policy that probably had a positive efect on raising the level of literacy in the regnum. Attracted by the beauty of the Roman chant, Pepin III, Charlemagne’s father, had already decreed that this music should be included as an intrinsic part of church ritual. Charlemagne made it clear that he expected at least monks and cathedral canons to perform the canonical hours on a daily basis and to prepare boys for singing the chants. Royal insistence on the regular performance of the canonical hours accompanied by appropriate music, especially in the case of the cathedral clergy, entailed the institutionalization of cathedral life – that is, the establishment of the common life for the canons and the repartition of cathedral functions, along with the designation of a particular canon or canons to teach the young letters and music. Royal policy on these matters was clearly spelled out by the great church council held at Aachen in 816. Cathedrals had always exercised some educational function within their dioceses, but with the creation of cathedral chapters that function became more clearly deined and had greater continuity, with the result that the literacy rate among clerics and the few laymen who attended cathedral schools in all probability rose. From its beginnings in the Frankish homeland, however, the so-called Carolingian Renaissance was not centered in cathedrals, but rather in monasteries. Liberally endowed by Carolingian patronage, from the late eighth century the monasteries of the transalpine kingdom generated an enormous quantity of poetry and religious scholarship over the next hundred years. By contrast, monasteries in the regnum, with several exceptions, gave little sign of intellectual interest, and royal patronage was lacking to stimulate it. 473

Conclusion

The best schools in the regnum were located in cathedrals in urban centers, but cathedrals on both sides of the Alps were busy places charged with running the afairs of the diocese, and poetry and scholarship had no utilitarian purpose. The primary educational responsibility of cathedral schools was the training of diocesan clergy to execute their duties toward the faithful. In the course of the ninth century a scattering of cathedrals in transalpine Europe rivaled monasteries for intellectual leadership, but, as in the regnum, the overwhelming number remained focused on administering their dioceses. With the collapse of the empire in the late ninth century, the Carolingian Renaissance came to an end. The future lay with Germany, but in the meantime the regnum, less troubled by external threats, provided continuity for the book culture. The role of conservator itted the Italian perspective on learning well. Deeply knowledgeable in the classics, having easy access to manuscripts of most ancient Latin authors, scholars in the regnum tended to see their role as passing on the learned tradition that they had received to the next generation, with no obligation on their part to increase the patrimony. Even in the eleventh century, when cathedral education was lourishing, the scholarly and literary production of the cathedrals showed only a slight increase. At the same time, the practical concerns of both bishop and cathedral, if anything, grew signiicantly. Italy’s precocious economic recovery from the mid-tenth century created new opportunities for large landholders, including bishops and cathedral canons, to augment their wealth. More important, however, by 1000 in many areas of the regnum bishops were quasi-autonomous secular rulers in their dioceses, and the local ecclesiastical hierarchy was deeply involved in administering their church’s possessions and exploiting its rights. In theory, the educational program of litterae et mores, which Otto I established in the German cathedral schools in the middle decades of the tenth century with the help of several Italian scholars, emphasized the moral leadership of the teacher rather than his literary or scholarly productivity. That model was compromised in Germany by (1) the continued commitment of the great eastern Carolingian abbeys to literary and scholarly work and (2) the emperors’ interest in promoting their rule through patronage of Latin culture. Imperial patronage, however, did not extend to the southern kingdom. As for the regnum’s documentary culture, the tenth century proved crucial to the creation of a lay-dominated notariate. In the second quarter of the century, anxious to garner support for his rule by attaching local notaries (usually members of elite families) to himself, King Ugo extended the privileges held by the royal notariate in the capital to selected notaries across the kingdom. Thus empowered to write documents anywhere in the regnum, royal notaries largely drove local clerical and lay notaries out of the ield. The Ottonians followed the same policy toward the notariate when they seized power in the 960s. Although clerics may have slipped into the ranks of the royal notaries, there is no evidence that this happened with any frequency. It is unlikely that rulers would have chosen men whom they could not legally try in secular courts for such important positions. The preponderance of laymen in the notariate who possessed practical Latin literacy by the late tenth century meant that, unlike in northern Europe, the clergy 474

Conclusion

did not become a caste. Cathedrals in the regnum were spaces where laymen and clerics intermingled daily to carry out the business of the diocese. Episcopal chanceries rarely formed, so the northern institutional basis for scholarship – the link between school, scriptorium, and chancery – was short-circuited. Given these easy relationships, young laymen would not have felt unwelcome attending classes in ecclesiastical schools. By the early eleventh century the elite lay judges and notaries of Pavia were going beyond the practical Latin literacy of the average lay notary in an efort to supplement Lombard law with Roman law. Initially concerned with reconstructing relevant passages of the original Justinian text, by the late eleventh century the enterprise was aimed at restoring whole books of the corpus of Roman law. Manuscript evidence suggests that this interest in reconstructing the texts was not conined to Pavia. While the task required knowledge that only prior legal experience and close work with the manuscripts could aford, nonetheless, without a irm control of Latin grammar obtained at a cathedral school, legal professionals could not have embarked on what was to become perhaps the greatest philological achievement of the Middle Ages. The new legal book culture that emerged in the course of the eleventh century, like the documentary culture by this time, was largely a ief of laymen.We have sporadic references to independent lay teachers in earlier centuries, but by the irst half of the eleventh century we know that specialists in Roman and Lombard law were teaching their subjects privately, at least in Pavia and Ravenna. In the next century these private schools of secular law were to become the models for laymen and clerics who opened private schools in other disciplines in competition with cathedral schools. In the case of Roman law, early on cathedral schools appear to have tried to compete with private instruction, but classes in law taught by practicing lay lawyers had the advantage. That law would become the salient intellectual interest in the regnum is not dificult to explain. From 962 ruled by distant monarchs who made only sporadic appearances in the kingdom, Italians had little experience with central government. Unlike in Francia, where from the eleventh century on great princes following a domanial policy were able to exert increasing control over their territories, in Italy princely governments were usually ephemeral, and in any case their power was impaired by urban areas within their territories jealous of their own autonomy. At the same time, fueled by regional economic development, contact between the various parts of the regnum intensiied in the course of the eleventh century, and in the absence of princely umpires, Italians had to look to notaries and lawyers to maintain the rule of law. The need for civil order lent a sense of urgency to the eforts of legal scholars irst in Pavia and then in Bologna, to recover the Justinian corpus and to draw on it as a universal law for the government of their society. The most obvious indication of the German presence in the regnum after 962 was in the Church. An average of 20 to 25 percent of the episcopal sees were held by Germans appointed by the emperor to the most strategically located cities. The possibilities for advancement through imperial service, moreover, lured young, ambitious Italian clerics like Anselmo of Besate and helped promote litterae et mores, with its conception of model courtiers, in the cathedral schools. 475

Conclusion RELIGIOUS REFORM AND THE RISE OF THE COMMUNES

Unlike the French episcopacy, which in the irst half of the eleventh century championed the Peace of God, there were few reformers among imperial bishops at the time. The nascent Cluniac reform in the regnum appears to have lacked inluence much beyond the monasteries that it reformed.The most efective appeal for ecclesiastical reform came from the leaders of two new monastic groups, the Vallombrosans and the Camaldolensians, who focused on poverty as a guarantee of spiritual integrity and as a basis for attacking a corrupt Church. In the hands of the most eloquent of these monks, Pietro Damiani, the attack on the two principal vices of clerics, clerical marriage and simony, extended to the imperial curriculum that fostered pagan values through its study of ancient Roman writers. The disciples of poverty were already creating a reform consciousness among the masses when in 1046 the emperor, Henry III, intervened at Rome and introduced a line of German reform popes who sought to abolish clerical marriage and the buying and selling of church oices. Moreover, among the membership of the new papal court were thinkers even more radical than Damiani, and on the death of Henry III and the succession of his infant son, Henry IV, their revolutionary program became public: simony was not merely buying and selling church oices, but now included any investiture of a church by a layman. During the pontiicate of Gregory VII that deinition of simony became oicial. Between the last quarter of the eleventh and the irst quarter of the twelfth century, the conlict that had become deined as the struggle over investiture transformed Italian society and institutions. The war between papacy and emperor in the regnum had a populist dimension absent in the rest of western Europe. Popular antagonism toward the upper clergy had for decades been aroused by the preaching of the two eremitic groups, and, unable to resist tapping into this popular fervor for reform, Gregory unleashed it against his enemies with devastating efect. Despite attempts by his successors to rein in lay involvement, popular violence marked the progress of the conlict down to its last stages. Over a ifty-year period many of the regnum’s dioceses witnessed a local clergy divided between imperial supporters and papal reformers with rival claimants to the bishopric in open warfare with one another. While it is diicult to establish a direct relation between the troubled state of the Church and the establishment of urban communes, which began in these years, we may assume that the destabilization of the diocese encouraged the lay elite to advance claims to share political power with the bishop. A similar communal movement occurred contemporaneously in the border regions between Francia and the empire, but there, with few exceptions, it appears to have been largely independent of the motive of religious reform. Whereas the struggle over investiture in Germany had destructive results equal to those in the regnum, religious issues became closely involved with the legitimacy of the Saxon dynasty so that, with the exception of the uprisings of the Saxons to gain autonomy, popular participation in the struggle was limited. Despite widespread suffering, in highly rural Germany the masses largely remained passive. The commune represented a new medieval creation designed for a new kind of political and social entity. In creating a body of lay citizens, the commune 476

Conclusion

indirectly contributed to the reform goal of separating the clergy more distinctly from lay society. Whereas the reform program insisted on a celibate clergy and excluded laymen from investing church oices, the commune excluded clerics from participation in communal oices, with limited exceptions. Over the course of the twelfth century, and especially after the Treaty of Constance in 1183, as the communes increasingly diminished the bishops’ temporal powers while multiplying their own, the right to citizenship gained in importance, and enjoyment of cleric status for the iscal and juridical beneits that it ofered became less attractive. Exclusion from the body of citizens, however, does not appear to have dampened clerical devotion to their cities. I have linked the Investiture Struggle not only to the origins of the communal movement but also to the beginnings of ars dictaminis. The mountains of propagandistic material produced over the ifty years of the conlict and its public discussion created an awareness of the importance of communication skills and of the personal gain to be had from literacy. The irst manuals limited to teaching letter writing, ars dictaminis, appeared in the last decades of the conlict. Highly prescriptive, they usually ofered models exemplifying the rules that they advocated. Whereas in the early years instruction in the models drew on the classical learning of traditional grammar schools, by the 1130s they had shed much of their initial baggage and ofered a streamlined method of writing letters that lay within the comprehension of Latin literates minimally trained in grammar. The minimalization of training in ancient Roman literature as a practical measure, designed to bring the art of written communication to a broader public, found reinforcement in the attitude of the more conservative religious reformers in the Investiture period. A comparison of imperial with papal reform treatises early in the conlict reveals the relatively stark character of early reform tracts in contrast with the literary style of those written by contemporary imperialists. We have no way of assessing the impact of the reform’s negative attitude toward pagan authors in the regnum after 1122, but it seems likely that conservative inluence conspired with practical motives to reduce the role fulilled by the ancient authors in the grammar schools of the regnum. Whereas at irst imperial propagandists had assumed a literary approach to defending the emperor’s prerogative in the Church, after circa 1090 they, following papal reformers, focused on amassing as many statements as possible from Christian sources backing up their position. The extent of contradiction in this abundance of material, sometimes within the same source, could not be ignored. In all likelihood, already by the 1140s the irst version of the Decretum (Gratian I) had created the larger portion of the synthesis in what was to become the Decretum (Gratian II), the basic text for the new discipline of canon law. The study of Roman law, begun in the eleventh century, and the two newer disciplines, canon law and ars dictaminis, became the dominant focus of post–grammarschool education after 1122.The ars notarie, closely linked to Roman law, constituted a fourth popular area of learning, but it remained taught largely through apprenticeship.Taken together, these four disciplines nurtured a legal–rhetorical mentality that, despite inroads made by other disciplines, remained the dominant intellectual force in the regnum into the ifteenth century. 477

Conclusion

The Investiture Struggle proved disastrous for cathedral education in the years between 1075 and 1122. Judging from the documentation, cathedral chapters in some cities fell into disarray for decades. Their diminished role after the Investiture Struggle is relected in the fact that, although documentation generally increased for the regnum over the twelfth century, references to cathedral schools were less common that they had been in the period before 1075. Although these schools remained citadels of the traditional book culture, Roman and canon law as well as ars dictaminis were highly marketable disciplines, and a proliferation of private schools in the course of the twelfth century responded to the demand for their instruction. Cathedral schools, too, ofered courses in dictamen, and, although proof is lacking, some of them likely also ofered courses in canon law.The bulk of instruction in both subjects, however, appears to have been given in private schools. Clerics dominated the private schools of canon law, while documentation regarding instruction in ars dictaminis suggests that the majority of its teachers were laymen. As for Roman law, already in the previous century instruction in this discipline had been essentially a lay monopoly. By the twelfth century, therefore, a growing market for education made it possible to have a career in teaching and attracted laymen, who had an economic motive for the work that beneiced clergy lacked. Similarly, unbeneiced lower clergy may have taught independently, but if so, their activity remains undocumented. Because of increasing competition many of the private grammar schools probably would have sought to satisfy demand by furnishing a version of grammar education just suicient to meet the low prerequisites of the new disciplines. In response, some cathedral schools themselves may well have reduced their attention to ancient authors and Church Fathers in order to keep in step. Down to the twelfth century patronage or lack of it had deeply afected intellectual activity. In transalpine Europe from the ninth to the late eleventh centuries patronage had played an important role in furthering literary writing and religious scholarship, while in the regnum its absence bore signiicant responsibility for the meager production of poetry, exegesis, theology, and the like. In the twelfth century, however, with the continuing improvement in communication, both between areas in the same country and within western Europe as a whole, the link between patronage and intellectual creativity became less intimate. The change was relected in the regnum in the production of the mass of legal treatises and manuals of ars dictaminis written to respond to the needs of a market of interested clerics and laymen. A similar phenomenon can be observed in contemporary Francia, where after 1100 the coalescence of a clerical textual community led to a dramatic rise in literary and scholarly writings. This community had no need of patronage, and highborn patrons merely provided added stimulus. The cohesion of the French clergy contrasts dramatically with the fragmentation of the clergy in the regnum, where local clergy were generally more devoted to their city than to the clerical order. While they wrote little in the twelfth century, much of what they did write concerned the struggles of their cities against the emperor Frederick I or against rival cities. Consequently, the initial lack of patronage and the continued absence of a wide clerical community provide the essential explanations for the paucity of production, not only of literary compositions, but also of works 478

Conclusion

of theology, biblical exegesis, liturgy, and Christian ethics down into the thirteenth century. After the Investiture Struggle neither the newly empowered papacy nor the intensiication of piety enhanced the cohesion of the regnum’s ecclesiastical structure. While elsewhere in western Europe the conlict ended in generous compromises with secular powers, in the regnum the papal reformers won a decisive victory. After 1122, clerical celibacy was, as a rule, enforced. Collegial churches in large numbers elected to impose on themselves a rule involving strict observance of the common life, with its obligations. After decades of popular interference in ecclesiastical afairs, church authorities proved largely successful in channeling popular fervor into civicreligious celebration, pietistic behavior, and Christian service. Signiicantly, lay saints begin to appear. Nonetheless, the success of religious reform under papal leadership did not signiicantly afect the ties of loyalty felt by clerics and laymen to their cities. The eforts of Rome to realize its post-investiture claims to being the supreme justiciar and executive of the Church, however, resulted in an increasing number of papal interventions in the dioceses of the regnum. In the new papal curia legal and administrative talents became key qualiications for employment and promotion. Correspondingly, faced with papal interference in the government of their dioceses, the bishops of the regnum were compelled to defend their interests by hiring their own legal experts. Consequently, as the century progressed two opposing clerical models emerged as poles of attraction for the regnum’s clergy: the irst, that of the cleric esteemed for his piety and sincere devotion to his spiritual duties, and the other, that of the professional bureaucrat committed to service in ecclesiastical administration and courts. For bright young clerics eager to attain success in the Church, then, the study of canon law became the major pathway to promotion to the second career. Up to the latter half of the thirteenth century, moreover, canon law would be the irst and only ield of intellectual creativity for the regnum’s clergy. Unlike clerics, educated Italian laymen, perhaps less hampered by stereotyping, exhibited greater freedom to experiment with their educations and take intellectual risks. Signiicantly, all or all but one of the twelfth-century Latin translators of religious and medical Greek writings from the regnum were laymen. In the thirteenth century they were to be in the forefront of absorbing and developing the avalanche of scientiic and medical knowledge derived from the translated writings of the ancient Greek and medieval Arabic worlds. With few exceptions, after 1122 most historical works were authored by laymen. THE PEACE OF CONSTANCE AND THE AFTERMATH

As had the Investiture Struggle earlier, the Peace of Constance of 1183 played a major role in initiating social and political change and in generating a series of intellectual responses to these changes. The peace treaty that rendered the Italian cities autonomous and removed the German threat to their liberty was almost immediately followed by a wave of urban civil wars in which internal factions fought with one another for supremacy. The wrangling among the elite of the cities invited 479

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more popular elements of the population, swelled by imigration and strengthened by economic development, to make their bid for a voice in communal government. From the 1190s a succession of cities resorted to foreign oicials or podestà with executive and judicial powers in an efort to regain stability. By the early decades of the thirteenth century the old urban elite and the new princely courts of the regnum created through the inluence of Provençal poetry and French chivalric literature a new model of the noble life that highlighted reined sensibility and knightly virtues. By emulating this model in their daily conduct they hoped to set themselves apart from the new families who were threatening their hold on political power. Unfortunately, this code of conduct, which emphasized personal loyalties and strong class diferences, proved disastrous for urban peace. The craze for Provençal poetry among the elite, moreover, demonstrated an expansion of formal education within that class. While epic poetry was generally recited in public performance, in Italy Provençal poetry was frequently communicated in written form. Whereas in Francia the musical accompaniment associated with the poems suggests that they were conceived to be sung and recited aloud, the absence of music accompanying poetry in Italy points to textual transmission, more often through reading in private. The capacity to read the vernacular presupposed at least an elementary Latin education that would enable the student to identify and pronounce words and have a notion of linguistic structure. Among those reading privately, the experience may have encouraged readers to seek education beyond elementary school, if not for themselves at least for their children. Accordingly, the popularity of Provençal poetry, given the form in which it was difused and imitated in Italy, appears to signal a rising tide of Latin education, at least among members of an upper-class audience. A second and surer indication of the increasing demand for grammar education after 1200 relates to the increase in the notariates of the various cities. The expanding communal bureaucracies, the need for notaries in the service of the new foreign oicials, and the steep rise on the part of private individuals and institutions for documents largely explain this development. Nevertheless, important if less tangible, the notariate ofered young men a means of seeking social and political advancement in a period when the traditional governing class had been destabilized. In any case, by the opening decades of the thirteenth century, the notariate of Italian cities tended to lose its elitist character and became a large profession composed of men from diferent social classes. With the exception of Bologna and perhaps a few other cities that ofered formal courses in the ars notarie, most of these new notaries followed tradition in receiving their training in the profession through apprenticeship with a practicing notary. At the same time, secondary education necessarily expanded because some training in grammar was a prerequisite for professional training. The rise and expansion of a large number of studia throughout the regnum provide a third manifestation of the growth in grammar schools. The tendency of the Bolognese schools to institutionalize education in the last decades of the twelfth century relects the sheer number of teachers involved and, as competition within and 480

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between disciplines rendered those disciplines increasingly sophisticated, the need to lay out a ixed curriculum for students to follow. The creation of other centers of advanced study, either before 1219, when Bologna became a studium, or afterwards in greater numbers, stemmed from a variety of motives: civic pride, the economic beneits accrued from a resident student body, and the desire to train young men who would likely prefer to live permanently in their home city. Entrance requirements of professional schools remained low, with only two to three years of grammar school expected as the foundation for advanced study. The steep increase of grammar schools in the regnum from the late twelfth century laid the basis for the irst community for textual literature there. The existence of this irst reading public not only provided encouragement to writers of vernacular literature but also generated a context propitious for the advent of Latin poetry. Although the number of clerics and university-trained lawyers, grammarians, and rhetoricians in this community was relatively small, notaries would have contributed many thousands. Presumably laymen who had attained Latin literacy for other motives constituted another signiicant contingent. Even as early as 1125, laymen like Bono of Marcena from the Sienese–Aretine contado attended the cathedral school in Arezzo, and Bono’s contemporary Montone civis senensis studied grammar with a private teacher. Because neither seems to have been destined for the notariate or the Church, their parents must have felt that literacy would generally further their chances of success in the world. In the thirteenth century, as learning gained respect, Latin literacy became a mark of social standing. An improved method of teaching Latin accompanied the proliferation of private grammar schools from the years around 1200.The wholesale importation of French grammatical theory in the last decades of the twelfth century furnished the basis for grammarians to claim a theoretical dimension for their subject that put them on a par with other disciplines in the studia. The intellectual attraction of French grammar teachings, however, was their focus on sentence construction. The practical orientation of the main line of Italian grammarians, beginning with Bene in the 1190s, clearly displays the use they made of French theories. While borrowing the syntactical descriptions along with the technical vocabulary of the French, they did so largely to the extent that prescriptive grammar required, but otherwise they ignored much of the speculative aspects of French grammatical analysis. Because these manuals, unlike Priscian, contained detailed instruction on syntax and were written for students whose irst language was not Latin, they facilitated Latin instruction at the secondary level. Nevertheless, they testiied to the loyalty of their authors to Priscian in that the manuals drew their illustrations of the rules of grammar from ancient writers, eschewing what was becoming a common French practice of inventing simple examples economically structured to illustrate the rule. The most bitter critic of imported grammatical material from Francia was Boncompagno of Signa, a Bolognese rhetorician who feared that grammarians were attempting to transform standard chancery stilus humilis into a more complicated aulic rhetoric, useless for practical purposes. While demonstrating a fairly wide knowledge of ancient authors himself, he wrote and taught the traditional Italian style of ars dictaminis. At the same time, he acceded to the French literary approach to the degree that he extensively employed allegory in writing the prefaces to his manuals. 481

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Except in the composition of a few important documents, Boncompagno’s Bolognese successors remained loyal to stilus humilis throughout the century and beyond, but ancient rhetorical manuals, especially the Ad Herennium, gained increased importance in instructing that style. In contrast, south of the regnum, dictatores at the Hohenstaufen and papal courts up to the 1260s exhibited exceptional talent at experimenting with a wide range of styles, after which most of them appear to have retreated to the more practical Italian chancery form. A new branch of rhetoric emerged by the second decade of the thirteenth century: the ars arengandi. A response to the need for oicial speeches by the podestà and for public speaking in the enlarged communal councils, the ars constituted little more than a collection of model orations. Written in stilus humilis, the Latin speeches rarely had any classical resonances. Nor did another new genre of rhetoric, the ars predicandi, imported from Francia early in the century to provide guidance for a clergy that was increasingly expected to complement liturgical performance with homilies. In contrast with rhetoricians, Roman lawyers, for professional reasons, were as eager as grammarians to adapt new grammatical theories and bring classical authors into their classrooms. Initially threatened by the new theories, largely because local grammarians were using them to argue for their right to interpret legal material, the lawyers soon realized that knowledge of them advanced their understanding of passages in the Justinian corpus. They discovered in the study of ancient Roman historians the key to interpreting three of the twelve books of the Codex that had eluded their understanding because they required knowledge of the historical context in which the laws were created. In the same decades around 1200, Roman lawyers also turned to French precedents to efect a synthetic treatment of the corpus and to introduce into their classrooms didactic models indirectly of transalpine origin. The summae of Italian grammarians, rhetoricians, and Roman lawyers, as well as those written for other traditional ields of learning – that is, ars notarie and canon law – demonstrate the extent to which these ields had matured by the early thirteenth century. Nourished by Uguccio of Pisa’s summa on the Decretum, Bolognese canon lawyers late in the twelfth century embarked upon compiling collections of papal decretals as a means of supplementing Graziano’s work, thereby creating a new branch of study in their ield. The Decretales promulgated by Gregory IX in 1234 as the oicial text of the corpus received its summa with Bernardo of Parma’s glossa ordinaria a few decades later. The heightened status of grammar did not constitute the only challenge to the domination of Italian intellectual life by legal and rhetorical interests. A wealth of Latin translations of ancient Greek and medieval Arab texts of natural science over the thirteenth century raised medicine from a practical art to a science. By the second half of the thirteenth century, medicine had entered the ranks of standard disciplines in the curricula of the regnum’s studia. The creation of schools by the mendicant orders in the course of the irst half of the thirteenth century, beginning with those at Padua and Bologna, initiated instruction in the latest theological developments coming from Paris. Open to laymen as well as to members of the orders, their lectures created a place for theology 482

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in the intellectual life of the regnum that the discipline had never before enjoyed. The friars also aroused a new interest in biblical exegesis, an integral part of traditional religious scholarship. International in their organization, often transferred from place to place and devoid of local loyalties, the friars laid the foundation of a textual community of clerics revolving around the study of theology, exegesis, and liturgy, which already for centuries had been the focus of interest to clerics in northern Europe. Indeed, within the lifespan of Dante (1265–1321) a striking division between clerics and laymen of the regnum appeared. The Florentine poet was perhaps the last lay scholar to ignore the distinction between lay and clerical disciplines. At the institutional level, the increased separation of clerical and lay interests was relected in the reappearance of clerical notaries in diocesan administration and judicial courts in the course of the second half of the thirteenth century. The explanation for this phenomenon, and for the growing integration of the clerical community generally, lay in the loss of much of the bishop’s temporal power, which had earlier promoted the mingling of clerics and laymen. Sponsored by both the natural sciences and theology, logic emerged in the thirteenth century as a full member of the trivium. In the irst half of the eleventh century possibly more advanced in Italy than in transalpine Europe, the study of logic thereafter left few traces in the sources. Perhaps its potential for undercutting the faith rendered its study suspect to papal reformers eager to vindicate their orthodoxy in the conlict with the imperialists; perhaps logic became a prisoner of legal studies and lost its identity. In any case, it is diicult to ind any clear evidence for logic having been taught as a separate discipline in any school in the regnum from the late eleventh to the opening decades of the thirteenth century. Adopting French pedagogical methods that depended heavily on the use of dialectic, law professors may have decided by 1200 that a separate course in logic was needed as preparation for law school. Certainly the importance of logic as a requirement for the study of medicine and modern theology was beyond question. At least, starting in Bologna in the irst decades of the thirteenth century, logic appears to have become a regular part of secondary education along with grammar and rhetoric. The presence of courses on philosophical modalism at Bologna circa 1300 points to a steady advance in its study throughout the century. While the legal status of the student body of the two major Italian educational centers, Bologna and Padua, was mixed, especially given the presence at both of clerical students from transalpine Europe, the teaching personnel became increasingly lay during the thirteenth century. As in the twelfth century at Bologna, laymen taught Roman law and clerics canon law, but after 1200 the few names that we have for grammarians teaching in the studium suggest that most in this position were laymen. Moreover, at the secondary level by the second half of the century, laymen appear to have had close to a monopoly. Judging from the towns usually connected with their names, few would have been Bolognese citizens. As for rhetoricians, apart from the ambivalence surrounding Guido Faba’s status, all the rhetoricians at least up to the one-year appointment of Jacques of Dinant in 1291, were laymen and, with the exception of Boncompagno, Bolognese citizens. Some of the rhetoricians also taught ars notarie, in which discipline all teachers were laymen. 483

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Regarding canon and Roman law professors, Padua followed the same pattern as Bologna. Nothing is known of the teaching of ars notarie at Padua, but local notaries seem to have had a tight hold on the teaching of grammar and rhetoric at the secondary and advanced levels: at least all those teachers whose status can be identiied were laymen and notaries. As we have seen, the fact that Bolognese notaries might teach rhetoric but not grammar points to a signiicant diference in the intellectual orientation of the two cities. In Padua professional grammarians were notaries, and at the same time many of them were active in communal politics. This three-way connection helps to explain why a classicizing grammatical movement intimately linked to civic concerns began in that city rather than in Bologna, where grammarians were largely foreigners. THE INSPIRATION OF ANTIQUITY

The widespread availability of education in grammar by the early thirteenth century goes far toward explaining the rise in literary productivity that the regnum experienced and its particular character: laymen now had the training to author literary work and a potential audience of laymen existed to receive it. Nevertheless, the long hiatus in the composition of Latin poetry between Enrico of Settimello’s Elegia (1192/93) and Urso of Genoa’s epic poem, Historia de victoria quam Genuenses ex Friderico II retulerunt, in the late 1240s requires explanation. The series of communal histories appearing in this interval of more than half a century serve as a gauge of the progress of grammar-school education among laymen.The production of Latin poems by laymen that began with Urso and intensiied during the 1250s and 1260s required prior academic preparation over previous decades. Partly responses to the need of the newly autonomous cities to establish their identity after 1183, partly eforts to assert the claim of their authors to political and social status, a series of communal histories, especially from the 1220s, demonstrate a growing tendency to cite ancient authors and to depend on poetry for recounting particular historical events within the larger prose narrative. In this context Urso’s composition of a Latin epic trumpeting the victory of the Genoese over the imperial forces in 1245 appears to have been a natural development. Within the political and social context of the early thirteenth-century Italian commune, the writings of the ancient Romans assumed a new relevance. Products of an urban, republican, lay-intellectual tradition, the ancient pagans spoke across the centuries to their communal descendants as they spoke to no other Europeans. Among those who had experienced that contact, a few gifted individuals were capable of seeing ways of using antiquity in coniguring a new ethic for a new secularurban society. Although contemporary poetic tendencies were absent from the work of Albertano of Brescia, his writings, composed between 1238 and 1251, exhibit an awareness of the importance of ancient authority for his own time. In his concentrated eforts to establish a civic morality as a solution to urban violence, Albertano, with the help of ancient Roman authors, was able to articulate his conception of a Christian community founded on justice and social harmony in opposition to the feudal, chivalric ideals that by their very nature sanctioned internecine warfare. Although 484

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revealed only in fragmentary form, his notion of civic morality appears to have been designed for a commercial community of middling-class citizens, exclusive of the nobility. In the 1260s, his younger contemporary Brunetto Latini, like Albertano targeting chivalric ideals of conduct, ofered a new version of civic morality. Whereas Albertano had envisaged a society in which Christian principles would foster peace and justice, Latini saw society rather from a political and secular point of view. Emphasizing the parallel between the ancient Roman republic and the modern commune, Latini presented Cicero as the model citizen, living his life in service to the republic. His objective was to heighten the awareness of his fellow Florentines to their own obligations to their political community and the preciousness of their heritage of freedom. Writing in the vernacular for a wider audience, Latini used Cicero’s very words, which he translated as accurately as he could, to add to the emotional appeal of his recommendations for civic responsibility. His translations of Cicero marked the beginning of a series of Tuscan translations of ancient Latin authors that by 1400 made a vast Latin literature available to vernacular readers. Although more elitist than Latini in his approach to the ancients, Latini’s contemporary Lovato de’ Lovati exerted a greater inluence in the long run on western Europe’s intellectual life. In comparison with Albertano and Latini, Lovato was the least conscious of resorting to ancient ethical and political ideas to construct a civic model for his own time. Rather, he aimed primarily at creating a new aesthetic designed to recapture the beauty of ancient Latin. As a result, however, he constructed a linguistic bridge to antiquity that limited the range of expression of his thoughts and feelings to those found in his ancient models. The new language, even though imperfectly utilized, also served to reine his genuine patriotic sentiments and unabashed secularity. Ideas and emotions could to an extent be translated into the Italian vernacular, but slippage always occurred, because the language of translation entails the use of words already replete with meanings and associations from other verbal contexts.The pursuit of Lovato’s goal of following in the footsteps of the ancient authors through stylistic imitation would, over the course of the next century and a half, result in the creation of a Latin discourse in which some of the most cherished medieval values and ideas would become linguistically inexpressible. The classicizing of linguistic expression enabled scholars to explore the intellectual and emotional universe of ancient pagan writers and eventually to conceive of ancient Rome as an alternative society with which to compare their own.1 The result was a positive revaluation of the secular world and of lay life. While prior to Lovato the only major intellectual contributions of the medieval regnum to European intellectual life had been intimately linked to its legal culture, the new reading and writing practices that he introduced were to have a widespread impact. A lay intelligentia made its irst appearance in western Europe in the medieval regnum, and it would be through the movement founded by Lovato, identiied as Italian humanism, that this key achievement of Italian exceptionalism, with its implications for revolutionizing moral and intellectual life, would exert its inluence beyond the regnum’s borders. 1

I have taken the term “cultural alternative” from Thomas M. Green, The Light in Troy: Imitation and Discovery in Renaissance Poetry (New Haven, Conn., 1982), 91.

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My interpretation of the fate of the ancient pagan authors in the regnum in the twelfth century contrasts sharply with that of Robert Black presented in his excellent study of the relationship of Italian humanism to Italian education, Humanism and Education in Medieval and Renaissance Italy:Tradition and Innovation in Latin Schools from the Twelfth to the Fifteenth Century (2001). The assumption of my book has been that, throughout the period 800–1250, pagan authors were studied in the schools, until the twelfth century primarily in cathedral schools and thereafter in some private schools as well. For the most part, knowledge of their writings evident in works by Damiani, Anselmo of Besate, Pietro Crasso, and the poets of the twelfth century likely came from formal schooling. The meagerness of literary production, however, suggests that Italians read the ancients passively, that is, with reverence but not as inspiration for emulating their literary achievements. Possibly the traditional curriculum in most cathedral schools did not drastically change as a result of the Investiture Struggle, but after 1122 these institutions played a diminished role in education.The attraction to new disciplines that did not require advanced grammar as a prerequisite, and the increasing commercialization of knowledge that fostered private instruction and streamlined courses in grammar, rendered cathedral education less competitive. The intensiication of pietistic attitudes that resulted from the papal victory, moreover, may have dampened enthusiasm for pagan literature even in some cathedral schools. By the 1220s a new Latin-reading public, the product of expanded grammatical education, was actively studying ancient literature and history. Already in the 1190s, however, signs of the altered approach had emerged in legal commentaries and in Boncompagno’s declared rivalry with Cicero. For the irst time, antiquity spoke to these generations of readers, now largely composed of laymen, as a guide for structuring their own intellectual and emotional experience.The importance of studying antiquity would only intensify over the following centuries. Robert Black’s opinion is diametrically opposite to mine. He applies to Italy the classic thesis of Louis Paetow (The Arts Course at Medieval Universities with Special Reference to Grammar and Rhetoric [Urbana, Ill., 1910]) that, although the ancient pagan authors exercised enormous inluence on the work of northern European scholars in the twelfth century, their inluence diminished sharply in the thirteenth, 487

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when intellectual interests turned to philosophy, natural science, and theology. As presented in Black’s Humanism and Education, the conclusion that interest in pagan classics in Italy followed the same trajectory as in northern Europe rests on a comparison of statistics concerning the number of new manuscripts of ancient authors used as schoolbooks in twelfth- and thirteenth-century Italy and currently found in Florentine libraries. Black’s is a careful and intelligent treatment of the manuscripts, and I have no criticism of the statistical results of his immensely complicated project. He attributes the thirteenth-century drop largely to the rise of the universities:“Fundamental here was the rise of the professional Italian universities concentrating on the study of ars dictaminis and notaria, law and medicine.These put pressure on the grammar schools to streamline their curricula, focusing on practical and rapid learning of Latin and eliminating the redundant study of Latin literature, previously at the heart of the grammar syllabus.”1 This new demand was met at the introductory level by the introduction of French grammatical manuals that consistently excluded reference to ancient authors and, at the advanced level, by speculative grammatical writings from Francia.2 Grammar manuals subsequently authored by Italians were directly inspired by these manuals and, like them, largely ignored the ancient classical heritage.3 Before examining Black’s statistics, I believe that a clariication is in order. Black refers to the manuscripts on which his statistics are based as “schoolbooks,” suggesting that these were books actually used in the classroom. Because he does not deine the term, it is diicult to determine how he identiied the relevant manuscripts that he includes. (1) Glosses in a manuscript may suggest that the glossed text was taught, but this depends on the gloss’s level of sophistication. Petrarch’s glosses, for example, were for his personal use. (2) The scribe could well have copied the marginal and interlinear glosses from his base text, so the glosses do not necessarily indicate study subsequent to copying. (3) I see no way of proving that manuscripts in Black’s list without glosses can be identiied as teaching texts. The few manuscripts signed by children (all in the ifteenth century [see 186, n. 79 and 187, n. 85]) were perhaps used as schoolbooks when in their possession.4 Whether or not all were schoolbooks, however, the authors contained in these manuscripts in Florentine libraries were those usually studied in the classroom. Black’s analysis of the present holdings of the major Florentine libraries argues that, whereas forty-one ancient literary and historical works in thirty-seven manuscripts remained in the libraries for the period from the beginning of the twelfth century to “XII/XIII”, only ten in nine manuscripts represent the thirteenth century.5 In 1

2 3

4 5

Humanism and Education in Medieval and Renaissance Italy:Tradition and Innovation in Latin Schools from the Twelfth to the Fifteenth Century (Cambridge, 2001), 197–98. Ibid., 198. Chapter 11 has shown that Italian grammarians followed earlier French practice in their manuals by relying on classical authors to illustrate their rules. Black maintains (198) that Évrard’s Graecismus and the widely circulated Doctrinale of Alexander de Villedieu “were a type of substitute for the study of the authors themselves.” Nevertheless, Henry of Andely’s Bataille des VII ars represents Alexander as a contemporary defender of the ancients: see above, Chap. 8, n. 54. Humanism and Education, 186, n. 79, and 187, n. 85. There are four manuscripts containing two works each: BML, 24 sin. 3; BRF, 587; BML, 89 inf. 20.2; and BML, 76.20.

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his view, the striking contrast suggests that an intense interest in ancient authors manifested by Florentines in the twelfth century was succeeded by a fallow period that ended only with the beginnings of humanism in the city in the course of the fourteenth century. He concludes that the shift of interest in Florence represents a change that took place throughout the peninsula. My criticism of Black’s work lies not in the statistics, but in the interpretation of their signiicance. A basic problem with his thesis is that it does not acknowledge the signiicant diferences in cultures among the principal regions of Italy. He ofers his thesis as relevant for the whole peninsula, while I claim relevance for my thesis only for the regnum. Admittedly, he has tried to assign speciic geographical areas to the thirty-nine manuscripts that he dates to the twelfth century, but, acknowledging the diiculty of doing so, he cautiously locates the place of origin of only ifteen of the thirty-seven: three for southern Italy; seven for central Italy, including two for Florence and Tuscany each; and ive for northern Italy. We have no way, however, of distributing the remaining twenty-two – that is, the majority – which can be identiied only as having been written in Italy. He concedes that two of these may in fact be of French origin.6 The dating of the manuscripts also indicates that a signiicant increase in production occurred in the years around 1200, the very period when French grammatical treatises were entering Italy and, according to Black, discouraging the study of the pagan authors. Of the thirty-seven manuscripts, ten are dated “XII/XIII” and four “XII ex” and these contain sixteen texts.7 Consequently, slightly over 36 percent of the manuscripts belong to the last decades of the twelfth and irst decades of the thirteenth centuries. Were we to accept Black’s assumption that these manuscripts circulated in Florence in these very decades, these statistics would help to explain the unusual frequency of references to pagan authors in the works of Florentine authors in the late twelfth and early thirteenth centuries. In these same years Florence emerged for a brief period into the cultural spotlight, having produced Boncompagno of Signa (d. ca. 1240) and Bene of Florence (d. ca. 1240), two of the three leading Italian dictatores of their generation, and also Enrico of Settimello (l. 1190), whose Elegia (1192/93) was the outstanding Latin poem written in the regnum in the century. The lack of thirteenth-century manuscripts of pagan authors in Florentine libraries, moreover, would it very well with what we generally acknowledge to have happened in the city in the course of that century. By the middle decades of the century scholars in Florence stood out in Italy as the major proponents of vernacular literature.8 Because of this Florentine exceptionalism, consequently, it is an unfortunate choice of city from which to generalize about the fate of the classics for the whole peninsula. 6

7

8

BML, 35.20, identiication characterized as “problematic” (187, n, 81) and BML, Edili 201,“no secure French elements”: 187, n. 83. Late XII/XIII: BML, 24 sin 3; BML, 34–14; BRF, 587; BRF, 596; BML, S Marco 235; BML. S Marco 238; BML, Strozzi 13; BRF, 701; BMF, Edili 214; BML, 76.20. XII ex.: BML,34.4; BML, 34.12; BML, 36.14; BML, 76.13. See my “In the Footsteps of the Ancients”: The Origins of Humanism from Lovato to Bruni (Leiden and New York, 2000), 229.

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Tempting as it is to use Black’s statistics in this way – even if only admitting their relevance for Florence – to demonstrate the shifting interest in ancient authors, I hesitate to do so, because I believe that his statistics are founded on the assumption that all of the manuscripts he uses as evidence were available in Florence at the time.9 Rather than relecting the extent to which Italians studied the ancients in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, it appears more likely that a signiicant percentage of the twelfth-century manuscripts now reposing in Florentine libraries constitutes a concentration of manuscripts from all over Italy created only after the mid-fourteenth century, mostly by Florentine humanists and their wealthy patrons. This concentration is further skewed by the fact that humanists found the thirteenth-century Gothic script unattractive and diicult to read, and preferred to read manuscripts written in twelfth-century hands.10 If this is the case, the statistics tell us little or nothing about manuscript productivity in Italy, and more particularly for our purposes, in the regnum. Whereas in Humanism and Education his discussion of his thesis was incidental to the main concerns of the book, Black’s article “The Origins of Humanism,” in Interpretations of Renaissance Humanism, ed. Angelo Mazzocco (Leiden and Boston, 2006), 37–71, is dedicated to proving that the study of ancient authors formed an important part of the grammar school curriculum, only to be replaced in the thirteenth century by a streamlined program of education that had little use for these authors. Reference to this article is made throughout the later chapters of my book, but relevant here is the table of non-Beneventan manuscripts of Latin classical authors that he considers produced and/or used as schoolbooks in Italy during the twelfth century. Again, I question whether these were all schoolbooks. The character of the statistics here difer from those in Humanism and Education in that (1) the manuscripts inventoried are all found in libraries outside Florence; (2) among them are a few manuscripts copied earlier but used in the twelfth century; and (3) statistics for manuscripts produced in or used in the thirteenth century on which a comparison could be based are lacking. Black includes 127 manuscripts in his survey, copied over a period running from the eleventh century to the early thirteenth (XII/XIII). Of these 127 manuscripts Black lists 18 as being of possible northern Italian provenance and fourteen as definitely from that area. That is, about 11 percent can be identiied as originating in northern Italy, while together with possibly northern manuscripts the percentage of the total comes to about 25 percent. Of the total of manuscripts, 57 were never 9

10

Black acknowledges, for example, that BML, S Marco 238, was not yet in the S Marco’s ifteenthcentury catalogue. Ovid, BML, 36.14, belonged to a master in Vigevano in the second half of the thirteenth century (188, n. 88); BRF, 701, was the property of the bishop of Tripoli in the same period and BRF, 596, was in Milan in the late ifteenth century. Berthold L. Ullman, The Origin and Development of Humanist Script (Rome, 1960), 12. He cites, as an example (14), Salutati’s request to Jean of Montreuil for a copy of Abelard in “antiqua lettera,” presumably Carolingian script, because no other script is more pleasing to the eyes: Epistolario di Coluccio Salutati, ed. Francesco Novati, 4 vols. (Rome, 1891–1916), 3:76. For Petrarch’s hatred of Gothic script, see Le familiari, 4 vols.; vols. 1–3, ed. Vittorio Rossi, vol. 4 ed. Vittorio Rossi and Umberto Bosco; vols. 10–13 (Rome, 1933–42), 4:205.

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glossed.11 Of the remaining 70, 10 were glossed in the twelfth century, 51 in the thirteenth, and the glosses of 6 date from the fourteenth century, while the glosses in 3 may not be Italian.12 Consequently, of 61 manuscripts glossed in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, the glosses in roughly 85 percent of them were written after 1200. Contrary to Black’s thesis, therefore, his evidence suggests that, even if manuscripts were originally written in the twelfth century, most were only seriously studied (perhaps in school) in the thirteenth. I have insisted throughout my narrative that the number of texts of ancient poetry and prose writings in circulation at any particular time was far less important historically than the uses made of them by their readers. Heavily glossed manuscripts, consequently, do not in themselves indicate that those texts inspired readers to do their own thinking and writing. Nonetheless, Black’s statistics on glossing tend to reinforce my argument that the study of the ancients assumed a new intensity in the decades around 1200 in correspondence with the lowering of Latin poetry and prose of laymen inspired by ancient precedents.

11

12

Because Black does not mention glosses or interlinear notations in his description of the following manuscripts, I assume that there was no glossing: 5, 7, 10, 11, 15, 16, 24, 31, 34, 36, 38, 43, 48, 49, 51, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 60, 62, 65, 68, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 78, 79, 82, 83, 84, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 98, 100, 102, 103, 107, 108, 109, 110, 111, 112, 115, 117, 118, 119, 124, 125, 127. Manuscripts glossed in the twelfth century included 8, 9, 42, 47, 52, 53, 59, 94, 113, and 122. The following manuscripts were glossed in the thirteenth century: 1, 2, 3, 4, 6, 12, 13, 14, 17, 18, 19, 20, 22, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 32, 33, 37, 39, 40, 41, 44, 45, 50, 61, 63, 64, 66, 67, 70, 71, 80, 81, 85, 86, 87, 88, 96, 97, 99, 101, 106, 114, 116, 120, 123, and 126. Only later glosses are found in 21, 23, 35, 46, 95, and 121. The glosses in three manuscripts may not be Italian: 69, 104, and 105.The glosses at least in the latter two manuscripts belong to the thirteenth century.

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Index

Subject matter in the footnotes is indexed only where it is not already covered by entries for the main text on the same pages. Scholars’ names in the footnotes are indexed only where I draw attention to historiographical questions as such. For the balance of scholarly work that I simply marshal as evidence, please refer to the notes themselves, loc. cit. Personal names are alphabetized ignoring prepositions. People are arranged by their surnames if they have one; otherwise, by their given names, followed by epithets and other designations. For convenience, under major headwords references to people, places, and works are arranged at the end of the entry. A special entry for the Italian diference thematically arranges the main points of the book’s argument. a fortiori reasoning, 159 Aachen, Council of (816), 34–35, 37, 38, 51n143, 224, 473 Ab urbe condita, by Livy, 86n53, 465n76 abbeys. See monasteries Abbo of Fleury, 145, 159, 176n249 abbots, 62, 306. See also hermitages; monasteries; and names of individuals and monasteries Abbreviatio artis grammaticae, by Orso, 58, 260 Abelard, Peter, 248, 250, 266, 272, 276n33, 396n45, 406, 490n10; inluence of, 263n143, 264, 265; prob. studied theology with Anselm of Laon, 223 abortions, magically induced, 153 Abruzzo, the, 1 Abū Maʿshar, 409n108 accessus (formalized introduction to a commentary), 322n16 Accursio, Francesco, 342n94, 426, 427, 432 Achillides, by Statius, 293 Achmet (10th c.), 310n86 acolytes, episcopal, 109 Acre, siege of (1189–91), 441n5 ps.-Acro, 48 active vs. contemplative life, 451–52, 454 Ad familiares, by Cicero, 442 Ad Herennium, by ps.-Cicero, 95, 144, 155, 254, 393, 423, 482 Adalbéron IV, imperial bishop of Metz, 221 Adalberto of Samaria, 255–57, 333, 371, 414; founder of ars dictaminis, 255; itinerant career of, 279–80; letters of, 257–58, 279–80; on trivium, 262; works: Pracepta dictaminum, 255–56 Adelaide (widow of Lotario II and wife of Otto I), 73 Adelaide of Susa, marchioness of Turin, 204 Adelardo, bishop of Verona, 47n129 Adelbert, bishop of Arezzo, 130 Adèle, countess of Blois (11th c.–12th c.), 176n249 Adelperga, daughter of Desiderio, king of Italy, 22 Adémar of Chabannes, 78, 121, 122n18, 137 Admonitio generalis, by Charlemagne, 18, 18–19n4, 33–34 Adoptionism, 20

Adrian IV, pope, 233 Adversus Catharos et Valdenses, by Moneta of Cremona, 405, 409 advocati, 61, 285n68 Aeneid, by Virgil, 137, 293, 294, 346, 443, 445; compare Roman d’Aenéas Aesop, 446 Aganone, bishop of Bergamo, 46 Agiographia, by Uguccio, 391 Agnello (or Andrea), author of Liber pontiicalis, 44, 90–91, 442 Agobard, bishop of Lyon, 36–37 Agricola, Saint, 133n67 agriculture, 231–32; and castle-building, 73n3; in Veneto (13th c.), 462; as basis of European economic revival (11th c.), 2, 232; increasing complexity of, 267; majority worked in, 2; Cicero praised, as source of wealth, 451; rationalization of (11th c.), 167 Aimeric of Peguilhan, 355 Aimerico, monk of Ciel d’Oro and abbot of Farfa, 132 Aimoin, 176n249 Aimone, magischola of Modena, presumed author of the Relatio translationis corporis sancti Geminiani, 130, 306 Aistulph, king of Lombardy, 66 Alan of Lille, 321n14, 421n34, 441 Alan of Wales, 434 Alba, bishop of. See Benzone, bishop of Alba Alberic of Paris, 262, 385 Alberico da Romano. See under Romano Alberico of Montecassino, 150, 254–56, 414; Brevarium de dictamine attrib. to, 255; Flores rhetorici of, 254–55 Albertano of Brescia, 438, 449–55, 484–85; civic patriotism of, 450; cited ancient-Roman pagan authors, 450n23; defended commerce as licit, 451, 454; drew on pagan and Christian authors to provide moral instruction to laymen, 455, 466; ethics of, excluded nobles from the citizenry, 485; —, as counter to the chivalric ethos, 450, 484–85; irst to devise a code of conduct for daily life in communes, 448; inluence of ancient-Roman pagan

559

Index authors on, 470–71, 484; life, 449; on avoiding vendetta, 453–54; recognized danger of factionalism, 464; saw merit in active life, 452; sermons of, 449, 453; supposed that reforming personal morality would produce civic peace, 454; works of, in Tuscan translation, 454; wrote that rhetoric could change the moral character of community, 456; works: De amore et dilectione Dei of, 449, 450–52; De arte loquendi et tacendi of, 449, 452–53; Liber consolationis et consilii of, 449, 451n27, 453–54 Albertino (notary and teacher in Padua, 12th c.), 379 Alberto (jurist, 12th c.), 244–45 Alberto of Morra (later Pope Gregory VIII), 386 Alberto of San Marino, 286, 371, 374 Albigensian Crusade, 355; Compare Cathars alchemy, 399 Alcuin, 19nn6–7, 146n123; accorded dignity to rhetoric, 28; and Paolino of Aquileia, 20; deines grammar, 28; intellectual leader of Charlemagne’s court, 27n44; shared his knowledge of pagan authors, 27; stylistic inluence of, 19; used Cicero’s De inventione, 95n96 Aldeprando of Faenza, 129 Aldeprando, teacher of Anselmo of Besate, 129 Alderotti, Taddeo, 400, 401, 406 Aldo, bishop of Piacenza, 191 Alessandria, siege of (1175), 303n53 Alessio, Gian Carlo, 276n33, 374n88, 394n38, 411n1 Alexander II, pope, 165, 166, 167, 185, 190; excommunicated Guido da Velate, archbishop of Milan, 189n18; supported movements opposed to simony, 186; uncle to Anselmo of Baggio, papal polemicist, 197. See also Anselmo of Baggio (uncle) Alexander III, pope, 263n142, 384n2; concerned about foreign clerics in Bologna, 366; decretales of, 433, 434; orders that all cathedrals maintain a professor of theology (1179), 284; vs. Victor IV, antipope, 276n35, 303n57 Alexander of Aphrodisias, 398 Alexander of Villedieu, 333, 385n9, 413, 488n3; Doctrinale of, 330–31, 332 Alexandreis, by Walter of Châtillon, 321n14 Alger of Liège, De misericordia et iustitia of, 249 Algiso, son of Desideriuso, legends concerning, 138 Alighieri, Dante, 401n71, 412n1, 417, 456, 483; Divina commedia of, 457 allegory, 341, 342; as tool in grammar, 7, 28–29; — in rhetoric, 481; — in biblical exegesis, 296–97; — in preaching, 333, 334n62 allodial tenure, 117–18 Almagest, by Ptolemy, 408 Almerico, abbot of the Ciel d’Oro, 78 almsgiving, 451 altars, 200 alum trade, 231 d’Amato, Alfonso, 405n89 Ambrogio, bishop of Bergamo, 81 Ambrogio of Cremona, 276n35 Ambrose, Saint, archbishop of Milan, 127, 186n9, 194, 197 Ambrosian liturgy, 125, 272 Amicitia, by Boncompagno, 448 Amiens, commune in, 214, 215n124 Amores, by Ovid, 459 analogy, 28, 159 analysis ex natura and ex persona, 344 anatomy, 400 ancient authors, Latin (whether pagan or Christian): ps.-Acro, 48; Grillius, 155;Victor, Gaius Julius, 253n93.

See also ancient Christian authors; —, Greek; —, Latin; ancient pagan authors; —, Greek; and —, Latin ancient Christian authors, 335n6, 407. See also ancient Christian authors, Greek; and —, Latin ancient Christian authors, Greek, 309; Chrysostom, 186n9, 310n86; Damascene, 309; Dionysius the ps.-Areopagite, 134, 265 ancient Christian authors, Latin, 3, 20, 24–25, 31, 53, 85, 127, 138, 148, 149n137, 157, 191, 193–94, 195, 197, 199, 266, 268, 277, 381, 443, 445, 451; authors: Ambrose, 127, 186n9, 194, 197; Augustine, 85, 92, 95, 135n75, 148, 186n9, 193n40, 194, 197, 450; ps.-Augustine, 160n181; Boethius, 144n118, 153, 160n181, 193, 198, 409n108, 432n82; Cassiodorus, 149n137, 153, 194, 196; Cyprian, 197; Ennodius, 125; Gregory I (the Great), 95, 194, 196, 293, 294; Innocent I, 197; Jerome, 95, 125, 194, 196, 310; Orosius, 194, 300; Prudentius, 155, 198, 446 ancient pagan authors: growing interest in (1180–1250), 436 ancient pagan authors, Greek: translated from Arabic into Latin, 408; translated from Greek into Latin, 383, 398; authors: Alexander of Aphrodisias, 398; Aristotle, 94, 127, 153, 160n181, 241, 262, 276n33, 310n87, 311, 318, 329n43, 342, 408, 409n108, 432n82, 464n74; ps.-Aristotle, 408; ps.-Demetrius of Phaleron, 253n93; Galen, 309, 397, 400; Hippocrates, 309, 397; Homer, 81; Maximus the Confessor, 134; Plato, 94, 134–35; Porphyry, 153, 160n181; Ptolemy, 408; ps.-Ptolemy, 408; Themistius, 398 ancient pagan authors, Latin, 383; and ars dictaminis, 256n105; as models for correct Latin speech, 414; as part of the grammar curriculum, 277; as representatives of an urban, republican, lay-intelletual tradition, 456, 467, 484; Christian hostility toward, already under Ostrogoths (5th c.–6th c.), 24–25; citation of, 302; — became less frequent in ars dictaminis manuals (after 1122), 477; — by grammarians, 393–94, 414, 436, 481, 488n3; — by canon lawyers, 193–94; — by Roman lawyers, 414, 432n82, 436; — by writers of civic histories, 438, 442–47; — in an ars arengandi manual, 421; emulation of, 301, 317, 319, 458, 461, 466–67, 471, 484–85; failed to stimulate production of new works in regnum (9th c,–11th c.), 56, 116, 175, 301, 311, 381, 474; historians, 383, 482; increasingly cited in communal histories (13th c.), 484; inluence of (13th c.), according to Black and Paetow, 487–88, 490–91; — the author’s reply, 488–91; inspired laymen to create a new vision of lay life, 472; intensive study of, in Francia after 1150, 322n16; knowledge of, commended to students of ars dictaminis, 393; knowledge of (13th c.), 332; new French grammatical manuals systematically excluded, 488; papal reformers suspicious of, 158, 160, 477; perceived relevance to contemporary life, 383, 428; revival of interest in (late 12th c. and 13th c.), 10, 289, 313, 491; study of, as the capstone of traditional education in grammar, 28, 428; translated into vernacular, 438; the ancients: Aesop, 446 Apuleius, 304n62; Avian, 154; Caesar, 443; Capella, 45n119, 48, 77n20, 81, 94, 153, 194, 441; Cato, Dionysius, 193; Catullus, 86n53; Cicero, 94, 95, 127, 135, 144, 146, 155, 158, 186n8, 193, 195, 241, 242n46, 253n93, 254, 257n111, 258n116, 298n25, 322, 333, 421n34, 423, 442, 448, 450, 451, 452, 453, 454, 466, 485; ps.Cicero, 95, 144, 155, 254, 393, 423, 482; ps.-Dares Phrygius, 346; Eutropius, 22; Flaccus, 154n159; Fortunatianus, 30; Fortunatus, 125; Gellius, 193, 432n82; Horace, 45n119, 48, 95, 97n101, 127, 154, 186n8, 193, 196, 198, 293, 294, 300, 322, 392n31, 421n34, 441, 443, 445, 446, 460, 466; Justinus, 83n46, 461; Juvenal, 45n119, 48, 81, 90, 95, 135, 154, 322, 421n34,

560

Index 432n82, 441; Livy, 86n53, 461, 465n76; Lucan, 45n119, 48, 154, 186n8, 193n40, 196, 222n153, 258, 293, 300, 303, 304, 322, 342, 387, 421n34, 441, 443, 444, 445, 446; Lucretius, 39n90, 90, 442; Macrobius, 39n90; Marius, 443; Martial, 90, 442, 460; Maximianus, 154, 441, 443; Ovid, 30, 95, 135, 154, 194, 195, 300, 303, 342, 421n34, 429, 432n82, 441, 443, 445, 446, 457, 459, 460, 461, 466, 490n9; Persius, 95, 193, 342, 432n82; Plautus, 330; Pliny, 90, 442; Propertius, 459–60; Quintilian, 95, 135, 154; Sallust, 127, 155, 193, 194, 258, 293, 300, 304, 421n34, 443, 444, 445, 446, 450n23; Seneca, 322, 441, 450, 452, 466; Servius, 30, 155, 198, 394n39, 432n82; Severus, 125, 155; Solinus, 300; Statius, 81, 154, 222n153, 293, 322, 346, 421n34, 441, 443, 459–60; Suetonius, 304, 444; Sulla, 443; Terence, 45n119, 48, 90, 194, 194n45, 450n23; Tibullus, 137, 443, 460; Trajan, 443; Trogus, 461;Valerius, 318n4;Varro, 135;Vegetius, 421n34;Victorinus, 146, 155;Virgil, 30, 44, 81, 90, 95, 127, 135, 137, 154, 186n8, 193, 195, 196, 222n153, 293, 294, 300, 303, 322, 342, 346, 421n34, 432n82, 441, 442, 443, 445, 446, 457; the moderns who read them: Atto distrusted ancient pagans, 83–84, 112; Gunzo, Leo of Vercelli, and Liudprando of Cremona respected them, 99–100; citation of, by Albertano, 450n23, 451; — by Giovanni Balbi, 414; — by Bene, 393–94, 414; — by Benzone, 193; — by Crasso, 194; — by Pietro of Isolella, 414; — by Sion of Vercelli, 414; emulation of, by Enrico of Settimello, 319; — by Lovato, 381, 439, 441, 458, 461, 466–67, 471; — by Mussato, 471; — by Stefanardo of Vimercate, 461; — by Urso, 461; places: limited knowledge of, in Padua (9th c.) 44–45; studied in Padua, 10; in Francia: grammarians abandoned practice of citing examples from (1100–1160), 329; — temporarily resumed practice (1160–1200), 329–30; 12th-c. French humanism’s interest in, 317–18; movement declines, 322–23; copying of MSS. and commentaries (12th c.), 322–23 ancient pagan historical igures: Caesar, 443; Catiline, 443; Cato, 446; Cato the Younger, 298n26; Diogenes, 429; Nero, 443; Nerva, 443; Scipio, 193 ancients and moderns, 318–19, 332–33 Ancona, 278n39; 363, 445; march of, 457n56 Andenna, Giancarlo, 161n184 Andrea da Strumi, 163, 187n11 Andrea presbyter, continuator of the Historia Langobardorum, 46, 90, 442 Andrea (or Agnello), author of the Liber pontiicalis, 44, 90–91, 442 d’Andrea, Giovanni, 373, 375n92 angelic hierarchy, 468 de Angelis,Violetta, 132n62 Angelo (notary in Bologna, 12th c.), 174n245, 237 Angers: abbots in, 321; cathedral school in, 319 Angilbert, archbishop of Milan, 38–39, 45, 48 Annales, by Cafaro of Genoa, 303–4, 443–44; continuators of, 304n59 Annales antiquissimi, 300n39, 443 Annales Ianuenses, by Bartolomeo Scriba and Urso of Genoa, 446, 457 Annales Ianuenses, by Marchisio Scriba, 445 Annales Ianuenses, by Oberto Cancelliere, 444 Annales Ianuenses, by Ottobono Scriba, 444 Annales Ianuenses, by Pane, 444 Annales Pisani, by Marragone, 444 Annales Placentini, by Codagnello, 445 Annales S. Justinae Patavini, 446 annointment, 86n55

Anselm of Havelberg, 310n87 Anselm of Laon, 215n124, 222–23, 264n144 Anselmo of Aosta (Saint Anselm of Canterbury), 95n92, 143n112, 148–49, 150, 208, 263, 266 Anselmo of Baggio (nephew), 189, 195, 197; and court of Matilda of Tuscany, 292; biblical exegesis of, 296; commentary on the Psalms, 292, 293n4; distinguished spiritual and temporal powers, 195; hagiographies of, 293; people: Gregory VII admired, 197; Henry IV replaces with imperial Archbishop Pietro, 204n81; works: Collectio canonum of, 197, 247, 292; Liber contra Wibertum of, 192, 197–98, 292 Anselmo of Baggio (uncle), 126, 150n141. See also Alexander II, pope Anselmo of Besate, 116, 125, 128–30, 139, 150–55, 271, 475; born of high Lombard nobility, 124; educated in judicial oratory, 168; knowledge of ancient authors, 154–55; — prob. from formal schooling, 487; lacked reforming zeal, 124; legal education of, 129, 145, 168, 178; manneristic style of, 84; oratorical conception of literary expression, 155; prob. birthdate of, 124n26; prob. taught rhetoric, 155; teachers of, 128–29, 145, 155; traveled widely as young man, 121; use of hypothetical syllogism, 159; people: praised Drogo of Parma, 12n223; works: De materia artis, 129, 151, 155; Rhetorimachia, 128, 129, 145, 151–55 Anselmo of Bovisio, archbishop of Milan (Anselmo IV), 189n18 Anselmo of Lucca (the elder). See Anselmo of Baggio (uncle); Alexander II, pope Anselmo of Lucca (the younger). See Anselmo of Baggio (nephew) Anselmo of Orto, 341n92 Anselmo of Pusterla, archbishop of Milan (Anselm V), 222, 272 Anselmo II, archbishop of Milan, as dedicatee, 48n134 Anselmo III, archbishop of Milan (Anselmo da Rho), 189 Anselmo IV, archbishop of Milan (Anselmo of Bovisio), 189n18 Anselmo V, archbishop of Milan (Anselmo of Pusterla), 222, 272 Antapodosis, by Liudprando of Cremona, 91, 442 Antenor, prince of Troy, 463 Anthony, Saint, of Padua, 404, 419 anti-intellectualism, 158–60, 176–77, 182 Ἀντικειμένων sive Dialogorum libri III, by Anselm of Havelberg, 310n87 antipopes, 188, 190 antiqui, 333. See ancients and moderns Anton, Michel, 184n3 Apennines, 162, 361 apostrophe (rhetorical device), 300 apprenticeship to notaries, 287–88, 359, 477, 480 Apuleius, interpolated reference to, 304n62 Apulia, students from, 386n11 Aquileia, 37, 38n85, 187, 368n64 Aquileia–Grado, archepiscopal province of, 139 Aquitaine, 137, 198n60, 321; Peace of God movement in, 209, 210n104 Arabic, 309, 482 Arabic texts: translation of, into Hebrew, 398; — into Latin, 309, 311n93, 383, 397, 398–99, 403, 479; authors: Abū Maʿshar, 409n108; Averroes, 398–99, 401, 409n111; Avicenna, 398, 400, 409n108; al-Fārābī, 329n43, 398; al-Ghāzalī, 409n108; unayn ibn Is āq (Johannitius), 401; al-Kindī, 398; al-Majūsī, ʿAlī ibn ʿAbbās (Haly), 309

561

Index archbishops, 88, 269. See also under names of individuals and cities archdeacons: of Bologna, 282, 290, 367n60, 435; of Bourges, 429n69 archives: as repositories of public memory, 354; of cathedral in Vercelli, 275; of communes, 354 d’Ardizzone, Jacopo, 245n64 Arduino, marquis of Ivrea, 97 Arenge, by Faba, 421 arenghe (introductory sentences of charters), 101 Arezzo: bishops of, 130–31, 205, 285n68, 286; boundary dispute with Siena (late 12th c.), 284–86, 358n29, 362, 481; cathedral canons in, 222n149; cathedral chapter in, 38, 205, 282; cathedral in, 285; cathedral school in, 79, 80, 130, 275, 481; charters in, 100, 101n114; clerical notaries in, 108, 114; commune in, 202, 205; episcopal chancery in, 105; local nobility and, 206n92; notaries in, 130n53; students and professors from Bologna migrate to, 366; studium in, 367–68 Argonautae, by Flaccus, 154n159 Argumentum horologii nocturni, by Paciico, 43 Arialdo, Saint (leader of Pataria, 11th c.), 126, 163n194, 188 Arianism of Lombards, 23 Ariberto, archbishop of Milan, 118n5 Arichis I, duke of Benevento, 18, 22 Arimanno, bishop of Brescia, 190 Ariprando (jurist, 12th c.), 244–45 Aristotelian concepts of substance and qualities, 147–48 Aristotle, 127, 241, 266; advanced logical treatises, 318; commentaries on, 398–99; corpus, 318, 323; introduction to, by Gentile of Cingoli, 377n102; logica nova of, 242, 262, 265, 266–67, 310n87, 311, 318, 323, 397–98, 403; logica vetus of, 402–3; logical works of, 407; scientiic texts, 311n93, 400, 407; on dialectic, 276n33; on eternity of the world, 401, 408; use of, by Manichees, 409n110; works: Categories, 94, 153, 160n181; De anima, 398, 408; De animalibus of (generic medieval title for zoological works), 398, 408; De caelo, 398, 408, 409n108; De generatione et corruptione, 398, 409n108; De interpretatione, 94, 153, 160n181, 409n108; De sophisticis elenchis, 242, 262, 310n87, 403; Metaphysics, 310n87, 398, 407, 408, 409n108; Meteorologica, 398, 408; Nicomachean Ethics, 342, 399, 407, 408, 409n108, 464n74; Parva naturalia, 310n87, 398; Physics, 398, 407, 408, 409n108; Poetics, 399; Posterior Analytics, 310n87, 311, 329n43; Prior Analytics, 432n82; Rhetoric, 399; Topica, 94 ps.-Aristotle, Secreta secretorum of, 408 arithmetic, 275–76 Arles, 337 di Armannino, Tommasino, 378, 378–79n110 arms, right to bear, 352 Arnaldi, Girolamo, 9, 89n66, 90–91n74, 173n242, 402n72 Arnolfo, archbishop of Milan, 189n18 Arnolfo, author of the Gesta archiepiscoporum Mediolanensium, 127, 128, 443, 446 Arnolfo da Velate, imperial bishop of Cremona, 203 Arnolfo II, archbishop of Milan, 127 Arquillière, Henri X., 185n6 Ars amatoria, by Ovid, 432n82, 446, 457 ars arengandi, 418, 420–24, 482 ars dictaminis, 3–4, 7, 11, 173, 186, 201, 235, 238n28, 252–59, 268, 277, 281, 288–89, 291, 331, 333–34, 362, 377, 477; and ars arengandi, 421, 422; and ancient pagan authors, 256, 257n111, 258, 393–94; — over time, fewer cited, 477; and cathedral schools, 478; and oratory, 254; and rhetoric, 252, 254, 266; confuted elitist assumption that letter-

writers must be trained in traditional book culture, 259; development of, 3–4, 229, 253, 311; dictated Latin prose style (12th c.–15th c.), 230; did not recognize the personal letter as a category, 254; did not require advanced grammar as a prerequisite, 477, 487; divisions of the letter, 255, 422, 423n43; facilitated communication in a commercial society, 267; few students of Latin went beyond, 261; legalistic, commercial, and political idiom of, 380; manuals of, 11, 253, 312n94, 375–76, 380, 385, 386–89, 392n32, 393–94, 416–17, 470; — absence of theory from (after 1150), 258–59; municipal, 258; parts of a letter, 255, 257; 259n122; private education in, 279, 378, 478; private letters, 416, 417; proliferation of styles (13th c.), 414–18; public letters, 417; rise of Italian universities and, 488; said to be taught separately from classical rhetorical theory (12th c.), 255n102; a simpliied prose style, 230; stilus humilis, 415, 417, 418; “stilus medius,” 417; stilus obscurus, 416–17; — rhetoricus, 415–16; stylistic devices of, in service of political theology, 468; use of biblical language, 421; — formulas, 253, 254, 258; — models, 241–42, 253, 256, 258–59, 259n122, 261n132, 266, 277, 278n39, 279–80, 333–34, 368n64, 378, 403, 416–17, 448–49, 477; — ornament and obscurity, 386–89; people: Adalberto of Samaria as founder of, 255; — sees training in trivium as prerequisite for, 256, 262; Bene defends use of authorities in a letter’s exordium, 393–94; Boncompagno taught, 481; — lambastes the grammantes’ style of, 386–88, 389; — not a branch of grammar, according to him, 397; Enrico of Settimello’s talent for, 440; Innocent III evinces new stylistic approach, 186; Ugo of Bologna taught use of stilus humilis in, 256–57; places: in Bologna, 134, 259, 378, 380; in Padua, 470n91; transalpine Europe, 254n95; inluence of Italian style, 254n95; Francia, 333–34; imported from regnum (before late 12th c.), 317; Italian standards of, imposed on rhetoric (mid-13th c.), 336. See also ars arengandi; ars notarie; ars predicandi; letter writing (pre-dictamen); letters; rhetoric Ars Donati quam Paulus Diaconus exposuit, by Paolo Diacono, 57 Ars grammatica, by Donatus, 4, 57, 259–60, 261, 324, 380 Ars grammatica, by Papias, 260, 261, 266, 275, 289, 324, 390 ars notarie, 236–37, 253, 261n132, 281, 369n74, 383, 411, 424–25; and studia, 483, 488; apprenticeship in, 359, 477; did not require advanced grammar, 487; grew in value as result of commercial revolution, 267; manuals of, 359, 469; — model documents in, 425; notaries as teachers of, 362; schools for, 359; summae in, 435, 482; theoretical accounts of, 425; places: Bologna, 378, 467, 468, 480; — laymen taught, in the studium there (13th c.), 483; schools for, in Padua, 470n91; — no trace of (13th c.), 380. See also ars dictaminis; notaries: apprenticeship of; —: education of Ars notarie, by Rainieri of Perugia, 424 Ars notarie, by Salatiele of Bologna, 425 Ars poetica, by Horace, 293 ars poetria, 331, 388n17, 393 ars predicandi, 331, 334–36, 418–20, 422, 482 Ars rhetorica, by Fortunatianus, 30 Ars rhetorica, by Victor, 253n93 Ars versiicatoria, by Matthew of Vendôme, 331, 387n14 Arsegino (professor of grammar and rhetoric in Padua, 12th c.), 379, 470 artes. See liberal arts Arthurian legend, 346, 354, 355n15, 439, 441 Articella (compilation of medical tracts from Salerno), 400 Artifoni, Enrico, 453n41 artisans, 188n14, 224n159, 368n65

562

Index Arts Course at Medieval Universities, The, by Louis Paetow, 9, 318, 487–88 asceticism, 162–63 Aschafenburg, cathedral school in, 76n14 assonance, 298, 440 Asti: bishop of, 204; cathedral school in, 46; clerical notaries in, 114n167; communal palace in, 353; commune in, 202, 204, 234; functional literacy in, 53; Investiture Struggle in, 204 astrology and astronomy, 52, 398, 399, 400, 401, 402, 408; astrological determinism, 311n93 Atto, bishop of Vercelli, 49, 80, 81, 83–89; broad notion of simony, 87; called for churches and monasteries to recuperate properties, 118n5; claimed that power of bishops was superior to that of kings, 86; distrusted pagan authors, 83–84, 112; foresaw no role for papacy in reform, 88; hoped to reform secular politics, 88; ideas on church reform, 86–88; restricted teaching by nuns and laymen, 284; inluence on subsequent reformers scant, 88–89; manneristic style of, 84–85; on election of bishops, 87–88; 184; on elementary education in the countryside, 49n135; on political disorder, 88; preferred religious genres, 85; relied on moral exhortation, 88; works: De pressuris ecclesiasticis, 85; Expositio epistolarum s. Pauli, 295; Polipticum, 84–85, 88, 103 Attone of Vallombrosa, 163n195, 187n11 Aubert of Béziers, 340 Audebert of Montmorillon, archbishop of Bourges, 321 Audone, bishop of Verona, 49 Auerbach, Erich, 92n82 Augsburg, cathedral school in, 76n14 Augustine, 193n40, 194, 197, 450; Atto’s knowledge of, 85; Berengar of Tours cites, 148; Gregory VII cites, 186n9; Gunzo’s knowledge of, 95; Liudprando of Cremona’s use of, 92; works: De doctrina Christiana, 135n75, 405 ps.-Augustine, 30, 160n181 Augustinians (mendicant order), 404 Aurea gemma, by Enrico of Francigena, 256 Aurora, by Passagieri, 425 Austin, Greta, 246n66 Authentica habita (decree of Frederick I), 281, 363, 365n51 Auxilius (Frankish monk), 58n168 Avalle, D’Arco Silvio, 357n26 Avars, 20, 42 Avendauth, 398 Aventine Hill, Rome, 185 Averroes, 398–99, 401, 409n111 Avian, 154 Avicenna, 398, 400, 409n108 Avranches, 146, 147n127 Avvocati, counts palatine at Lucca, 361 Azzo (jurist, 12th c.–13th c.), 242, 340, 363n42, 365–66, 397, 429–33; attacks grammarians, 429–33; derides poetry’s usefulness for lawyers, 430; irst Bolognese civil lawyer to adopt the summa form, 425–26; friend to Boncompagno, 429; occasionally cited Roman poets, 432; on signiication, 431–32; works: Lectura in Codicum, 430; Summa Codicis, 426, 431; Summa Institutionum, 426, 428n66, 430 B., author of a life of Anselmo of Baggio (nephew), 293n5 Bacon, Roger, 407 Badia di Passignano (monastery), 274n26 Baethgen, Friedrich, 163n196 Balbi, Giovanni, 412n3, 414 ps.-Balbus, Caecilius, 450n23 Baldrico, Oberto, bishop of Brescia, 190

Balearic expedition (1113–15), 300, 443 Bamberg, 77, 129 Bandinelli, Rolando, 264n145 Banker, James, 375n91 Banniard, Michel, 59n169 Banti, Ottavio, 105n129 da Barbarano, Alberico (grammar teacher, 13th c.), 380n119 ps.-Bardo, biographer of Anselmo of Baggio (nephew), 197 Barnabas, Saint, 125 Barre, Richard, archdeacon of Lisieux, 384 Bartolomeo of Vicenza, 419 Bartolomeo Scriba, 446, 457 Bassano, 462 Bassiano, Giovanni, 242, 339, 365–66, 432n82 Bataille des VII ars, by Henry of Andely, 332, 414n9, 488n3 Battle of Legnano (1176), 234, 305 Baudry, bishop of Laon, 215 Baudry of Bourgeuil, 176n249, 318, 319, 320–21 Bautier, Robert-Henri, 68n206 Baziano, Giovanni, 373n86 Beauvais, 214 Bede, 43, 461 Bedoni, Giuseppe, 64n189 Behrends, Frederick, 146n123 Behrmann, Thomas, 360n36, 361n37 Bencivenni da Gagliana of Val di Lamone, 376 Bene of Florence, 259, 373, 412, 414, 489; practical orientation of, 481; taught both grammar and rhetoric, 376, 377, 394n38; treatises on ars dictaminis, 470; works: Candelabrum, 261n132, 374, 375n92, 376, 393, 394, 417–18; De accentu, 394n38; Regule de metris, 394n38; Summa dictaminis, 374, 392n32, 393–94; Summa grammatice, 374, 392–93, 396n45 Benedetto, abbot of San Michele della Chiusa, 136, 137 Benedetto of San Michele della Chiusa (nephew of the preceding), 78, 121n11, 122n18, 136, 137 Benedictine Rule, 22, 48, 50 beneices, 56, 117–18, 440; canon law regarding, 433; clerics teaching with, 289; drew elderly men to seek clerical posts, 373, 374n89; maintenance of, by clerics who became students, 284, 366; reduced the motive for teaching privately, 478 Beneventan script, 53n150, 57, 67 Benevento, 56, 58, 216, 245 Benincasa, canon of the cathedral church of Santa Maria in Pisa, 307 Beno, imperial cardinal, 185n7, 198 Benoît of Sainte-Maure, 346 Benonis aliorumque cardinalium schismaticorum contra Gregorium VII (collection), 185n7, 192, 198–99 Benvenuta del fu Maserino, 376n95 Benzone, bishop of Alba, 97n100; Liber ad Henricum IV of, 183n1, 192, 193, 195, 200 Berengar of Tours, 116, 123n22, 139–40n100, 146–48, 276n36; Rescriptum contra Lanfrannum, 147–48 Berengario I, king of Italy, 73, 81 Berengario II, king of Italy, 73, 88, 89, 91, 118; break with Liudprando of Cremona, 76–77n18; driven back to Ivrea (951), 77n18 Bergamo: bishops of, 46, 276n36; and Lombard League, 233–34, 303; cathedral chapter in, 38, 282; cathedral school in, 81, 276, 301; civic panegyric poetry celebrating, 300–01; communal palace in, 353; commune in, 202, 203; founder of, 300–01; Gesta per Federicum Barbamrubeam prob. written in, 302; makes peace with Brescia, 449; royal notaries in, 102

563

Index Berman, Harold J., 241n42 Bernard of Chartres, 324n20 Bernard of Clairvaux, 224n160, 265 Bernard of Cluny, 319n6 Bernardo, bishop of Modena, 190 Bernardo (dictator), 257–58, 259, 414 Bernardo of Faenza, 278n38 Bernardo of Parma, 435, 436, 482 Bernardo of Pavia, 434 Bernold of Constance, 247, 250 Beroldo of Milan, 273n20 Berschin, Walter, 196n54 Bertario, abbot of Montecassino, 58 Berthold of Reichenau, 187n11 Bertoluccio di Bondi, 377n105, 412n1 Bertrade de Montfort l’Amaury, countess of Anjou and queen of France, 210–11n108 Bertram, Martin, 361n37 Besta, Enrico, 237n25 Béziers, 429n67 Biandrate, commune in, 202, 205 Biandrate family, 234, 355 Bibbie atlantiche, 292 Bible: allegorical and mystical interpretations of, 296–97; as source of grammatical examples, 329; collation of texts from, to elucidate dogma, 407; citation of, against heresy, 409; citation of, in “stilus medius,” 417–18; — in stilus rhetoricus, 415; echoes from, in Bolognese ars dictaminis, 418, 421; epistles of Paul, 272, 295; exegesis of, 12, 145, 149, 150, 175, 191, 222, 291, 295–96, 305; — and use of dialectic, 149, 405; — could yield unsettling interpretations, 297; — Irish, 27; — little produced, in regnum, 55, 70, 225, 263, 295–97, 478–79; — mendicants show new interest in, 483; igurative meanings for passages in, 335; Gospels, 296; — as source of moral example, 162; learning to read, 41; listening to reading of, 32, 35; literal interpretation of, 296; literary use of, 298, 302; MSS. of biblical texts (9th c.), 45; polemical use of, in Investiture Struggle, 191, 195, 197, 199, 200; 415; study of grammar ultimately intended to elucidate; texts in Greek of, 90n69; used in sermon manuals, to provide themes and prothemes, 335, 419; vocabulary from, in epic poetry, 299; people: Agobard warns that too much singing leaves too little time to study, 36–37; Albertano uses, 451; Anselmo of Baggio (nephew) uses, 197; Arnolfo, author of the Gesta archiepiscoporum Mediolanensium, uses, 127; Atto on simple truth of, 84; — his interest in biblical commentary, 85; — his work in exegesis, 295; Benzone’s knowledge of, 193; Boncompagno employs echoes from, 418; Bonizone of Sutri’s knowledge of, 196; Bruno of Segni’s citation of, 199; — his exegesis of, 295–96; Damiani’s use of, 157; — his belief that priests should be able to read and understand, 158; — his sole commentary on, 295; Donizone’s use of, 294; Enrico of Settimello’s use of, 441; Geraldo of Csanád’s commentaries, 134–35; Gregory VII constantly cited, 186; — his use of prooftexts for polemical purposes, 415; Gunzo’s knowledge of, 95; Lanfranco of Bec’s commentaries, 145, 149, 150, 295n12; Liudprando of Cremona’s knowledge of, 90, 92; Lovato echoes, 460, 461; Matilda of Tuscany’s interest in, 292–93; Moneta of Cremona’s use of dialectic to interpret, 405; Odone of Asti’s exegesis of, 296n20; Paolino of Aquileia’s use of, 21; Placido of Nonatula’s use of, 199; Rangerio’s use of, 200; Rolando (canonist and theologian, 12th c.) may have studied exegesis of, 263; Wido of Ferrara’s knowledge of, 195; places: study of, at Matilda’s court

at Mantua, 291, 292–93, 294, 295; MSS. of, from Milan, 127; study of, in Francia, 222, 263; books: Genesis, 292, 295; Judges, 296; Kings, 296; Job, 296, 401; Psalms, 287, 292, 296n15, 417; Proverbs, 296; Song of Songs, 292, 296, 417; Isaiah, 296; Luke, 293; John, 136n84; Romans, Corinthians, Galatians, Philippians, 295; Revelation, 296 bibles, 36, 127, 292 Billanovich, Giuseppe, 10 Billanovich, Guido, 465n78 biology, 399 Bischof, Bernard, 58n162 bishops, 187, 352; annointment of, 86n55; as counterweight to counts, 74–75, 206; as patrons, 91; as secular lords, 11, 62–63, 69, 112n162, 177, 206, 207, 208, 474; at outset of Investiture Struggle, generally loyal to emperor, 187–88; by its end, almost all loyal to pope, 188; ceded much secular authority to communes, 206; defended their interests against the papacy by hiring canon lawyers, 479; depositions of, 214; election of, 88, 184, 218; — double, 214; emperor’s role in election of, 218n136; enjoyed political autonomy, 177; exercised weak government, 107; imperial, 203, 204, 205, 220, 221; lay employees of, 290; Lombard, 187; lose temporal power (13th c.), 483; made use of local lay notaries, 107; — of royal notaries, 111–12; murders of, 97, 188; no interest in reform (10th c.), 100; ordered to promote teaching of artes literarum, 269; Otto III appoints Germans as, 75; palaces of, 353, 354; power of, progressively diminished by communes, 477; power said to be superior to that of kings, 86; religious motive for acquiring land, 118; required by Charlemagne to have notaries (805), 62; strengthened by introduction of local royal notariate (10th c.), 112; stripped of clerical notaries, by territorial nobles, 111; symbols of oice of, 200, 208–9, 218; worked closely with secular authorities, 177, 182. See also under names of individuals and cities Bissolo, Bellino, 457, 458 Black Sea, 461 Black, Robert, 10, 53n149, 132n62, 162n190, 259n124, 261nn132&135, 275n27, 318n2, 324n21, 325n22, 331nn50&53, 332nn54–55, 368n65, 374n88, 390n26, 392n32, 414n9, 448n13, 487–91 Bloch, Hermann, 96nn97–98 Blois, comptal families of, 321 Blumenthal, Uta-Renate, 185n6 Blund, Robert, 327, 329nn40&43, 374 Boattieri, Pietro, 378, 425 Bobbio, monastery in, 11, 27, 47nn128–29, 54n151, 55, 81n40 Bobbio excerpts, the, 67 Boccaccio, Giovanni, 373 Boesch, Soia, 163n195 Boethius, 24, 94, 144n118, 145, 153–54, 158, 193, 198, 432n82; commentaries of, 94, 153, 409n108; on dialectic, 276n33; translations of Aristotle by, 160n181; works: De divisione diinitionum, 160n181; De topicis diferentiis, 153 Bologna: and development of humanism, 467–70; archdeacon of, 282, 290, 367n60, 435; ars dictaminis developed in, 253; ars dictaminis in, 173, 259, 380; ars notarie in, 467, 468, 480; bishopric weak, 112n162; bishops of, 133–34, 190, 378; canon law in, 259, 261n132, 363, 385, 391, 407, 435, 467; cathedral canons in, 133–34, 277; cathedral chapter in, 38, 133–34; cathedral in, 133; cathedral school in, 133–34, 235, 259n122, 279n42; chancery of, 380; clerical notaries in, 108, 110; commune in, 202, 205, 404, 470; Compilatio III sent to (1210), 434; consortium of law professors in (late 12th c.), 363–64; creation of schools by

564

Index mendicant orders in, 482; creation of studium in, 480–81; customary law in, 235; dialectic in, 262–63, 385, 402–3, 483; Dominican studium in, 408n102; Dominicans in, 403, 405, 408–9; education of notaries in, 237, 359; eforts to regulate education in (late 12th c.), 364–65; enters regnum (mid-10th c.), 110; episcopal chancery in, 106, 111n158; episcopal reforms (11th c.), 133–34; Franciscan studium in, 404; Franciscans in, 404; graduates in law employed by papal chancery, 386; grammar in, 374, 375–77, 378, 380, 385, 392–93, 467–68, 469–70; Gratian II prob. written in (but not Gratian I), 250; Hohenstaufen chancery’s prose style had inluence in, 417; imperialist count of, 204; increasing proportion of laymen among teachers in (13th c.), 483; institutionalization of learning in (late 12th c. to mid-13th c.), 411; intellectual backwater (until late 11th c.), 173; intellectual culture dominated by legal–rhetorical mentality (12th c. and 13th c.), 380, 468, 470; intellectual culture less receptive to diverse inluences than Padua’s (12th c. and 13th c.), 381; Investiture Struggle in, 204; law in, 173, 235–36, 244, 402–3; law faculty in (1221), 364; law schools in, 240; lay notaries in, 110–11, 112n162; legal scholars in, 475; liturgical texts in, 134; loyal to Emperor Otto IV, 366; loyal to Guelf party, 368; medicine in, 400; Memoriali of, 375; natural science in, 399, 402, 411n1; notarial guild in, 372–73; notaries in, 173–74, 360–61; notaries taught rhetoric but not grammar in studium, 484; philosophy in, 405; pope intervenes directly in academic afairs of, 367; private instruction in, 235, 290; — in ars dictaminis, 378; — in rhetoric, 469; — in Roman law, 378; — societates for, 279, 290, 365; professors in, 392; Quaestiones in libros sententiarum, by Rolando of Cremona, poss. composed in, 405; “repubblica di notai” in, 469; rhetoric in, 374, 375–76, 377–78, 467–68, 469–70; rivalry in, to promote favorite saints (12th c.), 306; Roman law in, 172, 235, 242–43, 259, 341, 342, 363, 425, 427, 467, 468; Roman lawyers oppose students’ formation of universitas scholarium, 365; students travel from Francia to study law in, 384; studium in, 9, 282n55, 363–68, 370–71, 373, 374n89, 375, 377–78, 400, 402, 407n100, 483; —, became model for studia elsewhere, 367–68; testaments in, 360–61; theology in, 265–66, 364n47; people: Adalberto of Samaria taught in, 280; Dorna in, 429n69; Federico Visconti studied in, 419; Henry of Settimello studied in, 440; revolts against Matilda of Tuscany (1114), 239n33; Michael Scot in, 398; Moneta of Cremona in, 409; Pillio leaves, to teach in Modena, 364; Rolando of Cremona in, 407; — presumably taught in, 408; places: ties to Francia (late 12th c.), 386 Bonacosa, Tobia, 399n56 Bonaguida of Arezzo, 421n32 Bonaiuto of the Casentino, 458n56 Bonando (notary in Bologna, 12th c.), 174n245, 237 Bonastrenna del fu Bonastrenna of San Miniato, 376 Bonatti, Guido, 401n71 Bonaventura of Bagnoregio, Saint, 407, 410, 420 Bonazo (grammar teacher in Bologna, 13th c.), 376n93, 377 Boncompagno of Signa, 259, 333, 366n53, 374n89, 386–90, 418, 483, 489; attacked ornateness in ars dictaminis, 386–89; claimed to have learned 500 students’ names, 370; correspondence of, 417; defended stilus humilis against courtly rhetoric, 481; developed his notion of rhetoric in reaction against French grammarians’ theories, 397; distinguishes rhetoric from dialectic, 396; distinguishes rhetoric from grammar, 395–96; embraced formalistic character of ars dictaminis, 380; employed allegory, 481;

legal education of, 364n45; 61, 445; on ars arengandi, 422; opposed Bene of Florence’s conception of rhetoric, 393; propensity for self-aggrandizement, 370, 423; publishes prank letter in the obscure style of Orléans, 388, 391–92; repudiated grammarized rhetoric, 414; resisted eforts of grammarians to impose their methodology on legal studies, 429, 432–33; taught both grammar and rhetoric, 376, 377; trained as a notary, 447; treatises on ars dictaminis of, 470; use of biblical language, 421; people: friend of Azzo, 429; aspired to compete with Cicero, 414, 422, 423, 487; — sought to replace Cicero’s rules for forensic oratory with his own, 422; Rolandino studied under, 470; places: taught rhetoric in Bologna, 375; — lamented the condition of ars dictaminis there, 386–88; taught in Padua, 375; — in Vicenza, 368n64; works: Amicitia, 448; Breviloquium, 389n23; De malo et senio, 448; Oliva, 417; Liber amicitiae, 417; Liber de obsidione Ancone, 363, 367n61, 445; Palma, 389, 417, 423; V tabule salutationum, 394n38; Rhetorica antiqua, 368n64, 386–88, 395, 403; Rhetorica novissima, 389–90, 422, 423; Rota Veneris, 417; Tractatus virtutum, 389, 394, 395 Boncompagnus, by Boncompagno. See Rhetorica antiqua Bondi (grammar teacher, 13th c.), 377 Boniglio (Pavian jurist), 141–44, 170 Bonifacio of Monferrato, 355 Bonifacio of Verona, 457 Bonifazio I and II, dukes of Lucca, 111 Bonizone, bishop of Piacenza, 190 Bonizone, bishop of Sutri and Piacenza: expelled from Piacenza, 190; hostile to the study of dialectic, 196n55; life, 196; rejected the liberal arts, 160; people: cited biblical and patristic texts less often than Anselmo of Baggio (nephew), 197; reaction to excommunication of Emperor Henry IV, 183; found refuge at court of Matilda of Tuscany, 292; works: Liber ad amicum, 188n16, 192, 196–97, 292; — justiied armed militancy against the enemies of right doctrine, 196; Liber de vita Christiana, 247, 249n79 Bono of Lucca, 374n89, 375n92, 375–76, 377 Bono of Marcena, 285nn67–68, 286, 358n29, 481 Bonvesin de la Riva, 360n35, 457 book culture, traditional. See traditional book culture book cultures, new. See humanist book culture; legal book culture Bordone, Renato, 206n93, 233n13 Boretius, Alfred, 170n229 Borgo San Donnino, 287 Borgononi, Ugo, and his son, Teodorico, 400 de Boüard, Alain, 68n206 Bourges: 210n107, 321, 429n69; province of, 209 Boyde, Patrick, 457n54 Bremen: cathedral school in, 76n14 Brenno, founder of Bergamo, 300–301 Brentano, Robert, 107n140 Brescia, 263; abbey of San Giulia in, 62n183; bishops of, 46, 48, 188, 190; cathedral library in, 450; civic patriotism for, 303n53, 450–55, 464, 484–85; communal palace in, 353, 449; commune in, 202, 205, 233; contado of, 449; dialectic in, 406n96; factionalism in, 450; makes peace with Bergamo, 449; member of Lombard League, 233–34; pataria in, 188, 205; siege of, by Emperor Frederick II (1238), 401, 449; violence in the streets of, 450 Bresslau, Harry, 65n195, 68n207, 102n117 Brevarium de dictamine, attrib. to Alberico, 255 breves, 63 breviaries, 133

565

Index Breviarium extravagantium, by Bernardo of Pavia, 434 Breviloquium, by Boncompagno of Signa, 389n23 brocarda, 426, 427 Broletto, the (communal palace in Brescia), 449 Brown, Giles, 26n41 Brownlee, Kevin, 457n54 Brun of Querfurt, 99 Brun, archbishop of Cologne, 76 Brundage, James A., 6–7n8, 169n223, 280n49 Brungs, Alexander, 408n107 Bruni, Francesco, 10 Brunner, Lance, 12–13n24 Bruno, Saint, 133n68 Bruno of Asti. See Bruno of Segni Bruno of Calw, 221 Bruno of Segni, 192–93, 199, 295–97 Bruno of Würzburg, 149n137 Buchimenon (Boncompagno’s ictitious alter ego), 395, 396 Buckland, William W., 338n78 Bulgaro, Giovanni Battista, 238, 243–44, 339, 340n89, 341n92, 343, 426; Stemma of, 238; taught Rogerio, 251n84; taught Stephen of Tournai, 343; used quaestiones in teaching Roman law, 426; Compare “Four Doctors,” the Bullough, Donald A., 18nn2–3, 19n6, 34n74, 41n100, 90n71, 129n45 Buonsignore, bishop of Reggio, 307 Burchard of Worms, 246 Burchardt of Ursperg, 237n27 Burckhardt, Jacob, 3 Burgundio of Pisa, 240, 280n48, 309, 310n87, 397 Burgundy, duchy of, 146, 154, 209 Buvalelli, Rambertino, 355 Buzzacarini, Salione, 398 Buzzetti, Dino, 263n140 Byzantium: inluence of, 91. See also Constantinople; Eastern emperors Cacciafronte, Giovanni, bishop of Vicenza, 270n5, 275, 277 Cadalo, bishop of Parma (Antipope Honorius II), 165, 190 cadavers: use of, in anatomy, 400 Caesar, 443 Caesarea, 385, 441n5 caesurae, 298 Cafaro of Genoa, 303–304, 443–44, 446, 447 Calasso, Francesco, 64n189, 67n202 calendars, 133 Calenzano, 440 calligraphy, 4, 6, 46, 47nn127&130, 53, 58, 66, 103, 174, 268, 288, 292n3, 390n27. See also scripts Calvary, 308 Camaldolensians, 117, 160, 161–62, 176–77, 187n11, 319–20, 476 Camaldoli, hermitage at, 162, 189n18 Camargo, Martin, 252–53n91 Cambrai, 211–12, 213, 219, 220, 221 Cambridge, University of, 410 da Camino family, 462 da Campocroce, Guarniero, 379 Camposanpiero family, 462 cancellarius, 96 Candelabrum, by Bene, 261n132, 374, 375n92, 376, 393, 394; treatises on, 344 Canon, by Avicenna, 398, 400 canonicae (unregulated religious women), 34–35 canonical hours, 35, 473 canons (clergymen), 215n215, 270, 277n37, 280n48, 281, 283, 398; and Carolingian reforms, 36; cathedral canons, 385, 445,

473; common life imposed upon, 33–35, 224, 224–25n161, 473; forbidden to own private property, 224; named by emperor as teachers, 40n93; people: Bruno of Segni, 295–96; Robert of Arbrissel, 213; Stephen of Tournai, 343; places: Arezzo, 222n149; Bologna, 133–34, 277; Cremona, 276n35; Lucca, 222n149; Mantua, 221–22n149; Pisa, 222; Abbey of Saint Martin, in Laon, 386; Abbey of Saint Ruf, in Valence, 337; of the Hermitage of Saint Victor, 280n48. See also canonicae; cathedral chapters; compare Augustinians (mendicant order) Canossa, 201n67, 292n3, 294; house of, 201n67. See also Matilda, countess of Tuscany Cantin, André, 148n132 cantus Romanus. See chant, Roman Capella, Martianus, 153, 194, 441; De nuptiis philologiae et Mercurii of, 94; in BNP, Lat. 7990A, 45n119, 48; Stefano of Novara lectures on, 77n20; taught at Würzburg and prob. at Ravenna, 81 Capellanus, Andreas, 452 Capetians, 175n249; mostly not patrons of learning, 175; not quick to undertake religious reforms, 210–11 capitani (nobles), 197, 206 capitani del popolo, 354, 360, 362, 469n86 Capitani, Ovidio, 74n6 capitularies, 19n4, 473 Capitulary of Olona, 35, 40, 46 cardinals, 310, 384n2 Carmelites (mendicant order), 404 Carmina, by Horace, 293, 460 Carolingian Renaissance, 26–31, 55, 70, 473–74 Carolingian script, 39n90, 42, 174n245, 490n10 Carolingians: adapted pagan models, 26n41; chancery under, 26n39; clerical marriage under, 51n144; collapse, 474; clericalized royal and imperial government, 69; conquest of northern Italy, 1–2, 17, 23, 472, 473; decorum of the Mass, 31; educational program, 26–37, 473; — based on study of grammar, 29; — efect on clerical literacy, 52–53; — remained largely intact (10th c.), 114–15; literacy likely rose under, 473; liturgical performance as concern of, 31–37, 69–70, 125n28, 224, 473; monastic scriptoria of, 322n16; reformed notariate, 62, 473; — forbade clerics from becoming local notaries, 473; relied in Italy on ecclesiastics for aid in governing, 24n32; rewarded scholars and poets, 27; selected and edited texts, 26; suspicious of pagan authors, 26n41; — Virgil the favorite, 322n16. See also Alcuin; Carolingian law; Carolingian Renaissance; Carolingian script; Charlemagne; and chansons de geste Carrara family, 465 carrocii, municipal, 207 Carros, by Raimbaut of Vaqueiras, 356n22 Carthage, Council of (401), 51n143 cartulae. See charters Cassiodorus, 24, 149n137, 194, 196 castles, 73 catalectic verse, 21n19 Categoriae X, by ps.-Augustine, 160n181 Categories, by Aristotle, 94, 153, 160n181 Cathars, 367n60, 405, 408, 409, 418. See also heresy; compare Waldensians cathedral chanceries. 63, 68n205, 76, 104–07, 129, 129–30, 130, 475 cathedral chapters: adopted common life and quasimonastic rules, 35, 224–25, 277; and Investiture Struggle, 221–22, 478; and local lay notaries, 104–107; creation of, 34–36, 37–40, 72, 282, 473; terminology for describing functionaries, 41, 62n180, 104–107, 283, 324; people:

566

Index Henry V encouraged reform of, 217; places: Aquileia, 37, 38n85; Arezzo, 38, 205, 222n149, 282; Bergamo, 38, 282; Bologna, 38, 133–34; Como, 37; Genoa, 191; Lodi, 37, 38n85; Lucca, 37, 38n85, 264, 282; Mantua, 38; Metz, 221; Milan, 38–39; Modena, 38, 287n72; Novara, 283; Padua, 38; Parma, 123; Pavia, 38n87; Pisa, 222; Ravenna, 38; Siena, 38;Verona, 38;Volterra, 38; beyond the regnum: in Francia, 324; Angers, 113; Chartres, 113; Noyon, 213n115; Paris, 113; Rheims, 113, 213n115; in German lands: Cambrai, 220; Metz, 221. See also canons (clergymen); cathedral schools; and cathedrals cathedral libraries, 4, 77, 83n46, 90, 135, 146, 242n47, 268, 275, 300, 450 cathedral schools, 5–6, 7–9, 79–83, 104, 115, 269–70, 271–76, 473, 474, 475, 487, 488; and advanced education, 50, 53–56, 81, 127, 268, 277, 289; and ancient pagans, 277, 289, 297, 312, 478, 487; and Carolingian educational program, 36, 39–47, 52–53, 72; and Edict of Olona, 39–40; and elementary education, 268, 269; and Ottonian–Salian educational program, 72, 75–76, 174–75, 182, 474, 475; and secondary education, 275–76, 277, 371; church councils’ decrees concerning, 269–70, 284; difusion of (9th c. and 10th c.), 72; lourished (11th c.), 116, 121, 174, 474; Investiture Struggle weakened, 9, 183, 201, 215, 221–23, 319, 478, 487; lay students in, 286, 481; marginalized by legal book culture (12th c.), 312; main function to train diocesan clergy, 474; no interest in recovered Aristotelian corpus (12th c.), 266–67, 278; ordered (1179 and 1215) to teach local clerics and the poor gratis, 269; perhaps best schools in Europe (10th c.), 79; promoted litterae et mores, 182, 235, 474, 475; supposed rivalry with lay schools, 8n9; studia eclipse, 290; taught arithmetic (incl. geometry), 275; — ars dictaminis, 259, 277, 279, 478; — ars predicandi (prob.), 422; — canon law, 7, 130, 192, 201, 235, 268, 274, 280, 281, 283, 478; — dialectic, 178, 201, 230, 262–63, 265–66, 275, 277; — grammar, 35, 44, 81, 174, 178, 201, 259–61, 266, 268, 269–70, 275, 276, 277, 286, 287n72, 289, 475; — handwriting, 52–53; — law, 178; — liberal arts, 39–41, 130; — literature, 81, 268; — liturgy and singing, 34–37, 40–41, 70; — music, 275; — reading, 34, 36–37, 52; — rhetoric, 262, 275, 277; — Roman law, 168; — theology, 7, 201, 263–67, 269–70, 275, 277, 369n72; teachers in, 79–80, 113, 121, 122, 123, 125–26, 128, 129, 130, 132, 151, 174–75, 178, 271, 283, 285, 306, 311n92, 344, 371; terminology for identifying students, 122, 278n38; — for identifying teachers, 41, 46, 79–80, 283; vs. private schools, 235, 281, 475; people: Landolfo senior’s description of Milan’s, 125–26; Otto I’s educational reforms, 75; — Brun responsible for implementing, 76; students: Abelard, in Laon, 223; Anselmo of Besate, prob. in Milan, 124, 128; — then Parma, 128; — then Reggio, 129; Arnolfo, author of the Gesta archiepiscoporum Mediolanensium, took advanced studies, in Milan, 127; Baudry of Bourgeuil, prob. in Angers, 319; Crasso, 194; Damiani, in Ravenna, Faenza, and Parma, 121–24; Geraldo of Csanád, prob. in the Veneto, 134; Guglielmo of Lucca, prob. began studies in Lucca, 265; Landolfo junior, in Laon, 222, 263, 272; — Milan, 271; — Orléans, Paris, and Tours, 272; Liudprando of Cremona, perhaps in Pavia, 89; Mosè del Brolo, prob. in Bergamo, 301; Papias, perhaps in Piacenza, 132; Wido of Ferrara took advanced studies, in Arezzo, 131; teachers: Abelard, in Laon, 223; Bene, prob. sought to teach in Florence, 374n89; Gherardo of Cremona, in Toledo, 311n92; Gunzo, perhaps in Milan, 93; Sicardo of Cremona, in Metz, 344; places: Arezzo,

79, 80, 130–31, 275, 285, 286, 481; Asti, 46; Bergamo, 81, 276, 301; Bologna, 133–34, 173, 235, 259, 279n42, 301; — no persuasive evidence of (before mid-11th c.), 173; Cividale, 39; Como, 132; Cremona, 39, 276; Faenza, 122, 130; Fermo, 39; Fiesole, 46, 132; Florence, 39, 132, 374n89; Genoa, 275; Imola, 132; Ivrea, 135–36; Lucca, 46, 262, 264–65, 275–76; Milan, 45, 80–81, 93, 121, 124, 125–27, 128, 130, 271, 273; Modena, 130, 274, 288; Novara, 80, 132; Parma, 122–23, 128, 130, 274; Pavia, 39, 49n135, 80, 89, 131; Piacenza, 132, 274; Pisa, 132, 222, 276, 297, 319; Ravenna, 45, 121–22, 130; — poss., 134; Reggio Emelia, 129, 130, 178, 274; Siena, 132, 274; Treviso, 275; Turin, 39; — poss., 132–33;Vercelli, 80, 275, 369n72;Verona, 39, 41–44, 80; Vicenza, 39, 275; beyond the regnum: Toledo, 311n92; transalpine Europe, 201, 381; Saint Gall, 76n14; Liège, 151; Flanders, 320; Francia, 215, 222–23, 272, 273, 320, 323; schools in, not disrupted by Investiture Struggle, 215; Angers, 319; Auxerre, 27, 28; Chartres, 41, 113, 324n20, 343; Laon, 27, 28n49, 56, 220n146; Orléans, 41, 272, 384, 418; 113, 272; Rheims, 27, 56, 113, 145n122, 146, 200, 223, 264n144; Tours, 272; German lands, 75–76, 223, 320, 474; Aschafenburg, Augsburg and Bremen, 76n14; Cambrai, 220n146; Cologne, 76; Hildesheim, 76n14; Magdeburg, 76n14; Metz, 27, 56, 344; Padeborn, Regensburg, Trier, and Worms, 76n14; Würzburg, 76n14, 77. See also traditional book culture cathedrals, 37, 52, 55–56, 70, 352, 353; administered religious life within the diocese, 55–56, 474; clerics and laymen cooperated in administering (in regnum), 475; communes held council meetings in, 207; focus of intellectual life (9th c.), 55–56; traditional book culture centered in, 4, 5, 70; well-integrated into town life, 11; institutionalization of life in, under Carolingians, 473; origins of studia and, 283n55; 369n72; places: Arezzo, 105n133, 131, 222n149; Bologna, 133, 282n55, 363; Lodi, 38n85; Lucca, 264–65; Milan, 38–39, 109, 118n5, 125–26, 127; Modena, 130, 306, 354; Parma, 123, 129n45; Pavia, 80, 131; Pisa, 297;Vercelli, 302n49, 369n72;Verona, 354; beyond the regnum: Toledo, 311n92; transalpine Europe: 17, 113; German lands: Metz, 32nn63–64; Worms, 131. See also archbishops; bishops; canons (clergymen); cathedral chanceries; — chapters; — libraries; — schools; traditional book culture Catholicon, by Giovanni Balbi, 412n3 Catiline, 443, 456 Cato (without further precision), 446 Cato, Dionysius (attrib.), 193 Cato the younger, 298n25 Catullus, 86n53 Cau, Ettore, 39n90, 133n64 Cauchie, Alfred, 220n146 causa inventionis (in grammar), 326 causae (legal situations), in canon law, 248 causidici (jurisconsults), 168, 174n245, 449, 453 Cavalcanti, Guido, 401 Cavallo, Guglielmo, 11n19, 52n147, 57n158 Cedrus Libani, by Bono of Lucca, 375–76 Celestine III, pope: nephews of, 386 celibacy, clerical, 5, 51, 188, 218, 477, 479; Compare marriage: of clerics and concubinage among clerics Celtic legend, 441; as source for Enrico of Settimello, 439 Cencetti, Giorgio, 8–9, 60n170, 173n242, 174n244, 279nn41–42, 281n53, 282n55, 287n72, 363n42, 365n52, 367n62 Centriloqium, by ps.-Ptolemy, 408 certiication of teachers, 282–84 Cesena, bishop of, 166

567

Index Chadwick, Henry, 148 Chalcidius, 94, 134–35 Châlons, council of (813), 35n76 Champagne, 231, 321, 346 chanceries: communal, 417; episcopal, 63, 68n205, 76, 104–7, 106–13, 129, 129–30, 130, 475; imperial, 25–26n39, 62n180, 75, 96, 97n99, 130, 151, 153, 195n50, 415, 417; papal, 185–86, 386, 415–18; princely, 417; royal, 62n180, 65n195, 75, 97n99, 102; use of stilus humilis in, 418; places: Bologna, 381; Genoa, 444; beyond the regnum: Byzantium, 96–97n96 chancery style, 481–82 chansons de geste, 138, 346, 357n24, 443, 450, 458; as sources of names for Italian children (13th c.), 354; works: Chanson de Guillaume, 346; — de Roland, 346 chant, Roman, 31–32, 33, 34, 473 Charland, Thomas M., 334n61, 420n31 Charlemagne: admired traditional book culture under Lombards, 25; Admonitio generalis of, 18, 18–19n4, 33; asks students to read carmina and epistulae, 30; capitulary by (803), 103n125; could read but not write, 52n146; court of, 27; —, drew Lombard intellectuals north, 17, 55, 473; exalted learning, 34n73; failed to annex duchy of Benevento, 56; myths, rituals, and symbols imparted sacred aura to, 208n95; palace school of, 27; reformed education, 17, 18–19; reformed notariate, 17; required bishops and abbots to have notaries (805), 62, 107, 108n141; required counts to have notaries (803), 61; said to have sought to emulate great leaders, 26n41; use of bishops, 18–19n4; people: respected Paolino of Aquileia, 20; learned grammar from Einhard, 18n1; Paolo Diacono assessed favorably, 23; places: at Aachen, emulated Desiderio’s palace complex in Pavia, 26n41; exploits sung of, in Treviso (13th c.), 458 Charles I of Anjou, king of Naples and Sicily, 459, 464 Charles Martel, 23 Charles the Bald, 27–28, 91 Charles the Fat, 17, 55, 69, 73 charters, 25n36, 143; became more common and more uniform (second half of 10th c.), 101; deined, 100; imperial, 203–204; imperial and papal, 182; in principle, nonnotarial, 63 Chartres, 41, 113, 146, 324n20, 343 cheeses, bearing odor of money, 308 Chelles, nunnery at, 27 Chiapelli, Luigi, 284n63 Chieri, communal palace in, 353 children: advisability of having, 464 Chirurgia magna, by Longobucco, 400 Chirurgia, by Borgononi, 400 Chiusa di San Michele, abbey of San Michele in, 136–37, 443 chivalric ethos: Albertano’s ethics countered, 450, 484; as justiication for urban violence, 384, 438, 448n13, 450, 484; imperiled communes’ capacity for self-defense, 450 choirboys, 131 Christ, dual nature of, 156 Christian love, as basis for civic harmony, 207, 438, 451–52, 453–54, 484 Christian of Mainz, 445 Christian of Troyes, 346 Chrodegang of Metz, 31–35 Chronica Dominorum Ecelini et Alberici fratrum de Romano, by Maurisio, 445 Chronica maiora, by Isidore of Seville, 299 Chronica monasterii sancti Michaelis Clusini, 136–37, 443 chronicles. See under histories Chronicon Faventinum, by Tolosano, 445

Chronicon Pisanum seu fragmentum auctoris incerti, 443 Chronicon, by Parisio of Cerea, 446 Chrysostom, John, 309, 310n86; cited by Gregory VII, 186n9 Chuno, bishop of Mantua, 190 Church councils. See councils of the Church Church Fathers. See ancient Christian authors, Greek and — Latin; compare ancient Christian authors churches (incl. noncathedral): collegiate, 34–35, 224–25, 277, 479; — schools of, 34, 50, 267, 268, 269, 289; communes held council meetings in, 207; construction of (early 11th c.), 120; liturgy often transmitted by local memory (8th c.), 31; monastic, 187n11, 274n26; proprietary, 87n58; private, 62n185, 160–61n183; rural, 35n78, 62n185; schools in, 18–19; 49n135, 275n31, 280, 286n69; scriptoria of, 127; people: Landolfo junior forced from his church, 272; places: Bologna, 404; Milan, 109–10, 272; Chiusa, 137, 443; Genoa, 449; Lucca, 275n31; Tyre, 308; Metz, 33; Ravenna, 166; Siena, 274n26; in Francia: rolls of the dead carried to, 320 Ciai , Andrea, 431n75 Ciaralli, Antonio, 67n202, 142n108, 172, 235n22, 338n78, 390n27 Cicero, 127, 135, 193, 195, 241, 242n46, 258n116, 298n25, 333, 421n34, 438, 450, 452, 454, 466; contrasted the language of letter writing and oration, 253n93; medieval image of, 456; praised agriculture as source of wealth, 451; speeches of, 455; people: Boncompagno wished to compete with, 414; Gregory VII cited, 186n8; Latini presented as the model citizen, 485; — translated into Tuscan, 455; places: copying of manuscripts of, in Francia, 322; works: Ad familiares, 442; De inventione, 95, 144, 146, 155, 254, 423–24, 450, 453, 455; — commentary on, by Victorinus, 146; De oiciis, 452; De oratore, 155; De senectute, 448; In Catilinam, 257n111; Philippicae, 155; Topica, 94, 146, 153, 158; Compare Ad Herennium Cilento, Nicola, 90–91n74 cities: as countervailing powers to territorial princes, 74–75, 111–12, 475; and failure of Peace of God movement in regnum, 202n70; centers of political power (from late 10th c.), 71; civil wars in, 203, 479; civitas vs. urbs, 206n92; grew more wealthy (early 11th c.), 120, 231; Investiture Struggle in, 117, 189–91, 201n67; Latin literacy in, 351–52, 447; manufacturing and trade, 231–32; popular participation in episcopal government in, 206; population growth, 231–32; struggle against Emperor Frederick I, 233–34, 352n4, 478; taxation by, 5n6, 353. See also civic consciousness; — panegyric; — patriotism; communes; Constance, Peace of; Lombard League citizenship, 183, 206, 450, 454–56, 466, 468, 470–71, 476–77, 483, 484–85 Civate, 50 civic consciousness, 455, 463, 467, 484 civic panegyric, 298–301 civic patriotism, 42n104, 207–08, 297–302, 303n53, 305, 312, 382, 436, 450, 479, 481, 484, 485; in Padua, 463; left little place for poetry, 297–302; of clerics, 312, 436, 477, 478 Cividale, 39 civil law. See Roman law Cizarella, Pietro, bishop of Padua, 190 clarity, as desideratum in ars dictaminis, 389 classical literature. See ancient pagan authors, Greek and — Latin classicism, 299, 323; in Byzantium, 301; in Francia, 318–21; — less classicist in 13th c. than in 12th, 323; in Italian humanism, 381, 384, 439, 441, 457–67, 484–85 Claudius, bishop of Turin, 85, 86, 295 Clement II, antipope, 195

568

Index Clement II, pope, 164n199 Clement III, antipope, 197, 198. See also Wiberto, archbishop of Ravenna Clement III, pope: nephews of, 386 clergy, 123–24, 440; and ars dictaminis, 7, 279, 478; and ideal of poverty, 117, 160, 161, 162, 186, 476; and legal–rhetorical culture, 181, 429–30; and pleasures of the lesh, 123–24; and Roman law, 270; and theology, 277, 289; as administrators of urban areas, 177; as advocates in ecclesiastical courts, 285–86n68; as authors of histories, 309, 442, 443, 444, 445, 446, 447; as functionaries serving communes, 272–73; — serving ducal government, 111; — serving royal and imperial government, 62n180, 72, 76, 116; — serving the Church, 72, 386; as judges, 87; as legal advocates, 285–86n68; as notaries, 5, 6, 25, 62–63, 65–66, 68, 104–15, 270–71, 372, 473, 474, 483; as objects of popular anger, 188, 476; as part of reading public (13th c.), 382, 481; as participants in placita, 101; as poets, 18, 82, 135, 200, 289, 439–41, 443, 457; as preachers, 22, 39n90, 57, 85, 92, 126, 131n59, 156–57, 186–87, 188, 331, 404, 408, 414, 415, 418, 419–20, 422, 476, 482; as private teachers, 8, 280n49, 285, 287, 289, 336, 475, 478; as students receiving degrees, 283–84, 364; as teachers of canon law, 6, 280, 410, 478, 483; — of grammar, 290, 371–72, 373–74; — of handwriting, 36, 268; — of law, 178; — of philosophy, 125; — of primary school, 49n135, 268, 284–89, 290, 371; — of rhetoric, 378; as writers of documents, 4, 6, 60, 63, 68, 104–107, 109; beneiced, 4, 263n141, 270–71, 284, 366, 478; canon law the sole ield of intellectual creativity for (12th c.–13th c.), 182, 479; celibacy of, 5, 51, 188, 218, 477, 479; civic patriotism among, 183, 312, 382, 436, 477, 478, 479; concubinage of, 51, 86, 188, 213; consequences of Investiture Struggle for, 224; deined, 5; denounced for corruption, 214; did not compete with laymen, 5–6; did not become a caste, 474–75; did not function as patrons, 176n249; did not monopolize intellectual life, 1; did not monopolize Latin literacy, 104, 113; distinction from laymen, 5, 51–52; — less important in regnum than elsewhere, 312; division from laymen widens, 476–77, 483; education of, 4, 5–6, 17, 18–19, 24, 26–42, 44–54, 55, 72, 76, 158, 176–77, 269, 281, 289, 422; eforts to reform, 4, 85–86, 162–63, 186, 207–8, 209, 210, 224–25; employed lay notaries, 104–113; entry into, in late life, 5; expulsion from, 194n46, 198; forbidden to study secular law or medicine, 270–71; formation of textual community among (from late 12th c.), 382, 436, 481, 483; fragmentation of, 478; functional literacy of, under Carolingians, 52–53; — under Lombards, 52; granting of degrees to, 283; handwriting of, 6, 52; hypocrisy of, 438; higher, 5–6, 50–51, 83, 127, 162, 186, 270n8, 476; homosexual practices among, 164; lacked interest in Greek theological tracts, 313; — in traditional book culture, 17, 289, 313; integration of, increases (from 13th c.), 483; intermingled with laymen to carry out business of the diocese, 273, 475, 483; knowledge of ancient literature among, 463; Latin literacy among, 24–25, 51–52, 60, 284–86, 291, 473; — increases, (12th c.), 267, 291; literary and scholarly interests of, 312, 382; lower, 5, 50–52, 268, 371, 372–73, 478; marriage of, 5, 50–51, 119, 127, 162, 163, 164n202, 184, 188, 208, 209, 210, 211, 213n115, 218, 224, 476; married, 5, 86, 372; Milanese, recognizable abroad, 121, 126; no broad textual community among (before late 12th c.), 312, 319–20, 478; opportunities open to, 5; pederastic love poetry by, 82; permitted under Lateran III to maintain beneices while studying elsewhere, 366; primarily responsible for rural education

(12th c.), 284; privileges of, 5, 207; prob. barred from notaries’ guilds, 372; prohibited from participating in communes’ political life, 372; proscription against use of weapons by, 209; recruitment of, discouraged by developments (from early 12th c.), 207; restrictions on teaching by, 263n141; rural, 50–52, 284–86; said to control education (12th c.), 282n55; secular, 27, 28, 158, 162, 320, 321, 419; taxation of, 5n6; two paths for (deep piety vs. legal professionalism), 225, 289, 313, 479; unbeneiced, 289–90, 478; urban, 32n64, 447; use of weapons by, 209; vestments of, 200; people: Damiani denounces, for litigiousness, 167; Gregory VII may have stirred up popular feelings against, 211–12; Henry IV attempts to expel Gregory VII from membership in, 194n46; places: in Bologna, 372, 483; in Cremona, 276n35; in Milan, 124–28, 271–73; in Padua, 483; in Pisa, 309, 310n85; beyond the regnum: in Constantinople: as preachers, 273n19; in transalpine Europe: and study of Roman law, 6n8; as preachers, 211–14; as functionaries of royal and imperial government, 18, 24n32, 65n195, 69, 473; as objects of popular anger, 188, 211–14; as writers of documents, 68, 104; dominated intellectual life (from 8th c.), 71–72; monopolized Latin learning, 6–7n8, 69, 75, 104, 113, 145, 319, 410; in England: marriage of, 208; in Francia, 209, 319; and preaching, 334–36, 408, 415, 418; and Roman law, 3, 270, 336; as patrons, 175, 381; cohesion of, 478; formation of textual community among, 320–21; local resistance to reform among, 212–13; in Normandy: marriage of, 208; in the German lands: as functionaries of imperial government, 72, 75; peace movements did not seek reform of, 217–18; in Cambrai, 212–13. See also archbishops; Augustinians; bishops; Camaldolensians; canons (clergymen); cathedral schools; cathedrals; churches (noncathedral); Investiture Struggle; Italian diference, the; monasteries; parish priests; simony; traditional book culture; and Vallombrosans clerical notaries. See notaries: clerical Clerval, Jules, 146n123 cloth production, 231 Cluniac monasteries, 319 Cluniac reforms, 85, 160–61, 177, 209, 476 Cluny: abbots of, 176n249; monastery in, 200; — dependencies in regnum, 118n5 Codagnello, Giovanni, 445 Code, the. See under Justinian corpus Codex diplomaticus Langobardiae, 38nn85&87, 51n144, 62n185, 81n38, 100, 106n135 Coena Cypriani, by Giovanni Immonide, 56 coinage, imperial right to, 232 Colish, Marcia L., 29n51, 94–95n92, 146n126, 264n147, 265n150 collatio (grammatical igure), 157n168 Collectio Anselmo dedicata, 67 Collectio canonum, by Anselmo of Baggio (nephew), 197, 247, 292 Collectio canonum, by Cardinal Deusdedit, 197–98, 247 Colliget, by Averroes, 399 Collins, Ann R., 149n137 Cologne, 76, 96, 219 Colombo, Alessandro, 125n28 Colombo, Giuseppe, 125n28 colores rhetorici. See rhetoric: rhetorical colors Columban, Saint, 27n45, 47n129, 81n40 commentaries: on ars dictaminis, 291; on canon law, 250, 251–52, 345; — by Alger of Liège, 250; — by Ivo of Chartres, 250, 312; — by John the German, 252, 436; — by Sicardo of Cremona, 344–45; — by Stephen of

569

Index Tournai, 343; — by Uguccio, 252, 390–91; on rhetoric, 312; — by Thierry of Chartres, 276n33; on Roman law, 291, 427, 436, 487; — by Azzo, 397, 431–32; — by Gerald of Montpellier, 339, 341; — by Irnerio (attrib.), 240–41, 244n53, 312, 342; — by Odolfredo, 363; — by Placentino, 341–42; — by Rogerio, 341, 427; — by the Four Doctors, 241, 342, 427; on the Benedictine Rule, by Hildemar, 48, 49–50; — by ps.-Acro, 48; on the Bible, by Anselmo of Baggio (nephew), 292, 293n4, 296–97; — by Atto, 85; — by Bruno of Asti, 296–97; — by Bruno of Würzburg, 149n137; — by Claudius of Turin, 295n12; — by Damiani, 295; — by Donizone, 292–93, 296–97; — by Eriberto of Reggio, 292–93, 296–97; — by Geraldo of Csanád, 134–35; — by Giovanni of Mantua, 292–93, 296–97; — by Hildemar, 48; — by Lanfranco of Bec, 145, 149, 150, 295n12; — by Pietro of Pisa (attrib.), 20n12; — by Rolando of Cremona, 401, 408; on the Gesta Berengarii, 81, 82n41; on the Liber Papiensis, by Walcausio, 170–71; on the Libri feodorum, by Pillio, 245; on the Lombarda, 244–45; razos, 356; on ancient authors, 322, 323n16; on Aristotle, by Alberic (attrib.), 262; — by Averroes, 398–99; — by Boethius, 94, 153, 409n108; — by Giacomo of Venice, 262; on Chrysippus, by Boethius, 153; on Cicero, by Boethius, 153, 158; — by Grillius, 155; — by Victorinus, 146; on Cicero and ps.-Cicero, 423n46; — by Lanfranco of Bec, 144; on Horace, 30, 322; on Johannitius, by Alderotti, 401; on Juvenal, 322; on Lucan, 322; — by Anselm of Laon, 222–23n153; on Priscian, 329n39; — poss. by Lanfranco of Bec, 144; on ps.-Dionysius, by Guglielmo of Lucca, 265; on Statius, 322; — by Anselm of Laon, 222–23n153; on Terence, by Hildemar, 48, 50; on Virgil, 322; — by Anselm of Laon, 222–23n153; — by Servius, 30, 432n82; on medieval authors: on Martin of Dacia, by Gentile of Cingoli, 411–12n1; on Rolandino of Padua, by Boattieri, 378n108, 425; — by Pietro of Anzola, 425; —by Rolandino himself, 425. See also works with titles beginning Expositio commerce: Church suspicious of, 451; defended as licit by Albertano, 451, 452, 454 commercial revolution, the, 230–32, 267 common life, 33–35, 70, 190, 224–25, 277, 473, 479 communes, 233, 291; abolished tolls, 232; airmed identity of city and its government, 183; and Investiture Struggle, 182, 201–7, 476–77; and Peace of God movement, 215; assumed secular authority from counts and bishops, 206; built roads, 232; bureaucracies of, 354, 480; capitani del popolo of, 354, 360, 362, 469n86; chancellors of, 469; clerics barred from political life in, 207, 224, 312, 372, 477; consuls of, 202, 203, 234, 352; created archives, 354; created novel needs for regulating personal and institutional interactions, 206, 207; development of, 182, 201–207; elite character of, 182–83, 206, 352; ethical code for, 448–55; expanded and intensiied powers formerly held by bishops, 206; expanded control of surrounding countryside (12th c.), 232, 352; factionalism within, 234, 352–53, 450, 455; generated increased demand for document-makers, 360, 480; — increased need for oratory, 482; — increased demand for study of Roman law, 207; invoked amicitia and Christian brotherhood, 207, 215; made jurisdictions more complicated, 246; new loci of political power (12th c.), 229; palaces of, 353, 354, 449; papal and imperial leaders sought ties with, 203; Peace of Constance renders de facto autonomous, 234, 352, 448, 477, 479; — strengthens civic identity, 467; podestà of, 352, 354, 449; progressively diminished bishops’ temporal powers, 477; republican in form,

182–83; rise of, led to fewer lower clergy, 372; sought loyalty of urban masses, 183; taxed peasants in money, 232; use of symbols by, 207; — usurped regalian rights of emperor, 232, 233; warfare among, 234; wider circle of political leadership than in consular government, 362; places: Arezzo, 202, 205; Asti, 202, 204, 234; Bergamo, 202, 203; Biandrate, 202, 205; Bologna, 202, 205, 404, 470; Brescia, 202, 205, 233; Como, 202, 205; Crema, 233; Cremona, 202; Florence, 202, 203, 455; Genoa, 203, 355n18; Lucca, 202, 203, 204, 205n87; Mantua, 203n77; Milan, 202, 203, 233, 273, 360; Modena, 203n77, 369; Padua, 462, 463, 470; Piacenza, 233, 234; Pisa, 202, 203, 222; Pistoia, 202, 205, 284n63; Reggio, 369; Siena, 369;Vercelli, 234, 370, 403; beyond the regnum: in Francia, 215; Amiens, 214, 215n124; Beauvais, 214; Laon, 214–15; Le Mans, 214; Noyon, 214; Saint Quentin, 214; in the German lands, 215, 219–21; Cambrai, 213, 219, 220, 221; Metz, 219, 220–21; Valenciennes, 214n123, 220. See also citizenship; civic consciousness; — panegyric; — patriotism; Constance: Peace of; histories: communal communications, 478 Como: cathedral chapter in, 37; cathedral school in, 132; communal palace in, 353; commune in, 202, 205; destroyed (1127) by Milanese, 301; pataria movement in, 205 Compagnia della Croce, 469 Compilationes (I–V), 434–35 composition, 12, 29, 30, 168, 255, 257, 334, 355, 388–89, 396–97, 447. See also ars arengandi; ars dictaminis; ars predicandi; stilus altus; — Aurelianensis; — humilis; — obscurus; and — rhetoricus concessions (legal documents), 63 Concordat of Worms, 218, 221, 239 Concordia discordantium canonum. See Decretum, attrib. to Graziano concubinage among clerics, 51, 86, 188, 213 confraternities, lay, 451n24 Conrad II, emperor: appointed men from the imperial chapel to Italian bishoprics, 187; as king of Italy, 97; attempted to extend Henry III’s agenda of consolidating power to Italy, 119; did not treat Pavia as capital of regnum, 169; legislation on feuds (beneices), 245; praised as vicarius Christi, 119n7; spent little time in Italy, 120 Conrad, elder son of Henry IV, 217n133 Conradin, duke of Swabia, 459, 464 consanguinity, laws regarding, 166 Consiglio del fu Giovanni di Simeone of Matelica, 376 Constable, Giles, 252n91, 253n92 Constance, 219; Peace of (1183), 206, 229n1, 234, 351, 352, 353, 355, 361, 398, 447, 448, 450, 467, 477, 484 Constantine, abbot of Saint Symphorien, 176n249 Constantine I, Roman emperor (the Great), 208n95; Donation of, 98, 165, 200 Constantino, bishop of Arezzo, 205 Constantinople, 300; ambassadors to, 309–10; Grosolano of Milan visits, 273n19; hostile relations with Germans (10th c.), 92; Liudprando of Cremona’s embassies to, 76n18, 89, 91, 92, 442; Pisan quarter in, 310n87; short poem in praise of (9th c.), 45n118; trading privileges with, 231 constitutions, 171; episcopal, 284 consuls of communes, 202, 203, 234, 362 Contini, Gianfranco, 457n54 Contra haereticos, by Alan of Lille, 321n14 Contra Judeos, by Fulbert of Chartres, 146

570

Index contracts, 59, 100, 232, 236–37; between commune of Vercelli and professors from Padua, 370; for private education, 278–79, 280–81, 287–88, 359–60; — in the studium in Bologna, 370 Contreni, John J., 45n119 conversi, 223, 224n158, 371, 404 Coronato of Verona, 42 corpora, ecclesiastical and secular, 86–87 Corpus iuris civilis. See Justinian corpus correspondence. See ars dictaminis; letter writing; letters Corsica: Pisan designs on, 297 Cortese, Ennio, 169n221, 235n22, 244n54, 245n59, 279n42, 340n89, 342nn96&98 corti d’amore (street dramatizations), 356–57 cosmology, 399 Costamagna, Giorgio, 60n170, 60n173, 62n185 Cotta, Landolfo, 110n153, 126 Council of the Four Hundred (Padua), 379 councils of the Church: records of, as source of canon law, 197, 199–200; places: Turin (876), 36; beyond the regnum: southern Francia (late 11th c.–early 12th c.), 210; Aachen (816), 34–35, 37, 38, 51n143, 224, 473; Carthage (401), 51n143; Châlons (813), 35n76; Guastalla (1106), 190; Lateran II (1139), 237n28, 270; Lateran III (1179), 269, 270, 282, 366, 434; Lateran IV (1215), 269, 270, 335, 435; Orange (529), 43; Rheims (1119), 239; Rome (1079), 269; Rome (1084), 194n45. Compare Diet of London; synods counts, 233, 321; required by Charlemagne to have notaries (803), 61. See also nobility: local Courçon, Robert, 335 courtesy literature, 453 courtiers: Latin riddling as activity among, 22; ideals for, 96, 475; — physical beauty, 128; pulcritudo morum, 89 courtly culture, 346–47, 355–56, 357, 381; Compare litterae et mores courts of law. See placita Covington, Michael A., 326n26 Cowdrey, Herbert E.J., 140n102, 185n6, 186n8, 204n78 Crasso, Pietro, 246n67; educated in a cathedral school, 194; knowledge of Justinian corpus, 195n49; prob. drew knowledge of ancient pagan authors from formal schooling, 487; prob. from Emilia or Lombardy, 194; seldom cited biblical or patristic texts 197; works: Defensio Heinrici IV of, 192, 194–95, 200 Crema: commune in, 233 Cremaschi, Giovanni, 302n53 Cremascoli, Giuseppe, 390n27, 405n89 Cremona, 263; Albertano imprisoned in, 449; Adalberto invited to, 280; bishops of, 344, 426; imperial bishop, 203; cathedral canons in, 276n35; — library in, 90; — school in, 39, 276; commune in, 202; histories of, 445, 447; member of Lombard League, 233–34; Pataria movement in, 188n16, 203; priests of, 444; revolts against German rule (10th c.), 75; royal notaries in, 102 Crescenzio of Iesi, 405 Crispin, Milo, 143n112 Crivelli, Uberto (Pope Urban III), 384n2 Cronaca di Novalesa, 137–38, 442 Cronica, by Salimbene de Adam, 380n121 Cronica, by Sicardo of Cremona, 445 Cronica de origine civitatis Florentie, 446 Cronica in factis et circa facta Marchie Trivixane, by Rolandino of Padua, 379, 402, 446 Crusades, 231, 441n5; preaching in support of, 334, 415; Albigensian Crusade, 355; First Crusade, 346 “cult of personality,” 76n17

culture of the document. See documentary culture cultures of the book. See legal book culture and traditional book culture Cum sepe contingat (bull), by Honorius III, 282, 290, 363 cursive script, 174 cursus, 46n123, 127, 156, 334n59, 415 Cushing, Kathleen G., 197n57 Cuticella, Leonardo, 379 Cyprian, 197 Dalvuto, Andrea, 271 Damascene, 309 Damasus II, pope, 164n199 Dameron, George, 74n6 Damiani, Pietro, 121–24, 126, 130, 155–59, 263, 271; antiintellectualism of, 177; — hostile toward pagan learning, 135n75, 158; — repudiated use of dialectic in theology, 150, 154, 158–59, 160, 178, 296; beleaguered by lawsuits, 177; claimed canon law was superior to Roman, 166; attacked imperial education program emphasizing litterae et mores, 177, 182; attacked homosexual practices among clergy, 164; denounced liberal arts, 158; elaborate prose style of, 155–58; — fond of eclectic vocabulary, 157; — fond of prose rhyme, 156; envisioned church reform as joint undertaking of emperor and pope, 184; legal knowledge of, 166; letter against jurists of Ravenna, 141; opposed clerical marriage and simony, 163, 476; pietistic outlook of, 117, 155–59; poetry of, 157; prob. drew knowledge of ancient pagan authors from formal schooling, 487; sought to interpret laws ad sensum, 166–67; studied law, 167; studied liberal arts, 158; studied rhetoric, 167; terms for teachers of law, 168; traveled widely as young man, 121; vitae composed by, 139; people: Cicero as inluence on, 158–59; used as source by Donizone, 294; saw Henry III as a champion of church reform, 163–64; explains imperial vs. papal power to Henry IV, 165; Ildebrando of Sovana described by, 165; urges Landolfo senior to keep promise to become a monk, 127n37; supports Pietro Mezzabarba, 187; places: litterarum studia in Faenza, 122; joined hermitage of Holy Cross at Fonte Avellana, 124; — prior of the hermitage, 158; advanced studies in Parma, 122–24; resided in Pomposa, 137; archbishop of Ravenna, 167, 177; debate about law with sapientes civitatis in Ravenna, 166; — early schooling there, 121–22; — returned there to practice law and teach rhretoric, 124; praised Turin for its learning, 132–33; beyond the regnum: may have visited Francia, 124n24; works: De die mortis, 157; Disceptatio synodalis, 165, 166; Expositio mystica historiarum libri Geneseos, 295; Liber gomorrhianus, 164; Liber gratissimus, 164; Vita beati Romualdi, 161n188, 162–63 Daniel of Morley, 311n93 Dante. See Alighieri, Dante Danube tribes convert to Christianity (ca. 1000), 101 ps.-Dares Phrygius, De excidio Trojae historia of, 346 De accentu, by Bene of Florence, 394n38 De amore et dilectione Dei, by Albertano, 449, 450–52 De anima, by Aristotle, 398, 408 De animalibus (generic medieval title for Aristotle’s zoological works), 398 De anulo et baculo, by Rangerio, 193, 200, 292 De arte loquendi et tacendi, by Albertano, 449, 452–53 De bello civili, by Lucan, 154n159 De bello Mediolanensium adversus Comenses, 301 De caelo, by Aristotle, 398, 409n108

571

Index De causa Formosiana, by Vulgario, 58n168 De conditionibus urbis Padue et peste Gueli et Gibolenghi nominis (not extant), by Lovato, 465 De controversia hominis et fortune, by Stefanardo, 461 De corporis et sanguinis Christi, by Guitmund of Aversa, 139n100, 147 De decem categoriis, 150n142 De destructione Mediolani, 302 De dialectica, by ps.-Augustine, 30 De divinis nominibus, by Dionysius the ps.-Areopagite, 265 De divisione diinitionum, by Boethius, 160n181 De doctrina Christiana, by Augustine, 135n75 De dubio accentu, by Uguccio, 391 De excidio Trojae historia, by ps.-Dares Phrygius, 346 De excommunicatis vitandis, de reconciliatione lapsorum, et de fontibus juris ecclesiastici, by Bernold of Constance, 247 De expugnatione civitatis Acconensis, by Monacho of Caesarea, 441n5 De inalibus, by Servius, 155 De generatione et corruptione, by Aristotle, 398, 409n108 De gestis Italiae, by Mussato, 465 De honore ecclesiae, by Placido of Nonantola, 192n34, 193, 199–200, 292 De immortalitate animae, by William of Auvergne, 409n111 De interpretatione, by Aristotle, 94, 153, 160n181, 409n108 De inventione, by Cicero, 95, 144, 146, 155, 254, 423, 453, 455 De litteris colendis, 18, 34n73 De malo et senio, by Boncompagno, 448 De materia artis, by Anselmo of Besate, 129, 151 De misericordia et iustitia, by Alger of Liège, 249 De nuptiis philologiae et Mercurii, by Capella, 94 De oiciis, by Cicero, 452 De oratore, by Cicero, 155 De ornamentis verborum, by Marbod of Rennes, 257 De otiis imperialibus, by Gervase of Tilbury, 384n4 De poenitentia, by Alan of Lille, 321n14 De pressuris ecclesiasticis, by Atto, 85 De pugna, by a certain Ugo (not Ugo of Porta Ravegnana), 244n57 De ratione recte leggendi, by Hildemar of Corbie, 48 De rebus Laudensibus, by Otto and Acerbo Morena and a continuator, 304, 444, 446n11 De regimine et sapientia potestatis, by Orino of Lodi, 457n56 De sancta Maria tractatus, by Giovanni of Mantua, 293 De scismate Hildebrandi, by Wido of Ferrara, 192, 195–96 De senectute, by Cicero, 448 De sophisticis elenchis, by Aristotle, 242, 310n87, 403 De stellis ixis, attrib. to Hermes Trismegistus, 398 De topicis diferentiis, by Boethius, 153 De Trinitate, by Hilary of Poitiers, 265n149 De verborum signiicatione, by Festus: epitome of, by Paolo Diacono, 57 De victoria quam Genuenses ex Friderico II retulerunt, by Urso of Genoa, 442 De vino, by Morando of Padua, 381 De viris illustribus, by Jerome, 125 death: meditations on, 157, 321, 460–61; state of the soul after, 310n85 Decades, by Livy, 461 decentralization, 73–75, 229, 297, 312 Decretales, by Pope Gregory IX, 435, 482 Decretales, by ps.-Isidore, 197 decretals, papal, 252, 366n53, 433–35, 436 Decretum, by Burchard of Worms, 246 Decretum, by Graziano (attrib.), 197, 200, 237–38n28, 250–51, 280–81, 282n55, 336, 343, 344, 433, 435, 436, 477, 482

Decretum, by Ivo of Chartres, 247, 249–50 Deeds of the Bishops of Metz, by Paolo Diacono, 22n23 Defensio Heinrici IV, by Pietro Crasso, 192, 194–95, 200 Defensor pacis, by Marsilio of Padua, 402 deinition: as tool in grammar, 330, 340, 345n113, 396, 413, 430–31; — in law, 345n113; — in rhetoric, 396; — in Roman law, 340, 397, 430–32; — in theology, 264. See also grammar: signiication; philology Delcorno, Carlo, 420n30 Deliberatio supra hymnum trium puerorum, by Geraldo of Csanád, 134–35 Delumeau, Jean-Pierre, 284n64 Dereine, Charles, 214n121 Derivationes, by Osbern of Gloucester. See Panormia istar vocabularii description (rhetorical device), 300 Desiderio, abbot of Montecassino (Pope Victor III), 159, 185 Desiderio, king of Lombardy, 17–18, 473 Deucalion and Pyrrha, 82–83 Deusdedit, cardinal, 192, 197–98, 247 Diacono, Paolo. See Paolo Diacono diagrams to help explain canon law, 344–45 dialectic, 12, 29, 30, 116–17, 145–54, 178, 230, 256, 261n132, 275–76, 277, 376n92, 380n119, 385, 399, 402–07; airmative and negative arguments, 344; and letter writing, 256, 262; and rhetoric, 7, 8, 117; — distinction between, 396; Aristotelian, 7, 8, 144n118, 149, 153–54, 241–42, 248–49, 262, 334; — logica nova, 242, 262, 265, 266–67, 310n87, 311, 318, 323, 397–98, 403; Aristotelian–Boethian, 144n118, 150–51, 155; “Aristotelianized grammar,” 146n126; as independent discipline, 383; as preparation for law, 483; — for medicine, 399, 400, 483; as tool in biblical exegesis, 149–50; — in canon law, 8, 249–50, 251, 262; 344–45; — in grammar, 325, 392n32, 393, 403; in law, 139, 144–45; — in preaching, 336; — in Roman law, 8, 144n118, 242, 251, 262, 340, 428, 483; — in theology, 148–50, 248–49, 265–66, 325, 405, 407, 483; as weapon against heretics, 403–05; Ciceronian, 144–45, 149–50, 151, 241–43, 423–24; development shadowy (irst half of 13th c.), 436; elementary, 262–63, 340; emerges as full member of trivium in regnum (13th c.), 406, 483; independent courses in, promoted skill in argumentation (from ca. 1200), 424; distrust of, 117, 150, 154, 158–59, 160, 178, 196n55, 296, 402; clerics indiferent to (from 12th c.), 225; logica vetus, 144n118, 145–46, 153, 158–59, 160n181, 242, 251, 402–403; mendicant orders promote, 403–406, 409; perhaps more advanced in regnum than in transalpine Europe (11th c.), 145, 483; personiied, 336; syllogism, 144–45, 149; — hypothetical, 150, 153–54, 159; teachers of, 403; terminology of, employed in glosses on Justinian corpus, 241; treatises on, 276n33; vs. grammar, 94–95, 332; people: Abelard applies to theology, 249–50; — he studies, 272; — his inluence in, 264, 265, 276n33; Abbo taught, 145, 159; Alberic of Paris and, 262, 385; Alcuin’s text on, 146n123; Anselmo of Aosta’s use of, 150; Anselmo of Baggio (nephew) said to be skilled in, 197; Anselmo of Besate’s knowledge of, 153–54, 155; — he studied, under Drogo of Parma, 128; Atto of Vercelli criticizes, 83–84; Azzo knew the logica nova, 242; Bassiano skilled in, 242; Bene of Florence used, 392n32, 393, 412; Berengar of Tours’s knowledge of, 146–48; Boncompagno on, 396, 403; Bonizone of Sutri hostile toward, 160, 196n55; Bruno of Asti repudiates use of, in theology, 296; Damiani repudiates use of, in theology, 150, 154, 158–59, 160, 178, 296; Drogo of Parma’s knowledge of, 150–51, 153–54, 160; Ugo Eteriano

572

Index studied, 309; Fulbert of Chartres’s knowledge of, 146; Gerbert of Aurillac as teacher of, 145, 146n123; Geremia of Pomposa educated in, 137; Gherardo of Cremona translates Posterior Analytics, 311; author of Gratian I made cogent use of, 248, 249, 250, 251; Guglielmo of Lucca’s use of, 265; Gunzo on, 94–95; Irnerio said to have been a logician, 239, 241; Jacopo of Venice translates logica nova, 397–98; Landolfo junior studies, 272; Lanfranco of Bec and, 139–40, 144–45, 148–50; Nicholas II proposes to send students to study, with Lanfranco of Bec, 150n141; Pillio skilled in, 242, 345; Placentino argues against use of, in Roman law, 428; Rogerio skilled in, 242, 251n84; Rolando’s use of, 264; Sicardo of Cremona’s use of, 344–45; Sichelmo studies, under Drogo of Parma, 129; William of Champeaux teaches, 272; places: in Pavia, 241–42, 262; in Bologna, 262–63, 403; in Brescia, 406n96; in Vercelli, 403; beyond the regnum: in transalpine Europe, 117, 201; in Francia, 139, 145–48, 149, 150, 159–60; in Paris, 385, 406–407 Dialogi, by Gregory I, 57 dialogue (genre), 302, 341 dictamen, teaching of. See ars dictaminis Dictys Cretensis (attrib.), Ephemeris de historia belli Trojani of, 346 Diet of London (1107), 208–209 Digest, the. See under Justinian corpus Dilcher, Gerhard, 74n6, 75n8 Diogenes, 429 Dionigi, bishop of Piacenza, 188n16, 190 Dionysius the ps.-Areopagite, 134, 265 diplomacy, letter writing in, 254 diplomas, 63 Disceptatio synodalis, by Damiani, 165, 166 Disputatio vel defensio Paschalis papae, 193, 199 Disticha Catonis, attrib. to Dionysius Cato, 193 Distici d’Ivrea (poem), 135 distinctiones, used with rubrics in canon law, 344n109 Distinctiones, by Peter the Chanter, 335 districti. See immunity, grants of Diurni, Giovanni, 142n109, 170n225 Divina commedia, by Alighieri, 457 Doctrinale, by Alexander of Villedieu, 330–33, 413, 488n3 documentary culture, 3, 4–6, 50, 70, 472, 474–75; accessible to uneducated, because they still spoke Latin (9th c.), 59; and Roman law, 66–67; clerics as writers of documents, 60, 109; dominated by laymen, 4–5, 113, 115; — by notaries, 5, 68–69, 113, 115; included clerics and laymen, 6; legal book culture developed from, 117, 475; required only practical Latin literacy, 472; role in regnum’s intellectual development, 59; terminology for describing document-makers, 60, 61n176, 61–62n180, 62–63, 101–103, 104–108, 110, 111; under Carolingians, 17, 25–26, 59–69, 70; under Lombards, 17, 24–25, 70; under Ostrogoths, 24; under Ottonians, 100–15, 474; use of formulas, 59, 253; vs. traditional book culture, 6; — current historiography minimizes diference, 68; places: transalpine Europe (9th c.), 68–69. See also ars dictaminis; ars notarie; legal book culture; notaries Dod, Bernard G., 310n87 Dodone, imperial bishop of Asti, 204 Dolcini, Carlo, 194n49 Dominicans, 401, 407–409; in Bologna, 403, 405–406; preaching became the deining activity of, 418; schools of, 370n80; trained at Paris, 266. See also mendicant orders; compare Augustinians; Franciscans dominium utile (in feudal law), 246n65

Donation of Constantine, 98, 165, 200 donations, 236 Donatus (9th c.), bishop of Fiesole, 46, 55n155 Donatus, Aelius, 4, 57, 259–60, 261, 324, 380, 414 Donatus, by Mayfredo of Belmonte, 396n45, 413, 414 Dondaine, Antoine, 408n107 Donizone of Canossa, 274n24, 292, 294–95, 296, 347, 354 Dorna, Bernard, 429–30, 432 Draco Normannicus, by Stephen of Rouen, 322n14 Dresdner, Albert, 132n61, 133n64 Dressler, Fridolin, 124n24 Drogo grammaticus, archdeacon of Paris, 123n22 Drogo of Metz, 27 Drogo philosophus, logician in Parma (11th c.), 123, 124, 128–29, 150–51, 153–54, 155, 160 Dudo of Saint Quentin, 176n249 duels, judicial, 69n208, 75n10 dukes of Normandy, as patrons, 175–76n249 Dungal, 39n90, 40n92, 55n155; his school (in Pavia), 39, 40n93, 46, 49n135, 80 Durand, French bishop, from Auvergne, 321 dyestufs, 231 earthquake (Pisa, 1117), 300 Eastern emperors, 92, 300, 301 Eberhart, count (the Bearded), counsellor to Henry IV, 185 Ecerinis, by Albertino Mussato, 463 economic complexity increases (12th c.), 207 economic growth, 369; (from mid-10th c.), 101, 276–77, 474; in 11th c., 167, 173, 177, 214, 475; in 11th c. and 12th c., 182, 201n67; in 12th c., 229, 230, 291; must be constrained by Christian love, 452. See also commercial revolution Edict of Olona (Lothar I, 825), 35, 40, 46 Edictum Rotari, 66 editing, importance of, for learning law, 178 education, advanced, 3, 4, 7, 40, 53, 55, 411; and earning of degrees, 283–84, 364; and laymen, 351, 483; growth in (after 1180), 351; in arts, 36, 370; in calligraphy, 4; in cathedral schools, 50, 53–54, 55, 56, 81, 127, 268, 277, 289; in dialectic, 30; — little interest in (12th c. and 13th c.), 266, 277, 311; in grammar, 47, 81, 95, 131, 259–60, 268, 273, 277, 289, 324, 411–12, 468, 469–70, 484; in history, 277, 289; in literature, 4, 49n135, 81, 268, 277, 281, 289; in music, 36; in philosophy, 49n135; in poetry, 7, 28, 29, 30, 45, 78, 81; in rhetoric, 30, 469–70, 484; itinerant students sought out (11th c.), 121; notaries provided, 484; private, 277–79, 289, 484; under Carolingians, 50, 53–55, 56; — no efort to sponsor, in regnum 17; people: Enrico of Francigena provides, 279; Giordano of Clivo’s, 272; Landolfo junior’s, 271–73; Lovato’s, 468–70; Pillio of Medicina provides, 279; Rolandino of Padua’s, 470; places: in Bologna, 271, 277–78, 366; at Civate, 50; in Ivrea, the bishop to provide personally, 40; in Milan, 125–26; in Modena, 279; in Novara, 81; in Padua, 469–70, 484; in Pavia, 131; — at San Pietro in Ciel d’Oro, 49n135, 131–32; at Nonantola, 138n95; in Turin, 132–33; beyond the regnum: in southern Italy, 57–59; in transalpine Europe, 6n8; in dialectic, 266; under Carolingians, centered in monasteries, 17, 27–29; in Francia, 271–73; development of competitive, hierarchical system of, 323–24; in grammar, 323–33, 411–12, 414; in Paris, 271, 272, 323–24; in German lands: in Würzburg, 81; works: Ad Herennium and Cicero’s De inventione and, 95; Ars grammatica, by Papias, and, 260, 324; Donatus, by Mayfredo of Belmonte, and, 413, 414; Institutiones grammaticae, by Priscian, and, 95, 259–60, 325–26, 329;

573

Index Polipticum, by Atto, and, 85n49. See also dialectic; grammar; law, canon; law, Roman; medicine; rhetoric; studia; theology; universities; compare education, elementary; education, intermediate education, elementary, 30, 49–50, 284–89, 358, 371, 411; and literacy, 70, 122, 158, 269, 480; and liturgical performance, 5–6, 7, 31, 34–37, 40–41, 70; clerics as instructors in, 268, 287, 289, 290, 371, 377; — parish priests, 268, 286, 371; for girls, 50; in arithmetic, 34; in Camaldolensian program, 162; in cathedral schools, 7, 277; in grammar, 34, 122, 132, 277, 287–88, 358, 376, 377; in mathematics, 122; in monasteries, 49–50; in music, 34, 36; laymen as instructors in, 268, 287, 290, 362, 377; — as students of, 286; memorization in, 358; rural, 268, 284–86, 289, 371; under Carolingians, 30, 31, 34–37, 40–41; urban, 287, 289, 371; people: Atto restricts teaching by nuns and laymen, 49, 284; Damiani describes, 122, 358n28; Glaber’s, 80n33; Hildemar on, 50; Landolfo senior describes, 125–26; Rather enumerates options for obtaining, 49; places: between Arezzo and Siena, 284–86, 290; in Genoa, 287–88, 359–60; in Milan, 125–26. See also grammar; liturgy; music; compare education, advanced; education, intermediate education, intermediate, 5–6, 411, 480; in cathedral schools, 7, 49, 371–72; in churches, 49n135; in dialectic, 151, 242, 262–63, 277, 402–403; in grammar, 116, 242, 259–61, 267, 268, 277, 281, 286, 290, 312, 340, 351, 358n29, 359, 362, 369, 371–72, 376–77, 463, 477, 478, 480–81, 484, 488, 490; in handwriting, 34; in monasteries, 50; laymen as instructors in, 267, 268, 286, 290, 362, 371–72, 376–77, 478; — as students of, 484; parish priests as instructors in, 267; private, 267, 481; places: between Arezzo and Siena, 362; in Bologna, 133, 480–81; beyond the regnum: in Francia, 340; works: Ars grammatica, by Donatus, 259, 324; Doctrinale, by Alexander of Villedieu, and, 330–33, 413; Graecismus, by Évrard of Béthune, 330–33, 413; Janua, 260–61, 266, 289, 324, 390, 436; Liber tam de Donatus quam de Prisciano, by Paul of Camaldoli, 390n26; Remigius, 261, 324. See also ars arengandi; ars dictaminis; ars notarie; ars predicandi education, private, 50, 141, 487; advanced, 277–79, 289, 484; allowed laymen and perhaps unbeneiced lower clergy to earn a living, 478; clerics as teachers in, 8, 280n49, 285, 287, 289, 336, 475, 478; contract for, 278–79, 280–81, 287–88, 359–60; —for enrollment in the studium in Bologna, 370; expansion of (12th c.), 267; growing market for, 478; in ars dictaminis, 268, 279–80, 378, 478; in canon law, 6, 201, 235, 268, 280–81, 478; — by contract, 281; in grammar, 267, 281, 287, 371, 478; in law, 267, 268, 275n27; in Lombard law, 475; in rhetoric, 371, 469; in Roman law, 6, 7, 201, 237–39, 267, 268, 278–79, 280n49, 378, 475, 478; increase in (12th c.), 291, 478; intermediate, 267, 481; itinerancy of teachers, 279–80; laymen as students in, 50, 222, 229, 267; — as teachers of, 7, 8, 48, 49, 168, 267, 268, 280n49, 286–90, 362, 371, 376–80, 475, 478; practical value of, 278; terminology for identifying students of, 278n38; vs. cathedral education, 235, 281, 475; places: in Bologna, 235, 290, 370, 378, 469; — societates of students in, 279, 290, 365 Egbert of Liège, 123n22, 151 Eginon of Reichenau, 41–42 Einhard, biographer of Charlemagne, 18n1 Elegia, by Enrico of Settimello, 301, 354–55, 439–41, 442, 450, 484 Elementaria, by Papias, 144, 330 Elempert, bishop of Arezzo, 79, 130

Elipando of Toledo, 20 elites: audiences for written work as, 7, 195n50; clerical, 5–6, 83–100, 113, 176, 177, 186; — and canon law, 182, 266; — under Carolingians, 26, 31; lay, 177, 475, 476; lay–clerical, 25, 177; local, 59, 112, 118–19, 177, 474; — judicial, 102–03, 131, 169, 361; — notarial, 361; Roman lawyers as, 266; royal judges as, 475; royal notaries as, 115, 475; rural, 286; urban, 206, 207, 305, 356, 447, 479–80; — appeal of French literature to, 356, 480; — communes controlled by, 182–83, 206, 234, 352; — destabilization of, after Peace of Constance, 351, 352, 356, 361–62, 420, 448, 476, 479–80; places: in Arezzo, 205; in Biandrate, 205n88; in Pavia, 115, 131, 169, 475; beyond the regnum: in Francia, 113 eloquence, 11, 96, 126, 334, 455, 470n91; Ciceronian manuals as aids to developing, 423–24; Lombardy said to be the fount of, 78; a simpliied form, for ars dictaminis, 259; people: Boncompagno and 396, 418, 422; Gregory VII’s, 186; Latini translates Cicero’s, 455; Placentino’s, 342–43 Emilia, merchants of, 231 Endres, Joseph A., 135n75 Ennodius, Magnus Felix, bishop of Pavia, 125 Enrico, canon of Pisa, prob. author of the Liber Maiolichinus, 299 Enrico of Francigena, 333 Enrico of Settimello, 319, 439–41; Elegia of, 301, 354–55, 439–41, 442, 450, 484, 489 enthymemes, 7, 144, 159 epigraphy, 19, 25 Epiphanius of Cyprus, 310 episcopal constitutions, in Spain, 284 Epistola ad Augienses, by Gunzo, 77, 93–96 Epistola ad Michaelem, by Wido of Ferrara, 131 epistolography. See ars dictaminis; letter writing; letters Epistulae, by Horace, 294, 445 Epistulae ex Ponto, by Ovid, 445 epitaphs, 19n9, 22, 43, 77n19, 298, 321, 442 Epitoma Prisciani, by Gautbert, 78 Epitome Codicis, the, 171 Epitome exactis regibus, 340 Epitome in Historiarum Philippicarum Pompeii Trogi, by Justinus, 83n46, 461 Epitome Juliani, 67, 155n164, 337n75 Epodes, by Horace, 293 equality, human, 468 equipollency, 148, 149n136 equity: as transcendent legal principle, 339; in Roman law, 243–44 Erchemperto, continuator of the Historia Langobardorum, 57n159 Érec et Énide, by Christian of Troyes, 346 eremitic life, 161–62 eremitic orders. See Camaldolensians and Vallombrosans Eriberto d’Intimiano, archbishop of Milan, 97 Eriberto, bishop of Modena, 190 Eriberto, bishop of Reggio, 189, 292–93, 296 Erpo of Münster, 216 Este family, 355 Estensi family, 462 Eteriano, Leo and Ugo, 240, 309–10 eternity of the world, 401, 408, 409 ethopoeia (as progymnasma), 30 Etymologiae, by Isidore of Seville, 134 etymology, 330; as tool in canon law, 345; — in grammar, 28–29, 395; — in Roman law, 427; people: Atto uses, 85n48; Enrico of Settimello uses, 440 Eucharist, 147–48, 150

574

Index Eugenius II, pope, 35, 36n80, 310 Eugenius III, pope, 384n2, 434 Eutropius, Flavius, 22 Everett, Nicholas, 60n173, 66n200 Évrard of Béthune, 331, 332, 333, 413, 488n3 Exceptio compendiosa de divinitus inspirata scriptura sive argumentum orthodoxe idei, by Mosè del Brolo, 310 Exceptiones Petri, 338–39 exceptores, 24 excommunication: of German bishops (1076), 183, 185; of Milanese archbishops, 189; people: of Henry IV by Gregory VII (1076), 183, 185; of Philip I by Urban II, 210n108 exegesis. See Bible: exegesis of exemplum (grammatical igure), 7, 157n168 Exceptiones Petri, 338, 339 exordia. See under rhetoric expolitio (rhetorical device), 300 Expositio epistolarum s. Pauli, by Atto, 295 Expositio in librum Papiensem, 140–42, 143–44, 170–71, 242–43 Expositio in Pentateuchum, by Bruno of Segni, 296n19 Expositio in Psalmos, by Oddone of Asti, 296n20 Expositio in septem psalmos poenitentiales, by Eriberto of Reggio, 292, 293n4 Expositio in Summam Rolandini, by Boattieri, 378n108 Expositio mystica historiarum libri Geneseos, by Damiani, 295 Ezzelino III da Romano, 381, 402, 446, 447, 462 Faba, Guido, 259, 378, 421, 423n43, 483 Fabius Maximus, 298n25, 301 fable, 30, 96, 97, 273, 301 fabliaux, 346n115 Faenza, 122, 130, 447 faith and reason in tension, 400–401 Fano, bishop of, 138n96 al-Fārābī, Abū Naṣr Mu ammad, 329n43, 398 Fardolfo, 18, 19, 27n44 Farfa, 132, 192n34, 193 Fasoli, Gina, 9, 44n115, 133n66, 201n67 Fasti, by Ovid, 445 fasting, 308 fathers of the Church. See ancient Christian authors; ancient Christian authors, Greek; and ancient Christian authors, Latin fear said to destroy urban peace, 452 Feast of the Exhaltation of the Holy Cross, 128n43 Fecunda ratis, by Egbert of Liège, 151 Felix of Urgel, 20 Fergil (Irish monk), 27n44 Fermo, cathedral school in, 39 Fernando of Lisbon (Saint Anthony of Padua), 404 Ferrara, 391, 462 Ferrara, Roberto, 360n34 Ferrari, Mirella, 47n129, 273n19 Ferriani, Maurizio, 263n140 Festus, Sextus Pompeius, 57 feuds (i.e., beneices), 245, 246n65 feudal princes, 234, 355 Ficker, Julius, 233n15 Fiesole, 41; cathedral school in, 46, 132 igurative language, 417 igures of speech, 57–58, 85n48 igures of thought, 85n48 Fiore di rettorica, by Giamboni, 423 Fisher, Craig H., 298n26 Flaccus,Valerius, 154n159

Fleckenstein, Josef, 75n11, 96n97 Fleury, monastery at, 145, 319n6 Fliche, Augustin, 87n59, 164n199, 184n3, 185n6 Florence: bishops of, 187, 440; Black’s use of MSS. in, 10, 487–91; cathedral school in, 39, 132; chancery of, 417; commune in, 202, 203, 455; education in grammar in, 132; exceptionalism of, 489; histories of, 445, 446, 447; libraries in, 488–90; local nobility and, 206n92, 353n5; notaries in, 102; population of, 462n71; sought to reconcile canon and Roman law on degrees of consanguinity, 166; people: Bene sought to become a cleric and teach in, 374n89; Enrico of Settimello and Monacho of Caesarea met in, 441n5; Latini sought to create civic consciousness in, 455;Vallombrosans stir up populace against Mezzabarba, 187 Flores grammatice, by Gentile of Cingoli, 377n102 Flores rhetorici, by Alberico, 254–55 Flores veritatis grammaticae, by Bertoluccio di Bondi, 377n105 lorilegia, 12, 90, 146, 154, 171, 296n15, 309, 310, 330, 342, 442 Fonseca, Cosimo D., 35n78 Fonte Avellana, hermitage of, 124, 158, 162, 319 food supply, and enrollment in studia, 370 Forchielli, Giuseppe, 49n138 forgeries, 98, 105n129 forgiveness as civic virtue, 453–54 Formosus, pope, 58n168 Formularium tabellionum, 236–37n25, 424n49 Fornasari, Giuseppe, 20n15, 51n143 fornication, femoral, 164 Fortunatianus, Consultus, 30 Fortunato, Saint (bishop of Fano), 138n96 Fortunatus,Venantius, 125 “Four Doctors,” the (Bolognese jurists), 238, 241, 242, 243, 244n57, 427; successors to, 251; interpolated reference to, 304n62. See also Bulgaro; Jacopo; Gosia, Martino; and Ugo of Porta Ravegnana Four Hundred, Council of (Padua), 379 Fournier, Paul, 247n69 Fragmentum auctoris incerti, 300n39 Francesc, Gui, 337, 338n77 Francesco, Saint, of Assisi, 404n81 Francia, 154; absence of notaries in, 339; as destination for advanced study of Latin letters and theology (early 12th c.), 271; biblical exegesis in, 222; bishops in, 209; canon law in, 435; Carolingian, 320; cathedral schools in, 215, 319; certiication of teachers in (13th c.), 283; churchbuilding in, 120; cities becoming richer (early 11th c.), 120; clerics in, 209; clerics and practice of law in, 270; communes in (11th–12th c.), 210; decline of interest in ancient Latin literature (by 1200), 317–18; deined, 13; hagiographies produced in (11th c.), 175n247; imported approaches to law and letter writing from regnum (12th c.), 317; increasing interest in ancient Greek literature (by 1200), 318; Investiture Struggle in, 209–15; kings of, 321; limited social mobility in, 319; literary and scholarly achievement, 317–47; — home to ascendant intellectual culture (by late 12th c.), 317; local nobles in, 209; much Latin literature produced in (late 11th – early 13th c.), 318; popular opinion in (11th c.), 210; princes sought to consolidate domains, 475; Roman law in, 336–44, 384; rural economy of, 319; sale of teaching licenses in, 282; scholars’ knowledge of ancient pagan literature (13th c.), 332; textual community among clerics in, 319–21, 381–82, 478; theology in, 222, 263–64; vernacular literature in, 318, 346–47; places: ties to Bologna (late 12th c.), 386; northern Francia:

575

Index intellectual revival of (11th c.), 176; poets in, 441; “Renaissance of the Twelfth Century” in 176; southern Francia: lawyers in, 116. Compare Gaul Francigena, Enrico, 255n103, 256, 257–58, 278n39, 279; a student of, 262 Francis, Saint, of Assisi, 404n81 Franciscans, 266, 404, 405, 418. See also mendicant orders Franco-Venetian (dialect), 357n24 Franconia, 212n111 Fransen, Gérard, 197n57 Fredborg, Karen M., 275n33, 336n71 Frederick, archdeacon of Liège (11th c.), 164 Frederick of Antioch, 457–58n56 Frederick of Lorraine (Pope Stephen IX), 120n9 Frederick I, emperor (Barbarossa), 447; Authentica habita of (decree, 1158), 281, 363, 365n51; deeds in regnum (1153–68), 304–05, 444; eforts to establish sovereignty over communes, 233, 291; 353n8; imposed “podestà” on rebellious cities, 352n4; cities struggle against, 478; legislation on feuds (beneices), 245; protects study abroad, 281, 363; sought to reestablish imperial power in regnum (from 1150s), 229, 232–33; places: expells from Bologna students who came from anti-imperialist cities, 263; contends against Milan, 302–03; destroys Milan (1162), 233, 302, 305 Frederick II, emperor: a constitution by, 364; eforts to annul Peace of Constance, 450; letter to, from Honorius III, 416; Lombard League revived to resist, 449; requires all medical students to have studied dialectic, 399, 403; returns from Holy Land (1231), 449; said to be restoring glory of ancient Rome in Italy, 303; stilus rhetoricus and, 415, 416; places: besieges Brescia (1238), 401, 449; Genoa defeats, 442, 457 Frederick III, emperor, 472 Fried, Johannes, 168n219, 279n42 friendship, 279, 452; Alcuin’s, for Paolino, 20n16; Albertano on, 448, 452; Boncompagno on using obscurity to communicate within, 397; Lovato and Mussato on, 464 Frova, Carla, 369n72 Fruttuaria, monastery of (Ivrea), 99, 161 Fulbert of Chartres, 145–46 Fumagalli,Vito, 72n1 Gabotto, Ferdinando, 287n76 Galen, 309, 397, 400 Galvano, son of Rainieri di Gerardo Albriconi, 376n92 Gamberini, Roberto, 96n97 Gandolfo, bishop of Reggio, 189 Gandolfo (canonist and theologian, 12th c.), 263–64 Ganshof, François L., 68n206 garamantes, 387, 430. Compare grammantes Gaspary, Adolfo, 9, 10 Gastaldelli, Ferruccio, 264n147, 276n34 Guastalla, Council of (1106), 190 Gaul, 154, 320, 322n16 Gautbert, author of Epitoma Prisciani, 78 Gavardo, 449 Gavinelli, Simona, 45n119 Gellius, Aulus, 193, 432n82 Genoa: and crusade against Muslims, 304; chancellors of, 444; civil war in, 203; commune in, 203, 355n18; histories of, 443–44, 445, 446, 447; maritime trade of, 230; notaries’ apprenticeship in, 287–88; — education in, 359; trade with eastern Mediterranean (from late 11th c.), 231; victory over Frederick II, 442, 457; people: Albertano in, 449

Gentile of Cingoli, 376n93, 377, 401, 406, 411–12 Geofrey, bishop of Lincoln, 385n10 Geofrey of Rheims, 176n249 Geofrey of Vinsauf, 259, 331, 375, 385, 388–89, 393n33 Geofrey V Plantagenet, count of Anjou (the Handsome), 322n14 Geographica, by Guido of Pisa, 299 geography (genre), 299 geometry, 41, 275–76 Georgics, by Virgil, 293, 294 Gerald II, bishop of Cambrai, 212–13 Gerald of Barry, 429n69 Gerald of Montpellier, 337, 338, 339, 341, 425 Geraldino del fu Enrico of Reggio, 375–76n92 Geraldo, bishop of Csanád, 134–35 Gerard, abbot of Saint Jean de Montierneuf, in Poitiers, 321 Gerardino del fu Enrico of Reggio, 376 Gerardo of Fracheto, 407n100, 409n109 Gerbert of Aurillac (Pope Sylvester II), 52n147, 54n151, 79, 98, 121–22, 145–46 Geri of Arezzo, 448n13 Geremia, abbot of Pomposa, 137 German lands, 59; bishoprics in, retained by reforming popes, 120; bishops of, 185, 216–18; clerics in cathedrals monopolized writing function in, 104; communes in, 212, 213, 215, 219–21; copying of MSS. in, 53–54, 79n27, 322n16; deined, 13; intellectual production in, under Salians, 175–76; Investiture Struggle’s ruinous efects in, 183, 207, 216–21, 223, 476; lack of peace movements in, 218–19; nobles of, said to have little interest in studying law, 167; Ottonian and Salian emperors as patrons of letters in, 175; Ottonian educational program in, 55, 75–79, 93, 474; southern, school of canon law in, 343–44, 345, 426; terminology for describing teachers in, 41; union of, with regnum, under Otto I, 71–75, 475; people: Aimerico of Ciel d’Oro as tutor to future Henry III in, 132; Anselmo of Besate in, 129, 151; Frederick I’s governing policy in, 232–33; Gunzo goes to teach in, 93, 94; Henry II strove to consolidate imperial power in, 119; Leo of Vercelli perhaps educated in, 175n246; Liudprando began writing Antapodosis in, 91; — delivers sermon in, 92; — may have met Rather in, 90n70; Stefano of Novara teaches in, 80 Germans, natio of, in Bologna, 365n52 Gervase of Tilbury, 384 Gesta archiepiscoporum Mediolanensium, by Arnolfo, 127, 128, 443 Gesta Berengarii imperatoris (poem), 81 Gesta Chuonradi imperatoris, by Wipo, 119n7 Gesta ecclesiae Romanae contra Hildebrandum, by Beno, 198 Gesta Federici I imperatoris in Lombardia, 304–05, 444, 445 Gesta Florentinorum, by Sanzanome (i.e., “Anonymous”), 445 Gesta Guillelmi ducis, by William of Poitiers, 140n102 Gesta obsidionis Damiate, by Codagnello, 445 Gesta Ottonis, by Liudprando of Cremona, 442 Gesta per Federicum Barbamrubeam, 302–03 Gesta triumphalia per Pisanos facta, 300n39, 443 Geyl, Paul, 279n44 al-Ghāzalī, 398, 409n108 de Ghellinck, Joseph, 249n75, 254n95, 318n2, 331n53 Gherardi, Luciano, 133n66 Gherardo of Cremona, 311, 375, 398 Gherardo of Modena, 419 Ghibellines, 370, 417, 469 Giacomo of Venice, 262 Giamboni, Bono, 423

576

Index Giansante, Massimo, 468n85 Giberto, archbishop of Ravenna (later Clement III, antipope), 187n15 Gibson, Margaret, 95n96, 145n120, 149n138, 150n142 Gideon defeats the Midianites, 298 Giesebrecht, Wilhelm, 8n9 Gilbert (canonist, 13th c.), 434 Gilbert of Poitiers, 265, 324n20 Gilduin, abbot of Saint Victor, 265 Gimigniano, Saint, 130, 306–07 Giordano of Clivio, archbishop of Milan, 189n19, 272 Giordano of Pisa, 420 Giovanni, abbot of Nonantola, 138n96 Giovanni del fu Jacobino of Vicenza, 376 Giovanni di Bonandrea, 375n91, 377, 378, 379n110 Giovanni di Consilio da Matelica, 376nn93&97 Giovanni di Miglio degli Spigliati of Figline, 376n93, 377 Giovanni of Cremona (teacher of grammar and notary in Padua, 13th c.), 379 Giovanni of Faenza, 251 Giovanni of Mantua, 292–93, 296 Giovanni of Parma, 406 Giovanni of Vicenza, 419 girls: education of, 50, 268 de’ Girolami, Remigio, 456 Giuliamo of Volpiano, 99, 161 Glaber, Ralph, 78, 80n33, 99n109, 120, 176n249 Glenn, Jason K., 28n48 Glossa Pistoiese, 67n202 glossaries. See lexicons glossators of Bologna, 241–44, 251–52, 337, 339–40, 344, 425 glosses, 488, 490–91; on Justinian corpus, 240; on the Lombarda, 245 God: judgment of, 157; omnipotence of, 159; visions of, 308; will of, 159n181 Godman, Peter, 26n41 Gofart, Walter, 22n23 Golinelli, Paolo, 305n69 Gonsalvus Gonizzii, Spanish teacher of grammar (12th-c. Bologna), 376n93 Gorman, Michael M., 136n84 Gosia, Martino, 238, 243–44, 280, 338, 339, 339n84, 340n89. See also “Four Doctors,” the Gosia, Ugolino, 278n39, 363–64, 367 Gothic script, 490 Gotofredo, archbishop of Milan, 189 Gottefredo, imperial bishop of Lucca, 189, 200 Gottschalk of Orbais, 43, 44 Gouron, André, 336–37n72, 337nn75&77, 340n89, 341n94, 346n114, 429n67 Grabmann, Martin, 411n1 Graecismus, by Évrard, 330–33, 413, 488n3 Graham, Angus, 455n46 grain prices, 232n9 grammantes, 387, 389–90, 394, 395. Compare garamantes grammar: 458; advanced, 47, 81, 95, 131, 177, 259–60, 268, 273, 277, 289, 324, 411–12, 468, 469–70, 481, 484; — culminated in study of ancient Latin literature, 428; — studia systematize curriculum in, 480–81; — threatened by rise of legal studies (from early 12th c.), 178; — ultimately intended to elucidate Bible and Church fathers, 31; ancient view of, 29; and ars dictaminis, 230, 259, 267, 385; and ars notarie, 173, 359; and ars predicandi, 422; and Carolingian educational program, 28–29, 30–31; and communal histories, 447; and dialectic, 94–95, 402, 403, 406; and law, 312, 482; and letter writing, 256; and

577

literacy, 28; and literature, 230, 273; and Lombard law, 131; and philosophy, 412; and poetry, 7, 28, 29, 30, 45, 78, 81, 437; and rhetoric, 29–30, 168, 230, 256, 262, 267, 312, 333, 371, 373, 374n89; and Roman law, 131, 242, 340, 384–97, 427–32; and theology, 277; and traditional book culture, 7, 176, 178, 230; and universal principles of human language, 412; as a science, 329n43, 386; as preparation for becoming a notary, 480; claimed a new supervisory role over all disciplines, 333; clerics as teachers of, 290, 371–72, 373–74; deined, 28–29; dominated Italian education (to late 11th c.), 30–31, 72; deinition as tool in, 330, 340, 345n113, 396, 413, 430–31; elementary, 34, 122, 132, 277, 287–88, 358, 376, 377; etymology, as tool of Roman law, 427; examples drawn from classical sources, 413, 414; exegesis as branch of, 295; expansion of education in (from 1220s), 382, 487; explanation by causa inventionis in, 326; igures of, 157n168; French scholars of, in regnum, 384, 385; Greek, 310–11; impact of modernist French approaches, 332, 333, 383, 384–97, 411–14, 428, 481; in cathedral schools, 35, 44, 81, 174, 178, 201, 259–61, 266, 268, 269–70, 275, 276, 277, 286, 287n72, 289, 475; in church schools, 116, 269–70; intermediate, 116, 242, 259–61, 267, 268, 277, 281, 286, 290, 312, 340, 351, 358n29, 359, 362, 369, 371–72, 376–77, 463, 477, 478, 480–81, 484, 488, 490; Irish monks as scholars of, 27; Italians admired for (late 10th c.), 78; laymen as teachers of, 286–90, 362, 371–72, 373–74; lexicography, 427; manuals of, 230, 259–61, 266, 275, 289, 324–33, 380, 385n9, 390–92, 396n45, 411, 412–13, 414, 436, 439, 481, 488; methodologies of, 28–29; more advanced in regnum than in German lands (late 10th c.), 76; notaries as teachers of, 287–88, 362; — demand training in, 351; number, 413; parts of speech, 58, 259, 261, 325, 326, 327, 328–29, 413, 431; Pavian notaries owed superiority to skill in, 116; pietistic reformers discouraged study of, 178; prescriptive, 481; private education in, 267, 281, 286–90, 478; progymnasmata in, 29–30; promoted by difusion of cathedral schools, 72; semantics, 325–26, 328, 329; sentence analysis vs. speech analysis, 329; sentence construction, 436; signiication, 326–27, 392–93, 393n33, 396n45, 412, 413, 428, 431; subject and predicate, 325, 328–29; summae in, 435, 482; syntax, 29n51, 327, 328, 330–31, 333, 386, 390, 396, 412, 427, 428, 481; — as tool in Roman law, 427; — not covered by textbooks (to mid-12th c.), 324–26; — studied in modernist speculative French approach, 386; widespread availability of education in (13th c.), 484; people: Alcuin sees as the basis for all letters, 28; Anselmo of Besate’s knowledge of, 154–55; Atto would have distrusted, 84; Aubert of Béziers and tie to French legal studies, 340; Azzo responds to new French grammarians’ interest in signiication, 431; Bene on, 393; — as teacher of, 394n38; — disparages Boncompagno as teacher of, 398n38; Blund may have taught in Bologna, 385; Boncompagno distinguishes from rhetoric, 395–97; Geofrey of Vinsauf teaches in Bologna, 385; Gunzo’s gafe concerning, 93; subsumes history, according to Isidore, 28n50; Placentino declares independence of Roman law from, 428; places: in Bergamo, 276; in Bologna, 374, 375–77, 378, 380, 384–85, 386, 467–68, 469–70; — laymen as teachers of, in studium, 483; — lawyers show interest in modernist French approach, 431n75; at Montecassino (late 9th c.), 58–59; in Padua, 379–80, 469; in Pavia, 131; in Francia, 273; and canon law, 345; and literature, 323; decline of, 331; modernist speculative approaches to, 323–33, 383, 386, 391, 392–93, 414, 488; — asserted supervisory role over all disciplines, 333; — employed

Index technical vocabulary, 481; — choice of examples in, 329, 330; — enhanced prestige of discipline, 325, 329, 332–33, 386; — Modism, 412; — practitioners claimed to be prime interpreters of language in general, 389–90; — practitioners questioned the value of literature itself (13th c.), 332–33; — Roman lawyers eager to adopt theories of, 482; — stopped citing ancient texts as examples (after 1200), 436; in Provence, and teaching of law, 340, 428–29. See also deinition; etymology; igures of speech; igures of thought; philology; poetry; as well as individual authors and works grammar schools. See education, intermediate: in grammar, or grammar: intermediate grants of immunity, 73, 74 Gratian. See Graziano Graziano (supposed author), Decretum of, 197, 200, 237–38n28, 247–49, 250–51, 252, 280–81, 282n55, 343, 344, 433, 435, 436, 482; became the basic textbook for study of canon law, 248; commentators on, 251–52; reception in Francia, 336; repercussions for study of Roman law, 251; supposedly written for Graziano’s socii, 280–81; two versions (Gratian I and Gratian II), 237–38n28, 247–49, 250–51, 252, 477 Graziano of Pisa (cardinal), 384n2 Greek, knowledge of, 81, 126; people: Burgundio of Pisa, 309; the Eteriano brothers, 309–10; Grosolano of Milan, 273n19; Mosè del Brolo, 300, 310–11; Paolo Diacono, 22n25, 56; Paolino of Aquileia, 56; places: Ravenna evinces little knowledge, 44; in southern Italy, 56 Greek neologisms in Latin, 294 Greek texts: Arabic translations of, 397; assimilation of, into Latin Christian tradition, 409–10; attack on heretical views in, 409; biblical, 45, 90n69; Gregory I’s Dialogi translated into Greek, 57; on letter writing, 253n93; a speech in Greek, 273n19; theological, in Latin translation, 398n51; translation of, into Latin, 58, 289, 291, 300n40, 309–10, 313, 338n77, 383, 397–98, 403, 479, 482; — via Arabic, 311. See also ancient pagan authors, Greek Gregorii VII papae vita, by Paul of Bernfried, 293n4 Gregorio, bishop of Bergamo, Tractatus de veritate corporis Christi of, 276n36 Gregorio of Catino, monk of Farfa, 192n34, 193, 199 Gregory I (the Great), pope and saint, 95, 194, 293; biography of, by Paolo Diacono, 22; Gregory VII cites, 186n9; works: Dialogi, translated into Greek, 56; Liber pastoralis, 196; Regula pastoralis, 21 Gregory V, pope, 97 Gregory VII, pope, 165; appointed and deposed bishops, 189–90; circle of reformers surrounding, 187, 246; classical references by, 186n8; conveyed message of reform to urban masses, 181; counted on support of popular-religious forces, 186, 187; education of, 185; except in regnum and German lands, sought to negotiate with monarchs and princes, 207–16; high diction in letters of, 415; letters of, widely disseminated as propaganda, 186; made broad deinition of simony oficial, 476; patristic knowledge of, 186; policies of, discussed in treatises on investiture, 192; prose style of, 185–86, 415; supported bishops who propagandized for the papal cause, 181; places: beyond the regnum: showed tolerance when negotiating with rulers in transalpine Europe and southern Italy, 208; in Francia: some secular princes in southern Francia swore vassalage to, 210; in German lands: deposed by German bishops (1076), 218; excommunicates German bishops (1076), 185; may have encouraged

preaching missions in Franconia and Swabia, 212n111; granted licenses to wandering preachers in Rhineland corridor, 211; opposition to reforms of, in Cambrai (1077), 220; people: admired Anselmo of Baggio (nephew), 197; Anselmo of Baggio (nephew) attacks, 195; Cardinal Beno attacks, 198; Benzone attacks, 193; controversy with Berengar of Tours, 295; according to Crasso, deceived the Saxons into revolting against the emperor, 194; oicially deposes but does not actually dislodge Dionigi, bishop of Piacenza (1074), 190; demands that Henry IV dismiss his excommunicated counsellors, 185; excommunicates Henry IV (1076), 183, 185; Wido of Ferrara describes, 196n52; recognized William the Conqueror’s right to appoint bishops, 208. See also Ildebrando of Sovana; Investiture Struggle Gregory VIII, antipope, 239 Gregory VIII, pope (Alberto of Morra), 386 Gregory IX, pope, 366n53, 435, 482 Grévin, Benoît, 415n11, 417n16 Grillius, 155 Grimbaldo, king of Lombardy, 66 Grosolano, archbishop of Milan, 189, 272, 273, 301 Gualazzini, Ugo, 8, 40n93, 129n45 Gualberti, Giovanni, 162, 163, 176–77, 187n11, 189 Gualcausus (Walcausio), 170–71 Gualfredo, bishop of Siena, 200n65, 236n24, 285n68 Gualtiero, archbishop of Ravenna, 187n15 Guarnerius, author of Liber divinarum sententiarum, 239 Guelfs, 204n78, 368, 370, 465, 469 Guglielmo (jurist, 11th c.), 143, 169 Guglielmo of Chiusa, 136, 137, 139 Guglielmo of Corvi, 406 Guglielmo of Dessara, 406 Guglielmo of Lucca, 265, 266, 275n32, 277 Guglielmo of Volpiano, 80, 131, 161 Guido, Master (grammarian, 12th c.), 327 Guido, Saint, bishop of Arqui, 133n68 Guido of Arezzo, 131, 137, 294 Guido of Bologna, 277–78 Guido of Pisa, 299–300 Guido of Velate, archbishop of Milan, 189 Guido I, king of Italy, 62n180, 142n112 Guidotto (12th-c. canonist), 263n142 Guidotto of Bologna, 456 guilds of notaries, 359, 372–73, 378n109 Guitmund of Aversa, 139, 147 Guizzardo del fu Bondi, 377n105 Gundissalinus, Dominicus, 398 Gunzo, 93–96, 396n45; defends himself after humiliation over grammatical error, 93–94; distinguished rhetoric from dialectic, 146; followed the six-part pattern of classical oratory, 255n98; interest in pagan authors, 99–100; condescension of, toward German learning, 93; oratorical conception of literary expression, 155; personal library of, 77, 94; secular outlook of, 99–100; sources of, 94–95; a wandering scholar, 121; works: Epistola ad Augienses of, 77, 93–96 Hadrian (grammarian of Greek), 78n22 hagiography, 24–25, 52, 58, 116, 125, 134, 136–39, 162, 175, 293, 303n57, 305–09, 443; approved by papal reformers, 297; competing versions of saints’ lives, 306; evolving models of Christian conduct (12th c.), 305–06; monastic, 305; production of, 175n247; people: authors: Andrea da Strumi, 163, 187n11; Atto, 85; Ogerius of Ivrea, 136; Damiani, 161n188, 162–63; subjects: Conrad of Trier,

578

Index 176n249; Saint Gimigniano, 306–07; Saint Maïeul, 176n249; Saint Rainerio, 307–9; places: Padua, 306n71 Hainaut, 212; bishop of, 214n122; count of, 212, 214n122, 220 Halinard, archbishop of Lyon (11th c.), 164 Haly Abbas (al-Majūsī, ʿAlī ibn ʿAbbās), 309 Handloike, Max, 113n165 handwriting. See calligraphy; scripts Haskins, Charles H., 176n250, 258n121, 333n57, 388n17 Haverkamp, Alfred, 233n15 Haymo of Faversham, 404 Hector, 298n25 Heinrich of Padeborn, 216 Helias, Peter, 327, 328, 330, 385n9; Summa super Priscianum of, 326, 394–95, 396n45 hemp production, 231 Hen,Yitzhak, 33n68, 33–34n70 Henry of Andely, 332, 333, 336, 414n9, 488n3 Henry of Lausanne, 214 Henry I, king of England, 176n249, 208–09 Henry II, emperor, 97, 98, 99, 169, 187 Henry II, king of England, 322n14 Henry III, emperor, 78, 163–64, 167; aggressively pursued church reform, 184, 218; appointed Germans to key bishoprics, 187; centralized power, 119; cited the Justinian Codex (1047), 170; established new line of reforming popes, 119–20, 164; intervened in papal government, 165; spent little time in Italy, 120; people: tutored by Aimerico, monk of Ciel d’Oro, 132; Anselmo of Besate rededicates Rhetorimachia to, 128, 151; deposed Widger, archbishop of Ravenna, 163 Henry IV, emperor: appoints bishops without consulting pope, 184; appoints Germans to key bishoprics, 187; installs replacement for Anselmo of Baggio (nephew) as archbishop of Lucca, 204n81; long minority of, 120, 184, 246; maintains contact with excommunicated counselors, 184–85; people: Benzone compares to Scipio, 193; appoints Pietro Cizarella bishop of Padua, 190; Crasso defends legitimacy of, 194; Damiani explains imperial vs. papal power to, 165; grants Dodone, bishop of Asti, the powers of a count, 204; deposes Gotofredo, archbishop of Milan, 189; Gregory VII excommunicates (1076), 183, 185, 216; Henry wages civil war against his son, the future Henry V, 216, 217; promises that he will not replace Matilda of Tuscany without consulting Pisans, 203; Ogerius as chancellor for Italy of, 136; wages civil war against Rudolph of Swabia, 216; appoints Winsico, bishop of Piacenza, 190; places: endows Lucca and Pisa with a degree of self-government (1081), 203–4; captures Mantua, 190; endows Mantua and Modena with a degree of self-government (1091), 203n77; and German bishops, 216–17; — participates in their meeting (1076), 185; reduces patronage to German cathedral schools, 223 Henry V, emperor, 199; accession of (1106), 191; at Concordat of Worms (1122), 218; opposed simony and appointed reforming bishops, 217; resistance to his electing bishops, 218n136; people: as prince, revolts against his father, Henry IV, 216, 217, 219; Irnerio a member of court of, 239; and Pope Pascal II, 217–18; attempts compromise with Paschal II and Matilda of Tuscany, 191; places: pardons Bologna (1115) for revolting against Matilda, 239n33; — grants it communal status (1116), 205; captures Cambrai, ending second commune (1107), 220; reduces patronage to German cathedral schools, 223 Henry, archbishop of Bourges, 321n14 Heraclius, archbishop of Caesarea, 385

heresy, 368n64; as potential byproduct of biblical exegesis, 297; heresy of eternity of the world, 401, 408, 409; — of mortality of the human soul, 409; mendicant orders charged with combating, 403, 405; preaching as weapon against, 334, 418; simony as, 184; people: Berengar of Tours espouses, 276n22; Moneta of Cremona combats, 409; Rolando of Cremona combats, 401, 408. See also Cathars; Manichaeism; Waldensians Heribert of Cologne, 96, 97n99 Herlihy, David, 462n71 Herman the German, 399 Herman, bishop of Metz, 217, 220–21 Herman of Reichnau, 149n137 hermeneutics, 242–43, 428, 436 Hermes (attrib.), De stellis ixis, 398 hermitages: at Camaldoli, 162, 189n18; at Fonte Avellana, 124, 158, 162, 319; at Vallombrosa, 162, 280n48, 319. See also monasteries Heroides, by Ovid, 432n82, 461 Hess, Charles R., 408n105 hierarchy: angelic and social, 468 Hilary of Poitiers, 265n149 Hildebert of Lavardin, bishop of Le Mans, 176n249, 318, 441 Hildebrand of Sovana. See Ildebrando of Sovana and Gregory VII, pope Hildemar of Corbie, 43–44, 45, 48–50, 58 Hildesheim, 76n14, 130 Hinschius, Paul, 34n75 Hippocrates, 309, 397 Hirsau, monks of, 212n111 Historia Datiana, 45n121, 125 Historia de victoria quam Genuenses ex Friderico II retulerunt, by Urso, 484 Historia ecclesiastica et liber modernorum Francorum regum, by Hugh of Fleury, 176n249 Historia ecclesiastica tripartita, by Cassiodorus, 196 Historia ecclesiastica, by Orderic Vitalis, 140n102 Historia Francorum, by Aimoin, 176n249 Historia Frederici I, by Otto and Acerbo Morena and a continuator, 304, 444 Historia Gaufredi Normannorum et comitis Andegavorum, by John of Marmoutier, 322n14 Historia Langobardorum, by Paolo Diacono, 23, 57, 300, 442; continuation, by Andrea presbyter, 46, 90; continuation, by Erchemperto, 57n159 Historia Mediolanensis, by Landolfo junior, 271–73, 443 Historiae Philippicae, by Trogus, 461 Historiae Romanae breviarium, by Eutropius, 22 Historiae Romanae breviarium, by Paolo Diacono, 299–300 Historiae, by Richer, 145 histories, 21, 22–23, 90–92, 120, 130, 140n102, 442–48, 461; chronicles, 137–38, 299, 303–04, 407n100, 409n109, 443–44, 445, 446; — monastic chronicles (11th c.), 442–43; — no monastic chronicles (9th c. or 10th c.), 90–91n74; few composed in regnum, 12, 55, 90–91, 137, 201; communal, 305, 383, 438, 447, 457, 478, 484; — authors of, evinced better training in grammar (after 1230), 447, 484; —growth of readership for (from 1220); laymen as authors of (from mid-12th c.), 291, 305, 446–47, 479; — notaries among, 446–47, 448; municipal, 127–28; places: Ancona, 445; Chiusa di San Michele, 136–37, 443; Cremona, 445; Faenza, 445, 447; Florence, 445, 446; Genoa, 303–4, 443–44, 445, 484; Novalesa, 137–38, 442; Lodi, 304; Milan, 127–28, 271–73; Piacenza, 445; Pisa, 300n39, 443; Padua, 379, 402, 446;Verona, 446; in

579

Index transalpine Europe, 119n7, 129n46; popular in, 96; in German lands, 175. See also under titles of individual works history: ancient Latin, 482; as fund of details, 85n48; emphasized in Ottonian educational program, 76; importance of studying, 340; revival of contemporary interest in ancient literature and, 436; subsumed by grammar, according to Isidore, 28n50 Hoël, bishop of Le Mans, 321 Hofman, Hartmut, 296n15 Hohenstaufens, 417, 418, 459, 482 Holy Cross, hermitage of, at Fonte Avellana, 124, 158, 162, 319 Holy Land, 307–08, 441n5 holy oil, 200 honor. See chivalric ethos Honorius II, antipope (Bishop Cadalo of Parma), 165, 190 Honorius III, pope: a former archdeacon of Bologna, 367; and use of stilus rhetoricus, 415–16; intervened to defend liberty of students, 366–67; works: Cum sepe contingat (bull), 282, 290, 363, 366–67; decretales, 435; Super specula Domini (bull), 270, 284n63 Horace, 30, 95, 127, 154, 193, 196, 198, 300, 392n31, 421n34, 443, 445, 450n23, 466; in BNP Lat. 7990A, 45n119, 48; production of commentaries on, in Francia, 322; works: Ars poetica, 293; Carmina, 154, 293, 445, 460; De arte poetica, 446; Epistulae, 294, 445, 446; Epodes, 293; Odes, 445; people: Pope Gregory VII cites, 186n8; Leo of Vercelli uses, 97n101 hours, canonical, 34–35, 70, 473 Howe, John, 188n14 Hugh of Die, archbishop of Lyon, 210 Hugh of Fleury, 176n249 Hugh of Saint Victor, 250n82, 264n147, 265 Hugh the White, monk of Remiremont, 164 humanism, French 12th-c., 317–47, 441 humanism, Renaissance Italian: and advanced grammar, 467, 470n91; and ars predicandi (15th c. and 16th c.), 420n30; and civic life, 437; and classical Latin poetry, 467; and Italian diference, 1–2, 3–4, 467, 485; and Italianness, 467; and Provençal poetry, 356, 459; arose contemporarily with Italian scholasticism, 410n114; contrasted with French 12th-c. humanism, 317; created by laymen, 472; development of, 470, 485; emergence of lay textual community (13th c.), 484; grammar textbooks, 332; humanist book culture, 437; humanists and their patrons collected manuscripts, 490; an ideology justifying the aspirations of the legal class, 448n13; an ideology opposed to the aristocratic values of the urban ruling class, 448n13; origins, 1–2, 3–4, 10; — Black on, 10, 489; — Lovato founds, 10, 359, 439, 458, 467; Rome as ethical model in, 384, 470–71, 485; places: beginnings in 13th-c. Padua, 359, 381, 467–71, 484, 485; irst circle of scholar– poets in Veneto, 458 Humbert of Moyenmoutier, 164; argued that simony was heresy, 184; made sharp distinction between ancient pagan and Christian Rome, 193n40; people: inluence on Giovanni Gualberti, 187n11; may have met with Arialdo of Milan (1057), 188; works: Libri tres adversus simoniacos of, 164–65, 184 unayn ibn Is āq (Johannitius), 401 Hungarians: attacks by, 47, 54, 69, 72, 73, 101, 111; attacks end, 121; defeated by Otto I at Lechfeld (955), 73 hymnology, 136n82, 175, 277n37 hymns, 157 hyperbaton, manneristic use of, 84n48, 85

Il iore, by Latini, 457n54 Ildebrando of Sovana (later Gregory VII): alone spoke in support of the Vallombrosans (1067), 186–87; diplomatic service of, 181; sympathy for popular protest, 181; people: description of, by Damiani, 165; likely a student of Lorenzo of Amali, 185, 186. See also Gregory VII; Investiture Struggle Ilderico (disciple of Paolo Diacono), 57, 260 Iliad, the (in Latin), 81 imago (grammatical igure), 157n168 Immo, bishop of Arezzo, 131 Immonide, Giovanni, 57 immunity, grants of, 73, 74 Imola, cathedral school in, 132 imperial bishops, 203, 204, 205, 220, 221 imperial constitutions, 194 imperial law, 143–44 imperial letters, 194 imperial vs. papal power, 119–20, 479. See also Investiture Struggle In Catilinam, by Cicero, 257n111 Incipit Quoniam egestas, 251 Incipiunt epistole secundum rectum et naturalem ordinem … non inutiliter composite, prob. by Guido of Bologna, 259n122, 277 Ingelran of Rheims, 176n249 inheritance laws, 166 Inno brebresciano per la battaglia di Palosco, 303n53 Innocent I, pope, 197 Innocent II, pope, 366 Innocent III, pope, 270, 335; decretales of, 434; —, sent to Paris and Bologna, 366n53; letters of, 186, 415–16; permitted a canon to study canon law, 274n23; promoted preaching, 415 degli Innocenti, Antonella, 189n17 inquisitors, 408n102, 409 inscriptions, 25n36, 44, 57, 138, 297–98, 320n11 insomnia, 440 Institutes, the. See under Justinian corpus Institutiones grammaticae, by Priscian. See under Priscian Institutiones, by Quintilian, 154 interest payments, private, 360 international trade, 121, 231 Introductiones dictandi, by Paul of Camaldoli, 388n17 Introductiones dictandi, by Transmundus, 393n35 Introductiones prosaici dictaminis, 258, 259 investiture of bishops, 198, 199, 210, 214 Investiture Struggle, 181–225; and ars dictaminis, 3–4, 477; and bishops: at outset (1075), most in Italy supported emperor, 187–88; — by end (1122), most supported pope, 188; — competing appointments of, 187–91, 476; and canon law, 4, 182, 184, 192–201, 249n75; and cathedral schools, 9, 183, 201, 215, 277, 319, 478, 487; and collegial schools, 277; and communes, 182, 201–07, 291, 476–77; and legal book culture, 181, 191, 192–201, 312; awakened intellectual creativity, 207, 291, 311–12; causes, 184–85; Concordat of Worms assigned powers spiritual and temporal, 218; created new legal concerns, 275n27; did not destroy easy relationship between lay and clergy, 273; disrupted ecclesiastical establishment, 182, 188, 267; — but little in Pisa, 222, 297, 319; efects extend to present day, 183; led to fewer lower clergy, 372; led to separation of canon law from theology, 4, 192; occasioned civil struggles, 117; popular participation in, 117, 181–82, 188–91, 205–06, 208; propaganda in, 182,

580

Index 191–201, 477; — became increasingly legalistic, 193–201; — drew decreasingly on tradition of litterae et mores, 193–201, 295; — imperialist writers, 191–96, 198–99; — propapal writers, 191, 196–98, 199–200, 291–92, 294, 295, 477; redistributed political power, 229; reshaped papacy, 291, 479; revolutionized society in the regnum, 181; places: Arezzo, 205; Asti, 204; Bergamo, 203; Biandrate, 205; Bologna, 190, 204–05, 238–39; Brescia, 190, 205; Como, 205; Florence, 203; Genoa, 191, 203; Lucca, 203, 204, 205n87; Mantua, 190, 203n77; Milan, 203; Modena, 203n77; Padua, 190; Piacenza, 190–91; Pisa, 203, 297; Pistoia, 205; beyond the regnum: 183; Sicily, 215–16; transalpine Europe, 183, 207–21; England, 208–09; Liège, 220n146; Francia: 209–15; did not disrupt cathedral education, 215, 222–23, 319; settled by papal negotiations with bishops and princes, 183, 211, 222; — in south, 210; German lands: 183, 216–21; destructive efects of, 183, 476; populace passive, 221, 476; sparked civil wars, 183; Cambrai, 212, 220; Cologne, 219; Constance, 219; Mainz, 219n142; Metz, 220–21; Speyer, 219. See also Gregory VII; Henry IV; papacy; and under names of individual authors and works Irish scholars, 27, 30, 39n90, 40n92, 45, 45n119, 46, 47, 55n155, 121 Irnerio (jurist in Bologna, 11th c.–12th c.), 338n79, 341n90, 342; father of Roman law, 236, 238; glosses perhaps written by, 240–41; — attributed to, 244n53; likely a lay jurist, 239–40; life, 239; prob. had apprentices, 237; prob. had his own school, 238; prob. not schooled in logic, 239–42; theory of four instruments, 236–37; people: Pepo perhaps the mentor of, 174; poss. inluenced Gerald of Montpellier, 338; said to have turned to law at request of Matilda of Tuscany, 237n27; places: made Bologna the leading center of Roman law in Italy, 174 Isagoge, by unayn ibn Is āq, 401 Isagoge, by Porphyry, 153, 160n181 Isidore of Seville, 293, 393n35, 394; subsumed history to grammar, 28n50; people: as source for Donizone, 294; as source for Guido of Pisa, 299; Paolo Diacono’s annotations on, 57n160; works: Chronica maiora of, 299; Etymologiae of, 134, 241n42 ps.-Isidore, Decretals of, 197 Isolde, 461 Italia medioevale e umanistica, 10 Italian diference, the, 3–4; economics: barbarian invasions (9th c. and 10th c.) did less harm than in transalpine Europe, 72; economy developed precociously, 117–18, 177, 474; Italy well situated for Mediterranean trade, 230–32; politics: bishops as lords of urban areas (by late 10th c.), 74–75; — their political responsibilities distracted them from spiritual activities, 55–56; communes rivaled bishops (from late 11th c.), eroding their power (12th c.), 181–82, 205–07; Investiture Struggle inculcated a sense of agency in towndwelling laypeople, 181–82, 187–91, 205; no Peace of God or Truce of God movements (11th c.) to spur reform, 211; princely rulers few, and after Peace of Constance (1183) lost power to communes, 234; papal reformers fully victorious in regnum, 224–25, 479; traditional book culture: anti-intellectualism in, 158–60, 176, 182; clerics held localist perspectives, 312, 436; dedicated to preserving old works, not creating new ones, 56, 116, 175–76, 301, 311, 381, 474; dialectic became important only late (13th c.), 159, 230, 262–63, 402–06, 483; monasteries and cathedrals sustained a weak intellectual tradition, 11, 47, 55–57, 311, 381, 473–74; — modest intellectual activity (12th c.) subsided (13th

c.), 136–39; no clerical textual community (before mid-13th c.), 312, 319, 436, 478–79; — clergy developed sense of cohesiveness (after 1250), 113–14, 483; patronage meager for literary and scholarly production (9th c.–12th c.), 54–55, 116, 175, 176, 301, 311–12, 347, 473, 474, 478–79; produced little (9th c.–13th c.), 9–13, 53–56, 116, 175, 225, 311, 436, 472; theology became important only late (after 1250), 410, 482–83; — held little interest (9th c.–12th c.), 266, 313; — mendicants responsible for sowing new interest (13th c.), 371, 436; documentary culture: ars notarie develops, 173–74, 236–37; ars dictaminis invented, 252–59; clergy not a caste, 56, 113, 474–75, 483; documentary culture almost fully lay (by 1000), 104–13, 115; episcopal government relies on local lay notaries (by 10th c.), 107; few episcopal chanceries, 12, 104–07, 475; institution of notariate blocked clericalization of intellectual life (from 9th c.), 71–72; legal book culture: Investiture Struggle nourished a legal–rhetorical mentality, while weakening cathedral education and its curriculum, 207, 215, 221–23, 312, 319; law and practical rhetoric the only ields of vigorous scholarly composition (12th c.), 311; canon law systematized (“Graziano’s” Decretum), 247–51; Roman law studied (from 11th c.), 169–72; emergence of a novel intellectual culture: education commercialized (from 12th c.), 281, 289–90, 478; education in grammar facilitated by Janua, 260–61; grammarians inluenced by French theory remain practical in outlook (13th c.), 413–14; horizons expand (13th c.), to include speculative grammar, theology, and natural philosophy, 402; lay– clerical textual communities emerge for ars dictaminis, canon law, and Roman law (12th c.), 261n132, 312, 474; a lay–clerical textual community emerges for literature (13th c.), 382; lay literacy expands beyond notariate (12th c.), even in countryside, 284–89, 351, 362; lay society accords education increasing respect (from late 12th c.), 362, 480–81; laymen as well as clerics produce what poetry, history, theology, and translation there is (12th c.), 239–40, 291, 300–02, 304–5, 309–13; laymen come to dominate secondary education and the studia (by 13th c.), 284–90, 351, 371, 373–81; spread of education in grammar leads to emergence of a lay community of writers and readers (by early 13th c.), 371–72, 382, 481; vernacular translations from Latin are closer to originals than in Francia, putting classical outlook in easier reach, 455; written texts of Provençal literature become popular (from late 12th c.), promoting literacy, 356–58; Italian humanism begins (after 1250), 3, 467, 485 Italian vernaculars: translation into, from Latin, 456, 467, 485; literature written in, 455 Italianisms, 304 Italianness, 467 Italians as enemies of poetry, 336n69 Italy, southern. See southern Italy Iuris civilis instrumentum, by Anselmo of Orto, 341n92 Ivo of Chartres, 209n99, 242n49, 246n66, 247, 249–50 Ivrea: bishops of, 39, 136; cathedral library in, 135; cathedral school in, 135–36; no cathedral school in, 40 Jacopo (Bolognese jurist), 238. See also “Four Doctors,” the Jacopo of Porta Ravegnana, 238, 427 Jacopo of Mandria, 279, 369 Jacopo of Venice, 310n87; 397–98 Jaeger, C. Stephen, 26n41, 75nn11–12, 76n17 James of Dinant, 378, 423n46, 483 Janua, 260–61, 266, 289, 324, 390, 436

581

Index Jerome, Saint, 95, 125, 194, 196, 310 Jews: as translators in Toledo, 398; debates over religion with, 18n1; — portrayed, 92 Job, 401 Johannitius ( unayn ibn Is āq), 401 Joël d’Antins, abbot of Saint Pierre de la Couture, in Le Mans, 321 John of Garland, 331, 334 John of La Rochelle, 420 John of Marmoutier, 322n14 John of Montreuil, 490n10 John of Orléans, 321, 386 John of Saint Égide, 408 John of Salisbury, 262, 318, 333, 385, 387n14; Metalogicon of, 262n138 John of Wales, 434 John Scotus, abbot of St. Stephen of Vercelli, 48n134 John the German, 252, 436 John II, Eastern emperor, 301 John XII, pope, deposed by Emperor Otto I (963), 91, 120, 442 Jones, Philip, 74n6, 117n1, 201n67, 203n71 Jordan of Saxony, 407 judex, as designation for a nobleman, 290 judges, 361, 462; as authors of histories, 445, 447; local, 104n126; political instability in Veneto led to opportunities for advancement for (13th c.), 462; royal, 64–65, 101–02, 104, 140–41; — local, 168, 474. See also judices et notarii sacri palatii judices et notarii sacri palatii, 46, 65–66, 102, 107n137, 111n158, 112, 116, 256, 287, 288, 379, 475; became more cohesive over time, 65–66; created Liber legis Longobardorum, 168–69; deined, 65; in Pavia, presumably all laymen, 65; increasingly went on judicial rounds beyond Pavia (beginning 10th c.), 168; likely had legal training (9th c.), 65; primarily interpreted Lombard law (until 11th c.), 168; titles adopted beyond Pavia (from 10th c.), 65–66; — some beyond Pavia may have been clerics, 65; places: in Milan, 112n164. See also judges: royal; notaries: royal juramentum commune, 202 jurisprudence, renaissance of (11th c.), 168 justice: and canon law, 250; — joined with Roman law, 244; communal ideal of, 202, 207, 448, 452, 484; divine, 91, 196; human, 91; in commercial proit, 455; personiied, 448, 456; republican ideal of, 454 Justinian, 24, 155 Justinian corpus, 7, 104, 155, 238, 245, 340, 433, 475; the basis of the legal book culture (11th c.), 69, 113, 472; development of summae treating, 425; epitomized (9th c.), 66–67; glosses on, 240; hermeneutical enterprise to recover original text of, 428; interpretation of, 242–44; modern French grammar aided Roman lawyers in understanding, 482; philological study and emendation of (11th c.), 172–73; revival of study of (11th c.), 71; specialized language of, 178; people: Azzo on, 397, 430; Pietro Crasso’s knowledge of, 195n49; Stephen of Tournai’s references to, 343; Walcausio cites, 170; places: early citations came from Pavia, 169–70; mistakenly supposed to have passed from Ravenna to Bologna (end of 11th c.), 194; in Francia: eforts to systematize understanding of (12th c.), 339; reception of, 336; books: Code, 169n223, 170, 171, 172, 194, 240, 245n58, 246, 337n75, 338n77, 339, 341, 364, 365n51, 426, 427, 430, 431, 433, 482; Digest, 169n223, 170, 171, 172, 235, 236n22, 240, 242–43, 245n58, 246, 426; — translation of, by Burgundio of

Pisa, 309; Digestum novum, 337n75; Digestum vetus, 337n75; Epitome Juliani, 155n164, 337n75; Infortiatum (bks. 10–12 of the Code), 337n75; Institutes, 169n223, 172, 194, 240, 245n58, 246, 337n75, 370n79, 426, 430; — earliest MS., 169–70; Novellae, 170, 246 Justinus, Marcus Junianus, 83n46, 461 Juvenal, 48, 81, 90, 95, 135, 154, 322, 421n34, 432n82, 441; in BNP, Lat. 7990A, 45n119; read by poet–monk who may have been Hildemar, 48n132 Kahn, Jean-Claude, 320n10 Kantorowicz, Hermann, 172, 235n22, 244n57, 245n59, 338n78, 340n89, 341n94, 342nn96&98, 345n114, 432n82 Keller, Hagen, 74n6 Kennelly, Dolores, 215n125 Kenney, James F., 45n119 Kibre, Pearl, 365n52 al-Kindī,Yaʿqūb ibn Is āq, 398 kingship, sacral, 208n95, 217 kiss of peace, 33 Kitāb al-Malikī, by ʿAlī ibn ʿAbbās al-Majūsī, 309 Kitāb iḥṣāʾ al-ʿulūm (Liber de scientiis), by al-Fārābī, 329n43 Klaes, Monika, 253n91 Klapisch-Zuber, Christiane, 462n71 Kneepkens, Corneille H., 328n37, 390n27, 391n29, 392n32 Koder, Johannes, 89n69 Kristeller, Paul O., 410n114 Kuttner, Stephan, 169n223, 243n50, 247n69, 249n75, 344n109, 346n114 La Rocca, Cristina, 43n107 lais, 346 Lambertazzi family, 469 Lamberto, bishop of Bologna, 133–34 Lamentum refugae cuiusdam, 44, 47 Landes, Richard, 78n26 land: buying and selling of (11th c.), 177; leases, 360; prices (late 10th c. and 11th c.), 118 landholding: allodial, 117–18; by magnates, 462; consolidation of, 118, 167, 474; direct cultivation by landowners, 231–32; increasing complexity of, 267; urban landowners, 117–18; tenant farmers, 232 Landolfo junior (d. ca. 1137), 110, 222, 263–64, 271–73, 443 Landolfo senior (d. ca. 1100), 109, 110n153, 121, 125, 126, 271; Mediolanensis historia of, 128, 443 Landolfo, bishop of Pisa, 297n23 Lanfranchino of Rodengo, 449 Lanfranco of Bec, 116, 139–45, 146–47, 263; and dialectic, 139–40, 144–45, 148–49; and rhetoric, 144–45; biblical commentaries of, 295n12; glosses on Paul’s epistles, 149; legal glosses of, likely the son of a judex sacri palatii, 140; may have written a commentary on Priscian, 144n118; revived study of liberal arts and dialectic in Francia, 139–40; teaching methodology of, 150; people: no proof that he taught Anselmo of Baggio (nephew), 197; a student of Berengar of Tours, 147; — debated him, 147; vs. Boniglio (Pavian jurist), 142–44; places: in Pavia, 131, 142; beyond the regnum: archbishop of Canterbury, 140, 208; in Francia, 145, 150; works: Liber de corpore et sanguine domini, 147 Lanfranco, architect of the Cathedral of Modena, 307 Langton, Stephen, 335 Laon: Abbey of Saint Martin in, 386; advanced study in (12th c.), 272; cathedral school in, 56, 220n146; commune in, 214–15; study of theology in, 264; — and biblical exegesis, 263

582

Index Lapo of Florence, 406 Larainzar, Carlos, 248n72 Lateran Councils. See under councils of the Church Lateran Palace: papal school at, 185; schola cantorum of, 57 Latin: as vernacular, 7, 50, 59, 259; classicizing, See classicism; Greek neologisms in, 294; Italianisms in, 304, 308–09 Latin literacy, 6, 7, 358, 359; and cathedral schools, 473; children instructed in writing, 50; growth of (from late 12th c.), 487; increasing demand for (13th c.), 267; practical, 51–53, 71, 261, 312, 360n36, 474–75; — documentary, 25, 25–26n39; — ability to sign name seemingly unrelated to oice or function (8th c.), 52n145; — enhanced because vernacular was still a form of Latin, 7, 50, 59; — learned as part of liturgical training, 36; — left little room for study of ancient authors, 477; — only basic level required by culture of the document, 253, 472; — rose quickly in 12th c., 301; of clerics, 312; of laymen, 312, 481; rural, 285; religious reform awakened interest in (12th c.), 253; under Carolingians, 473; under Lombards, 60n173; — nil among invading Lombards themselves, 25; writing became an outlet for the public expression of ideas and feelings (late 12th c.–early 13th c.), 381; people: Charlemagne’s, 52n146; Matilda of Tuscany’s, 292; places: in Asti region (9th c.–10th c.), 53n148; in Italian cities, 447; beyond the regnum: in Francia: low, 346; a near-monopoly of clerics, 319. See also calligraphy; handwriting; scripts Latin literature. See ancient Christian authors, Latin; ancient pagan authors, Latin; poetry; prose; classicism; grammar: advanced; grammar: and literature; as well as under individual authors and works; compare Greek literature (in Latin translation); vernacular literature Latini, Brunetto, 417, 438, 448n13, 455–57; as letter-writer for Florence, 417; held that rhetoric could change the moral character of community, 456; inluence of ancient Roman authorities on, 470–71; likened commune to Roman republic, 455, 466, 485; on service to the republic, 454; on virtues of a citizen, 456; wrote in vernacular, 485; people: lauds Cicero as the model citizen, 485; translates Cicero into Tuscan, 455, 485; works: Il iore, 457n54; Tesoretto, 456–57; Tresor, 455n47 laudes urbium tradition. See civic panegyric laurel crown, 463 law, 481; and dialectic, 143, 144–45; and grammar, 345n113; Carolingian, written corpus of, 103–04; contracts, 236–37, 278–79, 280–81; customary, 25, 71, 143–44, 244; feudal, 244, 245, 267, 339; Frankish, 104; imperial, 143–44; Lombard, 46, 65, 102, 104, 116, 131, 140, 142, 168, 170–71, 235, 236, 244–45, 473, 475; — Bolognese jurists showed no interest in, 244n53; — customary, 25, 71; — inadequate in situations arising from commercial revolution (11th c.), 169; — lapse in study of (late 11th c. to mid-12th c.), 173; — written corpus of, 25, 67, 103–04; personiied, 341; poss. formal teaching of (9th c.), 64n189; practitioner– teachers of, 178; universities and, 488; secular, 270; terminology for designating legal professionals, 168. See also law, canon; law, Roman; lawyers; litigation law, canon, 117, 126, 130, 246–52, 263, 291, 343–46, 383, 410; and development of legal book culture, 229, 266; and dialectic, 8, 250, 262, 336; and election of bishops, 87–88; 190, 211, 217, 218n136; and grammar, 374, 391; — advanced grammar not a prerequisite, 487; and judicial oratory, 420–21n32; and rhetoric, 8, 167, 312, 420–21n32; and Roman law, 8, 194, 243n52, 244, 252, 267, 339, 345, 373; and the papal curia, 479; and theology, 192, 246, 248–49,

583

250, 252, 265–66, 433–34; as career path, 479; as focus of intellectual endeavor for clergy in regnum, 225, 309, 479; — among papal propagandists during Investiture Struggle, 182, 184, 246–47, 477; as unitary complex of juridical norms for the Church, 250; a canon (1079) enjoining bishops to promote education, 269n1; a canon (1179) stipulating that knowledgeable men need not pay for the right to teach, 282; a canon (1215) requiring bishops to provide preachers, 335; causae (legal situations), 248; courts of, 420–21n32; degrees in, 283, 364; expanded concept of the spiritual sphere (from 12th c.), 252; hermeneutical methodology in, 247; in early Middle Ages, 67n202; Investiture Struggle led to emergence as discipline, 3–4, 6; judicial procedures, 433; on degrees of consanguinity restricting marriage, 80, 166; on whether subdeacons belonged to higher clergy, 51n143; papacy asserts control over study and teaching of, 366n55, 434–36; papal decretals, 433–36, 482; papal pronouncements integrated into (from late 12th c.), 433–35; papal propagandists’ views become canonical, 192, 195–96; practitioners constituted a new social elite, 266; regnum exports innovative approaches to Francia (before late 12th c.), 317; related to sacramental theology (12th c.), 250n83; rubrics used in, 434; sanctions against sexual sins of the clergy, 164; societates of students in, 365; summae in, 436, 482; supported orthodoxy, 297; taught by clerics (with few exceptions), 6, 373, 410, 478, 483; taught in cathedral schools, 7, 192, 235, 268, 274, 280, 281, 283, 478; — in collegiate churches, 268; — privately, 6, 201, 235, 268, 280–81, 478; — privately by contract, 281; teachers of, 429n69; people and works: Alan of Wales collects papal decretals, 434; Alberic (logician, 12th c.) may have studied, 385; Atto’s knowledge of, 85; — his position on election of bishops, 87–88; Blund a canonist, 385; Burgundio of Pisa a practitioner, 309; Cardinalis (canonist), identiied with Raymond des Arènes, 337n75; Chrodegang on, 32; Crasso invokes, in defense of Henry IV, 194n47; Damiani’s use of, 164, 166–67; Gilbert (canonist, 13th c.) collects papal decretals, 434; Giovanni of Faenza’s knowledge of, 251; Gervase of Tilbury taught, 384; according to remark of Rolando (canonist and theologian), Graziano may have taught privately, 280–81; Gunzo’s knowledge of, 80; Humbert of Moyenmoutier demanded that bishops be appointed in accordance with, 184; Innocent III intervenes in teaching of, 366; Isidore’s letters, 196; Jerome’s letters, 196; John of Wales collects papal decretals, 434; John the German’s commentary on Graziano, 252, 436; Oddone, a canon lawyer who taught grammar, 374; Ofreducci taught privately in Padua, 280; Gregory IX asserts papal control over teaching of at Bologna, 435; Omnebene of Verona as canonist, 265n152; Pepo may have had knowledge of, 236; Pietro of Benevento collects papal decretals, 434; Rather’s knowledge of, 86n53; Raymond of Arènes as canonist, 337n75, 343; Robert of Lincoln perhaps studied, 385; Rolando (canonist and theologian), 251, 263, 280–81; Rolando of Cremona may have taught, 407; Stephen of Tournai’s knowledge of, 251; — his legal education, 384; Uguccio, greatest of the decretists, 252; — he also prob. taught grammar, 374, 391–92; places: Bologna, 235, 251, 259, 261n132, 266, 280, 344, 345–46, 363–64, 367, 371n79, 374, 384–85, 407, 411, 435, 467, 482; court of Matilda of Tuscany at Mantua, 295; Padua, 380, 484; beyond the regnum: in transalpine Europe, 201, 317; in Francia, 339, 343, 344–46, 384, 435; Decretum of “Graziano” imported into, 343; — irst

Index appeared in Provence, 336, 343; in Provence, canonists prepared general treatises on the law, 344; in Paris, 426, 429; in German lands: southern, 343–44, 345; Mainz, 426 law, Roman, 169–73, 236–46; and allegory, 341; and ancient pagan authors, 414, 429, 432, 436, 482; and ars dictaminis, 7, 266; and ars notarie, 371n79, 378, 425, 477; and canon law, 8, 244, 246n67, 248, 250, 251, 252, 266, 267, 345, 364n45, 371n79, 373n86, 426, 434; and cathedral schools, 168, 279n42, 475; and communes, 207, 246, 354, 424, 453; and contracts, 236–37; and customary law, 244; and dialectic, 7, 8, 241–42, 251, 262, 402–03, 426–27, 428, 483; and documentary culture, 6; and donations, 236; and feudal law, 244, 245–46, 267; and “four instruments,” 236–37; and French legal tradition, 425–33; and grammar, 7, 266, 427–28; — advanced grammar not a prerequisite, 340; — and modernist speculative French grammar, 389–90, 392n32, 397, 411, 428–33, 436, 482; and innovations in notarial forms, 173; and intellectual life, 3, 117; and legal book culture, 6–7, 71, 117, 229; and legal–rhetorical culture, 201, 266; and Lombard law, 25, 66, 171, 244–45, 475; and mortgages, 236–37; and notaries, 173n242, 236–37, 371n79, 424; and philology, 171–73, 238, 427, 428, 431, 475, 482; and poetry, 342, 429–30, 432, 436; and rhetoric, 7, 168, 251, 378; and testaments, 236, 431, 432; and the studia, 8n11, 365, 484; and theology, 239–40; as one law alongside feudal, canon, and regional law, 339; as overarching structure for all human law, 168, 169, 246, 475; clerics as students of, 343; — restricted from studying or practicing, 270–71; — said to discourse on, 167; commentaries on, 240–41, 244n53, 291, 312, 339, 341–42, 363, 397, 427, 431–32, 436, 487; — customary, 25, 71, 235; degrees in, 283, 364, 370; — utriusque legis, 373n86; economic development created new needs for (from 11th c.), 169, 173, 207, 267, 475; exported to Francia (before late 12th c.), 317; Justinian corpus is recovered, 169–73; laymen accounted for almost all the teachers of (11th c.), 7, 168, 371, 478; laymen and only laymen taught (from 1100), 3, 268, 288, 373, 483; laymen who taught were usually practicing lawyers, 6, 168, 268, 475; lexicons of, 340; manuals of, 291, 312, 337–39, 341; masters of, seldom displayed their classical learning, 432n82; on consanguinity, 166; principle of equity in, 243–44, 339; privately taught, 6, 7, 201, 237–39, 267, 268, 278–79, 280n49, 378, 475; procedure, 236n22; provided a template for ordering society, 246; reasoning emphasized over memory, in teaching of (late 12th c.), 426; schools of, 237–38; societates of students in, 279; summae in, 337, 425–27, 430, 435–36, 482; terminology for designating jurists, 168n219, 337; treatises on, 312; under Carolingians, 66–68; under Lombards, 66; under Ostrogoths, 24; under Ottonians, 131, 267; under Salians, 115, 246; under Hohenstaufens, 207, 233, 361, 363; people: Azzo resists inroads of grammarians on, 429–32; —considers poetry of scant use in, 430; Baziano studied Roman law and then canon law, 373n86; Bernardo of Pavia incorporated a few texts from, into his Breviarium extravagantium, 434; Boattieri taught, 378; Boncompagno on impostures of grammarians concerning, 389–90, 432–33; Boniglio drew concepts from, 142; Crasso invokes in defense of Henry IV, 194, 195n49; Damiani used terms and similes from, 166; — claims that it preoccupies clerics, 167; Frederick I’s program for the regnum and, 233; “Graziano” (author of Decretum) and, 248, 250, 251, 345; Lovato as student of, according to Petrarch, 466; Placentino resists inroads of grammarians on, 428–29;

Sicardo of Cremona’s Summa inluences pedagogy in Bologna of, 426; Stephen of Tournai studied, 343, 384; Uguccio in dialogue with practitioners of, 252; Pepo’s knowledge of, 235–36; Sichelmo’s knowledge of, 129, 168; Walcausio on, 170–71; places: source of arguments in Arezzo–Siena boundary dispute, 285n68; in Bologna, 172, 173–74, 235–36, 237–43, 250, 259, 278n40, 280n49, 343, 345, 392n3, 411, 427, 467, 468; — and dialectic, 483; — and grammar, 425–33; — consortium of professors in, 363–64; — faculty of law in (1221), 364; — lawyers of, oppose formation of universitas scholarium, 365–66; — licentiae granted in, 367; —private teaching of, 378; — societates of students in, 279; — students from transalpine Europe in, 384; — studium and, 365; in Mantua, 342; in Modena, 243, 245, 279, 288, 289, 426; in Padua, 280, 380, 484; in Pavia, 104, 115, 116, 169n223, 170, 242–43, 278–79, 475; in Piacenza, 243, 245; in Pisa, 243, 337; in Ravenna, 278–79, 475; — no school in, before Bologna’s, 44, 194; in Reggio, 129, 168, 279, 369; beyond the regnum: in transalpine Europe, 6n8; 283; in Francia, 336–44; and philology, 427; summae for, 338–39, 425–26; ancient pagan authors formed part of jurists’ education, 340; and canon law, 345–46; and grammar, 337, 428–29; clerics practiced, 370; — studied, 336–37; — taught, 3, 6n8; in northern Francia, 343–44; — and canon law, 345; in Provence, 336; — and grammar, 344; in the Rhône valley, 336; — in the Arles–Saint Gilles region, 337n77, 338, 339, 343; — in the Valence–Die region, 243, 337, 338, 343; in Montpellier, 243, 337–38n77, 342; in Paris, 429n69; — included in classes in canon law and theology; in southern Germany, 343–44, 345. See also “Four Doctors”; Justinian corpus; law; lawyers; compare law, canon; as well as individual authors and works lawyers, 448n13; and lay book culture, 384; as bureaucrats of communes, 354; called upon to deine novel legal relationships by means of statutes and legal documents (12th c.), 207; help of, for resolving conlicts, 457n53; likely responsible for new notarial forms (11th c.), 174n244; a professional class from which communal leaders were chosen, 453; ran private law schools (from 13th c.), 267, 268, 275n27; places: trained in Bologna and taught elsewhere (12th c.), 367. See also “Four Doctors”; law; —, canon; —, Roman; litigation laymen: and ars dictaminis, 7, 229, 255, 259, 267, 312, 377, 380, 393, 478; and ars notarie, 371, 378, 483; and canon law, 280, 373, 484; and cathedral schools, 46, 50, 269, 301, 481; and civic morality, 454–55, 456–57, 484–85; and civic patriotism, 183, 300–02, 304–05, 312, 447, 479; and civic politics, 191, 464–65, 476; and communes, 181, 203, 204–05, 215n125, 447, 476–77, 484; and parish schools, 50; and grammar, 46, 116, 122, 132n61, 268, 286–90, 309–11, 362, 371–72, 373, 374, 375, 376–81, 382, 383, 392–93, 438, 467, 481, 483–84; and intellectual life, 1, 2–3, 8n9, 69, 71–72, 181, 183, 313, 381–82, 479, 484–85; — dominate in regnum (by mid-13th c.), 12, 472; and investiture, 87, 184, 476, 477; and Italian humanism, 3, 313, 384, 437; and law, 166–67, 168; and pagan authors of ancient Rome, 383, 384, 463, 466–67, 484–85, 487, 491; and parish schools, 50; and private teaching, 7, 8, 49, 50, 168, 222, 229, 267, 268, 280n49, 286–90, 362, 371, 376–80, 475, 478; and republicanism, 438, 450, 454, 455, 467, 469, 484–85; and rhetoric, 167, 168, 371, 373, 374, 375, 376, 377–81, 393, 483–84; and Roman law, 3, 117, 229, 270, 280n49, 286, 288, 312, 371, 373, 378, 483, 484; — private teaching of, 7, 268, 475, 478; and theology (12th c.), 239n35, 240; and origin of universities, 8–9; as a new reading public, 382, 487; as

584

Index audience for sermons, 404; as audience for textbooks in ars arengandi, 421; as authors of a new Latin literature (13th c.), 382, 484; as authors of histories, 303–05, 383, 444, 445, 446, 484; as civic oicials, 182, 380; as historians, 291, 300–02, 303–05, 309, 313, 479; as judices et notarii sacri palatii of Pavia (9th c.), 46, 65–66, 69, 70, 104, 475; as legal advocates, 285–86n68; as landholders, 118, 119, 167; as new community of readers, 351–52, 447, 481, 487; as notaries, 4–5, 6n8, 25, 46, 60, 63, 65–66, 68, 69, 70, 71–72, 101–15, 141, 273n18, 362, 372, 377, 379–80, 384, 437, 446–47, 474–75, 484; — local, 101–03, 107, 112–13, 114, 115; as patrons, 139; as poets, 276, 300–02, 304–05, 313, 382, 383, 438, 439, 457, 484; as promoters of humanism, 437; as professors in studia, 375–76, 377–78, 379–81, 392–93, 483; as sons of clerics, 372–73; as students, 281, 283; as theologians, 291; as translators, 291, 309–11, 313, 479; attended mendicant orders’ classes in natural science and theology, 409–10, 482–83; confraternities of, 451n24; could become clerics, 5; did not generally compete with clerics, 5–6, 50, 70, 273; — cooperated with them to administer the diocese, 104–07, 177, 182, 475, 483; distinguished from clerics, 5, 24, 50–51; — distinction less important in regnum than elsewhere, 312; — division deepens (13th c.), 477, 483; education of, 24, 50, 51, 286, 383; — in ecclesiastical schools, 475; — intermediate, 382; held power in the communes, 182–83; illiteracy among, 59; in documentary culture, 4–5, 50, 69, 113, 115; in education, played increasingly dominant role (12th c.–13th c.), 351, 362, 410, 483; in legal book culture, 117, 229, 475; in traditional book culture, 6, 291, 300–02, 304–05, 309–13, 371–81; literacy among, 253, 267, 290, 291, 351, 371, 473, 481, 487; — and Provençal literature, 358, 382; — in countryside, 284–86; — practical (9th c.–10th c.), 51–52, 71–72; litigiousness of upper classes, 167; monasteries repurchase land from, 118; new opportunites for, prob. discouraged ecclesiastical recruitment (from 12th c.), 207; no evidence of degrees being granted to (12th c.), 283; nobles, 74, 75n10, 176, 177, 217, 381; under Carolingians, 25, 46, 48, 49, 50–52, 59, 60, 63, 65–66, 68, 69, 70; — under Lombards, 65n195; — Ostrogoths, 24; — Ottonians, 71–72, 74, 75n10, 87, 101–15; people: Damiani as, 122–24, 166–67; Olrico of Milan as, 272; places: as teachers in Padua, 373, 375, 379–81, 483; — in Bologna, 373–74, 377, 380, 483; in Francia: and investiture, 210; as princes, 100; as notaries, disappear (late 9th c. to 12th c.), 104; in German lands, and investiture, 217; and papal reform, 219. See also Albertano; Boncompagno; Latini; laypeople; legal book culture; Lovato; Mussato; popular violence laypeople: and communes, 181; as saints, 306, 307–09, 479; attended lectures in philosophy and theology taught by mendicant orders, 370n80; and translation of body of Saint Gimigniano, 306–07; piety of (12th c.), 223–24; Investiture Struggle inculcated a sense of agency in towndwellers, 181–82, 187–91, 205; people: Mezzabarba’s deposition sought by, 187; places: and cathedral in Milan, 126; beyond the regnum: in Francia: as patrons of rolls of the dead, 320, 321; mobilized by Peace of God movement, 230; in German lands: and communes, 220n146, 221; not mobilized by any peace movement, 219. See also laymen Le Mans, 210, 214, 321 leases, 118n4, 288n77, 360 leather production, 231 Lechfeld, 73 Leclercq, Jean, 134n75

Lectura in Codicum, by Azzo, 430, 431 Lefranc, Abel, 215n124 legal book culture, 6, 7, 181, 472; and Justinian corpus, 69, 113; and traditional book culture, 223, 312, 313; assigned a modest role to grammar, 333; development of, 6, 116, 166–74, 225, 311; — spurred by increasing complexity of the regnum’s economy, 177; dominated Italian intellectual life (12th c.–13th c.), 229; drew clerics and laymen, 229; — dominated by laymen, 475; employed a spare, practical rhetoric, 181; — cited pagan authors seldom, 312; — not concerned with classical literary forms, 301; evolved into a culture with broader intellectual interests, 383; Investiture Struggle focused and shaped, 181; promised to help bring order to civil society, 117; people: Irnerio as member of, 239–40. See also documentary culture; legal–rhetorical culture; compare humanism, Italian Renaissance; traditional book culture legal–rhetorical culture, 384, 386, 410, 428, 436–37; and clergy, 181, 429–30; hold on intellectual life tempered by development of other disciplines (1180–1250), 436; product of Roman law, canon law, ars dictaminis, and ars notarie, 477; had little time for study of ancient authors, whether pagan or Christian, 478; mentality, 178, 179, 201, 222, 225, 229, 266, 290, 295, 312, 313, 380, 399, 414, 477 legal wisdom: moral obligation to impart, 453 legend: Arthurian, 346, 354; Celtic, 346 Legnano, battle of (1176), 234, 305 Lehmgrübner, Hugo, 193n41 Leicht, Pier S., 173n243 Leiden anonymous (grammarian, 12th c.), 329n40 Lent, 308 Leo, bishop of Vercelli, 96–100; appointment as bishop, 96n98; — as logotheta, 96–97n98; asserted that emperor controlled Church, 98; believed in divine ordination of emperors, 98; criticized for involvement in secular politics, 99; denounces Donation of Constantine as forgery, 98; interest in pagan authors, 99–100; links Ottonians to emperors of ancient Rome, 98; nationality of, 96n97; secular orientation of, 99–100; people: and Conrad II, 97; and Henry II, 97, 98, 99; knowledge of Horace, 97n100; and Otto III, 96–97, 98, 99; places: may have had family ties to Germany, 97; works: Metrum leonis of, 97, 273n19; Versus de Gregorio papa et Ottone augusto of, 97; Versus de Ottone et Heinrico of, 97–98; Leo IX, pope, 120n9, 164, 221 Leo X, pope, 165 Leodoin, bishop of Modena, 50 Leonardi, Claudio, 43n108 leonine prose, 127 leonine verse, 135, 152 letter writing (pre-dictamen); ancient view on, 253–54n93, 254; and diplomacy, 254, 417; by clerics, 63; under Carolingians, 7, 20–22, 29–30; under Lombards, 25; people: Alberico of Montecassino views as part of rhetoric, 255; John of Salisbury practiced older style of, 333; Julius Victor on litterae familiares vs. litterae negotiales, 253n93; Peter of Blois practiced older style of, 333. See also ars dictaminis; letters letters, 44, 277–78, 417; apocryphal, 450n23; Benonis aliorumque cardinalium scripta consists of, 198; by clergy of Cambrai to those of Rheims, 213n115; collections of, 131n56, 259n122, 277, 416–17, 423; imperial, 194, 417; included in Gratian I, 238n28; intended to be read aloud, 95–96, 254; model, See ars dictaminis: use of models; papal, 194, 415, 416–17, 423; poems as, 320n11; personal, 254;

585

Index Rhetorimachia written as a, 151; people: by Adalberto, 280; by Aganone to Ramperto, 46; by Alcuin to Paolino, 20n16; by Alighieri, 417; by Anselmo of Besate to Drogo of Parma (epistle dedicatory), 124, 151; by Atto (epistle introductory), 84; by Baudry of Bourgueil, 320n11; by Beno, 198; by Berengar of Tours, to Lanfranco of Bec, 147; by Bernard of Clairvaux, to Gilduin of Saint Victor, 265; by Boncompagno, under a nom de plume, 388; by Charlemagne to Pietro of Pisa, 20; by Damiani, 122, 133n64, 141, 155–56, 158n172, 159n180, 166; — to Desiderio of Montecassino, 159; by Drogo of Parma, 123n22, 151; to Frederick I, 263; by Gautbert (epistle dedicatory), 78n20; by Geofrey of Lincoln, 385n10; by Gerbert of Aurillac, 79; by Gregory VII, 185–86, 213n117, 415; — to Henry IV, 185; by Wido of Ferrara, 131; by Gunzo, to monks of Saint Gall, 77, 93–96; by Gunzo of Novara, to Atto, 77n21, 80; by Hildemar, to Orso, 48; by Honorius III, 415; — to Frederick II, 416; by Horace, 294, 466; by Hugh of Saint Victor, 265; by Innocent III, 186; by Isidore, 196; by Jerome, 196, 310; by Lanfranco of Bec, 143n112; — to Alexander II, 150n141; by Landolfo junior, 110; by Leo of Vercelli, 97; by Lovato, 458–62, 466; —to Mussato, 464; by Lucius III, to Leo Eteriano, 310n87; by Marbod to Robert of Arbrissel, 213; by Mussato, 463–64; by Nicholas II to Lanfranco of Bec, 150n141; by Otto III, 96n98; by Ovid, 466; by Paolino, 20n16; by Paolo Diacono, 22; by Paciico, to Hildemar, 43–44; — response by Vitale, 44, 48; by di Rienzo, 417; by Saint Paul, See under Bible; by Peter of Blois, 254n95; by Pietro of Pisa on behalf of Charlemagne, 22; by Rather, 80–81; to Robert of Lincoln, 385; by Rotilando, 152; by Seneca, 450n23; by and to Stephen of Tournai, 384n2, 386; by Urban II to clergy and people of Bologna, 204–5n83; by della Vigna, 415n11; by Winizio, 136n84. See also ars dictaminis; letter writing (pre-dictamen) Leutgard of Corbie, 48 Lex Romana canonice compta, 67, 170 lexicography, 132, 394, 427 Lexicon prosodiacum, by Lorenzo of Amali, 185n7 lexicons, 83n46, 139n62, 185n7, 330, 335, 340, 394, 433 Leyser, Karl, 89n66, 92n82 Libelli de lite, 191, 294 Libellus contra invasores et simoniacos et reliquos schismaticos, by Deusdedit, 192, 198 Libellus de arte dictandi, 333 Libellus de propositionibus et syllogismis hypotheticis, by Abbo of Fleury, 145n122 Libellus de symoniacis, by Bruno of Segni, 192–93, 199 Libellus de verbis legalibus, byAubert of Béziers, 340 Libellus disputatorius, by Pillio, 426 Libellus theoposeos, by Deusdedit, 198n60 Libellus tristitiae et doloris, by Codagnello, 445 Liber ad amicum, by Bonizone of Sutri, 188n16, 192, 196–97, 292 Liber ad Henricum IV, by Benzone, 183n1, 192, 193, 195, 200 Liber Alberici, by Alberico da Romano, 356 Liber amicitiae, by Boncompagno, 417 Liber consolationis et consilii, by Albertano, 449, 451n27, 453 Liber contra Wibertum, by Anselmo of Baggio (nephew), 192, 197–98, 292 Liber de corpore et sanguine Domini, by Lanfranco of Bec, 147 Liber de obsidione Ancone, by Boncompagno, 363, 367n61, 445 Liber de scientiis (Kitāb iḥṣāʾ al-ʿulūm), by al-Fārābī, 329n43 Liber de vita Christiana, by Bonizone of Sutri, 247, 249n79 Liber derivationum (Panormia istar vocabularii), by Osbern of Gloucester, 330, 394

Liber divinarum sententiarum, by Guarnerius, 239 Liber formularius, by Rainieri of Perugia, 424 Liber glossarum, donated to cathedral library in Vercelli by Atto, 83n46 Liber gomorrhianus, by Damiani, 164 Liber legis Langobardorum, 103–04, 170–71, 244 Liber Maiolichinus, prob. by Enrico, canon of Pisa, 299 Liber papiensis. See Liber legis Langobardorum Liber pastoralis, by Gregory I (the Great), 196 Liber Pergaminus, by Mosè del Brolo, 303 Liber pontiicalis (Naples): additions to (late 9th c. and early 10th c.), 58n168 Liber pontiicalis, by Agnello (or Andrea), 44, 90–91, 442 Liber quadripartitum, by Ptolemy, 408 Liber sententiarum, by Pietro Lombardo, 264 Liber tam de Donatus quam de Prisciano, by Paul of Camaldoli, 390n26 Libri tres adversus simoniacos, by Humbert of Moyenmoutier, 164, 184 liberal arts, 146, 158; and cathedral schools, 39–41; background in, useful to Roman lawyers in Francia, 427; bishops ordered to promote, 269; faculty of, 407; in curriculum of Dominicans’ and Franciscans’ studia, 405; Pavia as center for study of, 39; personiied, 440; universitas for students of, 365; people: Berengar of Tours said to have little knowledge of, 139–40n100; Bonizone rejects, 160; Damiani studies, then denounces, 158; Lanfranco of Bec revives study of, in Francia, 139–40; Placentino criticizes study of, 428; Rather praised for knowledge of, 86n53 liberty, republican: 456, 465 libraries: 490–91; of cathedrals, 4, 77, 83n46, 90, 135, 146, 242n47, 268, 275, 300, 450; — and survival of manuscripts, 10–11; of monasteries, 11, 27, 47, 54, 55, 58, 136, 137–38, 260, 312n94, 320, 462; personal libraries: of Benedetto of San Michele della Chiusa (nephew), 136; of Gunzo, 77; of Henry III, 79; of Otto III, 79; of Pepin the Short, 57; places: Bobbio, 40n92, 47, 55; Brescia, 450; Chiusa, 136; Cremona, 90; Florence, 10, 488–90; Ivrea, 135; Lucca, 275; Montecassino, 58–59; Nonantola, 47, 138; Novalesa, 137–38; Padua, 242n47; Pisa, 300; Pomposa, 137, 462; Sant’Ambrogio, 45;Vercelli, 83n46, 100n111; beyond the regnum, 260, 312n94; in Francia, 320, 322–23; Chartres, 146; Chelles, 27; Corbie, 27; in German lands: Lorsch, 27; Würzburg, 77 dei Libri, Matteo, 378, 378–79n110 Libri ardizzoniani, by Oberto of Orto (attrib.), 245 Libri feodorum, by Oberto of Orto (attrib.), 245–46 Libri legales, 246 Libri tres adversus simoniacos, by Humbert of Moyenmoutier, 184 licentiae docendi (degrees), 281–82, 290, 324, 364, 366–67, 406, 407–08 Liège: cathedral school in, 151; diocese of, 211; Investiture Struggle in, 220n146; synod in (1082), 219n140 Liguria, 231, 234 Limbeck, Sven, 82n43 Lincoln: bishop of, 385n10; cathedral canons of, 385 linguistic theory: in Francia (13th c.), 323–33, 411n1 literary production scant, 53–56, 116, 301 litigation, 177, 360–61; litigiousness, 155, 167, 169, 360–61 litterae et mores, 72, 76, 100, 116, 126, 128, 174, 177, 235, 474, 475 liturgy, 5–6, 7, 12, 24–25, 31–37, 224, 482; Ambrosian, 125, 264n147, 272; approved by papal reformers, 297; before Carolingians, often passed on by word of mouth, 31; calendars, 52, 133; cathedrals concerned with, 55–56; Carolingians’ eforts to reform, 31–37; — as focus of

586

Index their educational program, 31, 473; — debate about extent and efectiveness of, 33–34n70; decorum of the Mass, 31; in monasteries, 35; Council of Aachen on, 34, 35, 224; Gallican, 31, 264n147; interest of mendicant orders in, 436–37; learning, was time-consuming, 37; relied on use of books, 31n60; Roman, 31, 125n28; texts of, 127, 134, 274, 292n3. See also passionaries; preaching; sacramentaries; and singing Liudolf, son of Otto I, 77n18 Liudprando, bishop of Cremona, 89–92, 99–100; histories written by, 90–92; interest in pagan authors, 99–100; knowledge of Bible, 90; — of classics, 90; — of Greek, 89–90n69; mannerist style of, 89; possible merchantfamily origins, 89n66; a sermon by, 92; a worldly bishop, 89–90, 96, 99–100; people: use of Augustine, 92; and Berengario II, 89; quarrels with him, 76–77n18; portrayal of Nicephorus, 92; and Otto I, 89; — prob. spurred his interest in Italian scholars, 76; knew Stefano of Novara, 77; and King Ugo, 89; places: educated in Pavia, 80, 89, 131; embassies to Constantinople, 76n18, 89, 91, 92; works: Antapodosis, 91, 442; Gesta Ottonis, 442; Relatio de Constantinopolitana legatione, 91, 92, 442 Liudprando, king of Italy (712–44), 23, 57, 66 Liva, Alberto, 60n173, 64nn189–90, 112n164, 113n165, 173n243 Livi, Giovanni, 375n91 Livy, 86n53, 461, 465n76 loans, private, 360 locoservatores, 111 Lodi, 37, 38n85 logic. See dialectic logotheta, 96 Loire river system, 72 Lokrantz, Margareta, 157n170 Lombard kingdom: Carolingian conquest of, 1–2, 17, 23, 25–26, 56, 472, 473; intellectual revival (8th c.), 56–57; laymen in, 65n195; political institutions, 56; notaries of, 59, 60n173, 61, 62, 64, 70, 71 Lombard League, 233–34, 302, 303, 449 Lombard legend, 443 Lombarda, 244–45; Compare Liber legis Langobardorum Lombards: clerics, marriage of (8th c.), 51n144; conception of difused political power, 56; drove wedge between documentary and traditional book cultures, 25; dominated secular hierarchy early, 24; intellectuals among, 17–23, 55–56; kings of, 17–18, 66, 142n111, 473; nobility, 23, 24; — under Ottonians, 74; — use of notaries, 25; purported Scandinavian origins of, 22; tradition of literacy before Charlemagne, 24–26; traditional book culture under, 25 Lombardy, 446; and Frederick I, 233–34, 305, 449; charters in, 100; clerical notaries in, 108; Cluniac reform spread to, 161, 161n183; Germans appointed to certain bishoprics in, 187; land prices in (late 10th c. and 11th c.), 118; literacy in (8th c. and 9th c.), 50–53; merchants of, 231; paciication of (1233), 419; popular unrest in support of clerical reform in, 188–89 Lomello, count of, 361 London, diet of (1107), 208–09 Longobucco, Bruno, 400 Longpré, Ephrem, 420n31 Lorenzo of Amali, 185, 186 Lotario II, king of Italy, 73, 87n56, 88 Lothar I, emperor, 35, 39–40, 61 Lothar III, emperor, 245 Lotter, Friedrich, 175 Lotulfo of Novara, 264n144

Louis the Pious, king of Aquitaine and co-emperor, 38, 39n89 Louis II (the Younger), viceroy of Italy and emperor, 55 Louis VI, king of France (the Fat), 215 Lovato de’ Lovati, 10, 12, 359, 402, 439–40, 448n13, 457, 458–66, 485; authenticates supposed corpse of Prince Antenor, 463; cured of fever by sorceress, 460; early poetry of, 470; inaugurated the classicizing Latin of Italian humanism, 381, 441, 458, 467, 485; — cognitive efect of the classicizing enterprise, 467, 485; inluence of ancient Roman authorities on, 470–71; life, 462; literary achievement, 461; on feigned peace, 465; recognized the danger of factionalism, 464–65; shorter poems, 464; strove to follow in footsteps of the ancient poets, 459, 466, 485; places: celebrity of, in Padua, 463; sought to promote Paduan community by reviving the glories of the ancient past, 466–67; works: De conditionibus urbis Padue et peste Gueli et Gibolengi nominis (not extant), 465 love: for one’s fellow human beings, 207, 454; — and for God, 21, 88, 438; — for the two preceding as well as for spiritual things, 450–52; in troubadour lyrics, 347, 355, 357, 441; liberation from, as path to virtue, 457; of a man for a girl, 135; Ovid is invoked to characterize, 457, 461; of a man for a boy, 82, 94; treatise on, 321n14; Tristan’s, for Isolde, 461 de Lubac, Henri, 296nn15&19 Lucan, 154, 193n40, 196, 222n153, 258, 293, 300, 303, 342, 421n34, 441, 443, 444, 445, 446; caricatures agricultural practices of garamantes, 387; in BNP, Lat. 7990A, 45n119, 48; people: cited by Pope Gregory VII, 186n8; places: in Francia: copying of manuscripts of, 322; production of commentaries on, 322; works: De bello civili, 154n159 Lucca: archbishops of, 204n81; bishops of, 189, 204, 292; cathedral canons in, 222n149; cathedral chapter in, 37, 264, 282; — may have existed (9th c.), 38n85; cathedral in, 265n149, 275; cathedral library in, 275; cathedral school in, 46, 262, 264–65, 275–76; church of San Martino in, 276n34; commune in, 202, 203, 204, 205n87; duchy of, 111; literacy in, 52n145; notaries in, 102; possible decline in schools of (11th c.), 133; scola in, 47n126; scriptorium in, 46; silk production in, 231; people: Avvocati, counts palatine at, 361 Lucchesi, Giovanni, 124n24 Lucedio, monastery in, 335n62 Lucius III, pope, 310n85, 366 Lucretius, 39n90, 90, 442 Luke: commentary on, by Hildemar, 48 Lunigiana, the, 355 Luscombe, David E., 264n147 Lutten, Jutta, 253n91 lyric poetry. See under poetry Macrobio, presumed collaborator of Cafaro of Genoa, 304n59 Macrobius, 39n90 Mafei, Manlio, 365n52 Magdeburg, 76n14 Maggi, Emanuele, 449 magic, 153, 408, 460 Maginardo, Adalberto, 131 magister, 109n151, 110n155, 287n76, 302n53, 310n85, 336n71, 387, 392, 409n109, 429n67; as term for master notaries with apprentices, 63, 287–88, 359; as term for physicians, 400; as term for teachers, 40, 41, 46, 79, 80n34, 81, 122–32, 133n64, 139n100, 174, 178, 236n24, 239n34, 263nn141–42, 269nn2&4, 270n6, 271n12, 273–74, 275, 277, 280n48, 281, 285, 288–89, 311n92, 373n84, 374n89, 375n92, 376nn93&95,

587

Index 377nn104–5&107, 378–80, 406; as term for degree-holders, 282–83, 324, 364, 366n53, 369n72, 407n100, 469; Compare teachers: terminology for describing magistri cantorum, 41, 81 magistri census (late-ancient Rome), 24n31 magistri notariorum, 106n136 “Magistrorum epistola ad Imperatorem pro suo negotio” (letter), 263n141 Magnae derivationes, by Uguccio, 391, 394, 395n41 magnates, 232, 452, 453, 462 Magyars. See Hungarians Maïeul, abbot of Cluny, 161, 176n249 Mainz, 154, 219n42, 426; archbishop of, 219n142; cathedral school of (in Aschafenburg), 76n14 Maitland, Frederic W., 430n72 al-Majūsī, ʿAlī ibn ʿAbbās, 309 Malaspina, Alberto, 355 Malaspina family, 234, 355 mallus (court), 61 Manacorda, Giuseppe, 8, 40n93, 282n55 Manichaeism, 409n110 Manitius, Karl, 77n21, 93nn83–84, 154 Manitius, Max, 18n1, 80n35, 124n26, 129n45, 195n50, 196n52, 318n3 manneristic style, 84–85, 90, 152, 193, 386–89 Mantua: bishops of, 190; cathedral canons in, 221–22n149; — chapter in, 38; charters in, 100, 101n114; commune in, 203n77; member of Lombard League, 233–34; no clerical notaries known in, 108; people: birthplace of Vacella, 245n60; court of Matilda of Tuscany at, 292; Placentino lived and taught in, 341, 342 manuals: Ciceronian, 95, 144, 155, 254, 393, 423–24, 482; for notaries (9th c.), 64–65; for writing poetry, 331, 388n17, 393; of ars arengandi, 421–22, 482; of ars dictaminis, 11, 253, 258–59, 312n94, 375–76, 380, 385, 386–89, 392n32, 393–94, 416–17, 470, 477; of ars notarie, 359, 425, 469; of ars predicandi, 334–36, 419; of canon law, 248; of grammar, 230, 259–61, 266, 275, 289, 324–33, 380, 385n9, 390–92, 396n45, 411, 412–13, 414, 436, 439, 481, 488; of rhetoric, 29–30, 482; of Roman law, 291, 312, 337–39, 341. See also summae Manuel I, eastern emperor, 301 manuscripts: ars dictaminis manuals, 312n94; collected by humanists and their patrons, 490; containing works of ancient pagan authors, 488; copied, 52n147, 53–54; few MSS. preserved, because little used, 261n132; MSS. in Italian poetry, 358–59; MSS. not preserved, 10, 54; — because of lack of secure storage, 312n94; — because used, 261, 312n94; MSS. of the Bible, 127; — of Provençal lyric poetry, 357–58; — of sermons, 419; MSS. preserved, 10–11, 175n248; — because not used, 11, 260; — not because not used, 175n248; MSS. preserved by Carolingian copyists, 29n52; MSS. preserved from sixth c., 25n35; manuscrits de jongleur (troubadours’ notebooks), 357; practices in copying MSS., 11n19, 136n84; production of MSS. (10th c.), 79n27; people: Atto donates MSS. to cathedral library in Vercelli, 83n46; Lovato’s now-lost MS. of Livy, 462; places: Italy a treasure-house for MSS. (late 10th c.), 54; MSS. in Florentine libraries, 488–90; — from libraries outside Florence, 490; — in script of monastery of Nonantola, 47; — prepared at Church of Santa Tecla, Milan, 274; Milanese MSS. preserved, 127; MSS. produced at Montecassino, 57; — preserved in northern Europe, 312; in Francia: MSS. of classical texts and commentaries produced (to 1200), 322–23; MS. of Janua, said to have been produced in northern Francia, 261n135; individual MSS.: Archivio Capitolare

Pistoia, C 106, 171; BAV, Arch. San Pietro H 13, 387n14; BAV, Ottobonianus Lat. 1406, 160n181; BAV, Vat. Lat. 1406, 172; BAV, Vat. Lat. 2854, 458n56; BAV, Vat. Lat. 4322, 84–85n48; Bibl. Ambrosiana Milan, 40 sup., 239n35; Bibl. Ambrosiana Milan, I.29 sup., 276n33; Bibl. Angelica Rome, 123A, 133; Bibl. capitolare Perugia, 41, 136n84; Bibl. civica Brescia, Queriniano B II 6, 450; Bibl. dell’Academia dei Filopatridi, Savignano di Romagna, 45, 257n112; Bibl. dell’Academia dei Filopatridi, Savignano sul Rubicone, 68, 278n38; Bibl. Feliniana Lucca, cod. 275, 614; Bibl. Nationale Centrale Florence, Conventi soppressi A.I.402, 248n72; Bibl. Oliveriana Pesaro, 26, 171; Bibl. universitaria Bologna, 1576, 133; Bibl.Vallicelliana Rome, C 40, 389n20; Bibliotheek der Rijksuniversiteit Leiden, B.P.L., 8A (L), 464n74; Bibliothèque municipale de Troyes, 1317, 239; BL, Add. 19906, 461; BMF, 6, 19, 86n53; BMF, Edili 214, 489n7; BML, 24 sin. 3, 488n5, 489n7; BML, 34.12, 489n7; BML, 34.4, 489n7; BML, 34.14, 489n7; BML, 35.20, 489n6; BML, 36.14, 489n7, 490n9; BML, 76.13, 489n7; BML, 76.20, 488n5, 489n7; BML, 89 inf. 20.2, 488n5; BML, Edili 201, 489n6; BML, Lat. 18908, 390n27; BML, S Marco 235, 489n7; BML, S Marco 238, 489n7, 490n9; BML, Strozzi 13, 489n7; BMV, Lat. cl. I, 7.4031, 392n32; BMV, Lat. cl. XIV, 223 (4340), 464n74; BMV, Zanetti 497, 160n161; BNP, Lat. 3876, 343; BNP, Lat. 4450, 172; BNP, Lat. 4516, 171; BNP, Lat. 7517, 390n26; BNP, Lat. 7530, 29–30; BNP, Lat. 7990A, 45n119, 48; BRF, 587, 488n5, 489n7; BRF, 596, 489n7, 490n9; BRF, 701, 489n7; BSM, Clm. 14420, 48; Burgerbibliothek Bern, 30, 45, 45n119, 363; Chartres, 100, 146; Codex Pisanus (BLM, s.n.), 172; Darmstadt, Universitäts- und Landesbibliothek, 2000, 171; Staatsbibliothek Bamberg, Jur. 1, 169–70; Staatsbibliothek Bamberg, Lat. e,VII, 59, 411n1; Stiftsbibliothek Saint Gall, 248n72, 673; Württembergische Landesbibliothek Stuttgart, Jur. fol. 62, 171 manuscrits de jongleur (troubadours’ notebooks), 357 Map, Walter, 441 Marangon, Paolo, 242n47, 394n38, 404n82 Marbod, bishop of Rennes, 213, 257, 318 Marchesi, Concetto, 392n32 Marchisio Scriba, 445 margraves. See under nobility, local Marie of Champagne, as patron, 321n14 Marius, 443 Maro,Virgilius, 84n48 Marragone, Bernardo, 444, 447 marriage: and canon law, 433; of clerics, 50–51, 86, 127, 162, 163, 184, 209, 210, 211, 213, 218, 224, 372; Compare concubinage Marseilles, 337 Marsilio of Padua, 402 Martial, 90, 442, 460 Martial, Saint (patron of Limoges), 78 Martianus Capella. See Capella, Maritanus Martin of Braga, 421n34 Martin of Dacia, 411–12n1 Martin of Spain, 406 Martin, Janet, 84n48 Martin, Saint: vita of, by Severus, 125 Martino (Bolognese jurist). See Gosia, Martino Marturi plea, 170 Mary of France, 346 Mass, 31–32, 33. See also liturgy Massa, Eugenio, 10 masturbation, 164

588

Index mathematics, 29, 122, 311, 387n14, 398, 399 Mathew of Vendôme, 318 Mathilda of England, 176n249 Matilda, countess of Tuscany, 176n249; and translation of remains of Saint Gimigniano, 307; appreciation for pagan literature, 293; interest in biblical exegesis, 291–92; patroness of literary production at court, 197, 200, 291, 292, 293, 312; — possible patronage, 237n27; placita of, 286; — jurists at, 174; poetry at court of, 347; provided refuge to exiled bishops, 292; read Latin, 292; people: patroness of Anselmo of Baggio (nephew), 197; biography of, by Donizone, 354; Henry IV promises that he will not replace her without consulting Pisans, 203–04; Henry V attempts compromise with, 191; Irnerio, 238–39; patroness of Rangerio, 200, 292, 293; supported Ubaldo, bishop of Mantua, 190; places: Bologna revolts against (1114), 239n33; sought to retain support of Florence, 203; recaptures Mantua from Henry IV, 190; patroness of new cathedral in Modena, 306 Matteo of Bologna, 411–12 Matthew of Vendôme, 331, 387n14, 441 Maurice of Sully, bishop of Paris, 334–35, 415 Maurisio, Gerardo, 445, 447 Maurizio, bishop of Piacenza, 190 Maximianus, 154, 441, 443 maxims, 7, 30 Maximus the Confessor, 134 Mayfredo of Belmonte, 396n45, 413, 414 Mazzanti, Giuseppe, 239n35 Mazzoli, Casagrande, 39n90 McKitterick, Rosamond, 19n7, 23nn27–29, 26n39, 68nn205&207 McLaughlin, Mary, 249n74 McLaughlin, Megan, 185n6 medicine, 270, 399, 403; and theology, 405; becomes a university discipline, 383; boundaries amorphous (13th c.), 399; development shadowy (irst half of 13th c.), 436; did not require advanced grammar as prerequisite, 487; helped promote use of dialectic, 483; raised from an art to a science (12th c.–13th c.), 482; rise of Italian universities and, 488; training by apprenticeship in, 400; universitas for students of, 365; people: a Peter of Spain made professor of, in Siena, 406; useful to study of theology, according to Rolando of Cremona, 405; places: Bologna, 400, 407n100; in Padua, 400; texts translated: from Arabic, 311; from Greek, 309; from Greek and Arabic, 397–99, 479. See also physicians Mediolanensis historia, by Landolfo senior, 128, 443 Memoriali of Bologna, 375 memory less important than reasoning, in learning Roman law (late 12th c.), 426 Menant, François, 203n75 mendicant orders, 382; established a textual community among clerics in regnum (13th c.), 436, 483; lectures open to laymen, 482; role in education, 371; role in promoting dialectic and theology, 403–10; schools of, 404, 482; taught biblical exegesis, 483; — liturgy, 483; — theology, 482. See also Augustinians; Dominicans; and Franciscans Mengozzi, Guido, 64n192, 65n194 merchants, 188n14; Arab, 231 Merovingians, 23, 27n45 Metalogicon, by John of Salisbury, 262 Metamorphoses, by Ovid, 293, 445, 460 metaphor, 333, 341 Metaphysics, by Aristotle, 310n87, 398, 407, 408, 409n108 Meteorologica, by Aristotle, 398, 408 meteorology, 399

Metrum leonis, by Leo of Vercelli, 97, 273n19 Metz, 217; abbey of Saint Symphorien at, 176n249; bishops of, 176n249; cathedral chapter in, 221; cathedral of, 27; cathedral school in, 56, 344; communes in, 219; Investiture Struggle in, 220–21 Meung-sur-Loire, 319 Mews, Constance J., 123n22 Meyer, Andreas, 111n159, 174n245, 361n37 Mezzabarba, Pietro, bishop of Florence, 187, 189n17 Mezzabati, Ugo, 461 Miccoli, Giovanni, 196n54, 223–24n158 Micrologus, by Guido of Arezzo, 131, 294 Milan, 263, 305, 490n9; archepiscopal province of, 139; archbishops of, 125, 127, 189, 203, 272; archdiocese of, 126; cathedral chapter in, 38–39; cathedral of, 118n5; cathedral school in, 45, 80, 93, 121, 130, 271, 273–74; church of, 124; clerical notaries in, 108, 109–10; communal palace in, 353; commune in, 202, 233, 273, 360; episcopal chancery in (10th c. and 12th c.), 106; histories of, 127, 443, 447; judices et notarii sacri palatii in, 102; lay notaries in, 109, 110n152; member of Lombard League, 234; monastery in, 55n155; notaries in, 102n119, 360n35; Pataria movement in, 188, 203; students recognizable by dress, comportment, and gait, 116;Vallombrosans supply priests to radicals in, 189; people: Frederick I at war with, 302–03; — besieges, 338n80; — destroys (1162), 302, 305; places: war against Como (1118–27), 301; manuscripts: BNP, Lat. 7990A composed in, 45n119; Burgerbibliothek Bern 363 likely composed in, 30, 45 Milanese script, 127 milites, 206, 352, 353; in Piacenza (pro-imperial faction), 190–91 Miller, Maureen, 38n86, 109n148, 197n57, 202–3n71, 353n8 Milo, bishop of Padua, 190 mineralogy, 399 mining, 232 miniscule script. See Carolingian script Mino of Colle, 376 minters, 188n14 miracles, 47n129, 146–47; collected by Ubaldo of Mantua, 293n4 Miracula S. Nicholai, 146–47 Miracula sancti Columbani, 47n129 missi, 61 Modalism, 412, 483 Modena: bishops of, 189–90, 306; cathedral chapter in, 38, 287n72; cathedral of, 354; cathedral school in, 130; charters in, 100, 101n114; clerical notaries in, 108; communal palace in, 353; commune in, 203n77, 369; cultural production in, 288–89n83; lay and clerical teachers in, 288–89; notaries in, 64n189, 288; patron saint of, 306–07; poem about defense of, 54; Roman law studied in, 243; — and Lombard law, 245; studium in, 9, 368–69; teachers in, 287; people: and Pillio, 279, 364, 427; works: Pillio’s Libellus disputatorius partly composed in, 426 moderns and ancients, 318–19, 332–33 Modi dictaminum, attrib. to Faba, 259n122 Modism, 412 Mommsen, Theodor, 172n236 Monaco, bishop of Caesarea, 441n5 monasteries, 11, 46–49, 107n140, 443; Camaldolensian and Vallombrosan reforms of, 117, 160–65, 176; Carolingian reforms of, 35, 69–70; Cluniac, 319–20; — reforms, 85, 118n5, 177, 476; common life and, 69–70; constitutions of, 36; given Bibles and religious books, 292; hagiographies written in, 136–39; liturgy in, 31, 35, 69–70; networks of

589

Index communication among, 319–20; no chronicles for (9th c. and 10th c.), 90, 90–91n74; oblates of, 49–50; patronage of, lacking, 116; played modest role in intellectual life, 35, 46–49, 55, 70, 116, 311, 381, 473; religious motive for land acquisition, 118; lourished (11th c.) but produced little scholarly work, 136, 175n248; people: Atto calls on, to recuperate their lands, 118n5; places: Badia a Passignano, 274n26; Bobbio, 11, 47, 55, 81n40; Camaldoli, 162; Canossa, 292n3; Chiusa, 137; Farfa, 192n34, 193; Fonte Avellana, 124, 158, 162, 319–20; Fruttuaria (near Turin), 99; Monte Amiata, 11, 47n130, 136, 137; Nonantola, 11, 47, 138; Pomposa, 11, 131, 137, 462; Ravenna, 161; San Benedetto (Polirone), 161n184; San Gaudenzio (Rimini), 134; San Giovanni (Parma), 161; San Michele della Chiusa, 136–37, 443; San Pietro al Monte di Civate, 50; San Pietro in Ciel d’Oro (Pavia), 93n83, 136, 141, 161; San Salvatore (Pavia), 161; San Stefano (near Bologna), 133; San Vito (Pisa), 310n85; Santa Justina (Padua), 446; Santa Maria (later San Maiolo; in Pavia), 161; Sant’Ambrogio (Milan), 45, 128n43; Santi Pietro e Andrea di Novalesa, 137–38, 442–43;Vallombrosa, 162, 187, 319–20; beyond the regnum: chronicles of, a lourishing genre (9th c.), 90–91; central and southern Italy, 59; Montecassino, 21, 22, 29, 30, 57–58, 160n181, 185, 254, 295; Santa Maria (Aventine Hill, Rome), 185; transalpine Europe: Carolingian patronage of, 473; Carolingian Renaissance centered in, 27–28, 70, 473, 474; custodians of intellectual life (9th c.–10th c.), 381; eforts to reform, by Guglielmo of Volpiano, 99; patronage of, by Carolingians, 55–56, 70; — by Ottonians, 55–56; Saint Gall, 45, 93–94; Francia: Carolingian patronage of, 55; lourished (11th c.), 176; networks of communication among, 320–22, 381–82; reform of, by Peace of God movement, 209; along Atlantic coast, Northmen destroyed, 114; Bec, 145n120, 150; Caen, 150; Chelles, 27; Cluny, 118n5, 200; Corbie, 27; Fleury, 145; Moyenmoutier, 164; Orbais, 43; Remiremont, 164; Saint Germain (Auxerre), 28; Saint Jean de Montierneuf (Poitiers), 321; Saint Martin (Laon), 386; Saint Nicolas (Angers), 321; Saint Pierre de la Couture (Le Mans), 321; Saint Ruf (Valence), 337; Saint Victor (Marseilles), 337; German lands: reform of monasteries in, 217; Hirsau, 212n111; Lorsch, 27; Reichenau, 41–42, 93; Saint Hubert (diocese of Liège), 129n46; Saint Symphorien (Metz), 176n249; Tholey, 176n249. See also Camaldolensians; hermitages; libraries: monastic; monastic schools; nunnery at Chelles; nuns; scriptoria: of monasteries;Vallombrosans monastic libraries. See under libraries monastic schools, 34, 36, 37, 47–50, 75n12, 128n43, 268; and Lateran III (1179), 269n2; ars dictaminis in, 279; lourished (11th c.), 116; no evidence that French writers of Latin were trained in (1075–1300), 319; rhetoric in, 30; secular orientation of, 176; under Carolingians, 269n2; places: Chiusa, 122n18; Modena, 50; Pomposa, 137; San Faustino (Brescia), 47, 48; Nonantola, 138n95; San Michele in Lucedio, 80; San Pietro al Monte di Civate, 48, 49–50; San Pietro in Ciel d’Oro (Pavia), 49n135, 80, 131–32, 136; Sant’Ambrogio (Milan), 273–74; beyond the regnum: Montecassino, 57; in Francia, 319; Bec, 150; Saint Germain (Auxerre), 56n156 Moneta of Cremona, 405, 409 money: borrowing, 279n43; coining, 232; odor of, 308 Monferrato family, 234 Monologion, by Anselmo of Aosta, 150 Montazel, Laurence, 341n94 Monte Amiata, monastery at, 11, 47n130, 136

Montecassino, abbey at, 21, 22, 29, 30, 57–58, 160, 185, 254; abbots of, 159, 295 Montecchi, Giorgio, 8 Monteverdi, Angelo, 9, 10 Montpellier, 337, 342 Monumenta Germaniae historica: Libelli de lite, 191 Moore, Robert I., 213n117, 214n121 Mor, Carlo G., 68n206, 168n219, 368n65 Morando of Padua, 379, 380n121, 381 Morelli, Mirella, 47n127 Morena, Acerbo and Otto, 304, 444, 447 mortality of the human soul, 409 mortgages, 236–37, 246n65 Moschetti, Guiscardo, 64n189 Mosè del Brolo, 240, 276, 300–01, 303, 310–11 Mosio, 449 Moyenmoutier, monastery at, 164 Mulchahey, Marian Michèle, 407n100 Müller, Wolfgang, 391n28 Multiplices epistole que diversis et variis negotiis utiliter possunt accomodari, by Bernardo of Faenza and Guido of Bologna, 278n38 Munari, Franco, 318–19n4 Munk Olsen, Birger, 53n149, 322–23 Murphy, James L., 257n111 muses, 466 music, 34n74, 126, 131, 133, 137, 272, 275–76, 277n37, 473; as a grammar, 34; Italian clerics indiferent to (from 12th c.), 225; notation, 131; singing of Provençal poetry, 358, 480; theory, 131; violinists, lutists, and trombone players, 355n18. See also chant, Roman; canonical hours; singing Muslims, 231, 297–98, 304, 397 Mussato, Albertino, 463, 464, 465 mutilation: of Bonizone of Sutri, 196; of clergy reputed sinful, by angry mobs, 212 mythology, 7, 82–83, 85n48, 460 Namur, 212 Naples, kingdom of, 57, 472; assumed cultural leadership of southern Italy by 58, 900; medical training in, 400; Provençal poetry composed in, 355; studium in, 367–68 Narcisse (French love poem), 441 Nardi, Paolo, 274–75n26 Narratio Genesis, by Donizone, 292 Natalis, abbot of Saint-Nicolas, in Angers, 321 nationes (students’ mutual-aid societies), 365 natural science, 311n93, 330, 377n102, 381, 383, 397–402, 408–09; and growth of studia, 436; Aristotelian texts in, 407, 408; as preparation for study of medicine, 400; did not require advanced grammar as prerequisite, 487; growing importance of, 410; helped promote use of dialectic, 483; increased interest in (from 13th c.), 487–88; tension with theology, 401; translation of texts from Greek and Arabic, 309, 311, 397, 402, 403, 479, 482; places: Bologna, 411n1; Padua, 402; beyond the regnum: transalpine Europe, 117, 139, 266; — in Francia, 323, 401 natural world, as web of signs pointing to divine truth, 407 Neckham, Alexander, 345n113 necrology (register of the dead), 302n49 Nelis, Suzanne J., 146n123 neologism, 294, 440 Nero, 443 Nerva, 443 new book cultures. See humanist book culture; legal book culture

590

Index Newton, Francis, 153n156, 160n181 Nicephorus, Eastern emperor, 92 Nicholas II, pope, 150n141, 186 Nicholas IV, pope, 367 nicolaitism. See marriage: of clerics; concubinage among clerics; compare celibacy, clerical Nicolaj, Giovanna, 60n170, 65n194, 113n165, 130n53, 275n27, 368n65 Nicomachean Ethics, by Aristotle, 342, 399, 407, 408, 464n74 Nîmes, 343 nobility (upper class), 233; allied with popolani in civil wars, 353; better-schooled in law than their German counterparts (11th c.), 167; bishops functioned as secular lords, 11, 62–63, 69, 73, 112n162, 177, 206, 207, 208, 474; conception of, 352n2; episcopate as career choice for members of, 100; Frankish, 473; imperial supporters among, 161n183; kings of Italy needed support of, to rule (late 9th c. and 10th c.), 73–74; knights, 88, 177, 306, 307; landowners seek status as lords, 119; local, 62n185, 119, 207, 290; — and nouveau riche, 206, 352; — and chivalric values, 356–57, 450, 480; — and communes, 183, 204, 206, 207, 214n123, 352, 354; — functionally independent (late 10th c. and 11th c.), 74; Lombard, 23, 24; — under Ottonians, 74; — use of notaries, 25; Merovingian, 27n45; poets among, 355; Roman (6th c.), 24; rural, taxation of, by cities, 353n6; territorial, 71, 207–08, 234, 355; — contend against bishops (10th c.), 111–12; — curtailed clerical notaries to curb bishops’ power, 111; — eforts to undermine, 103; — lacked power to overcome autonomy of cities, 475; — undercut by creation of local royal notariate, 88, 103, 112; troubadours at courts of, 355, 381–82; urban, 2, 103, 206, 224n159; — amphibious character of, 206n92; — lay saint from among, 224n159; — problem of establishing who belonged, 206n93; people: Albertano excludes from citizenry, 485; Arnolfo of Milan a member of, 443; Berengario of Ivrea makes himself Berengario II, 73; Damiani born into, 124; Fardolfo likely a member of, 18; Lambertazzi family, 469; Liudprando perhaps of noble descent, 89; Lovato ennobled, 462, 463; Matilda the only lay patron of letters among, in regnum, 176n249; Olrico, viscount of Milan, 222; Paolino’s family proited from lands that Charlemagne coniscated from, 20; places: in Asti, 204; attend corte d’amore in Treviso, leading to war, 356–57; beyond the regnum: in Francia, local, 209, 215; and rolls of the dead, 320; patronage of letters by, 346, 347; in German lands, grew in power (early 12th c.), 221; had no interest in studying law, 167; local, 220; upper, supported Henry V’s revolt against Henry IV, 219; in southern Francia, some territorial nobles swore vassalage to Gregory VII, 210. See also names of individual nobles nocturnal (timekeeping device), 43 Nonantola: abbot of, 138n96; monastery at, 11, 47n127, 138 Noonan, John T., 237–38n28, 251n85, 263n143 Norman conquest, 346 Normandy, 146, 213; patronage by dukes of, 175–76n249 North, William L., 297n22 Northmen: attacks by, 28, 69, 72, 101, 114; attacks end, 121 notarial art. See ars notarie notaries, 4–5, 174n245; and communes, 354, 424, 453, 470, 480, 484; and new audience for Latin literature (13th c.), 382, 481; and use of stilus humilis, 418; apprenticeship of, 63, 174n244; 237, 287–88, 480; as authors of histories, 444, 445, 446–47, 448; as initiators of humanism, 448; as promoters of humanism, 437; as primary and secondary

teachers, 288n79; as teachers of ars notarie, 362; — of grammar, 379–80; — of grammar and rhetoric, 484; — of rhetoric, 379–80; assigned to bishops and abbots (805), 62; assigned to counts’ courts (803), 60–61; authorized by secular authority, 59, 60n170; clerical, 63, 66n196, 68, 104–15, 474; — reappeared in Italy (from late 13th c.), 113–14; 483; conceptual innovations by (late 11th c.), 173, 236; continued a late-ancient cultural tradition, 71–72; diicult to identify from writers’ subscriptions to documents (9th c.), 60; education of, 236, 237, 275n27; employed to record legal transactions between private parties, 360–61; generated demand for training in grammar (from late 12th c.), 351; greater role for (beginning 12th c.), 266, 360, 480; growing standardization of terms for (9th c.), 69; guilds of, 359, 372–73, 378n109, 469; imperial, 446; in private practice, 362; lay, 4–5, 6n8, 46, 60, 63, 65, 69, 70, 71, 101–07, 141, 273n18, 474–75; local, 101–03, 107, 112–13, 114, 115; no clear evidence of manuals for (9th c.), 64; more numerous than holders of advanced degrees in law or arts (13th c.), 370; no clear evidence of schools for (9th and following centuries), 63–64; none among witnesses in the Arezzo–Sienna dispute, 290; nonelite boys able to train to become (13th c.), 359–60; ofered primary training in Latin, 287; pope sometimes created, 361; practical literacy of, 312; a professional class, 453; proliferation of, 359–62, 480; purchase privilege to practice, 361; required some training in grammar, 480; resisted clericalization of intellectual life (from 8th c.), 71–72; royal, 46, 64–66, 69, 73, 101–02; licensing by local counts, 112–13; local, 73, 88, 112, 115, 168, 169, 474; signatures of, conferred ides publica, 52, 236, 271; tended to reduce political decentralization, 69, 73; terminology for describing document-makers, 60, 61n176, 61–62n180, 62–63, 101–03, 104–08, 110, 111, 111n158; transform documents from charters to instruments, 173–74, 236; under Carolingians, 49, 59–66, 473; under Lombards, 17, 25, 59–60, 61, 62, 64; under Ostrogoths, 24; under Ottonians, 100–15; used formulas, 173; used documents to deine novel legal relationships (12th c.), 207; usually created by imperial privilege, 361; wider opportunities for (13th c.), 351; people: according to Boncompagno, had no time to ponder what or how to write, 388; Lovato belonged to a family of, 462; places: Arezzo, 130n53; Bologna, 173–74, 468, 469; — notaries’ guild in, 359, 372–73; Lucca, 102; Milan, 102n119, 273, 360n35; Padua, 470; notaries of Pavia, 64–66, 69; evidence of school for, in Pavia (9th c.), 64n189; Pisa, 102, 360n35; Siena, 102; political instability in Veneto produced opportunities for advancement (13th c.), 462; in transalpine Europe, 6n8; appeared only in mid-12th c., 104; 8th-c. Gaul, 26n39; in Francia: absent, 339; reappeared in southern Francia (early 12th c.) but lacked ides publica, 104n128. See also judices et notarii sacri palatii Notingus of Reichenau, 41–42 Notker of Saint Gall (ca. 840–912), 30 Notre Dame des Chelles, abbey of, 27 Novara: cathedral chapter in, 283; cathedral school in, 80, 132, 133n64; communal palace in, 353; Stefano of Novara ended career in, 77 Novati, Francesco, 9, 10, 124n24, 136n82, 276n35, 304n66 Novellae, the. See under Justinian corpus Noyon, 213n115, 214 Nuccio, Oskar, 451n25 nunnery at Chelles, 27 nuns, 27, 35, 320

591

Index “O Roma nobilis” (poem), 83 oath helpers (juratores), 454 oaths, 454 Oberto Cancelliere, 444 Oberto of Orto, 245 oblates, 268 obscurity (as technique), 386–89, 391–92, 397 Occhipinti, Elisa, 206n93 Oculus pastoralis, 421, 448–49 Oddone, bishop of Lucca, 264 Oddone (Bolognese canon lawyer and grammarian, 12th c.–13th c.), 374 Oddone of Asti, 296n20 Odes, by Horace, 445 Odilo, abbot of Cluny, 176n249 Odo, abbot of Cluny, 161 Odolfredo (jurist, 13th c.), 44, 236, 237n27, 239, 241, 363, 370, 416n16, 432n82 Ofreducci, Gerardo, of Marostica, bishop of Padua, 280 Ogerius, bishop of Ivrea, 136 Ogero, abbot of Lucedio, 335n62 oil, holy, 200 Oliva, by Boncompagno, 417 Olona, Edict of (Lothar I, 825), 35, 40, 46 Olrico, viscount of Milan, 222, 272 Omnebene of Bologna (canonist and theologian), later bishop of Verona, 265, 277 On Christian Doctrine, by Augustine, 405 Oneirocriticon, by Achmet (10th c.), 310n86 Opus exceptum ex libro compoti, by Paciico, 43 Orange, Council of (529), 43 oratory, 255; as dominant situation-image for literary expression, 96; classical, 255n98; deliberative, epideictic, and forensic, 420n32; ethical and social implications of, 453; geared toward persuasion, 397; in Ottonian educational program, 76; in teaching of rhetoric, 7, 155; letter as, 94, 95–96; models for, 448–49; use of ars predicandi manuals in composing, 421. See also ars arengandi; ars predicandi; rhetoric Orbais, monastery at, 43 ordeal, proof by, 272 Orderic Vitalis, 140n102 Ordo et ceremoniae ecclesiae Ambrosianae Mediolanensis, 273 Ordo meliluus in expositione legum Romanarum, 67 Orino of Lodi, 457–58n56 Orlandelli, Gianfranco, 174n245, 424nn49&51 Orléans: advanced study in (12th c.), 272; cathedral school in, 41, 384, 388, 389, 418; study of classics in (13th c.), 318n2; study of theology in, 264; people: Stephen of Tournai teaches in, 343 ornament: in ars dictaminis, 386–89 ornatus diicilis, 125 Orosius, Paulus, 194, 300 Orsini, Giacinto Bobone (Pope Celestine III): nephews of, 386 Orso, bishop of Benevento, 48, 57–58, 260 Orthodoxa defensio imperialis, by Gregorio of Catino, 192n34, 193, 199 of Orto, Anselmo. See Anselmo of Orto Osbern of Gloucester, 330, 394 d’Osio, Bonaccio, of Bergamo, 373, 375 ostensio cartae (legal action), 64 otium, 124 Otte, Gerhard, 144n118, 241n42 Otto I, emperor, 75, 118; defeats Hungarians at Lechfeld (955), 73; ended decades of contestation, 55, 73; inaugurated an

era of relative autonomy for the regnum, 71; transcended local Italian rivalries, 74; united kingdoms of Italy and Germany, 71, 72; people: and Liudprando of Cremona, 89; deposes Pope John XII (963), 91, 120, 442; likely met Stefano of Novara through Liudprando of Cremona, 77 Otto II, emperor, 74, 75, 118 Otto III, emperor, 75, 96–97, 99, 119 Otto IV, emperor: loyalty of Bologna to, 366 Ottobono Scriba, 444 Ottokar, Nicola, 206n92 Ottone of Lucca, 275n32 Ottonians, 71–115; compared to emperors of ancient Rome, 98; drew Italian scholars northward (10th c.), 72; education program, 75–78; — emphasized ancient literature, history, and oratory, 76; — founded on litterae et mores, 72, 76, 100, 116, 126, 174–75, 474; — promoted documentary culture as a clerical monopoly, 75; — secular bias, 72, 75, 76; — sought to improve cathedral schools, 75; — spearheaded by Brun, 76; efect on documentary culture, 69; large landowners under, 119; patrons of letters, 175; promoted lay notariate, 104; ruled Italy in absentia, 71; strengthened local elites to weaken great Italian lords, 88, 103; territorial princes under, 119 Ovid, 30, 95, 135, 154, 194, 300, 303, 342, 421n34, 429, 443, 450n23, 466, 490n9; works: Amores, 441, 457, 459; Ars amatoria, 432n82, 446, 457; Epistulae ex Ponto, 445, 446; Fasti, 445; Heroides, 432n82, 446, 461; Metamorphoses, 195, 293, 445, 460; Remedia amoris, 457; Tristia, 445 Oxford University, 410 Ozanam, Antoine-Frédéric, 8n9 Pace, Giacomo, 239n34, 341–42n94 Pace of Ferrara (grammar teacher, 13th c.), 380n119 Paciico, archdeacon of the cathedral of Verona, 42–43, 54 Padeborn, 76n14 Padua, 465; ars dictaminis in, 470n91; bishops of, 125, 190, 280; canon law in, 280, 380; cathedral chapter in, 38; charters in, 100, 101n114; citizen–teachers in, 470; clerical notaries in, 108–09; communal palace in, 353; commune of, 462, 463, 470; Council of the Four Hundred of, 379; dialectic in, 242n47; Dominicans in, 403–04; episcopal chancery in, 105; factionalism within, 464; Franciscan studium in, 404; Franciscans in, 404; grammar in, 379–80, 469; histories of, 446–47, 470; humanism began in, 467–71; laymen as teachers in, 483; — as teachers in studium, 484; medicine in, 399, 400; mendicant orders create schools in, 482; natural science in, 399, 402; no evidence of study or teaching of ars notarie in, 380; notaries involved in communal politics, 484; notaries taught rhetoric and grammar in studium, 484; professors of canon and civil law in (1226), 364n45; rhetoric in, 379–80, 469, 470n91; Roman law in, 380; studium in, 367–68, 370, 373, 380–81, 400, 402, 463, 468, 469, 470, 484; people: Este family near, 355; Ezzelino da Romano and, 462; Martino Gosia likely taught in, 339; city treats Lovato as celebrity, 463; places: students and professors from Bologna migrate to, 366; intellectual culture of, receptive to broader inluences than Bologna’s (12th c. and 13th c.), 381, 468, 470; nobles from, in Treviso, 356–57; attempts to challenge Venice’s salt monopoly, 465; war with Venice, 357 Paetow, Louis, 9–10, 318, 323, 487–88 pagan literature. See ancient pagan authors, Greek; ancient pagan authors, Latin; and names of individual authors and works Paganino Padovano (grammar teacher, 13th c.), 380n119

592

Index Pagnin, Beniamino, 18n2, 49n135 paleography important for learning law, 178 Palestine. See Holy Land Palma, by Boncompagno, 389, 417, 423 Palma, Marco, 47n127 Pane, Ogerio, 444 panegyric, 42n104, 195n50, 322n14; civic, See civic panegyric Panico, counts of, 361 Panormia, by Ivo of Chartres, 247, 250 Panormia istar vocabularii, by Osbern of Gloucester, 330, 394 Paolino of Aquileia, 18, 20–21, 38n85, 54, 56 Paolo Diacono, 18, 21–23, 29; knowledge of Greek, 22n25, 56; scorns comparison to ancient poets, 22n25; wrote expressive letters, 22n26; people: does not mention Alcuin, 19n7; as source for Donizone, 294; annotated Isidore, 57n160; chronicles Pepin the Short’s support for Chrodegang, 32n63; places: initiated tradition of scholarship at Montecassino, 57; retires to Montecassino, 57; at court in Pavia, 18; works: Ars Donati quam Paulus Diaconus exposuit, 57; Deeds of the Bishops of Metz, 22n23; epitome of De verborum signiicatione, by Festus, 57; Historia Langobardorum, 23, 57, 294, 300, 442; Historiae Romanae breviarium, 299–300 papacy: after Investiture Struggle, 291, 479; — administrative capacity increases, 225, 479; — a centralizing power, 297; as font of canon law, 434–35; chancery of, 185–86, 386, 415–18, 416; constitutions of, 194; curia of, 378, 384, 386, 479, 482; decretals issued by, 252, 366n53, 433–35, 436; doctrines concerning power of, 164, 165, 199, 225, 479; — pope as servus servorum dei, 99; — pope as supreme judge and legislator of the Church, 433; documents of, as source of authority, 197, 199–200; — as source of canon law, 197; legates of, 401; letters by popes, 194; notaries occasionally created by, 361; right to possess property of, 199; role in divine plan of, 199; war with German empire (from 1075), 208; people: Atto and Rather saw no role in reform for, 88; Henry V attempted compromise with, 191; places: intervened in academic afairs in Bologna, 367; experimented with many styles of dictamen (13th c.), 482. See also Investiture Struggle; papal vs. imperial power; and names of individual popes papal schism (1159–64), 444 papal territories, 13, 56, 161, 184, 192–93, 216, 472 papal vs. imperial power, 119–20, 479. See also Investiture Struggle; papacy Papias (lexicographer and grammarian, 11th c.), 132, 144, 159n180, 241n42, 394, 395n41; Ars grammatica of, 260, 261, 266, 275, 289, 324, 390; Elementaria of, 144, 330 Paradisi, Bruno, 144n118, 241n42, 242n46, 342n96 pardon, ceremony of, 454 Paris, 235n21, 265; advanced study in, 271, 272, 323–24; ars dictaminis in, 336; bishop of, 213n117; canon law in, 344, 429n69; Compilationes sent to, 366n55, 434, 435; dialectic in, 262, 406–07; licentiae granted in, 363, 364; preachers in, 334–35, 335n63, 415, 418; Roman law in, 344, 429n69; theology in, 264, 336, 344, 364n47; people: Abelard in, 223n154, 272n15; Alberic in, 262, 385; Anthony of Padua educated in, 419; Blund in, 385; Gerald of Barry taught canon law in, 429n69; Innocent III studies in, 335; Landolfo in, 272; Matteo of Bologna educated in, 411; Maurice of Sully in, 334–35, 415; “Oguccione” studies with Robert of Paris in, 391, 392n32; Rolando of Cremona studied in, 405, 407–08; Sicardo of Cremona taught canon law in, 344, 426; Stephen of Tournai as go-between for students in, 384, 386n11; William of

Champeaux taught in, 272; works: Promisimus gloss written in, 385n9. See also University of Paris parish priests: as providers of primary and secondary education, 267, 268, 286, 289, 371 parish schools, 40, 50, 267, 268, 275n31, 286, 371 Parisiana poetria, by John of Garland, 331, 334 Parisio of Cerea, 446 Parisse, Michel, 221n148 Parlamenti e epistole, by Faba, 421 parliamenti, speeches in, 422 Parma, 173; bishops of, 190; cathedral in, 128; — school in, 123, 130, 274; charters from, 100, 101n114; clerical notaries in (9th c.), 62n183; grammar teacher in (13th c.), 406; monastery at, 161; no clerical notaries known in (10th c. or 11th c.), 108; possible school of Roman law in, 243n51; studium in, 9, 369; people: Anselmo of Besate in, 128–30, 151; Damiani in, 122, 123–24, 130; Drogo philosophus in, 123, 128, 151; Grosolano born near, 273 Parva naturalia, by Aristotle, 310n87, 398 Pascal II, pope, 192–93, 209n99, 221, 277n37; agrees to abandon temporal possessions bestowed by emperors, 177n252; and Henry V, 217–18; and translation of remains of Saint Gimigniano, 307; at Concordat of Worms (1122), 218; excommunicated bishops appointed by Henry I of England, 208; recognized Phillip I of Francia’s right to grant temporal powers to bishops, 211 Passagieri, Rolandino, 378, 424–25, 468n85, 469, 470 Passignano, 354–55n15 passionaries, 127, 133, 134 Pataria movement (Milan), 163, 188, 189, 203 pataria movements, 193, 201n67, 202, 205; in Cremona, 188n16, 203; in Piacenza, 190 Patetta, Federico, 342n96 Patriarch of Aquileia, 368n64 patriotism, civic. See civic patriotism patristic literature. See ancient Christian authors, Greek; ancient Christian authors, Latin; and individual authors and works patronage for literary and scholarly production, 478; paucity of, in regnum, 55–56, 116, 175, 176, 312; for Provençal poets from Italian princes, 347n116; for vernacular writers, 382; places: in Francia, 175, 175–76n249, 321; at Charlemagne’s court, 17 Paucapalea (canon lawyer, 12th c.), 251 Paul I, pope, 57 Paul of Bernfried, 293n4 Paul of Camaldoli, 388n17, 390n26 Paul the Deacon. See Paolo Diacono Paul, Saint, 149, 272, 450n23 Pavia: and ars dictaminis, 353; and Edict of Olona, 46; as capital of regnum, 42, 46, 473; as center for education in the liberal arts, 39; bishop of, 361; cathedral chapter in, 38n87, 39; — school in, 39, 49n135, 80, 131; communal palace in, 353; counts palatine of, 361; dialectic in (12th c.), 241, 262; diocese of, 139; education in surrounding area, 132n60; evidence of notarial training in, 64n189; intellectual center of regnum under Lombards, 42; judges in, 65–66, 69; judices et notarii sacri palatii in, 46, 102, 103, 116, 140, 473, 475; jurists in, 104, 116, 149, 166, 168–71, 235, 475; legal archives of, 103–04, 168–69; legal studies in, 49n135, 140–45, 235, 241–43, 244, 245; monastery of Ciel d’Oro in, 78, 80, 93n83, 131–32, 161; rioting in (1024), 169; Roman law in, 115, 116, 168, 169–70, 171, 173, 235, 237, 242–43, 245, 278–79, 475; royal court at, 18–19, 24, 65, 473; royal notaries in, 64–66, 69, 103, 115; royal palace in, 26n41; — burning of (1024), 169, 246; people: Berengario II

593

Index in, 73, 76; Dungal operated his school in, 39, 40n93, 46, 49n135, 55n155, 80; Enrico of Francigena likely wrote his Aurea gemma in, 256; Guglielmo of Volpano educated in, 80, 131; Henry III in, 170; Lanfranco of Bec in, 131, 140–41, 142–45, 149; Liudprando in, 76–77, 80, 89–90, 131; Emperor Lothar I in, 61; Paolo Diacono in, 18; Stefano of Novara in, 77, 80, 131; Walter of Châtillon in, 384n5; works: Expositio in librum Papiensem composed in, 242; Lombarda composed in, 245 peace movements in German lands, 218–19 Peace of God movement, 202, 209–10, 215, 219, 476 Compare Truce of God movement peasants, 56, 209, 232, 366 Pecci, Giovanni A., 133n64 pederastic love, 82, 94 di Pellegrino Mainardi, Margherita, 380n119 Pennington, Kenneth, 238n28, 248n72, 434n92 Pepin III (the Short), king of the Franks, 17, 51n143, 103n125; introduced Roman chant, 33, 473; praised by Paolo Diacono, 23; received books in Greek from Pope Paul I, 56; supported Chrodegang’s reform eforts, 32n63 Pepin, viceroy of Italy, 17, 23n27, 42 Pepo (jurist in Bologna, 11th c.), 170, 174, 235–36, 237, 243 Peregino of Plumbati, 406 Persius, 95, 193, 342, 432n82 personiication, 193n40, 440–41, 448, 456, 460 Pescatore, Gustav, 342n97 Peter de Honestis, 277n37 Peter Lombard, 237n28, 264–65, 407 Peter of Blois, 254n95, 318, 333, 384 Peter of Cardona, 338n77 Pietro of Isolella, 414 Peter of Spain (12th c.), 329n43 Peter of Spain (13th c.), author of the Summaries of Logic, 406 Peter of Spain, professor of medicine at Siena, 406 Peter the Chanter, 335 Petrarch (Francesco di ser Petracco), 466, 470–71, 488, 490n10 Petronio, Giovanna Nicolaj, See Nicolaj, Giovanna Petrucci, Armando, 25nn35&37, 52n145, 66n199, 357n26 Petrucci, Enzo, 62n185 Petrus (12th-c. canonist), 263n142 Philip I, king of Francia, 209n99, 210, 211, 214 Philip II, king of Francia: patronage of, 321, 322n14 Philippicae, by Cicero, 155 philology, 7, 131, 170–71, 238, 310, 450, 458; in Roman law, 171–73, 238, 428, 475; Lovato’s interest in, 463, 466; of Greek, 310–11 Philosophia, by Daniel of Morley, 311n93 philosophy, 330, 405; and ars dictaminis, 386–87, 388–89; and heterodoxy, 401; and new French grammar, 328–29, 332–33, 392–93, 412, 483; and Roman law, 341n93; Aristotelian works in, 266, 267, 408; did not require advanced grammar as prerequisite, 487; from pagan Latin inheritance, 12; Greek and Arabic texts in, translated into Latin, 311, 398, 403; — their subsequent assimilation into Christian-European thought, 409; in Paetow thesis, 9, 487–88; increased interest in (from 13th c.), 487–88; mendicant orders teach, 371, 404, 405–06; personiied, 440, 441; regnum traditionally weak in, 399; regnum occasionally borrowed ideas from Francia (before late 12th c.), 317; people: Berengar of Tours’s knowledge of said to be supericial, 140n100; Bruno of Asti condemns, 296; Damiani denounces, 158; and author of Gratian I, 250; Moneta of Cremona studied and taught, 405, 409–10; Rolando of Cremona studied and taught, 405, 408, 409–10; places: taught in Milan,

125; — in Bologna, 408–10; — in Pavia, 49; beyond the regnum: 144 n.118; in Francia, 318, 323; Italians studied, 263, 273; in Paris, 406–7 phonetics, 57 Phormio, by Terence, 194n45 physicians, 399 physics, 399 Physics, by Aristotle, 398, 407, 408, 409n108 Piacenza, 337; bishops of, 119, 188n16, 190, 196; cathedral school in, 132, 274; communal palace in, 353; commune in, 233, 234; histories of, 439n2, 445, 447; ostentio cartae irst appeared in, 64; pataria movement in, 188; studium in, 9, 369; Lombard law in, 245; Roman law in, 243, 245, 342; people: Placentino taught in, 342; Papias knew region of, 132n62 Piacitelli, Cecilia, 102n119 Piattoli, Renato, 112n164 Piedmont, 234 pietistic outlook, 24–25, 117, 177, 222, 223–25, 289, 313, 479, 487 Pietro Crasso. See Crasso, Pietro Pietro di Nigro, 449n21 Pietro Lombardo, 237n28, 264–65, 407 Pietro Mezzabarba, 187, 189n17 Pietro of Abano, 401 Pietro of Anzola, 425 Pietro of Benevento, 434 Pietro of Cotio, 303n57 Pietro of Pisa, 18, 19–20, 22 Pietro, bishop of Lucca, 189, 204n81 Pietro, bishop of Vercelli (d. 997), 97 piety, 235; lay, 223–24, 223–24, 479 pilgrims, 308 Pillio of Medicina, 242, 245, 246n65, 288, 345, 364; contributed to summa on Justinian Tres libri, 427; Libellus disputatorius of, 426–27; Summa trium librorum of, 279 pilurica, 308 Pinborg, Jan, 411n1 Piovan, Franco, 402n72 pirates, Muslim, 230 Pirenne, Henri, 117–18 Pisa, 376n97; archbishop of, 419; cathedral in, 297, 307; — library in, 300; — school in, 132, 222, 276, 297, 319; charters in, 100, 101n114; commune of, 202, 203–04, 222, 444; — embassies of, to Constantinople, 309–10; conquest of Majorca by, 299; destroys Muslim cities on North African coast (1087), 298; earthquake in (1117), 300; ecclesiastics said to be gradually excluded from temporal authority in (9th c.), 111n160; episcopal chancery in (10th c. and 12th c.), 105; grammar in, 431n75; histories of, 298–99, 300, 443, 444, 447; lay scholars in, 309–10; literary life (12th c.), 297–300; maritime trade of, 230; monastery of San Vito in, 310n85; MS. of Digest existed in, 172; no clerical notaries known in (10th c. or 11th c.), 108; nostalgia for Roman glory of, 297; notaries in, 102, 108n144, 360; political elite of, 352n2; relative stability of, during Investiture Struggle, 297; Roman heritage of, 297–99; Roman law in, 243, 337, 431n75; a degreed physician in, 400n61; a saint of, 307–9; a teacher in, 41; trade with eastern Mediterranean, 231; — with western Mediterranean islands, 230; urban elite of, 352n2; waxing power of (12th c.), 297; people: Bernard of Clairvaux in, 265n149; Mino of Colle taught in, 376; Rainerio credited with miracles in, 308; Federico Visconti preaches in, 419–20 Pistoia, 202, 205, 206n92, 284n63, 354–55n15

594

Index Placentino, 144n118, 242n46, 279n42, 337, 339, 340, 341–43; calls Virgil his “fellow Lombard,” 343; cited Roman poets, 432; impatient with dialecticians and grammarians, 428–29; helped develop summae for the Justinian Code, 425; left his summa on the Justinian Tres libri uninished, 427; on “rabies grammatica,” 428n67; works: “Poetical Sermon,” 343; Summa Codicis, 426; Summa de actionum varietatibus, 342; Summa Institutionum, 428; Summulae, 342nn97–98 Placido of Nonantola, 192n34, 193, 199–200, 292 placita (public courts), 61, 64, 66, 75, 97, 101, 102, 155, 174, 286, 444 plagiarism, 345, 374n89, 420 plaidoiries, 420n32 planctus (plaint), 302 Planitz, Hans, 220n146 Plato, 94, 134–35, 294 Plautus, 330 Pliny, 90, 442 Po: plain, 231; river system, 72 podestà, 278n39, 354, 360, 362, 363, 420, 421, 448, 449, 457n56, 462, 463, 480, 482 “Poetical Sermon,” by Placentino, 343 Poetics, by Aristotle, 399 Poetria nova, by Geofrey of Vinsauf, 388 poetry, in French (langue d’oïl), 459; chansons de geste, 346, 354–55, 356, 357, 456, 457; didactic, 461; early introduction into regnum, 354; lyric, 355; — lais, 346; patronage of, 321–22; popularity of (from 1200), 351; — helped create audience of readers, stimulating poetry in Latin, 383, 438; rolls of the dead, 320–21, 381–82; shaped manners among nobility, 351 people: inluence on Enrico of Settimello, 354–55, 439, 441; works: Bataille des VII ars, by Henry of Andely, 332, 414n9, 488n3. See also vernacular literature; compare poetry, in Italian dialects; — in Latin; — in Provençal poetry, in Italian dialects, 355–56. See also vernacular literature; compare poetry, in French; — in Latin; — in Provençal poetry, in Latin, 45, 131, 136, 193, 336, 382, 432, 442, 443, 445; accentual, 20–21, 157, 299; ancient pagan, 4, 7, 21n17, 30, 81; — emulation of, 47n129; 383, 458–62, 463–64, 466–67, 491; and advanced grammar, 7, 28, 29, 30, 45, 78, 81; and development of new textual community (13th c.), 481; and humanism, 437; as entertainment, 466; assonance in, 298; biblical references in, 298; by clerics, 18, 45, 47, 48n132, 81n40, 82, 135, 200, 289, 439–41, 443, 457; by laymen, 300, 457–62, 484; catelectic verse, 21n19; celebrating Veronese victory over Avars (796), 42; civic panegyric, 42, 54, 298–99, 439, 441; civic patriots little concerned with (12th c.), 302; classical references in, 298; classical vocabulary in, 299; didactic, 22, 131, 461; goliardic, 381, 458n56; hagiographic, 293–94; in dialogue form, 45; in communal histories, 438, 457; in MS. Burgerbibliothek Bern, 30, 45, 363; little composed in regnum, 8, 12, 12–13n24, 55; liturgical, 42; love, 135–36; — pederastic, 82; lyric, 12, 22, 48n132, 54, 82, 135–36, 294, 347, 354, 355–56, 357, 382, 461; manuals for writing, 331, 388n17, 393; metric, 138, 157, 257, 331, 394n38, 444, 459; — caesurae in, 82, 298; — elegiac, 21–22, 97, 157, 440, 459–61, 464; — epic, 138, 294, 298–99, 346, 354, 355, 357, 439, 443, 480; — in hexameter, 81, 152, 157, 200, 257, 273, 293, 294–95, 299, 300–1, 302–3, 319, 459, 464; — in iambic tetrameter, 195; — quantitative, 135–36; — trochaic, 21, 42; mnemonic, 22, 43, 331, 342; new audience for in regnum, 438; not useful, 474; of moderns, 319, 383;

panegyric, 195n50; production of, 8, 12; prosimetron, 95n95, 152–53, 193, 343, 393–94, 439n2; puns in verse, 464; recognized as a means of conveying ideas and emotions (from late 12th c.), 447; religious, 20–21, 42, 55, 175, 198n60, 200; rhymed, 82–83, 138, 257, 298, 299, 300; — leonine verse, 135–36, 138, 152–53; — octosyllables, 346; rhythm in, 21, 42, 82–83, 156, 193; riddles in, 22; rivalry over, 320; secular, 55, 175; sequences, 12–13n24, 133, 134n72, 292n3; sonnets, 466; under Carolingians, 18–23, 26, 27, 30, 54, 55; under Lombards, 18, 24, 55; written in monasteries, 47; people: Azzo cites, 432; — considers of little use to Roman lawyers, 430; ascribed to Charlemagne, 19; dedicated to Adelardo of Verona, 47n129; Bene of Florence exalts above prose, 394n38; Milanese scholars question Rather about, 81; places: Bobbio, 47; Monte Amiata, 47n130; Nonantola, 138; in transalpine Europe: under Carolingians, written in monasteries, 473; in Francia, 318; northern Francia, 441; occasioned by rolls of the dead, 320–21. See also ancient pagan authors, Latin; classicism; music; prosody; and names of authors and works poetry, in Provençal, 351, 354–56, 357–59, 441, 459, 480; and humanism, 356, 459; and laymen, 358, 382; composed in regnum, 355–56; — noblemen as authors of, 355; — patronage of poets, by Italian princes, 347n116; lyric, 347, 357–58, 466; — in Italy, primarily transmitted through reading, not performance, 357, 358; — preexisting Latin literacy made such transmission possible, 358, 382; — popularity stimulated audience for Latin poetry, 382; popularity of (from 1200), 351; — promoted literacy (from late 12th c.), 356–58; — stimulated new audience for Latin poetry, 438, 480; patronage of, 321–22; shaped manners among nobility, 351, 357; singing of, 358, 480; textual collation of and glosses on, 356; women as composers of, 347; people: inluence on Enrico of Settimello, 355, 439; places: composed in the Veneto, 462; southern Italy: composed in Naples, 355; in Francia: intended to be recited and sung, 480. See also vernacular literature Poitiers: abbots in, 321 Polak, Emil, 253n91 Polano, Aimerico, 380n119 Polipticum, by Atto, 84–85, 88, 103 Polirone, abbey of, 161n184 political institutions, 369, 453–54 political thought: Albertano’s, 438, 454; Atto’s, 85, 85n49, 88; Latini’s, 438, 455–56; Lovato’s, 439, 463–65, 466–67 polysemy, 396n45 Pomposa, 11, 131, 137, 462 Pons of Provence, 336n70 poor, the: Albertano on alleviating sufering of, 451; education of, 269; giving food to, 308; saints who served, 224. Compare poverty popes. See imperial vs. papal power; Investiture Struggle; papacy; and individual popes popolani, 353 popolo minuto, 188n14 Poppo, bishop of Würzburg, 77 Poppon, bishop of Metz, 221 popular opinion, 182, 210, 218–19, 221 popular protest by passive disobedience, 213 popular religious feeling, 186, 223–24, 479 populares (propapal faction) in Piacenza, 190–91 popular violence, 11, 169, 182, 188–91, 211, 212, 214–15, 450, 454, 476, 484 population growth, 117, 182, 229, 231, 291; of cities, 480

595

Index Porphyry, 153, 160n181 possession, demonic, 429–30 Posterior Analytics, by Aristotle, 310n87, 311, 329n43 Postilla, by Rolando of Cremona, 401, 408 potions, magic, 460 poverty: as ideal, 160, 161, 162, 186, 440, 476; to be avoided, according to Albertano, 451, 454; vows of, 117; Compare poor, the Powell, James, 455n47 Praecepta dictaminum, by Adalberto of Samaria, 255–56 Praeloquia, by Rather of Liège, 87n59 prayers, 83, 97, 133–34, 162, 213, 306, 307; for death, 461n66; for the dead, 320; intercessionary, 160n183 preachers, 211–12, 214, 334–35, 404, 408, 419–20, 422. See also ars predicandi preaching, 22, 127, 482; Lateran IV commands bishops to provide, 335; new interest in, sparked by Maurice of Sully (late 12th c.), 414, 415; use of allegory, metaphor, and recherché vocabulary in, 333. See also ars predicandi predestination, 43 “premodism,” 411n1 presbyteriae (wives of priests), 51n144. See also marriage: of clerics; compare concubinage prices, 118, 231, 232n9, 366 priests. See clergy; parish priests Primo tractavit de natura actionum, by Gerald of Montpellier, 338 Prinz, Friedrich, 27n45 Prior Analytics, by Aristotle, 432n82 Priscian, 394n39, 414; poetry of, 30; people: Anselmo of Besate’s knowledge of Priscian’s Institutiones grammaticae, 155; Boncompango criticized modernist speculative grammarians for exaggerating the book’s authority, 389, 432–33; Gautbert wrote an epitome of it, 78; Gunzo knew it well, 94–95; Ilderico borrowed from it, 57, 260; Lanfranco of Bec may have written a commentary on it, 144n117; Orso of Benevento summarized it, 57–58, 260; Papias summarized it, 260, 324, 390; Peter Helias and William of Conches on it, 326; Uguccio borrowed from it, 394n39; works: Institutiones grammaticae, 4, 259–60, 324, 325, 326, 329, 380, 481; Praeexercitamina, 29n54 private property, 35n78, 224 privileges (legal documents), 63 privilegium fori, 5, 50–51, 207, 474 privilegium immunitatis, 5 Pro rege Deiotoro, Pro Ligario, Pro Marcello, and by Cicero, 455 progymnasmata, 29–30 Prologus in antiphonarium, by Wido of Ferrara, 131 Prologus in commentatione Johannis Crisostomi supra evangelium sancti Johannis evangeliste, by Burgundio of Pisa, 309 Promisimus (gloss, 1170s), 327, 385n9 promissary agreements, 360 proof by ordeal, 272 propaganda in Investiture Struggle, 182, 191–201 Propertius, 459–60, 461 Prosdocimi, Luigi, 245n59 prose, 42, 43, 45, 138, 195n50, 197; ancient pagan authors of, 4, 90, 421n35, 432n83, 491; — emulated, 439, 491; and grammar, 382; and humanism, 437; and rhetoric, 397, 437; — in antiquity, taught as part of, 7; Carolingian, 26; historical, 304, 305, 439n2; interwoven with poetry (prosimetron), 95n95, 152–53, 193, 343, 393–94, 439n2; learning composition of, 29, 30, 334, 382; leonine, 127; manneristic, 84–85, 152; little composed in regnum, 8, 96; rhyming, 115, 156, 415; Tuscan, modeled on Latin, 456; people: Albertano’s style in, 450n23; Anselmo

of Besate interwove with poetry, 152–53; Anselmo of Baggio’s, concerning Investiture, 197; Bene considered poetry superior to, 394n38; Benzone’s style in, 193; Boncompagno condemns the elaborate Frenchinluenced fashion in, 386–90; —holds that prose must always be tailored to its rhetorical occasion, 397; Damiani’s style in, 155–57; Deusdedit’s style in, 198; Donizone wrote in, before turning to poetry, 294; Gregory VII’s style in, 185–86; Guido of Pisa’s prose, 299–300; Gunzo interwove with poetry, 95n95; Landolfo’s, sometimes lorid, 128; Liudprando’s style in, 90n70; Lovato sought to emulate ancients’, 439; — his poetry at times scarcely distinguishable from, 461, 466; places: in Francia, 26; in emulation of pagan authors of ancient Rome, 318; poetry more popular than, 273. See also ars dictaminis, as well as under names of individual authors and works prosimetron, 95n95, 152–53, 193, 343, 393–94, 439n2 prosody, 28, 137 Provence: advanced study in (12th c.), 272; and Roman law, 336–43, 425–26; — early reception of Justinian, 336; grammarians taught Roman law in, 428–29; proverbs, 387, 389, 464. See also poetry, in Provençal Prudentius, Aurelius Clemens, 155, 198, 446 Psalms, the, 186; 287 Psychomachia, by Prudentius, 446 Ptolemy and ps.-Ptolemy, 408 Pucelle, Gérard, 344 punishment, corporal, of students, 125–26 puns in verse, 464 Pyrrha and Deucalion, 82–83 quadrivium, 52, 275–76 Quaestiones ac monita, 104, 170 Quaestiones de iuris subtilitatibus, 342nn96&98 Quaestiones in libros sententiarum, by Rolando of Cremona, 405, 408 Quaestiones super Institutis, by Rogerio, 251n84 Quaestiones XIII et commentario in Martini Dacii Modos signiicandi, by Gentile of Cingoli, 411–12n1 V [i.e., Quinque] tabule salutationum, by Boncompagno, 394n38 Quintilian, 95, 135, 154 Quoddam igmentum Bononia metrice, by Stephen of Tournai, 384 Racine, Pierre, 201n67 Radding, Charles M., 25n35, 67n202, 104n126, 132n62, 142nn108–09, 145nn120–21, 160n181, 169nn221&223, 172, 235n22, 338n78 Radulf of La Tourte, 319n6 Raimbaut of Vaqueiras, 355, 356n22 Rainerio di Bencivenni, 376n101 Rainerio, Saint, 307–09, 310n85 Rainieri di Gerardo Albriconi, 375, 376nn92&97 Ralph Niger, 236n24 Ralph of Beauvais, 327 Ralph of Laon, 222 Ramihrdus of Douai, 211–12 Rand, Edward K., 9, 318n2, 332n54 Rangerio, bishop of Lucca, 189, 204, 293–94; educated at Rheims, 200; French cleric, 292; took refuge at court of Matilda of Tuscany, 292; use of pagan and Christian authors, 294–95; works: De anulo et baculo, 193, 200, 292, 294; Vita metrica Anselmi Lucensis episcopi, 196n53, 292, 293–94, 295 Ranieri of Perugia, 424, 468

596

Index Raoul de Cambrai, 346 Rashdall, Hastings, 363n42 Ratchis, king of Lombardy, 66 Rather of Liège, bishop of Verona, 52n147, 86–89; claimed that bishops held more power than kings, 86, 87–88; denounced ambitions of Italian bishops (963), 100; expelled from bishoprics, 80–81n35; ideas on church reform, 86, 87–88; — did not identify princely intervention in Church afairs as a problem, 184; — saw no role for papacy in reform, 88; likely responsible for BMF, 6, 19, 86n53; on royal appointment of bishops, 87–88; praised for knowledge of the liberal arts, 86n53; proud, pious, and intolerant, 80–81n35; read Catullus, 86n53; relied exclusively on moral exhortation, 88; scant inluence on subsequent reformers, 88–89; sermons were gnomic, 85n51; tried to create cathedral schools, 80–81; works: Praeloquia, 87n59; Synodica, 49 Ratholdus of Reichenau, 41–42 Rationes dictandi prosaice, by Ugo of Bologna, 256–57, 277 Rationes dictandi, by Bernardo (dictator), 257 Ratramnus of Corbie, 147 Ravenna; archbishops of, 44, 166, 187, 274n24; archepiscopal province of, 139; cathedral chapter in, 38; cathedral school in, 44n115, 45, 130; clerical notaries in, 63, 108, 110; deinitively annexed to regnum (10th c.), 59, 110; elementary education in (11th c.), 122; episcopal chancery in (9th c.), 106; law taught formally in (early Middle Ages), 64n189; lay notaries in, 110; liturgical texts in, 134; monasteries at, 161; notaries in, 141; revolt against German rule (10th c.), 75; saints’ lives composed in, 306; schools in, 81; studium in, 9; study of Roman law in, 278–79; under Byzantine inluence until mid-8th c., 44 Ravennatis anonymi Cosmographia, 299 Raymond des Arènes, 337n75, 343 Raymond of Montredon, archbishop of Arles, 337 razos, 356 reading: aloud, 254n94; — listening to texts so read, 32, 35; beneits of reading recognized, for the poor, 269; for pleasure, 358; — of Provençal lyric poetry, 357, 358; humanist practices of, 439; instruction in, 34, 36–37, 49–50, 52, 122; private, 50, 357, 480; silent, 254n94. See also literacy; scripts; textual communities of writers and readers Recemundus, bishop of Elvira, 76n18, 91 regalian rights, 232, 233 Regensburg, cathedral school in, 76n14 Reggio Emilia: bishops of, 189, 238n28, 292; canon law in, 274n23; cathedral school in, 129, 130, 178, 274; charters in, 100, 101n114; clerical notaries in, 108; commune in, 369; saints’ lives composed in, 306; studium in, 9, 189; theology in, 369; people: Jacopo of Mandria makes contract to run a school there, 279 Reginaldo of Melanto, 406 Regni Iherosolymitani brevis historia, 444 regnum: as center of Provençal culture (13th c.), 355–56; deined, 1–2, 472; politically decentralized, 312; urbanized, 2–3, 181–82, 206, 231–32, 306, 454, 484. See also Italian diference, the; compare southern Italy Regula clericorum, by Peter de Honestis, 277n37 Regula pastoralis, by Gregory I, 21 Regulae rhythmicae, by Guido of Arezzo, 131 Regule de metris, by Bene, 394n38 Regulus, Marcus Atilius, 298n25 Reichenau, monastery of, 41–42 Reincke, Wilhelm, 220n146

Relatio de Constantinopolitana legatione, by Liudprando of Cremona, 91 Relatio translationis corporis sancti Geminiani, presumably by Aimone, magischola of Modena, 130, 288n83, 306–07 relics, 42, 306–07 religious scholarship: categories of, 479 Remigius of Auxerre, 394 Remigius, 324 Remiremont, monastery of, 164 Renaud of Le Bellay, archbishop of Rheims, 321 Renaut de Montauban, 346 Rennes, 213 renovatio imperii, 97–99 rents, 118n4 renvois (in poetry), 466 republicanism, 438, 450, 454, 455, 467, 469, 484–85; gives way to signorial rule in Padua, 465; — in Florence, 455 Rescriptum contra Lanfrannum, by Berengar of Tours, 147–48 Retorimachia, by Anselmo of Besate, 145 Rheims, 221, 265; archbishops of, 210n107, 321; cathedral school in, 56, 145n122, 146, 200, 223, 264n144; Council of (1119), 239; province of, 209 rhetoric, 262, 383, 435; a fortiori reasoning, 159; advanced 481, 484; analogy in, 159; and a new textual community, 481; and ancient pagan authors, 414; and ars notarie, 378, 483; and audience, 396–97; and canon law, 8, 201, 312, 340, 345; and communes, 469; and composition of poetry and prose, 30; and dialectic, 117, 146, 159n180, 256, 262, 376n92, 396, 402, 406; and eloquence, 7; and grammar, 29–30, 168, 230, 256, 262, 267, 312, 333, 371, 373, 374–76, 377–81, 386, 390n26, 394n38, 395–97, 402, 406, 411, 414, 418, 468, 469–70, 481, 484; — new French grammar, 386–89, 397, 467–68, 482; and humanism, 381, 437, 470n91; and Italian diference, 96, 311; and law, 144, 159n180, 167, 383; — legal book culture, 7, 181; — legal–rhetorical culture, 384, 386, 410, 428, 436–37; — legal–rhetorical mentality, 178, 179, 201, 222, 225, 229, 266, 290, 295, 312, 313, 380, 399, 414, 477; and letter writing, 256, 257; and new forms of notarial documents (11th c.), 174n244; and oratory, 397; — classical, 255; — forensic, 152, 422–24; and politics, 453; and preaching, 417, 418; and Roman law, 168, 169n223, 174n244, 242, 251, 312, 378, 411, 422–24; and stilus humilis, 380, 387, 481, 482; — obscurus, 416–17, 481, 482; — rhetoricus, 415–16, 481, 482; apostrophe, 300; background knowledge of, necessary to learning ars predicandi, 422; Ciceronian, 149n139, 151, 158–59, 340, 422, 423–24, 482; clerics as teachers of, 375, 378, 378n107,, 483; courtly, 481; description (rhetorical technique), 300; distinguished from dialectic, 396; distinguished from grammar, 395–97; divisions of, 393, 422–23; encompassed prose, 437; enthymemes, 7, 144, 159; ethopoeia, 30; examples, 7; exordia, 94, 255, 257, 259n122, 335–36, 389, 393–94, 420n32, 421, 422, 423n43; expolitio, 300; foreign students in, 175; in a Carolingian manual, 29–30; in antiquity, taught through prose, 7; in cathedral schools, 7, 277, 312; in law schools, 7; in MS. Bibl. Ambrosiana Milan, I.29 sup., 276n33; — Bibl. Feliniana, Lucca, cod. 275, 276n33, 614; — BNP, Lat., 7530, 29–30; in studia, 377–78, 381, 402n72, 483; intermediate, 484; judicial, deliberative, and epideictic, 152; laymen as teachers of, 371, 374, 375, 378, 379, 483; manuals of, 482; maxims, 7, 30; notaries as teachers of, 377–78, 379–80, 484; private education in, 377, 378, 469; progymnasmata in, 29–30; rhetorical colors, 7, 84, 255, 257, 308, 389, 393n35, 416, 440; — devices, 300; — igures, 198, 258, 461; — questions, 420n32, 463;

597

Index seeks clarity, except when obscurity may convey a private message, 396; summae in, 435, 482; treatises on, 276n33; people: Adalberto and, 256, 262, 371; Alberico of Montecassino on, 255; Albertano on, 456; Alberto of San Marino and, 371; Alcuin on, 28, 95n96; Anselmo of Besate and, 129, 145, 151, 152–53, 154–55; Arnulfo uses topos of humility, 127; Arsegino, a professor of, 379, 470; Atto criticizes, 84; Bene and, 374, 377, 393, 394n38; Benincasa’s use of, 308–9; Bernardo (dictator) on, 257–58; Boattieri taught, 378; Boncompagno and, 374n89, 375, 377, 386–89, 393, 395–97, 414, 418, 422–24, 481; Bono of Lucca and, 374n89, 375–76, 377; Bruno of Würzburg’s use of, in commenting on the Psalms, 149n137; Cassiodorus applies, to commentation, 149n137; Damiani and, 122, 124, 155–56, 157–59, 163n193, 167; Drogo and, 155; Faba and, 378, 418, 483; Fulbert (attrib.), on distinction between rhetoric and dialectic, 146; Galvano, son of Rainieri di Gerardo Albriconi, taught, 376n92; Geofrey of Vinsauf and, 375, 388–89; Giovanni di Bonandrea appointed professor of, 375n91, 377–78; Gregory VII employed techniques of, 186; Gunzo and, 95–96, 146; Jacques of Dinant taught, 377, 378, 483; Lanfranco of Bec and, 144–45, 149nn138 and 139; Latini on, 456; Lovato sparing in use of rhetorical igures, 461; Marbod on rhetorical colors, 257n112; Nicholas II wants to send students to study, 150n141; Papias on, 144; Passagieri and, 470; Paul of Camaldoli and, 390; Pietro della Vigna and, 415n11; Rolandino and, 402, 469–70; Sichelmo and, 129, 145, 155; Thierry of Chartres on, 276n33; places: in Bologna, 374–76, 377–78, 380, 386–89, 411, 418, 467–68, 469–70; — chancery of, 380, 470; — in studium, 377–78, 469, 483; — legal–rhetorical mentality dominant, 468, 470; — notaries as teachers of, 484; in Padua, 379–81; — notaries as teachers of, 484; — studium in, 402n72, 469–70; in Francia, 333–36; and grammar, 333, 386; in discussions of canon law, 344; modernist, 386; personiied, in the service of Logic, 336. See also ars arengandi; ars predicandi; ars dictaminis; Ars rhetorica, by Victor; Cicero; Flores rhetorici; letter writing; oratory; preaching; Quintilian; Rhetoric, by Aristotle; Rhetorica antiqua; Rhetorica novissima; and Rhetorimachia Rhetoric, by Aristotle, 399 Rhetorica antiqua, by Boncompagno, 368n64, 386–88, 395, 403 Rhetorica novissima, by Boncompagno, 389–90, 422, 423 rhetorical colors. See under rhetoric Rhetorimachia, by Anselmo of Besate, 128, 129, 151–55 Rhine, 72, 181, 183, 208 Rhineland corridor: bishops of, 219n142 da Rho, Anselmo, archbishop of Milan (Anselm III), 189 Rhône valley, 336 rhyme. See under poetry; see also prose rhyme Rhythmus de vita sancti Zenonis, 42 Richard I and II, dukes of Normandy, as patrons, 176n249 Richer (disciple of Gerbert of Aurillac), 145 riddles (genre), 22 di Rienzo, Cola, 417 right action, 452 de Rijk, Lambertus M., 262n138, 385n9, 390n27 Rimini: monastery of San Gaudenzio in, 134; — diocese of, 139 Ritmo Pisano (poem), 298 rituals: civic, 223, 463; of kingship, 86n55, 208n95; of the Church, 277n37. See also liturgy; symbolism road construction, 232 Robert of Arbrissel, canon of Rennes Cathedral, 213, 214 Robert of Melun, 327, 391n29

Robert of Orléans, 386 Robert of Paris, 327–28, 329, 388, 391, 392n32 Robert the Pious, king of Francia, 175 Roberts, Phyliss B., 335n62 Robinson, Ian S., 141n106, 194n44, 195n50 Rocca, Emilio Nasalli, 8–9 Rockinger, Ludwig, 257n111 Roger I, king of Sicily, 216 Roger II, king of Sicily, 231n6 Rogerio (jurist, 12th c.), 242, 339, 340–41, 432n82; helped develop summae for the Justinian Code, 425; wrote glosses on Justinian Tres libri, 427; works: Quaestiones super Institutis, 251n84; Summa Codicis, 341 Rolandino of Padua, 375n90, 378n108, 379, 380n121, 447, 469–70; works: Cronica in factis et circa facta Marchie Trivixane, 356n23, 366n53, 379, 381, 400n67, 402, 446, 470 Rolando (canonist and theologian, 12th c.), 263–64, 265, 385; on Graziano, 280–81; works: Stroma ex decretorum corpore carptum, 251; Summa, 264 Rolando of Cremona, 401, 405, 407–08, 409n111 Rolando of Lucca, 427 Rolker, Christoph, 247n70 rolls of the dead, 320–21, 381–82 Romagna, 108–10, 234, 457–58n56 Roman d’Aenéas, 441n6 Roman de la rose, by William of Lorris, 456, 457 Roman de Troie, by Benoît of Sainte-Maure, 346 Roman law. See law, Roman da Romano, Alberico, 356; da Romano family, 462, 463 Rome, ancient: aristocracy of (6th c.), 24; as urban, republican society, 3, 438, 456, 467, 484, 485; as ethical model, 301–03, 317, 384, 454–56, 467, 470–71, 476, 484–85; — civic pride in heritage of, 297, 302; defeats Carthage, 298; in poetry, 54, 83, 97–98, 298–99, 300–03; lay public schools of, 8n11; Lombard invasion of, 24–25; Ottonians identiied with rulers of, 98–99; provinces of, enumerated, 299; technical vocabulary of imperial administration, 427; timid reverence for, 414; people: Charlemagne and traditions of, 26; Cicero as defender of liberty of, 456. See also ancient pagan authors, Latin; classicism; compare Rome, medieval and Rome personiied Rome, medieval: bishops of, 19n7; canon law cases brought in, 433; clerical notaries in, 63; councils of the Church in, 35, 194n45, 269; earliest surviving MS. of Justinian’s Institutes originated in, 169; German emperors sought coronation in, 71, 72, 119–20; Greek studies in, 56–57; inscriptions in, 57; law taught formally in (early Middle Ages), 64n189; monastery of Santa Maria (Aventine Hill), 185; revival of scholarly activity in (mid-8th c.), 56; synods in, 35, 40, 186, 198, 269; people: Anselmo of Aosta’s self-imposed exile in, 208; Charlemagne visits (781), 21; Chrodegang visits (753), 31–32; Humbert visits (1057), 188; Henry III imposes line of refoming German popes in (1046), 119–20, 476; Lanfranco of Bec visits, 143n112; Otto I deposes John XII in (963), 91, 442; Michael Scot may have resided in, 398; Wilchar, bishop of Nomentana in, 19n7. See also papacy; papal territories; and Romagna; compare Rome, ancient, and Rome personiied Rome personiied, as prostitute and virgin, 193n40 Romualdo, 161–63, 176–77 Roncaglia, 233, 281 Roncaglia, Aurelio, 358n27 Ropa, Giampaolo, 47n127 Rosarium, by Uguccio, 391

598

Index Rosenwein, Barbara, 73n2 Rosier-Catach, Irène, 411n1 Rossetti, Gabriela, 74n6, 352n2 Rossi, Guido, 365n52 Rota Veneris, by Boncompagno, 417 Rotari, king of Italy, 142n111 Rotilando, cousin of Anselmo of Besate, 128, 151–52, 153 rouleaux des morts. See rolls of the dead Round Table, Knights of, 346 Rouse, Richard H., 318n2; and Mary A. Rouse, 335n62 Roussillon, 210n105 rowing, 308 rubrics: in canon law, 199, 250, 264, 344, 434; in grammar, 413; in theology, 249 Rudolph of Swabia, 216, 219n142 Ruino of Bologna, 251, 345 Ruggerio di Marino of Florence, 376 Ruini, Cesarino, 131n39 rules: Benedictine, 22, 48, 50; quasimonastic, 225, 277 Rusconi, Angelo, 131n39 Russo, Giuseppe, 64n189 Rustico, co-translator of the Kitāb al-Malīkī, by al-Majūsī, 309 sacramentaries, 127 Sacramentarium Hadrianum, 33 sacraments: denial of, to priests living in sin, 86; eicacy of, 164, 165, 188n14 Saint Gall, 45, 76n14, 93–94 Saint Gilles, 337n77, 338–39, 340, 343 Saint Jean de Montierneuf, monastery of, in Poitiers, 321 Saint Nicolas, monastery of, in Angers, 321 Saint Paul, church of, in Milan, 272 Saint Pierre de la Couture, monastery of, in Le Mans, 321 Saint Quentin, commune in, 214 Saint Symphorien, abbey of, at Metz, 176n249 Saint Victor, hermitage of, 280n48 saints, lay, 223–24, 479 Salatiele of Bologna, 424–25 Salerno, 400 Salians: education program emphasized litterae et mores, 126, 174–75; eforts to consolidate imperial power, 119–20; patrons of letters, 175 Salimbene de Adam, 380n121 Sallust, 127, 155, 193, 194, 258, 293, 300, 304, 421n34, 443, 444, 445, 446, 450n23; Sallustian historical ininitive, 196n52; Sallustian language, 131 salt war, 465 Salutati, Coluccio, 490n10 Samaritani, Antonio, 131n39 San Donato Cathedral, in Arezzo, 285 San Faustino, monastery of, at Brescia, 47, 48 San Gaudenzio, monastery of, 134 San Giovanni, monastery of, at Parma, 161 San Lorenzo, church of, in Sezano, 49 San Martino, church of, in Lucca, 276n34 San Michele, monastery of, in Lucedio, 80 San Michele della Chiusa, abbey of, 136–37, 443 San Miniato, 376n97 San Nicolà (Dominican house, Bologna), 403, 405, 406, 409 San Pietro, cathedral of, in Bologna, 133 San Pietro al Monte di Civate, monastery of, 48, 49, 50 San Pietro I n Ciel d’Oro, monastery of (in Pavia), 49n135, 78, 80, 93n83, 131–32, 136, 141, 161 San Salvatore, monastery of, at Pavia, 161 sanctimoniales, 35n76

Santa Justina, monastery of, in Padua, 446 Santa Maria di Puliola, church of (site of Franciscan house in Bologna), 404 Santa Maria Hyemalis, cathedral of, in Milan, 125 Santa Maria Mater Domini, Franciscan house in Padua, 404 Santa Maria, monastery of (Aventine Hill, Rome), 18 Santa Maria, monastery of, at Pavia (later San Maiolo), 161 Santa Tecla, Church of, in Milan, 274 Sant’Ambrogio, monastery of, in Milan, 45, 128n43, 273 Sant’Apollinare in Classe, monastery of, at Ravenna, 161 Sant’Apollinare Nuovo, monastery of, at Ravenna, 161 Sant’Apollonio, church of, at Canossa, 294 Santi Pietro e Andrea di Novalesa, abbey of, 137–38, 442–43 Santini, Giovanni, 8, 279n42, 288n79, 288nn82–83, 339n84 “Sanzanome” (anonymous author), 445, 447 Saraceno of Enrico, 285n68 Saracens, 58. See also Muslims de Saramando, W., 279n45 Sardinia, 297 Sartorio, Arturo Menghi, 257n112 satire, 12, 22 Saul, 429–30 Savignano sul Panaro, 190 Saxons, 194 Saxony, 154, 216, 217, 476 scabini, 61, 101, 103, 111 Scaglia, Giuseppe, 298n26 Schaller, Hans-Martin, 415n13 Schiaparelli, Luigi, 60n170, 60n173, 62nn182&184, 64n190 Schmale, Franz-Josef, 255n103 Schmitt, Wolfgang, 324n21 Schmitz, Philibert, 161n184 schola, meaning of (9th c.), 49 Scholastica, Saint, 58 scholasticism, 9, 248n74, 266, 410n114 “schoolbooks,” 488 schools. See cathedral schools; collegial schools; education, advanced; — elementary; — intermediate; — private; monastic schools; notarial schools; parish schools; parish priests; studia; teachers; universities; and under subjects taught von Schubert, Hans, 32n64 von Schulte, Johann F., 251n85 science. See natural science scinderatio (stylistic technique), 84n48 sclavina (garment), 308 Scolari, Paolo (Pope Clement III): nephews of, 386 Scot, Michael, 398–99, 401n71, 408, 409n111 scribes, 25, 386 scriptoria, 4, 11, 127, 475; in cathedrals, 42, 46, 104, 133; in monasteries, 47–49, 53, 70, 133, 134, 136, 292n3, 322n16; places: at Bobbio, 47; in Bologna, 133; at Canossa, 292n3; in Lucca, 46; in Milan, 45; at Monte Amiata, 47n130, 136; at Nonantola, 47; in Vercelli, 83n46; in Verona, 42, 44 scripts: Beneventan, 53n150, 57; “cancelleresca palatina,” 66; Carolingian, 42, 174n245, 490n10; cursive, 174; Gothic, 490; library, 6; Milanese, 127; miniscule, 174; non-Beneventan, 490; notarial, 6. See also calligraphy Secreta secretorum, by ps.-Aristotle, 408 senhals, 441, 466 Segni, bishop of, 295 Seidel, Max, 298n26 semantics. See under grammar Seneca, 438, 441, 450, 452, 463, 466; apocrphyal correspondence with Saint Paul, 450n23; copying of manuscripts of, in Francia, 322; Works: Epistulae ad Lucilum, 450

599

Index Sens: archbishop of, 210n107; province of, 209 Sententiae, by Gandolfo (canonist and theologian, 12th c.), 264 sequence (genre), 12, 12–13n24, 133, 134n72, 292n3 serfs, 75n10 Sergius II, pope, 57 Sergius III, pope, 58n168 Serlo of Bayeux, 318 Sermo de vita Sancti Zenonis, by Coronato of Verona, 42 sermons, 85n51; crusade, 415; inluence on stilus obscurus, 417; model, 335–36. See also ars predicandi Servites, 404n85 Servius, 30, 155, 198, 394n39, 432n82 Seven against Thebes, 458–59 Severus, Saint, 156 Severus, Sulpicius, 125, 155 sexual sins of the clergy, 164 shorthand, 66n199 Sic et non, by Abelard, 248–49 Sicardo, bishop of Cremona, 284n64, 344–45, 426, 445 Sichelmo, teacher of Anselmo of Besate, 129, 145, 155, 168, 178 Sicily, 101, 215–16, 231n6 Siena: and medicine, 406; bishops of, 200n65, 236n24, 285n68; boundary dispute with Arezzo (late 12th c.), 284–86, 358n29, 362, 481; cathedral chapter in, 38; cathedral school in, 132, 133n64, 274; commune in, 369; lay teaching in, 285; monastery of San Vincenzo in, 274n26; notaries in, 102; studium in, 369 Sigebert of Gembloux, 212 sigla, 240 signiication. See under grammar signorial rule, 455, 465 signs, 393n33 Silagi, Gabriel, 135n75 silence: when preferred over oratory, 453 Silvae, by Statius, 459–60 similitudo (grammatical igure), 157n168 Simon of Tournai, 433 simony, 162, 163, 164, 189, 198, 209, 210, 213; archbishop of Milan accused of, 272; broad construals of, 87, 184, 282, 476; papal decrees concerning (1059–1078), 184; popular movements against, 186–87; wandering preachers denounce, 211; people: Bruno of Segni on, 296; Humbert of Moyenmoutier considers a heresy, 184; Ramihrdus of Douai preaches against, 212; places: in England and Normandy, 208; in German lands, 217 Singer, Heinrich, 345nn113–14 singing, 31, 70, 277n37; and Roman law, 430; of Provençal lyric poetry, 358; took time away from studying the Bible, according to Agobard, 36–37. See also chant, Roman; canonical hours; music Sinibaldo di Gentile of Cingoli, 377n102 Sinibaldo, bishop of Padua, 190 Sion of Vercelli, 414 Siraisi, Nancy, 374n89 Sivo,Vito, 388n17 slaves, 430, 432 Smalley, Beryl, 235n22, 334–35n62 social mobility, 214, 360, 361–62 societates (created by contract for private teaching), 278–79, 281, 365 socii: students, 278–80; business partners, 451 Soetermeer, Frank, 370n79 Solinus, Gaius Julius, 300 Solmi, Arrigo, 8n10, 40n93 Solomon ibn Gabirol, 398, 409n108

“Song of the Watchmen of Modena” (poem), 54 sonnets, 466 sorceress cures Lovato of fever, 460 soul, 401, 409 southern Italy, 13, 472; intellectual life, 56–59; political culture, 56; proximity to Muslim learning, 397 Southern, Richard W., 49, 143n112, 149n138, 283n61, 323nn17–18 spaces, consecrated, used by communes, 207 Spagnesi, Enrico, 239n34 Spain, 284, 397 Speyer, 219 spice trade, 231 Spicq, P. Ceslas, 296n19 Spoleto, 370n80, 435; duchy of, 17, 457n56 Sponcius of Provence, 336n70 Stadiberto cancellarius, 105n129 Statius, Publius Papinius, 81, 222n153, 421n34, 441, 443; places: in Francia, manuscripts of and commentaries on, 322; works: Achillides of, 293; Silvae of, 154, 459–60; Thebaid of, 346 Staubach, Nikolaus, 90n70 Stefanardo of Vimercate, 461 Stefano del fu Pietro, 376n93 Stefano of Novara, 77n19, 80, 121 Stefano, co-translator of the Kitāb al-Malīkī, by al-Majūsī, 309 Stelling-Michaud, Sven, 281n53 Stemma, by Bulgaro, 238 Stephen, bishop of Tournai, 251, 343, 384, 386 Stephen of Rouen, 322n14 Stephen II, pope, 31–32 Stephen IX, pope (Frederick of Lorraine), 120n9 Stock, Brian, 301n48, 472 Strabo, Walahfrid, 33n68 degli Strambiati, Guido, abbot of Pomposa, 137 Strecker, Karl, 8n43 Stroma ex decretorum corpore carptum, by Rolando, 251 studia, 383, 411; communal, 410; economic beneits of, 481; enrollment in, reduced by famine or warfare, 370; forced grammar schools to streamline curricula, according to Black, 488; lay teachers in, 483; medicine studied in (after 1250), 482; mendicant, 410, 422; — Franciscan, 404, 405; — Dominican, 405–07, 408n102; natural sciences studied in (after 1250), 399; not extensions of local cathedral schools, 369; origin and rise of, 8–9, 290, 351, 362–71, 403, 480–81; — a response to growing demand for higher education, 189; said to be of lay origin, 9; systematize grammar curriculum (13th c.), 480–81; places: Arezzo, 367–68; Bologna, 9, 174n244, 282n55, 363–68, 370–71, 373, 374n89, 375, 377–78, 400, 402, 407n100, 408n102, 483; Modena, 9, 368–69; Naples, 367–68; Padua, 367–68, 370, 373, 380–81, 400, 402, 463, 468, 469, 470, 483, 484; Paris, 408; Parma, 9, 369; Piacenza, 9, 369; Ravenna, 9; Reggio, 9, 189; Siena, 369;Vercelli, 367–68, 370, 403; Vicenza, 367–68. See also universities; compare education, advanced styles: stilus altus, 256, 390; — Aurelianensis, 417n16; — humilis, 163n193, 256–57, 258, 259, 380, 387, 392, 450n23, 481, 482; “— medius,” 417–18; — obscurus, 416–17; — rhetoricus, 415–16 Suetonius, 304, 444 Sulla, 443 Summa, by Paucapalea, 251 Summa, by Rolando (canonist and theologian, 12th c.), 264 Summa, by Rolando of Cremona (Quaestiones in libros sententiarum), 405, 408

600

Index Summa, by Sicardo of Cremona, 344–45, 426 Summa artis grammatice, prob. by Uguccio, 390–92, 411 Summa Codicis, by Azzo, 426, 431 Summa Codicis, by Placentino, 426 Summa de actionum varietatibus, by Placentino, 342 Summa de arte dictandi, by Geofrey of Vinsauf, 385, 388–89 Summa Decreti, by Stephen of Tournai, 343 Summa decretorum, by Ruino of Bologna, 251, 345 Summa decretorum, by Uguccio, 252 Summa dictaminis, by Bene, 374, 392n32, 394n38 Summa dictaminis, by Faba, 423n43 Summa dictaminum, by Bernardo, 257–58, 259 Summa grammatice, by Bene of Florence, 374, 392–93, 396n45 Summa Institutionum “Iustiniani est in hoc opere,” 338 Summa Institutionum, by Azzo, 426, 430 Summa introductoria super oicio advocationis in foro ecclesiastico, by Bonaguida of Arezzo, 421n32 Summa libellorum, by Dorna, 429n69 Summa super Priscianum, by Helias, 326, 394–95, 396n45 Summa totius artis notarie, by Passagieri, 425 Summa trecensis, by Gerald of Montpellier, 337, 338, 339, 341 Summa trium librorum, by Pillio, 279 summae, 383, 407, 435–36, 482. See also under titles of works; compare manuals Summaries of Logic, by Peter of Spain, 406 Summulae, by Placentino, 342nn97–98 Super specula Domini (bull), by Honorius III, 270, 284n63 surgeons, 400 Sutri: bishops of, 292. See also Bonizone, bishop of Sutri Swabia, 212n111 syllogism. See under dialectic Sylvester II, pope, 98. See also Gerbert of Aurillac symbolism, 210, 252, 407; communes’ use of, 183, 207; of bishops’ oice (ring and staf), 200, 208–09, 218; of kingship, 208n95 Synaxarion: translation of, into Latin, 58 Synodica, by Rather, 49 synods: in Liège (1082), 219n140; in Mainz (1085), 217; in Rome (826), 35, 40; in Rome (1067), 186; in Rome (1098), 198; Lenten (1076), 183, 185; Lenten (1178), 210n107; Compare councils of the Church syntax. See under grammar Tabacco, Giovanni, 119n6, 352n2 Tabarroni, Andrea, 263n140 tabelliones, 24 tachygraphic note taking, 66n199 Tanchelm of Antwerp, 214 taxation, 232, 233n15, 352, 353n6 teachers: certiication of, 282–84; terminology for describing, 40, 41, 42, 44, 46, 47, 79–80, 81, 122–32, 133n64, 134n74, 139n100, 145, 150, 151, 174, 178, 236n24, 239n34, 263nn141–42, 269nn2&4, 270n6, 271, 273–74, 275, 277, 281, 282–83, 285, 288–89, 311n92, 373n84, 374n89, 375n92, 376nn93&95, 377, 378–80, 406; in Francia: growing professionalization of (from 1150), Tebaldo di Bonaventura of Amendola, 376 Tedaldo, archbishop of Milan, 185, 189 tenant farmers, 232 Terence, 90, 194, 450n23; edition of, by Hildemar of Corbie, 47–48; in BNP, Lat. 7990A, 45n119, 48; Phormio of, 194n45; read by poet–monk who may have been Hildemar, 48n132 Terpsra, Nicholas, 377n106 Terrisio of Atina, 394n38 Tesoretto, by Latini, 456–57

testaments, 236, 431–32 Tetrabiblos, by Ptolemy, 408 Teutonicus, Johannes. See John the German textbooks. See manuals; compare “schoolbooks”; summae textual communities of writers and readers (in Latin); Brian Stock’s concept and term, 301, 472; clerics form, thanks to mendicant orders (13th c.), 382, 436, 483; — until then, lacking, 301–02, 312, 319–20, 436, 478; lay–clerical, emerge for ars dictaminis, canon law, and Roman law (12th c.), 261n132, 312, 474; lay–clerical, emerges for literature (13th c.), 351–52, 382, 454; — fostered by better and more widely available education in grammar, 351, 481, 487; — fostered by popularity of vernacular texts, 438, 447; in Francia: among clerics (from late 11th c.), 319–21, 381–82, 478 Thaner, Friedrich, 264n145 Thebaid, by Publius Papinius Statius, 346 Thebes, 302; Legion of, commemorated in lost poem, 136 Themistius, 398 Theobald, bishop of Arezzo, 131 Theodore (grammarian of Greek), 78n22 Theodosio of Cremona, 406 theology: against heresy, 405, 409; and accommodation of pagan thought, 409–10; and Aristotle, 266; and canon law, 192, 246, 248–49, 250, 251, 252, 265–66, 268, 433, 434; and cathedral schools, 7, 36, 126, 263–67, 269–70, 275–76, 277, 369n72; and dialectic, 147–50, 154, 159–60, 178, 225, 248–49, 264, 266–67, 296, 405, 407, 483; and grammar, 277; and Lateran IV, 269–70, 284; and mendicant orders, 266, 371, 382, 404, 405, 410, 436, 482–83; and natural sciences, 401–02, 405, 407, 409, 410; and predestination of Adam, 43; and scholasticism, 9, 248n74, 266; borrowings in, from Francia (12th c.), 317; clerical beneices and study of, 284; community of readers for, 382; degrees in, 283, 364; lack of interest in, in regnum, 55, 192, 225, 263, 267, 399, 478–79; laymen study (from 12th c.), 289, 291, 309, 313; personiied, 336; political, 468; professors of, 269–70, 277–78, 284, 410; — private, 278; revival of interest in (late 12th c.), 263, 266–67; — some derivative works produced, 230; revival of interest in (13th c.), 383, 410, 436, 487–88; sacramental, 250n83; speculative, 402, 407, 410; summae used in, 407; texts in Greek, 398n51; translation of Greek and Arabic texts into Latin, 309, 310, 313, 397, 398; people: Abelard and, 223, 248n74, 249, 250, 264, 265, 266; Alberico of Montecassino and, 150; Anselmo of Aosta and use of dialectic in, 149, 150, 266; Anselmo of Pusterla and, 222n153, 272; Saint Anthony of Padua may have taught, 404n84; Berengar of Tours on use of dialectic in, 147–48; Bernardo of Pavia asserted independence of canon law from, 434; Blund and, 385; Bonaventura and Tommaso of Aquina transform, 407, 410; Bruno of Segni and, 296; Burgundio of Pisa wrote a work in, 309; Cacciafronte opens school in, 275, 277; Damiani on use of dialectic in, 150, 154, 159–60, 178, 296; Eteriano brothers and, 240, 309–10; Felix of Urgel and Elipando of Toledo (Adoptionists), 20; author of Graziano I and, 249–50, 251; Gandolfo (canonist and theologian, 12th c.) and, 263–64, 277; Guglielmo of Lucca and, 265, 275n32, 277; Guido of Arezzo said to have taught, 131n59; Haymo of Faversham taught, 404; Irnerio and, 239–40; Landolfo junior studies, 222, 263, 271–72; Lanfranco of Bec and, 147, 148; Liudprando deployed, in a sermon, 92; Moneta of Cremona and, 409; Oddone of Lucca and, 264; Omnebene and, 265, 277; Paciico on predestination of Adam, 43; Paolino’s writings on, 20; Pietro Lombardo and, 264–65, 407;

601

Index Pucelle taught, 344; Robert of Melun taught, 391n29; Rolando (canonist and theologian, 12th c.) and, 263–64; Rolando of Cremona and, 401, 405, 407–08, 409; Stephen of Tournai studied and taught, 343; Uguccio and, 252, 266; William of Champeaux and, 272; places: in Bologna, 173, 230, 263, 265–66, 275n32, 277, 364n47, 385, 404, 405, 407, 408–09; in Lucca, 264–65, 275–76, 277; in Milan, 126; in Padua, 409; in Pisa, 309; in Reggio, 369; in Vercelli, 369n72; in Vicenza, 270n5, 275, 277–78; in transalpine Europe: 117, 144n118; 488; and dialectic, 139, 145, 266; and scholasticism, 266; in cathedral schools, 201; in England: in Oxford and Cambridge, 410; in Francia: 264, 271–72, 273, 323, 343; and accommodation of pagan thought, 318; and canon law, 343–45; and dialectic, 248–49, 325; and grammar, 325, 330; in Chartres, 343; in Laon, 222–23, 263, 272; in Orléans, 264, 272, 343; in Paris, 264, 272, 364n47, 407–08, 410; — Roman law included in classes on, 344; in Tours, 272 Theseider, Eugenio D., 74n6, 75n8 Thierry of Chartres, 276n33, 324n20, 336n71 Tholey, monastery of, 176n249 Thomas Aquinas, Saint, 407, 410 Thurot, Charles, 332n54 Tibullus, 137, 443, 459–60 Timaeus, by Plato, 94, 134–35 Tiraboschi, Girolamo, 129n48 Tirelli,Vito, 284n64 di Tocco, Carlo, 245 Tofanin, Giuseppe, 9–10 Toledo, 311, 398 tolls, 232 Tolosano, 445 Tomea, Paolo, 45n121, 125n28 Tommaso of Aquino, Saint (Thomas Aquinas), 407, 410 Tommaso of Pavia, 420 Topica, by Aristotle, 94 Topica, by Cicero, 94, 146, 153, 158 topical analysis, 344 Toulouse, 405, 408 Tournai, 211, 251, 343 Tours, 146, 210n107, 272 Tractatus de gerundiis, by Andrea Ciai, 431n75 Tractatus de oicio tabellionatus in castris et villis exercendo, by Passagieri, 425 Tractatus de veritate corporis Christi, by Gregorio of Bergamo, 276n36 Tractatus in Cantica canticorum, by Giovanni of Mantua, 292–93 Tractatus modorum, by Martin of Dacia, 411–12n1 Tractatus notularum, by Passagieri, 425 Tractatus virtutum, by Boncompagno, 389, 394, 395 trade, international, 121, 231 traditional book culture, 17, 472, 473–74; and letter writing, 259; and the Italian diference, 53–57, 70, 116–17, 174–78; attacked by antisecularist reformers (11th c.), 176, 178; continuity of, in Pisa, 297; curriculum of, 487; debilitating reverence for the ancients, 311, 436; decline of, 174–78, 222, 223, 225, 235; deined, 3; dominated by clerical elite of cathedrals, 5; emphasized pagan authors, 277; founded on study of grammar, 176; golden age of, 120–60; held that wisdom should not be sold, 289; laymen in, 6, 291, 300–02, 304–05, 309–13, 371–81; located in cathedrals, 4–5; marginalized by rise of legal book culture, 178, 312; meager literary and scholarly production (9th c.–13th c.), 9, 311–12, 436; overlapped little with documentary culture, 6, 25; reorientation toward practical learning (12th c.), 230;

suspicious of dialectic, 117, 178; under Carolingians, 53–56; under Lombards, 25; under Ottonians, 89–100; writers at court of Matilda of Tuscany educated in, 295; people: Adalberto of Samaria’s commitment to, 256; commitment of Bernardo (dictator) to, 257–58; places: in transalpine Europe, 257n113; in Francia, 222–23; 317–33; in German lands, 223. See also cathedral schools; scriptoria; and under names of individuals and works Trajan, 443 translation: Arabic to Latin, 291, 311; Greek to Latin, 58–59, 291; Latin to French, 455; Latin to Tuscan, 456, 467, 485; paraphrase in, 455 Transmundus (dictator), 393n35 transubstantiation, 116 Tredecino (logician in Padua, 13th c.), 406 Tres libri (of Justinian Codex), 240, 246n65, 427–28, 433 Tresor, by Brunetto Latini, 455n47 Treva, by Guilhem de la Tor, 356n22 Treviso, 462; allied with Venice in war against Padua, 357; cathedral school in, 275; communal palace in, 353; corte d’amore in, 356–57; a legal document in, 287; Lovato hears French singer of epic in, 458; Provençal poetry composed in, 356; Treaty of (1291), 465 Treviso, March of, 436, 470 Trier: cathedral school in, 76n14 Tripoli: bishop of, 490n9 Tristan, 355, 441, 461 Tristia, by Ovid, 445 trivium, 30, 52, 152, 230, 262, 275–76, 277, 299, 406 Trogus, Pompeius, 461 Trojan War, 301 tropes (hymnology), 133, 292n3 troubadours, 347, 355, 357, 382 Troy, 302; histories of, ascribed to Dares and Dictys, 346 Truce of God movement, 209–10; Compare Peace of God movement Tübinger Rechtsbuch, 338 Tunberg, Terrence O., 421n33, 422n38 Turin, 36, 39, 132–33 Tuscan: 455, 456, 467, 485 Tuscany: and commercial revolution, 231; cities in, assert autonomy, 234; — make war against Charles of Anjou, 464; civitas vs. urbs in, 206n92; clerical notaries nearly vanish in, 108, 111; collection of model letters from (12th c.), 258; few bishops became counts in (10th c.), 74n6; German bishops appointed in, 187; southern: possible source of Bibbie atlantiche, 292n2; people: Gregory VII prob. from, 185; Mino of Colle taught in, 376; Pepo pioneered legal studies in (late 11th c.–early 12th c.), 174, 235–36 two swords, doctrine of, 165 tyranny, 456, 462 Tyre, 308 Ubaldo, bishop of Mantua, 190, 293n4 Uberto, bishop of Lucca, 265 Uc of Saint Circ, 356 Ugo of Bologna, 256–57, 259, 277 Ugo of Parma, chaplain to Conrad I, 124 Ugo of Porta Ravegnana, 238, 244n57. See also “Four Doctors,” the Ugo of Provence, king of Italy, 73, 88, 89, 103, 112, 118, 127, 443, 474 Ugo, author of De pugna, 244n57 Ugolino dei Presbiteri, 427 Ugolino di Arrigolo di Folco, 274n26, 286

602

Index Uguccio of Pisa, 263n142, 374, 395, 430n72; became bishop of Ferrara, 391; iltered theology out of canon law, 266; works: Agiographia, 391; De dubio accentu, 391; Magnae derivationes, 391, 395n41; Rosarium, 391; Summa artis grammatice (attrib.), 390–92, 411; Summa decretorum, 252, 390–91, 482 Uhlitz, Mathilde, 96n97 Ullmann, Walter, 69n208 Umbria, 292n2 universitas scholarium, 365–66, 368n64 universities: origin of, 8–9; raised educational expectations of more-prosperous families, 362; study of grammar at, 332–33, 374, 411–12; places: transalpine Europe: Cambridge, 410; Oxford, 410; — condemnations of 1277 at, 401. For the regnum, See studia; see also University of Paris University of Paris, 407–08, 410; condemnations of 1277 at, 401; limitations on teaching Aristotle at (13th c.), 407; grammar at, 411–12; — Modism at, 412; students strike at, 408; trained mendicant intellectuals (13th c.), 266, 408, 410; theology at, 407–08, 482; people: Roger Bacon lectures at, 407, 408; Gentile of Cingoli educated at, 377n102, 411–12; Matteo of Bologna studies at, 411–12; Federico Visconti studies at, 419 urban growth, 214 Urban II, pope, 189, 198, 200; and preaching of reform, 213; a conciliatory reformer, 208, 247; excommunicates Philip I, 210n108; grants Roger I powers like those of a papal legate, 216; letter thanking people of Bologna, 204n83; showed restraint when disciplining French bishops, 210 Urban III, pope, 366n53, 384n2 urban unrest. See under popular violence urbanization, 231–32, 306 urbs vs. civitas, 206n206 Urso of Genoa, 447, 458, 459, 461; works: Annales Ianuenses, with Bartolomeo Scriba, 446, 457; Historia de victoria quam Genuenses ex Friderico II retulerunt, 442, 484 utraque lex, principle of, 244 Vacarius, 245n60 Vacella (commentator on the Lombarda, 12th c.), 245 Valenciennes: commune in, 214n123, 220 Valerius, Marcus, 318n4 Vallombrosa, 187n11; hermitage at, 162, 319 Vallombrosans, 117, 160, 161, 162, 163, 176–77, 186–87, 188–89, 319–20, 476; supplied priests to Milanese radicals, 189 Varese, ecclesiastical school in, 128 Varignana, Bartolomeo, 400 Varro, 135 vassalage, 56, 73, 204n81, 215, 233 Vecchiato, Lanfranco, 38n85 Vegetius, 421n34 Velli, Anna Maria, 412n3 vendetta, 453–54 Veneto, 462; clerical notaries in, 108; irst circle of humanists in, 458; — they were notaries, 448; little evidence for schools in (11th c.), 134; vernacular poetry composed in, 356, 357n24 Venice: clerical notaries in, 110n157; salt monopoly of, 465; trade with eastern Mediterranean (from late 11th c.), 231; Peace of (1177), 234, 305; places: besieges Ancona, 445; war with Padua, 357; nobles from, in Treviso, 356–57 Verbum abbreviatum, by Peter the Chanter, 335 Vercelli: bishop of, 369n72; see also Atto and Leo; cathedral in, 83n46, 302n49; — chair in theology created in (1194), 369n72; cathedral archive of, 275; cathedral library and

scriptorium, 83n46; cathedral school in, 80; commune in, 234, 370, 399, 403; population of, 371; studium in, 367–68, 403; people: Mayfredo of Belmonte taught in, 413n5 de Vergottini, Giovanni, 281n53, 367n60 Vermeesch, Albert, 215nn124–25, 220n146 vernacular literature, 318, 382; in Tuscan, 455; — translated into Tuscan, 454, 456; little produced, 11–12; poetry, 381; — urban audience for, 447; relationship to Latin literature, 12; places: in the Veneto, 356, 357n24; Florence as center of interest in (13th c.), 489; beyond the regnum: in German lands, 443; in Francia, 346–47; poetry, 318. See also poetry, in French; poetry, in Italian dialect;; poetry, in Provençal Verona, 462; bishops of, 47n129; cathedral chapter in, 38; cathedral in, 354; cathedral school in, 39, 41–44; charters in, 100n114; clerical notaries in, 109, 114n167; communal palace in, 353; episcopal chancery in (9th c.), 105; histories of, 446, 447; lyric poems associated with, 82; no proof of formal teaching of law in (9th c.), 64n189; ostensibly protected by surrounding relics, 42; revolt against German rule (10th c.), 75; scriptorium in, 44 Versus de Gregorio papa et Ottone augusto, by Leo of Vercelli, 97–98 Versus de Ottone et Heinrico, by Leo of Vercelli, 97 Versus de Verona, 42 Versus Eporedienses, 135 “Versus Romae” (short poem), 45n118 vetustas. See classicism Vicenza, 462; bishops of, 270n5; cathedral school in, 39, 275; communal palace in, 353; students and professors migrate to, 366, 468; studium in, 367–68; people: Lovato served as podestà of, 462; Maurisio a notary and judge in, 445 Victor III, pope (Desiderio of Montecassino), 159, 185 Victor IV, antipope, 276n35, 303n57 Victor, Gaius Julius, 253n93 Victorinus, Gaius Marius, 146 Vidal, Peire, 355 vidas, 356. Compare hagiography Vigevano, 490n9 della Vigna, Pietro, 415n11, 416, 417 Vikings. See Northmen Villa, Claudia, 455n47 Villani, Giovanni, 456, 462n71 Violante, Cinzio, 160n183, 188n14 Virgil, 81, 90, 95, 127, 135, 154, 193, 195, 196, 222n153, 300, 303, 342, 421n34, 432n82, 441, 442, 443, 446; as igure in the Divina commedia, 457; people: cited by Agnello (or Andrea), 44; cited by Gregory VII, 186n8; termed a “fellow Lombard” by Placentino, 343; commentary on, by Servius, 30; places: in Francia: commentaries on, 322; manuscripts of copied, 322; works: Aeneid of, 137, 293, 294, 346, 443, 445, 446; Georgics of, 293, 294 virtuous life, consolation of, 440 Viscardi, Antonio, 125n28 Visconte, Ugo, 298 Visconti, Federico, 419–20 Visdominici family, 206n92 visions of God, 308 vita activa vs. vita contemplativa, 451–52, 454 Vita Anselmi episcopi Lucensis, by ps.-Bardo, 197 vita canonicorum, 34–35n75 Vita comitissae Mathildis celeberrimae principis Italiae, by Donizone, 274n24 Vita Epifani, by Ennodius, 125 Vita Iohannis Gualberti auctore discipulo eius, 163n195

603

Index Vita metrica Anselmi Lucensis episcopi, by Rangerio, 196n53, 292, 293–94, 295 Vita Romualdi, by Pietro Damiani, 162–63 Vita S. Hymerii Americi Episcopi, by Ambrogio of Cremona, 276 Vita sancti Arialdi, by Andrea da Strumi, 163n194 Vita sancti Hilarii, by Fortunatus, 125 Vita sancti Iohannis Gualberti, by Andrea da Strumi, 163, 187n11 Vita sancti Iohannis Gualberti, by Attone of Vallombrosa, 163n195, 187n11 Vita sancti Martini, by Severus, 125 Vita sancti Rainerii solitarii, by Benincasa, 307–09, 400n61 vitae. See hagiography; razos; and titles of individual works Vitae fratrum ordinis praedicatorum, by Gerardo of Fracheto, 407n100 Vitale (disciple of Paciico), 44 Vitalis, Saint, 133n67 Viterbo: Dominican school in, 370n80 Vocabularius sacerdos, by Neckam vocabulary: ancient-Roman technical, concerning administration, 427; biblical, 417; classicizing, 299, 461, 466, 468; grammarians assert understanding of, in Justinian corpus, 430; grammarians reproved for imposing their understanding upon lawyers, 389–90, 430; lawyers emulate grammarians, recognizing the importance of understanding, 431; in ars dictaminis, 380; in hymns, 36; inluenced by vernacular, 42, 441; recondite, 84, 333–34, 341, 391–92; — Latin neologisms using Greek loanwords, 158; rhetorician said to be guided by context in choice of, 396; straightforward, 298; theoretical, employed by French grammarians and their Italian followers, 333, 481. See also deinition; classicism; lexicography; and signiication Vogel, Cyrille, 33–34n70 Vollman, Benedikt, 82n43 Volterra, 38, 206n92, 440 Vulgario, Eugenio, De causa Formosiana of, 58n168 Vulliez, Charles, 333n57 wagons, municipal, 207 Wahrmund, Ludwig, 424n51 Walcausina, by Walcausio, 170–71 Waldensians, 405, 409. See also heresy; compare Cathars Wallach, Luitpold, 18n3 Walter of Châtillon, 262, 318, 387n14, 421n34, 441; a client of William of Blois, 321n14; praised the Quoddam igmentum Bononia metrice, by Stephen of Tournai, 384; works: Alexandreis, 321n14; places: studied in Bologna, 384; spent time in Pavia, 384n5 Waltharius (epic), 138, 443 Ward, John O., 95n96, 253n91, 254n93, 255n102 warfare: efect on enrollment in studia, 370; inluence of stars upon, 402; proscriptions against, on certain days of week or during certain times of year, 209–10 Warichez, Joseph, 384n1 warrior–peasant, Lombard conception of, 56

Wattenbach, Wilhelm, 238n28 weapons: clerics forbidden from using, 209; production of, 231 Wederic of Ghent, 211–12 weeping, 304, 307, 321, 416, 454 Weigand, Rudolf, 251n85, 263n142 Weimar, Peter, 363n42 Werner, Ernst, 118n5 Wezelos of Mainz, 216 Wiberto, archbishop of Ravenna, 197 Wiberto, archdeacon of the cathedral of Milan (11th c.), 125–26 Wickham, Chris, 69n208, 204n81 Widger, archbishop of Ravenna, 163 Wido of Ferrara, 131, 192, 195–96, 197 Wieruszowski, Helene, 9, 258nn119&121, 368n65 Wilchar, bishop of Nomentana (Rome), 19n7 Willa, wife of Berengario II, 91 William, count of Montpellier, 321n14 William de la Tor, 356n22 William, duke of Aquitaine, 347 William of Auvergne, bishop of Paris, 408, 409n111 William of Auxerre, 409n111 William of Blois, archbishop of Rheims, 321n14 William of Champeaux, 272 William of Conches, 324n20, 326, 327, 330 William of Lorris, 456, 457 William of Orléans, 386 William of Poitiers, 140n102 William I, king of England (the Conqueror), 176n249, 208 William II, king of England (William Rufus), 208 Winizio, abbot of Monte Amiata, 136n84 Winroth, Anders, 237–38n28, 240n37 Winsico, bishop of Piacenza, 190 Wipo, chaplain to Emperor Henry III, 167, 238n30 witnesses, 41, 143 Witt, Ronald G., 25n35, 53n149, 256n105, 318–19n4, 388n17, 415n11, 423n48, 456–57, 458–67 Wood, Marjorie Curry, 331nn51–52 woolen cloth prodution, 231 word games, 464 work, as honorable, 451 Worms: bishops of, 216, 219; burghers revolt in, 219n142; cathedral in, 131; cathedral school in, 76n14; Concordat of (1122), 218, 221, 239; German bishops meet in (1076), 185, 218 Worstbrock, Franz-Josef, 253n91 Würzburg, 76n14, 77 Yawn, Lila, 292n2 Zaccagnini, Guido, 375n91, 377n105 Zacharias, pope, 51n143, 56 Zambonino di Bartolomeo, 402n72 Zeno, Saint, of Verona, 42 zoology, 399

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