Man’yōshū : a new English translation containing the original text, kana transliteration, romanization, glossing and commentary, Book 1 9781906876036, 1906876037, 9781906876203, 1906876207, 9789004233591, 9004233598, 9789004261983, 9004261982, 9789004284968, 9004284966, 9789004315594, 9004315594, 9789004322523, 9004322523, 9789004345768, 9004345760

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i

MAN’YŌSHŪ BOOK 1



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MAN’YŌSHŪ  BOOK 1

 A NEW ENGLISH TRANSLATION CONTAINING THE ORIGINAL TEXT, KANA TRANSLITERATION, ROMANIZATION, GLOSSING AND COMMENTARY by

Alexander Vovin EHESS/CRLAO

LEIDEN | BOSTON

iv MAN’YŌSHŪ: BOOK 1 Translated by Alexander Vovin Printed on acid-free paper by CPI Antony Rowe, Chippenham, Wilts Library of Congress Cataloging- in-Publication Data Man’yoshu : a new English translation containing the original text, kana transliteration, romanization, glossing and commentary / by Alexander Vovin. volumes cm Began with book 15 (2009)--Publisher’s website. English and Japanese. Description based on book 14, ?2012. Includes bibliographical references. ISBN 978-1-906876-20-3 (book 5) — ISBN 978-90-04-23359-1 (book 14) — ISBN 978-1906876-03-6 (book 15) — ISBN 978-90-04-28496-8 (book 17) — ISBN 978-90-04-26198-3 (book 20) 1. Japanese poetry—To 794—Translations into English. 2. Japanese poetry—To 794. I. Vovin, Alexander, translator, writer of added commentary. II. Man’yoshu. III. Man’yoshu. English. PL758.15.A3 2009 895.6’11—dc23 2012017145

© 2017 Alexander Vovin ISBN 978-90-04-34576-8 (hardback) ISBN 978-90-04-34670-3 (e-book) Published by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, e Netherlands. Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill, Brill Hes & De Graaf, Brill Nijhoff, Brill Rodopi and Hotei Publishing. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Koninklijke Brill nv provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to e Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910, Danvers, MA 01923, USA. Fees are subject to change. is book is printed on acid-free paper and produced in a sustainable manner.

CONTENTS

List of charts Acknowledgments Abbreviations Preface Introduction Man’yōshū – Book 1 Bibliography

vii ix xi xv 1 16 182

LIST OF CHARTS

Chart 1: Poetic sequences in book eighteen Chart 2: Korean loans in the Man’yōshū Chart 3: Man’yōgana phonographic signs used in the Man’yōshū

2-5 5-7 8-14

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

nlike the translation of most other books of the Man’yōshū that appeared U up to date, the translation of book one proved to be a relatively swift process, and it probably took the second shortest time to complete after book

eighteen, mainly because of the fact that book one is the shortest book in the anthology by the number of poems included. This is not to say that it did not present many outstanding difficulties like other books that have already been published. Namely, there are several poems, including the famous poem 1.9 that are notoriously difficult to interpret. In addition, all the books translated before book one dealt with the Nara period; meanwhile the majority of the poems from book one are from Asuka period. It was in many respects a different world. First, and foremost I hasten to express my gratitude to the members of my family: my wife Sambi, and our two children, Yasha and Masha, who helped in various ways. I am extremely grateful to my former publisher at Global Oriental (now part of Brill), Paul Norbury, who initiated this project back in 2009 and frequently went out of his way to support it and improve my translation. Paul is now happily retired, and I am also grateful to my new editor in Brill, Patricia Radder for all her help. My gratitude also goes to my French colleagues without whose help my move to France would be impossible: Irène Tamba, Redouane Djamouri, Étienne de la Vaissière, Alain Peyraube, JeanNoël Robert, Michel de Fornel, Jean Claude Anscombre, Laurent Sagart, Guillaume Jacques, Anton Antonov, and Thomas Pellard. As always, I am grateful to my many colleagues and friends around the globe: Ross Bender, John Whitman, Bjarke Frellesvig, Osada Toshiki (長 田 俊 樹), Kawasaki Tamotsu (川崎保), Ross King, David McCraw, Robert Blust, Lyle Campbell, Ken Rehg, Murasaki Kyōko (村崎恭子), Evelyn Nakanishi, Mehmet Ölmez, Volker Rybatzki, Shimabukuro Moriyo (島袋盛世), Suda Jun’ichi (須田淳 一), Suzuki Sadami (鈴木貞美), Takubo Yukinori (田窪行則). Ty Borders, Greg Brown, Anna Bugaeva, Stefan Georg, Hayata Teruhiro (早田輝洋), Kageyama Tarō (影山太郎), and Kibe Noriko (木部暢子). No lesser gratitude goes to many French people who helped us in many ways to settle down in France: Patrick Charles-Messance, Vida Chikezie, Hervé Autran, Sami and Stéphanie Saleh, Jean and Marguerite Chaise, Christiane Babiak, and Augustin de Benoist, as well as many others too numerous to mention here. I am grateful to all the generations of students at the University of Hawai’i at Mānoa who took my seminars on Western Old Japanese, Eastern Old Japanese, and the Man’yōshū over the years: James Baskind, John Bentley, James Canegata, Tom Dougherty, Blaine Erickson, Hamada Masumi, Timothy Harris, Hino Sukenari, David Iannucci, Steven Ikier, John Kupchik, Lin Chihkai, William Matsuda, Marc Miyake, Matthew McNicoll, Matthias Nyitrai, Shimabukuro Moriyo, Adam Schuetzler, and Lina Terrell. It was this experience in the classroom that finally led me to the decision to organize the translation in the order in which it is presented in these volumes.

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MAN’YŌSHŪ

As always, my special gratitude goes to Sven Osterkamp (Bochum University) for sharing with me his wonderful MYSearcher, a web-based search engine for the Man’yōshū. Having it on my hard drive greatly facilitated my work. The translation of book one is dedicated to my wife and best friend Sambi. My life would be completely meaningless without her and her unfailing love and support, and it has been eight years now since I have dedicated to her a book of mine.

ABBREVIATIONS

LANGUAGES Chin. EMC EOJ LHC LMC MdJ MC MJ MK OJ OK PAN PJ PJN PMP PR Sk. WOJ

Chinese Early Middle Chinese Eastern Old Japanese Later Han Chinese Late Middle Chinese Modern Japanese Middle Chinese Middle Japanese Middle Korean Old Japanese Old Korean proto-Austronesian proto-Japonic proto-Japanese proto-Malayo-Polynesian proto-Ryūkyūan Sanskrit Western Old Japanese

TEXTS AND SOURCES Chinese WS Japonic BS FK GK GM HB HIB HM IM KGU KJK KJKD KK KKHS KKHS ShinA KKHS ShinB

Wei shu, 551-554 AD Bussoku seki no uta, 753 AD Fudoki kayō, ca. 737 AD Genryaku kōhon, mid-Heian period to 1184 AD Genji monogatari, ca. 1008 AD Hirose-bon, 18th century Heian ibun, 8th – 12th centuries Hamamatsu chūnagon monogatari, ca. 1056 AD Ise monogatari, late 9th or early 10th century Kagura uta, 9th – 10th centuries Kojiki, 712 AD Kojiki den, 1798 AD Kojiki kayō, 712 AD Kakyō hyōshiki, 772 AD Takekashiwa variant of the Shin-bon manuscript of the Kakyō hyoshiki (KKHS) Tokyo National Museum variant of the Shin-bon manuscript of the Kakyō hyoshiki (KKHS)

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KKHS Shō KKS KYS MYS NHB NK NSK NKBT NR NT OGJ OS RK RMS SKKS SM SNK SSI SSJ USM WMS

Shō-bon manuscript of KKHS Kokin wakashū, 921 AD Kin’yō wakashū, 1124 AD Man’yōshū, ca. 771-785 AD Nishi Honganji-bon, late Kamakura period. Nihonshoki kayō, 720 AD Nihonshoki, 720 AD Nihon koten bungaku taikei Nihon ryōiki, early 9th century Norito, 7-9th centuries Okinawa go jiten Omoro sōshi, 16-17th centuries Ruijū koshū, end of Heian period Ruijū myōgi shō, 1081 AD Shin kokin wakashū, 1205 AD Senmyō, 7-8th centuries Shoku Nihongi kayō Shōsōin documents, 7-8th centuries Shinsen jikyō, 898-901 AD Uji shūi monogatari, 1213-21 AD Wamyōshō, 931-38 AD

Korean AK HCH HMCH HK KKP KYKP SKSK SNSP YP

Akhak kweypem, 1493 AD Hwunmin cengum haylyey, 1446 AD Hwunmong cahoy, 1527 AD Hyangka, 6th – 11th centuries Kogurye Kwangkaytho wang pi, 414 or 415 AD Kyeylim yusa Korye pangen, 1103 AD Samkwuk saki, 1145 AD Silla Namsan Sinseng pi, 569 AD Yong pi echen ka, 1445 AD

GRAMMATICAL TERMS ABS ADJ ASSER ATTR BEN CAUS CL COM COMP CON CONC COND CONJ CONJC CONV COOP COOR

Absolutive Adjectivizer Assertive Attributive Benefactive Causative Classifier Comitative Comparative Conjunctive gerund Concessive gerund Conditional gerund Conjunction Conjectural Converb Cooperative Coordinative gerund

ABBREVIATIONS

COP DAT DEB DES DIR DLF DP DV EMPH EP EV EXCL FIN FP GEN GER HON HUM INF INTER IP LOC NEG NML OBJ OSM PAST PEJ PERF PLUR POL POSS POT PREF PREV PROG PT RA REC RP RETR SUB SUBJ SUP TENT TERM TOP VB

Copula Dative Debitive Desiderative Directive Directive-locative focus Desiderative particle Defective verb Emphatic Emphatic particle Evidential Exclamation Final verbal form Focus particle Genitive Gerund Honorific Humble Infinitive Interjection Interrogative particle Locative Negative Nominalizer Object marker Oblique stem marker Past tense Pejorative Perfective Plural Polite Possessive Potential Prefix Preverb Progressive Particle Reported action Reciprocal Restrictive particle Retrospective Subordinative gerund Subjunctive Suppositional Tentative Terminative Topic Verbalizer

xiii

PREFACE

ith this volume (book one) I continue the new English translation of the W Man’yōshū (萬葉集), the earliest and largest Japanese poetic anthology (ca. between 759 and 785 AD) with detailed commentaries. The first six 1

volumes of this translation were books fifteen, five, fourteen, twenty, seventeen, and eighteen of the Man’yōshū, and have already appeared (Vovin 2009c, 2011a, 2012a, 2013a, 2016a, 2016b). I provided the explanation to this seemingly eclectic order of translation in the preface to the translation of book fifteen, so I will not repeat it here. The order of translation after book one will be: book nineteen, and then starting from book two in numerical order. This new translation is an academic one. There are several reasons for that. First, the Man’yōshū is not only a work of literature; it is the most important compendium of Japanese culture during the Asuka period (592-710 AD) and most of the Nara period (710-784 AD). A literary translation will inevitably call for poetically-sounding English at the expense of the Japanese text. However, I want to present the Man’yōshū to the reader having preserved as far as possible the actual flavor and semantics of the poems. That is, I want the Japanese poets of that distant age to speak to the reader in their own words, rather than according to English poetics. Consequently, I have endeavored to make the translations as literal as possible without violating English usage. Second, many realia of this distant era are absolutely alien not only to Westerners, but also to modern Japanese. This requires an extensive commentary, which has no place in a literary translation, because it may seem an interruption of the general flow of the text. Third, I provide the original text, kana transliteration, romanization, and glossing with morphemic analysis for the benefit of the specialists and students of Old Japanese, who will be interested in learning the language. Finally, like the previous translators Pierson, Honda, and Suga, I am not a native speaker of English; ironically, however, a native speaker of English has yet to complete a translation of the Man’yōshū. Book one of the Man’yōshū is important for both the history of the Japanese language, and the history of Japanese literature. Its main value is twofold: first, together with book nineteen it is somewhat transitional in its usage of the phonographic script. While both of these books predominantly use logographic script in contrast to books five, fourteen, fifteen, seventeen, eighteen, and twenty that are written almost completely phonographically, they still include more sequences spelled phonographically than the remaining books of the Man’yōshū, so in a sense books one and nineteen are transitional in this respect. Second, the phonographic script in book one is cardinally different from phonographic script used in truly phonographic volumes, because it uses many kungana and disyllabic signs. Third, it represents the invaluable evidence for the Korean linguistic and cultural influence on Old 1

Inclusion of Munzasi province among Tōkaidō and not Tōsandō provinces may further narrow this gap to 771-785 AD, because before 771 AD Munzasi province was a part of Tōsandō region.

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Japanese language and civilization. In my translation I have kept notes on grammar to a minimum, as detailed explanations would simply repeat my A Descriptive and Comparative Grammar of Western Old Japanese, which also has sections on Eastern Old Japanese (Vovin 2005a, 2009a). Since this is the most detailed grammar of Western Old Japanese in any language, even including Japanese, those who are specifically interested in grammatical issues are advised to consult it while reading through the translation of poems written in Western Old Japanese. For those who are not, I hope that the glossing and morphemic analysis will provide enough guidance. Some readers may find my romanization of Old Japanese difficult to digest, especially if they have no knowledge of the history of the Japanese language. This romanization, which is essentially a mix of a transcription and a transliteration of the Old Japanese original text, serves the dual purpose of conveying both the phonology of Old Japanese and its writing. Thus, even if the text contains unetymological spellings (like the confusion between kō-rui /mô/ and otsu-rui /mö/, since the contrast between /ô/ and /ö/ after /m/ was already lost in all the books of the Man’yōshū except book five, where it is preserved to a certain extent), they are faithfully romanized according to the spelling found in a given text. In the general Introduction the reader will find the detailed explanation for this practice that might seem to be an idiosyncrasy. In my romanization I have also tried to reflect the actual phonetics of the language of the time, which was considerably different from that of modern Japanese. Thus, for example, Modern Japanese fricative /h/ was Old Japanese stop /p/, and Modern Japanese voiced stops /b/, /d/, /g/ were prenasalized stops /mb/, /nd/, /ŋg/, transliterated as /Np/, /Nt/, and /Nk/ in the translation of books five, fourteen, fifteen, and twenty. Starting from book seventeen I transliterated /Np/, /Nt/, /Nk/, and /Ns/ as / mb/, /nd/, /ŋg/, and /nz/in order to reflect phonetics rather than phonology for the benefit of readers who are not linguists. In Classical philology it has already been known, starting from Erasmus of Rotterdam, that one cannot read Ancient Greek in its Modern Greek pronunciation, but the idea that the same is true for Old Japanese and Modern Japanese seems to come very slowly to the minds of the majority of Western Japanologists engaged in historical and literary studies. In any case, for the benefit of those who do not like to bother with a romanization based on the principles of historical linguistics, I have provided the kana transliteration, since I cannot bring myself to transcribe Old Japanese as if it were Modern Japanese. The only minor deviation that I allowed myself with the kana transliteration is to introduce subscripts 1 and 2 which denote kō-rui and otsurui syllabic signs respectively. I hope that this deviation at least helps the notion of kō and otsu vowels, already known for roughly one hundred years, to find its way into the romanizations of Old Japanese in Western Japanological literature. Another change that is introduced starting from the book seventeen and also maintained in book one is the subdivision of all particles that were before glossed as PT irrelevant to their function into four classes: interrogative particles (IP), emphatic particles (EP), desiderative particles (DP), and restrictive particles (RP). Please remember that I do not classify case markers, diminutive suffixes, or plural suffixes as particles: these are treated on their own. For the details on case markers, diminutive and plural suffixes please consult the relevant pages of Vovin (2005a). I hope these changes in the middle of the project are for the best, and should the earlier published volumes

PREFACE

xvii

be ever be reprinted, they will be brought into uniformity with all subsequent volumes starting from book seventeen. Alexander Vovin Poligny June 2016 – January 2017

INTRODUCTION

he general introduction to the translation of the Man’yōshū (萬 葉 集) T ‘Anthology of Myriad Leaves’ is located at the front of book fifteen (Vovin 2009c: 1-31). Here, therefore, I provide only essential information as well as the additions/revisions that concern book one.

General information to book one By traditional count, book one (1.1-84) comprises eighty-four miscellaneous poems (雑歌): sixty-eight tanka, and sixteen chōka. However, the two variants of 1.12 and 1.29 have sufficient discrepancy to consider them different poems that I labeled as 1.12a ~ 1.12b and 1.29a ~ 1.29b in order not to affect the traditional count. The order of the poems tends to be chronological, but there are frequent violations. This recently led Duthie to claim that the order is nor chronological, but genealogical (2014: 373). This idea is interesting, but I think it is not correct, like Duthie’s central thesis about the Man’yōshū as being representative of “imperial imagination” -- something that I plan to deal with in one of the successive volumes. The violations of the chronological order never exceed several years, and it is certainly not the case where one could find a poem from the mid-seventh century following the poem from the end of the seventh or the beginning of the eighth century. Overall, book one is strictly arranged in chronological order of imperial reigns, and all chronological violations are confined to sequences within of one and the same reign. Compared to the books five, fourteen, fifteen, seventeen, eighteen and twenty, book one covers the longest span of time, which extends from the legendary Emperor Yūryaku (probably the end of the fifth century) to the reign of Empress Genmei that ended in 715 AD. With the exception of books thirteen and six, book one exhibits the highest ration of chōka: sixteen out of eighty-four, which is almost twenty percent. Also, in contrast to books seventeen and eighteen, chōka in book one are more frequent in the first, and not the second part of the book. But none of the chōka are exceedingly long, and certainly none of them approaches the longest chōka by Opotömö-nö Yakamöti in the Man’yōshū (18.4094), which is also the second longest chōka in the anthology (after 2.199) consisting of 107 lines. There are many violations of the ‘standard’ poetic meter of 5-7 in book one that are also more frequent in the earliest poems found in book. Besides the traditional explanation that it might be due to the lack of stabilization of the ‘standard’ meter, I think that there is also an additional one, which is due to the influence from the meter in Korean poetry. I will discuss it in detail to the commentary to the poem 1.1. The script in book one is predominantly logographic, with an occasional tendency to use phonographic writing. Book one and book nineteen are transitional from the phonography to the logography in this respect, and after these two books we will enter considerably more gray area of reading and interpreting poems. This is not to say that the remaining books of the Man’yōshū are completely devoid of the phonographic writing: it is still

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MAN’YŌSHŪ

present to varying degrees in different books of the anthology, but logographic writing clearly dominates the scene. There are other peculiarities of the script found in book one (as well as in other logographic books of the Man’yōshū) that I will discuss further below. The following chart presents all poetic sequences found in book one alongside with their authors and dates. Chart 1: Poetic sequences in book one Poems 1.1

Authors Emperor Yūryaku

Poetic sequence A poem asking a maiden her name and clan

1.2 1.3-4

Date Beginning of the 6th century? 629-641 629-641

Emperor Jomei Middle Empress Pasipîtö

1.5-6

629-641

Paekche king

1.7-8

Princess Nukata

1.10-12b

01.01.659 for 1.7, 02.18.661 for 1.8 No date, but possibly the same as 1.8 658

Kuni-mî poem A chōka and a tanka envoy about Emperor Jomei hunting trip A chōka expressing devotion to Emperor and a tanka on longing for one’s wife Two poems on Empress Kōgyoku/Saimei journeys To Apumî and Iyö provinces A poem about longing for her beloved

1.13-15

Around 645

Imperial Prince Naka-nö Opoye

1.16

661-671, more likely before 667 April 17, 667

Princess Nukata

1.20-1.21

June 19, 668

1.22

March 3, 676

Princess Nukata (1.20), Crown Prince Opo Ama (1.21) Housewife Pukî

1.23-1.24

July 10, 676

1.25

672-686

1.9

1.17-1.19

Princess Nukata Middle Empress Pasipîtö

Princess Nukata (1.1718), Princess Winöpë (1.19)

Anonymous (1.23), Prince Womî (1.24) Emperor Tenmu

Four poems composed during the journey to Kïyi province Three poems about Three Mountains (1.13-14) and moonlight (1.15) A poem comparing spring flowers and autumn foliage Poetic exchange on the move to Apumî province and nostalgia for Mt. Mîwa Poetic exchange on forbidden love between Nukata and Opo Ama A well-wishing poem addressed to Princess Töwoti A poetic exchange on Prince Womî’s exile A poem on Mt. Mîmîŋga in Yösinô

3

BOOK ONE 1.26 1.27 1.28 1.29a-1.31

1.32-33

1.34

1.35

1.36-39

1.40-44

672-686 June 7, 680 686-697 No date, but likely between 686 and 707 No date, but likely between 694 and 710 Between October 21, 690 -November 1, 690 Between October 21, 690 -November 1, 690 Between January 26, 689 and June 1, 691 Late March - Early April 692

Emperor Tenmu Emperor Tenmu Empress Jitō Kakînömötö-nö Pîtômarö

A variant of 1.25 A poem on Yösinô A poem on Mt. Kaŋgu Four poems on abandoned Apumî capital

Takëti-nö Kurôpîtö

Poems grieving for the old capital in Apumî

Imperial Prince Kapasima

A poem on the safe passage offerings during imperial journey to Kïyi province

Imperial Princess Apë

A poem on Mt. Se during imperial journey to Kïyi province

Kakînömötö-nö Pîtömarö

Four poems on Yösinô

Five poems on Ise province

1.45-49

No date, but after 689

Kakînömötö-nö Pîtömarö (1.40-42), wife of Taŋgîma-nö Marö (1.43), Isônökamî-nö Marö (1.44) Kakînömötö-nö Pîtömarö

1.50

693-694

Conscripted laborers

1.51

No date, but most likely in 694 or shortly thereafter Between 694 and 710 October 6 -November 4, 701

Imperial Prince Sikï

1.52-53 1.54-56

1.57-61

November 4 -- December 18, 702

Anonymous Sakatô-nö Pîtötari (1.54), Tukï-nö Apumî (1.55), Kasuŋga-nö Oyu (1.56) Naŋga-nö Okîmarö (1.57), Takëti-nö Kurôpîtö (1.58), Princess Yönza (1.59), Imperial Prince Naŋga

Five poems on Imperial Prince Karu stay at Akï field A poem on building Pundipara palace A poem on the move of the capital from Asuka to Pundipara Two poems on the well in Pundipara palace Three poems composed during the travel of Retired Empress Jitō to Kïyi province Five poems composed during the travel of Retired Empress Jitō to Mîkapa province

4

MAN’YŌSHŪ

1.62

1.63 1.64-65

1.66-69

1.70

1.71-73

1.74-75

1.76-77

1.78

1.79-80

1.81-83

Between March 7, 701 and July 28, 702 Probably in 707. Between November 5 -- November 21, 706 Between March 4 -28, 699 (?)

Between August 7 -August 18, 701 Between March 4 -28, 699 or between November 5 -- November 21, 706 Slightly after April 2, 701 or August 8, 702 January 28, 708 -February 13, 709 Between March 5, 710 -- April 4, 710 Between March 5, 710 -- April 4, 710 AD Between May 10 -June 8, 712 AD

(1.60), maiden from Toneri clan (1.61) Kasuŋga-nö Oyu

Yamanöupë-nö Okura Imperial Prince Sikï (1.64), Imperial Prince Naŋga (1.65)

A poem composed when Mînô-nö Wokamarö was going with the embassy to Tang China. A poem composed in China on the thoughts about his native land Two poems composed when Emperor Monmu went to Nanipa palace

Okîsömë-nö Andumapîtö (1.66), Takayasu-nö Oposima (1.67), Prince Mutömbê (1.68), maiden from Sumînöye (1.69) Takëti-nö Kurôpîtö

Four poems composed when Retired Empress Jitō went to Nanipa palace

Osakambê-nö Otömarö (1.71), Pundipara-nö Umakapî (1.72), Imperial Prince Naŋga (1.73)

Three poems composed when Previous Emperor Monmu went to Nanipa palace

Emperor Monmu (1.74), Prince Naŋgaya (1.75)

Two poems composed when Previous Emperor Monmu went to Yösinô palace Poetic exchange between Empress Genmei and Imperial Princess Mînambê A poem on nostalgia for Asuka

Empress Genmei (1.76), Imperial Princess Mînambê (1.77) Empress Genmei

Anonymous

Prince Wosanda

A poem composed when Retired Empress Jitō went to Yösinô palace

A chōka poem and a tanka envoy composed when Empress Genmei moved from Pundipara palace to Nara palace A poem composed about the sacred well and two old poems recited near this well

5

BOOK ONE 1.84

Between 710 and 715 AD

Imperial Prince Naŋga

A poem about coming of autumn

Absence of Ainu linguistic elements in book eighteen Since the main stage for book one is Yamatö and some neighboring provinces, it comes as no wonder that there are no Ainu elements in this book. There are two reasons for that: first, this territory was had the longest history of being under Yamatö control, and all Ainu speakers were long assimilated, and second, the majority of authors in book one belong either to imperial family, or are the members of high aristocracy. Neither of those would be good conditions for preservation of Ainu linguistic elements. Loans from Korean in book one However, the absence of Ainu linguistic elements in book one is well compensated by massive presence of loans from Korean. This is not limited to isolated vocabulary or suffixes. As I will demonstrate in the commentary to 1.9 below, this poem represents a macaronic Korean-Japanese poem. But now I am going to present in a tabular form all Korean loans in Old Japanese that so far has been discovered in the seven books that have now been edited and translated: book one, book five, book fourteen, book fifteen, book seventeen, book eighteen, and book twenty. This list will inevitably be expanded and augmented on the basis of the Korean language material found in the following books. Therefore, as soon as new Korean elements in the Man’yōshū will be discovered, the enlarged versions of this list will be provided in the subsequent books. Chart 2: Korean loans in the Man’yōshū meaning arrow ask base, under be gentle be like be many bracelet carry cliff

WOJ or OJ form EOJ sa WOJ mutmötö WOJ Sasa (p.n.) ŋ götö manekusirö WOJ katWOJ Pîra (p.n.)

attestations 20.4430 1.9 1.29a, 5.894 1.29a 1.25 1.82, 17.3995 1.41 18.4081 1.29a

completely

WOJ tana

1.50

converb crane day

WOJ -á WOJ turu WOJ kë ~ ka

1.9 1.812 1.60

2

Attested in WOJ only as a disyllabic phonogram.

OK and/or MK MK sár MK :mutMK míth MK sàksàk-hʌ̀-

MK kʌ́t-hʌ́MK :manhMK kùsḯr ‘treasure’ MK kàcíMK pyèrh, MdK pyelang ‘cliff’ MK infinitive tà(G)-á of the verb tà(G)ʌ̀- ‘to exhaust’ + MK :nay ‘from the beginning till end’, ‘completely’ OK -a, MK -á ~ -é MK túrúmí MK hʌ́y ‘sun’, -hʌr ‘day’

6

MAN’YŌSHŪ

desired

sikï

MK sìk-pù-

WOJ =ca

1.29a, 18.4040, 1.15, 15.3597 5.800, 5,812, 19.4223, etc. 1.9

dragon earth, ground

mî WOJ tuti

emphatic verbal clitic evening

WOJ NACOkʌ

1.9

exist

WOJ isy-

1.9

genitive case maker genitive-locative hemp horse hot, to get ripe, to get soft

WOJ -s

1.9

OK NACOkʌ, MK nàcóh OK isi-, MK ìsì- ~ ìsyOK -ćɨ, MK -s

-tu asa WOJ ma3 nikî ‘hot’, nikîmbï‘to soften, to melt’

1.15, 15.3597 1.23 5.806 1.8, 1.79

I imperial ancestor

WOJ na WOJ sumê

17.3957 15.3688

koto

WOJ kötö

5.811

look many, 10,000 moon morning mountain mulberry tree

WOJ POWOJ yöröndu WOJ tʌrari asa WOJ murô ~môrô (p.n.)6 taku

Nara

WOJ Nara(k) (p.n.)

native woven pattern night one

WOJ situ

1.9 1.79 1.9 1.45 1.9, 3.324, 7.1093 1.79, 14.3432, 20.4408 1.78 (preface), 15.3602 5.804

past attributive past tense place

WOJ -n -kî WOJ -te

3 4 5 6

WOJ wanWOJ kata

1.5 15.3625, 17.4030, 18.4041, 18.4101 1.9 1.9 15.3604,

MK mìrḯ MK tùtéOK =ča, MK =zá

OK -ćɨ, MK -s MK sám MK mʌ̀r MK nìk- ‘be hot’, ‘to boil’. ‘get ripe’, ‘get soft’ OK NA, MK nà MK súm- ‘to be hidden’4 MK kó ‘koto’ < OK *kotV5

OK PO-, MK póMK yèré ‘many’ OK TɅrari, MK tʌ̀r MK àchʌ́m MK mòró, :moy MK tàk MK nàráh ‘country’ MK :sir ‘thread’ < PK *sitï MK pàm OK HAtʌŋ, LOK hatʌn

OK -n, MK -n OK -ke, MK -ke MK -tʌ́y

Not a contraction of uma ‘horse’. For the explanation of semantics of this comparison see the commentary to 15.3688. For phonetic development cf. MK hyé ‘tongue’ < EMK hyet < OK *hitV. Possible identification with a spring mentioned in the preface to 9.1.

7

BOOK ONE

preverb preverb sage sea separate (v.)

WOJ taWOJ thi*kayari7 wata8 WOJ kare-

sleeve

WOJ sônde < *son+tay ‘hand place’ WOJ sakî

three -ty (in decade numerals) walking

15.3724, 20.4336 1.9 1.,9 1.29a 1.15, 15.3597 17.3910, 20.4331 15.3604 5.904

OK ta-, MK tàOK thi-, MK thíOK hʌyari MK pàtá, pàrʌ́r MK kàrʌ́MK són ‘hand’ + tʌ́y ‘place’

-sô

1.79

MK :seyh < PK *saki OK -sʌn ~ -sïn

WOJ KATI, EOJ kasi

11.2425, 20.4417

MK kèrí < PK *keti

Compiler of book one The compiler of book one is unknown. However, I think that it was a person who: a) lived at least half of his life in the eighth century; b) he or much less likely she must have been close to Opotömö clan or to Yamanöupë-nö Okura to have access to now not extant Ruijū Karin of Yamanöupë-nö Okura. Also, the main compiler of book one probably had no good access to the final text of the Nihonshoki, which explains the errors in the prefaces and postscripts that are heavily dependent on the Ruijū Karin. Nevertheless, especially in the first two thirds of book one there are references to the Nihonshoki; however there are discrepancies between the present extant copy of the Nihonshoki, and the copy thecompiler used, which probably was a draft version. The absence of these references in the roughly the last third of the book is natural, because the coverage of the Nihonshoki does not extend beyond Empress Jitō’s reign. Note that although it is frequently claimed that at least books one and two were compiled according to the imperial decree, it does not explain the simple fact how the poems about the exile of Prince Womî (1.23-24) have found their way into book one if it really were an official collection. Much more likely is fact that we have on our hands the private collection of OJ poetry belonging to the Opotömö clan. Given the deteriorating position of this once very prominent clan in the late Asuka and especially Nara periods, it would be no surprise if this private collection were more along the lines of ‘imperial dissidence’, rather than of ‘imperial imagination’, borrowing the term coined by Torquil Duthie. The most likely person to fit the position described above is Opotömö-nö Tambîtö, the father of Opotömö-nö Yakamöti, who probably edited the earlier compilation by his father. Man’yōgana script In spite of two recent excellent books on the man’yōgana script (Osterkamp 2011), (Bentley 2016), we still do not have a complete list of man’yōgana 7 8

A hypothetical form. See the commentary to 1.29a. This actually could be a loan from Japonic into Koreanic, see the commentary to 1.15.

8

MAN’YŌSHŪ

signs published anywhere, needless to mention Omodaka et al (1967). Osterkamp 2011 concentrated on disyllabic ongana, barely scratching kungana. Bentley 2016 is a very valuable contribution to the study of the historical usage on monosyllabic signs, but it has very few additions beyond the list published already in Omodaka et al (1967). Meanwhile, anyone trying to tackle book one, will be overwhelmed by the extensive usage of kungana, especially disyllabic. There is also a significant number of disyllabic ongana Very few of these signs, especially kungana, are included into Omodaka et al. (1967), Osterkamp (2011), and Bentley (2016). Admittedly, some of these graphs are extremely rare, appearing only once or twice in the whole anthology, but so are some of the monosyllabic ongana included in Omodaka et al. (1967) and Bentley (2016). Meanwhile other previously unlisted signs are quite frequent, and should be memorized by any student of Old Japanese. My own expanded list (that will undoubtedly continue to grow following the study of other books), does not pretend to be all-inclusive for Old Japanese, as it presents only those graphs that are used in the Man’yōshū. The compilation of an all-inclusive list or a dictionary of the man’yōgana remains the task for the future. As usual, I place below the revised chart with new additions that are given in both bold and underlined script. Chart 3: Man’yōgana phonographic signs used in the Man’yōshū Transcription a あ

i い

u

う

Man’yōgana signs ongana: 阿 安 kungana: 足 吾 鳴呼 disyllabic ongana: 英[aŋga] disyllabic kungana: 金 [akî] 9 朝 [asa] 10 相 [apî] [apu] [ara]11 trisyllabic kungana: 茜, 茜草 [akane]12 ongana: 伊 夷 以 怡 異 移 因 印 壱 已13 kungana: 射 五十 馬声 disyllabic ongana: 因 [ina] 印 [ina] 壱 [iti] 盤 [ipa]14 disyllabic kungana: 五百 [ipo]15 乞 [inde]16 ongana: 于 汙 宇 有 羽 烏 雲

9 Not listed in Bentley 2016. 10 Not listed in Bentley 2016. 11

Not listed in Bentley 2016. There is only one example of 相 ara in the Man’yōshū (19.4211). The character 相 sometimes seems to indicate just monosyllabic [pu], but this is just a graphic illusion, due to the vowel contraction a+a > a. 12 Not listed in Bentley 2016. 13 Bentley lists this phonogram, but he also says: “It appears only in Man’yōshū and then only in Book 20, where it is used seven times” (2016: 85). This statement is not completely accurate. While Bentley is right that this phonogram appears only in the Man’yōshū, it is not limited to book twenty, see also 10.2011, 14.3393, as well as 1.43 and 4.511, the latter two being discussed in the commentary to 1.43 in this volume. I will also defer to the publication of book two the discussion of the usage of 已 in 2.156. 14 Attested only once with this reading in the Man’yōshū (1.22). It is a rare phonogram in this text, and it appears as expected ongana phonogram pa in two other examples found in 6.933 and 11.2522 (but it is more likely that in this last case 盤 renders pani, and not just pa). Bentley includes 盤 as a phonogram for pa (2016: 274), but not for ipa. 15 Not listed in Bentley 2016. 16 Bentley lists this phonogram only with the reading köti (2016: 136).

BOOK ONE

e

え１

o

お

ka

か

kî き１ kï き２ ku く

kê

け１

kë

け２

kô こ１ kö こ２ 17 18 19 20

9

kungana: 氐 菟 卯 得 disyllabic ongana: 雲[una] 鬱[utu] disyllabic kungana: 打 [uti]17 浦 [ura]18 ongana: 衣 愛 依 kungana: 得 榎 荏 ongana: 意 於 応 乙 憶 飫 disyllabic ongana: 乙 [otu] 邑 [opî, opu, opo] ongana: 加 迦 可 賀 珂 箇 架 嘉 甲 甘 敢 kungana: 鹿 香 蚊 芳 歟 所 disyllabic ongana: 甘 [kamu] 敢 [kamu] 漢 [kani] 干 [kani] 葛 [katu] 甲 [kapî] 香 [kaŋgu] 高 [kaŋgu] 19 各 [kaku] 閑 [kana]20 disyllabic kungana: 方 [kata]21 鴨 [kamô]22 辛 [kara]23 柄 [kara]24 trisyllabic kungana: 限 [kaŋgîru]25 ongana: 支 伎 吉 岐 棄 枳 企 芡26 kungana: 寸 杵 來 ongana: 紀 幾 貴 奇 騎27 綺 寄 記 kungana: 城 木 樹 ongana: 久 玖 口 群 苦 丘 九 鳩 君 kungana: 來 國28 disyllabic ongana: 君 [kuni] disyllabic kungana: 草 [kusa]29 國 [kuni]30 ongana: 祁 家 計 鶏 介 奚 谿 価 係 結 kungana: 異 disyllabic ongana: 兼 [kêmu] 監 [kêmu] 険 [kêmu] ongana: 気 既 kungana: 毛 食 飼 消 ongana: 古 故 庫 祜 原 姑 孤 枯 kungana: 子 兒 籠31 小 粉 ongana: 己 許 巨 居 去 虚 忌 興

Not listed in Bentley 2016. Not listed in Bentley 2016. Used only for writing kaŋgu in Kaŋgu yama in 1.13 and 1.14. Not listed in Bentley 2016. See the detailed discussion of this phonogram in Bentley (2016: 108). It occurs only once in the Man’yōshū (1.1), and, as it seems in the whole OJ corpus as well (Bentley 2016: 108). 21 Not listed in Bentley 2016. 22 Not listed in Bentley 2016. 23 Attested only in place names. Not listed in Bentley 2016. 24 Not listed in Bentley 2016. 25 Not listed in Bentley 2016. 26 The character 芡 as the ongana for kî occurs only once in the OJ corpus: in the preface to 1.22. It is not listed in Bentley 2016. 27 Attested only twice in the Man’yōshū, both times in the place name Akï in 1.45 and 1.46 (Bentley 2016: 152). 28 Not listed in Bentley 2016. 29 Not listed in Bentley 2016. 30 Not listed in Bentley 2016. 31 Bentley lists this kungana phonogram as kô occurring three times in the Man’yōshū (2.193, 4.487, 11.2710) (2016: 164). But he apparently overlooks the fact that it is also used as ŋgô in 1.23 and 12.3205.

10

ŋ

ga

MAN’YŌSHŪ

が

ŋ

gî ぎ１ gï ぎ２ ŋ gu ぐ ŋ

ŋ

gê げ１ gë げ２ ŋ gô ご１ ŋ

ŋ

gö ご２ sa さ

si

し

su

す

32 33 34 35

kungana: 木 disyllabic ongana: 金 [kömu] 今 [kömu] 近 [könö] 乞 [köti] 興 [köŋgö] disyllabic kungana: 乞 [kösö]32 言 [kötö]33 ongana: 何 我 賀 河 蛾 disyllabic kungana: 柄 [ŋgara]34 ongana: 芸 祇 岐 伎 ongana: 疑 宜 義 ongana: 具 遇 求 隅 群 disyllabic ongana: 群 [ŋguni/ŋguri] disyllabic kungana: 晩 [ŋgura] ongana: 牙 雅 夏 ongana: 義 宜 濁 ongana: 胡 呉 候 後 虞 吾 kungana: 籠35 ongana: 其 期 碁 凝 ongana: 佐 沙 作 左 者 柴 紗 草 匝 讃 散 尺 積 kungana: 狭 猨 羅 disyllabic ongana: 三 [samu] 雜 [sapa] [sapî] 障 [apa] [apî] [apu]36 匝 [sapî] 颯 [sapu] 讃 [sanu] 散 [sani] 薩 [sati] [satu] 相 [saŋga] [saŋgu] 尺 [saka] 作 [saka] [saku] 積 [saka] disyllabic kungana: 坂 [saka]37 前 [sakî]38 樂 [sasa]39 澤 [sapa]40 禁 [sapë]41 去 [sari]42 核 [sane]43 ongana: 斯 志 之 師 紫 新 四 子 思 司 芝 詩 旨 寺 時 指 此至次死偲事詞信 kungana: 爲 磯 disyllabic ongana: 信 [sina] 鍾 [siŋgu] 色 [sikî/sikö] 餝 [sika] 式 [sikî] 拭 [sikî] 叔 [siku] disyllabic kungana: 小竹 [sinô]44 ongana: 湏 須 周 酒 洲 珠 数 kungana: 酢 簀 栖 渚 爲 disyllabic ongana: 駿 [suru] 宿[suka] [suku] disyllabic kungana: 次 [sukî]45 隅 [sumî]46

Bentley lists this phonogram only with the reading köti (2016: 136). Not listed in Bentley 2016. Not listed in Bentley 2016. Bentley lists this phonogram only as kô, but not ŋgô (2016: 164). It occurs as ŋgô in two poems in the Man’yōshū: 1.23 and 12.3205. 36 Not listed in Bentley 2016. 37 Not listed in Bentley 2016. 38 Not listed in Bentley 2016. 39 Attested only in place names. Not listed in Bentley 2016. 40 Not listed in Bentley 2016. 41 Not listed in Bentley 2016. 42 Not listed in Bentley 2016. 43 Not listed in Bentley 2016. 44 Not listed in Bentley 2016. 45 Not listed in Bentley 2016. 46 Not listed in Bentley 2016.

BOOK ONE

se

せ

sô

そ１

sö

そ２

n

za

ざ

n

zi じ zu ず n ze ぜ n zô ぞ１ n zö ぞ２ ta た n

ti ち tu つ

te て tô と１ 47 48 49 50

11

ongana: 勢 世 西 斉 kungana: 瀬 湍 背 脊 迫 disyllabic ongana: 瞻 [semî] ongana: 蘇 宗 祖 素 kungana: 十 麻 disyllabic kungana: 虚 [sôra]47 ongana: 曾 所 僧 増 則 kungana: 衣 背 其 苑 ongana: 射 蔵 邪 社 謝 座 disyllabic kungana: 坂 [nzaka]48 ongana: 自 士 慈 尽 時 寺 仕 ongana: 受 授 聚 殊 洲49 ongana: 是 ongana: 俗 ongana: 叙 序 賊50 ongana: 多 太 他 丹 kungana: 田 手 disyllabic ongana: 丹 [tani] 塔 [tapu] 但 [tani] [tandi] 當 [taŋgî] disyllabic kungana: 妙 [tapë]51 ongana: 知 智 恥 陳 珍 遲 kungana: 道 千 乳 路 血 茅 disyllabic ongana:珍 [tinu] ongana: 都 豆 通 追 川 kungana: 津 齋 disyllabic ongana: 筑 [tukî, tuku] 對 [tusi] disyllabic kungana: 爪 [tuma]52 妻 [tuma, nduma] 53 嬬 [tuma]54 列 [tura]55 鶴 [turu]56 ongana: 弖 氐 提 天 帝 底 堤 代 kungana: 手 価 直 disyllabic ongana: 点 [temu] ongana: 刀 斗 都 土 度

Not listed in Bentley 2016. Not listed in Bentley 2016. In placenames only. The phonogram 賊 as a sign for /nzö/ is attested only in the Man’yōshū (Omodaka et al. 1967: 896). However, it appears as a phonogram in the Man’yōshū just once, in the word kînzö (伎賊) ‘last night’ (MYS 2.150). This is the only phonographic attestation of this word in the Western Old Japanese part of the Man’yōshū. Interestingly enough, Omodaka et al. transcribe this word in the same poem as kîsö in the entry on kîsö ‘last night’ (1967: 241). In addition, the same word is attested in Eastern Old Japanese four times in 14.3505, 14.3522, 14.3550, and 14.3563 written as 伎曾 /kîsö/ with a voiceless /s/. Thus, I believe that the phonogram 賊 was read /sö/ and I think that this word should be read as kîsö in Western Old Japanese as well. 51 Not listed in Bentley 2016. 52 Not listed in Bentley 2016. 53 Not listed in Bentley 2016. 54 Not listed in Bentley 2016. It is a rare phonogram in the Man’yōshū, occurring only once with certainty (1.50), and possibly in one other case. 55 Not listed in Bentley 2016. 56 Not listed in Bentley 2016.

12

MAN’YŌSHŪ

tö と２

n

da

だ

n

di ぢ du づ

n n

de で dô ど１ n dö ど２ na な n

ni に nu ぬ ne

ね

nô の１ nö の２ pa 57 58 59 60 61 62

は

kungana: 戸 門 利 礪 速 ongana: 止 等 登 騰 得 kungana: 鳥 十 跡 迹 常 disyllabic ongana: 徳 [tökö] 得 [tökö] disyllabic kungana: 友 [tömö]57 ongana: 陁 太 大 disyllabic ongana: 弾 [ndani] disyllabic kungana: 谷 [ndani]58 ongana: 遲 治 地 ongana: 豆 頭 都 disyllabic ongana: 曇 [ndumî] ongana: 提 凰 代 田 低 泥 埿 ongana: 度 渡 土 ongana: 杼 騰 藤 特 ongana: 那 奈 寧 難 南 kungana: 名 魚 中 菜 七 莫 disyllabic ongana: 南 [namî, namu] 難 [nani] disyllabic kungana: 成 [nasu] 59 梨 [nasi] 60 雙 [namî/namï]61 楢 [nara]62 trisyllabic kungana: 長柄 [naŋgara]63 ongana: 爾 迩 仁 日 二 而 尼 耳 人 柔 kungana: 丹 荷 似 煮 畠64 disyllabic kungana: 柔 [nikî]65 熟 [nikî]66 ongana: 奴 怒 努 濃 農 kungana: 沼 宿 寝 渟 ongana: 尼 禰 泥 埿 年 kungana: 根 宿 disyllabic ongana: 念 [nemu] ongana: 努 怒 弩 奴 kungana: 野 ongana: 乃 能 kungana: 荷 笶 箆 ongana: 波 播 幡 芳 婆 破 方 防 八 房 半 熏 薄 伴 泊 叵 盤67

Not listed in Bentley 2016. Not listed in Bentley 2016. Not listed in Bentley 2016. Not listed in Bentley 2016. Not listed in Bentley 2016. Not listed in Bentley 2016. It is used seven times in the Man’yōshū, all of them except one (12.3166), for writing place name Nara. 63 Not listed in Bentley 2016. 64 Certainly a variant of 煮. 65 Not listed in Bentley 2016. 66 Not listed in Bentley 2016. Strictly speaking, this is a kungana of Korean origin, without a lexical attestation in OJ, cf. OK nik- ‘to be hot’, ‘to ripen’. 67 Bentley’s saying that “This graph appears several times in Man’yōshū” (2016: 274) is an overstatement, as it appears in this major OJ text only three times (1.22, 6.933, 11.2522). As a matter of fact, the only unambiguous example of 盤 used for pa can be found in 6.933. In 1.22 it clearly stands for ipa, and it is more likely that in 11.2522 it renders pani, and not pa.

BOOK ONE

pî ひ１ pï ひ２ pu ふ pê

へ１

pë

へ２

po ほ m

ba ば bî び１ m bï び２ m bu ぶ m

m

bê べ１ bë べ２ m bo ぼ ma ま m

mî

み１

mï

み２

68 69 70 71

13

kungana: 羽 葉 歯 者 disyllabic ongana: 盤 [pani] disyllabic kungana: 旗 [panda]68 ongana: 比 卑 必 臂 嬪 冀 kungana: 日 檜 氷 disyllabic kungana: 櫃 [pîtu]69 ongana: 非 斐 悲 飛 kungana: 火 干 乾 ongana: 布 不 敷 府 賦 否 負 福 kungana: 經 歴 disyllabic ongana: 粉 [puni] 福 [puku] ongana: 平 弊 霸 幣 敝 陛 遍 返 反 弁 kungana: 部 辺 重 隔 disyllabic ongana: 伯 [pêkî] ongana: 閇 倍 拝 kungana: 戸 躪 綜 經 ongana: 保 富 宝 朋 倍 抱 方 凡 品 kungana: 帆 穂 disyllabic ongana: 凡 [pomu] 品 [pomu] ongana: 婆 伐 ongana: 毘 毗 鼻 妣 婢 ongana: 備 肥 ongana: 夫 父 部 扶 disyllabic kungana: 吹 [mbukî]70 ongana: 辨 便 別 ongana: 倍 ongana: 煩 ongana: 麻 磨 万 萬 馬 末 満 摩 kungana: 眞 間 目 信 鬼 disyllabic ongana: 望 [maŋga] [maŋgu] 莫 [] 幕 [] disyllabic kungana: 松 [matu]71 圓 [matô]72 trisyllabic kungana: 相 [masani]73 ongana: 弥 美 民 kungana: 三 御 見 水 参 視 disyllabic ongana: 敏 [mînu] ongana: 微 未 味 尾 kungana: 身 実 箕

Not listed in Bentley 2016. Not listed in Bentley 2016. Not listed in Bentley 2016. Not listed in Bentley 2016. This is a rare phonogram in the Man’yōshū, which is used as a kungana for matu ‘waits’ in 1.73, 13.3258, 13.3324, and possibly in a couple other less clear cases. 72 Not listed in Bentley 2016. 73 Not listed in Bentley 2016. It occurs only once in the Man’yōshū (11.2507).

14

MAN’YŌSHŪ

mu む

mê

め１

më

め２

mô も１ mö も２ mo も

ya

や

yu

ゆ

ye

え２

yô

よ１

yö

よ２

ra ら

ri り ru る re れ rô ろ１ rö ろ２ wa わ

74 75 76 77 78

ongana: 牟 武 无 模 務 無 謀 鵡 儛 kungana: 六 disyllabic ongana: 目 [muku] disyllabic kungana: 村 [mura]74 ongana: 賣 怡 馬 面 kungana: 女 婦 disyllabic kungana: 食 [mêsi] [mêse]75 ongana: 米 梅 迷 昧 晩 kungana: 目 眼 ongana: 毛 ongana: 母 disyllabic kungana: 圓 [mörö]76 ongana: 茂 文 聞 忘 蒙 畝 問 門 勿 木 物 kungana: 裳 藻 哭 喪 裙 disyllabic ongana: 物 [moti] disyllabic kungana: 成 [mori]77 ongana: 夜 移 陽 耶 益 野 楊 也 kungana: 屋 八 矢 ongana: 由 喩 遊 油 kungana: 弓 湯 ongana: 延 叡 曳 遙 要 kungana: 兄 江 枝 吉 ongana: 用 欲 容 kungana: 夜 ongana: 余 与 予 餘 誉 kungana: 世 吉 四 代 齒78 ongana: 羅 良 浪 楽 kungana: 等79 disyllabic ongana: 藍 [ramu] 濫 [ramu] 覧 [ramu] 臘 [rapu] 楽 [raku] 落 [raku] ongana: 理 利 里 隣 ongana: 留 流 類 ongana: 禮 礼 例 列 烈 連 disyllabic ongana: 廉 [remu] ongana: 漏 路 ongana: 呂 侶 里 ongana: 和 丸 kungana: 輪 disyllabic ongana: 丸 [wani] disyllabic kungana: 渡 [wata]80

Not listed in Bentley 2016. Not listed in Bentley 2016. Not listed in Bentley 2016. Not listed in Bentley 2016. Listed in Bentley (2016: 533), but only as a kungana in 11.2773. Its usage as a quasilogographic phonogram in 1.10 is not mentioned. 79 Not listed in Bentley 2016. 80 Not listed in Bentley 2016.

BOOK ONE

wi

ゐ

we

ゑ

wo

を

15

ongana: 爲 位 謂 kungana: 井 猪 居 ongana: 惠 廻 慧 佪 kungana: 画 座 咲 ongana: 乎 袁 烏 遠 怨 呼 越 kungana: 小 尾 少 麻 男 雄 緒 綬 疂 disyllabic ongana: 越 [woti] [wotö]81 disyllabic kungana: 處 [wotö]82

Textual history of book one The textual transmission of book one is quite decent, although it is not as good as the textual history of book eighteen or book seventeen, because there are no poems attested in the Ranshi-bon, and book one is not attested in its entirety either in the Genryaku kōhon or the Ruijū koshū. The Genryaku kōhon is slightly earlier than the Ruijū koshū. The poems from book one not attested in the Genryaku kōhon are: 1.31-35, 1.40-44, 1.4983 and 1.79-84. This is seventeen poems missing as compared to six in book seventeen, eleven in book twenty, and fifteen in book eighteen. Also, the poem 1.30 is incomplete: it includes incomplete man’yōgana script and lacks kana transliteration and the poems 1.1-1.3, 1.5, 1.9, 1.13, 1.16-1.17, 1.19, 1.22-23, 1.25-27, 1.29, 1.36, 1.38, 1.45-46, 1.48, 1.50, 1.52-53, 1.55-62, 1.65, 1.67, 1.69, 1.72-73 and 1.78 omit the kana transliteration.84 What is important, however, that the majority of these incomplete poems have the crucial man’yōgana script. The reason for the lacunae in 1.30 was already described before in Vovin (2012a: 23-24). The absence of the kana transliteration for other poems probably can be explained by the fact that the majority of them are chōka. The situation with representation of book one in the Ruijū koshū is much better than in the Genryaku kōhon, as only the poems 1.3, 1.45, and 1.48-49 are missing from the former.

81 82

Not listed in Bentley 2016. Not listed in Bentley 2016. 83 In the facsimiles of manuscripts of book one I have access to 1.49 is missing, but Omodaka maintains that it is present in the Genryaku kōhon (1977.1: 327). He probably had access to some different manuscript as well. Thus, if Omodaka’s information on 1.49 is true, book one can be mostly reconstructed on the basis of the combined evidence from the Genryaku kōhon and the Ruijū koshū, although the information from other manuscripts also comes handy at certain times. 84 Many of those have, however, later katakana glosses, which are, of course, less valuable than the original kana transcription.

MAN’YŌSHŪ BOOK ONE 雜歌 Miscellaneous Poems Preface to the poem 1.1

本文・Original text 泊瀬朝倉宮御宇天皇代大泊瀬稚武天皇 天皇御製歌 Translation A poem from the age of the Emperor who ruled from Asakura palace in Patuse. Emperor Opo Patuse Wakatakë. A poem composed by the Emperor. Commentary Emperor Wakatakë (稚武, also 幼武) is Emperor Yūryaku (Yūryaku tennō, 雄 略天皇).85 According to the tradition, he ruled in 457-479 AD, but as he is a semi-legendary figure, the actual reign probably took place at least a half century later. In addition, there is a room for doubt that he indeed was an Emperor rather than a local chieftain based in Kansai, in spite of the fact that the tradition ascribes to him sending an embassy to China as well as multiple military campaigns within Japan itself. Emperor Yūryaku was quite cruel and war-like, which explains his choice for such vocabulary as os-i-nambë- ‘to push and bend down’ and sik-î-nambë- ‘to rule and bend down’ in reference to the imperial rule in the poem below. Patuse (泊瀬, also 初瀬) is an area around Hatuse river (初瀬川) in Sakurai city (桜井市) in present day Nara prefecture. During the Nara period it was on the road leading from Yamato to Ise (Nakanishi 1985: 476). In the Heian period it became an important center of pilgrimage to Hasedera temple (長谷 寺) with its famous Kannon statue. Among the two spellings 泊瀬 and 初瀬, the second one must be etymological, because in the case of 泊瀬 we would expect *pat-uru se or *pate-se, since WOJ pate- is a vowel verb. In addition, it is difficult to imagine a boat anchored at the rapids. The location of the Asakura palace (Asakura mîya, 朝倉宮) in Patuse is not known exactly, but generally its ruins are believed to be located either at Kurozakiaza Ame-no mori (黒崎字天の森) or at Iwasiro (岩城) in Sakurai city (Nakanishi 1985: 476).

85

Twenty-first Sovereign by the traditional count of Emperors.

BOOK ONE

17

1.1

本文・Original text (1) 籠毛與 (2) 美籠母乳 (3) 布久思毛與 (4) 美夫君志持 (5) 此岳尓 (6) 菜 採須兒 (7) 家吉閑 (8) 名告紗根 (9) 虚見津 (10) 山跡乃國者 (11) 押奈戸手 (12) 吾許曽居 (13) 師吉名倍手 (14) 吾己曽座 (15) 我許背齒 (16) 告目 (17) 家呼毛名雄母 仮名の書き下し・Kana transliteration (1) こ 1 も 1 よ 2 (2) み 1 こ 1 も 2 ち (3) ふくしも 1 よ 2 (4) みぶくしも 2 ち (5) こ 2 の 2 をかに (6) なつますこ 1 (7) いへ 1 き 1 かな (8) なの 2 らさね (9) そ 1 らみ 1 つ (10) やまと 2 の 2 くには (11) おしなべ 2 て (12) あれこ 2 そ 2 をれ (13) しき 1 なべ 2 て (14) あれこ 2 そ 2 いませ (15) あれこ 2 そ 2 は (16) の 2 らめ 2 (17) いへ 1 をも 1 なをも 2 Romanization (1) KÔ mô yö (2) mî-KÔ möt-i (3) pukusi mô yö (4) mî-mbukusi MÖT-I (5) KÖNÖ WOKA-ni (6) NA TUM-As-u KÔ (7) IPÊ kîk-ana (8) NA NÖR-Asan-e (9) sôra mîtu (10) Yamatö-nö KUNI pa (11) os-i-nambë-te (12) ARE kösö WOR-E (13) sik-î-nambë-te (14) ARE kösö IMAS-E (15) ARE kösö pa (16) NÖR-Am-ë (17) IPÊ-wo mô NA-wo mö Glossing with morphemic analysis (1) basket FP EP (2) HON-basket hold-INF (3) digging.stick FP EP (4) HONdigging.stick hold-INF (5) this hill-LOC (6) greens gather-HON-ATTR girl (7) home hear-DES (8) name tell-HON-DES-IMP (9) Heaven under (10) YamatöGEN land TOP (11) push-INF-bend.down(INF)-SUB (12) I FP exist-EV (13) rule-INF-bent.down(INF)-SUB (14) I FP exist(HON)-EV (15) I FP TOP (16) tell-TENT-EV (17) home-ACC FP name-ACC FP Translation (6) [Oh,] girl, who gathers greens (5) on this hill (1/2) holding a basket, a beautiful basket, and (3/4) holding a digging stick, a beautiful digging stick as well. (7) [I] want to hear of your home, (8) [I] want [you] to tell [me you] name. (10) As for the land of Yamatö (9) under Heaven, (11/12) [it is] me who holds [it] under [my] sway, (13/14) [it is] me, who rules and dominates [it]. (15/16) I will tell you (17) both [my] home and name. Commentary This poem has very irregular meter, with a number of hypometric lines (jitarazu, 字足らず). Namely, the lines have following count of syllables: (1) 3 (2) 4 (3) 5 (4) 6 (5) 5 (6) 5 (7) 5 (8) 5 (9) 4 (10) 7 (11) 5 (12) 6 (13) 5 (14) 7 (15) 5 (16) 3 (17) 7. Quite clearly, although we have a long poem here, it does not have typical chōka metrics 5-7-5 … 7-7. It is highly doubtful that there is just a clumsy violation of the meter. Then where does this meter come from? One’s attention certainly might be attracted by the meter in the traditional Korean poetry. Unfortunately, the understanding of the meter in the Old Korean poetry remains so far beyond our grasp. All we have for it is the mysterious formula 六名三句 ‘six names, three stanzas’. While the second part of this formula, 三 句 ‘three stanzas’ is clear enough, as it can be obviously seen in Old Korean hyangka (郷歌) poems, the first part 六名 ‘six names’ is opaque, because it is not clear what 名 ‘name’ corresponds to in the terms of a poetic meter. The meter in the traditional Korean poetry becomes

18

MAN’YŌSHŪ

rather transparent only starting with sijo (時調), with the earliest samples of this poetic form known only from the second half of the thirteenth century. The meter of sijo is much less rigid that that of Japanese waka. Every poem consists of three lines, or, rather stanzas, but the number of syllables within each stanza may be somewhat variable. There are two traditional counts of syllables within stanzas (Lee 1974: 22), (Kim 1994: XVII): (1)

3 3 3

4 4 5

4 4 4

4/3 4/3 3

(2)

3 3 3

4 4 6

3 3 4

4 4 3

In addition, there are two innovative ones as well (Kim 1994: XVII): (3)

(4)

6-9 5-8 3

5-8

6-9 6-9 4-5

2-5 1-5 5-9

3-6 3-6 4-5

2-5 2-5 3-4

3-4 4-6 4-6

If we equal a line in MYS 1.1 to ¼ of a Korean sijo stanza, it becomes apparent that the syllable count in the first eleven lines of the Japanese poem well falls within the variation suggested by the count (4) in the eight initial lines with last three lines not confirming to the rule, but at the same time not exceeding the overall number of syllables in a Korean third stanza. 3 5 4

4 5 7

5 5 5

6 5

Consequently, it is quite probable that MYS 1.1 exhibits Old Korean poetic influence in the domain of the meter. WOJ kô ‘basket’ is a basket without meshes that could be carried either in hands or on one’s waist. WOJ pukusi is a digging stick shaped like a spatula, made from bamboo, wood or metal. It was used to dig out edible roots, vegetables, and other greens. WOJ -mbukusi in mî-mbukusi ‘beautiful digging stick’ represents an example of a secondary nasalization, probably under the influence of the initial m-. On sôra mîtu ‘under sky’ see the commentary to 5.894. Yamatö province (大和國) in its primary meaning corresponds to presentday Nara prefecture. Since it was the main seat of imperial power, with almost all the locations of the palaces of semi-permanent and consequently permanent capitals afterwards with few exceptions were located in Yamatö province, the name of this province was eventually transferred to the whole of Japan (Nakanishi 1985: 494). It was one of the Great Provinces (Daikoku, 大國) according to the Ritsuryō code. On the Ritsuryō code classification of Yamatö

BOOK ONE

19

provinces, see the commentary to 5.818. The writing and reading of line seven 家吉閑 IPÊ kîk-ana ‘I want to hear of your home is’ in spite of being present in all manuscripts of the Man’yōshū except the Hirose-bon, is being widely contested in modern scholarship, as it seems to be based on the authority of Kamo-no Mabuchi86, who suggested in his Man’yō kō (萬葉考, 1760 AD) that the character 吉 is a misspelling for 告, and the character 閑 is to be read as ya or se. This has been adopted partially or as a whole by some modern scholars, see, e.g. Tsuchiya (1975.1: 6), Omodaka (1977.1: 12), Itō (1983: 20), but the majority stills follows the old manuscripts, and not Kamo-no Mabuti’s interpretation (Takeda 1956: 27), (Takagi et al. 1957: 9), (Kojima et al. 1971: 63), (Nakanishi 1978: 47), (Aso 2006: 38), (Tada 2009: 13, 389). It is well too easy to embark on the path of rewriting the texts, and the process can really be endless and arbitrary as demonstrated by the recent proposal by Satake et al. (1999: 13-14), who claim that not only the character 吉 is a misspelling for 告, but that the character 閑 (sōsho form 像) is a misspelling for the character 奈 na in its sōsho form 他. The rationale behind this reinterpretations is, of course, as Bentley pointed out (2016: 108), the fact that the character 閑 occurs only once in the extant WOJ corpus. But it is well known that the limited attestation does not necessarily indicate a lack of thereof or a scribal mistake. In addition, 像< 閑 is one of

the most frequent kana signs for the syllable /ka/ in the Heian period texts. Since the Heian period kana overall represents a reduced inventory of the man’yōgana, a natural question would arise: where did it come from? Since invention of the new kana signs practically did not occur, the natural response to this question is that 閑 was inherited from the Nara period. Finally, while a scribal confusion between 告 and 吉 is not

difficult, a scribal confusion between 奈 and 閑, whether in their kaishō or sōsho forms requires a stretch of imagination. All kana glosses for manuscripts indicate the readings of characters 吾 and 我 as ware and not are. Consequently, all modern and Edo period scholars do the same. Although the distinction between PJ *a ‘I’ and *wa ‘we’ was already partially lost during the Nara period, we should keep in mind that all the earliest extant manuscripts of book one are from the end of the Heian period, when PJ *a has completely disappeared, and ware was used as both ‘I’ and ‘we’. Thus, the glossing could have been easily influenced by the contemporary language. I opted for the reading are in all cases in this poem, although due to logographic script the point is, of course, moot. A taboo for asking directly one’s name is clearly a very un-Altaic custom. A similar taboo for asking a stranger’s name and his whereabouts existed, for example, in traditional Hawai’ian society. In Ancient Japan such an act on behalf of a man towards a woman clearly equaled a proposal for marriage. In this poem, therefore, Emperor Yūryaku clearly makes a proposal, and indicates that he is going to divulge his own name as well. Clearly, the real name of a person, not known outside of one’s own family is meant here, as in the wider society, only nick-names were used, at least among upper classes.

Preface to the poem 1.2

本文・Original text 高市岡本宮御宇天皇代息長足日廣額天皇 86

On Kamo-no Mabuchi and his Man’yō kō see (Vovin 2009c: 14).

20

MAN’YŌSHŪ

天皇登香具山望國之時御製歌 Translation A poem from the reign of the Emperor who ruled from Wokamötö palace in Takëti. Emperor Okînaŋga tarasi pîpîrönuka. A poem composed by the Emperor at the time when he climbed Mt. Kaŋgu [to perform] a kuni-mî [ritual]. Commentary Emperor Okînaŋga tarasi pîpîrönuka (息長足日廣額) is Emperor Jomei (Jomei tennō, 舒明天皇).87 Unlike Emperor Yūryaku, he is a historical figure, who ruled in 629-641 AD. His Empress was the future Empress Kōgyoku/Saimei, and among his children were both future Emperors Tenji and Tenmu. Wokamötö palace (Wokamötö mîya, 岡 本 宮) is also known as Asuka Wokamötö palace (Asuka-no Wokamötö-no mîya, 飛鳥の岡本の宮). Its ruins are located near Okamoto temple (Okamoto-dera, 岡本寺) in Asuka village (Asuka mura, 明日香村) of Takechi county (Takechi-gun, 高市郡) in presentday Nara prefecture. Mt. Kaŋgu (Kaŋgu yama, 香具山), usually called in poetry Ama-nö Kaŋgu yama (天の香具山) ‘Heavenly Kaŋgu yama’ (148 m) is situated on the border of Kashihara city (Kashihara-shi, 橿原市) and Sakurai city (Sakurai-shi, 桜井 市) in present-day Nara prefecture. It is one of the Three Mountains of Yamatö (Yamato Sanzan, 大和三山) (Nakanishi 1985: 420), located in the east of Yamatö plain, the other two being Mt. Mîmînasi (Mîmînasi yama, 耳成山. 139 m) in the north, and Mt. Unembï (Unembï yama, 畝傍山. 199 m) in the west. The kuni-mî (望 國, 國 見) ‘observing the land’ ritual involved a ruler climbing some high mountain and observing the state of affairs in his/her real in order to insure that his/her subjects lived normally and did not experience any hardships. The smoke rising described in the poem below indicates that people had food to cook. One of the earliest descriptions of kuni-mî is in the section of the second volume of the Kojiki (712 AD), dedicated to the rule of a semi-legendary Emperor Nintoku, who upon the performance of kuni-mî could not detect any signs of smoke rising from the land. He subsequently released his subjects from paying any taxes for three years. As a result, his palace reached such a state of disrepair, that its roof leaked, and rain water was collected in buckets. After three years, Emperor Nintoku performed a kuni-mî again, and saw plenty of smoke rising from the land. Consequently, he reinstated the taxation. For more details on kuni-mî see Plutschow (1990: 106117).

1.2

本文・Original text (1) 山常庭 (2) 村山有等 (3) 取與呂布 (4) 天乃香具山 (5) 騰立 (6) 國見乎 爲者 (7) 國原波 (8) 煙立龍 (9) 海原波 (10) 加萬目立多都 (11) 怜唸國曽 (12) 蜻嶋 (13) 八間跡能國者

87

Thirty-fourth Sovereign by the traditional count of Emperors.

BOOK ONE

21

仮名の書き下し・Kana transliteration (1) やまと 2 には (2) むらやまあれど 2 (3) と 2 りよ 2 ろ 2 ふ (4) あまの 2 か ぐやま (5) の 2 ぼりたち (6) くにみ 1 をすれば (7) くにはらは (8) け 2 ぶ りたちたつ (9) うなはらは (10) かまめ 2 たちたつ (11) うましくにそ 2 (12) あき 1 づしま (13) やまと 2 の 2 くには Romanization (1) Yamatö-ni pa (2) mura YAMA AR-E-ndö (3) TÖR-I-yöröp-u (4) AMA-nö Kaŋgu YAMA (5) NÖmBOR-I-TAT-I (6) KUNI-MÎ-wo S-URE-mba (7) KUNI PARA pa (8) KËmBURI TAT-I tat-u (9) UNA-PARA pa (10) kamamë TAT-I tat-u (11) UMASI KUNI sö (12) AKÎnDU SIMA (13) Yamatö-nö KUNI PA Glossing with morphemic analysis (1) Yamatö-LOC TOP (2) many mountain exist-EV-CONC (3) hold-INFdress-ATTR (4) Heaven-GEN Kaŋgu mountain (5) climb-INF-rise-INF (6) land-observing-ACC do-EV-CON (7) land plain TOP (8) smoke rise-INF riseFIN (9) sea-plain TOP (10) sea.gull rise-INF rise-FIN (11) beautiful(FIN) land FP (12) dragonfly domain (13) Yamatö-GEN land TOP Translation (2) Although there are many mountains (1) in Yamatö (5) [I] climb (4) Heavenly Kaŋgu mountain (3) that is neatly dressed [in foliage], and (6) when [I] observe the land, (8) the smoke is rising (7) in the land plain. (10) Sea gulls are flying up (9) in the plain of the sea. (11) [It is] a beautiful land, (13) the land of Yamatö, (12) the dragonfly domain. Commentary The meter of this poem is much closer to the classical chōka form, but note that while in chōka last three lines are supposed to be 5-7-7, here we have 6-57. On Yamatö province and Yamatö as the name of the country see the commentary to 1.1. The meaning TÖR-I-yöröp-u (line 3) is obscure, so the translation is provisional and relies on the explanation of this verb given in Omodaka et al. (1967: 510, 807). On Mt. Kaŋgu see the commentary to the preface to 1.2. On the kuni-mî (望 國, 國 見) ‘observing the land’ ritual, see the commentary to the preface to 1.2. On the significance of smoke rising in the land see the commentary to the preface to 1.2 under kuni-mî. WOJ kamamë (MJ and MdJ kamome) ‘sea gull’ is an omnivorous bird that has a white body and read beak. It is considered to be a winter bird. It nests in flocks along seashores, but there are cases when it flies far inland (Nakanishi 1985: 292). Ryukyuan reflexes of this word are not known, therefore it is not clear whether WOJ kamamë is more archaic than MJ kamome, because two scenarios are equally possible: a > o in the heavy labial environment, or a progressive assimilation a-o > a-a. WOJ kamamë is a hapax legomenon, as it is attested only in this poem in the whole extant WOJ corpus. WOJ -më in kamamë is a suffix, occurring in some birds’ names: WOJ sunzumë ‘sparrow’, MJ sime ‘hawfinch’, WOJ pîmë ‘hawfinch’, MJ tumbakurame (MdJ tubame) ‘swallow’, and MdJ yamagara ~ yamagarame ‘mountain sparrow’. On WOJ una- ‘sea’, see the commentary to 15.3592. Cf. EOJ unö- ‘id.’

22

MAN’YŌSHŪ

(20.4328). The final form umasi of the adjective umasi ‘to be beautify, to be tasty’ is used here in the attributive function. See the commentary to 15.3602 on the lack of strict differentiation between final and attributive forms of inflected adjectives in Old Japanese. Akîndu sima ‘dragonfly domain’ is one of the names of Ancient Japan. There are two legends explaining why it was called so. One is recorded in book three in the Nihonshoki, indicating that when Emperor Jinmu climbed Popoma hill in order to perform kuni-mî (lit. ‘observing the land’) ritual, the shape of the land looked like a dragonfly, and it was named accordingly. Another legend connects it with the reign of Emperor Yūryaku, who gratefully named the land as Akîndu sima in recognition of the fact that a dragonfly ate a gadfly that sat on his arm (KK 97, NK 75).

Preface to the poem 1.3

本文・Original text 天皇遊獦内野之時中皇命使間人連老獻歌 Translation When Emperor [Jomei] was hunting in the Uti field, Middle Empress [Pasipîtö] sent Pasipîtö-nö muranzi Oyu to present [this] poem. Commentary There is no record of Emperor Jomei’s hunting in the field of Uti in the Nihonshoki. On Emperor Jomei see the commentary to the preface to 1.2. Uti field (内, 宇智) was located in the mountainous area stretching from the vicinity of the Northern Uchi railway station (Kita Uchi eki, 北宇智駅) to Gojō city (Gojō-shi, 五条市) in present-day Nara prefecture. There are two main hypotheses about its more exact location: (1) the area to the South-West of the Northern Uchi railway station, and (2) the vicinity of Ōno town (Ōnochō, 大野町) within the Gojō city (Nakanishi 1985: 428-429). Middle Empress Pasipîtö (Pasipîtö Naka-tu Sumêra Mîkötö, 間人中皇命) is a daughter of Emperor Jomei, and younger sister of future Emperor Tenji as well as elder sister of future Emperor Tenmu. She was named Pasipîtö after her tutor, Pasipîtö-nö muranzi Oyu (see below). She became a consort of Emperor Kōtoku (Kōtoku tennō, 孝徳天皇, 645-654 AD),88 and passed away in 665 AD. She is called Middle Empress because she was the Empress of Emperor Kōtoku, and subsequently played this role between two different ruling periods of Kōgyoku/Saimei. Her authorship of this poem is frequently contested (Omodaka 1977.1: 55-56), (Itō 1983: 35-36), but the grounds for counterarguments are not really persuasive. Therefore, I agree with Takagi et al. (1957: 10), (Nakanishi 1978: 53), Aso (2006: 51), etc. and follow their lead by considering this poem as composed by Middle Empress Pasipîtö. Pasipîtö-nö muranzi Oyu was from Nakatömî clan and besides serving as a tutor to Middle Empress Pasipîtö in his younger days also participated later as a Secretary (Jō/Hōgan/Hangan, 判官) in an embassy to Tang China in 654 AD. Nothing else is known of his biography. On asömî, muranzi, sukune, pumbîtö, and other kabane (姓) ranks see footnote 17 on p. 33 of the Man’yōshū book fifteen. 88

Thirty-sixth Sovereign by the traditional count of Emperors.

BOOK ONE

23

1.3

本文・Original text (1) 八隅知之 (2) 我大王乃 (3) 朝庭 (4) 取撫賜 (5) 夕庭 (6) 伊縁立之 (7) 御 執乃 (8) 梓弓之 (9) 奈加弭乃 (10) 音爲奈利 (11) 朝獦尓 (12) 今立須良思 (13) 暮獦尓 (14) 今他田渚良之 (15) 御執能 (16) 梓弓之 (17) 奈加弭乃 (18) 音爲奈 仮名の書き下し・Kana transliteration (1) やすみ 1 ちし (2) わがおほき 1 み 1 の 2 (3) あしたには (4) と 1 りなた まひ 1 (5) ゆふへ 1 には (6) いよ 2 りたたしし (7) み 1 と 1 らしの 2 (8) あづさの 2 ゆみ 1 の 2 (9) なかはずの 2 (10) おと 2 すなり (11) あさが りに (12) いまたたすらし (13) ゆふがりに (14) いまたたすらし (15) み 1 と 2 らしの 2 (16) あづさの 2 ゆみ 1 の 2 (17) なかはずの 2 (18) おと 2 すな り Romanization (1) yasu mît-i-si (2) WA-ŋGA OPO KÎMÎ-nö (3) ASITA-ni pa (4) TÔR-INAnDE-TAMAP-Î (5) YUPU-PÊ-ni pa (6) i-YÖR-I-TAT-AS-I-si (7) MÎTÔR-AS-I-nö (8) AnDUSA-NÖ YUMÎ-NÖ (9) naka PAnZU-nö (10) OTÖ SU-nar-i (11) ASA-ŋ-GAR-I-ni (12) IMA TAT-As-urasi (13) YUPU-ŋ-GAR-I-ni (14) IMA tat-as-urasi (15) MÎ-TÖR-AS-I-nö (16) AnDUSA-NÖ YUMÎ-NÖ (17) naka PAnZU-nö (18) OTÖ S-U-nar-i Glossing with morphemic analysis (1) peace be.filled-INF-PAST.ATTR (2) we-POSS Great Lord-GEN (3) morning-LOC TOP (4) hold-INF-caress-INF-HON-INF (5) evening-side-LOC TOP (6) DLF-approach-INF-stand-HON-INF-PAST/ATTR (7) HON-holdHON-NML-GEN (8) catalpa-GEN bow-GEN (9) middle notch-GEN (10) sound do-FIN-RA-FIN (11) morning-GEN-hunt-NML-LOC (12) now departHON-SUP (13) evening-GEN-HUNT-NML-LOC (14) now depart-HON-SUP (15) HON-hold-HON-NML-GEN (16) catalpa-GEN bow-GEN (17) middle notch-GEN (18) sound do-FIN-RA-FIN Translation (10) They say that there is the sound (9) from the bow string (8) of the catalpa bow (2) that our Great Lord (1) filled with peace (7) holds, (6) [the bow] that [he] kept close (5) in the evening, and (4) held and caressed (3) in the morning. (12) It seems that now [he] will depart (11) to the morning hunt. (14) It seems that now he will depart (13) to the evening hunt. (18) They say that there is the sound (17) from the bow string (16) of the catalpa bow (15) that [he] holds. Commentary The meter of this poem is much closer to the classical chōka form, but note that while in chōka last three lines are supposed to be 5-7-7, here we have 7-55. Also, the number of lines in chōka is supposed to be odd, but we have even number eighteen here. WOJ 八隅知之, invariably read as yasumîsisi by all the commentators is considered to be a permanent epithet (makura-kotoba, 枕詞) to the expression wa-ŋga opo kîmî ‘our Great Lord’. The meaning of this permanent epithet is considered to be unknown, although there is no lack of various hypotheses, of which the most popular appears to be the explanation ‘ruling the eight corners

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[of the land]’ (Omodaka 1977.1: 60). But ‘ruling the eight corners’ would be ya sumî sirösimësisi and that brings us right outside the meter by four syllables (nine instead of five). Even if we conjecture that the form had no honorifics, which would be strange, there are no examples of *sisi standing for sirisi in the OJ corpus. As a matter of fact, the reading yasumîsisi appears to be almost anecdotal. There are twenty-six examples of this makura-kotoba in the Man’yōshū, with the prevalent spelling 八隅知之 and some other more rare variants, but the second from the end syllable is spelled with the character 知 in all twenty six cases. But 知 always stands for ti, never for si. Admittedly, there are examples of 夜須美斯志 (KK 28), 野須瀰斯志 (NK 76), 夜輸瀰始 之 (NK 63), 野須美矢矢 (NK 97), 夜酒瀰志斯 (NK 102) that all at the first glance should be read as yasumîsisi. However, two examples with 斯 si < se, I believe have a different explanation: yasum-î se-si ‘rested (lit. did resting)’. The phonograms 始 and 矢 for si are essentially confined to the Nihonshoki poetry (Bentley 2016: 393, 395). It is much easier to explain -s- in three examples in the Nihonshoki as a regressive assibilation, rather than to argue for unconditioned fortition s > t in twenty-six examples from the Man’yōshū. Since WOJ intransitive mît- ‘to be filled’ is a consonantal verb in contrast to its transitive counterpart mîte- ‘to fill’, I interpret yasu mît-i-si as ‘was filled with peace/ease’, and adjust the traditional reading and interpretation of this makura-kotoba accordingly. On the expression opo kîmî ‘Great Lord’ which refers to the Emperor see the commentary to 5.794. On OJ andusa ‘catalpa tree’ (梓) see the commentary to 14.3487. WOJ panzu is a ‘bow notch’ for attaching a bow string. There are, of course, two notches: ure panzu ‘upper notch’ and mötö panzu ‘lower notch’. What is WOJ naka panzu ‘middle notch’ is considered to be completely unclear (Omodaka et al. 1967: 516). Let me note, however, that it is not a bow notch, but a bow string that makes a sound. WOJ turu ‘bow string’ was alternatively called ya panzu ‘arrow notch’ (Omodaka et al. 1967: 579). Since an arrow comes right in the middle of a bow, I suspect that naka panzu ‘middle bow notch’ is just another alternative name for a bow string. This hypothesis is reflected in my translation above.

Envoy to the poem 1.3 本文・Original text 反歌 Translation An envoy. Commentary This is the envoy to 1.3, also composed by Middle Empress Pasipîtö.

1.4

本文・Original text (1) 玉剋春 (2) 内乃大野尓 (3) 馬數而 (4) 朝布麻須等六 (5) 其草深野 仮名の書き下し・Kana transliteration (1) たまき 1 はる (2) うちの 2 おほの 1 に (3) うまなめ 2 て (4) あさふます らむ (5) そ 2 の 2 くさぶかの 1

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Romanization (1) tamakîparu (2) UTI-nö OPO NÔ-ni (3) UMA NAMË-TE (4) ASA pum-asuram-u (5) SÖNÖ KUSA-n-BUKA NÔ Glossing with morphemic analysis (1) precious (2) Uti-GEN great field-LOC (3) horse put.side.by.side(INF)-SUB (4) morning tread-HON-TENT2-FIN (5) that grass-GEN-deep field Translation (3) Placing horses side by side (1/2) at the precious great field of Uti (4) [the Emperor] will tread in the morning (5) that field where the grass is deep. Commentary On WOJ tamakîparu ‘precious’ see the commentary to 15.3744. On Uti field see the commentary to the preface of 1.3. The Emperor is Emperor Jomei who is hunting at Uti field. WOJ pum-as-uram-u ‘will tread’ is sometimes analyzed as an attributive form modifying sönö kusa-n-buka nô ‘that field where the grass is deep’ (Omodaka 1977.1: 74). But it is equally possible to treat lines four and five as transposed phrases in the poetic language, where object NP could be placed after the predicate VP. I adopt this analysis here and treat pum-as-uram-u ‘will tread’ as a final verbal form.

Preface to the poem 1.5

本文・Original text 幸讃岐國安益郡之時軍王見山作歌 Translation A poem composed by a War King looking at the mountains when [he] went to Aya district of Sanukî province. Commentary Aya district (Aya-gun, 安益郡) was traditionally first within Sanukî province (讃岐國) and then in in Kagawa prefecture (香川県). In 2006 AD it was incorporated into Takamatsu city (Takamatsu-shi, 高松市). On Sanukî province (讃 岐 國) see the commentary to the preface to 20.4472. It is not clear who War King might have been. There are several hypotheses regarding the reading and meaning of 軍王: (a) ikusa opo kîmî ‘great military commander’, (b) konikisi ‘Paekche king’, (c) konikisi opokîmî ‘Great Lord Paekche King’. Since in the Shoku Nihongi 軍君 is glossed in kana as コニキ シ konikisi, the Paekche commoners’ word for ‘king’, the second theory is more likely. Needless to say, this explanation opens a Pandora box. What did a Paekche King do in Aya district in Sanukî province? Since large-scale Paekche invasion of Yamatö seems to be out if question, it well may be that the Paekche King was offering some military assistance to one of local Japanese chieftains or otherwise was meddling in local affairs.

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1.5

本文・Original text (1) 霞立 (2) 長春日乃 (3) 晩家流 (4) 和豆肝之良受 (5) 村肝乃 (6) 心乎痛 見 (7) 奴要子鳥 (8) 卜歎居者 (9) 珠手次 (10) 懸乃宜久 (11) 遠神 (12) 吾大 王乃 (13) 行幸能 (14) 山越風乃 (15) 獨座 (16) 吾衣手尓 (17) 朝夕尓 (18) 還比奴礼婆 (19) 大夫登 (20) 念有我母 (21) 草枕 (22) 客尓之有者 (23) 思 遣 (24) 鶴寸乎白土 (25) 網能浦之 (26) 海處女等之 (27) 焼塩乃 (28) 念曽 所焼 (29) 吾下情 仮名の書き下し・Kana transliteration (1) かすみ 1 たつ (2) ながき 1 はるひ 1 の 2 (3) くれにけ 1 る (4) わづき 1 も 1 しらず (5) むらき 1 も 1 の 2 (6) こ 2 こ 2 ろ 2 をいたみ 1 (7) ぬえ 2 こ 1 と 2 り (8) うらなけ 2 をれば (9) たまたすき 1 (10) かけ 2 の 2 よ 2 ろ 2 しく (11) と 2 ほつかみ 2 (12) わがおほき 1 み 1 の 2 (13) いでましの 2 (14) やま こ 1 すかぜの 2 (15) ひ 1 と 2 りをる (16) わがこ 2 ろ 2 も 2 でに (17) あさ よ 2 ひ 1 に (18) かへ 1 らひ 1 ぬれば (19) ますらをと 2 (20) おも 2 へ 1 るあ れも 2 (21) くさまくら (22) たび 1 にしあれば (24) おも 2 ひ 1 やる (25) た づき 1 をしらに (26) あみ 1 の 2 うらの 2 (27) あまをと 2 め 1 らが (28) やく しほの 2 (28) おも 2 ひ 1 そ 2 も 1 ゆる (29) わがしたご 2 こ 2 ろ 2 Romanization (1) KASUMÎ TAT-U (2) NAŋGA-KÎ PARU PÎ-nö (3) KURE-N-I-kêr-u (4) wa-n-duk-î mô sir-anz-u (5) MURA KÎMÔ-nö (6) KÖKÖRÖ-wo ITA-mî (7) nuyekô TÖRI (8) ura-NAKË-WOR-E-mba (9) TAMA TA-sukî (10) KAKË-nö YÖRÖSI-ku (11) TÖPO T-U KAMÏ (12) WA-ŋGA OPO KÎMÎ-nö (13) InDEMAS-I-nö (14) YAMA KÔS-U KAnZE-nö (15) PÎTÖRI WOR-U (16) WA-ŋGa KÖRÖMÖnDE-ni (17) ASA YÖPÎ-ni (18) KAPÊR-Ap-î-n-ure-mba (19) MASURA WO tö (20) OMÖP-ÊR-U ARE mö (21) KUSA MAKURA (22) TAmBî n-i si AR-E-mba (23) OMÖP-Î-YAR-U (24) tandukî-wo sir-an-i (25) AMÎ-nö URA-nö (26) AMA WOTÖMÊ-ra-ŋGA (27) YAK-U SIPO-nö (28) OMÖP-Î sö MÔY-URU (29) A-ŋGA SITA-ŋ-KÖKÖRÖ Glossing with morphemic analysis (1) mist rise-ATTR (2) be.long-ATTR spring-day-GEN (3) get.dark-INFPERF-TENT-ATTR (4) night-GEN-arrive-NML FP know-NEG-FIN (5) many liver-COMP (6) heart-ABS be.painful-GER (7) golden.mountain.thrush (8) inside-sob(INF)-exist-EV-CON (9) jade hand-sash (10) put.on(NML)-GEN be.good-GER (11) distant DV-ATTR deity (12) we-POSS Great Lord-GEN (13) go.out(INF)-HON-NML-GEN (14) mountain cross-ATTR wind-COMP (15) alone exist-ATTR (16) we-POSS sleeve-LOC (17) morning evening-LOC (18) return-ITER-INF-PERF-EV-CON (19) noble man DV (20) think-PROGATTR I FP (21) grass headrest (22) travel DV-INF FP exist-EV-CON (23) think-INF-send.away-ATTR (24) hand.hold-ACC know-NEG-INF (25) AmîGEN bay-GEN (26) fisher maiden-PLUR-POSS (27) burn-ATTR salt-COMP (28) think-NML FP burn-ATTR (29) I-POSS below-GEN-heart Translation (4) [I] do not know even when the night arrives (2) when the long spring day (1) with rising mist (3) gets dark. (8) When [I] sob in [my] heart (7) like a golden mountain thrush (6) because [my] heart is painful (5) like [all] internal organs [together], (10) it is good to put on (9) a jade hand sash. (12/13/18) When going out of our Great Lord (11) who is a distant deity (18) continues to

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return (14) like a wind crossing the mountains (17) in the morning and in the evening (16) to the sleeves of us, (15) who are alone, (20) even [I] who thinks [of myself] (19) as a noble man, (24) [I] have no clue (23) how to send away [my] worries, (22) when [I] am on the journey (21) [where I use] grass as a headrest. (29) The inside of my heart (28) burns with thoughts (27) like the salt burnt (26) by fisher maidens (25) in Amî bay. Commentary WOJ wan-duk-î in line four is a hapax legomenon. There are multiple hypotheses trying to explain it on the internal Japanese basis, involving wakë ‘separation’ (Itō 1983: 41), or a misspelling for tandukî ‘handhold, grip’ (Omodaka 1977.1: 79-80). The latter does not fit into the context of the poem, even notwithstanding the script problems: 痩 wa and 測 ta do not seem similar even in their sōsho forms. It is not inconceivable that WOJ wa here means ‘night’, cf. MK pàm ‘id.’89 If this interpretation is correct, we have two possibilities of morphophonological analysis here: (1) *wam-n[ö]-tuk-î > wamtuk-î, with a preservation of a final -m, with an assimilation *-mt- > *-nt-and a complete elision of a genitive case marker -nö, (2) wa-n[ö]-tuk-î, with the elision of the final -m in *wam ‘night’. Since accentual data on WOJ *wam ‘night’ that could show preservation or omission of the final *-m, do not exist, I personally prefer the second solution for the time being. WOJ kîmô ‘liver’ could be used in reference to all internal organs. WOJ nuyekô töri is the same bird as nuye-n-döri. On WOJ nuye[-n-döri] ‘golden mountain thrush’ see the commentary to 5.892. WOJ tama ta-sukî ‘jade hand sash’ may be an amulet worn at a shrine festival (Itō 1983: 41). Omodaka notes that tasukî was hanged from a shoulder, and he also believes that tama here is just a beautification prefix without a particular reference to the material this sash or pendant ta-sukî 手次 was made of (1977.1: 83). The phonogram 次 occurs mostly in WOJ ta-sukî ‘hand sash’ in the Man’yōshū, but it is also attested in the name of the mountain Nasukîyama (名 次山, 3.279). It is not listed in Bentley (2016). WOJ töpo t-u kamï ‘distant deity’ occurs only twice in the whole anthology: in 1.5 and 3.295. Unfortunately, it is written logographically in both cases. However, due to töpo t-u kamu-oya ‘distant divine ancestors’ (18.4094, 18.4096) and töpo t-u pîtö ‘person from afar’, ‘a person far away’ (5.857, 5.871) we can reconstruct the reading of the logographic 遠神 exactly as töpo t-u kamï ‘distant deity’. Care must be taken not to confuse the genitivelocative case marker -tu with the attributive form t-u of the copula tö that appears in this poem. For details see Vovin (2005a: 152-158, 2009a: 544-447). On WOJ opo kîmî ‘Great Lord’ which refers to the Emperor, see the commentary to 5.794. In all probability it points to Emperor Jomei here. Itō perceives line fifteen as referring to a spouse that the author left in the capital (Itō 1983: 42). Such an interpretation contradicts the grammaticality of the poem, for example, the possessive form wa-ŋga ‘our’ in the following line sixteen, that in OJ, unlike MJ, could not refer to the third person. In any case, 89

The directionality of borrowing is not completely clear. Unlike MK pàtáh ~ pàrʌ́r ‘sea’ that is found everywhere in Korean, Japonic wata ‘sea’ is strictly confined to WOJ. Nevertheless, as Whitman pointed out to me (p. c.), since OJ has both w- and p-, and Korean only p-, it would be strange for OJ to borrow OK p- as w-, while the reverse situation presents no problems. In any case, we should not forget that the author of this poem is a Korean, who could use either a Japanicized Korean word or a Koreanized Japanese word.

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it is quite clear that this is not a love song, but a poem about the devotion to the Emperor. Interestingly enough, the following envoy 1.6 is clearly a love poem. I will attempt to explain this discrepancy below in the commentary to 1.6. On WOJ masura wo ‘excellent man’, ‘nobleman’ see the commentary to 5.804. Amî bay (Amî-nö ura, 網の浦) is and old name for the seashore in presentday Sakaide city (Sakaide-shi, 坂出市) in Kagawa prefecture on Shikoku island (Nakanishi 1985: 420). It is mentioned only once in the Man’yōshū.

Envoy to the poem 1.5 本文・Original text 反歌 Translation An envoy. Commentary This is the envoy to 1.5, also composed by a War King.

1.6

本文・Original text (1) 山越乃 (2) 風乎時自見 (3) 寐夜不落 (4) 家在妹乎 (5) 懸而小竹櫃 仮名の書き下し・Kana transliteration (1) やまご 1 しの 2 (2) かぜをと 2 き 1 じみ 1 (3) ぬるよ 1 おちず (4) いへ 1 なるいも 1 を (5) かけ 2 てしの 1 ひ 1 つ Romanization (1) YAMA KÔS-I n-ö (2) KAnZE-wo TÖKÎnzi-mî (3) N-URU YÔ OTI-nZ-U (4) IPÊ-N-AR-U IMÔ-wo (5) KAKË-TE sinôp-î-t-u Glossing with morphemic analysis (1) mountain cross-NML DV-ATTR (2) wind-ABS be.out.of.season-GER (3) sleep-ATTR night lack-NEG-INF (4) home-LOC-exist-ATTR beloved-ACC (5) [heart-LOC] hang(INF)-SUB long.for-INF-PERF-FIN Translation (2) Because of the unseasonal wind (2) that crosses the mountains, (3) without missing [a single] night to sleep, (5) in my heart [I] long for (4) [my] beloved, who is at home. Commentary I have mentioned in the commentary to 1.5 above that while 1.5 is a poem expressing devotion to the Emperor, its envoy 1.6 takes on a completely different topic, expressing the author’s longing for his beloved, whom he left at home. It was customary for an envoy to either provide a reflection on the whole preceding poem, or to develop a specific topic or theme found within this main poem. However, in this case we have a conflict of interest between the devotion to the Emperor and the love to one’s wife. But as a matter of fact,

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we have plenty of examples of such a conflict of interest found even within the same poem. Sakîmôri ‘border guards poems recorded in book twenty (see Vovin 2013a for the latest translation) are good examples of it. So, it is quite logical to have these conflicts of interests delegated to two different poems, with the longer chōka poem dedicated to the devotion to the Emperor, and the shorter tanka poem dealing with the author’s private feelings. WOJ tökînzi has two basic meanings: (a) ‘to be incessant’, (b) ‘to be out of season’. 90 There is a disagreement among the Man’yōshū scholars which meaning was implied here. Thus, the modern researchers opting for (b) are: Takeda (1956: 72), Kojima et al. (1971.1: 67), Omodaka (1977.1: 90), Itō (1983: 48), and Aso (2006: 59). On the other hand, the scholars preferring (a) are: Inoue (1928: 17), Kōnosu (1939: 20), Takagi et al. (1957: 12), Tsuchiya (1975.1: 21), Nakanishi (1983: 50), Satake et al. (1999.1: 17), and (Tada 2009.1: 19). All major premodern commentators that have commented on the whole text of the Man’yōshū: Keichū (1690.1.1: 250), Tachibana (1796/1929.1: 9), and Kamochi (b) (1912.1: 62) have universally subscribed themselves to (b). I prefer the solution (b), and not just of its early nature, but because an untimely wind could be an expression linking the preceding chōka with this tanka envoy. The morphemic analysis of WOJ tökînzi ‘to be incessant’, ‘to be out of season’ is not quite clear. It is apparent that some negative morpheme is added to tökî ‘time’. Theoretically this form could be negative tentative -anzi, but in this case we would expect the surface form *tökênzi < *tökî-anzi, and not tökînzi. Perhaps we are dealing here with an irregular contraction *tökî ar-anzi ‘time exist-NEG.POT > *tökî-anzi > tökî-nzi that subsequently was reanalyzed as an adjective. The digraphic disyllabic phonogram 小竹 sinô occurs in the Man’yōshū three times (1.6, 9.1786, 13.3255), but it is not listed either in Omodaka et al. (1967) or in Bentley (2016). The disyllabic phonogram 櫃 pîtu occurs in the Man’yōshū three times (1.6, 3.366, 3.367), but it is not listed either in Omodaka et al. (1967) or in Bentley (2016). Postscript to the poems 1.5-6 本文・Original text 右檢日本書紀無幸於讃岐國亦軍王未詳也但山上憶良大夫類聚歌林曰記 曰天皇十一年己亥冬十二月己巳朔壬午幸于伊与温湯宮云々一書是宮前在 二樹木此之二樹斑鳩比米二鳥大集時勅多挂稲穂而養之仍作歌云々若疑従 此便幸之歟 Translation [Regarding] the above, there is no [mention] of the imperial visit to Sanukî province in the Nihon shoki. [It] is also not clear who War King might have been. However, it is said in the Ruijū karin of the Grand Noble Yamanöupë-nö Okura that the record [of the Emperor Jomei in the Nihon shoki] relates that on the fourteenth day of the twelfth month of the eleventh year [of] the Emperor 90

There are twelve attestations of tökînzi in the Man’yōshū: (a) be incessant: 1.26, 3.317, 13.3260 (probably, although (b) cannot be completely ruled out), 13.3293 (probably, although (b) cannot be completely ruled out), 18.4111, 18.4112; (b) be out of season: 3.382, 4.491, 8.1627, 10.1931 (practically identical to 4.491 except for the script), 18.4137; (c) unclear: 1.6.

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[Jomei rule, the Emperor] went to the palace with a hot bath in Iyö [province] etc. [In] another book it is stated that there were two trees in front of this palace. Since big flocks of grosbeaks and sparrows gathered at these trees at this time, the Emperor issued a decree to plant great amount of rice to feed [these] birds and followed it up with a poem, etc. But did [he] really go from [this place to Sanukî province]? Commentary The history of the compilation of the Nihon shoki (日本書紀) ‘Annals of Japan’ is quite complex and the details should not entertain us here. It will suffice that it is the first official surviving Japanese chronicle, compiled on imperial orders by Toneri (舎人), the Prince of the First Rank, and twelve other people in 720 AD. It includes myths, legends, and actual historical events from times immemorial to Empress Jitō (持統天皇、ruled 687-697 AD). On War King see the commentary to the preface to 1.5. On Sanukî province (讃 岐 國) see the commentary to the preface to 20.4472. On Yamanöupë-nö Okura’s biography see the commentary to the preface to 5.794. Since Yamanöupë-nö Okura was granted the title 大夫 Tayū ‘Grand Noble’ in 714 AD and received Junior Fifth Rank, Lower Grade in the same year, after he returned from the embassy to China in 707 AD, the non-ante quem for this postscript is 714 AD. Grand Nobles (Tayū, 大夫) are the members of the nobility who had Fourth or Fifth Ranks. Care must be taken to distinguish them from Masters (Daibu, 大夫), who were Heads of the offices or city wards. The Ruijū karin (類聚歌林), ‘A Forest of Poetry Organized by Categories’ is an anthology of the sixth-seventh century poems compiled by Yamanöupënö Okura or by someone close to him with commentaries. It was arranged by categories like a much later compilation of the Man’yōshū itself, the Ruijū koshū (類聚古集)91. Unfortunately, the Ruijū karin (類聚歌林), ‘A Forest of Poetry Organized by Categories’ is no longer extant, but it is cited nine times in the Man’yōshū (Itō 1983: 48). The character 記 ‘record’ refers to a record in the Nihon shoki, not to the Kojiki (Itō 1983: 48). The fourteenth day of the twelfth month of the eleventh year of Emperor Jomei rule corresponds to January 12, 660 AD. Iyö province (伊与國) corresponds to present-day Ehime prefecture. Iyö was also used as a designation for the island of Shikoku in general (Nakanishi 1985: 427). It was one of the Upper Provinces (Jōkoku, 上國) according to the Ritsuryō code. On the Ritsuryō code classification of Yamatö provinces, see the commentary to 5.818. We do not know with certainty what 一書 ‘another book’ is, but on the basis of the episode and location it describes, it must have been Iyö Fudoki (伊 与風土記) ‘Iyö Gazetteer’. Luckily enough, a textual fragment very close to this particular one has survived in the Shaku Nihongi (釈 日 本 紀, late Kamakura period) ‘The Annotated Nihongi’, (Akimoto 1958: 495-496). WOJ ikaru ~ ikaruŋga ‘grosbeak’ (MdJ ikaru, 斑鳩) is the biggest kind of sparrow. It may be black or gray. It has a beautiful voice. Both WOJ ikaru ~ 91

For more details see Vovin (2009c: 11).

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ikaruŋga ‘grosbeak’, and WOJ pîmë ‘a kind of sparrow’ (see below) could be used as a bait to catch other birds (Nakanishi 1985: 289). WOJ pîmë ‘hawfinch’ (MdJ hime ~ sime, 鳹・鴲) is a small sparrow with a thick white beak. It has blue spots on its body and eats fruits. It is considered a winter bird. Like WOJ ikaru ~ ikaruŋga ‘grosbeak’ (see above) it could be used as a bait to catch other birds (Nakanishi 1985: 299).

Preface to the poem 1.7

本文・Original text 明日香川原宮御宇天皇代天豊財重日足姫天皇 額田王歌未詳 Translation The reign of the Empress who ruled from Kapapara palace in Asuka. Amë töyö takara ikasi pî tarasi nö pîmë. A poem composed by Princess Nukata (not exactly known).

Empress

Commentary The Empress who ruled from Kapapara palace in Asuka is Empress Kōgyoku (Kōgyoku tennō, 皇 極 天皇), 92 who is the spouse of Emperor Jomei and mother of Emperor Tenji and Emperor Tenmu. She was born in the second year of Suiko (594 A.D) and passed away on the twenty-fourth day of the seventh lunar month of the seventh year of her reign as Empress Saimei (August 24, 661 AD). She first ruled as Empress Kōgyoku from the fifteenth day of the first lunar month of the first year of Kōgyoku (February 19, 642 AD) to the fourteenth day of the sixth lunar month of the fourth year of Kōgyoku (July 12, 645 AD). She also later ruled as Empress Saimei (Saimei tennō, 齊明天皇) 93 from the third day of the first lunar month of Saimei (February 14, 655 AD) to the twenty-fourth day of the seventh lunar month of the seventh year of Saimei (August 24, 661 AD). The ten year interruption in her reign was caused by dramatic events in the beginning of the Taika reform (Taika-no kaishin, 大化の改新) reform. Empress Kōgyoku abdicated in favor of Emperor Kōtoku (Kōtoku tennō, 孝徳天皇), her maternal younger halfbrother immediately after the assassination of Sôŋga-nö Iruka (蘇我入鹿) by Imperial Prince Naka-nö Opoye (Naka-nö Opoye-nö mîkô, 中 大 兄 皇 子) (future emperor Tenji) on the premises of the imperial palace and the suicide of Sôŋga-nö Emîsi (蘇我蝦夷). During her reign as Empress Saimei the real power was in the hands of Prince Naka-nö Opoye. Empress Saimei is an author of seven poems in the Man’yōshū (1.10-12, 4.485-87, 8.1511) (Nakanishi 1985: 235), although her authorship of some of these is arguable. Princess Nukata (額田王) is one of the most outstanding female poets of the seventh century. Unfortunately, there is very little hard-core evidence regarding her biography and too many legends surrounding it. She is an author of thirteen poems in the Man’yōshū (1.794-9, 1.16-18, 1.20, 2.112-113, 2.151, 2.154, 4.488, 8.606) (Nakanishi 1985: 260). Her father was Prince Kaŋgamî (鏡 王), and she was born either in Pêŋguri district (平 群 郡) of Yamatö 92 93 94

Thirty-fifth Sovereign by the traditional count of Emperors. Thirty-seventh Sovereign by the traditional count of Emperors. Nukata’s authorship of 1.7 has been questioned from the eighth century on, as we can see from the preface and from the postscript, where the poem is ascribed to Empress Saimei. This point of view is supported, for example, by Omodaka (1977.1: 101-102).

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province (大和國), nowadays a part of Ikoma city (Ikoma-shi, 生駒市) in Nara prefecture or in Owu district (意宇郡) of Indumo province (出雲國), which constitutes today a part of Matsue city (Matsue-shi, 松江市) in Shimane prefecture. If it were Owu district, this fact may bear some importance for the understanding of 1.9 below. Although some very late sources indicate that Princess Nukata was born in 630 AD and died in 690 AD, there is no mention of it in the Nihonshoki or other ancient historical sources. She was a favorite consort of Prince Opo Ama (future Emperor Tenmu), to whom she bore Princess Töwoti (十市皇女, fourth year of Taika (648 AD) or fourth year of Hakuchi (653 AD) -- the seventh day of the fourth lunar month of the seventh year of Tenmu (May 3, 678 AD). The poetic exchange between Princess Nukata (1.20) and Prince Opo Ama (1.21) probably triggered the origin of a story that she was taken away from the latter by Emperor Tenji after the birth of Princess Töwoti. Although there is no documental proof for this like a record in the Nihonshoki, I trust that both Princess Nukata poem (1.20) and Prince Opo Ama response (1.21) do not leave any doubt that it was indeed the case. The popular opinion that Princess Nukata was a legendary beauty is found for the first time in the Man’yōshū tō (萬 葉 集 燈) ‘A Man’yōshū Lantern’, a partial commentary to the Man’yōshū by the late Edo period scholar Fujitani Mitsue (富士谷御杖) (Fujitani 1823: 68).

1.7

本文・Original text (1) 金野乃 (2) 美草苅葺 (3) 屋杼礼里之 (4) 兎道乃宮子能 (5) 借五百磯所 念 仮名の書き下し・Kana transliteration (1) あき 1[の 2]の 1 の 2 (2) み 1 くさかりふき 1 (3) やど 2 れりし (4) うぢ の 2 み 1 やこ 1 の 2 (5) かりいほしおも 2 ほゆ Romanization (1) akî[-nö] NÔ-nö (2) MÎ-KUSA KAR-I PUK-Î (3) YAndör-er-i-si (4) Undi-nö MÎYAkô-nö (5) KARI ipo si OMÖP-OY-U Glossing with morphemic analysis (1) autumn[-GEN] field-GEN (2) beautiful-grass cut-INF thatch-INF (3) stay.for.the.night-PROG-INF-PAST.ATTR (4) Undi-GEN capital-GEN (5) temporary hut EP think-PASS-FIN Translation (5) [I] suddenly think of a temporary lodging (4) in a capital in Undi (3) in which [we] stayed (1/2) cutting the beautiful grass from the autumn field and thatching [the roof with it]. Commentary The first genitive -nö in line one is not reflected in writing, but it was likely there, because otherwise line one would become hypometric (jitarazu, 字足ら ず). Prefix mî- in mî-kusa ‘beautiful grass’ is a diminutive prefix with beautification meaning. Undi (WOJ spellings: 兎道, 宇治, 氏, 菟道, 于遅) was an area located in

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Yamasirö province (山 城 國). A road from the capital of Nara to Apumî province (近江國) passed through this area (Omodaka 1977.1: 99). Nowadays it roughly corresponds to Uji city (Uji-shi, 宇治市) in Kyōto prefecture. The village where Empress Kōgyoku stayed with her retinue is called ‘capital’ exactly because the Empress stayed there, even if it was just for a night (Omodaka 1977.1: 99). Omodaka points out that the suffix -kô ‘place’ in mîya-kô ‘capital’, lit. ‘palace-place’ is spelled with a kō-rui vowel ô. He further notes that although etymologically it must be *kö ‘place’ found in OJ tökörö ‘place’, kökö ‘here’ and sökö ‘there’, we have the shift *ö > ô under the influence of ‘vowel harmony’ (quotes are mine -- A.V.) due to the presence of the preceding vowel a (Omodaka 1977.1: 99). However, in reality it is exactly the other way around. Although the sequences of vowels a-ö and ö-a are rare, they do exist, e.g.: amö ‘mother’, atö ‘footprint’, asömî, kabane title, kanö ‘that over there’, kasö ‘father’, töŋga ‘fault’, Yösamî, place name.95 But the sequences of ô-ö or ö-ô are absolutely impossible (Arisaka’s law), while there are plenty of sequences a-ô or ô-a. Therefore, there is nothing abnormal in mîya-kô ‘capital’, but *kö-kô ‘here’ < ‘this-place’ or *sö-kô ‘’there’ < ‘that-place’ are impossible, and evidently the progressive vowel assimilation was triggered: *kö-kô > kökö ‘here’ and *sö-kô > sökö ‘there’ once these constructions were lexicalized. Line five is hypermetric (jiamari, 字余り). OJ kari ‘temporary’ is historically a nominalized form kar-i of the verb kar‘to borrow’, but I treat it as a unit, because in both WOJ and EOJ it appears to be completely lexicalized, which is further demonstrated by the vowel crasis: kari ipo > karipo. The character 所 ‘place’ in line five is often used as a device to indicate a passive form of verbs. In this case the passive certainly is used in its function of a spontaneous action. Postscript to the poem 1.7 本文・Original text 右檢山上憶良大夫類聚歌林曰一書戊申年幸比良宮大御歌但紀曰五年春 正月己卯朔辛巳天皇至自紀温湯三月戊寅朔天皇幸吉野宮而肆宴焉庚辰 日天皇幸近江之平浦 Translation [Regarding] the above, it is said in the Ruijū karin of the Grand Noble Yamanöupë-nö Okura that in a certain book [it is mentioned that it is] the poem by the [Retired] Empress [recited when she] went to Pîra palace. However, the [Nihonsho]ki says that on the third day of the first lunar month in the spring of the fifth year [of Saimei], the Empress returned from hot springs in Kï[yi province]. On the first day of the third month the Empress went to Yösinô and organized a banquet there. On the third day the Empress went to Pîra bay in Apumî [province].96

95

I hasten to add that they exist solely on the synchronic level in OJ. On diachronic level most if not all of them can be explained as loanwords or compounds. 96 The Nihonshoki account in the postscript to 1.7 is verbatim with the extant copy of this text (NSK XXVI: 269).

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Commentary On Yamanöupë-nö Okura’s biography see the commentary to the preface to 5.794. Since Yamanöupë-nö Okura was granted the title 大夫 Tayū ‘Grand Noble’ in 714 AD and received Junior Fifth Rank, Lower Grade in the same year, after he returned from the embassy to China in 707 AD, the non-ante quem for this postscript is 714 AD. Grand Nobles (Tayū, 大夫) are the members of the nobility who had Fourth or Fifth Ranks. Care must be taken to distinguish them from Masters (Daibu, 大夫), who were Heads of the offices or city wards. On the Ruijū karin (類 聚 歌 林) ‘A Forest of Poetry Organized by Categories’ see the commentary to the postscript to 1.5-6. We do not know with certainty what 一書 ‘another book’ is. Itō supposes that it might have been a collection of old poems found in the Man’yōshū (1983: 51). Omodaka, who as always, indulges much less in the conjectures, plainly states that this book is unknown (1977.1: 101). Tuti-nö ye saru-nö tösi (戊申年) ‘the monkey year of the senior earthly stem’ corresponds to the fourth year of Taika (January 30, 648 AD -- February 16, 649 AD) during the reign of Emperor Kōtoku (Kōtoku tennō, 孝徳天皇, 645-654 AD). Pîra palace (比良宮) was a detached palace located in the foothills of Pîra mountain chain (MdJ Hira-no yama, 比 良 の 山) in present-day Shiga prefecture. However, as Itō notes, there is no other record except this one of either Emperor Kōtoku or Retired Empress Kōgyoku going to Pîra palace in the fourth year of Taika. Retired Empress Kōgyoku is not mentioned directly in this postscript, but the honorific prefix opomî 大御 clearly indicates that this poem is an imperial composition. Nevertheless, the honorific prefix opomî 大御 may be a mistake introduced in the Ruijū Karin, or the unknown book it cites, since it contradicts other facts (see below). There is a hypothesis that it might have been a poem by Emperor Kōtoku himself, but this is in contradiction to the preface to 1.7 that states that this is a poem from Kōgyoku reign (Itō 1983: 51). Therefore, the poem 1.7 could have been composed during Kōgyoku’s period of rule, but recited during Kōtoku’s reign. The character 紀 ki is an abbreviation here for the Nihonshoki (日本書紀), and more exactly for its part Saimeiki (齊明紀)97, describing the reign of the Empress as Saimei simply because there was no fifth year in her first period of rule as Kōgyoku. The third day of the first lunar month of the fifth year of Saimei corresponds to January 1, 659 AD Kïyi province (紀 伊 國), often abbreviated just to Kï (紀), as in this postscript, comprised present-day Wakayama prefecture and southern part of Mie prefecture. It was one of the Upper Provinces (Jōkoku, 上國) according to the Ritsuryō code. On the Ritsuryō code classification of Yamatö provinces, see the commentary to 5.818. The first day of the third lunar month of the fifth year of Saimei corresponds to March 29, 659 AD. On Yösinô and Yösinô palace see the commentary to the preface to the poems 18.4098-4100. Apumî province (近江國) was one of the Great Provinces (Daikoku, 大國) 97

Book twenty-six of the Nihonshoki.

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according to the Ritsuryō code. It corresponds to present-day Shiga prefecture. The etymology of Apumî is transparent: MJ 98 apa- ‘to be weak (of taste), not seasoned, non-spicy’ + umî ‘sea’, that is a ‘fresh (not salty) sea’, which, of course, refers to Apumî (present-day Biwa) lake. Pîra bay (平浦) referred to the shore of Apumî (Biwa) lake, where the Pîra detached palace was located. Therefore, we have a contradiction regarding the authorship of 1.7 (see also the preface to this poem). If we put our trust into the unknown source cited in Ruijū karin of Yamanöupë-nö Okura, like Omodaka does, we would have to admit that the author is Empress Kōgyoku/Saimei. I have mentioned above that the Ruijū karin of Yamanöupë-nö Okura could not be compiled earlier than 714 AD, but the actual date of the compilation is more likely to be posthumous, after his death in 733 AD, so in all likelihood it is a mid-Nara period work. We do not know anything about the reliability of the Ruijū karin or of the competence of its author. The same applies to the unknown source cited in the Ruijū karin. On the other hand, we have the evidence from the Nihonshoki, compiled by a group of scholars under the leadership of Prince Toneri in 720 AD. One of the exemplary features of the Nihonshoki is that this text attempts to cite all sources known to compilers, including even textual variants. Consequently, the Nihonshoki’s silence over the very existence of the Ruijū Karin, as well as over the fact that the Empress herself recited the poem in question is conspicuous. While it does not rule out completely the authorship of Empress Kōgyoku/Saimei, in addition to the fact that it would have been very unusual for the Empress herself to recite a poem at the banquet she organized, it makes it more than highly unlikely. Thus, I am strongly inclined to assign the authorship of this poem to Princess Nukata.

Preface to the poem 1.8

本文・Original text 後岡本宮御宇天皇代天豊財重日足姫天皇譲位後即後岡本宮 額田王歌 Translation The reign of the Empress who ruled from latter Wokamötö palace.

Empress Amë töyö takara ikasi pî tarasi nö pîmë. The [latter] Wokamötö palace [is the place where the Empress ruled after [her] abdication and after [her second] ascension.

A poem composed by Princess Nukata.

Commentary On the biographies of Empress Kōgyoku/Saimei and of Princess Nukata see the commentary to the preface to 1.7. The latter Wokamötö palace was at the same place as the former Wokamötö palace of Emperor Jomei. On the former Wokamötö palace see the commentary to the preface to 1.2.

98

Not attested in OJ.

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1.8

本文・Original text (1) 熟田津尓 (2) 船乗世武登 (3) 月待者 (4) 潮毛可奈比沼 (5) 今者許藝乞 菜 仮名の書き下し・Kana transliteration (1) にき 1 たつに (2) ふなの 2 りせむと 2 (3) つき 2 まてば (4) しほも 1 か なひ 1 ぬ (5) いまはこ 2 ぎ 1 いでな Romanization (1) Nikîta TU-ni (2) PUNA-NÖR-I se-m-u tö (3) TUKÏ MAT-E-mba (4) SIPO mô kanap-î-n-u (5) IMA pa köŋg-î-inde-na Glossing with morphemic analysis (1) Nikîtatu harbor-LOC (2) boat-ride-NML do-TENT-FIN DV (3) moon wait-EV-CON (4) tide FP fit-INF-PERF-FIN (5) now TOP row-INF-go.outDES Translation (3) When [we] waited for the moon (2) to take a boat (1) in Nikîta harbor, (4) the tide has become full. (5) [I] want [us] to row out now. Commentary Nikîta harbor (Nikîta tu, 熟田津) in line one, sometimes also read as Nikîta-ndu (Omodaka 1977.1: 103), deserves several comments. Even if 津 tu ‘harbor’ is a part of the place name itself, the choice of the kungana character 津 tu to write syllable tu is clearly intentional, because Nikîta tu was indeed a harbor, located in present-day Matsuyama city (Matsuyama-shi, 松山市) in Ehime prefecture (Nakanishi 1985: 473). This place name is attested three more times in the Man’yōshū: in the postscript to 1.8 also appearing as 熟田津, in 3.323 spelled as 飽田津, and in 12.3202 written as 柔田津. It is possible to propose four hypotheses concerning the origins of 熟 as a phonogram. First, it is possible that 熟 is an ongana phonogram, resulting from the merger of the initial ź- in its LMC reading źjuk with the initial ńź- in the LMC reading ńźjǝu of the character 柔 made by a Japanese scribe. 99 This hypothesis may be further supported by the fact that WOJ yö-ku ‘be.good-INF’ is once spelled by 熟 in 3.344 that may represent not a logogram, but a phonogram with another irregular representation of the LMC reading źjuk of 熟. Second, it might a kungana phonogram resulting from the phonetic confusion of 柔 nikî ‘soft’ with 熟 niŋgi ‘flourishing’. The reading niŋgi is not attested for OJ, but cf. MJ niŋgifasi ‘be bustling, be flourishing’ and MdJ nigiyaka ‘bustling’. The third hypothesis would involve semantic confusion between 柔 nikî ‘soft’, 熟 niŋgi ‘flourishing’, and 飽 akî ‘be full, be satiated’ alongside with their phonetic similarity. Finally, and most likely OJ nikî is simply a loan from OK nik- ‘to ripen, to boil’, cf. 熟水曰泥根没 ‘hot water is called nik-un mïr’ (KYKP #204). This fourth hypothesis, incidentally, explains the best the place name Nikîta tu, where the hot spring was located. 99

Note that although the character 柔 ńźjǝu has an even tone, therefore the finals are also different; as a phonetic element 柔 occurs in characters that were ending in -Ɂ (giving later the rising tone) or -h (resulting later in the departing tone). Otherwise, the -kî in nikî would be impossible to explain. Certainly, as an ongana phonogram 柔 can stand just for ni as well.

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The character 乞 in line five is traditionally assigned only the ongana value köti (Omodaka et al. 1967: 894), (Bentley 2016: 136), there is also kungana reading kösö, used to write the imperative benefactive form -kös-ö, which I have already discussed in the commentary to 17.3898, and the kungana value inde, which is not only supported by several contextually uncontroversial examples in the Man’yōshū, such as, e. g., 乞通來祢 inde-KAYÔP-I KÖ-n-e go.out(INF)-wander-INF come-DES-IMP ‘go out [in your] wanderings, and come back [to me]’ (2.130). But most importantly, there is a following gloss in the Nihonshoki, referring to an event in the second year of reign by Emperor Inkyō (Inkyō tennō, 允恭天皇, ?438-455 AD): 壓乞此云異提 ‘Giving out. This [is] called inde100’ (NSK XIII: 339). It was Omodaka, who pointed out the existence of this gloss (1977.1: 107). Line five looks hypermetric (jiamari, 字 余 り), but this is probably a graphic illusion, since köŋg-î-inde-na ‘I want us to row out’ was in all probability pronounced as [köŋgîndena]. Postscript to the poem 1.8 本文・Original text 右檢山上憶良大夫類聚歌林曰飛鳥岡本宮御宇天皇元年己丑九年丁酉十 二月己巳朔壬午天皇大后幸于伊豫湯宮後岡本宮馭宇天皇七年辛酉春正 月丁酉朔壬寅御船西征始就于海路庚戌御船泊于伊豫熟田津石湯行宮天 皇御覧昔日猶存之物當時忽起感愛之情所以因製歌詠爲之哀傷也即此歌 者天皇御製焉但額田王歌者別有四首 Translation [Regarding] the above, it is said in the Ruijū karin of the Grand Noble Yamanöupë-nö Okura that on the fourteenth day of the twelfth lunar month of the ninth year [starting from] the first year of the Emperor who ruled from the [former] Wokamötö palace the Emperor and the Empress went to a hot spring palace in Iyö [province]. On the sixth day of the first lunar month in the spring of the seventh year of Empress who ruled from the later Wokamötö palace the imperial boat sailed to the West. Being for the first time on the sea, [it] anchored at Ipayu hot spring in Nikîta harbor of Iyö province on the fourteenth day. Going inside the palace, the Empress looked at the things of old that still remained, and because she became suddenly overcome by emotion at this time, she composed this poem relating her grief. Therefore, this is a poem composed by the Empress. There are four different poems by Princess Nukata. Commentary On Yamanöupë-nö Okura’s biography see the commentary to the preface to 5.794. Since Yamanöupë-nö Okura was granted the title 大夫 Tayū ‘Grand Noble’ in 714 AD and received Junior Fifth Rank, Lower Grade in the same year, after he returned from the embassy to China in 707 AD, the non-ante quem for this postscript is 714 AD. Grand Nobles (Tayū, 大 夫) are the members of the nobility who had Fourth or Fifth Ranks. Care must be taken to distinguish them from Masters (Daibu, 大夫), who were Heads of the offices 100

WOJ inde- ‘to go out’ as a directive auxiliary verb could be used with both preceding intransitive and transitive verbs, although in the majority of cases it appears after intransitives (Vovin 2009a: 1076-1077).

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or city wards. On the Ruijū karin (類 聚 歌 林) ‘A Forest of Poetry Organized by Categories’ see the commentary to the postscript to 1.5-6. On the [former] Wokamötö palace see the commentary to the preface to 1.2. The Emperor is Jomei and the Empress is Kōgyoku/Saimei. On Emperor Jomei see the commentary to the preface to the poem 1.2, and on Empress is Kōgyoku/Saimei see the commentary to the preface to 1.7. The fourteenth day of the twelfth lunar month of the ninth year of Jomei corresponds to January 4, 638 AD. The visit to a hot spring in Iyö by Emperor Jomei and Empress Kōgyoku/Saimei is dated by the Nihonshoki by the twelfth month of the eleventh year of Jomei’s reign (December 30, 639 -- January 28, 640 AD). One would expect that the Nihonshoki, being an official chronicle, would be more reliable with regard to dates than now lost Ruijū Karin. This might also call into question the general reliability of the latter. On the latter Wokamötö palace see the commentary to the Preface to the poem 1.8. The sixth day of the first lunar month of the seventh year of Saimei corresponds to February 10, 661 AD. On the discrepancy of the notation for the day in the manuscripts see Omodaka (1977.1: 109). The fourteenth day of the first lunar month of the seventh year of Saimei corresponds to February 18, 661 AD. Nothing is known about Ipayu hot spring. It was probably located at the same place as modern Dōgo hot spring (Dōgo onsen, 道後温泉) in the present Matsuyama city (Matsuyama-shi, 松山市) in Ehime prefecture (Nakanishi 1985: 426), (Itō 1983: 55). On Iyö province see the commentary to the postscript to the poems 1.5-6. On Nikîta harbor see the commentary to 1.8. The Ipayu hot spring is called ‘palace’ because the Empress stayed there. Thus, we can see that the Ruijū Karin assigns the authorship of this poem to Empress Saimei similarly to the case of 1.7. It also mentions four other poems by Princess Nukata. But it is not clear what these four poems are. There are five other poems by Nukata in book one: 1.9, 1.16-18, 1.20. Are these four among these five, or does the Ruijū Karin refer to four other poems not included into the Man’yōshū? We will never know unless a copy of the Ruijū Karin is discovered. Given the fact that we have seen above the obvious mistakes in the Ruijū Karin, as well as the fact that 1.8 does not demonstrate clearly any grief for the deceased husband, I am again strongly inclined to see no reason to doubt the authorship of Princess Nukata like in the case of 1.7.

Preface to the poem 1.9

本文・Original text 幸于紀温泉之時額田王作歌 Translation A poem composed by Princess Nukata when the Empress went to the hot spring in Kï[yi province]. Commentary The Empress is Kōgyoku/Saimei. On the biographies of Empress

BOOK ONE

39

Kōgyoku/Saimei and of Princess Nukata see the commentary to the preface to 1.7. The date of Empress Saimei visit to the hot spring in Kïyi province must have been in 658 AD because of the recommendation of Prince Arima. If so, the hot spring in question is probably Murô (牟婁) hot spring, which is today’s Shirahama hot spring (Shirahama onsen, 白浜温泉) in Wakayama prefecture. On Kïyi province see the commentary to the postscript to 1.7.

1.9

本文・Original text (1/2) 莫器圓隣之大相七兄爪湯氣 (3) 吾瀬子之 (4) 射立爲兼 (5) 五可新何 本 仮名の書き下し・Kana transliteration (1/2) 莫器圓隣之大相七兄爪湯氣 (3) わがせこ 1 が (4) いたたしけ 1 む (5) いつかにひ 1 がほ 1 Romanization (1/2) NACOkʌ-s tʌrari thi-ta-PO-n-[i]-isy-a=ca mut-ke (3) WA-ŋGa se-kô-ŋGa (4) i-TAT-As-i-kêm-u (5) itu ka NIPÎ-ŋ-gapô Glossing with morphemic analysis (1/2) evening-GEN moon PREV-CONV-look-PAST.ATTR-[NML]-existCONV=EMPH ask-CONF (3) I-POSS beloved-DIN-POSS (4) DLF-departHON-INF-PAST/TENT-FIN (5) when IP new-DV(ATTR)-face Translation (1/2) After [I] looked up at the evening moon, [I] did ask: (3) “My beloved (4) probably went there [on a journey]. (5) When [would I see his] face again?” Commentary This poem is the most enigmatic poem in the Man’yōshū. The main difficulty lies in the reading and interpretation of the first two lines. Let us start from the discrepancies between the manuscripts. The very first character in the poem is 莫 in all extant manuscripts except the Furukawa-ke kyūzōbon (古河家旧蔵 本) copy 101 of the Genryaku kōhon, traditionally believed (probably mistakenly) to be a manuscript written by the famous calligrapher Fu nzifara-no Yukinari (藤 原 行 成, 972-1027 AD), which has 草 instead. The singular evidence from one manuscript of the Genryaku kōhon is, of course, nonevidence, especially that Ide and Mori, who apparently worked with a different copy of the Genryaku kōhon, do not indicate this deviation (2008: 5), so I reconstruct 莫 for the original text. The second character represents much more interesting case. The majority of manuscripts have the character 囂 ‘to shout, to scream’ and the Genryaku kōhon has 祀, which appears to be a graphic variant of 囂. Only the Koyō ryaku ruijū shō, a manuscript from the early Kamakura period has the character 器 ‘vessel’. By the same reason as above a single attestation should be discarded, but as I will demonstrate below, there are good grounds to believe that the character 器 ‘vessel’ preserved only in the Koyō ryaku ruijū shō is the original one, while all other manuscripts are 101

It will be called simply Furukawa-bon from now on.

40

MAN’YŌSHŪ

innovative. The last character that shows a discrepancy in manuscripts is 謁 vs. 湯 ‘hot water’: the former is attested in the majority of manuscripts, but the latter appears in the earliest manuscripts where book one is preserved: the Genryaku kōhon and the Ruijū koshū. In addition, it appears also in the Kishūbon, and much more importantly in the Hirose-bon that represents a different Teika line. Finally, the character 謁 is not attested anywhere else in the Man’yōshū or other texts of the OJ corpus. Thus, I have opted for 湯 ‘hot water’ in my reconstruction of the original text. Once the original text is reconstructed, we have to interpret it. 102 The main difficulty that confronted all previous scholars seems to be fact that it is impossible to read the first two lines in meaningful OJ. Moreover, a meaningful reading should not be difficult given the fact that there are twelve characters in these two lines, therefore, at least some of them have to be phonograms. And, indeed the majority of characters in these two initial lines that are also used as phonograms in the Man’yōshū: 莫 can be used as a kungana for the syllable na, 圓 as a disyllabic kungana for matô or mörö, 隣 as an ongana for the syllable ri, 之 as an ongana for the syllable si, 大 as an ongana for the syllable nda, 相 as disyllabic ongana phonograms saŋga, saŋgu disyllabic kungana phonograms apu, apî, ara, and a trisyllabic ongana phonograms masani, 七 as a kungana for the syllable na, 兄 as a kungana for the syllable ye, 爪 as a disyllabic kungana for tuma, 湯 as kungana for the syllable yu, and 氣 as an ongana for the syllable kë. Only the character 器 remains unattested in the Man’yōshū or elsewhere in the OJ corpus, but the same is true about its much more frequent variant 囂. Therefore, we can arrive to the following reading on the basis of phonograms listed above. The characters 圓 and 相 will have variants indicated by double slashes //. The only unknown reading for the character 器 is indicated by a mark ‘X’. na X matô//mörö ri si nda saŋga//saŋgu//apu//apî//ara//masani na ye tuma yu kë Now taking the variant readings of the characters 圓 and 相 we can come up with all possible variants using a simple combinatorial technique: 1. na X matô ri si nda saŋga na ye tuma yu kë 2. na X matô ri si nda saŋgu na ye tuma yu kë 3. na X matô ri si nda apu na ye tuma yu kë 4. na X matô ri si nda apî na ye tuma yu kë 5. na X matô ri si nda ara na ye tuma yu kë 6. na X matô ri si nda masani na ye tuma yu kë 7. na X mörö ri si nda saŋga na ye tuma yu kë 8. na X mörö ri si nda saŋgu na ye tuma yu kë 9. na X mörö ri si nda apu na ye tuma yu kë 10. na X mörö ri si nda apî na ye tuma yu kë 11. na X mörö ri si nda ara na ye tuma yu kë 12. na X mörö ri si nda masani na ye tuma yu kë Thus, altogether we have twelve variants. We can recognize several OJ words or word forms. Let us try to discuss all possibilities. If we take variants with matô and not mörö, tôr-i could be a nominalized form or an infinitive 102

The following lines are enlarged and improved version of an earlier article (Vovin 2002a).

BOOK ONE

41

form of tôr- ‘to hold’. The next word is sinda ‘time, when’, but sinda is not a standard Western Japanese word. It is attested in EOJ several times and once in Kyūshū Old Japanese. In both it is a loan from Ainuic languages hi-ta [hida] time-LOC ‘time, when’ that were once spoken in those areas. 103 Now remember that Princess Nukata might have been born in Indumo. It is not impossible that some Ainuic languages were also spoken there, and the same Ainu conjunction was borrowed into local Japanese of the time. Certainly, we know nothing about Indumo OJ, but the poem was recited during Empress Saimei visit to Kïyi province. Why would Princess Nukata recite anything in front of the Empress in her own native language that would be incomprehensible to the Empress? The recitation certainly must have been in a language that would be understandable to the latter. Also, OJ sinda ‘time, when’ requires attributive, and not the nominalized form of the preceding verb that modifies it. Thus, the construction *tôr-i sinda is ungrammatical. We can further recognize OJ ap-una, a negative imperative form of the verb ap- ‘to meet’, or ar-ana, a desiderative form of ar- ‘to exist’, ye ‘elder brother’ or ‘inlet’, tuma ‘spouse’, and yuk-ë, an evidential of the verb yuk- ‘to go’, which in most cases requires preceding focus particle kösö in a sentence, but there are also cases of usage of the evidential form as a final predicate without preceding kösö. If we disregard the ungrammaticality of *tôr-i sinda and Ainuic origin of sinda itself, as is often done by the Japanologists who do not care about the grammar of the language, but would rather would read the texts ‘on the fly’ according to their ‘impresssion’ as to what the text could mean, we can come up with a partial reconstructions and translations like X tôr-i sinda ap-una ye tuma yuk-ë ‘when [someone] holds X do not meet! The spouse of the elder brother goes’ or X tôr-i sinda ar-ana ye tuma yuk-ë ‘when I want to have time when [someone] holds X, the spouse of the elder brother goes’. But there are still problems: we would expect ye-nö tuma, not just ye tuma ‘spouse of an elder brother’, and the greatest one is to determine what one holds. It must be an OJ word starting with na- and ending with -ma, but the only words I can think of are the place names Naŋgapama, Nakayama, Naŋgusayama, Naŋgôyama, Nasukîyama, and nana kuruma ‘seven vehicles’. Obviously one cannot hold a beach or a mountain in one’s hands, and doing it with seven vehicles would require quite a bit of strength. In addition, I do not see how the parts -ŋgapa-, -kaya-, -ŋgusaya-, -ŋgôya-, -sukîya-, and -na kuru- could possibly correlate with the spelling of them by characters 器 or 囂. Note also that even if the character 器 with the unknown reading was monosyllabic, the first two lines turn out to be heavily hypermetric with minimum fifteen syllables instead of the expected twelve (the standard meter for lines one and two is 5-7). Taking -ŋgapa-, -kaya-, -ŋgusaya-, -ŋgôya-, -sukîya-, and -na kuruas possible readings would further increase the count from sixteen to seventeen syllables. Taking variants with mörö, and not matô only slightly improves the situation. OJ mörö ‘all’ may seem handy, and na X mörö may potentially correlate with either na-ŋga mörö ‘all of you’ or nare mörö ‘you all’, although there are two problems here as well: first, as far as I know, neither of the sequences is attested in OJ, and second it is unclear how either 器 or 囂 could have been used for writing syllables ŋga or re. Both 器 or 囂 started with velars in MC, so the variant na-ŋga mörö is preferable, but the finals in both cases are different. The stranded ri after mörö could be a contraction of ar-i, 103

For details see the commentary to 14.3363 and Vovin (2009b: 9-10).

42

MAN’YŌSHŪ

final or nominalized form of ar- ‘to exist’, although such a contraction would be highly unusual in OJ. Thus, we can come with an interpretation and translation na-ŋga mörö ar-i sinda ap-una ye tuma yuk-ë ‘Do not meet when all of you are [here]! The spouse of the elder brother goes’ or na-ŋga mörö ar-i sinda ar-ana ye tuma yuk-ë ‘I want to have the time when you are all here. The spouse of the elder brother goes’. The rest of problems is the same as already outlined in the paragraph above. In addition, as we will see below this ‘interpretation’ poorly agrees with the following text and with the general situation of Princess Nukata reciting a poem in front of the Empress. It is quite clear that this entire poem and especially the first two lines were baffling Man’yōshū scholars already starting from the mid-Heian period. Thus, it is quite revealing that this poem has no kana transliteration in the Genryaku kōhon unlike most other tanka. Instead, the Genryaku kōhon has the glossing in the Furukawa-bon manuscript of book one. Unfortunately, these glossings are in the red ink, 104 so they are ‘new glossings’ (shinten, 親点) added by Sengaku, therefore, they are not much different from Sengaku’s commentary. The Ruijū koshū does not have either glossings or kana transliteration. In the Hirose-bon, that is likely to be from the separate Teika line of manuscript, only gatten (合点) mark o is added to each character of lines one and two. Since the Nishi Honganji-bon is from the Sengaku line of manuscripts, its glossings are virtually identical to the ‘new glossings’ found in the Genryaku kōhon. Let us look first at the ‘new glossings’ in the Genryaku kōhon: Glossings in the Genryaku kōhon: 莫ユフツキノ

ア フキ

キ トヒシ

子

イ ﾃﾀﾃ･ﾀﾀｾﾙ

ケム

イツカ

アハ ナ

ム

草囂圓隣之大相七兄爪湯氣吾瀬之射 立 爲兼五可新何本 Thus, the character 草 ‘grass’ is corrected to 莫 ‘evening’, and the combination of characters 莫囂 is glossed as yufu ‘evening’. The characters 圓 隣 are glossed as tuki-no ‘moon-GEN’, and the characters 大相 as afuk-i [afugi] ‘look.up-INF’. Then the character 爪 ‘claw, nail’ is glossed ki, character 湯 ‘hot water’ as tof-i ‘ask-INF’, and the character 氣 ‘air, vapor, spirit’ as -si, past attributive. The missing character 子 ‘child’ is inserted between the characters 瀬 ‘rapids’ and 之, genitive. The character 兼 ‘to combine, to add’ is glossed as -kem-u, PAST.TENT-FIN, the characters 五可 as itu ka ‘when IP’, and the final three characters 新何本 as ap-an-am-u ‘meet-DES-TENT-ATTR’. Now let us turn to Sengaku’s reading of the poem with the commentary that I cite in its entirety. I will also add their translations. Sengaku’s reading: ユフツキノアフキテトヒシワカセコカイイタタセルカネイツカハアハ ナム(Sasaki 1925: 23) Translation of Sengaku’s reading: [I] asked looking at the evening moon: My beloved went out on journey when shall [we] meet? 104

Which can be seen besides the original which is stored in the Tokyo National Museum only in the color facsimile edition of the Genryaku kōhon book one (Furuya 1994: 29), but not in the black-and-white facsimile published by Takeda (1986/1928).

43

BOOK ONE

Sengaku’s commentary ユフツキトハ、十三四日ノユフヘノ月也。イタ丶セルカネトイヘルハ、 イハ、發語ノ詞。ヨメル心ハ、ユフツキノコトク、アフキテトヒシワ カセコカ、タテテヤアルラン、イツカアハントヨソヘヨメル也。コレ ハ愚老親点ノ歌ノハシメノ歌也。彼親点ノ歌、百五十二首ハヘルナカ ニ、コレハクハシク尺ヲソヘテ侍ル歌也。クハシキムネヲシラント思 ハン人ハ、可レ有レ披見彼ノ尺チ也。(Sasaki 1925: 23) Translation of Sengaku’s commentary Evening moon is the moon of thirteenth [and] fourteenth day evenings. As for the expression i-tat-as-er-u kane, i is an initial interjection. The meaning of the composed poem is: “I asked looking up at my beloved like at the evening moon: “My beloved are you going out on a journey? When shall we meet?” It was the first poem to which [I], an old fool, [added] ‘new glossings’. Among all 152 poems with ‘new glossings’, this is a poem to which [I] added a detailed commentary. [Otherwise, how] the people who want to know the exact meaning can discover [it]? I will eventually return to Sengaku’s reading and commentary below, but first let me survey other premodern and modern glossings, readings, and commentaries. First, I will deal with premodern readings and commentaries. The glossing found in the Nishi Honganji-bon is practically identical to Sengaku’s one as I have already mentioned earlier, but for the sake of accuracy let me reproduce it here with a brief discussion: Nishi Honganji-bon’s glossing: ユフツキ

ノ

アフキ

テ ト ヒ シ ワカ セ

コ

カ

イ タタセルカネ イ ツ カ アハナム

莫囂圓隣之大相七兄爪謁氣吾瀬子之射立爲兼五可新何本 (NHB 1: 9b) The differences in glossing between Sengaku’s and the Nishi Honganji-bon can be summarized as follows: 1) the gloss yufu tuki ‘evening moon’ is applied to the characters 莫囂圓 in Sengaku, but only to 囂圓 in the NHB, where the character 莫 is left without a gloss. As the reader will see below Sengaku is right, but NHB is wrong in this respect; 2) the gloss afuk-i ‘looked up and’ belongs to the characters 大相 in Sengaku, but to the characters 相七 in the NHB. Vice versa, Sengaku is probably wrong, and the NHB is partially right; 3) The character 爪 is glossed as ki in Sengaku and as te in the NHB. The NHB is functionally (but not materially) right here; 4) The characters 吾瀬子 之 are left unglossed in Sengaku, but are glossed as wa-ŋga sekô-ŋga in the NHB, which is almost right, except one small detail: we might have here a-ŋga ‘I-POSS’, and nor wa-ŋga ‘I/we-POSS’; 5) The gloss ap-an-am-u is applied by Sengaku to all last three characters 新何本, but only to 新何 in the NHB. I believe that both are wrong in this respect. Now we turn to the reading by Keichū, which is different from Sengaku and the Nishi Honganji-bon in two places in lines four and five: Keichū’s reading: ユ

フ

ツ

キ

ノ

ア

フ

キ

テ

ト

ヒ

シ ワカ セ

コ

カ

ヰ タタセリケムイツ カ

シ

カ モト

莫囂圓隣之大相七兄爪謁氣吾瀬子之射立為兼五可新何本 Keichū’s reading is practically no different from Sengaku’s, except his

44

MAN’YŌSHŪ

suggestion to read two characters 爲兼 in line four as serikemu instead of Sengaku’s seru kane and line five as itu ka si-ŋga mötö (Keichū 1690/1926: 257), which is a definite improvement over Sengaku’s reading for three reasons: first, kane or kana are certainly appropriate for Heian or early Kamakura periods (Sengaku lived in thirteenth century, approximately 1233 -after 1272 AD), but it is an anachronism for the OJ, when the corresponding particle was kamö; second, the MC reading of the character 兼 had -m final; third, in Sengaku glossing seru part was treated a part of the character 立 ‘to get out, to depart’, and this mistake was fixed in Keichū by correctly assigning it to 爲. As for line five, I trust that Keichū’s both phonetic reading and interpretation are wrong, while regarding the overall meaning of it, Sengaku is much closer to the truth. More on this below in the discussion of line five. There is also a minor setback: Keichū glosses the character 射 ‘to shoot’ as ヰ, and not イ (1690/1926: 257). This is understandable, though, because the contrast between ヰ wi and イ i was long lost before his time. Keichu’s commentary is rather long and is not really worth the whole reproduction and translation, but there is one interesting place that is worth introduction: 難義に て、心得かたし ‘[it] has a difficult meaning, and it is not easy to understand it’ (Keichū 1690/1926: 257). Note that Sengaku does not directly present the same attitude. Therefore, it is highly likely that Sengaku was in possession of some source of information that has already been lost by Keichū’s time. Tachibana Chikage provides the following reading with the reference to Kada Azumamaro (荷田東萬呂)105 that I translate below: Tachibana’s reading キノクニノヤマコエテユケワガセコガイタタセリケムイツカシガモト (Tachibana 1796/1929.1: 12) Translation of Tachibana’s reading My beloved have set out on his journey. Go crossing the mountains of Kï province! Except for reading of the last five characters 五可新何本 as itu ka si-ŋga mötö, which is poorly understood, but was, nevertheless, accepted by many later scholars, and wa-ŋga sekô-ŋga itataserikemu, which has been already suggested by Keichū, as we have seen above, the reading of the beginning of the poem as Kï-nö kuni-nö yama kôyete yukê ‘go, crossing the mountains of Kï province’, with a suggested variant Kï-nö kuni-nö yama mîtutu yukê (Tachibana 1796/1929.1: 13) seem to be based on nothing but Tachibana’s and Kada’s ‘impressions’ and/or suggested ‘misspellings’ (Tachibana 1796/1929.1: 13-14). Therefore, I do not discuss them here. The last premodern commentator I am going to discuss here is Kamochi Masazumi, who makes some alternations to the text and provides the following reading:

105

Kada Azumamaro (1669-1736 AD), usually spelled as 荷田春満, is considered one of the Four Great Men (Shiushi, 四大人) of the National Science (Kokugaku, 國学) of the Edo period, together with Kamo Mabuchi (賀茂真淵), Motoori Norinaga (本居宣長), and Hirata Atsutane (平田篤胤).

45

BOOK ONE

Kamochi’s text variant and reading: ミ

モ

ロ

ノ

ヤ

マ

ミツツ ユ ケ

ワガ

セ

コ

ガ

イ

タタ

シ

ケムイヅ

カ

シ

ガ

モト

奠器圓 隣 之 大相土 見乍 湯氣 吾 瀬子之射 立 爲 兼五 可新何 本 (Kamochi 1912.1: 78) Translation of Kamochi’s reading My beloved has set on a journey. Go, looking at Mimoro mountain! [??????] Kamochi follows the variant reading yama mitutu yuke, already suggested by Kada and Tachibana, as was mentioned above, ‘correcting’ as well 七 as 土, and 兄爪 as 乍. He also criticizes previous readings of the last five characters 五可新何本 by his predecessors, but just notes that it is difficult to interpret them (Kamochi 1912.1: 84). Thus, we do not have any exciting break-through here, and will now proceed to twenty and twenty-first century scholarship. Inoue Michiyasu is probably a champion among the modern Man’yōshū scholars in his ability to rewrite the text, not only correcting alleged ‘misspellings’, but also inserting a whole new part. At the same time, in his reading of the remaining three lines that are less enigmatic than the first two, Inoue is heavily dependent on Kamochi’s interpretation (1928: 21). Thus, characters 莫囂圓隣之大相七 are read as Matutiyama (眞土山), a mountain on the border of Kïyi and Yamatö provinces. Two characters 兄爪 are believed to represent OJ 見 乍 mîtutu ‘while looking’. Needless to say, these speculations are not supported by any piece of evidence. Then Inoue inserts non-existing focus particle kösö (許曾), because in his opinion this is required by the following evidential yuk-ë (湯氣) of the verb yuk- ‘to go’. But, as I have already mentioned above, OJ is not MJ, and the evidential verbal form as a final predicate can be used without the preceding kösö.106 The rest of Inoue’s reading is practically identical to Kamochi’s, with the difference that he reads the character 五 as itu, and not indu, and attempts to explain ituŋgasi as ‘holy, sacred’, and also ends up adding accusative case particle -wo after mötö (Inoue 1928: 21), which, of course, is nowhere seen in the text. Kōnosu does not attempt to read or interpret the first two lines, limiting himself to the statement that this is the most difficult poem in the Man’yōshū. He then provides a selective list of various attempts of his predecessors, noting that all of them involve suggestions of misspellings. Kōnosu then makes an observation that the script used is unusual for book one of the Man’yōshū (but not for the whole anthology, as we have seen above), and ends up with the suggestion that this poem might have been meant as a joke (1939: 25). Takeda essentially takes the same position as Kōnosu, and refuses to provide his own reading, believing that the first two lines are unreadable, because it is the most difficult poem in the Man’yōshū to interpret (1956: 88). He also provides a selective list of the previously suggested readings that is longer than Kōnosu’s (Takeda 1956: 89-90). In addition, Takeda makes an important observation that the coincidence of the glossings in the Genryaku kōhon and Sengaku’s commentary may be due to the fact that they stem from the same tradition, although he does not mention the fact that glossings in the Genryaku kōhon are the ‘new glossings’ (1956: 88), like I noted above. If Takeda is right, this might mean that both the Genryaku kōhon and Sengaku relied upon the same tradition that predated both of them. 106

For details see Vovin (2009a: 636-637, 639-641).

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MAN’YŌSHŪ

Takagi et al. give a selected list of proposed readings for lines one and two, but do not come with their own, and do not express their preference, except for the generally well-known statement that the poem was famous for its difficult reading from the old times, and that this especially concerns lines one and two (1957: 15). Kojima et al. sound even more agnostic, mentioning that there are more than thirty variants of the reading of these notoriously difficult lines one and two, but at the present one cannot follow any one of them (1971: 70). Tsuchiya indicates that it is most unlikely that there will be any progress in reading these two lines, and that the majority of scholars stopped to propose any new attempts, because it would be foolish, but nevertheless decides to come with his own (1976: 31-32): Tsuchiya’s reading of lines one and two: マ

ガ

リ

ノ

タ

ブ

シ

ミ ツ

ツ

ユ

ケ

莫囂圓隣之大相七兄爪湯氣 Tsuchiya then explains Maŋgari as a place name (1976: 31-32). Then, the usual explanation is brought in, and 七 ‘seven’ is claimed to be a mistake for 士 ‘to serve’. The resulting 大相士 is explained as tambuse ‘small hut’ in the field’, with a note that the sound shift e > i is expected (1976: 32). There are two problematic statements here: first, OJ phonogram 士 is used for nzi, and never for si (see the list on the man’yōgana in the introduction and Bentley (2016: 548); and second, while the shift e > i certainly occurred in WOJ, it was at the earlier period than the composition of this poem. Tsuchiya also follows earlier suggestion by Kada, Kamochi (and Inoue) to treat two characters 兄爪 as a scribal mistake for OJ 見乍 mîtutu ‘while looking’ (1976: 32). Omodaka is, as always, very inventive, and his reading of the first two lines is quite original and almost does not resemble anyone else’s (1977.1: 112114): Omodaka’s reading of the lines one and two: シ

ヅ

マ

リ

シ

ウ

ラ

ナ

ミ

サ

ワ

ク

莫囂圓隣之大相七兄爪謁氣 Translation of Omodaka’s reading: The waves in the bay that were calm are raging. Needless to say, it takes a right dose of imagination and the usual tendency for explaining of all unclear places as misspellings to arrive at such a reading, although some the suggested readings are based on proposals of Omodaka’s predecessors. First two characters 莫 囂 are read as sindu, following the suggestion of Tsuchihashi Kazuhiko (Omodaka 1977.1: 112).107 This proposal is based on treatment of 莫囂 ‘not noisy’ as its antonym ‘calm’. The character 圓 is read ma, a part of matô, the reading that was already discussed above. It becomes more speculative further. The character 相 is believed to be an equivalent of 卜 ‘fortune telling’. Consequently, 大相 is converted to 大卜, the latter being indeed used once for writing ura in MYS 13.3333. But this spelling is logographic, and not phonographic, because the ‘fortune telling’ is 107

The work of Tsuchihashi is unavailable to me at the moment.

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indeed what is meant in 13.3333. Although Omodaka is undecided what to choose, two characters 兄 or OJ 見, he finally opts for the latter (1977.1: 112). I believe that his most valuable observation is that the character 爪 could stand for sa, losing its final -u in his EMC reading tṣau, the phenomenon of an EMC final loss being frequently observed in other man’yōgana signs (Omodaka 1977.1: 112-113). The most unpersuasive of all his proposals is the reading of the character 湯 as wa and not yu and the character 氣 as ku, and not kë, as both involve multiple speculations (Omodaka 1977.1: 114). Nakanishi also limits himself to a brief statement, noting that lines one and two are unclear, and then gives a selective list of previously suggested readings (1978: 53). Itō is quite laconic, mentioning that there are more than thirty variants of interpretation, then giving just two examples of reading of lines one and two: Sengaku’s and Omodaka’s, and stressing that his has no opinion of his own (1983: 59). The same information is provided in his later work (Itō 1995: 62). Satake et al. plainly state that the reading of the first two lines is impossible and provide the selected list of various attempts (1999: 22, 66). Aso essentially repeats Kada and Tachibana’s reading Kï-nö kuni-nö yamawo kôyete yuku tö ‘When you go crossing the mountains of Kï province’ of lines one and two, to which she refers as Kamo Mabuchi’s (Aso 2006: 71). But since Kada Azumamaro was not only older than Kamo Mabuchi, but also passed away in 1736 AD, twenty-four years before the compilation of Kama’s commentary to the Man’yōshū, the former, and not the latter should be credited with this reading. Tada does not tell us anything new or unusual either, saying as many other modern commentators that there is no established interpretation and that the first two lines are difficult to read (2009: 25). Thus, it would be fair to say that there are almost as many variants of reading as there are commentators. This leads us to an inevitable conclusion that lines one and two are impossible to read in OJ, regardless of the fact whether one follows Sengaku or starts to attempt reading completely from the scratch. We have two choices right now: either just to give up any future attempts in this direction completely, or try to rethink the role of Sengaku’s commentary. In the following pages I will attempt the second approach, but at the completely new and different angle. It must have been clear to Sengaku, that his ユフツキノアフキテトヒシ could not possibly be the reading of lines one and two. After all, Sengaku was a learned monk, and must have known too well, that the man’yōgana would not fit with such a reading. This, I believe, leaves us only with one possibility: Sengaku’s ユフツキノアフキテトヒシ ‘looking up at the evening moon, [I] asked’ is not a reading, but a translation of the first two lines. Given the fact that this is the oldest commentary to the Man’yōshū, and that the shinten ‘new glossings’ in the Genryaku kōhon might have been added not by Sengaku himself, but by someone else, as suggested by Takeda Yūkichi (see above), we might have a second independent piece of evidence that this translation is based on an older tradition, predating both Sengaku and the Genryaku kōhon. But, if ユフツキノアフキテトヒシ ‘looking up at the evening moon, [I] asked’ is not a reading, but a translation, it means that this is a translation from some other language. I think that we can rule out Chinese and Ainu, as very unlikely or even impossible candidates. This leaves us only one choice: Korean. Below I will demonstrate that lines one and two are indeed written in some variety of Old Korean, and that their

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reading in OK corresponds practically exactly to Sengaku’s commentary. We should remember, however, that OK is attested extremely fragmentary, especially regarding the phonographic records of its vocabulary. This necessarily pushes us on several occasions to appeal to the MK data of fifteenth-sixteenth centuries. Needless to say, there is a huge chronological gap between MK of that period and WOJ of seventh century. But at this point, we have to make this anachronistic projection, also appealing to the data from other Koreanic languages and modern Korean dialects, because there is simply no other choice. We should not overlook the fact that the character 莫 is not only used as a kungana sign na, but also as a variant of the character 暮 ‘evening, sunset’. It seems that none of the later commentaries starting from the Nishi honganjibon entertained this simple possibility. As I mentioned in the very beginning of this commentary, I believe that the much rarer version 莫器 with the character 器 ‘vessel’ is correct, while the more frequent one 莫囂 with the character 囂 ‘noisy’ is a mistake. As I mentioned above, neither 器 nor 囂 are used as phonograms in OJ except this poem. Similarly, none of these characters appear as phonograms in the extant OK corpus. However, the character 器, as we shortly see offers much better phonetic fit than 囂. While the character 囂 (Modern Sino-Korean hyo, Middle Sino-Korean ?) has EMC reading xjäu and LHC hɨau (Schuessler 2009: 306), the character 器 (Modern Sino-Korean ki, Middle Sino-Korean kḯy) has EMC reading khjiC, but LHC khɨs (Schuessler 2009: 306). It is well known that OK (and similarly OJ through an Old Korean intermediary) preserved a number of archaic LHC readings among its phonograms, like, for example 支 ke, ki that cannot be explained via EMC, where the palatalization k- > tś- has already occurred. Thus, it is possibly to suspect that 器 really stood for OK kïs or kʌs. We do not have phonographic spelling of the word for ‘evening’ in OK extant corpus, but in MK it is nàcòh. The final -h clearly shows that the word was once trisyllabic, because of the lenition -k- > -h-. Therefore, the tentative reconstruction of the OK word is probably *nacokʌ. MK had two genitive markers: -ʌy ~ -ey, limited to animates and -s, used for inanimates or as an honorific for people (Kang & Hwang 2003: 77), (Kim 2003: 130), (Lee & Ramsey 2011: 188).108 In OK 叱 *tsï, a predecessor of MK -s also always follows inanimates or is used as honorific for deities. Since ‘evening’ is inanimate, it remarkably fits with both Sengaku ユフ and Korean (both OK and MK) morphology, as well as with the ‘tail’ of the word, and I read 莫器 as OK NACOkʌ-s ‘evening-GEN’. Note that although there is no overt trace of the genitive marking in Sengaku’s commentary, in early kana writing the dakuten, a marking for prenasalized voicing was either marked inconsistently, or completely left out, as in Sengaku’s commentary (except in the dictionaries). Therefore, for all practical purposes Sengaku’s ユフツキ yufu tuki ‘evening moon’ can stand for ユフヅ キ yufu-n-duki < *yupu-n[ö] tukï, with a reduced form of a genitive marker simply hidden by the Heian and Kamakura writing system. We can expect then that the characters 圓隣 correspond to Sengaku’s ツキ ‘moon’. As I have already noted above, the phonogram 隣 ri appears in OJ corpus. It, like its phonographic equivalents 麟 and 璘 is attested also in OK corpus (Song 2004: 450-451), although only in human and place names. Consequently it is not completely clear whether it stands for rin or ri. Now, 108

Note, though, that there are some counterexamples illustrating the usage of -ʌy ~ -ey after inanimates in Nungem kyeng enhay (1462 AD) (Yi 1997/1961: 170).

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while MK word for ‘moon’ is tʌ̀r, it is TɅrari (月羅理, HK IV: 2, XIII: 5) in OK. There are two reasons why the TɅra- part of this word is written with the character 圓 ‘round’. First, as it was mentioned above, 1.9 was composed on the evening of thirteenth or fourteenth day of a lunar month, as stated explicitly in Sengaku’s commentary. On these days the moon is already almost round, because it is just one or two days to the full moon on fifteenth and sixteenth days. Second, MK word for ‘be round’ is tùryép- ~ tùryéβ-, where the final -p- must be a suffix, because the forms tùryèt- (a hapax legomenon in MK, but occurring also in EMdK) and tùryèt-hʌ̀- are also attested (Yu 1964: 238), (Nam 1997: 437-438). One might bring an objection that while consonant in turye- and TɅra- are the same, vowels are quite different. First, we have to keep in mind that turye- looks like a ‘light’ isotope of otherwise unattested ‘heavy’ isotope *torya- or *tarya-. 109 Also, the ‘heavy’ isotope might have been lost at a very early stage because there is only a handful of native Korean words with ya, and *yʌ is non-existent in Standard Middle Korean. HCH notes that yʌ (ᆝ) exists only in the speech of children and in the remote dialects (23a). The only “remote dialect” (or rather, language) that partially preserves the original distinction between PK *ye and *yʌ (Yi [Lee] 1987: 127), (Lee 1978: 41-42), or rather the distinction between PK *ye and *ya according to Kim Juwon (1993: 276-97) is the Chejudo language. Thus, the early merger between *ye and *ya might have caused also the vowel assimilation *o > u in *torye > turye, which might have been due to the vowel harmony, if the latter started to appear in the Korean language at that time. Second, if -ŋgï- in MdK tuŋgïr- ‘be round’ represent some emphatic infix, and if this word is related at all to MK turye- ‘id.’, on the basis of some dialect forms, like Northern Cwungpuk toŋgïra-, etc. (Choy 1978: 1196-1197), the existence of the ‘heavy’ isotope *torya- may receive extra supporting evidence. The translation by Sengaku of the character 之 as MJ -no appears to be strange, because it might be grammatical only in the case of the OJ comparative case marker -nö. But in Sengaku’s time OJ comparative -nö survived only as MJ -no in poetry, being totally replaced in prose by a collocation -no yau ni (MdJ -no yō ni). Note that Sengaku in his commentary takes it is exactly as the comparative. On the other hand, neither genitive -no nor attributive form of the copula n-o would be grammatical in this syntactic context. But the presence of the comparative case marker is strange semantically: yufu-n-duki-no afuŋgite “I looked up like an evening moon”. With whom or with what the comparison is made? It is quite clear that Princess Nukata does not compare herself with the evening moon. The only remote possibility remaining seems to be the comparison with her beloved Prince Opo Ama, as suggested by Sengaku in his commentary, but this seems to be a little stretch of imagination. Unlike OJ, where the character 之 (EMC tśɨ) is frequently used as an ongana for si, in OK it appears to be a phonogram for ti. Thus, in the last line of King Kwangkaytho inscription, it is used to write a dubitative marker -ti (KKP IV: 9), 110 corresponding to the MK dubitative suffix -ti (Vovin 2005b: 117). It appears that 之 is also used as a 109

Cf MK phï̀rḯ- ‘be blue/green’ (a ‘light’ isotope) and phárá-hʌ̀- ‘id.’ (‘heavy’ isotope), hʌ̀y‘be white’ (a ‘light’ isotope) and háyá-hʌ̀- ‘id.’ (‘heavy’ isotope), etc. 110 Nam Phwunghyen calls OK -ti ‘factual’, but it is his reading of the character 支, not of 之, which he believes stands for final -ta (2012: 59, 61). Both proposals are impossible from the viewpoint of Chinese historical phonology, but this is not the place to discuss them in detail.

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transcriptional sign in names in the inscription from the New Fortress on the Namsan in Silla’s capital Kyǒngju (SNSP II: 6, 7, 8, 9), although it is difficult to judge its exact phonetic value. Note that unlike OJ apuŋg- ‘to look up’ there is no special verb in Korean that designates this kind of action. There is MdK chy-e-ta-po- and MK thí-ptḯ- ‘to look up’. It is tempting to equate 之大相 in 1.9 directly with MdK chy-e-ta-po-, since among numerous meanings of the character 相, we also find ‘to look’, but for several reasons such a direct comparison would be extremely anachronistic. Let is analyze the structure of these two Korean verbs first. MK thí- is a preverb designating the direction of an action upwards, and MdK chy-e- is in all probability the infinitive form of this preverb, since MK thi > MdK chi. It is rather unproblematic to identify 之 in 之大相 with this preverb thí-, especially given the fact that aspiration in OK might not yet have fully become phonemic. The identification of the character 相 with MK pó- ‘to look, to see’ is also straightforward. But two problems still remain. First, MK *thi-po- ‘to look up’ is not attested, we only have MK thí-ptḯ- attested in this meaning. Note also that MK ptḯ- is not attested separately in the meaning ‘to look’. It may mean ‘to guess’, ‘to rise (of the sun)’, ‘to raise (pigs, and not eyes!)’, to float’, etc. Second, if we compare 之大相 with thí-ptḯ- ‘to look up’, it is unclear how the character 大, which is not completely rarely used as a phonogram in the OK writing, but seems to have phonographic values ta or tay would fit there. However, because this 大, which is likely to represent interruptive gerund -ta ~ -taka, is attested not only in MdK, but also in OK and MK. On the first glance, there is only one OK example of -taka (如可) attested in Cheyongka (HK V: 2), but no examples of -ta. Nevertheless, Cheyongka is now believed to be a very late Hyangka, composed during the Koryǒ period. In addition, in the Akhak kweypem, a text of 1493 AD that is written in hankul, but is a collection of Koryǒ period songs in a very archaic language the interruptive converb -ta is attested (AK 2: 59).111 There are both -ta and -taka in MK, so whether the -ta is a contraction of -taka, or -taka is an extension of an earlier -ta, might be viewed as a question of chicken-and-egg, but there might be one evidence in favor of the latter: MdK nominative -ka may seem to have the same origin as ka in -taka, so -taka should be viewed as a secondary development of -ta. Given the fact that the Korean verb pó- ‘to look, to see’ is very solidly attested throughout the history of the language, MK ptḯ- that has no meaning ‘to look’ on its own, may be a secondary development. And after all, MdK chyeta-pohas to develop from something. Consequently, I decipher 之大相 as *thi-taPO- ‘to look up’. Before turning finally to the characters 七兄爪, let me first deal with the last two characters 湯氣. In contrast to OJ mîndu ‘[cold] water’ and yu ‘hot water’, there are no corresponding separate words in Korean. Both are designated by MK and OK mḯr ‘water’, with the respective attributives, e.g. LOK sik-un mḯr (時根没) ‘cold water’ (KYKP #204) and nik-un mḯr (泥根没) ‘hot water’ (KYKP #203). Thus, the character 湯 can be identified with MK and OK mḯr ‘water’. But this 湯 can be a hwuntok (訓讀, Jpn. kun’yomi) phonogram used for writing MK :mut- ~ :mur- ‘to ask’, which has only one difference with mḯr: presence of a labialized vowel. But given the imprecise nature of Korean hwuntok or Japanese kun’yomi, one should be not surprised. The character 氣 as a phonogram appears only twice in Old Korean corpus, both times in Silla place names (Song 2004: 331). It is usually read as ki, but 111

The count of lines is based on Yang 1947 edition.

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this is an obvious anachronism based on MdK reading. The combined evidence from the OJ reading kë of the man’yogana sign 氣 and from its EMC reading xjeiC strongly suggest that in OK it was ke or kǝ, but not ki. Confirmatory MK -ke- ~ -Ge- and OK -ke- seem to be an ideal fit here.112 The only problem at the first glance might be that in MK -ke- ~ -Ge- was never used as a word-final suffix, but Nam notes that there are plenty of cases of OK -ke- in idu and kugyǒl texts used as a word-final (2012: 60, 67). Consequently, I equate OK confirmatory form mut-ke ‘asked’ with Sengaku’s translation tofisi ‘asked’. Note that tofisi is a past attributive form. But OJ verbal past attributive -si in töp-î-si ‘asked’ can have not only attributive, but also a function of a final predicate, and in this function it does not have to be necessarily preceded by focus particles sö or namô, or by interrogative particles ya or ka (Vovin 2009a: 927-931). However, the examples of this last kind are rather rare in OJ. In MJ, the replacement of final predication forms by attributives increases rapidly. This, incidentally, explains well Sengaku’s mistake in his commentary, where he misinterprets the past attributive -si as the modifier for wa-ŋga sekô ‘my beloved’. He probably thought of the final predication function of attributives as something very innovative and not typical or may be even non-existing in OJ. Interestingly enough, this mistake of Sengaku made in his own commentary to 1.9 probably demonstrates one more time that the translation of lines one and two belongs not to him, but to some earlier tradition. The above explanation of 湯 氣 demonstrates that the remaining three characters 七兄爪 represent some suffixes of the verb 之大相 thi-ta-PO- ‘to look up’. The most complex problems of the decipherment concern the characters 七 ‘seven’ and 爪 ‘claw, nail’. Among these three characters, 爪 ‘claw, nail’ to the best of my knowledge does not appear at all in the extant OK corpus. Neither its Modern Sino-Korean reading co, and Middle SinoKorean reading :co (HMCH I: 26a), nor the MK native reading thóp ‘claw, nail’ do not help us in any way, but EMC reading tṣau can be potentially useful, if in OK it simply became ca, losing its final -u. As I mentioned above, the same observation that the character 爪 could stand for sa, losing its final -u in his EMC reading tṣau, the phenomenon of an EMC final loss being frequently observed in other man’yōgana signs had been made by Omodaka (1977.1: 112-113). This -ca might be a predecessor of MK emphatic clitic =za. Both 七 and 兄 are amply attested in OK texts, but unfortunately there is no evidence for the exact reading of the former. Therefore, there is no other choice but to appeal to the circumstantial evidence that is always speculative. Note that in OJ 七 nana ‘seven’ is used phonographically only as kungana sign na, which is an apparent abbreviation of nana. There is no reason not to surmise that OJ usage was not influenced by the similar OK usage, since such influence is solidly attested in the man’yōgana. The LOK form itkup ‘seven’ (KYKP #25) seems to be an inaccurate transcription, so we have to turn our attention to MK nìrkúp ‘id.’, which, therefore could be abbreviated to nir or even just ni as a phonogram. I suggest that this might be ni, which then can be equated with OK and MK past modifier -n + nominalizer i + part i- of the OK and MK verb isi- ‘to exist’. The evidence for the character 兄 ‘elder brother’ appears to be much better. I have recently pointed out that in the Koguryǒ language 兄 is transcribed with the character 奢, which has EMC reading śja 112

There is no functional problem between the confirmatory and the past tense. Cf. English I did go used in the confirmatory function instead of I went.

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(WS 100: 2215) (Vovin 2013b: 229-230). This can be equated with the part -si- of the OK and MK verb isi- ‘to exist’ plus OK converb -a (MK -a ~ -e).113 The whole sequence 之大相七兄爪 then represents the verbal form thi-ta-POn-[i]-isy-a=ca PREV-CONV-look-PAST.ATTR-[NML]-exist-CONV=EMPH ‘after [I] looked up’. Consequently, I read lines one and two in OK in the following way: 莫器圓隣之大相七兄爪湯氣 NACOkʌ-s tʌrari thi-ta-PO-n-[i]-isy-a=ca mut-ke evening-GEN moon PREV-CONV-look-PAST.ATTR-[NML]-exist-CONV= EMPH ask-CONF After [I] looked up at the evening moon, [I] did ask: As one can see, this reading follows almost exactly Sengaku’s translation (with the only difference in interpretation concerning the character 之). It also does not include any speculations on scribal ‘mistakes’ that make the text fit into a theory, and no ad hoc readings. Please remember now what was said in the commentary to 1.1 regarding the traditional Korean meter concerning the count of syllables within stanzas. If we take the Korean part of this poem as the first stanza, we will see: NACOkʌ-s 3

tʌrari 3

thi-ta-PO-n-[i]-isy-a=ca 6/7

mut-ke 2

Compare with that the first Korean traditional count: 3 4 4 4/3. There are deviations except for the first word, but the general number of syllables is either identical (fourteen or fifteen), or almost identical (fourteen in our text if we only take thi-ta-PO-n-[i]-isy-a=ca as representing only six, and fifteen in Korean if the last Korean word in the line has only three syllables). Thus, I strongly believe that this is the only viable solution to this old problem. Some Koreanist colleagues might further improve it in the future, but reading this in Korean seems to be inescapable for the time being. The remaining three lines are certainly in OJ, and their reading is relatively uncontroversial. Let me go line by line, and make some further corrections and proposals, if any. Line three 吾瀬子之 WA-ŋGa se-kô-ŋGa ‘my beloved’ has no problems. OJ se ‘elder brother’ appears to be a loan from OK say ‘id.’, mentioned above.114 I am inclined to agree with the commentators who read line four 射立爲兼 as i-TAT-As-i-kêm-u DLF-depart-HON-INF-PAST.TENT-FIN ‘[he] probably went there [on a journey]’, although this makes this line hypometric (jitarazu, 字足らず), and not with those who read it as i-TAT-As-er-i-kêm-u DLFdepart-HON-PROG-INF-PAST.TENT-FIN ‘[he] has probably departed there [on a journey]’ because there are several examples of -as-i-kêm-, analyzed as -HON-INF-PAST.TENT-, but the only example of s-er-i-kêm- do-PROG-INFPAST.TENT- occurs after ipor-i ‘lodging’, a nominalized form of the verb ipor- ‘to lodge’ (1.60). To the best of my knowledge, the form -As-er-i-kêm- HON-PROG-INF-PAST.TENT- is not attested in the Man’yōshū or other OJ texts. Line five 五可新何本 has the most variations in proposed readings by 113 114

MK converb -sye is a grammaticalization of *isi-e ‘exist-INF’ (Yi 1981: 290). For details see Vovin (2013b: 229-230).

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different scholars. Among the most accepted today are: 1) itu ka si-ŋga mötö, introduced by Keichū, who then changed si to sa ‘self’115 (1690/1926: 258). But while itu ka ‘when IP’ is uncontroversial, it leaves us with itu ka si-ŋga mötö ‘his origin’ or ‘his root’, which falls completely out of the context; 2) itu kasi-ŋga mötö ‘the base/root of a sacred evergreen oak’, going back to Kamo Mabuchi’s proposal, which is based on the same phrase found in KK 92 (Omodaka 1977.1: 115). Omodaka’s belief that it refers to the seashore in Kïyi province (1977.1: 115) seems to be out of place contextually.116 Line five is much more likely to contain some reference to a future meeting rather than to seashore covered by evergreen oaks. Thus, I think that Sengaku’s itu ka apanamu ‘when will [we] meet?’ is again right if we take it not as a reading, but as a translation or a paraphrase, while Keichū and Mabuchi are wrong both about the reading and the meaning. I think that line five 五可新何本 should be read as itu ka NIPÎ-ŋ-gapô when IP new-DV(ATTR)-face ‘when [would I see his] face again?’, where the character 新 ‘new’ is used logographically, and all other characters phonographically. One obvious difficulty with this interpretation is that the character 本 is used phonographically in the Man’yōshū exclusively for mötö, and never for po. However, 本 stands for pô in the Kojiki, and 1.9 is a very early poem dating back to seventh century. The first phonographic attestation of OJ kapo ‘face, appearance’ is EOJ 可抱 kapo (14.3411), but there are problems with this example, see Vovin (2012a: 102) for details. The first WOJ attestation is very late (NR I: 20). If I am right about the reading of this poem, then we obtain the first phonographic spelling of this word going back to seventh century demonstrating also that the second syllable vowel was the kō-rui vowel ô, and not the otsu-rui vowel ö.117 Solving a problem, like in the case of the reading of 1.9, always brings additional problems. The first problem is why the first part is in OK, while the remaining three lines are in OJ. The answer to this question is relatively easy: we have here a macaronic Koreo-Japanese poem. Macaronic poems did exist in Japanese tradition. Besides the example of a macaronic Ainu-Japanese poem in the fourteenth dan of the Ise Monogatari: Original text: 夜もあけはきつにはめなてくたかけのまたきになきてせなをやりつる Romanization: Yo mo ake-mba k-ituni-wa mena-te kunda kake-no mandaki n-i nak-i-te se-nawo yar-i-t-uru Glossing with morphemic analysis: Night FP dawn-COND 1pss-hate.it-GER be.awake-CAUS house roosterGEN too.early DV-INF cry-INF-SUB beloved-DIM-ACC send-INF-PERFATTR 115 116

However, OJ sa ‘self’ does not exist. Line five in 1.9 hints at getting old without meeting one’s beloved, and may therefore be a direct loan from KK 92. The context surrounding KK 92 describes the situation when once Emperor Yūryaku fell in love with a young woman and promised to marry her, but subsequently forgot about her, and remembered about her only when he was himself over eighty years old and, she of course, was very old, too, but kept her fidelity never marrying anyone else. 117 On the combinations of vowels a - ô and a - ö see the commentary to 1.7.

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Translation: Even if the daybreak would arrive, I would hate the house rooster, as it made my beloved awake crying too early, and sent him away (IM XIV)118 For more details see Vovin (2012b): What_ happened_ to_ the_ rooster: The_ Ainu_ language_ in_ the_ Ise_Monogatari dan XIV, exhibited now as a Power Point presentation (https://www.academia.edu/4207888/) There is also an example of a Chinese-Japanese macaronic poem: さうはみちとをしくもせんり はくぶさんふかしとりひとこゑ Rewriting this with Chinese characters to represent parts in Chinese, we receive: 蒼波みちとをしくも千里 白霧山ふかしとりひとこゑ Romanization: SAU FA miti towo-si kumo SEN RI FAKU mBU SAN fuka-si tori fito kowe Glossing with morphemic analysis: dark.blue wave way be.far-FIN cloud thousand li white fog mountain be.deep-FIN bird one voice Translation: The way on the dark-blue waves is far; clouds for a thousand li. White fog is deep in the mountains; a bird’s cry (HM I: 153-154). The second problem is why Princess Nukata used the Korean language in her poem. The answer to this question is not as simple as to the first one, but there are several possible hints. First, we should remember that Princess Nukata might have been born in Indumo province. Although the main shrine in this province, Izumo Taisha, played and is still playing an important role in the native Japanese religion, nowadays known as Shintō ‘The Way of Deities’. This shrine is dedicated to the deity Susa-nö wo, who according to the Kojiki and the Nihonshoki, arrived to Indumo from Silla. The first and the proper part of his name, Susa, is probably of Korean origin, cf. MK sòs- ‘to rise, to tower’. Besides, the ritual of kunibiki ‘dragging the land’, also performed by a deity in Indumo dragging land from Silla and other places (Akimoto 1958: 100), and described in Izumo Fudoki, may also have a Korean origin (Nikitina, 1990 p. c.). Second, one should not also forget that Emperor Jomei’s accession to the throne was strongly backed by Sôŋga-nö Umakô, the then head of the Sôŋga clan, that is best known for its patronage of Buddhism and its attempt to usurp imperial power, and which probably was of Silla origin, and connected with Silla’s Kim (金)119 dynasty (Vovin 2002b: 36-37). Third, Murô (牟婁) hot spring, where the Empress Saimei and Princess Nukata stayed, may be well a 118 119

Parts in bold or underlined are in Ainu. The usage of the Sino-Korean reading kim of this character as a family name of the dynasty is unlikely, but cf. MK sóy ‘metal, gold’ < *so[r]i, which probably underlies sô in Sô ŋga.

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Korean place name, reflecting the OK predecessor of MK mòró ‘mountain’ (YP IV: 21b).

Preface to the poems 1.10-12b 本文・Original text 中皇命徃于紀温泉之時御歌

Translation Poems composed by Middle Empress [Pasipîtö] during the visit to the hot spring in Kï[yi province]. Commentary On Middle Empress Pasipîtö (Pasipîtö Naka-tu Sumêra Mîkötö, 間人中皇命) see the commentary to the preface to 1.3. On the debate regarding the authorship of the poems 1.10-12b see the commentary to the postscript to these poems. Probably the same visit is meant here as in the preface to 1.9. On Kïyi province see the commentary to the postscript to 1.7.

1.10

本文・Original text (1) 君之齒母 (2) 吾代毛所知哉 (3) 磐代乃 (4) 岡之草根乎 (5) 去來結手名 仮名の書き下し・Kana transliteration (1) き 1 み 1 がよ 2 も 2 (2) わがよ 2 も 1 しれや (3) いはしろ 2 の 2 (4) をか の 2 くさねを (5) いざむすび 1 てな Romanization (1) KÎMÎ-ŋGA YÖ mö (2) WA-ŋGA YÖ mô SIR-E YA (3) Ipasirö-nö (4) WOKA-NÖ KUSA-NE-wo (5) inza MUSUmB-I-te-na Glossing with morphemic analysis (1) lord-POSS age FP (2) I-POSS age FP know-EV IP (3) Ipasirö-GEN (4) hill-GEN grass-root-ACC (5) right.away tie-INF-PERF-DES Translation (1/2) Will [I] know your age and mine? [-- Certainly not!] (5) I wish we will tie right away (4) the grass-roots on a hill (3) in Ipasirö. Commentary The character 齒 ‘tooth’ in line one is quite a tricky quasi-logographic phonogram. It occurs mostly as ongana for pa or mba in the Man’yōshū, but in one other case it is used as a kungana for yö (11.2773). It is substituted instead of the character 齡 ‘age’, which is yö in OJ. The partial motivation may be also the fact that teeth decay with age. Both Omodaka and Itō believe that ya in line two is an emphatic, and not an interrogative particle. Consequently, they treat 所知 as an attributive sir-u and not as an evidential form (Omodaka 1977.1: 122-124), (Itō 1983: 62). Since 所 may signal the attributive form, and 哉 in Classical Chinese is usually defined as exclamative particle (Pulleyblank 1995: 146-147), they

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might be right. However, 哉 in Classical Chinese is predominantly found in questions, and its usage in declarative sentences is comparatively rare. But projection of a logographic spelling on grammar might be dangerous. Furthermore, Omodaka’s proposal that sir-u ya modifies the next two lines is syntactically possible, but hardly makes any sense: grass from a hill in Ipasirö that knows both your age and mine?! In spite of Omodaka’s objection that 所 is never used to indicate an evidential form, I trust that the gloss sir-e ya for 所 知哉, 120 rendering an irony question, found for the first time in the Nishi Honganji-bon, and accepted by Keichū is well (1690/1926: 258) is the only reading that makes sense both grammatically and semantically, as long as we do not really know the exact meaning of the ritual of tying grass roots (see more below). Ipasirö (磐代, MdJ Iwasiro 岩代) is an area in in the East and West of present-day Minabe town (Minabe-chō, 南部町) of Hidaka county (Hidakagun, 日高郡) of Wakayama prefecture (Nakanishi 1985: 425), (Itō 1983: 62). Omodaka puts his trust into the gloss kaya ‘kaya, miscanthus’ that is found in red ink to the right of 草 in the Genryaku kōhon (1977.1: 124-125). But this is a ‘new glossing’, and the kana transliteration in the black ink in the Genryaku kōhon that is certainly older than ‘new glossing’ has kusa. I am inclined to read 草 as kusa ‘grass’, because kaya ‘miscanthus’ may be inspired by the context of the following 1.11, since kaya was frequently used to thatch roofs. But the ordinary grass could also be used for this purpose, see 1.7 above. Omodaka notes that -ne in kusa-ne is not an underground root (1977.1: 125), and Itō claims that -ne has a ‘suffixal usage’ (1983: 62), The basis and logic for these claims are not quite clear, although in kokugogaku tradition -ne in ipa-ne ‘rock root’, kusa-ne ‘grass root’, etc. is frequently claimed to be a suffix. The characters 去來 ‘go and come’ may be another tricky phonogram for the interjection inza ‘right away’ in line five. The infinitive in-i of the verb in‘to go away’ probably contracted to in-, and the remaining -sa121 may be a contraction of the OJ verb sar- ‘to go, to come’. The ritual of tying together branches, grass, etc. was obviously connected with some kind of prayer, but we do not exactly know what kind of prayer it was. It might be a prayer of safe passage through the mountains, for longevity, safe return, etc. Omodaka stresses its celebratory nature (1977.1: 125), but, for example, the famous 2.141 considered to be a death poem by Prince Arima, in spite of its overt mentioning of luck, can hardly be a congratulatory poem.122

1.11

本文・Original text (1) 吾勢子波 (2) 借廬作良須 (3) 草無者 (4) 小松下乃 (5) 草乎苅核

120

‘Corrected’ to sir-u ya by Kamo Mabuchi and accepted on his authority by all following commentators. 121 The voicing s > z is caused by the preceding nasalization. 122 It is of course, possible, that this poem was composed by Prince Arima during his stay in Kïyi province before his return to court, and later used as a death poem, or it was considered to be used as one.

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仮名の書き下し・Kana transliteration (1) わがせこ 1 は (2) かりいほつくらす (3) かやなくは (4) こ 1 まつがし たの 2 (5) くさをからさね Romanization (1) WA-ŋGA se-kô pa (2) KARI IPO TUKUr-as-u (3) KAYA NA-KU pa (4) KÔ-MATU-ŋGA SITA-nö (5) KUSA-wo KAR-As-an-e Glossing with morphemic analysis (1) I-POSS beloved-DIM TOP (2) temporary hut make-HON-FIN (3) miscanthus not.exist-INF TOP (3) DIM-pine-POSS below-GEN (5) grassACC cut-HON-DES-IMP Translation (1) My beloved (2) is building a temporary hut. (3) If there is no kaya grass, (5) I wish [he] would cut the grass (4) under the small pine. Commentary The first line is hypermetric (jiamari, 字余り), but this is possibly just a graphic illusion, since kari ipo ‘temporary hut’ was in all probability pronounced as [karipo]. On OJ kari ‘temporary’ see the commentary to 1.7. On OJ kaya ‘kaya grass’ see the commentary to 14.3997. Disyllabic kungana 核 sane used in line five occurs in the Man’yōshū six times (1.11, 9.1794, 10.2292, 11.2470, 11.2479, 12.3204). On the combination of desiderative -an(a)- and imperative -(y)e see Vovin (2009a: 668-672).

1.12a

本文・Original text (1) 吾欲之 (2) 野嶋波見世追 (3) 底深伎 (4) 阿胡根能浦乃 (5) 珠曽不拾 或[頭]云 (1) 吾欲 (2) 子嶋羽見遠

仮名の書き下し・Kana transliteration (1) あがほりし (2) の 1 しまはみ 1 せつ (3) そ 2 こ 2 ふかき 1 (4) あご 1 ね の 2 うらの 2 (5) たまそ 2 ひ 1 りはぬ Romanization (1) A-ŋGA POR-I-si (2) Nôsima pa MÎ-se-t-u (3) SÖKÖ PUKA-kî (4) Aŋgônenö URA-nö (5) TAMA sö PÎRIP-AN-U Glossing with morphemic analysis (1) I-POSS want-INF-PAST.ATTR (2) Nôsima TOP see-CAUS-PERF-FIN (3) bottom be.deep-ATTR (4) Aŋgône-GEN bay-GEN (5) pearl FP pick.up-NEGATTR Translation (2) [You] have shown me Nôsima (1) that I wanted [to see]. (5) [But you] did not pick up [any] pearls (4) from Aŋgône bay (3) [because it] has a deep bottom.

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Commentary There is a variant of this poem with line one just having a slightly different representation graphically, but with a radically different second line. This variant will be dealt below as the poem 1.12a. I guess that 1.12b could be an original poem, converted into 1.12a by the author who used using the honkadori (本歌取り) technique on the basis of some earlier poem that is no longer extant. On honkadori, see the introduction to book fifteen and the commentary to the preface to poems 15.3602-3611. Commentators agree that Nôsima corresponds to Noshima island (Noshima, 野島) in Nada town (Nada-chō, 名田町) of Gohō city (Gohō-shi, 御坊市) in present-day Wakayama prefecture (Itō 1983: 65), (Nakanishi 1985: 474). The exact location of Aŋgône bay is unknown. It must have been on the seashore in the vicinity of Noshima (Nakanishi 1985: 414) mentioned right above. On WOJ pîrip- ‘to pick up’, see the commentary to 15.3614.

1.12b

本文・Original text (1) 吾欲 (2) 子嶋羽見遠 (3) 底深伎 (4) 阿胡根能浦乃 (5) 珠曽不拾 仮名の書き下し・Kana transliteration (1) あがほりし (2) こ 2 しまはみ 1 しを (3) そ 2 こ 2 ふかき 1 (4) あご 1 ね の 2 うらの 2 (5) たまそ 2 ひ 1 りはぬ Romanization (1) A-ŋGA POR-I-SI (2) Kôsima pa MÎ-SI-wo (3) SÖKÖ PUKA-kî (4) Aŋgône-nö URA-nö (5) TAMA sö PÎRIP-AN-U Glossing with morphemic analysis (1) I-POSS want-INF-PAST.ATTR (2) Kôsima TOP see(INF)-PAST.ATTRACC (3) bottom be.deep-ATTR (4) Aŋgône-GEN bay-GEN (5) pearl FP pick.up-NEG-ATTR Translation (2) Although [I[ saw Kôsima (1) that I wanted [to see], (5) [I] did not pick up [any] pearls (4) from Aŋgône bay (3) [because it] has a deep bottom. Commentary Unlike 1.12a, the first line is completely logographic, as there is no character 之 si spelling out the past attributive -si. More, significantly, line two is radically different from the same line in 1.12a, because there is no indication of another party involved. The location of Kôsima is unknown, although according to one hypothesis it is Tanagawa koshima (多奈川子島) in Misaki town (Misaki chō, 岬町) of South Izumi county (Izumi Minami gun, 泉 南 郡) of present-day Ōsaka prefecture (Nakanishi 1985: 446). For the rest, see the commentary to 1.10-12b postscript.

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Postscript to the poems 1.10-12b 本文・Original text 右檢山上憶良大夫類聚歌林曰天皇御製歌云々 Translation [Regarding] the above, it is said in the Ruijū karin of the Grand Noble Yamanöupë-nö Okura that [these four] poems were composed [by Empress Saimei], etc. Commentary On Yamanöupë-nö Okura’s biography see the commentary to the preface to 5.794. Since Yamanöupë-nö Okura was granted the title 大夫 Tayū ‘Grand Noble’ in 714 AD and received Junior Fifth Rank, Lower Grade in the same year, after he returned from the embassy to China in 707 AD, the non-ante quem for this postscript is 714 AD. On the Ruijū karin (類 聚 歌 林) ‘A Forest of Poetry Organized by Categories’ see the commentary to the postscript to 1.5-6. There is an ongoing debate among Japanese philologists regarding the authorship of poems 1.10-12: was the author Middle Empress Pasipîtö or Empress Saimei? Just surveying and discussing in full all the arguments pro and contra could take a form of a small monograph or a long article. Ultimately, any kind of answer probably has no bearing on the history of Japan, or its culture, or on historical Japanese linguistics. Consequently, I do not feel guilty for writing an extremely long commentary on 1.9, which is really important not only for understanding the historical relationship between Japan and Korea, but also for abolishing 100% Japanocentric view on Japan during Asuka and Nara periods. But the authorship of 1.10-12b is not that significant in this respect. I am inclined to acknowledge Middle Empress Pasipîtö as the author of these three poems, following Nakanishi (1978: 53), (Aso 2006: 76),123 and (Tada 2009: 25). Rather than indulging in criticism of the already existing arguments, I want to concentrate just on one that seems to be overlooked by my predecessors. The departing of an Emperor/Empress to a certain place is usually designated in Sino-Japanese texts of Asuka and Nara this time by 行幸, where 幸 conveys some kind of an honorific. But in the preface to the poems 1.10-12 we simply have the character 徃 ‘to go’, which is not honorific by itself. Consequently, it is highly unlikely that this nonhonorific form would be applied to a ruling Empress. Finally, as I have already mentioned before, the reliability of the non-extant Ruijū karin is highly questionable, see the commentary to the postscript to the poem 1.7.

Preface to the poems 1.13-14 本文・Original text 中大兄近江宮御宇天皇三山歌

Translation Poems about Three Mountains [of Yamatö] by [Imperial Prince] Naka-nö Opoye (the Emperor who ruled from the Apumî palace). 123

Aso does not directly express her opinion following her usual non-confrontational modus operandi, but it can be read between the lines.

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Commentary Imperial Prince Naka-nö Opoye is future Emperor Tenji (Tenji tennō, 天智天 皇)124, a son of Emperor Jomei and Empress Kōgyoku/Saimei. He was born in the thirty-fourth year of Empress Suiko (Suiko tennō, 推 古 天 皇) that corresponds to 626 AD. His original name is Imperial Prince Katuraŋgï (Katuraŋgï mîkô, 葛 城 皇 子). He officially ascended the throne on the twentieth day in the first lunar month of the first year of Tenji (end of January -- February 662 AD), and passed away in the first lunar month of the eleventh year of Tenji (February 672 AD). Prince Naka-nö Opoye a.k.a. Emperor Tenji is one of the most colorful figures of the Japanese history in the seventh century. Together with Nakatömî-nö Kamatari (中 臣 鎌 足), on whom he bestowed the family name of Pundipara (MdJ Fujiwara, 藤原) in the tenth lunar month of the first year of his rule (November-December 662 AD), he carefully planned and carried out the overthrow of Sôŋga (蘇我) clan, known as Taika reform (Taika no kaishin, 大化の改新), which would be better called Taika massacre,125 because Sôŋga clan was virtually exterminated in the course of these ‘reforms’, with Sôŋga-nö Iruka (蘇我入鹿) being cut down by Prince Naka-nö Opoye in the palace of Empress Kōgyoku, and the head of the clan, Sôŋga-nö Emîsi (蘇我蝦夷), committing the suicide next day. My personal opinion is that Taika reform was a kind of Japanese native rebellion against the all-powerful Sôŋga, who as I noted above, were probably of foreign origin and related to the Silla royal dynasty. I think that several facts speak in favor of this hypothesis. First, Nakatömî clan on whom Prince Naka-nö Opoye relied was an ancient class of Japanese Shintō priests, and as such it opposed the Introduction of Buddhism, promulgated by Sôŋga in the sixth century. Second, Prince Naka-nö Opoye, who was de facto ruler during both reigns of both Emperor Kōtoku and Empress Saimei, took an openly anti-Silla stance in 661 AD, and led the Japanese army to the rescue of Paekche resulting in the crushing defeat inflicted by Silla iron-clad cavalry on Japanese infantry at Paekchongang (白村江). Third, he was continuously moving away the capital from the places where the Korean cultural influence was felt less than in the previous one: first from Nanipa to Asuka, and then from Asuka to Apumî. Fourth, his replacement of his brother Imperial Prince Opo Ama (大海皇子) (future Emperor Tenmu (Tenmu tennō, 天武天皇)) with his son Imperial Prince Opotömö (Opotömö mîkô, 大友皇子), future Emperor Kōbun (Kōbun tennō, 弘文天皇)126 as the Crown Prince, may be seen not only as a sign of fatherly love, but also an attempt to remove more pro-Korean (or at least more neutral Tenmu) as his successor. Fifth, it is indicative that Prince Naka-nö Opoye and Nakatömî-nö Kamatari had their meetings plotting the overthrow of Sôŋga over the ball-game of këmari127 on the grounds of the Shintō shrine Tanzan jinja (談山神社), and not on the grounds of the Buddhist temple next door. Sixth, it is really astonishing that the head of the Sôŋga clan had the personal name 蝦夷 ‘barbarian’. It really seems pejorative, and was probably a result from the post-factum reduction in all later sources. Seventh, although it may be of the least relevance, the reading ye of the character 兄 ‘elder brother’ in Tenji’s name Naka-nö Opoye is native Japonic as opposed to the much more 124

Tenji is in fact a posthumous name. His name as of the ruling Emperor is Pîrakasu Wakë (開 別). He is thirty-eighth Sovereign by the traditional count of Emperors. 125 Certainly, the aftermath of the massacre was not limited solely to piling up corpses of political enemies, as certain very important administrative reforms were introduced as well. 126 Thirty-ninth Sovereign by the traditional count of Emperors. 127 A kind of Old Japanese soccer game with a ball made from animal skins.

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frequent se, borrowed from Korean. He is the author of four poems in the Man’yōshū: 1.13-15 and 2.91. Apumî palace, which has a full name of Apumî Opotu palace (Apumî-nö Opotu-nö mîya, 近江大津宮) was located in present-day Minami Shiga town (Minami shiga chō, 南滋賀町) of Otsu city (Otsu-shi, 大津市), the capital of present-day Shiga prefecture (Nakanishi 1985: 419). On the Three Mountains of Yamatö see the commentary to the preface to the poem 1.2.

1.13

本文・Original text (1) 高山波 (2) 雲根火雄男志等 (3) 耳梨與 (4) 相諍競伎 (5) 神代従 (6) 如 此尓有良之 (7) 古昔母 (8) 然尓有許曽 (9) 虚蝉毛 (10) 嬬乎 (11) 相挌良思 吉 仮名の書き下し・Kana transliteration (1) かぐやまは (2) うねび 2 ををしと 2 (3) み 1 み 1 なしと 2 (4) あひ 1 あら そ 1 ひ 1 き 1 (5) かみ 2 よ 2 よ 1 り (6) かくにあるらし (7) いにしへ 1 も 2 (8) しかにあれこ 2 そ 2 (9) うつせみ 1 も 1 (10) つまを (11) あらそ 1 ふらし き1 Romanization (1) Kaŋgu YAMA pa (2) Unembï WOWOsi tö (3) MÎMÎnasi-TÖ (4) APÎARASÔP-Î-kî (5) KAMÏ YÖ-YÔRI (6) KA-KU n-i AR-Urasi (7) INISIPÊ mö (8) SIKA n-i AR-E kösö (9) UTU SEMÎ mô (10) TUMA-wo (11) ARASÔPUrasi-kî Glossing with morphemic analysis (1) Kaŋgu mountain TOP (2) Unembï [mountain] be.manly(FIN) DV (3) Mîmînasi [mountain]-COM (4) REC-compete-INF-PAST.FIN (5) deity ageABL (6) thus-INF DV-INF exist-SUP (7) old.times FP (8) thus DV-INF existEV FP (9) ephemeral cicada FP (10) spouse-ACC (11) compete-SUP-ATTR Translation (1/2) As Mt. Kaŋgu considered [Mt.] Unembï to be manly, (3/4) [the latter] competed with [Mt.] Mîmînasi. (6) [It] seems to be like that (5) from the age of deities, (8) and [it] was like that (7) in the ancient times, too. (9) Mortals also (11) seemed to compete for (10) [their] spouses. Commentary On the Three Mountains of Yamatö see the commentary to the preface to the poem 1.2. The reader should keep in mind that among these three mountains. Kaŋgu yama was considered to be a ‘female’ mountain, while both Unembï yama and Mîmînasi yama were treated as ‘male’ mountains. Even without travelling to old Yamatö region, and just by looking at Omodaka’s photos of all three mountains (1977.1: 142-144) one can guess why it was the case: the shape of Kaŋgu yama might remind one of a woman’s breast, while conic-like shapes of Unembï yama and Mîmînasi yama might involve an association with a man’s penis. The character 高 ‘high’ in line one is a very tricky ongana phonogram for kaŋgu. At no point of its recorded history Chinese had a final nasal in 高: OC

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kâu, LHC kau, EMC kâu, MdC gāo (Schuessler 2009: 193). But SinoJapanese reading kau of this character could stand phonetically for both [kaw] and [kau͂]. Since Kaŋgu yama could be also written as 香山 or 香具山, we apparently have here the case of mistaken identity confusing 香: OC haŋ, LHC hɨaŋ, EMC xjaŋ, MdC xiāng (Schuessler 2009: 78) that was, of course, [kau͂] with 高 [kaw]. The meaning of the place name Kaŋgu is opaque: it is highly unlikely that it is somehow connected to Chinese 香 ‘fragrance’. Neither Korean nor Ainu etymologies are possible here. Possibly, it goes back to the language of some earlier Jōmon population, but this certainly leaves the whole problem moot. Itō tried to analyze wowosi ‘to be manly’ as -wo wosi -ABS ‘be.dear(FIN)’ (1983: 70). Such an interpretation is certainly possible, but it is highly unlikely due to the very specific spelling of wowo- as 雄男 ‘male man’, which could not be completely ad hoc, and must be somehow semantically motivated. Given the fact that 雄 (MdC xióng) is OC wǝŋ, LHC wung, and EMC juŋ (Shuessler 2009: 115), one can surmise that it was used for OJ syllables wo and/or wu,128 if one takes into consideration the archaic LHC pronunciation. Therefore, I think that the characters 雄男 are quasi-logographic phonograms here. The only difference between 雄 and 男 is while the former is a quasilogographic phonogram based both on the meaning and the ongana phonetic value, the latter one is a quasi-logographic kungana. Consequently, I follow Omodaka (1977.1: 138-139) in treating 雄男志 as WOWOsi ‘be manly’. WOJ inisipê ‘ancient time, past’ etymologically is a compound that goes back to in- ‘to go away’, -i-, infinitive, -si, past attributive, and -pê ‘side’; thus literally ‘the side that went away’. On OJ utu semî ‘ephemeral cicada, ephemeral world’ see the commentaries to 15.3617 and 14.3456. Here it is used in the sense referring to human mortal beings. Line ten is hypometric (jitarazu, 字足らず), unless there might be some explanation that the character 嬬 tuma ‘spouse’ could be a read as some word or combination of words involving six syllables.

Preface to the poem 1.14 本文・Original text 反歌 Translation An envoy. Commentary This is an envoy to 1.13, also composed by Imperial Prince Naka-nö Opo-ye.

1.14

本文・Original text (1) 高山與 (2) 耳梨山与 (3) 相之時 (4) 立見尓來之 (5) 伊奈美國波良

128

On the existence of syllable wu in OJ not directly reflected in the writing system see Vovin (2009a: 420-426).

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仮名の書き下し・Kana transliteration (1) かぐやまと 2 (2) み 1 み 1 なしやまと 1 (3) あひ 1 しと 2 き 1 (4) たちて み 1 にこ 2 し (5) いなみ 1 くにはら Romanization (1) Kaŋgu YAMA-TÖ (2) MÎMÎnasi YAMA-TÖ (3) AP-Î-si TÖKÎ (4) TAT-ITE MÎ-ni KÖ-si (5) Inamî KUNI para Glossing with morphemic analysis (1) Kaŋgu mountain-COM (2) Mîmînasi mountain-COM (3) meet-INFPAST.ATTR (4) depart-INF-SUB look(NML)-DAT come(INF)-PAST.ATTR (5) Inamî land field Translation (1/2/3) At the time when Mt. Kaŋgu and Mt. Mîmînasi met, (5) [oh,] the fields of Inamî land (4) where [Ambo deity from Indumo] travelled to look at [their meeting]. Commentary A minor orthographic note: like Omodaka (1977.1: 152), I follow the Genryaku kōhon spelling, with 與 in line one, and 与 in line two, in contrast to the Nishi Honganji-bon that uses 与 in both cases and is followed by the majority of modern commentators. On Mt. Kaŋgu and Mt. Mîmînasi see the commentaries to the preface to the poem 1.2 and to 1.13. There is a disagreement between the Japanese scholars what the verb ap- really means here ‘to confront, to fight’ (Itō 1983: 73) or ‘to meet’ (Omodaka 1977.1: 153-154). Omodaka’s arguments are not only very solid, they are practically unassailable. They are further supported by the fact that ap- ‘to meet’ is written logographically with 相 ‘to meet’, and not with 闘 or 戦 ‘to fight, to confront’. The semantical development ‘meet’ > ‘confront’ > ‘fight’ is pretty straightforward, too, but it seems to be impossible in the opposite direction, as it would involve generalizing a very narrow original meaning without any clear motivation: Japanese certainly do not fight every time they meet whether it would be in seventh or twenty-first century. In addition, fighting between Mt. Kaŋgu and Mt. Mîmînasi would suggest that both were ‘female’, and they were fighting over Une mbï mountain, which would be the only ‘male’ mountain left in this case. But we already know that Mt. Kaŋgu was considered to be ‘female’, while both Mt. Mîmînasi and Mt. Unembï were defined as ‘male’. Thus, Mt. Kaŋgu and Mt. Mîmînasi could have been arguing between themselves, but hardly ‘fighting’ in the full battle gear as 闘 or 戦 would suggest. Deity Ambo (阿菩). or more exactly Ambo-nö Opo Kamï (Great Deity m A bo [of Indumo], 阿菩大神) is mentioned in the Harima Fudoki, as the one who heard about the argument of the three Yamatö mountains, Mt. Kaŋgu, Mt. Mîmînasi, and Mt. Unembï129, and set out on the journey in order to mitigate the dispute. But when he arrived to Yamatö, the dispute was already over 129

Supposedly the argument was really between Mt. Mîmînasi and Mt. Unembï over Mt. Kaŋgu, since she preferred Mt. Unembï over Mt. Mîmînasi, as 1.13 tells us, but the argument/quarrel broke out when she met Mt. Mîmînasi, and thus might have been unfaithful to Mt. Une mbï? This interpretation may be further supported by the fact that the character 相 often has sexual connotations regarding man and woman relationship.

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(Akimoto 1958: 286), so he settled down in Inamî (印南, 伊奈美) district of Parima (MdJ Harima, 播磨) province, which corresponds to Kakogawa city (Kakogawa-shi, 加古川市). Kakotsu (加古都), and Akeshi city (Akeshi-shi, 明石市) in present day Hyōgo prefecture.

1.15

本文・Original text (1) 渡津海乃 (2) 豊旗雲尓 (3) 伊理比弥之 (4) 今夜乃月夜 (5) 清明己曽 仮名の書き下し・Kana transliteration (1) わたつみ 1 の 2 (2) と 2 よ 2 はたくも 1 に (3) いりひ 1 み 1 し (4) こ 2 よ 2 ひ 1 の 2 つくよ 1 (5) き 1 よ 1 くてりこ 2 そ 2 Romanization (1) wata-tu MÎ-nö (2) TÖYÖ PATA KUMÔ-ni (3) ir-i pî mî-si (4) KÖ YÖPÎnö TUKUYÔ (5) KÎYÔ-KU TER-I-kös-ö Glossing with morphemic analysis (1) sea-GEN/LOC dragon-GEN (2) abundant banner cloud-LOC (3) enterNML sun see(INF)-PAST.ATTR (4) this early.night-GEN moonlight (5) be.bright-INF shine-INF-BEN-IMP Translation (3) [I] saw the setting sun (2) in the clouds [that are like] the abundant banners (1) of the sea dragon. (5) Please shine brightly for me, (4) tonight’s moon light. Commentary The author of this poem is also Prince Naka-nö Opoye, a.k.a. future Emperor Tenji. On WOJ wata ‘sea’, -tu GEN/LOC, and mî ‘dragon’ see the commentaries to 15.3592 and 15.3597. Both -tu, GEN/LOC and -mî ‘dragon’ are likely to be loanwords from OK. I thought before that WOJ wata ‘sea’ is also a Korean loanword (cf. pàtá, pàrʌ́r ‘id.’), but John Whitman pointed out to me that on the pure phonological grounds, the borrowing in the opposite direction is more likely, because while WOJ has both p- and w-, Korean throughout his written history had only p- (Whitman 2013, p.c.). He is certainly right about this, but the mystery of such a narrow distribution of wata ‘sea’ that is attested only in WOJ among all Japonic languages remains. At this point, I accept the directionality of borrowing suggested by Whitman, although with certain reservations. WOJ töyö ‘abundant’ is a word usually used in magical formulas, cf. töyö mî-kî ‘abundant sake’, töyö asi para ‘abundant reed plain’, etc. (Itō 1983: 76). There is a disagreement between the Japanese scholars on the character 弥 in line three. Some like to see it as a mistake for 紗, see, for example Itō (1983: 73-74), and read 紗之 sas-i ‘pointing’ instead of 弥之 mî-si ‘saw’. I trust it is a wishful thinking dictated by a particular interpretation of this poem by a certain scholar that calls for a correction of the Ur-text on the basis of later manuscripts. But the both earliest manuscripts, the Genryaku kōhon and the Ruijū koshū that include this poem have preserved independently an unmistakable 弥 mî there, and the completely independent Hirose-bon has

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弥,130 so I trust that any attempt to rewrite a text on the basis of much later evidence is a doomed enterprise from the start. Here is also nothing wrong with an OJ sentence ending in a past attributive rather than a past final form, on which see the commentary to 1.9 above. WOJ 月 夜 can mean both tuku-yô ‘moon-[lit] night’ as in 17.3900, 20.4453, 20.4489, etc., and tukuyô ‘moonlight’ as in 18.4054, 18.4134, etc. See the commentary to 18.4054 on the latter. I just have to add here that if indeed tuku-yô ‘moon-[lit] night’ and tukuyô ‘moonlight’ are related and are not different words, yô must mean ‘light’ here and not the ‘night’. There are no obvious parallels from either Korean or Ainu, so it might be possibly a preAinoid Jōmon word surviving in WOJ. Postscript to the poem 1.15 本文・Original text 右一首歌今案不似反歌也但舊本以此歌載於反歌故今猶載此次亦紀曰天 豊財重日足姫天皇先四年乙巳立天皇爲皇太子 Translation [I] now think that the poem above does not look like an envoy. However, (an) ancient book(s) place(s) it as an envoy, therefore. [I] included it now as such here. Also, the [Nihonsho]ki says that Empress Amë Töyö Takara Ikasi Pî Tarasi-nö Pîmë after the establishing [the next] Emperor, [Prince Naka-nö Opoye] was made the Crown Prince [in] the fourth year [of her] first [reign]. Commentary Omodaka goes at the great length to demonstrate that 1.15 is indeed an envoy to poems 1.13-14, but his commentary and discussion is highly impressionistic, based in great part on his personal experience (1977.1: 174175). But the fact remains that the sea coast is quite far (at least by the ancient standards) from Yamatö, where all Three Mountains are located. Therefore, the compiler of book one (probably Opotömö-nö Tambîtö) was justifiably right in doubting the ancient book or books treating this poem as an envoy. We should also keep in mind that: a) this compiler was much chronologically and therefore psychologically closer to the author of 1.15, and b) that ancient book(s) can also make mistakes, and since it/they is/are no longer extant, we cannot possibly discuss the textological evidence they might have offered. Empress Amë Töyö Takara Ikasi Pî Tarasi-nö Pîmë is Empress Kōgyoku, and not Saimei, which is clearly demonstrated by the usage of the character 先 ‘first, previous’, clearly referring to her reign as Kōgyoku, and not as Saimei. Fourth year of Kōgyoku corresponds to February 2, 645 AD to January 21, 646 AD. But this is just in theory because Empress Kōgyoku ruled just to the fourteenth day of the sixth lunar month of the fourth year of her reign (July 12, 645 AD), when she abdicated in favor of her younger brother, future emperor Kōtoku, so the appointment of Prince Naka-nö Opoye should have been shortly after this date. Next Emperor is Kōtoku (Kōtoku tennō, 孝徳天皇, 645-654 AD).

130

With a later different handwriting of 沙 sa to the right of it.

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Preface to the poem 1.16

本文・Original text 近江大津宮御宇天皇代天命開別天皇謚曰天智天皇 天皇詔内大臣藤原朝臣競憐春山萬花之艶秋山千葉之彩時額田王以歌判 之歌 Translation The reign of Emperor who ruled from Apumî Opotu palace.

[This is] Emperor Amë

Mîkötö Pîrakasu Wakë. [His] posthumous name is Emperor Tenji.

At the time when Emperor [Tenji] commanded Pundipara-nö asömî [Kamatari], the Great Minister of the Center to arrange a poetry competition [on the comparison of one’s] appreciation for the blooming of many flowers in the mountains during the spring and the leaves changing their color in the mountains during the autumn, Princess Nukata responded with the following poem. Commentary On Apumî Opotu palace and on the biography of Emperor Tenji see the commentary to the preface to the poems 1.13-14. Great Inner Minister (Naidaijin, 内 大 臣), originally Inner Minister (Naishin, 内臣) is an extra-code position according to the Ritsuryō code. Pundipara asömî is Pundipara-nö Kamatari (藤原鎌足), the closest ally and supporter of Tenji during Teika reforms. The coup-d’état bringing down and essentially exterminating Sôga clan was planned and carried out by him and future Emperor Tenji (at this time still Prince Naka-nö Opoye). Originally from Nakatömî (中臣) clan, he was granted the family name Pundipara (MdJ Fujiwara, 藤原) and the title of the Great Minister of the Center shortly before his demise. He died at the age of fifty-six in the eighth year of Tenji’s rule (669 AD). The folk legend says that while he was still at the womb of his mother, his crying could be heard outside, and since he was born in the twelfth lunar month, he was considered to be an unusual child (Nakanishi 1985: 265266). As Omodaka pointed out, the kabane rank reorganization into just eight titles ya kusa (八色) that were in descending order: mapîtö (眞人), asömî (朝 臣), sukune (宿彌), imîkî (忌寸), mîtinösi (道師), omî (臣), muranzi (連), and inaŋkî (稲置) was carried out only in the tenth lunar month of the thirteenth year of Tenmu reign (November 2, 685 AD -- November 30, 685 AD), so this preface could not be written before this date, because Pundipara-nö Kamatari (藤原鎌足) is mentioned in this preface with the kabane rank of asömî (朝臣), which did not exist before Tenmu reform of 685 AD (1977.1: 176). On Princess Nukata’s biography see the commentary to the preface to 1.7.

1.16

本文・Original text (1) 冬木成 (2) 春去來者 (3) 不喧有之 (4) 鳥毛來鳴奴 (5) 不開有之 (6) 花 毛佐家礼杼 (7) 山乎茂 (8) 入而毛不取 (9) 草深 (10) 執手母不見 (11) 秋山 乃 (12) 木葉乎見而者 (13) 黄葉乎婆 (14) 取而曽思努布 (15) 青乎者 (16) 置而曽歎久(17) 曽許之恨之 (18) 秋山吾者

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仮名の書き下し・Kana transliteration (1) ふゆご 2 も 2 り (2) はるさりくれば (3) なかざりし (4) と 2 りもき 1 な き 1 ぬ (5) さかざりし (6) はなも 1 さけ 1 れど 2 (7) やまをしげ 2 み 1 (8) い りても 1 と 2 らず (9) くさぶかみ 1 (10) と 2 りても 2 み 1 ず (11) あき 1 や まの 2 (12) こ 2 の 2 はをみ 1 ては (13) も 1 み 1 ちをば (14) と 2 りてそ 2 し の 1 ふ (15) あをき 1 をば (16) おき 1 てそ 2 なげ 2 く (17) そ 2 こ 2 しうら め 2 し (18) あき 1 やまあれは Romanization (1) PUYU-[ŋ]-gömor-i131 (2) PARU s[a] ari-K-URE-mba (3) NAK-AnZ-AR-I-si (4) TÖRI mô K-Î NAK-Î-n-u (5) SAK-AnZ-AR-I-si (6) PANA mô sak-êr-e-ndö (7) YAMA-wo SIŋGË-MÎ (8) IR-I-TE mô TÖR-AnZ-U (9) KUSA-m-BUKAMÎ (10) TÖRI-te mö MÎ-nZ-U (11) AKÎ YAMA-nö (12) KÖ-NÖ PA-wo MÎTE pa (13) MÔMÎT-I-womba (14) TÖR-I-TE sö sinôp-u (15) AWO-KÎ-womba (16) OK-Î-TE sö NAŋGËk-u (17) sökö si URAMÊsi (18) AKÎ YAMA ARE PA Glossing with morphemic analysis (1) winter-LOC-be.hidden-NML (2) spring thus ITER-come-EV-CON (3) cryNEG-exist-INF-PAST.ATTR (4) bird FP come-INF cry-INF-PERF-FIN (5) bloom-NEG-exist-INF-PAST.ATTR (6) flower FP bloom-PROG-EV-CONC (7) mountain-ABS thick-GER (8) enter-INF-SUB FP take-NEG-FIN (9) grassGEN-be.deep-GER (10) take-INF-SUB FP see-NEG-FIN (11) autumn mountain-GEN (12) tree-GEN leaf-ACC see(INF)-SUB TOP (13) leaves.turn.red/yellow-NML-ACC(EMPH) (14) take-INF-SUB FP admireATTR (15) be.green-ATTR-ACC(EMPH) (16) leave-INF-SUB FP grieveATTR (17) there EP be.regretful(FIN) (18) autumn mountain I TOP Translation (1/2) When the hidden in winter spring comes in this way (3/4) the birds that did not sing come and sing. (5/6) Although flowers that did not bloom have bloomed, too, (7) because mountains [are covered by] deep [bush], (8) even if [one] goes in, [s/he] will not take [the flowers]. (9) Because the grass is deep, (10) [one] will not see [them], even if [s/he] gathers them. (12) When [I] see tree leaves on the autumn mountains, (13/14) [I] take the colored autumn leaves and admire [them]. (15/16) [I] leave those that are green and grieve for [them]. (17) [I] am regretful about [them, but] (18) as for me, it is the autumn mountains [that are better]. Commentary This poem is strange because it has even number of eighteen lines instead of the expected odd number. Line one puyu-ŋ-gömor-i ‘hidden in winter’ is considered to be a permanent epithet (makura-kotoba, 枕詞) to the noun paru ‘spring’, but since its meaning is absolutely transparent, I translate it here. The prenasalization -ŋ- is a reflex of the contraction of the locative case marker -ni. In line two the character 去 ‘to go away’ is not a logogram, but a kungana phonogram for sa ‘thus’ + ari-, iterative prefix. This dissyllabic phonogram occurs elsewhere in the Man’yōshū, including 1.45 in the same book. The best 131

We have no real evidence for a voiced prenasalization here based on the spelling. Given other examples spelled phonographically, it is more than likely that we have one here as well. The absence of it would suggest that OJ had noun incorporation, which is not very likely.

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proof for reading 去 in this context as s[a] ari- is probably in 7.1101, but even in the context of this poem ‘when a spring hidden by winter goes away and comes back’ sounds more weird than ‘when a spring hidden by winter keeps coming in such a way’. On the iterative prefix ari- see Vovin (2009a: 579581). On WOJ mômît- ‘to turn red and/or yellow (of autumn leaves)’ see the commentary to 15.3693. WOJ sinôp- in line fourteen that is used here in its second meaning ‘to admire’, ‘to praise’, not in its much more frequent meaning ‘to long for’. Cf. earlier Pierson’s translation where this mistake is made (1929: 104). On WOJ uramêsi ‘to be regretful’, ‘to be in the state of grief’ see the commentary to 5.794.

Preface to the poems 1.17-19

本文・Original text 額田王下近江國時作歌井戸王即和歌 Translation [Two] poems composed by Princess Nukata when [they] went to Apumî province from the capital with a response poem by Princess Winöpë. Commentary On the biography of Princess Nukata see the commentary to the preface to the poem 1.7. She is the author of the poems 1.17-18 in this poetic exchange. On Apumî province see the commentary to the postscript to the poem 1.7. Nothing is known about the biography of Princess Winöpë, except that she lived during the Emperor Tenji’s reign (Nakanishi 1985: 283). It is not even obvious whether Winöpë was a Prince or, as suggested by Tsuchiya, a Princess (1976: 47). Judging by the vocabulary usage in 1.19 (wa-ŋga se ‘my beloved’), Winöpë must have been a Princess. Furthermore, it is not clear whether this name should be read as Winöpë or Windô (Omodaka 1977.1: 186). S/he is the author of the poem 1.19 in this poetic exchange. There are no other poems in the Man’yōshū attributed to her.

1.17

本文・Original text (1) 味酒 (2) 三輪乃山 (3) 青丹吉 (4) 奈良能山乃 (5) 山際 (6) 伊隱萬代 (7) 道隈 (8) 伊積流萬代尓 (9) 委曲毛 (10) 見管行武雄 (11) 數々毛 (12) 見放 武八萬雄 (13) 情無 (14) 雲乃 (15) 隱障倍之也 仮名の書き下し・Kana transliteration (1) うまさけ 2 (2) み 1 わの 2 やま (3) あをによ 2 し (4) ならの 2 やまの 2 (5) やまの 2 まに (6) いかくるまで (7) み 1 ちの 2 くま (8) いつもるまでに (9) つばらにも 1 (10) み 1 つつゆかむを (11) しばしばも 1 (12) み 1 さけ 2 むやまを (13) こ 2 こ 2 ろ 2 なく (14) くも 1 の 2 (15) かくさふべ 2 しや Romanization (1) UMA SAKË (2) Mîwa-nö YAMA (3) AWO NI YÖ-SI (4) Nara-nö YAMAnö (5) YAMA-NÖ MA-NI (6) i-KAKUR-U-mande (7) MÎTI-NÖ KUMA (8) iTUMOr-u-mande-ni (9) TUmBARA N-I mô (10) MÎ-tutu YUK-Am-u-wo (11)

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SImBA-SImBA mô (12) MÎ-SAKË-m-u yama-wo (13) KÖKÖRÖ NA-KU (14) KUMÔ-nö (15) KAKUs-ap-umbë-si ya Glossing with morphemic analysis (1) tasty sakë (2) Mîwa-GEN mountain (3) green earth be.good-FIN (4) NaraGEN mountain-GEN (5) mountain-GEN interval-LOC (6) DLF-be.hiddenATTR-TERM (7) road-GEN bend (8) DLF-be.piled.up-ATTR-TERM-LOC (9) plenty DV-INF FP (10) look(INF)-COOR go-TENT-ATTR-ACC (11) frequently-frequently FP (12) look(INF)-send.out-TENT-ATTR mountainACC (13) heart not.exist-INF (14) cloud-GEN (15) hide-ITER-DEB-FIN IP Translation (10) Although [I] will go looking (9) constantly (2) at Mt. Mîwa, (1) where sakë tastes good, (6) until [it] is hidden there (5) between the mountains (4) in Nara mountains, (3) where the green earth is good, (7) [and] until the road bends are piled up there, (13/14/15) do the heartless clouds have to hide all the time (11/12) Mt. [Mîwa] that [I] frequently look at in the distance? Commentary First two lines and line fourteen are hypometric (jitarazu, 字足らず). WOJ uma sakë (味酒) ‘tasty sake’ is considered to be a permanent epithet (makura kotoba, 枕詞) to Mt. Mîwa, Mt. Kamunambï (神名備),132 and other mountains known as Mîmurô ~ Mîmôrô (Omodaka et al. 1967: 129), see the paragraph below. Itō believes that this usage is due to the fact that wa denotes an earthenmade vessel, where sakë was brewed (1983: 83), but Omodaka et al. correctly note that there is no evidence for the existence of such a word in OJ. They explain mîwa as ‘sakë offered to deities’ (1967: 719). Thus, uma sakë mîwa can be explained as ‘sakë offered to deities that is a tasty sakë’. However, while mî- is clearly a honorific prefix, -wa in mîwa is opaque. Note that there is also WOJ mîwa ‘deity’ (Omodaka et al. 1967: 719). Therefore, we might have a play words here, involving mîwa ‘sakë offered to deities’, mîwa ‘deity’, and the name of the mountain Mîwa. Note also that Mîwa shrine at the foothill of the Mt. Mîwa does not have a sanctuary hall (honden, 本殿), which is represented by the mountain itself. Mt. Mîwa (467 m, MdJ Miwa-yama, 三輪山) is one of the three sacred mountains of Yamatö, called Mîmôrô (三諸) or Mîmurô (三室), 133 where deities have descended. Mt. Mîwa is located in the south-eastern part of Yamatö plain in the Sakurai city (Sakurai-shi, 桜井市) in present-day Nara prefecture (Nakanishi 1985: 489-490). On the permanent epithet (makura-kotoba, 枕詞) awo ni yö-si, WOJ ni ‘earth, soil, clay’, the place name Nara, and the lack of strict differentiation between final and attributive forms of inflected adjectives in OJ see the commentary to 15.3602. Nara mountains was a designation of a hilly area (about 100 m high) in the 132

Kamunambï (神名備) besides being applied as a name for Mt. Kamuna mbï (MdJ Kannabi, 神 名備) in Ikôma district, can also be used as a synonym for Mîmurô ~ Mîmôrô (Nakanishi 1985: 489). 133 The kun’yomi reading mörö of the character 諸 might suggest the reading *mörö, rather than môrô, but the alternation with 室 murô clearly points to môrô, since PJ *ǝ (OJ ö) does not raise to u. As in many other cases, kungana is imprecise here. WOJ môrô or murô clearly stands here for the word ‘mountain’, and, therefore can only be a loanword from Korean, Cf. MK :moy < *mori, mòró (YP IV: 21b).

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northern suburbs of the capital of Nara. Nowadays it stretches from Nara slope (Narazaka, 奈良坂) to Misasagi town (Misasagi-chō, 山陵町) in Nara city (Nakanishi 1985: 472). On directive-locative prefix verbal prefix i- see Vovin (2009a: 561-569). There is no philological evidence for the exact nature of the second vowel in tumor- ‘to pile up’. However, it is more likely that it was pre-OJ *tumôr-, since u and ö cannot combine within the same morpheme. Certainly, diachronically the root might have been either *tum- or *tumô-.

Preface to the poem 1.18 本文・Original text 反歌 Translation An envoy. Commentary This is the envoy to 1.17, also composed by Princess Nukata.

1.18

本文・Original text (1) 三輪山乎 (2) 然毛隱賀 (3) 雲谷裳 (4) 情有南畝 (5) 可苦佐布倍思哉 仮名の書き下し・Kana transliteration (1) み 1 わやまを (2) しかも 1 かくすか (3) くも 1 だにも (4) こ 2 こ 2 ろ 2 あ らなも (5) かくさふべ 2 しや Romanization (1) Mîwa YAMA-wo (2) SIKA mô KAKUS-U ka (3) KUMÔ ndani mo (4) KÖKÖRÖ AR-An-am-o (5) kakus-ap-umbë-si YA Glossing with morphemic analysis (1) Mîwa mountain-ACC (2) thus FP hide-ATTR IP (3) cloud RP FP (4) heart exist-DES-TENT-ATTR (5) hide-ITER-DEB-FIN IP Translation (2) Will [clouds] hide in such a way (1) Mt. Mîwa? (3/4) I wish at least the clouds would have feelings. (5) Do [they] have to hide [Mt. Mîwa] all the time? Commentary On Mt. Mîwa see the commentary to 1.17. I have previously misanalysed the verbal form -an-am-o DES-TENT-ATTR in line four as -ana-mo DES-EXCL (Vovin 2009a: 666). There are no other examples in OJ with exclamative suffix -(u)mö following the desiderative suffix -(a)n(a)-, but there are other examples of -an-am- DES-TENT-. The only minor difficulty is that the old attributive in -o survives predominantly in EOJ, and in WOJ it is almost totally replaced by -u, except in compounds like WOJ arônzi ‘master of the house, host’ (20.4498) < *ar-ô nusi ‘exist-ATTR master’. However, given the early date of this poem, this might be another

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piece of evidence that the merger of final -u and attributive -ô in WOJ was a recent development, occurring only in the mid-seventh century AD. Except for the almost completely phonographic script in line five, this line is identical to line five in 1.17. Therefore, the envoy 1.18 uses allusive variation technique (honkadori, 本歌取り), borrowing the whole line five from 1.17. Postscript to the poems 1.17-18 本文・Original text 右二首歌山上憶良大夫類聚歌林曰遷都近江國時御覧三輪山御歌焉日本 書紀曰六年丙寅春三月辛酉朔己卯遷都于近江 Translation It is said in the Ruijū karin of the Grand Noble Yamanöupë-nö Okura that two poems above [were composed by] Emperor [Tenji], when [he] looked at Mt. Mîwa at the time of [his] transfer of the capital to Apumî province. The Nihonshoki says that [Emperor Tenji] transferred the capital to Apumî on the nineteenth day of the third lunar month in the spring of the sixth year [of Tenji]. Commentary On Yamanöupë-nö Okura’s biography see the commentary to the preface to 5.794. Since Yamanöupë-nö Okura was granted the title 大夫 Tayū ‘Grand Noble’ in 714 AD and received Junior Fifth Rank, Lower Grade in the same year, after he returned from the embassy to China in 707 AD, the non-ante quem for this postscript is 714 AD. On the Ruijū karin (類 聚 歌 林) ‘A Forest of Poetry Organized by Categories’ see the commentary to the postscript to 1.5-6. On Apumî province see the commentary to the postscript to the poem 1.7. On Mt. Mîwa see the commentary to 1.17. On the biography of Emperor Tenji see the commentary to the preface to the poems 1.13-14. We can see once again that the Ruijū karin (類聚歌林) attributes the authorship of these two poems to a different person rather than Princess Nukata. There is an apparent tendency in this source to assign the authorship of poems to a socially higher person that the author mentioned otherwise in the Man’yōshū: to Empress Saimei over Princess Nukata, to Empress Saimei over Middle Empress Pasipîtö, and now to Emperor Tenji over Princess Nukata. This ‘exaltation’ tendency is suspicious by itself, and given other cases of unreliability of the Ruijū karin, I highly doubt that we can trust this source. In addition, there are two other facts that strongly speak in favor of Princess Nukata’s authorship. First, as I have already noted above, the transfer of the capital to Apumî province was a highly calculated move, with a goal in mind to move away from the traditional centers of the Korean cultural influence as far as possible (see the commentary to the preface to the poems 1.13-14). From this point of view, I doubt that Emperor Tenji would have any nostalgia for Yamatö region, as Omodaka would like to believe (1977.1: 195). Second, if the capital was moved to Apumî, why the preface to poems 1.17-18 includes the character 下 ‘to move down’; namely ‘to move away from the capital’? Quite to the contrary, it implies that the capital was still in Yamatö, and

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Princess Nukata and Princess Winöpë were just travelling to Apumî. Thus, I disagree with Omodaka’s position that the Ruijū karin is right on all occasions, and that Emperor Tenji is the author of 1.17-18 (1977.1: 194-195). For the same reasons, it is also difficult to agree with Itō’s position, who does not deny the authorship of Princess Nukata, but believes that she was a voice of Emperor Tenji (1983: 87). Therefore, I follow the preface and preserve the traditional assignment of the authorship the poems 1.17-18 to Princess Nukata. The nineteenth day of the third lunar month in the spring of the sixth year of Tenji corresponds to April 17, 667 AD. In the now extant version of the Nihonshoki the cyclic signs for the sixth year of Tenji are 丁卯, not 丙寅 (Itō 1983: 86).

1.19

本文・Original text (1) 綜麻形乃 (2) 林始乃 (3) 狭野榛能 (4) 衣尓著成 (5) 目尓都久和我勢 仮名の書き下し・Kana transliteration (1) へ 2 そ 1 かたの 2 (2) はやしの 2 さき 1 の 2 (3) さの 1 はりの 2 (4) き 1 ぬ につくなす (5) め 2 につくわがせ Romanization (1) PËSÔ KATA-nö (2) PAYASI-NÖ SAKÎ-nö (3) sa-NÔ PARI-nö (4) KÎNUni TUK-U-nasu (5) MË-ni tuk-u wa-ŋga se Glossing with morphemic analysis (1) hemp.thread.clew shape-GEN (2) forest-GEN edge-GEN (3) PREF-field alder-GEN (4) garment-LOC be.attached-ATTR-COMP (5) eye-LOC be.attached-ATTR I-POSS beloved Translation (4) Like (3) [the dye from] an alder from the field (2) at the edge of a forest (1) of Mt. Mîwa (4) is attached to a garment (5) my beloved [always] lingers in [my] eyes. Commentary WOJ pësô (綜麻) ‘clew of spinned hemp threads’. The spelling is probably a quasi-logogram, because WOJ pë (綜) is a ‘heddle’ and sô (麻) is ‘hemp’. WOJ Pësô kata (lit. ‘the shape of hemp thread clew’) is an alternative name for Mt. Mîwa. On Mt. Mîwa see the commentary to 1.17. This second name derives from the following legend in the Kojiki: 此謂意富多多泥古人所以知神子者。上所云活玉依毘賣。其容姿端 正。於是有神壯夫。其形姿威儀於時無比。夜半之時。倐忽到來。故 相感。共婚供住之間。未經幾時。其美人妊身。爾父母怪其妊身之 事。問其女曰。汝者自妊。無夫何由妊身乎。答曰。有麗美壯夫不知 其姓名。毎夕到來。供住之間。自然懷妊。是以其父母欲知其人。誨 其女曰。以赤土散床前以閇蘇此二字以音 紡麻貫針。刺其衣襴。故如教 而旦時見者。所著針麻者自戸之鉤穴控通而出。唯遺麻者三勾耳。爾 即知自鉤穴出之状而。從糸尋行者。至美和山而。留神社。故知其神 子。故因其麻之三勾遺而。名其地謂美和也。

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The reason why this person Opo Tatanekô was known to be a son of a deity was because that the appearance of the aforementioned Ikutama Yörimbîmê was really beautiful. Therefore, a divine young man considered that her appearance had no equals at this time. [He] came [to her] suddenly in the middle of the night, and therefore [they] fell in love with each other. While [they] lived married together, in no time this beautiful woman became pregnant. So, [her] father and mother were surprised by her pregnancy, and asked their daughter: “How did you become pregnant by yourself without a husband?” [She] replied: “There is a handsome young man, but I do not know what clan he is from or his name. [He] comes to [me] every evening. While [we] lived together, [I] naturally became pregnant”. Therefore [her] father and mother wanted to learn about this man, and [they] instructed [their] daughter: “Scatter red earth in front of [your] bed and pass the spinned hemp [thread] from pësô (閇蘇) these two characters [are to be read] by their sound clew through a needle. Stick [the needle] to the collar of [his] garment”. [She] did as instructed, and what [they] in the morning was that the hemp [thread] that was attached to the needle passed through the hole in the door-hook and went out. There remained only three coils of the hemp [thread]. Therefore, knowing that [he] went out of the [door-] hook hole, [they] went searching [for him] following the [hemp] thread. [The thread] stopped at the shrine upon reaching Mt. Mîwa. Therefore, [they] realized that [the young man] was a son of the deity. Therefore, since only three coils of the hemp [thread] remained, [they] named this place Mîwa134 (KJK II: 23a-23b) OJ sa- in sa-nô PREF-field is a locative prefix marking a noun phrase. For details see Vovin (2005a: 82-90). On OJ pari ‘alder’ see the commentary to 14.3410. Itō made an interesting observation that OJ pari ‘alder’ and pari ‘needle’ are homonyms (1983: 89). Most likely he is right, and then we can come to two conclusions: first, the author of this poem was aware of the above legend from the Kojiki, while the author of the postscript was not; and, b) there might be a play on words here between OJ pari ‘alder’ and pari ‘needle’. If this is the case the character 榛 pari ‘alder’ may also be a kungana for pari ‘needle’. Postscript to the poem 1.19 本文・Original text 右一首歌今案不似和歌但舊本載于此次故以猶載焉 Translation [I] now think that the poem above does not look like a response. However, (an) ancient book(s) place(s) [it] here. Therefore, due to this reason [I] included it as such here. Commentary Unlike the postscript to the poem 1.15, this postscript seems to be incorrect, as 1.19 does mention Mt. Mîwa, albeit under its different name, and also expresses the same sense of nostalgia as 1.17-18, in spite of the fact that is 134

WOJ mî ‘three’ and wa ‘wheel’, ‘circular/round object’. This is certainly a folk etymology, further enhanced by the Kojiki legend.

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directed not at Mt. Mîwa, but at the beloved of the author. Thus, I agree with Itō (1983: 89) that this poem indeed represents a response in the poetic exchange between Princess Nukata (1.17-18) and Princess Winöpë (1.19).

Preface to the poem 1.20

本文・Original text 天皇遊獦蒲生野時額田王作歌 Translation A poem [composed by] Princess Nukata when Emperor [Tenji] was hunting in Kamapu field. Commentary On the biography of Emperor Tenji see the commentary to the preface to the poems 1.13-14. Kamapu field (Kamapu nô, 蒲生野) was located in the vicinity of Ōmi Hachiman city (Ōmi Hachiman-shi, 近 江 八 幡 市) and Yōkaichi city (Yōkaichi-shi, 八日市市) in present-day Shiga prefecture (Nakanishi 1985: 437). The hunting trip to Kamapu field was an annual event in the life of the imperial court in Apumî, and it was conducted on the fifth day of the fifth lunar month. During this trip not only animals were hunted, but also different herbs and flowers (including gromwells) and young deer horns were collected. It appears that banquet was held during this trip, during which the following poem was recited (Itō 1983: 91). On Princess Nukata’s biography see the commentary to the preface to 1.7.

1.20

本文・Original text (1) 茜草指 (2) 武良前野逝 (3) 標野行 (4) 野守者不見哉 (5) 君之袖布流 仮名の書き下し・Kana transliteration (1) あかねさす (2) むらさき 1 の 1 ゆき 1 (3) しめ 2 の 1 ゆき 1 (4) の 1 も 1 りはみ 1 ずや (5) き 1 み 1 がそ 1 でふる Romanization (1) aka ne SAS-U (2) murasakî NÔ YUK-Î (3) SIMË NÔ YUK-Î (4) NÔ MÔRI pa MÎ-nZ-U YA (5) KÎMÎ-ŋGA SÔnDE pur-u Glossing with morphemic analysis (1) bright sun shine-ATTR (2) gromwell field go-INF (3) mark field go-INF (4) field guard TOP see-NEG-FIN (5) lord-POSS sleeve waive-ATTR Translation (3) [I] go through the private marked-off field, (2) [I] go through the gromwell field (1) where the bright sun shines. (4) Did the field guard see (5) that [you, my] lord waived [your] sleeves [at me]? Commentary On the permanent epithet (makura-kotoba, 枕 詞) aka ne sasu and the explanation of the word ne as ‘the sun’ see the commentary to 20.4455.

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The character 茜 or characters 茜草 corresponding to WOJ akane ‘madder’ occur in the Man’yōshū exclusively as the kungana spellings for aka ne ‘bright sun’ in aka ne sasu. Besides this poem 茜 is also found in 2.169 and 6.916. On OJ murasakî ‘gromwell’, see the commentary to 14.3500. Besides sakî in murasakî, the character 前 ‘front’ is also used as kungana in the Man’yōshū for 崎 sakî ‘promontory’ and 埼 sakî ‘mountain’s edge’, ‘protruding part of a mountain’. WOJ simë ‘mark’, ‘sign’ in this case implies the marking of something in private possession which cannot be trespassed. It could be either a rope, or a stake. Cf. also 18.4906 and the commentary to WOJ simë in it. Princess Nukata hints here that she is the private possession of Emperor Tenji, like a private field. OJ môri ‘guard’ is a nominalization môr-i of the verb môr- ‘to guard’, but it seems to be lexicalized. Omodaka thinks that WOJ nô môri ‘field guard(s)’ indicate(s) the courtiers of Emperor Tenji (1977.1: 202), who were supposed to watch Princess Nukata. However, Itō believes that it points to Emperor Tenji himself (1983: 91). I am inclined to agree with the latter. It is usually believed that the ritual of waving one’s sleeves was meant to invite the soul of one’s beloved, whether alive or dead (Inaoka 1990: 59), but Omodaka states that here it is just an action demonstrating one’s love (1977.1: 203). On WOJ sônde ‘sleeve’ see the commentary to 15.3604.

Preface to the poem 1.21

本文・Original text 皇太子答御歌明日香宮御宇天皇謚曰天武天皇 Translation A poem [composed by] Crown Prince in response. Asuka palace. [His] posthumous name is Emperor Tenmu .

[This is] Emperor who ruled from

Commentary Crown Prince is future Emperor Tenmu (Tenmu tennō, 天武天皇),135 a son of Emperor Jomei and Empress Kōgyoku/Saimei, and a younger brother of Emperor Tenji. His private name (諱) was Imperial Prince Opo Ama (Opo Ama mîkô, 大海皇子). The date of his birth is not known for certain, but some scholars have argued that it was in in the second year of Emperor Jomei reign (631 AD). He took part in the military expedition led by Empress Saimei and future Emperor Tenji for the rescue of Paekche against Silla invasion in 661 AD, which ended up in a catastrophic defeat of Japanese army at Paekchongang (白村江). He was appointed Crown Prince in the first year of Tenji (662 AD), and held a number of important positions during the rule of latter. When Imperial Prince Opotömö (大友皇子), future Emperor Kōbun (弘 文 天 皇) was appointed Crown Prince instead of Prince Opo Ama (with Emperor Tenji’s breaking off his earlier promise), and Emperor Tenji was on his deathbed in eleventh lunar month of the tenth year of his rule (December 671 AD), Prince Opo Ama shaved his head and came to Emperor Tenji asking for his permission to become a monk and to go to Yösinô to do the Buddhist 135

Fortieth Sovereign by the traditional count of Emperors.

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ascetic practices. The permission was granted, and it was a fatal mistake for Tenji’s line, at least in the short run.136 After Emperor Tenji passed away in eleventh or twelfth month of the tenth year of his rule (December 671 AD or January 672 AD), Emperor Kōbun’s rule (who was, incidentally, married to Prince Opo Ama and Princess Nukata’s daughter, Princess Töwoti) turned out to be quite short, as in the sixth lunar month of the eleventh year of Tenji, Prince Opo Ama raised the troops in revolt, which is known in Japanese historiography as the Jinshin rebellion (Jinshin no ran, 壬申の乱). Prince Opotömö137 was no match for an older and much more experienced skillful warrior and troops commander Imperial Prince Opo Ama, who turned out to be the winner of this short war. Prince Opotömö was defeated and committed suicide on the twenty-third day of the seventh lunar month of the first year of Tenmu (August 21, 672 AD). His wife, Imperial Princess Töwoti, was, of course spared as the daughter of the winner. In spite of this somewhat macabre beginning of his rule, Emperor Tenmu, is credited (in contrast to Tenji, who is best known for chopping his enemies to pieces on the grounds of the imperial palace that were considered sacred and could not be polluted (assassination of Sôŋga-nö Iruka), stealing his brother’s beloved (Princess Nukata), and breaking his promises (about the imperial succession to Imperial Prince Opo Ama)) with ordering the introduction of legal system based on Ritsuryō legal code (律令法), reforming the outdated kabane system in 685 AD, reorganizing the chaotic system of princes into twelve classes and courtiers in forty-eight classes, etc. Tenmu also had the wisdom to move the capital back from Apumî wilderness to Asuka in Yamatö, where the comparatively young Japanese state could be further enhanced by the continental influences. In this respect, it is interesting that one of the first symbolic gestures of Tenmu was moving back the imperial palace to Wokamötö palace of his parents right in the ninth lunar month of the first year of his reign (October -- November 673 AD). Furthermore, Emperor Tenmu was going out on outlying provinces inspection, something which Emperor Tenji has never done. In short, the real statesman of the second half of the seventh century was Emperor Tenmu, and not Emperor Tenji. Emperor Tenmu is the author of five poems in the Man’yōshū: 1.21, 1.25-27, and 2.103. Asuka palace (明日香宮)138 was located in present-day Asuka village in the vicinity of its elementary school, and not far from Wokamötö palace (Omodaka 1977.1: 213).

1.21

本文・Original text (1) 紫草能 (2) 尓保敝類妹乎 (3) 尓苦久有者 (4) 人嬬故尓 (5) 吾戀目八方 仮名の書き下し・Kana transliteration (1) むらさき 1 の 2 (2) にほへ 1 るいも 1 を (3) にくくあらば (4) ひ 1 と 2 づ まゆゑに (5) あれこ 1 ひ 2 め 2 やも 136

Empress Shōtoku (Shōtoku tennō, 称徳天皇, r. 761-770 AD) was the last in Tenmu’s line. After her the succession passed on to Emperor Kōnin (Kōnin tennō, 光仁天皇, r. 770-781 AD), who was a descendant of Tenji. 137 Since there was no official ceremony of ascending the throne, Prince Opotömö did not it to the official list of Japanese Emperors as Emperor Kōbun until the third year of Meiji (1870 AD). 138 The full name of this palace is Asuka Kîyômîpara mîya ( 明 日 香 清 御 原 宮 ) ‘Asuka Kîyômîpara palace’. See the preface to 1.22.

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Romanization (1) MURASAKÎ-nö (2) nipop-êr-u IMÔ-wo (3) niku-ku AR-Amba (4) PÎTÖ-nDUMA YUWE n-i (5) ARE KÔPÏ-m-ë ya mo Glossing with morphemic analysis (1) gromwell-COMP (2) be.beautiful-PROG-ATTR beloved-ABS (3) be.distasteful-INF exist-COND (4) person-GEN-spouse reason DV-INF (5) I long.for-TENT-EV IP EP Translation (2) If [my] beloved, who is beautiful (1) like a gromwell, (3) were distasteful [to me] (4) because [she] is the spouse of [another] man, (5) would I long for [her]? [-- Certainly not!] Commentary With this poem Prince Opo Ama sends a message to Princess Nukata that he still loves her in spite of the fact that she was taken away from him by Emperor Tenji. But the answer is very careful and certainly takes into consideration the social practice of the time when a married woman or a concubine let alone a concubine of an Emperor was off-limits to all other men. So, the poem can be parsed very differently: either (1) with lines four and five going together, with the meaning ‘would I long for her because she is the wife of another man? -- Certainly not!’, the variant which certainly confirms to the social norms of the time; or (2) with lines three and four together with quite a different meaning ‘if [she] were distasteful [to me], because [she] is the spouse of another man’, no doubt the real meaning Prince Opo Ama wanted to convey here. In this second case the fifth line becomes a chameleon, demonstrating quite a different attitude of the author. Omodaka approaches the interpretation of this poem from a different angle, proposing that line four should be in parentheses (1977.1: 209). If there were such a device as parentheses in OJ, he certainly would be right, but unfortunately they did not yet invent them at this time. Itō, on the other hand, believes that line four is to be perceived contrary to its context (1983: 93-94). This I find also non-persuasive, so I will follow my interpretation of this poem as having two different meanings depending on its parsing. On OJ murasakî ‘gromwell’, see the commentary to 14.3500. OJ nipop- is a tricky verb. In some contexts it refers to fragrance, or to beauty, but its original meaning seems to be ‘to be beautiful with shining color’. Line three is hypermetric (jiamari, 字余り), but this is possibly just a graphic illusion, since niku-ku ar-amba ‘if [she] were distasteful to me’ was in all probability pronounced as [nikukaramba]. On OJ pîtö-n-duma ‘spouse of another man’ see the commentary to 14.3472. Postscript to the poems 1.20-21 本文・Original text 紀曰天皇七年丁卯夏五月五日縦獦於蒲生野于時大皇弟諸王内臣及群臣 皆悉従焉

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Translation It is said in the [Nihonsho]ki: “On the fifth day of the fifth lunar month in the summer of the seventh year of Tenji [there was] a leisure [imperial] hunting in Kamapu field. At [that] time, the younger brother Crown Prince, all Princes and Princesses, Inner Minister, and Ministers, all of them without exception followed [Emperor] to it”. Commentary The character 紀 is an abbreviation for the Nihonshoki (日本書紀) ‘Annals of Japan’. The Emperor is Emperor Tenji. On Emperor Tenji biography see the preface to the poems 1.13-14. The fifth day of the fifth lunar month of the seventh year of Tenji corresponds to June 19, 668 AD. On Kamapu field (蒲生野) see the commentary to the preface to the poem 1.20. Great Prince, younger brother (大皇弟) is Prince Opo Ama, future Emperor Tenmu. On his biography see the commentary to the preface to 1.21. On Inner Minister (Naishin, 内臣) see the commentary to the preface to the poem 1.16.

Preface to the poem 1.22

本文・Original text 明日香清御原宮天皇代天渟中原瀛眞人天皇謚曰天武天皇 十市皇女参赴於伊勢神宮時見波多横山巖吹芡刀自作歌 Translation The reign of Emperor who ruled from Asuka Kîyômîpara palace. This is Emperor Ama-nö Nu-na Para Okî-nö Ma-pîtö. [His] posthumous name is Emperor Tenmu. A poem composed by Housewife Pukî when [she] saw the cliffs of Mt. Yökö in Pata at the time of Princess Töwoti pilgrimage to Ise Shrine. Commentary On the biography of Emperor Tenmu see the commentary to the preface to 1.21. Imperial Princess Töwoti (十市皇女), a daughter of Emperor Tenmu (then Imperial Prince Opo Ama) and Princess Nukata was born either in fourth year of Taika (648 AD) or fourth year of Hakuchi (653 AD) and passed away on the seventh day of the fourth lunar month of the seventh year of Tenmu (May 3, 678 AD) from a sudden illness. She was the wife of Imperial Prince Opotömö, the son of Emperor Tenji (enshrined as Emperor Kōbun in 1870 AD during the Meiji period), and bore to him Prince Kanduranô (葛野王). Nothing else is known about her biography, and no poems composed by her are found in the Man’yōshū. Pata (波多) is an area located in Tsu city (Tsu shi, 津市) in present-day Mie prefecture. The location of Mt. Yököyama within this area cannot be determined with certainty (Nakanishi 1985: 476). It is not quite clear how to read the name 吹芡: Pupukî/ï, Pumbukî/ï, or just Pukî/ï. There is a discrepancy between the manuscripts, as later manuscripts starting from the Kishū-bon have 黄 instead of 芡, while older manuscripts

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have 芡. Omodaka notes that the sōsho form of 黄 can be easily confused with 芡 (1977.1: 218). This would be a rather weak argument by itself, but the situation is further complicated by the fact that the Hirose-bon also has 黄. Thus, the decision might come to a toss of a coin, but I trust that a linguistic argument could be made. The character 黄 is attested in OJ corpus as a phonogram, but it is kï, not kî. If 吹 is a logogram ‘to blow’, we know that the nominalized form of the OJ verb puk- ‘to blow’ is puk-î, not *puk-ï. Thus, it is highly unlikely that 黄 represents the syllable kî. As a kungana phonogram, 吹 occurs in the Man’yōshū only three times, all of them confined to book nineteen, where it is used to write -mbukî part of WOJ yamambukî ‘kerria’, ‘yamabuki rose’ (19.4184, 19.4186 and 19.4197). Thus, it is most likely that 吹 is logogram here. Then the character 芡 ‘a kind of a water plant’ must be a phonogram: to the best of my knowledge it does not even have a Japanese kun’yōmi reading. Its LHC reading is gɨamC, and EMC is either gjämB or gjɐmC (Schuessler 2009: 347). This would suggest a Sino-Japanese reading *ke. We have to keep in mind, however, that if this character was borrowed as a phonogram in the sixth century, by the late seventh century it would certainly undergo the internal change *ke > kî due to the raising of pre-OJ *e to i. Thus, I am inclined to read the name 吹芡 as PUkî. Unfortunately, this is quite speculative, because the preface to 1.22 has the only attestation of 芡 in OJ corpus. Nothing is known of the biography of Housewife Pukî. She is the author of three poems in the Man’yōshū: 1.22 and 4.490-491 (Nakanishi 1985: 265). OJ tônzi ‘housewife’, ‘mistress of the house; is certainly not an official title in the Old Japanese court hierarchy. On this term and its etymology, see the commentary to 20.4342.

1.22

本文・Original text (1) 河上乃 (2) 湯都盤村二 (3) 草武左受 (4) 常丹毛冀名 (5) 常處女畠手 仮名の書き下し・Kana transliteration (1) かはかみ 1 の 2 (2) ゆついはむらに (3) くさむさず (4) つねにも 1 が も 2 な (5) と 2 こ 2 をと 2 め 1 にて Romanization (1) KAPA KAMÎ-nö (2) yu t-u ipa mura-ni (3) KUSA mus-anz-u (4) TUNE n-i môŋgamö na (5) TÖKÖ wotöMÊ n-i-te Glossing with morphemic analysis (1) river top-GEN (2) sacred DV-ATTR rock group-LOC (3) grass growNEG-FIN (4) always DV-INF DP EP (5) eternal maiden DV-INF-SUB Translation (3) The grass does not grow (2) on the sacred rocks (1) at the upstream of the river. (4/5) I want [you] to be an eternal maiden forever! Commentary Virtually every modern scholar adopts the reading kapa-nö [u]pë-nö for line one, which was first introduced by Tachibana Chikage without any supportive discussion or evidence (Tachibana 1796/1929.1: 25). Unfortunately, 1.22 is

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one of the few poems that have no kana transliteration in the Genryaku kōhon, but there is a shinten (親点) ‘new glossing’ in red ink found right after the poem that clearly says kapa kami-no (in katakana). The reading kapa kami-no is found also in the Nishi Honganji-bon, the Hirose-bon, and all other manuscripts. Of course, WOJ kapa kamî is an ‘upstream of a river’ and WOJ kapa-nö upë is ‘above a river’ or ‘on a river’, so the contexts are different. Certainly we today do not know this context, as Itō correctly notes, but this is no reason to choose kapa-nö upë as he does (1983: 99). We today do not know whether Mt. Yököyama was in the upstream of a river or right above it. It is unlikely that Tachibana knew it either, but in any case he left no testimony to the contrary. But there is a good chance that at least a person who added the ‘new glossing’ to this poem probably was still aware of Mt. Yököyama exact location. Therefore, in my reading I follow the manuscript tradition but not the late Edo and modern way of reading the first line. OJ yu < yi ‘sacred’. On the existence of syllable /yi/ in OJ see Vovin (2009a: 420-426). On the attributive form t-u of the copula139 tö ‘to be’ see Vovin (2009a: 544546). WOJ mus- ‘to grow’ refers exclusively to grass and moss growing, as all the extant examples demonstrate. Trees or humans do not mus- in WOJ. The character 冀 appears only once in the Man’yōshū: in this poem only. We probably have a rebus writing here, since 冀 means ‘to desire’, ‘to ask for’, ‘to pray for’, and OJ möŋga ~ möŋgamö is a desiderative particle.140 OJ emphatic particle na always conveys an exclamation; for details see (Vovin 2009a: 1270-1273). ‘Eternal maiden’ implies here not the eternal virginity (in any case Imperial Princess Töwoti was no longer a virgin at this time), but the eternal youth. Postscript to the poem 1.22 本文・Original text 吹芡刀自未詳也但紀曰天皇四年乙亥春二月乙亥朔丁亥十市皇女阿閇皇 女参赴於伊勢神宮 Translation It is not clear who Housewife Pukî is. However, the [Nihonsho]ki states that on thirteenth day of the second lunar month of the fourth year of Emperor Tenmu Imperial Princess Töwoti and Imperial Princess Apë went to a pilgrimage to Ise Shrine. Commentary On Housewife Pukî and Imperial Princess Töwoti see the commentary to the preface to 1.22. The character 紀 is an abbreviation for the Nihonshoki (日本書紀) ‘Annals of Japan’. Thirteenth day of the second lunar month of the fourth year of Tenmu corresponds to March 3, 676 AD. Imperial Princess Apë is a daughter of Emperor Tenji. She is future 139

In my descriptive grammar of OJ, I call copulas as well as the verb tö ‘to say’ ‘defective’, because they do not have a full paradigm like other verbs (Vovin 2009a: 510-559). 140 For details on this desiderative particle see Vovin (2009a: 1230-1234).

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Empress Genmei (元明天皇),141 on who see the commentary to the preface to the poem 20.4293. At the time of this pilgrimage she was fifteen years old (Itō 1983: 98). Ise (伊勢) was a province that covered the center and the eastern part of present-day Mie prefecture. It was one of the Great Provinces (Daikoku, 大國) according to the Ritsuryō code. On the Ritsuryō code classification of Yamatö provinces, see the commentary to 5.818. Ise Shrine (MdJ Ise Jingū, 伊勢神宮) is one of the two most important Shintō shrines in Japan, the other being Izumo Taisha. Ise Shrine is dedicated to the Sun Deity Amaterasu Ōmi-kami (天照大御神), and it also serves as a repository of the three sacred imperial regalia: the sword, the mirror, and the jewel. Out of these only the mirror still remains at this time, and the other two are considered to be lost, most recently the sword that disappeared during the battle of Dan-no ura (壇の浦) in 1185 AD. Only the currently ruling Emperor has a privilege to look at the mirror, but as far as it is known, none of the Emperors in the twentieth or twenty-first centuries have used the chance to exercise this unique privilege.

Preface to the poem 1.23

本文・Original text 麻續王流於伊勢國伊良虞嶋之時人哀傷作歌 Translation When Prince Womî was exiled to Iraŋgô island in Ise province, a [certain] person grieved [about it] and composed [this] poem Commentary Nothing is known about Prince Womî biography, except that he was exiled in the fourth year of Tenmu (676 AD) because he was found guilty in four crimes (MdJ sizai, 四罪). The primary sources do not agree on the place of his exile: while this preface to 1.23 in the Man’yōshū tells us that it was Iraŋgô island in Ise province, the Nihonshoki indicates Inamba province (因幡國), and the Fudoki gives the third variant: Namêkata district (行方郡)142 in Pîtati province (常陸國) (Nakanishi 1985: 286). Incidentally, The Nihonshoki says nothing about the ‘four crimes’. This is the relevant passage: 辛卯三位麻續王有罪流 于因幡 “Prince Womî of the Third Rank having committed a crime was exiled to Inamba [province] on the twenty-fourth day [of the fourth lunar month]” (NSK XXIX: 338). Interestingly enough, looking at the Nihonshoki original text, we obtain two more details about his biography: he had Third Rank, and now we also know the exact date of his exile: the twenty-fourth day (辛卯) of the fourth lunar month of the fourth year of Tenmu (July 10, 676 AD). The account of Prince Womî exile in the description of Namêkata district of Pîtati province is very short: 其西榎木成林飛鳥淨見原天皇之世遣麻續王之居處 ‘To the west of it there is an enoki forest that was a residing place of Prince Womî who was exiled [during] the reign of Emperor [who ruled from] Asuka Kîyômîpara [palace]’ (Akimoto 1958: 58). Thus, it remains a puzzle where 141

Forty-third Sovereign by the traditional count of Emperors. The two most famous deeds of empress Genmei were the establishment of permanent capital in Nara in 710 AD and the imperial order to Opo-nö Yasumarö (太安萬侶) to compile the Kojiki (古事記, 712 AD). 142 The first phonographic spelling of this district as 奈女加多 namêkata is found only in WMS (5: 18a), so the kō-rui vowel ê may be spurious.

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Nakanishi obtained his information about ‘four crimes’ (四罪), since it is not mentioned in any of the three of primary sources. Prince Womî is the author of just one poem in the Man’yōshū: 1.24. On Ise province see the commentary to the postscript to the poem 1.22. The location of Iraŋgô island (伊良虞嶋) is not known. Nakanishi mentions two hypotheses: one connects it with a location in Aichi prefecture, and should be discarded immediately, because no part of Aichi prefecture was ever a part of Ise province, and the second connecting it with Kamijima (神島) located to the west of the Irago promontory (MdJ Irago misaki, 伊良湖岬) in present-day Mie prefecture (1985: 428), which is quite likely. We do not know who ‘a certain person’ is; therefore this poem is anonymous.

1.23

本文・Original text (1) 打麻乎 (2) 麻續王 (3) 白水郎有哉 (4) 射等籠荷四間乃 (5) 珠藻苅麻須 仮名の書き下し・Kana transliteration (1) うちそ 1 を (2) をみ 1 の 2 おほき 1 み 1 (3) あまなれや (4) いらご 1 の 2 しまの 2 (5) たまもかります Romanization (1) UT-I SÔ-wo (2) WOMÎ N-Ö OPOKÎMÎ (3) AMA NAR-E YA (4) Iraŋgônö sima-nö (5) TAMA MO KAR-I-[i]mas-u Glossing with morphemic analysis (1) pound-NML hemp-ACC (2) Womî DV-ATTR prince (3) fisherman become-EV IP (4) Iraŋgô-GEN island-GEN (5) jewel seaweed cut-INF-HONFIN Translation (2) Prince Womî (1) [who has been making] the pounded hemp (3) would he become a fisherman? [-- Certainly not!] (5) [But he] is cutting jewel seaweeds (4) at Iraŋgô island. Commentary Line one is hypometric (jitarazu, 字足らず). 143 This line is considered as permanent epithet (makura-kotoba, 枕詞) to the name of Prince Womî (麻續) (Itō 1983: 102). In spite of the fact that both lines one and two include the character 麻 ‘hemp’, calling line one a permanent epithet requires a wild stretch of imagination, because first, Prince Womî is mentioned just once in the whole anthology in the poetic text just in this poem, and second, because ut-i sô is an expression meaning ‘pounded hemp’ that is attested in this exact meaning in 12.2990. Certainly, we would not expect a courtier of the Third Rank engaging in pounding hemp himself, but I suspect that we deal here with some kind of an idiomatic expression, which is beyond our present knowledge. It probably implies some contrast between pounding hemp, which is an agriculturalist’s activity with a fisherman’s activity of cutting the seaweeds. If I may offer a speculation, this might be reminiscent of the legend about 143

The hypometricity could be remedied by reading 麻 as asa, not sô, but then we would invite another problem: *uti asa is not attested in the Man’yōshū.

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Yamasachi and Umisachi brothers in the Kojiki and the Nihonshoki, where the inland economy activities represented by Yamasachi eventually triumph over the sea-based economy represented by Umisachi. So, if it is the case, Prince Womî’s exile in this poem is described in the terms degrading him from an inland person to a fisherman. This interpretation could be further strengthened by the morphology, since the accusative case marker -wo after uti sô ‘pounded hemp’ implies the following verb that is not present, but its absence can be explained by an ellipsis. There are three OJ words for ‘hemp’: asa, sô, and wo. The first of them, asa, is likely to be a loan from Korean (cf. MK sám ‘hemp’ < *asam), which, ironically is the only one that survived in MdJ. The original Japonic word is probably wo, as it has a cognate bū in several Southern Ryūkyūan languages, with the expected fortition w- > b- and raising of o > u. The etymology of sô remains obscure. This poem is full of unusual spellings. The first one of them is the rebus writing in line three: 白水郎 used for ama ‘fisherman’. It is a name of a man who lived in the vicinity of the estuary of Yangzijiang river (揚子江) in China and made his living as a fisherman (Itō 1983: 102)144. The ultimate evidence is from the Wamyō Ruijū Shō that glosses 白水郎 as 阿萬 ama (WMS 6: 27a). The kungana sign 荷 is used in the Man’yōshū for either nö or ni, but both are quite rare. The same is true of the kungana usage of 等 for ra, and the ongana usage of 四 for si. On Iraŋgô island see the commentary to the preface to the poem 1.23.

Preface to the poem 1.24 本文・Original text 麻續王聞之感傷和歌

Translation A response poem by Prince Womî when he heard this [poem] and felt sentimental [about it]. Commentary On Prince Womî biography see the commentary to the preface to the poem 1.23. The character 之 ‘this’ (in the oblique case) refers to the poem above, 1.23.

1.24

本文・Original text (1) 空蝉之 (2) 命乎惜美 (3) 浪尓所湿 (4) 伊良虞能嶋之 (5) 玉藻苅食 仮名の書き下し・Kana transliteration (1) うつせみ 1 の 2 (2) いの 2 ちををしみ 1 (3) なみ 1 にぬれ (4) いらご 1 の 2 しまの 2 (5) たまもかりはむ Romanization (1) UTU SEMÎ-NÖ (2) INÖTI-wo WOSI-mî (3) NAMÎ-ni NURE (4) Iraŋgônö SIMA-NÖ (5) TAMA MO KAR-I PAM-U 144

No references to Classical Chinese texts that could contain this information are given.

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Glossing with morphemic analysis (1) ephemeral cicada-COMP (2) life-ABS be.lamentable-GER (3) wave-LOC be.drenched(INF) (4) Iraŋgô-GEN island-GEN (5) jewel seaweed cut-INF eatFIN Translation (2) Because [my] life is lamentable (1) like [that of] an ephemeral cicada (5) [I] cut and eat jewel seaweeds (4) of Iraŋgô island (3) being drenched by the waves. Commentary On OJ semî ‘cicada’, see the commentary to 15.3617. OJ utu ‘ephemeral’, an uninflected adjective, seems to be used only with following semî ‘cicada’ in OJ. It might be, however, etymologically connected to MJ utu ‘empty’, ‘hollow’, which would increase its ability to define other nouns except semî ‘cicada’. On the etymology of OJ inöti ‘life’, see the commentary to the poem 17.3896. There are two possible ways to analyze 惜美 wosimî in line two: (a) as an infinitive wosim-î of the verb wosim- ‘to regret’, ‘to lament’ or (b) as a gerund wosi-mî of the adjective wosi- ‘to be regrettable’, ‘to be lamentable’. I adopt the second approach because wosim- as a verb does not have completely reliable attestations in OJ, and in addition there is no evidence for it being a transitive verb, which would be expected if -wo after inöti would be an accusative, and not an absolutive case marker. On Iraŋgô island see the commentary to the preface to the poem 1.23. On WOJ pam- vs. kup- ‘to eat’, see the commentary to the poem 5.802. Postscript to the poems 1.23-24 本文・Original text 右案日本紀曰天皇四年乙亥夏四月戊戌朔乙卯三位麻續王有罪流于因幡 一子流伊豆嶋一子流血鹿嶋也是云配于伊勢國伊良虞嶋者若疑後人縁歌 辞而誤記乎 Translation Regarding the above [poems], the Nihonshoki says: Prince Womî of the Third Rank having committed a crime and was exiled to Inamba [province] on the twenty-fourth day of the fourth lunar month of the fourth year of Tenmu. One of his sons was exiled to Indu islands, and another to Tikasima island. [I] wonder whether the reference to [his] exile to Iraŋgô island in Ise province could be a mistaken record [added by] some later person based on the connection [with the usage] of the word Iraŋgô [in these two] poems Commentary The only discrepancy of this quote with the extant copy of the Nihonshoki that says: 辛卯三位麻續王有罪流于因幡 ‘Prince Womî of the Third Rank having committed a crime was exiled to Inamba [province] on the twenty-fourth day [of the fourth lunar month]’ (NSK XXIX: 338) is the day: there was no day with cyclic signs 乙卯 in the fourth lunar month in the fourth year of Tenmu. Inamba province (因 幡 國) roughly corresponds to the eastern part of present-day Tottori prefecture. It was one of the Upper Provinces (Jōkoku, 上

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國) according to the Ritsuryō code. On the Ritsuryō code classification of Yamatö provinces, see the commentary to 5.818. On Ise province see the commentary to the postscript to the poem 1.22. On Iraŋgô island see the commentary to the preface to the poem 1.23. It is not clear whether Indu island refers to Izu peninsula (MdJ Izu hantō, 伊 豆半島) or to one of the Izu islands (Nakanishi 1985: 424). An island seems to be a more likely place of exile.

Preface to the poem 1.25 本文・Original text 天皇御製歌

Translation A poem composed by the Emperor. Commentary The Emperor is Emperor Tenmu. On his biography see the commentary to the preface to 1.21.

1.25

本文・Original text (1) 三吉野之 (2) 耳我嶺尓 (3) 時無曽 (4) 雪者落家留 (5) 間無曽 (6) 雨者 零計類 (7) 其雪乃 (8) 時無如 (9) 其雨乃 (10) 間無如 (11) 隈毛不落 (12) 念 乍叙來 (13) 其山道乎 仮名の書き下し・Kana transliteration (1) み 1 よ 2 しの 1 の 2 (2) み 1 み 1 がの 2 み 1 ねに (3) と 2 き 1 なくそ 2 (4) ゆき 1 はふりけ 1 る (5) まなくそ 2 (6) あめ 2 はふりけ 1 る (7) そ 2 の 2 ゆ き 1 の 2 (8) と 2 き 1 なき 1 がご 2 と 2 (9) そ 2 の 2 あめ 2 の 2 (10) まなき 1 が ご 2 と 2 く (11) くまも 1 おちず (12) おも 2 ひ 1 つつぞ 2 こ 2 し (13) そ 2 の 2 やまみ 1 ちを Romanization (1) mî-Yösinô-nö (2) MÎMÎŋga-nö MÎ-NE-ni (3) TÖKÎ NA-KU sö (4) YUKÎ pa PUR-I-kêr-u (5) MA NA-KU sö (6) AMË pa PUR-I-kêr-u (7) SÖNÖ YUKÎ-nö (8) TÖKÎ NA-KÎ-ŋGA ŋGÖTÖ (9) SÖNÖ AMË-nö (10) MA NAKÎ-ŋGA ŋGÖTÖ-KU (11) KUMA mô OTI-nZ-U (12) OMÖP-Î-TUTU nzö KÖSI (13) SÖNÖ YAMA MÎTI-wo Glossing with morphemic analysis (1) HON-Yösinô-GEN (2) Mîmîŋga-GEN HON-peak-LOC (3) time not.existINF FP (4) snow TOP fall-INF-RETR-ATTR (5) interval not.exist-INF FP (6) rain TOP fall-INF-RETR-ATTR (7) that snow-GEN (8) time not.exist-ATTRPOSS be.like (9) that rain-GEN (10) interval not.exist-ATTR-POSS be.likeINF (11) road.bend FP lack-NEG-INF (12) think-INF-COOR FP come(INF)PAST.ATTR (13) that mountain road-ACC Translation (2) At the peak of Mt. Mîmîŋga (1) in the beautiful Yösinô (4) it snows (3) out of time, [and] (6) it rains (5) incessantly. (12/13) [I] came [there steadily]

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along that mountain road, [deep in my] thoughts (11) without missing [any single] road bend (9/10) like that incessant rain, [or] (7/8) like that snow [that falls] out of time. Commentary MJ Mi-Yosino in Heian period texts normally indicates ‘deep Yosino’, a mountainous area to the South of Yosino. Here OJ mî- is likely to be just an honorific prefix with a beautification function. Therefore mî-Yösinô in this poem means ‘beautiful Yoshino’. For actual textual examples from Heian texts see the commentary to the poem 18.4098. On Yösinô see the commentary to the preface to 18.4098-4100. The exact identification of Mt. Mîmîŋga in Yösinô is very controversial, as there are many conflicting hypotheses (Itō 1983: 106), (Nakanishi 1985: 489). OJ mî-ne ‘HON-peak’ that survives in MdJ as mine ‘peak’, ‘mountain ridge’ is a combination of honorific prefix mî-, probably in its beautification function, and ne ‘peak’. This is a rare case when an OJ focus particle sö is spelled as 叙 nzö in line twelve. Unless the OJ orthography is playing some trick on us, the later prenasalized voicing pronunciation became typical only from the late Heian period. OJ ŋgötö ‘to be like’ is a borrowing from OK form (not attested) which is a predecessor of MK kʌt- ‘id.’ Line twelve is hypermetric (jiamari, 字余り).

Preface to the poem 1.26 本文・Original text 或本歌

Translation A poem from a certain book. Commentary This poem is clearly a textual variant of the preceding 1.25, but unlike many other similar cases it is listed as a separate poem, although as it becomes evident from the postscript, the compiler was aware of the fact, but he chose to list it as a separate poem. In order not to break the traditional count of poems, I keep it my edition as 1.26 and not 1.25a.

1.26

本文・Original text (1) 三芳野之 (2) 耳我山尓 (3) 時自久曽 (4) 雪者落等言 (5) 無間曽 (6) 雨 者落等言 (7) 其雪 (8) 不時如 (9) 其雨 (10) 無間如 (11) 隈毛不堕 (12) 思乍 叙來 (13) 其山道乎 仮名の書き下し・Kana transliteration (1) み 1 よ 2 しの 1 の 2 (2) み 1 み 1 がの 2 やまに (3) と 2 き 1 じくそ 2 (4) ゆ き 1 はふると 2 いふ (5) まなくそ 2 (6) あめ 2 はふると 2 いふ (7) そ 2 の 2 ゆき 1 の 2 (8) と 2 き 1 じき 1 がご 2 と 2 (9) そ 2 の 2 あめ 2 の 2 (10) まなき 1 がご 2 と 2 く (11) くまも 1 おちず (12) おも 2 ひ 1 つつぞ 2 こ 2 し (13) そ 2 の 2 やまみ 1 ちを

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Romanization (1) mî-Yösinô-nö (2) MÎMÎŋga-nö YAMA-ni (3) TÖKÎzi-ku sö (4) YUKÎ pa PUR-U tö IP-U (5) MA NA-KU sö (6) AMË pa PUR-U tö IP-U (7) SÖNÖ YUKÎ-nö (8) TÖKÎnZI-KÎ-ŋGA ŋGÖTÖ (9) SÖNÖ AMË-NÖ (10) MA NA-KÎŋ GA ŋGÖTÖ-KU (11) KUMA mô OTI-nZ-U (12) OMÖP-Î-TUTU nzö KÖ-SI (13) SÖNÖ YAMA MÎTI-wo Glossing with morphemic analysis (1) HON-Yösinô-GEN (2) Mîmîŋga-GEN mountain-LOC (3) be.out.of.timeINF FP (4) snow TOP fall-FIN DV say-ATTR (5) interval not.exist-INF FP (6) rain TOP fall-FIN DV say-ATTR (7) that snow-GEN (8) be.out.of.time-ATTRPOSS be.like (9) that rain-GEN (10) interval not.exist-ATTR-POSS be.likeINF (11) road.bend FP lack-NEG-INF (12) think-INF-COOR FP come(INF)PAST.ATTR (13) that mountain road-ACC Translation (4) [They] say that snow falls (3) out of time (2) at Mîmîŋga mountain (1) in beautiful Yösinô, [and] (6) [they] say that it rains (5) incessantly. (12/13) [I] came [there steadily] along that mountain road, [deep in my] thoughts (11) without missing [any single] road bend (9/10) like that incessant rain, [or] (7/8) like that snow [that falls] out of time. Commentary The same commentary applies to this poem as to 1.25 above; therefore, there is no need to repeat it here, except a couple of notes that follow below. As already noted in the commentary to the preface to the poems 18.40984100, 芳野 is a rare spelling of the place name Yösinô, which is much more frequently spelled as 吉野. On Yösinô see the commentary to the preface to 18.4098-4100. Line four is hypermetric (jiamari, 字余り), but this is probably a graphic illusion, since tö ip-u ‘[they] say that’ was in all probability pronounced as [töpu] or [tepu]. The spelling system in 1.26 is much more logographic than in 1.25 that at least presents in phonographic spelling all the cases of the genitive case marker -nö and some verb suffixes. 1.26 uses specific WOJ adjective tökînzi- ‘to be out of time’, ‘to be out of season’ that did not survive even in MJ, and which 1.25 replaces with a construction tökî na- ‘there is no time’. Both these two last factors speak in favor of 1.26 being an earlier version of the text, but certainly this cannot be demonstrated with certainty. Line twelve is hypermetric (jiamari, 字余り). Postscript to the poem 1.26 本文・Original text 右句々相換因此重載焉 Translation In the above [poem], lines are replacing each other [as compared to 1.25], therefore [I] placed it again here.

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Commentary The compiler of the book one (probably Opotömö-nö Tambîtö) noticed the textual difference between 1.25 and 1.26, although it is not exactly clear what he meant by 相換 ‘replace each other’, since the lines in 1.26 do not really revert the order of lines in 1.25. Some of them just have a different wording and/or vocabulary.

Preface to the poem 1.27 本文・Original text 天皇幸于吉野宮時御製歌

Translation A poem composed by the Emperor when he went to the palace in Yösinô. Commentary The Emperor is Emperor Tenmu. On his biography see the commentary to the preface to 1.21. On Yösinô see the commentary to the preface to 18.4098-4100. The palace mentioned here is probably the detached palace in Mîyatakî area in Yösinô. See also the commentary to the preface to 18.4098-4100 and for many more specific details see Omodaka (1977.1: 244-245).

1.27

本文・Original text (1) 淑人乃 (2) 良跡吉見而 (3) 好常言師 (4) 芳野吉見与 (5) 良人四來三 仮名の書き下し・Kana transliteration (1) よ 2 き 1 ひ 1 と 2 の 2 (2) よ 2 しと 2 よ 2 くみ 1 て (3) よ 2 しと 2 いひ 1 し (4) よ 2 しの 1 よ 2 くみ 1 よ 2 (5) よ 2 き 1 ひ 1 と 2 よ 2 くみ 1 Romanization (1) YÖ-KÎ PÎTÖ-nö (2) YÖ-SI tö YÖ-KU MÎ-TE (3) YÖ-SI tö IP-Î-SI (4) Yösinô YÖ-KU MÎ-yö (5) YÖ-KÎ PÎTÖ yö-ku mî Glossing with morphemic analysis (1) be.good-ATTR person-GEN (2) be.good-FIN DV be.good-INF look(INF)SUB (3) be.good-FIN DV say-INF-PAST.ATTR (4) Yösinô be.good-INF lookIMP (5) be.good-ATTR person be.good-INF look(IMP) Translation (4) Look well at Yösinô, (1) which good people [of old times] (2) looked well at, considering [it] to be good, and (3) said that [it] is good, (5) look well at it, good people of today. Commentary The character 淑 in line one appears for the first time in the Kishū-bon. The Genryaku kōhon and other older manuscripts have a character which does not appear even in the Mojikyō list, but can be described as a combination of 汐 + 卡. It is an allograph of 汐 + ヰ (also not present in the Mojikyō) list, which a variant of (Omodaka 1977.1: 245). The Hirose-bon also has 汐 + 卡. But it is

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probably safe to leave 淑, because the expression 淑 人 ‘good person’ is attested in the Shījīng145 (Itō 1983: 113), which probably influenced the script in 1.27. On Yösinô see the commentary to the preface to 18.4098-4100. OJ mî in line five is clearly an imperative form ‘look!’ as supported by the parallelism with mî-yö in line four, and also by the fact that in OJ the imperative -yö was optional after vowel verbs: just a bare root could be used as an imperative. Also, one of the manuscripts of the Kakyō hyōshiki (歌経標 式), namely Shō-bon (抄本), which includes a of variant 1.27, has mî-yö in both lines four and five (KKHS Shō 8a), 146 while two variants of another manuscript, Shin-bon (KKHS ShinA 7a, 8a)147 both have mî in line five and mî-yö in line four, as in 1.27. Postscript to the poem 1.27 本文・Original text 紀曰八年己卯五月庚辰朔甲申幸于吉野宮 Translation The [Nihonsho]ki says: “On the fifth day of the fifth lunar month of the eighth year [of Tenmu, the Emperor] went to the palace in Yösinô”. Commentary The character 紀 is an abbreviation for the Nihonshoki (日本書紀) ‘Annals of Japan’. The fifth day of the fifth lunar month of the eighth year of Tenmu corresponds to June 7, 680 AD. The Emperor is Emperor Tenmu. On his biography see the commentary to the preface to 1.21. On Yösinô and the palace (probably the detached palace in Mîyatakî) mentioned here see the commentary to the preface to 18.4098-4100. On many more specific details on the detached palace in Mîyatakî see Omodaka (1977.1: 244-245).

Preface to the poems 1.28-75

本文・Original text 藤原宮御宇天皇代高天原廣野姫天皇元年丁亥十一年譲位輕太子尊號曰太上天皇 天皇御製歌 Translation The reigns of Empress [Jitō] and Emperor [Monmu] who ruled from Pundipara palace. This is Empress Taka Ama-nö Para Pîrö Pîmê. The first year of her reign is Pïnötö-wi (丁亥). In the eleventh year of her reign she abdicated in favor of Crown Prince Karu. Her Honorific Title after that was ‘Retired Empress’.

Commentary The phrase 藤原宮御宇天皇代 might be ambiguous: ‘the reign of Empress 145

淑人君子、其儀一兮 ‘good person, [our] lord, [his] demeanor is without equals’ (Cáo Fēng: Shījiū (曹風：鳲鳩) 1.14.3: 3-4). 146 Okimori et al. (2008: 87) 147 Okimori et al. (2008: 31, 63).

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who ruled from Pundipara palace’ or ‘the reigns of Empress Jitō and Emperor Monmu who ruled from Pundipara palace’, because both Jitō and Monmu ruled from the same palace. At the first glance the following passage in the small script might seem to disambiguate it in favor of Empress alone, but since Crown Prince Karu, future Emperor Monmu, is also mentioned, and because there is no separate preface for the poems from the reign of Monmu, I adopt here the second variant. Therefore, we can see that the poems from the reigns of Empress Jitō and Monmu (686 AD -- 707 AD) occupy more than a half of all poems included in book one of the Man’yōshū: forty-seven out of the total of eighty-four. Pundipara palace (Pundipara-nö mîya, 藤原宮) was located to the West of Mt. Kaŋgu, in the vicinity of Takadono town (Takadono-chō, 高殿町) of Kashihara city (Kashihara-shi, 橿原市) in present-day Nara prefecture (Itō 1983: 118), (Nakanishi 1985: 481). Empress Taka Ama-nö Para Pîrö Pîmê (Taka Ama-nö Para Pîrö Pîmê Tennō, 高天原廣野姫天皇), 148 better known under her posthumous name Empress Jitō (Jitō Tennō, 持統天皇)149 is a daughter of Emperor Tenji and daughter of Sôŋga Yamanda Isikapamarö (蘇我山田石川麻呂). She is the Empress of Emperor Tenmu, and mother of Imperial Prince Kusakambë (草壁 皇子). Empress Jitō openly supported Emperor Tenmu before and during the Jinshin rebellion (Jinshin no ran, 壬申の乱, 672 AD), escaping with the latter to Yösinô. She became de facto ruler after Tenmu passed away in 686 AD, but officially ascended the throne only in 690 AD after Prince Kusakambë’s death. She is mostly known for her very frequent imperial excursions to Yösinô, which became a forum for courts poets including Kakînömötö-nô Pîtömarö, who flourished during the reign of Empress Jitō; and for some administrative reforms such as the establishment a special office for Dazaifu. Empress Jitō was probably born in the first year of Taika (645 AD), but there is no record of it in the Nihonshoki, the information appearing for the first time in the much later Jinnō Seitōki ‘Veritable Records of Deities and Emperors’ (神皇正統記, late fourteenth century). Empress Jitō abdicated in favor of her grandson, Crown Prince Karu (輕太子), who became Emperor Monmu (Monmu Tennō, 文武天皇) on the first day of the eighth lunar month of the eleventh year of Jitō (August 23, 697 AD), but she passed away six years later on the twentysecond day of the twelfth lunar month of the second year of Taihō (大寶), which corresponds to January 13, 703 AD. Empress Jitō is the author of six poems in the Man’yōshū: 1.28, 2.159-162, and 3.236. The first year of Jitō’s reign is 686 AD, and the eleventh year is 697 AD. Crown Prince Karu (輕太子), a future Emperor Monmu (Monmu Tennō, 文 武 天 皇 ) 150 is the son of Imperial Prince Kusakambë ( 草 壁 皇 子 ) and Empress Genmei 151 (元明, 661-721 AD, r. 707-715). He was born in the twelfth year of Tenmu (683 AD) and passed away on the fifteenth day of the sixth lunar month of the fourth year of Kyōun (慶雲), which corresponds to July 18, 707 AD. His rule was in a sense very controversial. On the one hand he was initiator of the revision and preparation of the new revised legal code Taihō ritsuryō ( 大 寶 律 令 ) based on the Chinese legal model. Emperor 148

The part of her name Taka Ama-nö Para is reminiscent of the mythical Taka Ama-nö Para ‘The Plain of the High Heaven’ in the Kojiki and the Nihonshoki (Itō 1983: 118). 149 Forty-first Sovereign by the traditional count of Emperors. 150 Forty-second Sovereign by the traditional count of Emperors. 151 Forty-third Sovereign by the traditional count of Emperors.

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Monmu also dispatched an embassy to China. On the other hand, he introduced flogging punishment for fugitive peasants, and banned the festival of praying to the moon. In short, Emperor Monmu was in all probability very pro-Chinese in his policies. Emperor Monmu is the author of just one poem in the Man’yōshū: 1.74. The honorific title ‘Retired Emperor/Empress’ started to be used from Empress Jitō abdication.

Preface to the poem 1.28 本文・Original text 天皇御製歌

Translation A poem composed by the Empress. Commentary The Empress is Empress [Jitō]. On her biography see the preface to the poems 1.28-53.

1.28

本文・Original text (1) 春過而 (2) 夏來良之 (3) 白妙能 (4) 衣乾有 (5) 天之香來山 仮名の書き下し・Kana transliteration (1) はるすぎ 2 て (2) なつき 1 たるらし (3) しろ 1 たへ 2 の 2 (4) こ 2 ろ 2 も 2 ほしたり (5) あまの 2 かぐやま Romanization (1) PARU SUŋGÏ-TE (2) NATU K-Î-[I]TAR-Urasi (3) SIRÔ TAPË-nö (4) KÖRÖMÖ POS-I-Tar-i (5) AMA-NÖ Kaŋgu YAMA Glossing with morphemic analysis (1) spring pass(INF)-SUB (2) summer come-INF-reach-SUP (3) white mulberry.tree.bark.cloth-COMP (4) garment dry-INF-PERF/PROG-FIN (5) Heaven-GEN Kaŋgu mountain Translation (1) The spring has passed, and (2) it seems that the summer arrived. (5) Heavenly Mt. Kaŋgu (4) has been drying [its] garment, (3) which is like the white cloth [made] of mulberry tree bark. Commentary This is a very famous poem found also in the Shin kokin wakashū ‘A New collection of Old and Modern Japanese Poems’ (1205 AD, 新古今和歌集) as a very close variant: 春すぎて夏きにけらししろたへのころもほすてふあ まのかぐ山 ‘Spring passed and it seems as it turns out that summer came, They say that Heavenly Kaŋgu mountain dries its white garment’ (SKKS 3.175). The same variant is found in the Hyakunin isshu ‘Hundred poets [represented] by one song’ (first half of the thirteenth century, 百人一首) as HNIS 2. WOJ kîtar-‘ to come’, ‘to reach’ in line two is a contraction of k-î, infinitive

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of kö- ‘to come’ and itar- ‘to reach’. The main difference between the Man’yōshū variant on the one hand and Shin kokin wakashū ~ Hyakunin isshu variant on the other are the verbal forms kîtar-urasi ‘seems that came’ vs. k-î-n-i-kër-asi ‘it seems that came (as it turned out)’. Omodaka claims that kîtar- ‘to come’, ‘to reach’ no longer existed in the language of the thirteenth century (1977.1: 249), but this is incorrect because it is amply attested in Kamakura period texts (Miyajima et al. 2014: 318-319). Both Omodaka (1977.1: 250) and Itō (1983: 119) proposal that kîtar- always means ‘to come from afar’, ‘while kînikêr- does not have this meaning can be confronted with counterarguments represented by 15.3698 and 15.3701. Much more interesting is another fact: only kîtar- in the Man’yōshū is used with names of the seasons, something that Itō mentions only in passing (1983: 119). Thus, I think that both Omodaka and Itō are ultimately right here, and that variant kîtar-urasi is more archaic. The traditional interpretation of this poem is that people are drying their white garments at the Mt. Kaŋgu (Omodaka 1977.1: 250), (Itō 1983: 119). This is not impossible, but grammatically odd, because there is no locative case marker -ni, or topic marker pa after Mt. Kaŋgu. Therefore, I believe that Mt. Kaŋgu is the agent here, and she is drying herself her garment, which is nothing but the white mist of spring. On sirô tapë-nö ‘like the white cloth of the mulberry tree bark’, see the commentary to 15.3607. Contrary to Omodaka (1977.1: 249) and Itō (1983: 119), I read ama-nö Kaŋguyama and not amë-nö Kaŋguyama in line five, because it is consistent with readings found elsewhere. Note that, incidentally, the kana transliteration in the Genryaku kōhon has ama, and not ame. Note that this poem has no exact date, except that it was composed during the Jitō’s reign.

Preface to the poems 1.29a-29b

本文・Original text 過近江荒都時柿本朝臣人麻呂作歌 Translation A poem composed by Kakînömötö-nö asömî Pîtômarö when [he] passed through the abandoned capital in Apumî. Commentary On Apumî province see the commentary to the postscript to the poem 1.7. Apumî capital is the capital where the Apumî Opotu palace was located. It was the seat of power of Emperor Tenji. Apumî capital roughly corresponds to the Minami Shiga (南滋賀) area in the northern suburbs of present-day Ōtsu city (Ōtsu-shi, 大津市) in present-day Shiga prefecture. The Apumî Opotu palace, see the commentary to the preface to the poems 1.13-14. Very little is known about the biography of Kakînömötö-nö asömî Pîtômarö, except that he was either a court poet or a poet in the Princes’s circle. He was active during Empress Jitō and Emperor Monmu reigns, and accompanied Empress Jitō on her excursions to Kïyi province, Yösinô, and other places. It is in general surmised that he passed away before the move of the capital to Nara, as all of his dated poems are before 710 AD. However, his dates of birth and death are not known. He is the author of eighty-eight poems

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in the Man’yōshū, among them sixty-nine tanka and nineteen chōka. His poems are heavily concentrated in books one, two, and three of the Man’yōshū, sharply dropping in books four and nine and just one poem in book fifteen (but with multiple honkadori poems based on his poems). On asömî, muranzi, sukune, pumbîtö, and other kabane (姓) ranks see footnote 17 on p. 33 of the Man’yōshū book fifteen. The tradition treats the following 1.29a as a single poem, but variant readings from a second version are multiple and sometimes very divergent, therefore, I present those two as two different variants: 1.29a and 1.29b. The poems 1.29a-1.29b have no date, but they were likely composed between 686 and 707 AD.

1.29a

本文・Original text (1) 玉手次 (2) 畝火之山乃 (3) 橿原乃 (4) 日知之御世從 (5) 阿礼座師 (6) 神之盡 (7) 樛木乃 (8) 弥継嗣尓 (9) 天下 (10) 所知食之乎 (11) 天尓満 (12) 倭乎置而 (13) 青丹吉 (14) 平山乎超 (15) 何方 (16) 御念食可 (17) 天離 (18) 夷者雖有 (19) 石走 (20) 淡海國乃 (21) 樂浪乃 (22) 大津宮尓 (23) 天 下 (24) 所知食兼 (25) 天皇之 (26) 神之御言能 (27) 大宮者 (28) 此間等雖 聞 (29) 大殿者 (30) 此間等雖云 (31) 春草之 (32) 茂生有 (33) 霞立 (34) 春 日之霧流 (35) 百磯城之 (36) 大宮處 (37) 見者悲毛 仮名の書き下し・Kana transliteration (1) たまたすき 1 (2) うねび 2 の 2 やまの 2 (3) かしはらの 2 (4) ひ 1 じり の 2 み 1 よ 2 ゆ (5) あれましし (6) かみ 2 の 2 こ 2 と 2 ご 2 と 2 (7) つがの 2 き 2 の 2 (8) いやつぎ 1 つぎ 1 に (9) あめ 2 の 2 した (10) しらしめ 1 ししを (11) そ 1 らにみ 1 つ (12) やまと 2 をおき 1 て (13) あをによ 2 し (14) なら やまをこ 1 え 2 (15) いかさまに (16) おも 2 ほしめ 1 せか (17) あまざかる (18) ひ 1 なにはあれど 2 (19) いはばしる (20) あふみ 1 の 2 くにの 2 (21) さ さなみ 1 の 2 (22) おほつの 2 み 1 やに (23) あめ 2 の 2 した (24) しらしめ 1 しけ 1 む (25) すめ 1 ろ 2 き 1 の 2 (26) かみ 2 のみ 1 こ 2 と 2 の 2 (27) おほ み 1 やは (28) こ 2 こ 2 と 2 き 1 け 2 ど 2 も 2 (29) おほと 2 の 2 は (30) こ 2 こ 2 と 2 いへ 2 ど 2 も 2 (31) はるくさの 2 (32) しげ 2 くおひ 2 たる (33) かす み 1 たつ (34) はるひ 1 の 2 き 2 れる (35) も 1 も 1 しき 2 の 2 (36) おほみ 1 や ど 2 こ 2 ろ 2 (37) み 1 ればかなしも 1 Romanization (1) TAMA TA-sukî (2) Unembï-NÖ YAMA-nö (3) KASIPARA-nö (4) PÎnZIRINÖ MÎ-YÖ-YU (5) are-[I]MAS-I-si (6) KAMÏ-NÖ KÖTÖ-ŋ-GÖTÖ (7) TUŋGA-NÖ KÏ-nö (8) IYA TUŋG-Î TUŋG-Î n-i (9) AMË-NÖ SITA (10) SIRAS-I-mês-i-si-wo (11) SÔRA-ni mîtu (12) YAMATÖ-wo OK-Î-TE (13) AWO NI YÖ-SI (14) NARA YAMA-wo KÔYE (15) IKA SAMA-NI (16) OMÖPOS-I-mês-e ka (17) AMA-n-ZAKAR-U (18) PÎNA-NI pa AR-E-nDÖ (19) IPAm -BASIR-U (20) APUMÎ-NÖ KUNI-nö (21) SASANAMÎ-nö (22) OPOTUNÖ MÎYA-ni (23) AMË-NÖ SITA (24) SIR-AS-I-mês-i-kêm-u (25) SUMÊRÖKÎ N-Ö (26) KAMÏ-NÖ MÏ-kötö-nö (27) OPO MÎYA pa (28) KÖKÖ tö KÎK-Ë-nDÖMÖ (29) OPO TÖNÖ pa (30) KÖKÖ tö IP-Ë-nDÖMÖ (31) PARU KUSA-NÖ (32) SIŋGË-KU OPÏ-TAR-U (33) KASUMÎ TAT-U (34) PARU PÎ-NÖ KÏR-Er-u (35) MÔMÔ sikï-NÖ (36) OPO MÎYA-nDÖKÖRÖ (37) MÎ-RE-mba KANASI-mö

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Glossing with morphemic analysis (1) jade hand-sash (2) Unembï-GEN mountain-GEN (3) Kasipara-GEN (4) sage [Emperor]-GEN HON-age-ABL (5) be.born-HON-INF-PAST.ATTR (6) deity-GEN matter-LOC-matter (7) tuŋga-GEN tree-COMP (8) more.and.more follow-INF follow-NML DV-INF (9) Heaven-GEN under (10) rule-HONINF-HON-INF-PAST.ATTR-ACC (11) sky-LOC under (12) Yamatö-ACC leave-INF-SUB (13) green earth be.good-FIN (14) Nara mountain-ACC cross(INF) (15) which way-LOC (16) think-HON-INF-HON-EV IP (17) heaven-COMP-be.far.away-ATTR (18) countryside-LOC TOP exist-EVCONC (19) rock-LOC-run-ATTR (20) Apumî-GEN province-GEN (21) Sasanamî/gentle.wave-GEN (22) Opotu-GEN palace-LOC (23) [the Land] under Heaven (24) rule-HON-INF-HON-INF-PAST/TENT-FIN (25) male.imperial.ancestor-GEN (26) deity-COMP HON-matter-GEN (27) great palace TOP (28) here DV hear-EV-CONC (29) great hall TOP (30) here DV say-EV-CONC (31) spring grass-GEN (32) be.dense-INF grow(INF)PERF/PROG-ATTR (33) mist rise-ATTR (34) spring day-GEN be.foggyPROG-ATTR (35) hundred [times] desired DV-ATTR (36) Great PalaceGEN-place (37) see-EV-CON be.sad-EXCL Translation (6) The divine matters (5) that came into being (4) from the age of the sage [Emperor] (3) on Kasipara [plain] (2) [at the foothills] of Mt. Unembï (1) that wears a jade hand sash (8) followed more and more and one after another (7) like a tuŋga tree [that grows up and up]. (10) Although [Emperor Tenji] ruled (9) [the Land] under Heaven, (12) leaving Yamatö, (11) [the Land] under Heaven, and (14) crossing mountains of Nara (13) where the green earth is good, (15) in which way (16) did [he] deign to think? (18) Although [it] is in the countryside (17) that is as far from [Yamatö] as Heaven, (24) [Emperor Tenji] ruled (23) [the Land] under Heaven (22) from Opotu palace (21) at Sasanamî (20) in Apumî province (21) where gentle waves (19) run on the rocks. (27/28) Although [I] hear that the Great Palace of (26) a deity-like representative (25) of the male imperial ancestors (28) [was] here, [and] (30) although [they] say that (29) the Great Hall [was] here, (32) [they] are densely overgrown (31) with the spring grass. (37) When [I] see (36) the place of the Grand Palace, (35) which was hundred [times] desired (34) covered in fog on the spring day (33) when the mist rises, (37) [it] is sad! Commentary On WOJ tama ta-sukî ‘jade hand sash’ see the commentary to 1.5. On Mt. Unembï see the commentaries to the preface to 1.2 and to 1.13. Kasipara plain (橿原) was located in the south-eastern foothills of Mt. Unembï, in the area of Unebi town (Unebi-chō, 畝傍町) in Kasihara city (Kasihara-shi, 橿 原 市) in present-day Nara prefecture (Itō 1983: 126), (Nakanishi 1985: 434). The palace of the legendary Emperor Jinmu (Jinmu tennō, 神武天皇)152 was located there. WOJ pînziri (日知, 聖) ‘sage’ is considered to have two meanings: 1) ‘Emperor’ and ‘sage’ (Omodaka et al. 1967: 610-611). But this separation of meaning seems to be artificial, because of PÎNZIRI n-ö SUMÊRA (聖乃天皇) ‘sage emperor’ (SM 9.2).153 Thus, WOJ pînziri has in fact only one meaning: 152 153

First Sovereign by the traditional count of Emperors. Kitagawa (1982: 19).

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‘sage’. Omodaka et al. believe that pî is ‘the sun’ and -sir-i in pî-n-ziri is a nominalized form of the verb sir- ‘to rule’ (Omodaka et al. 1967: 611). However, something is strange with this explanation even given the solaroriented nature of the Japanese native religion: Japanese Emperors were successors to the sun deity Amaterasu-no Ōmi-kami, but they really did not know the sun, let alone ruled it. I think that that there is an alternative explanation that deserves our attention. Who, after all, is a sage? It is a person who knows things, or knows how to do. In OK there is a person’s name 日知 (SKSK 1.6a, 1.17a). We do not know its reading, but in MK hʌ́y ‘the sun’ is homophonous with hʌ́y-, one of stems of the verb hʌ́- ‘to do’. Therefore, I think that the hypothetic OK reading of 日知 is *hʌy-(a)-ar-i ‘a person who knows how to do’. Thus, the Korean word is a mixture of hundok (訓讀) phonographic reading for hʌy- ‘to do’ and logographic reading for ar- ‘to know’. Consequently, WOJ pînziri could be either an imperfect calque from OK 日知 *hʌy-(a)-ar-i, or, given the fact that there are no phonographic attestations of this word in WOJ, it could even be a direct loan from OK (hypothetical WOJ *kayari), which in later Heian times was assigned an incorrect Japanicized reading finziri on the basis of spelling 日知, once any peninsular connection was completely lost. Here WOJ pînziri ‘sage’ refers to the above mentioned Emperor Jinmu, who set out on his Eastern Campaign (Tōsei, 東征) from Pîmuka (MdJ Hyūga, 日向),154 and after conquering on his way various hostile tribes, settled and ascended the throne in Kasipara in 660 BC according to traditional calendar.155 The logogram 從 ‘from’ in line four is mostly used in WOJ to render the ablative case markers -yu or -yôri. Although it is obviously based on the Classical Chinese preposition 從 cóng ‘from’, in WOJ it is predominantly found in postpositional position to a noun or a NP, according to a Japanese word order. In spite of this fact, 從 cannot be treated as kungana, because it is not used to write any other [yu] or [yôri] sequences. WOJ are- ‘to be born’, ‘to come into being’, ‘to appear’ in line five is an apparent derivation from OJ ar- ‘to exist’, probably by adding verb e- ‘to get’ to infinitive form ar-i-: *ar-i- + e- > are- (Whitman 2008), (Frellesvig & Whitman 2012). On WOJ tuŋga-nö kï ~ tôŋga-nô kï ‘tuŋga tree’ in line seven see the commentary to 17.4006. Because WOJ tuŋga-nö kï is a high evergreen tree, it was probably used here as metaphorical comparison for the following iya tuŋgî tuŋg-î ‘followed more and more and one after another’ in line eight. One can also see a phonetic symbolism between tuŋga and tuŋg-î. Since WOJ honorific auxiliary mês- in line ten historically goes back to honorific form mês- < *mi-as- of the verb mî- ‘to see’, ‘to look’ (Vovin 2009a: 1023), the usage of the character 食 ‘to eat’ to write mês-i ‘HON-INF’ here or mês-e ‘HON-EV’ in line sixteen is probably a kungana usage.156 WOJ sôra-ni mîtu (天尓満) ‘to fill the sky’ in line eleven is an apparent attempt to etymologize sôra mîtu ‘under sky’. It is found exclusively in this poem and nowhere else not only in the Man’yōshū, but in the extant OJ corpus 154 155

Hyūga corresponds to present-day Miyazaki prefecture. Alternatively suggested modernized date is 1 AD. Both are wrong, but the second is much closer to the truth. 156 In an independent usage mês- can be used as an honorific verb ‘to eat’ (Vovin 2009a: 1024), but this appears only in 8.1460 in the whole Man’yōshū), and in any case is not applicable here, because no eating is involved.

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in general. 157 Cf. also 1.29b, which does not have -ni. On WOJ sôra mîtu ‘under sky’ see the commentary to 5.894. WOJ mîtu is a loanword from some variety of Old Korean (otherwise unattested), but cf. MK míth ‘under’. On Yamatö province and Yamatö as the name of the country see the commentary to 1.1. On the permanent epithet (makura-kotoba, 枕詞) awo ni yö-si, the place name Nara, WOJ ni ‘earth, soil, clay’, and the lack of strict differentiation between final and attributive forms of inflected adjectives in OJ in lines sixteen and seventeen see the commentary to 15.3602. On Nara mountains see the commentary to 1.17. On ama-n-zakar-u ‘to be as far from the capital as Heaven’ see the commentary to 15.3608. WOJ ipa-m-basir-u rock-LOC-run-ATTR ‘to run on/through the rocks’ is considered to be a permanent epithet to Apumî and two words for ‘waterfall’ in WOJ: tarumî and takî, but it is absolutely transparent and in the case of Apumî probably refers to the small waves in the lake, so I translate it here and elsewhere. On Apumî province see the commentary to the postscript to the poem 1.7. WOJ sasa in Sasanamî is often considered to be etymologically related to OJ sasara ~ sanzare ‘small’, on which see the commentary to 14.3446. But there is no word sasa ‘small’ per se in OJ, and the character 樂 means ‘pleasant’, ‘gentle’. I will provide more on this below. Omodaka presents two hypotheses that: (1) sasa namî is a permanent epithet (makura-kotoba, 枕詞) to Apumî, and (b) that it is a place name and their criticism (1977.1: 261-262). Because WOJ sasa namî can be written both as 樂浪 and 神樂浪, Omodaka thinks that sasa might have originated from hayasi-kotoba (囃 言 葉) ‘meaningless utterance used in song to keep the rhythm’ sasa in the Kojiki kayō and the Kagura uta (1977.1: 262), but since the connection is not clarified by Omodaka, his own proposal is no more than a stretch of imagination. What remains unclear is that why the character 樂 obtained the reading sasa, although Omodaka notes the following passage in the Wamyōshō as a name of a village in Këta district in Tamba province: 樂前 佐 々 乃久 萬 SasaSAKÎ: Sasa-nö kuma 158 (Omodaka 1977.1: 262). I should also note that Sasanamî is spelled phonographically as 左散難弥 in 1.31. Besides, I want to note that 樂浪 was used as a very frequent place name and less frequent personal name in Ancient Korea (Song 2004: 685-686). Unfortunately, we do not know its reading. But the presence of two other rather obvious place names of Korean origin in the area: Kara sakî ‘Korean promontory’ (1.30, 2.152, and 13.3240) and Pîra (cf. MK pyèrh, MdK pyelang ‘cliff’, 1.31), I believe that the probability is quite high that sasa in Sasa namî is also a Korean loanword. Namely, there is MK sàksàk-hʌ̀- ‘to be gentle’, ‘to be tender’, ‘to be soft’. I think that these observations as well as the fact that Sasanamî is clearly used as a place name in 1.30-1.33 (as well as in other poems in the Man’yōshū) point clearly to the solution that Sasanamî refers to a place name. However, it is also possible that we have a play on words here, with sasa namî meaning ‘gentle waves’, which then be syntactically (but somewhat ungrammatically) connected to isimbasir- ‘to run on the rocks’. This 157

Since wooden tablets (mokkan, 木簡) continue to be excavated, there is always a chance that one day wooden tablets with man’yōgana characters that so far are to considered to have singular attestations would come to light. 158 WMS 8: 4a.

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caused the inclusion of the translation of line twenty-one twice in two different places, because it is impossible to do it otherwise in the English syntax. On Apumî Opotu palace and on the biography of Emperor Tenji see the commentary to the preface to the poems 1.13-14. On sumêrökî ‘male imperial ancestors’ see the commentary to 15.3688. On WOJ mômô sikï n-ö ‘which is hundred [times] desired’ see the commentary to 18.4040. WOJ sikï ‘desired’ is a loan from otherwise unattested OK predecessor of MK sìk-pù- ‘to be desired’.

1.29b

本文・Original text (1) 玉手次 (2) 畝火之山乃 (3) 橿原乃 (4) 日知之自宮 (5) 阿礼座師 (6) 神 之盡 (7) 樛木乃 (8) 弥継嗣尓 (9) 天下 (10) 所知食來 (11) 虚見 (12) 倭乎置 (13) 青丹吉 (14) 平山越而 (15) 何方 (16) 所念計米可 (17) 天離 (18) 夷者 雖有 (19) 石走 (20) 淡海國乃 (21) 樂浪乃 (22) 大津宮尓 (23) 天下 (24) 所 知食兼 (25) 天皇之 (26) 神之御言能 (27) 大宮者 (28) 此間等雖聞 (29) 大 殿者 (30) 此間等雖云 (31) 霞立 (32) 春日香霧流 (33) 夏草香 (34) 繁成奴 留 (35) 百磯城之 (36) 大宮處 (37) 見者左夫思母 仮名の書き下し・Kana transliteration (1) たまたすき 1 (2) うねび 2 の 2 やまの 2 (3) かしはらの 2 (4) ひ 1 じり の 2 み 1 やゆ (5) あれましし (6) かみ 2 の 2 こ 2 と 2 ご 2 と 2 (7) つがの 2 き 2 の 2 (8) いやつぎ 1 つぎ 1 に (9) あめ 2 の 2 した (10) しらしめ 1 しけ 1 る (11) そ 2 らみ 1 つ (12) やまと 2 をおき 1 (13) あをによ 2 し (14) ならや まをこ 1 え 2 て (15) いかさまに (16) おも 2 ほしけ 1 め 2 か (17) あまざか る (18) ひ 1 なにはあれど 2 (19) いはばしる (20) あふみ 1 の 2 くにの 2 (21) ささなみ 1 の 2 (22) おほつの 2 み 1 やに (23) あめ 2 の 2 した (24) しらし め 1 しけ 1 む (25) すめ 1 ろ 2 き 1 の 2 (26) かみ 2 のみ 1 こ 2 と 2 の 2 (27) お ほみ 1 やは (28) こ 2 こ 2 と 2 き 1 け 2 ど 2 も 2 (29) おほと 2 の 2 は (30) こ 2 こ 2 と 2 いへ 2 ど 2 も 2 (31) かすみ 1 たつ (32) はるひ 1 かき 2 れる (33) な つくさか (34) しげ 2 くなりぬる (35) も 1 も 1 しき 2 の 2 (36) おほみ 1 や ど 2 こ 2 ろ 2 (37) み 1 ればさぶしも 2 Romanization (1) TAMA TA-sukî (2) Unembï-NÖ YAMA-nö (3) KASIPARA-nö (4) PÎnZIRINÖ MÎYA-YU (5) are-[I]MAS-I-si (6) KAMÏ-NÖ KÖTÖ-ŋ-GÖTÖ (7) TUŋGA-NÖ KÏ-nö (8) IYA TUŋG-Î TUŋG-Î n-i (9) AMË-NÖ SITA (10) SIRAS-I-mês-i-KÊR-U (11) sôra mîtu (12) YAMATÖ-wo OK-Î (13) AWO NI YÖ-SI (14) NARA YAMA KÔYE-TE (15) IKA SAMA-NI (16) OMÖP-OS-Ikêm-ë ka (17) AMA-n-ZAKAR-U (18) PÎNA-NI pa AR-E-nDÖ (19) IPA-nBASIR-U (20) APUMÎ-NÖ KUNI-nö (21) SASANAMÎ-nö (22) OPOTU-NÖ MÎYA-ni (23) AMË-NÖ SITA (24) SIR-AS-I-mês-i-kêm-u (25) SUMÊRÖKÎ N-Ö (26) KAMÏ-NÖ MÏ-kötö-nö (27) OPO MÎYA pa (28) KÖKÖ tö KÎK-Ën DÖMÖ (29) OPO TÖNÖ pa (30) KÖKÖ tö IP-Ë-nDÖMÖ (31) KASUMÎ TAT-U (32) PARU PÎ ka KÏR-Er-u (33) NATU KUSA ka (34) SIŋGË-KU NAR-I-n-uru (35) MÔMÔ sikï-NÖ (36) OPO MÎYA-n-DÖKÖRÖ (37) MÎRE-mba sambusi-mö Glossing with morphemic analysis (1) jade hand-sash (2) Unembï-GEN mountain-GEN (3) Kasipara-GEN (4) sage [Emperor]-GEN palace-ABL (5) be.born-HON-INF-PAST.ATTR (6)

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deity-GEN matter-LOC-matter (7) tuŋga-GEN tree-COMP (8) more.and.more follow-INF follow-NML DV-INF (9) Heaven-GEN under (10) rule-HONINF-HON-INF-RETR-ATTR (11) sky under (12) Yamatö-ACC leave-INF (13) green earth be.good-FIN (14) Nara mountain cross(INF)-SUB (15) which way-LOC (16) think-HON-INF-PAST/TENT-EV IP (17) heaven-COMPbe.far.away-ATTR (18) countryside-LOC TOP exist-EV-CONC (19) rockLOC-run-ATTR (20) Apumî-GEN province-GEN (21) Sasanamî/gentle.waveGEN (22) Opotu-GEN palace-LOC (23) [the Land] under Heaven (24) ruleHON-INF-HON-INF-PAST/TENT-FIN (25) male.imperial.ancestor-GEN (26) deity-COMP HON-matter-GEN (27) great palace TOP (28) here DV hear-EVCONC (29) great hall TOP (30) here DV say-EV-CONC (31) mist rise-ATTR (32) spring day IP be.foggy-PROG-ATTR (33) summer grass IP (34) be.denseINF become-INF-PERF-ATTR (35) hundred [times] desired DV-ATTR (36) Great Palace-GEN-place (37) see-EV-CON be.sad-EXCL Translation (6) The divine matters (5) that came into being (4) from the palace of the sage [Emperor] (3) on Kasipara [plain] (2) [at the foothills] of Mt. Une mbï (1) that wears a jade hand sash (8) followed more and more and one after another (7) like a tuŋga tree [that grows up and up]. (10) [Emperor Tenji] ruled over (9) [the Land] under Heaven, (12) leaving Yamatö, (11) [the Land] under Heaven, and (14) crossing mountains of Nara (13) where the green earth is good, (15) in which way (16) did [he] probably deign to think? (18) Although [it] is in the countryside (17) that is as far from [Yamatö] as Heaven, (24) [Emperor Tenji] ruled (23) [the Land] under Heaven (22) from Opotu palace (21) at Sasanamî (20) in Apumî province (21) where gentle waves (19) run on the rocks. (27/28) Although [I] hear that the Great Palace of (26) a deity-like representative (25) of the male imperial ancestors (28) [was] here, [and] (30) although [they] say that (29) the Great Hall [was] here, (32) are [they] covered in fog on the spring day (31) when the mist rises with the spring grass, or (34) are [they] densely overgrown (33) with the summer grass? (37) When [I] see (36) the place of the Grand Palace, (35) which was hundred [times] desired, (37) [it] is sad! Commentary In the commentary to 1.29b I discuss only the lines and passages that are different from 1.29a. For the rest please refer to the commentary to 1.29a. The character 自 ‘from’ in line four in contrast to 從 ‘from’ in line four of 1.29a is predominantly used as an ongana phonogram for nzi in the Man’yōshū, but when it stands as a logogram for the WOJ ablative case markers -yu or -yôri, it is almost invariably found as the preposition to a noun or a NP, according to the Chinese word order. Like 從 ‘from’, as a logogram for an ablative case marker, 自 is also based on Classical Chinese preposition 自 zì ‘from’. Lines eleven and twelve are hypometric (jitarazu, 字足らず) in contrast to 1.29a, where both have a normal count of syllables. Line fourteen when compared to the same line in 1.29a does not have accusative case marker -wo, but instead has subordinative gerund -te after kôye- ‘to cross’. Line sixteen has omöp-os-i-kêm-ë ‘did [he] probably deign to think?’ instead of omöp-os-i-mês-ë ka ‘did [he] think?’ in 1.29a. While the variant from 1.29b is more grammatical, since it includes a past tentative -kêm-, it is strange that the reference to an Emperor’s action includes only one honorific

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-os-. Vice versa, the variant from 1.29a is appropriate from the sociolinguistic point of view, because it includes the high honorific mês-, but less grammatical, because there is no overt reference to the past. Perhaps, the original form was *omöp-os-i-mês-i-kêm-ë ka, but it was shortened one way or another to avoid super-hypermetricity with nine syllables instead of required seven. Lines thirty-one to thirty-four are completely restructured in 1.29b as compared to 1.29b, with some additional lexical and morphosyntactic differences. The difference between WOJ sambusi ‘to be sad’ in 1.29b and WOJ kanasi ‘to be sad’ in 1.29a seems to be that sambusi may also mean ‘to be lonely’, while kanasi means in addition ‘to be deeply moved’. Note that WOJ and EOJ kanasi ‘to be dear’ is an unrelated word.

Preface to the poems 1.30-31 本文・Original text 反歌 Translation Envoys. Commentary These two envoys are composed by Kakînömötö-nö Pîtömarö for the poem 1.29a (or its variant 1.29b). They have no date.

1.30

本文・Original text (1) 樂浪之 (2) 思賀乃辛碕 (3) 雖幸有 (4) 大宮人之 (5) 船麻知兼津 仮名の書き下し・Kana transliteration (1) ささなみ 1 の 2 (2) しがの 2 からさき 1 (3) さき 1 くあれど 2 (4) おほ み 1 やひ 1 と 2 の 2 (5) ふねまちかねつ Romanization (1) SASANAMÎ-NÖ (2) Siŋga-nö Kara SAKÎ (3) SAKÎ-KU AR-E-nDÖ (4) OPO MÎYA PÎTÖ-NÖ (5) PUNE MAT-I-kane-t-u Glossing with morphemic analysis (1) Sasanamî-GEN (2) Siŋga-GEN Korea promontory (3) be.calm-INF existEV-CONC (4) great palace person-GEN (5) boat wait-INF-NEG.POT (INF)PERF-FIN Translation (2) Korean promontory at Siŋga (1) in Sasanamî (3) is calm, but (5) [it] cannot expect a boat (4) with the people of the Great Palace. Commentary Only the man’yōgana portion of this poem (except two last characters 兼津 in line five) is found in the Genryaku kōhon, so the reconstruction of its text relies to the certain extent on the Ruijū koshū (11: 46).

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On Sasanamî see the commentary to 1.29a. Siŋga area corresponds to northern part of Ōtsu city (Ōtsu-shi, 大津市) and Shiga county (Shiga-gun, 滋賀郡) in present-day Shiga prefecture (Nakanishi 1985: 451). The character 辛 ‘spicy’, ‘bitter’ is a kungana for kara. In modern editions of the Man’yōshū, Kara sakî is usually treated as a 唐崎 ‘Chinese (lit. Tang) promontory’ (Omodaka 1977.1: 266), (Itō 1983: 135). In OJ texts kara can stand for both Kara kuni (韓國) ‘Korea’ and Kara kuni (唐國) ‘Tang China’, with the clear higher frequency and preference for the former in the older texts and for the latter in the more recent texts,159 which is hardly surprising, simply because Kara is etymologically derived from the name of the Old Korean state Kara ~ Karak, on which see the additional commentary to 15.3627. Thus, Omodaka argument that nowadays this place name is written as 唐 崎 (Omodaka 1977.1: 266) is a non-argument. Rather, it is much more important that in the Man’yōshū itself, the same place name is written unambiguously in the logographic script as 韓埼 ‘Korean promontory’: 樂浪乃志我能韓埼 SASANAMÎ-nö Siŋga-nö KARA SAKÎ ‘Korean promontory at Siŋga in Sasanamî’ (13.3240). It is also significant that such expressions as Kara pîtö (辛人, 4.569) and Kara körömö (辛衣, 11.2682) in the Man’yōshū refer to ‘Koreans’ and ‘Korean garment’, and not to ‘Tang Chinese’ and ‘Tang Chinese garment’. Kara sakî is located nowadays in the northern part of Ōtsu city (Ōtsu-shi, 大津市) on the western bank of Biwa lake (Biwa-ko, 琵琶湖)160 in presentday Shiga prefecture (Nakanishi 1985: 439). Line three is hypermetric (jiamari, 字余り), but this is probably a graphic illusion, since sakî-ku ar-e-ndö ‘although [it] is calm’ was in all probability pronounced as [sakîkarendö]. OJ kane- is a negative potential auxiliary verb. In WOJ it expresses impossibility of doing a desired action (Vovin 2009a: 994).

1.31

本文・Original text (1) 左散難弥乃 (2) 志我能一云比良乃大和太 (3) 與杼六友 (4) 昔人二 (5) 亦 母相目八毛一云将會跡母戸八 仮名の書き下し・Kana transliteration (1) ささなみ 1 の 2 (2) しがの 2 一云ひらの 2 おほわだ (3) よ 2 ど 2 むと 2 も (4) むかしの 2 ひ 1 と 2 に (5) またも 2 あはめ 2 やも 1 一云あはむと 2 も 2 へ 2 や

2

Romanization (1) Sasanamî-nö (2) Siŋga-nö A variant: Pîra-nö OPO wanda (3) yöndöm-u tömö (4) MUKASI-NÖ PÎTÖ-ni (5) MATA mö AP-Am-ë ya mö A variant: AP-AM-U tö [o]möp-ë ya

Glossing with morphemic analysis (1) Sasanamî-GEN (2) Siŋga-GEN A variant: Pîra-GEN great bend (3) be.silted-FIN 159

To take two extreme examples, Kara (spelled 韓 or 加 羅 ) in the Nihonshoki refers exclusively to Korea or certain parts thereof, but in the Shoku Nihongi it seems to be applied only to Tang China (唐). 160 Lake Biwa corresponds, of course, to OJ Apumî lake.

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CONJ (4) old.times-GEN person-DAT (5) again FP meet-TENT-EV IP EP

A

variant: meet-TENT-FIN DV think-EV IP

Translation (3) Even if (2) the great bend at Siŋga A variant: in Pîra (1) in Sasanamî (3) is silted, (5) would [I] meet again A variant: Will [I] think that [I] will meet (4) the people from the old times? [-- Certainly, I would/will not!]. Commentary This poem is not included in the Genryaku kōhon, so the reconstruction of its text largely relies on the Ruijū koshū (11: 47). This poem contains variant lines two and five, but unlike the case of 1.29a and 1.29b the differences are not that considerable to delegate the discussion to two separate varieties of the same poem. On Sasanamî see the commentary to 1.29a. On Siŋga area see the commentary to 1.30. WOJ Pîra indicates the area on the west shore of lake Biwa from Shiga town (Shiga-chō, 志賀町) to Hira (比良) and Komatsu (小松) in Shiga county (Shiga-gun, 滋賀郡) in present-day Shiga prefecture. This place name is likely to be of the Korean origin, cf. pyèrh, MdK pyelang ‘cliff’. WOJ wanda in line two is a ‘bend in the land shape’, which could indicate, inter alia, an estuary of a river, which was a frequent place for harbors (Omodaka et al. 1967: 819), (Omodaka 1977.1: 267), (Itō 1983: 137). It certainly does not mean ‘sea’, not because of the Omodaka’s argument that the character 太 ‘majestic, thick’ stands for nda, and not for ta (1977.1: 267), because 太 can be used for ta in OJ, albeit not very frequently, but for the simple natural phenomenon that seas cannot silt (although they can dry up), but estuaries of rivers can and do. The numeral ‘six’ is not attested per se in the phonographic writing in OJ, but the usage of the character 六 ‘six’ as a kungana for the syllable mu in line three reveals the fact that at least the WOJ word for ‘six’ was mu (no similar evidence for EOJ). WOJ mukasi-nö pîtö ‘people of the old times’ in line four points to opo mîya pîtö ‘people of the Great Palace’ in 1.30. Line five in the main variant is hypermetric (jiamari, 字余り). It avoids the hypermetricity in the second variant by aphaeresis of the first vowel in the verb omöp- > möp-, at least in writing.

Preface to the poems 1.32-33

本文・Original text 高市古人感傷近江舊堵作歌或書云高市連黒人 Translation [Two] poems composed by Takëti-nö Purupîtö grieving for the old capital in Apumî. A certain book says that [they were composed by] Takëti-nö muranzi Kurôpîtö. Commentary Nothing is known about the biography of Takëti-nö Purupîtö, as he is not mentioned in any sources. There is a consensus that this is a mistake for Takëti-nö muranzi Kurôpîtö, who is mentioned as an alternative author (Omodaka 1977.1: 269), (Itō 1983: 145), (Nakanishi 1985: 246).

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On the biography of Takëti-nö muranzi Kurôpîtö see the commentary to the preface to 17.4016. On asömî, muranzi, sukune, pumbîtö, and other kabane (姓) ranks see footnote 17 on p. 33 of the Man’yōshū book fifteen. The poems 1.32-1.33 have no date.

1.32

本文・Original text (1) 古 (2) 人尓和礼有哉 (3) 樂浪乃 (4) 故京乎 (5) 見者悲寸 仮名の書き下し・Kana transliteration (1) いにしへ 1 の 2 (2) ひ 1 と 2 にわれあれや (3) ささなみ 1 の 2 (4) ふる き 1 み 1 やこ 1 を (5) み 1 ればかなしき 1 Romanization (1) INISIPÊ-NÖ (2) PÎTÖ n-i ware AR-E YA (3) SASANAMÎ-NÖ (4) PURUKÎ MÎYAKÔ-wo (5) MÎ-RE-mba KANASI-kî Glossing with morphemic analysis (1) ancient.time-GEN (2) person DV-INF I exist-EV IP (3) Sasanamî-GEN (4) be.old-ATTR capital-ACC (5) see-EV-CON be.sad-ATTR Translation (2) Am I a person (1) from the ancient time? [-- Certainly not!] (5) [But I] am sad when [I] see (4) the old capital (3) in Sasanamî. Commentary This poem is not included in the Genryaku kōhon, so the reconstruction of its text largely relies on the Ruijū koshū (11: 47). WOJ inisipê ‘ancient time, past’ etymologically is a compound that goes back to in- ‘to go away’, -i-, infinitive, -si, past attributive, and -pê ‘side’; thus literally ‘the side that went away’. The syntax of the second line shows an interesting inversion: pîtö n-i ware ar-e ya, with ware ‘I’ inserted between the infinitive n-i of the defective verb n- and ar- ‘to exist’ that function in combination as a copula instead of the regular and expected *ware pîtö n-i ar-e ya, because normally only certain particles can be inserted between n-i and ar-. This unusual structure is certainly dictated by the needs of the poetic structure of this poem, because inisipê-nö ‘of the past’ has to modify pîtö ‘person’ and not ware ‘I’. On Sasanamî see the commentary to 1.29a. Old capital is Emperor’s Tenji capital in Opotu.

1.33

本文・Original text (1) 樂浪乃 (2) 國都美神乃 (3) 浦佐備而 (4) 荒有京 (5) 見者悲毛 仮名の書き下し・Kana transliteration (1) ささなみ 1 の 2 (2) くにつみ 1 かみ 2 の 2 (3) うらさび 2 て (4) あれたる み 1 やこ 1 (5) み 1 ればかなしも 1

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Romanization (1) SASANAMÎ-NÖ (2) KUNI-tu mî-KAMÏ-nö (3) ura-sambï-TE (4) ARETAR-U MÎYAKÔ (5) MÎ-RE-mba KANASI-mô Glossing with morphemic analysis (1) Sasanamî-GEN (2) land-Gen/LOC HON-deity-GEN (3) heartlament(INF)-SUB (4) be.abandoned(INF)-PERF/PROG-ATTR capital (5) seeEV-CON be.sad-EXCL Translation (2) The land deity (1) of Sasanamî (3) laments [this in his] heart, and (4/5) when [I] see the abandoned capital, [it] is sad! Commentary This poem is not included in the Genryaku kōhon, so the reconstruction of its text largely relies on the Ruijū koshū (11: 47). On Sasanamî see the commentary to 1.29a. There was a popular religious belief in Ancient Japan that a land would prosper if the deity-protector of the land is happy, and it would decline if he is sad or displeased. Omodaka notes that a land and its deity were essentially the same thing, with the deity being a symbolic representation of the land, and the land being the material manifestation of the deity (Omodaka 1977.1: 272).

Preface to the poem 1.34

本文・Original text 幸于紀伊國時川嶋皇子御作歌或云山上臣憶良作 Translation A poem composed by Imperial Prince Kapasima at the time when the Empress went to Kïyi province. Some say [it was] a composition by Yamanöupë-nö omî Okura. Commentary The Empress is Empress Jitō. On Kïyi province see the commentary to the postscript to 1.7. Imperial Prince Kapasima is the second son of Emperor Tenji. In the tenth year of Tenmu (681 AD) he was ordered, together with some others, to make the compilation of the Teiki (帝紀) ‘Imperial Records’,161 which is considered to be the beginning of the composition of the Nihonshoki. Imperial Prince Kapasima might have composed yet another poem in the Man’yōshū (9.1716), for which he is mentioned as an alternative author. In addition, he is the author of one poem in in the Kaifūsō (懐風藻)162 that has a note on his biography. From this note it turns out that he was on friendly terms with Imperial Prince Opotu, but, nevertheless, reported on the latter’s rebellion against Emperor Tenmu. He passed away at the age of thirty-five, on the ninth day of the ninth lunar month of the fifth year of Jitō (October 6, 691 AD), the next year after 161 162

Unfortunately, the Teiki is no longer extant. The Kaifūsō is the first anthology of Japanese poetry in Chinese (kanshi, 漢詩). It was compiled around the middle of the eighth century, but no later than 751 AD, because this is the date of the preface. The Kaifūsō consists of one book including 120 Chinese poems by sixtyfour Japanese poets. It covers chronologically the period from Emperor Tenji reign to approximately the date of its preface.

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the composition of this poem (see the postscript below). On this basis, we can calculate the year of his birth as 656 AD, although this is not mentioned in any sources. On Yamanöupë-nö Okura’s biography see the commentary to the preface to 5.794.

1.34

本文・Original text (1) 白浪乃 (2) 濱松之枝乃 (3) 手向草 (4) 幾代左右二賀 (5) 年乃経去良武 一云年者経尓計武

仮名の書き下し・Kana transliteration (1) しらなみ 1 の 2 (2) はままつがえ 2 の 2 (3) たむけ 2 くさ (4) いくよ 2 ま でにか (5) と 2 しの 2 へ 2 ぬらむ一云と 2 しはへ 2 にけ 1 む Romanization (1) SIRA NAMÎ-nö (2) PAMA MATU-NÖ YE-nö (3) TAMUKË kusa (4) IKU YÖ-MAnDE-ni ka (5) TÖSI-nö PË-n-uram-u A variant: TÖSI pa PË-n-i-kêm-u Glossing with morphemic analysis (1) white wave-GEN (2) shore pine-GEN branch-GEN (3) mountain.pass material (4) how.many age-TERM-LOC IP (5) year-GEN pass(INF)-PERFTENT2-ATTR A variant: year TOP pass(INF)-PERF-INF-PAST/TENT-ATTR Translation (3) The safe passage offerings (2) on the branches of pines at the shore (1) [that is washed] by white waves (4) for how long (5) the years would pass [until they remain]? A variant: the years would have passed [since I tied them]? Commentary This poem is not included in the Genryaku kōhon, so the reconstruction of its text largely relies on the Ruijū koshū (13: 3). On WOJ tamukë ‘mountain pass’ see the commentary to 15.3730. WOJ kusa is ‘material’. Here it refers to material from which nusa ‘ritual offerings for deities for the safe passage’ were made. These materials could be flax, mulberry paper bark cloth, strings, paper, etc. Nusa offerings were most frequently made at the mountain passes, hence the alternative name tamukë kusa ‘mountain pass material’. The characters 左 右 ‘left [and] right’ are the rebus writing for the terminative case marker -mande. Postscript to the poem 1.34 本文・Original text 日本紀云朱鳥四年庚寅秋九月天皇幸紀伊國也 Translation The Nihongi says that in the ninth lunar month in the autumn of the fourth year of Akamî töri the Empress went to Kïyi province.

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Commentary The Akamî töri (lit. Vermillion bird, 朱鳥) reign has an alternative modernized reading Shuchō. The fourth year of Akamî töri is the same as the fourth year of Jitō (Itō 1983: 148), although officially there was only one year of Akamî töri, because after that the name of the era was changed to Jitō (Omodaka 1977.1: 275). The ninth lunar month of the fourth year of Akamî töri corresponds to October 9, 690 AD -- November 6, 690 AD. According to the Nihonshoki, imperial excursion to Kïyi province departed on thirteenth day of the ninth lunar month (October 21), and returned on twenty-fourth day of the same month (November 1) of the fourth year of Akamî töri/Jitō. Thus, 1.34 must have been composed between these dates. Incidentally, this postscript also provides the time frame for the composition of the next poem 1.35. The Empress is Empress Jitō. On Kïyi province see the commentary to the postscript to 1.7.

Preface to the poem 1.35

本文・Original text 越勢能山時阿閇皇女御作歌 Translation A poem composed by Imperial Princess Apë at the time when [the imperial excursion to Kïyi province] was crossing Mt. Se. Commentary On the biography of Imperial Princess Apë see the commentary to the postscript to the poem 1.22. Imperial Princess Apë (later Empress Genmei) is the author of two poems in the Man’yōshū: 1.35 and 1.76. Mt. Se (Se-nö yama, 背の山) ‘Husband mountain’ (168 m)163 is one of the mountain pair called Imô se-nö yama (妹背の山) or Imô-tö se-nö yama (妹と 背の山) ‘Wife and Husband mountains’, located on the northern bank of Ki river (紀ノ川) (Imô-nö yama ‘Wife mountain’ is on the opposite side on the southern bank) in Tsuragi town (Tsuragi-chō, つらぎ町) of Ito county (Itogun, 伊都郡) of present-day Wakayama prefecture (Nakanishi 1985: 427).

1.35

本文・Original text (1) 此也是能 (2) 倭尓四手者 (3) 我戀流 (4) 木路尓有云 (5) 名二負勢能山 仮名の書き下し・Kana transliteration (1) こ 2 れやこ 2 の 2 (2) やまと 2 にしては (3) あがこ 1 ふる (4) き 2 ぢにあ りと 2 いふ (5) なにおふせの 2 やま Romanization (1) KÖRE ya KÖnö (2) YAMATÖ n-i s-i-te pa (3) A-ŋGA KÔP-Uru (4) Kï-nDI-ni AR-I TÖ IP-U (5) NA-ni OP-U Se n-ö yama Glossing with morphemic analysis (1) This IP this (2) Yamatö DV-INF do-INF-SUB TOP (3) I-POSS long.for163

Imô-nö yama is 124 m high.

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ATTR (4) Kï[yi]-GEN-road-LOC exist-FIN DV say-ATTR (5) name-LOC carry-ATTR husband DV-ATTR mountain Translation (1) Is this (5) Mt. Se that bears [this famous] name (4) that is said to be on the road to Kï[yi province], (4) for which I am longing for (1/2) when [I] am in this Yamatö [province]? Commentary This poem is not included in the Genryaku kōhon, so the reconstruction of its text largely relies on the Ruijū koshū (13: 3). On Yamatö province and Yamatö as the name of the country see the commentary to 1.1. On Kïyi province see the commentary to the postscript to 1.7. On Mt. Se (Se-nö yama, 背の山) see the commentary to the preface to 1.35.

Preface to the poems 1.36-39

本文・Original text 幸于吉野宮之時柿本朝臣人麻呂作歌 Translation Poems composed by Kakînömötö-nö asömî Pîtömarö during imperial excursion to Yösinô. Commentary On the biography of Kakînömötö-nö asömî Pîtömarö see the commentary to the preface to 1.29a-29b. On asömî, muranzi, sukune, pumbîtö, and other kabane (姓) ranks see footnote 17 on p. 33 of the Man’yōshū book fifteen. On Yösinô and the palace mentioned in 1.36 and 1.38 see the commentary to the preface to 18.4098-4100. On many more specific details on the detached palace in Mîyatakî see Omodaka (1977.1: 244-245). On the possible dates of this imperial excursion see the postscript to 1.3639.

1.36

本文・Original text (1) 八隅知之 (2) 吾大王之 (3) 所聞食 (4) 天下尓 (5) 國者思毛 (6) 澤二雖 有 (7) 山川之 (8) 清河内跡 (9) 御心乎 (10) 吉野乃國之 (11) 花散相 (12) 秋 津乃野邊尓 (13) 宮柱 (14) 太敷座波 (15) 百磯城乃 (16) 大宮人者 (17) 船 並弖 (18) 旦川渡 (19) 舟競 (20) 夕河渡 (21) 此川乃 (22) 絶事奈久 (23) 此 山乃 (24) 弥高思良珠 (25) 水激 (26) 瀧之宮子波 (27) 見礼跡不飽可問 仮名の書き下し・Kana transliteration (1) やすみ 1 ちし (2) わがおほき 1 み 1 の 2 (3) き 1 こ 2 しめ 1 す (4) あめ 2 の 2 したに (5) くにはしも 1 (6) さはにあれど 2 も 2 (7) やまかはの 2 (8) き 1 よ 1 き 1 かふちと 2 (9) み 1 こ 2 こ 2 ろ 2 を (10) よ 2 しの 1 の 2 くにの 2 (11) はなぢらふ (12) あき 1 づの 2 の 1 へ 1 に (13) み 1 やばしら (14) ふと 1 しき 1 ませば (15) も 1 も 1 しき 2 の 2 (16) おほみ 1 やひ 1 と 2 は (17) ふね

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なめ 2 て (18) あさかはわたり (19) ふなぎ 1 ほひ 1 (20) ゆふかはわたる (21) こ 2 の 2 かはの 2 (22) たゆるこ 2 と 2 なく (23) こ 2 の 2 やまの 2 (24) いやたかしらす (25) み 1 なはやき 1 (26) たき 1 の 2 みやこ 1 は (27) み 1 れ ど 2 あかぬかも Romanization (1) yasu mît-i-si (2) WA-ŋGa OPO KÎMÎ (3) KÎKÖS-I-MÊS-U (4) AMË-NÖ SITA-ni (5) KUNI pa si mô (6) sapa n-i AR-E-nDÖMÖ (7) YAMA KAPA-NÖ (8) KÎYÔ-KÎ KAP-UTI tö (9) MÎ-KÖKÖRÖ-wo (10) Yösinô-nö KUNI-NÖ (11) PANA-n-DIR-ap-u (12) Akîndu-nö NÔ-PÊ-ni (13) MÎYA-m-BASIRA (14) PUTÔ SIK-Î-[i]mas-e-mba (15) MÔMÔ sikï n-ö (16) OPO MÎYA PÎTÖ pa (17) PUNE NAMË-te (18) ASA KAPA WATAR-I (19) PUNA-ŋ-GÎPOP-Î (20) YUPU KAPA WATAR-U (21) KÖNÖ KAPA-nö (22) TAY-URU KÖTÖ na-ku (23) KÖNÖ YAMA-nö (24) IYA TAKA sir-as-u (25) MÎNA PAYA-KÎ (26) TAKÎ-NÖ MÎYAKÔ pa (27) MÎ-re-ndö AK-AN-U kamo Glossing with morphemic analysis (1) peace be.filled-INF-PAST.ATTR (2) we-POSS Great Lady (3) rule(HON)INF-HON-ATTR (4) heaven-GEN below-LOC (5) land TOP EP FP (6) many DV-INF exist-EV-CONC (7) mountain river-GEN (8) be.clear-ATTR riverinside DV (9) HON-heart-ACC (10) Yösinô-GEN land-GEN (11) flowerGEN-fall-ITER-ATTR (12) Akîndu-GEN field-side-LOC (13) palace-GENpillar (14) majestic spread-INF-HON-EV-CON (15) hundred desired DVATTR (16) great palace person TOP (17) boat place.side.by.side(INF)-SUN (18) morning river cross-INF (19) boat-LOC-compete (20) evening river cross-FIN (21) this river-COMP (22) end-ATTR matter not.exist-INF (23) this mountain-COMP (24) more.and.more high rule-HON-ATTR (25) water be.rapid-ATTR (26) waterfall-GEN capital TOP (27) look-EV-CONC be.satisfied-NEG-ATTR EP Translation (6) Although there are many (5) lands (4) in the Land under Heaven (2) that our Great Lady, (1) who is full of peace, (3) deigns to rule, (8) thinking of inside river (7) between rivers and mountains, (9) with [her] heart [set upon] (10) the land of Yösinô, (14) [she erected] majestic (13) pillars of the palace (12) at Akîndu field, where (11) flowers are constantly falling. (16) People from the Great Palace, (15) which is hundred [times] desired, (17) placing [their] boats side by side, (18) cross the river in the morning, and (19) compete in [their] boats, and (20) in the evening cross the river [again]. (26) The capital by the waterfall (25) with rapid water, (24) where [your] reign is higher (23) than these mountains, (22) and endless (21) like this river, (27) although [I] look at [it, I] cannot get enough! Commentary On WOJ yasu mît-i-si (八隅知之) ‘filled with peace’, see the commentary to 1.3. Line two is hypometric (jitarazu, 字足らず). On WOJ opo kîmî ‘Great Lord’, which refers to the Emperor, see the commentary to 5.794. Here it refers to Empress Jitō, therefore, I translate it as ‘Great Lady’, not ‘Great Lord’. On WOJ honorific auxiliary mês- see the commentary to 1.29a. I agree with Omodaka that we have mês-, and not wos- here (1977.1: 281), although it is

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difficult to tell with complete certainty. WOJ kap-uti ‘’river abode’ (lit. ‘inside river’ (a contraction of kapa ‘river’ and uti ‘inside’) refers to a habitat area surrounded by mountains with the river at its center (Itō 1983: 154). Note that the word order with the head noun followed by a modifier contradicts the SOV word order. On Yösinô see the commentary to the preface to 18.4098-4100. The exact location of Akîndu field in Yösinô is unknown, but it must have been in the vicinity of Mîyatakî (Omodaka 1977.1: 282), (Nakanishi 1985: 413). On WOJ mômô sikï n-ö ‘which is hundred [times] desired’ in line fifteen see the commentary to 18.4040. WOJ sikï ‘desired’ is a loan from otherwise unattested OK predecessor of MK sìk-pù- ‘to be desired’. Boat competition certainly implies the boat race. There is a philological problem with reading and interpretation of the character 激 ‘violent’ in line twenty-five. It certainly cannot be WOJ kïrap- ‘to be constantly foggy’, because there is no semantic match here, although the reading mîna-ŋ-gïr-ap-u for the characters 水 激 was frequently suggested before. It is unlikely to be sösök- ‘to pour’, because this action as described in KK 103 apparently implies pouring water from a container. One should not overlook the fact that originally 激 does not point to physical or emotional violence, as does its MdJ reading hageshii. It is rather ‘rapid’ regarding the water flow, which is further supported by the radical 氵 ‘water’ in the character. Consequently, the answer might be very simple: 激 is nothing but paya-kî ‘be fast’, ‘be rapid’ + adjectival attributive -kî. Line twenty-seven is hypermetric (jiamari, 字余り).

Preface to the poem 1.37 本文・Original text 反歌 Translation An envoy. Commentary This envoy is to the poem 1.36 by Kakînömötö-nö asömî Pîtömarö above.

1.37

本文・Original text (1) 雖見飽奴 (2) 吉野乃河之 (3) 常滑乃 (4) 絶事無久 (5) 復還見牟 仮名の書き下し・Kana transliteration (1) み 1 れど 2 あかぬ (2) よ 2 しの 1 の 2 かはの 2 (3) と 2 こ 2 なめ 2 の 2 (4) たゆるこ 2 と 2 なく (5) またかへ 1 りみ 1 む Romanization (1) MÎ-RE-nDÖ AK-An-u (2) YÖSINÔ-nö KAPA-NÖ (3) TÖKÖ NAMË-nö (4) TAY-URU KÖTÖ NA-ku (5) MATA KAPÊR-I MÎ-m-u Glossing with morphemic analysis (1) look-EV-CONC be.satisfied-NEG-ATTR (2) Yösinô-GEN river-GEN (3)

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eternal slippery.stone-COMP (4) end-ATTR matter not.exist-INF (5) again return-INF look-TENT-FIN Translation (5) [I] want to come back and look again (4) endlessly, like endless are (3) eternal moss-covered slippery stones (2) in Yösinô river (1) at which [I] look but cannot get enough [of looking at it]. Commentary Line one is hypermetric (jiamari, 字余り). On Yösinô see the commentary to the preface to 18.4098-4100. WOJ namë are slippery stones covered with moss that are found on the bottom and banks of rivers. The word is etymologically a nominalization of the verb namë- ‘to slip’.

1.38

本文・Original text (1) 安見知之 (2) 吾大王 (3) 神長柄 (4) 神佐備世須登 (5) 芳野川 (6) 多藝 津河内尓 (7) 高殿乎 (8) 高知座而 (9) 上立 (10) 國見乎爲勢婆 (11) 疊有 (12) 青垣山 (13) 山神乃 (14) 奉御調等 (15) 春部者 (16) 花挿頭持 (17) 秋 立者 (18) 黄葉頭刺理一云黄葉加射之 (19) 逝副 (20) 川之神母 (21) 大御食尓 (22) 仕奉等 (23) 上瀬尓 (24) 鵜川乎立 (25) 下瀬尓 (26) 小網刺渡 (27) 山 川母 (28) 依弖奉流 (29) 神乃御代鴨 仮名の書き下し・Kana transliteration (1) やすみ 1 ちし (2) わがおほき 1 み 1 (3) かむながら (4) かむさび 2 せす と 2 (5) よ 2 しの 1 がは (6) たぎ 1 つかふちに (7) たかど 2 の 2 を (8) たか しりまして (9) の 2 ぼりたち (10) くにみ 1 をせせば (11) たたなはる (12) あをかき 1 やま (13) やまつみ 1 の 2 (14) まつるみ 1 つき 2 と 2 (15) はる へ 1 には (16) はなかざしも 2 ち (17) あき 1 たてば (18) も 1 み 1 ちかざせ り一云も 1 み 1 ちばかざし (19) ゆき 1 そ 1 ふ (20) かはの 2 かみ 2 も 2 (21) おほ み 1 け 2 に (22) つかへ 2 まつると 2 (23) かみ 1 つせに (24) うかはをたち (25) しも 1 つせに (26) さでさしわたす (27) やまかはも 2 (28) よ 2 りてつ かふる (29) かみ 2 のみ 1 よ 2 かも 1 Romanization (1) yasu mît-i-si (2) WA-ŋGa OPO KÎMÎ (3) KAMU-na-ŋ-gara (4) KAMUsambï se-s-u tö (5) YÖSINÔ-ŋ-GAPA (6) taŋgît-u KAP-UTI-ni (7) TAKA-nDÖNÖ-wo (8) TAKA SIR-I-MAS-I-TE (9) NÖmBOR-I TAT-I (10) KUNI-MÎwo SE-s-e-mba (11) TATANAPAR-U (12) AWO KAKÎ YAMA (13) YAMATU MÎ-nö (14) MATUR-U MÎ-TUKÏ tö (15) PARU pê-NI pa (16) PANA KAnZAS-I MÖT-I (17) AKÎ TAT-E-mba (18) MÔMÎT-I KAnZaS-Er-i A variant: MÔMÎT-I-m-BA kanzas-i (19) YUK-Î-SÔP-U (20) KAPA-NÖ KAMÎ mö (21) OPO MÎ-KË-ni (22) TUKAPË-MATUR-U tö (23) KAMÎ-TU SE-ni (24) U KAPAwo TAT-I (25) SIMÔ-TU SE-ni (26) SAnDE SAS-I-WATAS-U (27) YAMA KAPA mö (28) YÖR-I-te TUKAP-Uru (29) KAMÏ-nö MÏ-YÖ kamô Glossing with morphemic analysis (1) peace be.filled-INF-PAST.ATTR (2) we-POSS Great Lady (3) deityPLUR-GEN-nature (4) deity-be.like(NML) do-HON-FIN DV (5) YösinôGEN-river (6) rush-ATTR river-inside-LOC (7) high-DV(ATTR)-pavilion-

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ACC (8) high rule-INF-HON-INF-SUB (9) climb-INF depart-INF (10) landobserving-ACC do-HON-EV-CON (11) fold.up-ATTR (12) green fence mountain (13) mountain-GEN/LOC deity-GEN (14) present-ATTR HONtribute DV (15) spring side-LOC TOP (16) flower decorate-INF hold-INF (17) autumn rise-EV-CON (18) leaves.turn.red/yellow-NML head.decorate-PROGFIN A variant: leaves.turn.red/yellow-NML-DV(ATTR)-leaf decorate-INF (19) go-INF-followATTR (20) river-GEN deity FP (21) great HON-repast-LOC (22) serve(INF)present-FIN DV (23) top rapids-LOC (24) cormorant river-ACC stand-INF (25) bottom rapids-LOC (26) fish.trap point-INF-spread-FIN (27) mountain river FP (28) rely.upon-INF-SUB serve-ATTR (29) deity-GEN HON-age EP Translation (2/4) Speaking of our Great Lady, (1) who is full of peace, (3) and having a divine nature, (4) is like a deity, (8) [she] deigns to rule highly (7) in the high pavilion (5/6) in the river abode, where Yösinô river rushes through. (10) When [she] does the land-observing [ritual], (9) departing from the palace and climbing up, (14) the tribute presented [to her] (13) by mountain deities (11/12) of the mountains folds [rising up like] a green fence (16) are flower decorations (15) in the spring, and (18) leaves turning red (17) in the autumn. (20/22) Speaking of what river deities provide (21) for the imperial repast (19) in the stead [of mountain deities], (24) it is [the products of] the cormorant fishing (23) in the upper rapids, (26) and of fish traps spreading (25) in the lower rapids. (28) Such a serving upon [Emperor] with reliance on (27) mountains and rivers (29) [is from] the age of deities! Commentary Lines two and nineteen are hypometric (jitarazu, 字足らず). On WOJ opo kîmî ‘Great Lord’, which refers to the Emperor, see the commentary to 5.794. Here it refers to Empress Jitō, therefore, I translate it as ‘Great Lady’, not ‘Great Lord’. On OJ plural marker -na and the complex suffix -naŋgara < -na-ŋ-gara PLUR-GEN- ‘having the nature of’ see Vovin (2005a: 102-106). WOJ se-s- < *se-as- in lines four and ten is an honorific form of the irregular verb se- ‘to do’. The honorific forms of all irregular verbs, including strong vowel verbs 164 (kami ichi dan dōshi (上一段動詞) in the traditional terminology) show irregular and unpredictable formation of honorific forms in -as-. OJ defective verb tö in line four must be OJ tö ‘to say’, because it follows the final form of a verb. Here it has the function like MdJ to ieba ‘speaking of’. As already noted in the commentary to the preface to the poems 18.40984100, 芳野 is a rare spelling of the place name Yösinô, which is much more frequently spelled as 吉野. On Yösinô see the commentary to the preface to 18.4098-4100. On the kuni-mî (望 國, 國 見) ‘observing the land’ ritual see the commentary to the preface to 1.2. In most cases WOJ taŋgît- means ‘to rush’, ‘to rush through’ (of water). The word survived into MJ, and in spite of the fact that it is not attested in the Ruijū Myōgishō, the likely accent is A (Martin 1987: 761), which is compatible with the high accent register of MJ taki HH (WOJ takî) ‘waterfall’. 164

A brilliant proposal to treat these verbs as irregular belongs to Bjarke Frellesvig (p. c.).

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These two words may be somehow etymologically related, although WOJ taŋgît- is invariably spelled with -ŋg-, while WOJ takî clearly exhibits -k-. May be there was a secondary prenasalized voicing in taŋgît-, otherwise the words should be unrelated in spite of the surface phonetic and semantic similarity. On WOJ kap-uti ‘river abode’ (lit. ‘inside river’), see the commentary to 1.36. WOJ yama-tu mî ‘mountain deity’ is attested only once in the Man’yōshū in this particular poem in a logographic spelling, but there are a couple of MJ phonographic examples.165 The presence of the specific OJ genitive-locative case marker -tu in those examples demonstrates that they represent WOJ heritage in MJ (whether direct by inheritance or indirect by borrowing), since the genitive-locative -tu was no longer productive in MJ. On WOJ genitivelocative -tu, and mî ‘dragon’, ‘deity’ see the commentaries to 15.3592 and 15.3597. ‘Mountains folds’ certainly refers not to the folds in a mountain, but to the general view of higher mountains towering above lower mountains. On WOJ mômît- ‘to turn red and/or yellow (of autumn leaves)’ see the commentary to 15.3693. On WOJ u ‘cormorant’ see the commentary to 17.3991. WOJ sande ‘fish trap’ is a basket made from a bamboo and is a kind of a trap that fish can swim in, but cannot swim out. There is a folk etymology of this word, treating it as ‘four arms’ on the basis of the similarity of its appearance with a winnow (Omodaka et al. 1967: 333). As a matter of fact, the etymology is quite transparent: WOJ sa ‘narrow’ + -n- < n-ö, attributive of the defective verb n- ‘to be’ + te ‘hand’, ‘arm’.

Preface to the poem 1.39 本文・Original text 反歌 Translation An envoy. Commentary This envoy is to the poem 1.38 by Kakînömötö-nö asömî Pîtömarö above.

1.39

本文・Original text (1) 山川毛 (2) 因而奉流 (3) 神長柄 (4) 多藝津河内尓 (5) 船出爲加母 仮名の書き下し・Kana transliteration (1) やまかはも 1 (2) よ 2 りてつかふる (3) かむながら (4) たぎ 1 つかふち に (5) ふなでせすかも 2 Romanization (1) YAMA KAPA mô (2) YÖR-I-TE TUKAP-Uru (3) KAMU-na-ŋ-gara (4) taŋgît-u KAP-UTI-ni (5) PUNA-[I]nDE SE-S-U kamö

165

A MJ kana gloss in the Nihonsoki and an entry in RMS.

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Glossing with morphemic analysis (1) mountain river FP (2) rely.upon-INF-SUB serve-ATTR (3) deity-PLURGEN-nature (4) rush-ATTR river-inside-LOC (5) boat-go.out(NML) do-HONATTR EP Translation (3) Having a divine nature, (2) which is attended upon by (1) mountains and rivers, (5) [Our Great Lady] goes out in a boat (4) in the river abode, [where Yösinô river] rushes through. Commentary On OJ plural marker -na and the complex suffix -naŋgara < -na-ŋ-gara PLURGEN- ‘having the nature of’ see Vovin (2005a: 102-106). WOJ se-s- < *se-as- in line five is an honorific form of the irregular verb se- ‘to do’, on which see the commentary to 1.38. On WOJ taŋgît- ‘to rush through (of water)’ see the commentary to 1.38. On WOJ kap-uti ‘river abode’ (lit. ‘inside river’), see the commentary to 1.36. Postscript to the poems 1.36-39 本文・Original text 右日本紀曰三年己丑正月天皇幸吉野宮八月幸吉野宮四年庚寅二月幸吉 野宮五月幸吉野宮五年辛卯正月幸吉野宮四月幸吉野宮者未詳知何月従 駕作歌 Translation [Regarding] the above [poems], the Nihongi166 says: “In the first lunar month of the third year [of her reign], Empress Jitō went to Yösinô palace. [She] went [again there] in the eighth lunar month [of the same year] and then in the second lunar month of [her] fourth year [of reign. Consequently, she] went to Yösinô palace in the fifth lunar month [of the same year], as well as in the first and fourth lunar months of [her] fifth year [of reign]”. Commentary First lunar month of the third year of Jitō corresponds to January 26 -February 24, 689 AD. Eighth lunar month of the third year of Jitō corresponds to August 21 -September 18, 689 AD. Second lunar month of the fourth year of Jitō corresponds to March 16 -April 14, 690 AD. Fifth lunar month of the fourth year of Jitō corresponds to June 12 -- July 7, 690 AD. First lunar month of the fifth year of Jitō corresponds to February 4 -March 4, 691 AD. Fourth lunar month of the fifth year of Jitō corresponds to May 3 -- June 1, 691 AD, It is not clear on which one out of these five occasions these poems were composed. However, taking the first of these imperial excursions as non-ante quem, and the last one as non-post quem, Kakînömötö-nö Pîtömarö must have composed these poems between January 26, 689 AD and June 1, 691 AD. 166

The Nihongi (日本紀) is an abbreviation of the Nihonshoki (日本書紀).

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Preface to the poems 1.40-42

本文・Original text 幸于伊勢國時留京柿本朝臣人麻呂作歌 Translation Poems composed by Kakînömötö-nö asömî Pîtömarö, who stayed in the capital while [Empress Jitō] went to Ise province. Commentary On Ise province see the commentary to the postscript to the poem 1.22. The capital mentioned here is Asuka palace, because in the sixth year of Jitō (692 AD) the capital has not yet been moved to Pundipara (Fujiwara, 藤 原) capital. On the dating of the poems 1.40-1.44 see the postscript to them below. On the biography of Kakînömötö-nö asömî Pîtömarö see the commentary to the preface to 1.29a-29b. On asömî, muranzi, sukune, pumbîtö, and other kabane (姓) ranks see footnote 17 on p. 33 of the Man’yōshū book fifteen.

1.40

本文・Original text (1) 嗚呼見乃浦尓 (2) 船乗爲良武 (3) 呎嬬等之 (4) 珠裳乃須十二 (5) 四寳 三都良武香 本文の復元・Reconstruction of the original text (1) 安美能宇良尓 (2) 布奈能里須良武 (3) 乎等女良我 (4) 多麻母乃須十二 (5) 四寳三都良武香 仮名の書き下し・Kana transliteration (1) あみ 1 の 2 うらに (2) ふなの 2 りすらむ (3) をと 2 め 1 らが (4) たまも 2 の 2 すそ 1 に (5) しほみ 1 つらむか Romanization of the original text (1) Amî-nö URA-ni (2) PUNA-NÖR-I S-Uram-u (3) wotöMÊ-RA-NKA (4) TAMA MÖ-nö susô-ni (5) sipo mît-uram-u ka Romanization of the reconstructed text (1) Amî-nö ura-ni (2) puna-nör-i s-uram-u (3) wotömê-ra-ŋga (4) tama mö-nö susô-ni (5) sipo mît-uram-u ka Glossing with the morphemic analysis (1) Amî-GEN bay-LOC (2) boat-board-NML do-TENT2-ATTR (3) maidenPLUR-POSS (4) jewel skirt-GEN hem-LOC (5) tide rise-TENT2-ATTR IP Translation (5) Will the tide rise (4) to the hems of jewel skirts (3) of maidens (2) who are going to board the boat (1) in the bay of Amî? Commentary This poem is not included in the Genryaku kōhon, so the reconstruction of its text largely relies on the Ruijū koshū (12: 160).

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For the bay of Amî and the reconstruction of the original text see the commentary to 15.3610. In this poem, the bay of Amî probably can be equated with Obama seashore (小浜) in Mie prefecture facing the Tōshi island (Tōshi-jima, 答志島) (see 1.41). Line one looks hypermetric (jiamari, 字 余 り), but this is probably a graphic illusion, since Amî-nö ura ‘bay of Amî’ was in all probability pronounced as [Amînöra] or [Amînura].

1.41

本文・Original text (1) 釼著 (2) 手節乃埼二 (3) 今日毛可母 (4) 大宮人之 (5) 玉藻苅良武 仮名の書き下し・Kana transliteration (1) くしろ 2 つく (2) たふしの 2 さき 1 に (3) け 1 ふも 1 かも 2 (4) おほみ 1 やひ 1 と 2 の 2 (5) たまもかるらむ Romanization (1) KUSIRÖ TUK-U (2) TAPUSI-nö SAKÎ-ni (3) KÊPU môŋgamö (4) OPO MÎYA PÎTÖ-nö (5) TAMA MO KAR-Uram-u Glossing with morphemic analysis (1) bracelet attach-ATTR (2) Tapusi-GEN promontory-LOC (3) today DP (4) Great Palace people-GEN (5) jewel seaweed cut-TENT2-ATTR Translation (3) I wonder whether today (4) the people from the Great Palace (5) are probably cutting jewel seaweeds (2) at the Arm-joint (Ta-pusi) promontory (1) which wears a precious bracelet. Commentary This poem is not included in the Genryaku kōhon, so the reconstruction of its text largely relies on the Ruijū koshū (12: 160). WOJ kusirö ‘bracelet’ was normally made out of bronze with precious stones. It was worn as an arm band above elbow. Sometimes little bells were attached to it (Omodaka 1977.1: 303). One should not also overlook the fact that in all likelihood WOJ kusirö is a loan from Korean, cf. MK kùsḯr ‘treasure’ (bracelets are, after all, a luxury commodity). WOJ kusirö tuk-u is considered to be permanent epithet (makura-kotoba, 枕詞) to Tapusi (Omodaka 1977.1: 303), (Itō 1983: 169), but there are serious problems with its permanency, because it occurs only once in the Man’yōshū, namely in this poem. In addition, WOJ kusirö tuk-u is absolutely transparent, so I translate it here. As Omodaka pointed out, the character 釼 here is likely to be a Japanesemade character (kokuji, 國字) meaning ‘bracelet’ or ‘cord’, and has nothing to do with the Chinese character 釼 ‘sword’. It is created by replacing the character 糸 ‘cord’ with 金 ‘metal’ and 丑 ‘ox, cyclic sign’ with 刃 ‘blade’ (1977.1: 303). Tapusi (lit. ‘hand/arm-joint’) promontory is located on Tōshi island (Tōshi-

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jima, 答志島) in Tōshi town (Tōshi-chō, 答志町)167 of Toba city (Toba-shi, 鳥 羽市) in present-day Mie prefecture. Opo mîya pîtö ‘people from the great palace’ in general can refer to both men and women, but it is likely to refer here to young ladies-in-waiting that were mentioned as wotömê-ra ‘maidens’ in the previous poem 1.40.

1.42

本文・Original text (1) 潮左爲二 (2) 五十等兒乃嶋邊 (3) 榜船荷 (4) 妹乗良六鹿 (5) 荒嶋廻乎 仮名の書き下し・Kana transliteration (1) しほさゐに (2) いらご 1 の 2 しまへ 1 (3) こ 2 ぐふねに (4) いも 1 の 2 る らむか (5) あらき 1 しまみ 2 を Romanization (1) SIPO sawi-ni (2) Iraŋgô-nö SIMA PÊ (3) KÖŋG-U PUNE-ni (4) IMÔ NÖR-Uram-u ka (5) ARA-KÎ SIMA MÏ-wo Glossing with morphemic analysis (1) tide roar-LOC (2) Iraŋgô-GEN island side (3) row-ATTR boat-LOC (4) beloved ride-TENT2-ATTR IP (5) be.wild-ATTR island go.around(NML)ACC Translation (4) Does my beloved possibly ride (3) the boat that rows (2) at the side of Iraŋgô island (1) through the roar of the tide, (5) going around wild islands? Commentary This poem is not included in the Genryaku kōhon, so the reconstruction of its text largely relies on the Ruijū koshū (12: 161). On WOJ sawi ‘roar (of tide/waves)’ see the commentary to 15.3710. On Iraŋgô island see the commentary to the preface to the poem 1.23. Line five apparently has an ellipsis of s-i-te ‘do-INF-SUB’ after the accusative case marker -wo, which is, of course, necessary in the poetic language for the preservation of the meter.

Preface to the poem 1.43 本文・Original text 當麻眞人麻呂妻作歌

Translation A poem composed by the wife of Taŋgîma-nö mapîtö Marö. Commentary Nothing is known about the biographies of Taŋgîma-nö mapîtö Marö a. k. a. Taŋgîma-nö Marö Tayū (當麻麿大夫), Grand Noble Taŋgîma-nö Marö, or his 167

Modern place name Tōshi (答志), whether it refers to the island or to the town, is clearly a result of historical phonetic development tapusi > tawuśi > tauśi > tɔ̄śi > tōśi. The modern spelling also demonstrates that any semantical connection with ta-pusi ‘hand/arm joint’ is now lost.

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wife, except the fact that he accompanied Empress Jitō on her journey to Ise province in the third lunar month of the sixth year of Jitō (March 23 -- April 21, 692 AD). The wife of Taŋgîma-nö mapîtö Marö is considered to be the author of two poems in the Man’yōshū: 1.43 and 4.511, but as a matter of fact except for some differences in the script these two poems are absolutely identical. On mapîtö, asömî, muranzi, sukune, pumbîtö, and other kabane (姓) ranks see footnote 17 on p. 33 of the Man’yōshū book fifteen.

1.43

本文・Original text (1) 吾勢枯波 (2) 何所行良武 (3) 已津物 (4) 隱乃山乎 (5) 今日香越等六 仮名の書き下し・Kana transliteration (1) わがせこ 1 は (2) いづくゆくらむ (3) いつも 2 の 2 (4) なばりの 2 やま を (5) け 1 ふかこ 1 ゆらむ Romanization (1) WA-ŋGA se-kô pa (2) InDUKU YUK-Uram-u (3) itu mö-nö (4) NAmBAR-I n-ö YAMA-wo (5) KÊPU ka KÔY-Uram-u Glossing with morphemic analysis (1) I-POSS beloved-DIM TOP (2) where go-TENT2-FIN (3) when FP-COMP (4) hide-NML DV-ATTR mountain-ACC (5) today IP cross-TENT2-ATTR Translation (1/2) Where could be my beloved going [now]? (5) May be [he] crossed today (3/4) Mt. Nambari that is always hiding. Commentary This poem is not included in the Genryaku kōhon, so the reconstruction of its text largely relies on the Ruijū koshū (12: 159). Line three has a serious philological problem. It is traditionally read as okîtu mönö ‘offing-GEN/LOC thing’ or oku-tu mönö ‘inside-GEN/LOC thing’, but the problem starts right with the first character in this line. Is it 己 ‘self’ or 已 ‘already’? It seems that the Ruijū koshū has 己 ‘self’, but since the script in this manuscript is semi-cursive, it might be difficult to tell with complete certainty. The Hirose-bon also has 己 ‘self’, but the Nishi Honganji-bon has clearly 已 ‘already’. The problem is further aggravated by the fact that neither 己 ‘self’ nor 已 ‘already’ fit the bill either of okî, okï, or oku readings. The most frequent usage of 己 ‘self’ as a phonogram is kö, and that of 已 ‘already’ is i, both being ongana usages. The mismatch of the vowels as well as an unpredictable loss of initial o-, or rather a failure to transcribe it, is not supported by any other examples except 4.511, which is as already mentioned in the commentary to the preface to 1.43 above is completely identical to the latter. Although the textological evidence might seem better for 己 ‘self’ (provided we indeed have 己 ‘self’ and not 已 ‘already’ in the Ruijū koshū), kötu mönö ‘debris thing’ hardly makes any sense in the given context. Thus, I opt for 已 ‘already’, with the reading i. Line three then can be read as itu mönö when FP-COMP ‘like always’. This makes line three hypometric (jitarazu, 字足らず), but this is much better than to have a unique and practically

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unjustified character reading. Mt. Nambari (lit. hiding) has more recent alternative spelling 名 張 ‘famous’, lit. ‘name spreading’. It is a mountain located in Iŋga province,168 which was on the road leading from Yamatö province to Ise province, in Nabari city (Nabari-shi, 名張市) in present-day Mie prefecture. The verb nambar- ‘to hide’ has very limited attestations as compared to OJ kakure- and kömör-. Omodaka et al. believe that it might be an old word (1967: 529).

Preface to the poem 1.44 本文・Original text 石上大臣従駕作歌

Translation A poem composed by Minister Isônökamî when he accompanied [Empress Jitō to Ise province]. Commentary Minister Isônökamî is Isônökamî-nö asömî Marö, who was supporting Prince Opotömö to the end during the Jinshin rebellion (Jinshin no ran, 壬申の乱), but managed to keep his head on his shoulders (this fact probably demonstrates that Emperor Tenmu was quite lenient to his enemies). In 692 AD, when he accompanied Empress Jitō to Ise province, he has Senior Fifth Rank, Lower Grade, and, consequently was not yet a Minister at that time. In the fourth year of Monmu (700 AD) Isônökamî-nö asömî Marö was an Overseer (Sōryō, 総領)169 of Tukusi (筑紫). In the first year of Taihō (大寶, 701 AD) he already had Senior Third Rank and was a Senior Councilor (Dainagon, 大納言). After finishing his appointment as a Governor-General of Dazaifu (Dazai sochi, 大宰帥) in the first lunar month of the first year of Kyōun 170 (慶雲) Isônökamî-nö asömî Marö was made the Minister of the Right (Udaijin, 右大臣).171 In the first year of Wadō (和銅, 708 AD) he was promoted to the Senior Second Rank and appointed the Minister of the Left (Sadaijin, 左大臣). Isônökamî-nö asömî Marö passed away being seventyeighth years old on the third day of the third lunar month of the first year of Yōrō (養老), which corresponds to April 18, 717 AD. Consequently, we can calculate his year of birth: 639 AD, although there are no records confirming it. Isônökamî-nö asömî Marö is an author of just one poem in the Man’yōshū: 1.44. To accompany (従駕) literally means ‘to follow the carriage drawn by oxen or horses that transports the socially higher positioned person’.

168 169

Old Iŋga province nowadays constitutes western part of Mie prefecture. Before the establishment of Taihōryō (大寶令) code in 702 AD, Sōryō was a bureaucrat who oversaw several regional provinces. In Tsukushi, after introduction of Taihōryō this position was replaced with Governor-General of Dazaifu (Dazai sochi, 大宰帥), who had essentially the same functions. 170 Alternative reading is Keiun. The first lunar month of the first year of Kyōun corresponds to February 10 -- March 9, 704 AD. 171 This date gives us non ante quem for the preface to the poem 1.44.

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1.44

本文・Original text (1) 吾妹子乎 (2) 去來見乃山乎 (3) 高三香裳 (4) 日本能不所見 (5) 國遠見 可聞 仮名の書き下し・Kana transliteration (1) わぎ 1 も 1 こ 1 を (2) いざみ 1 の 2 やまを (3) たかみ 1 かも (4) やまと 2 の 2 み 1 え 2 ぬ (5) くにと 2 ほみ 1 かも Romanization (1) WA-ŋG-ÎMÔ-kô-wo (2) inza mî/Inzamî-nö YAMA-wo (3) TAKA-mî kamo (4) Yamatö-nö MÎ-YE-N-U (5) KUNI TÖPO-mî kamo Glossing with morphemic analysis (1) I-POSS-beloved-DIM-ACC (2) right.away see(FIN) / Inzamî-GEN mountain-ABS (3) be.high-GER EP (4) Yamatö-GEN see-PASS-NEG-ATTR (5) province be.far-GER EP Translation (1/2) [I] will see right away my beloved [-- so I thought, but] (2/3) is it because Mt. Inzami is high, (4) [I] cannot see Yamatö? (5) [Or] is it because [this] province is far away? Commentary This poem is not included in the Genryaku kōhon, so the reconstruction of its text largely relies on the Ruijū koshū (13: 5). On WOJ inza (去來) ‘right away’ see the commentary to 1.10. On WOJ mî ‘sees’ as a final form of the verb mî- ‘to see’ see Vovin (2009a: 506, 595-599). Line two involves the play on words between inza mî ‘[I] will see right away’ and Inzamî, the name of the mountain. Mt. Inzamî is probably the same mountain as modern Mt. Takamiyama (1249 m), located at the junction of Yosino county (Yoshino-gun, 吉野郡) and Uda county (Uda-gun, 宇 陀 郡 ) in present-day Nara prefecture and Mesiminami county (Meshiminami-gun, 飯 南 郡 ) in present-day Mie prefecture (Nakanishi 1985: 422). Postscript to the poems 1.40-44 本文・Original text 右日本紀曰朱鳥六年壬辰春三月丙寅朔戊辰以浄廣肆廣瀬王等爲留守官 於是中納言三輪朝臣高市麻呂脱其冠位擎上於朝重諫曰農作之前車駕未 可以動辛未天皇不従諫遂幸伊勢五月乙丑朔庚午御阿胡行宮 Translation [Regarding] the above [poems], the Nihongi172 says: “On the third day of the third spring lunar month of the sixth year of Akamî töri, Prince Pîröse of the Twelfth Princely Rank and others were made rulers in absentia. Due to this, Middle Councilor Mîwa-nö asömî Takëtimarö resigned his position and again admonished the court saying that the imperial cart should not move [away from the capital] before the [start] of farming season. Empress [Jitō] did not 172

The Nihongi (日本紀) is an abbreviation of the Nihonshoki (日本書紀).

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listen to this admonition, and on the sixth day [of the third lunar month] went to Ise [province]. On the sixth day of the fifth lunar month [she] went to the temporary palace in Aŋgô. Commentary The sixth day of the third spring lunar month of the sixth year of Akamî töri (more accurately defined as the sixth year of Jitō) corresponds to March 28, 692 AD. Twelfth Princely Rank is Jōkōshi (浄 広 肆) according to the system introduced in the fourteenth year of Tenmu (685 AD). Under this system, Imperial Princes and Princes had twelve ranks. The first four were classified as 明 (Myō) ‘Bright’ and the last eight as 浄 (Jō) ‘Clear’. The second level of classification was into 大 (Dai) ‘Great’ and 広 (Kō) ‘Broad’, and the third had numerical designation with only ‘big characters’ (daiji, 大字) for numbers used: 壱 (Ichi) ‘First’, 弐 (Ni) ‘Second’, 参 (San) ‘Third’ and 肆 (Si) ‘Fourth’. Thus, all twelve Princely Ranks had the following designations: First Princely Rank Second Princely Rank Third Princely Rank Fourth Princely Rank Fifth Princely Rank Sixth Princely Rank Seventh Princely Rank Eighth Princely Rank Ninth Princely Rank Tenth Princely Rank Eleventh Princely Rank Twelfth Princely Rank

明大壱 (Myōdaiichi) 明広壱 (Myōkōichi) 明大弐 (Myōdaini) 明広弐 (Myōkōni) 浄大壱 (Jōdaiichi) 浄広壱 (Jōkōichi) 浄大弐 (Jōdaini) 浄広弐 (Jōkōni) 浄大参 (Jōdaisan) 浄広参 (Jōkōsan) 浄大肆 (Jōdaishi) 浄広肆 (Jōkōshi)

Prince Pîröse together with Imperial Prince Kapasima (川嶋皇子) was ordered in the tenth year of Tenmu (681 AD) to compile together with some others the Teiki (帝紀) ‘Imperial Records’, 173 which is considered to be the beginning of the composition of the Nihonshoki. He had Junior Fourth Rank, Lower Grade in the second year of Taihō (702 AD), and was promoted to the Upper Grade of the same rank in the first year of Wadō (706 AD), as the Minister of the Ministry of the Treasury (Ōkurashō, 大蔵省). Prince Pîröse was awarded Senior Fourth Rank, Lower Grade in the second year of Yōrō (718 AD), and passed away in the sixth year of Yōrō (722 AD). He is the author of one poem in the Man’yōshū: 8.1468. A ruler in absentia (Rusukan, 留守官) was appointed to oversee the capital and affairs of state during the absence from the capital of Emperor or Empress. Middle Councilor (Chūnagon, 中納言) is an extra-code position, next in seniority to Senior Council (Dainagon, 大納言). The rank corresponding to Middle Councilor is Junior Third Rank. Mîwa-nö asömî Takëtimarö was one of the meritorious retainers during the Jinshin rebellion. He was a courtier of a new type in the Asuka period, who had Confucian views on the political governance. He is the author of one poem in the Man’yōshū: 9.1770, and of one Chinese poem in the Kaifūsō. He passed away in the third year of Kyōun (706 AD) at the age of fifty. 173

Unfortunately, the Teiki is no longer extant.

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Consequently we can figure out that he was born in 656 AD, although there is no record of his birth. On asömî, muranzi, sukune, pumbîtö, and other kabane (姓) ranks see footnote 17 on p. 33 of the Man’yōshū book fifteen. The resignation of Mîwa-nö asömî Takëtimarö is literally described as ‘taking off his official headgear’ (脱其冠位). The officials’ headgears were different in shape and color depending on one’s rank. Mîwa-nö asömî Takëtimarö objected to Empress Jitō’s leaving the capital before the start of the agricultural season, because Emperor or Empress had to participate in important rituals connected with the beginning of agricultural works, such as, for example, planting the first rice seedling, that were considered necessary for the successful and abundant harvest, and had to be performed at the imperial seat of power. This was his second admonition, the first being delivered in the second lunar month. Apparently, fun-loving Empress listened to neither of them, and left on the sixth day of the third lunar month of the sixth year of Jitō (March 28, 692 AD), coming back on the twentieth day of the third lunar month of the same year (April 11, 692 AD). Aŋgô (阿胡) and its temporary palace (行宮, OJ kari-mîya, MdJ angū) were located in Ago town (Ago-chō, 阿児町) in Shima county (Shima-gun, 志摩郡) in present-day Mie prefecture. The phrase 五月乙丑朔庚午御阿胡行宮 ‘on the sixth day of the fifth lunar month [she] went to the temporary palace in Aŋgô’ seems to include a wrong date, since according to the Nihonshoki, Empress Jitō went to Aŋgô in the third lunar month, while in the fifth lunar month she was giving rewards to fishermen who served to her during her journey to Aŋgô (NSK XXX: 413414).

Preface to the poems 1.45-49

本文・Original text 輕皇子宿于安騎野時柿本朝臣人麻呂作歌 Translation Poems, composed by Kakînömötö-nö asömî Pîtömarö when Imperial Prince Karu stayed for a night in Akï field. Commentary On the biography of Imperial Prince Karu, future Emperor Monmu, see the commentary to the preface to the poems 1.28-75. Akï field (Akï-nö nô, 安騎野 ~ 阿騎乃野) or Akï plain (Akï-nö opo nô, 阿 騎乃大野) is located in Uda town (Uda-chō, 宇陀町) of Uda county (Udagun, 宇陀郡) in present-day Nara prefecture (Nakanishi 1985: 413). On the biography of Kakînömötö-nö asömî Pîtömarö see the commentary to the preface to 1.29a-29b. On asömî, muranzi, sukune, pumbîtö, and other kabane (姓) ranks see footnote 17 on p. 33 of the Man’yōshū book fifteen.

1.45

本文・Original text (1) 八隅知之 (2) 吾大王 (3) 高照 (4) 日之皇子 (5) 神長柄 (6) 神佐備世須 等 (7) 太敷爲 (8) 京乎置而 (9) 隱口乃 (10) 泊瀬山者 (11) 眞木立 (12) 荒山

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道乎 (13) 石根 (14) 禁樹押靡 (15) 坂鳥乃 (16) 朝越座而 (17) 玉限 (18) 夕 去來者 (19) 三雪落 (20) 阿騎乃大野尓 (21) 旗須爲寸 (22) 四能乎押靡 (23) 草枕 (24) 多日夜取世須 (25) 古昔念而 仮名の書き下し・Kana transliteration (1) やすみ 1 ちし (2) わがおほき 1 み 1 (3) たかてらす (4) ひ 1 の 2 み 1 こ 1 (5) かむながら (6) かむさび 2 せすと 2 (7) ふと 1 しかす (8) み 1 やこ 1 を おき 1 て (9) こ 2 も 2 りくの 2 (10) はつせの 2 やまは (11) まき 2 たつ (12) あらき 1 やまぢを (13) いはがね (14) さへ 2 き 2 おしなべ (15) さかど 2 り の 2 (16) あさこ 1 え 2 まして (17) たまかぎ 1 る (18) ゆふさりくれば (19) み 1 ゆき 1 ふる (20) あき 2 の 2 おほの 1 に (21) はだすすき 1 (22) しの 2 を おしなべ 2 (23) くさまくら (24) たび 1 やど 2 りせす (25) いにしへ 1 お も 2ひ 1て Romanization (1) yasu mît-i-si (2) WA-ŋGA OPO KÎMÎ (3) TAKA TER-AS-U (4) PÎ-NÖ MÎKÔ (5) KAMU-na-ŋ-gara (6) KAMU-sambï se-s-u tö (7) PUTÔ SIK-As-u (8) MÎYAKÔ-wo OK-Î-TE (9) KÖMÖR-I-ku n-ö (10) Patuse-NÖ YAMA pa (11) MA-KÏ TAT-U (12) ARA-KÎ YAMA-n-DI-wo (13) IPA-ŋGA NE (14) sapë-KÏ OS-I-NAmBË (15) SAKA-n-DÖRI-nö (16) ASA KÔYE-[I]MAS-I-TE (17) TAMA kaŋgîr-u (18) YUPU s[a] ari-K-URE-mba (19) mî-YUKÎ PUR-U (20) Akï-nö OPO NÖ-ni (21) panda susukî (22) sinö-wo OS-I-NAmBË (23) KUSA MAKURA (24) tambî yandör-i se-s-u (25) INISIPÊ OMÖP-Î-TE Glossing with morphemic analysis (1) peace be.filled-INF-PAST.ATTR (2) we-POSS Great Lord (3) high shineHON-ATTR (4) sun-GEN imperial.prince (5) deity-PLUR-GEN-nature (6) deity-be.like(NML) do-HON-FIN DV (7) magnificent rule-HON-ATTR (8) capital-ACC leave-INF-SUB (9) hide-NML-place DV-ATTR (10) PatuseGEN mountain TOP (11) INT-tree stand-ATTR (12) be.wild-ATTR mountainGEN-road-ACC (13) rock-POSS root (14) block(NML)-tree push-INFbend.down(INF)-SUB (15) slope-GEN-bird-COMP (16) morning cross(INF)HON-INF-SUB (17) jade emit.light-ATTR (18) evening thus ITER-come-EVCON (19) HON-snow fall-ATTR (20) Akï-GEN great field-LOC (21) panda pampass.grass (22) small.bamboo push-INF-bend.down(INF)-SUB (23) grass headrest (24) journey stay.for.a.night-NML do-HON-FIN (25) ancient.times think-INF-SUB Translation (2/6) Speaking of our Great Lord, (1) who is full of peace, (3) a high-shining (4) Sun-Prince, (5) having a divine nature, (6) is like a deity. (8) Leaving the capital (7) that he ruled magnificently, (16) [he] crossed in the morning (15) like a bird of a [mountain] slope (10) the mountains of Patuse, (9) which is the hidden place, (12) along the wild mountain road, (11) where the real trees stand, (14) pushing and bending down [fallen] trees blocking [the passage] (13) [and] rock roots. (17/18) And when the evening with a light no more than from a jade thus came again, (25) thinking of the past, (24) [he] stayed for a night on [his] journey (23) when [he used] grass for [his] headrest (20) at the plain of Akï, (19) where beautiful snow falls, (22) pushing and bending down small bamboo (21) [and] panda pampass grass.

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Commentary Lines two, eleven, and thirteen are hypometric (jitarazu, 字足らず). On WOJ yasu mît-i-si (八隅知之) ‘filled with peace’, see the commentary to 1.3. On WOJ opo kîmî ‘Great Lord’ which normally refers to the Emperor, see the commentary to 5.794. It is believed that it can also refer to an [Imperial] Prince or Princess (Omodaka et al. 1967: 157), as this poem is supposed to demonstrate, but as a matter of fact, this second usage in this particular poem invites certain doubts. All the poetic rhetoric found in lines one to eighth is highly reminiscent of an Emperor, and not of an Imperial Prince: yasu mît-i-si is certainly applicable only to Emperors, and not to Princes, and majority of examples for taka ter-as-u pî-nö mîkô ‘the high-shining sun-prince’, also point to Emperor as a successor of the Sun Deity Amaterasu, and not to an Imperial Prince who might have become a successor or might not.174 Needless to say, Princes did not rule the capitals, at least not officially. That was the prerogative of Emperors. This brings us to a contradiction with a preface to poems 1.45-49 above, where reference is made to Imperial Prince Karu, and not to Emperor Monmu. We should not overlook the fact that the preface to poems 1.28-75 composed during the reigns of Empress Jitō and Emperor Monmu again makes a reference to Crown Prince Karu, and not to Emperor Monmu. MYS 1.50 deals with the building of the first permanent capital Pundipara, where the capital was transferred in 694 AD still during Empress Jitō reign, but one should keep in mind that poems in book one are arranged in very lax chronological order. 175 Unfortunately, poems 1.45-49 have no fixed chronological date, so we cannot tell whether Kakînömötö-nö asömî Pîtömarö composed them during Jitō reign or Monmu reign. If the former, we run into strange poetic rhetoric as outlined above. If the latter, one is facing the second case of the willful degrading of Emperor Monmu in a preface to poems 1.4549 after the preface to poems 1.28-75. Does it reflect some possible hint made by a compiler to the illegitimacy of Emperor Monmu? The historians of Asuka and Nara periods probably can find an answer to this puzzle. On OJ plural marker -na and the complex suffix -naŋgara < -na-ŋ-gara PLUR-GEN- ‘having the nature of’ see Vovin (2005a: 102-106). On WOJ se-s- < *se-as-, an honorific form of the irregular verb se- ‘to do’ in lines six and twenty-four see the commentary to 1.38. OJ defective verb tö in line four must be OJ tö ‘to say’, because it follows the final form of a verb. Here it has the function like MdJ to ieba ‘speaking of’. WOJ kömör-i-ku is supposed to be a permanent epithet (makura-kotoba, 枕 詞) to place name Patuse, but it is absolutely transparent kömör- ‘to hide’, ‘to seclude oneself’ + -î, nominalizer + ku < kô ‘place’, with a vowel raising o > u, expected in WOJ in the last syllables of words having more than two

174

There are five examples in the Man’yōshū out of twelve, where this expression refers to an Imperial Prince (Itō 1983: 182-183). 175 Itō believes that the poems 1.45-49 were composed in the winter of 692 AD, still during Jitō’s reign (1983: 181). Needless to say, there is no hard-core evidence supporting his point of view. Moreover, shimmers of hot air do not occur in winter (see the envoy 1.48 below). Most likely, the visit to Akï field that is located at a moderately high elevation occurred in early fall. At this time at the elevation of 1,000 m to 2,500 m the daytime temperature may be very hot, but it is not uncommon for the temperature to drop dramatically at the nighttime even with a moderate snowfall.

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syllables, cf. also induku ‘where’176 < indu ‘which’ + ku < kô ‘place’. Because Patuse (MdJ Hatsuse) is a mountain valley surrounded by mountains, it was considered to be a hidden or secluded place. It is located in Hatsuse area of Sakurai city (Sakurai-shi, 桜 井 市) in present-day Nara prefecture (Nakanishi 1985: 476). Various character spellings of this place name: 泊瀬, 初瀬, and 長谷 suggest that all of them are in all probability ateji (当字). There is no apparent etymology of this place name, although there is a possibility that the second spelling 初瀬 ‘first rapid’ might be etymological. WOJ ma-kï ‘real tree’ is likely to be a WOJ pî ‘cypress’ (MdJ hinoki), cf. lines nineteen and twenty in 1.50 below. WOJ pî (檜) ‘cypress’ is a tall evergreen coniferous tree. It grows in the wild in the mountains. Its lumber is highly prized as a building material and bark is used for thatching roofs. WOJ ipa-ŋga ne ‘rock roots’ in line thirteen is a good evidence against meaningless and devoid of any function suffix -ne that is frequently seen by commentators in ipa-ne ‘rock-roots’ attested elsewhere in the Man’yōshū. WOJ ipa-ŋga ne ‘rock-POSS root’, although written logographically supports my claim that ne must mean ‘root’, and not a suffix, because a suffix cannot follow the case marker -ŋga, and without this case marker line thirteen would be super-hypometric with only three syllables instead of five required by the poetic meter. WOJ saka-n-döri ‘a bird of a slope’ is usually considered to be a bird that flies across the mountains earlier in the morning than other birds. It is also considered to be a permanent epithet (makura-kotoba, 枕詞) to OJ asa kôye ‘morning crossing’, but we have a problem with permanency here: this is the only poem in the Man’yōshū, where it is attested. Omodaka notes that there is a hypothesis that saka may not mean ‘a slope’, but ‘a kind of pheasant’, but finally comes to a conclusion that saka means ‘slope’ here (1977.1: 318). But 坂 saka can be also used as a kungana in addition to its much more frequent logographic usage. Given the existence of MJ tori-saka nori ‘cockscomb seaweed’ (WMS 9.30b, 17.18b), the ‘pheasant’ hypothesis would be attractive, but the word order in saka-n-döri is the opposite. Singular attestations are always suspicious. It is also problematic that we have here some unidentified bird that flies first in the morning across the mountains, and does not appear anywhere else. Given the fact that OJ asa ‘morning’ is a loan from Korean (cf. MK àchʌ́m ‘id.’), we might expect to find another Korean word connected with it. Thus, if saka is not a logogram ‘slope’ here, but a kungana phonogram, one can think of MK :say ‘bird’ < *saCʌy, where C can be OK *-k-. 177 Admittedly, if saka in saka-n-döri is ‘bird’, this results in quite an awkward phrase: ‘a bird which is a bird’, so I am suggesting this here only as a remote possibility, but for the purposes of romanization, glossing, and translation I follow the traditional analysis. WOJ kaŋgîr-u ‘emits a little bit of light’ in line seventeen is an interesting word. I take the character 限 ‘to limit’ here as a kungana for it. It is more than likely that WOJ kaŋgîr- ‘to emit a little bit of light’ is related to WOJ kaŋgîrôpï 176

Cf. more archaic in this respect MJ induko ‘where’, where the vowel raising o > u does not take place. 177 Those scholars who adhere to the hypothesis of Koreo-Japonic genetic relationship, usually compare MK :say ‘bird’ with OJ saŋgî ‘heron’ (Martin 1966, #14), (Whitman 1985: 233). Apart from an obvious semantic problem, this would require PK form to be *sanki, but there are no cases when PK *-nk- > MK -k- is lost in the intervocalic position. On the other hand, there are examples PK *-k- > MK -h- ~ -G- > -0-, e.g. MK kahi ‘dog’ > *kay > MdK kɛ.

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‘a shimmer of hot air’, apparently a compound consisting of kaŋgîr- ‘to emit a little bit of light’ + -ô, archaic verbal attributive178 + pï ‘fire’. Cf. MJ kaŋgerofu ‘a shimmer of hot air’, which preserves the primary *e, unraised to WOJ i, and at the same time has -fu for ‘fire’, identical with EOJ pu ‘fire’, which constitutes another piece of evidence for WOJ pï ‘fire’ < PJ *poy, and not *pǝy. And then finally WOJ kaŋgîru, MJ kaŋgerofu ‘mayfly’, ‘dragonfly’ seems to be etymologically the same word. Interestingly enough, WOJ tama kaŋgîru in the Man’yōshū is most frequently spelled as 玉蜻 ‘jade mayfly’, ‘jade dragonfly’. On 去 as a kungana disyllabic phonogram sari see the commentary to 1.16. On Akï field/plain see the commentary to the preface to 1.45-49. On susukî ‘Japanese pampass grass’ see the commentary to 15.3681. On OJ panda susukî ‘a kind of pampass grass’, see the commentary to 14.3506. Contrary to what I said in the commentary to 14.3506, on the basis of this example 旗 pata ‘flag’ appears to be an imperfect kungana for panda. WOJ sinö (四能) ‘small bamboo’ in line twenty-two is a misspelling for sinô ‘id.’ The correct spelling sinô is found in the earliest OJ texts: the Kojiki, the Nihonshoki, and the Fudoki (Omodaka et al. 1967: 361-362). WOJ inisipê ‘ancient time, past’ etymologically is a compound that goes back to in- ‘to go away’, -i-, infinitive, -si, past attributive, and -pê ‘side’; thus literally ‘the side that went away’.

Preface to the poems 1.46-49 本文・Original text 短歌 Translation Tanka [envoys]. Commentary Tanka envoys composed by Kakînömötö-nö asömî Pîtömarö to his chōka 1.45.

1.46

本文・Original text (1) 阿騎乃野尓 (2) 宿旅人 (3) 打靡 (4) 寐毛宿良目八方 (5) 去部念尓 仮名の書き下し・Kana transliteration (1) あき 2 の 2 の 1 に (2) やど 2 るたび 1 び 1 と 2 (3) うちなび 1 き 1 (4) い も 1 ぬらめ 2 やも (5) いにしへ 1 おも 2 ふに Romanization (1) Akï-nö NÔ-ni (2) YAnDÖR-U TAmBÎ-m-BÎTÖ (3) uti-NAmBÎK-Î (4) I mô N-Uram-ë ya mo (5) INISIpê OMÖP-U-ni Glossing with morphemic analysis (1) Akï-GEN field-LOC (2) stay.for.a.night-ATTR journey-GEN-person (3) PREF-relax-INF (4) sleep FP sleep-TENT2-EV IP EP (5) ancient.times thinkATTR-LOC 178

Surviving in EOJ as a productive suffix, but only in compounds in WOJ.

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Translation (2) A traveler who stayed for a night (1) in Akï field (3/4) would [he be able] to relax and sleep (5) when [he] thinks about the past? [-- Certainly not!] Commentary On Akï field/plain see the commentary to the preface to 1.45-49. The character 野 ‘field’ in the first line is written in on the basis of the evidence from the Kishū-bon; in all other early manuscripts it is absent (Omodaka 1977.1: 321). It appears as furigana to the right of the main line in the Hirose-bon, accompanied with a mistaken reading nu instead of no in katakana. However, this is apparently a later addition to the manuscript, and, consequently, does not provide further credibility to the evidence from the Kishū-bon. Traveler is, of course, Imperial Prince Karu, who thinks about his father, Imperial Prince Pînamîsi ~ Kusakambë, who passed away. Akï field was a hunting ground of the latter.

1.47

本文・Original text (1) 真草苅 (2) 荒野者雖有 (3) 葉 (4) 過去君之 (5) 形見跡曽來師 仮名の書き下し・Kana transliteration (1) まくさかる (2) あらの 1 にはあれど 2 (3) も 1 み 1 ちばの 2 (4) すぎ 2 に しき 1 み 1 が (5) かたみ 1 と 2 そ 2 こ 2 し Romanization (1) MA-KUSA KAR-U (2) ARA NÔ N-I pa AR-E-nDÖ (3) MÔMÎT-I-m-BANÖ (4) SUŋGÏ-N-I-SI KÎMÎ-ŋGA (5) KATAMÎ tö sö KÖ-si Glossing with morphemic analysis (1) INT-grass cut-ATTR (2) wild field DV-INF TOP exist-EV-CONC (3) leaves.turn.red/yellow-NML-DV(ATTR)-leaf-GEN (4) pass(INF)-PERF-INFPAST.ATTR lord-POSS (5) keepsake DV FP come(INF)-PAST.ATTR Translation (2) Although [it] is a wild field (1) where [they] cut the real grass, (3) [its] red autumn leaves (5) came as a keepsake (4) of [you, my] lord, who has passed away. Commentary The script in this poem is almost completely logographic, and with practically no other parallel examples, it opens the way for multiple possibilities. The reading I follow here is adopted in most modern editions, e.g. (Takagi et al. 1957: 35), (Omodaka 1977.1: 322), (Nakanishi 1978: 72), (Itō 1983: 186), (Aso 2006: 156), etc. This reading mostly goes back to the one proposed by Keichū (1690/1926: 317-318). A great deal of variation is observed in early manuscripts. Omodaka thinks that ma-kusa ‘INT-grass’ and mî-kusa ‘HON-grass’ are the same (1977.1: 322), but this is highly unlikely, because mî- is a honorific prefix in its beautification function, so mî-kusa is ‘beautiful grass’, but ma- is an intensive prefix, so ma-kusa is ‘real grass’. What is probably meant here is

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that the wild field of Akï is overgrown with tall and dense grass, which is perceived to be ma-kusa ‘real grass’. Omodaka unnecessarily complicates the script in line one: he uses in his edition the traditional character form 眞 for ma-, intensive prefix instead of the simplified form 真. However, both the Genryaku kōhon and the Nishi Honganji-bon clearly have 真. Keichū ‘corrected’ the text by inserting the allegedly lost character 黄 ‘yellow’ in front of the character 葉 ‘leaf’ (1690/1926: 317-318). There is no textological evidence supporting this amendment in any of the early manuscripts. However, there are several examples in the Man’yōshū, when mômît- is written just with characters 黄 ‘yellow’, 黄色 ‘yellow color’, or 黄 変 ・ 黄 反 ‘yellow change’ (8.1516, 8.1623, 10.2192, 10.2194, 10.2195, 10.2296, 13.3266, 19.4187) and 赤 ‘red’ 10.2205, 10.2232), without the character 葉 ‘leaf’. By the same token, it would not be surprising to have just 葉 ‘leaf’ to represent mômît-i, because other leaves are simply not worth looking at. On WOJ mômît- ‘to turn red and/or yellow (of autumn leaves)’ see the commentary to 15.3693. On WOJ katamî ‘keepsake’, see the commentary to 15.3596. The Lord who passed away is Imperial Prince Pînamîsi ~ Kusakambë, on whom see the commentary to 1.49 below.

1.48

本文・Original text (1) 東 (2) 野炎 (3) 立所見而 (4) 反見爲者 (5) 月西渡 仮名の書き下し・Kana transliteration (1) ひ 1 むがしの 2 (2) の 1 にかぎ 1 ろ 1 ひ 2 の 2 (3) たつみえ 2 て (4) かへ 1 りみ 1 すれば (5) つき 2 かたぶき 1 ぬ Romanization (1) PÎMUKASI-NÖ (2) NÔ-NI KAŋGÎRÔPÏ-NÖ (3) TAT-U MÎ-YE-TE (4) KAPÊR-I-MÎ S-URE-mba (5) TUKÏ KATAmBUK-Î-N-U Glossing with morphemic analysis (1) East-GEN (2) field-LOC hot.air.shimmer-GEN (3) rise-ATTR seePASS(INF)-SUB (4) return-INF-look(NML) do-EV-CON (5) moon declineINF-PERF-FIN Translation (3) After seeing the rise (2) of the shimmer of hot air in the field (1) of the East, (4) after [I] looked again, (5) the moon has already gone down. Commentary This is the first poem in book one that is written completely logographically without a single phonogram involved. WOJ pîmukasi ‘East’ (> MdJ higasi). If the word did indeed originally mean ‘eastern wind’ with -si being ‘wind’ as in nisi ‘West’179 < ni-si ‘westernwind’ and arasi ‘tempest’ < ara-si ‘rough-wind’, then the non-prenasalized 179

One should keep in mind that in the Ryūkyūan languages nisi means ‘North’, and not ‘West’.

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phonographic spelling pîmukasi (比 牟 加 之) 180 < pî ‘sun’ + muka ‘face, direction’ + si ‘wind’ is etymologically correct, while the alternative pîmuŋgasi (比牟我志)181 must be a result of the voiced nasal assimilation. It is quite clear that etymologically WOJ -si ‘wind’ is not related to PJ *kansay > WOJ kanze ~ kanza- ‘id.’ There is no apparent connection to either MK pʌ̀rʌ̀m ‘wind’ or Ainu réra ‘id.’ Before engaging in any etymological speculations on the origin of WOJ -si ‘wind’, let us try to figure out its phonological history. Unfortunately with a syllable like /si/ it is not easy to find an etymology without any substantial internal evidence. It appears that PR has *nisi ‘North’ on the basis of such reflexes as Yuwan niśi and Hateruma nisï (Uchima & Arakaki 2000: 389), so PJ *nise can be excluded, but it still leaves us with four possible origins of WOJ si: *si, *sǝy, *suy, and *soy. In addition, it looks like the element -si in arasi ‘rough wind’ 3.4 LLL (Martin 1987: 383) and pîmukasi ‘East’ 4.2 HHHL (Martin 1987: 405), has an inherent low pitch, that can point in these accent classes to the loss of the final *-m, so in the addition to the four forms *si, *sǝy, *suy, and *soy we can also obtain four more: *sim, *sǝym, *suym, and *soym. At least some of those can be compatible with proto-Kam-Sui *hlwum1 ‘wind’ > Mulam lǝm2, Kam lǝm2, Then zem2, Maonan lǝm1, Sui zum1, Sui-N lum1 (Thurgood 1988: 218).182 On the internal structure of WOJ kaŋgîrôpï ‘shimmer of hot air’ and its etymological connections see the commentary to 1.45 under kaŋgîru.

1.49

本文・Original text (1) 日雙斯 (2) 皇子命乃 (3) 馬副而 (4) 御獦立師斯 (5) 時者來向 仮名の書き下し・Kana transliteration (1) ひ 1 なみ 1 しの 2 (2) み 1 こ 1 の 2 み 1 こ 2 と 2 の 2 (3) うまなめ 2 て (4) み 1 かりたたしし (5) と 2 き 1 はき 1 むかふ Romanization (1) PÎnamîsi N-Ö (2) MÎKÔ N-Ö MÎ-KÖTÖ-nö (3) UMA NAMË-TE (4) MÎKAR-I TAT-As-i-si (5) TÖKÎ pa K-Î-MUK-AP-U Glossing with morphemic analysis (1) PÎnamîsi DV-ATTR (2) Imperial.Prince DV-ATTR HON-matter-GEN (3) horse put.side.by.side(INF)-SUB (4) HON-hunt-NML depart-HON-INFPAST.ATTR (5) time TOP come-INF-face-ITER-FIN Translation (5) The season comes again, (2) when the honored Imperial Prince (1) Pînamîsi (4) set out for a hunt [here] (3) placing horses side by side. Commentary Imperial Prince Pînamîsi (日雙斯) is a different name for Imperial Prince Kusakambë (草壁皇子), the son of Emperor Tenmu and Empress Jitō, and the father of Imperial Prince Karu. His wife and mother of Imperial Prince Karu 180 181 182

WMS 5.7a. WMS 5.11b. Cf. also proto-Tai *d-lomA1 ‘wind’ (Li 1977: 125, 273).

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was Imperial Princess Apë, future Empress Genmei. Imperial Prince Pînamîsi ~ Kusakambë was born in 662 AD and in 672 AD when he was ten years old, he accompanied his father, Emperor Tenmu in the Eastern Campaign against Imperial Prince Opotömö during Jinshin rebellion. He was supposed to inherit the throne after Empress Jitō as officially appointed Crown Prince but died in 689 AD. Imperial Prince Pînamîsi ~ Kusaka mbë is the author of one poem in the Man’yōshū: 2.110 (Nakanishi 1985: 264). The etymology of the name Pînamîsi should be: pî, ‘the sun’ + nam-î, infinitive of the verb nam- ‘to stand side by side’, ‘to be equal to’ + -si, past attributive. Although to the best of my knowledge, there is no mention of it in any sources, I think that the presence of a past tense marker in Pînamîsi might indicate that it is the posthumous name of Imperial Prince Kusakambë: ‘the one who was equal to the sun’.

Preface to the poem 1.50 本文・Original text 藤原宮之鑑民作歌

Translation A poem composed by conscripted laborers for [building] the palace of Pundipara. Commentary On the Pundipara palace in the capital of Pundipara see the commentary to the preface to the poems 1.28-75. The capital of Pundipara was the first permanent capital of Japan. Both Empress Jitō from the twelfth lunar month of the eighth year of Jitō (December 12, 694 AD -- January 20, 695 AD) and Emperor Monmu ruled from it, as well as Empress Genmei before she moved the capital to Nara in the second lunar month of the third year of Wadō (March 5 - April 4, 710 AD).

1.50

本文・Original text (1) 八隅知之 (2) 吾大王 (3) 高照 (4) 日乃皇子 (5) 荒妙乃 (6) 藤原我宇倍 尓 (7) 食國乎 (8) 賣之賜牟登 (9) 都宮者 (10) 高所知武等 (11) 神長柄 (12) 所念奈戸二 (13) 天地毛 (14) 縁而有許曽 (15) 磐走 (16) 淡海乃國之 (17) 衣手能 (18) 田上山之 (19) 眞木佐苦 (20) 檜乃嬬手乎 (21) 物乃布能 (22) 八十氏河尓 (23) 玉藻成 (24) 浮倍流礼 (25) 其乎取登 (26) 散和久御民毛 (27) 家忘 (28) 身毛多奈不知 (29) 鴨自物 (30) 水尓浮居而 (31) 吾作 (32) 日之御門尓 (33) 不知國 (34) 依巨勢道従 (35) 我國者 (36) 常世尓成牟 (37) 圖負留 (38) 神龜毛 (39) 新代登 (40) 泉乃河尓 (41) 持越流 (42) 眞木乃都 麻手乎 (43) 百不足 (44) 五十日太尓作 (45) 泝須良牟 (46) 伊蘇波久見者 (47) 神随尓有之 仮名の書き下し・Kana transliteration (1) やすみ 1 ちし (2) わがおほき 1 み 1 (3) たかてらす (4) ひ 1 の 2 み 1 こ 1 (5) あらたへ 2 の 2 (6) ふぢはらがうへ 2 に (7) をすくにを (8) め 1 したま はむと 2 (9) み 1 やこ 1 をば (10) たかしらさむと 2 (11) かむながら (12) お もほすなへ 2 に (13) あめ 2 つちも 1 (14) よ 2 りてあれこ 2 そ 2 (15) いはば しる (16) あふみ 1 のくにの 2 (17) こ 2 ろ 2 も 2 での 2 (18) たなかみ 1 やま の 2 (19) まき 2 さく (20) ひ 1 の 2 つまでを (21) も 2 の 2 の 2 ふの 2 (22) や

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そ 1 うぢかはに (23) たまもなす (24) うかべ 2 ながせれ (25) そ 2 をと 2 る と 2 (26) さわくみ 1 たみも 1 (27) いへ 1 わすれ (28) み 2 も 1 たなしらず (29) かも 1 じも 2 の 2 (30) み 1 づにうき 1 ゐて (31) わがつくる (32) ひ 1 の 2 み 1 かど 1 に (33) しらぬくに (34) よ 2 しこ 2 せぢよ 1 り (35) わがくに は (36) と 2 こ 2 よ 2 にならむ (37) ふみ 1 おへ 1 る (38) くすしき 1 かめ 2 も 1 (39) あらたよ 2 と 2 (40) いづみ 1 の 2 かはに (41) も 2 ちこ 1 せる (42) まき 2 の 2 つまでを (43) も 1 も 1 たらず (44) いかだにつくり (45) の 2 ぼ すらむ (46) いそ 1 はくみ 1 れば (47) かむからにあらし Romanization (1) yasu mît-i-si (2) WA-ŋGA OPO KÎMÎ (3) TAKA TER-AS-U (4) PÎ-nö MÎKÔ (5) ARA tapë-nö (6) PUnDI PARA-ŋga upë-ni (7) WOS-U KUNI-wo (8) mês-i-TAMAP-Am-u tö (9) MÎYAKÔ-WOmba (10) TAKA SIR-AS-Am-u tö (11) KAMU-na-ŋ-gara (12) OMÖP-OS-U napë n-i (13) AMË TUTI mô (14) YÖR-I-TE AR-E kösö (15) ipa-m-basir-u (16) APUMÎ-nö KUNI-nö (17) KÖRÖMÖnDE-nö (18) TANAKAMÎ YAMA-nö (19) MA-KÏ sak-u (20) PÎ-nö tumande-wo (21) mönönöpu-nö (22) YASÔ UnDI KAPA-ni (23) TAMA MOnasu (24) UKAmbë NAŋGAS-Er-e (25) SÖ-wo TÖR-U tö (26) sawak-u MÎTAMI mô (27) IPÊ WASURE (28) MÏ mô tana SIR-AnZ-U (29) KAMÔ n zimönö (30) MÎnDU-ni UK-Î-WI-TE (31) WA-ŋGA TUKUR-U (32) PÎ-NÖ MÎ-KAnDÔ-ni (33) SIR-AN-U KUNI (34) YÖS-I-köse-n-DI-YÔRI (35) WAŋ Ga KUNI pa (36) TÖKÖ YÖ n-i NAR-Am-u (37) PUMÎ OP-Êr-u (38) KUSUSI-KÎ KAMË mô (39) ARATA YÖ tö (40) InDUMÎ-nö KAPA-ni (41) MÖT-I-KÔS-Er-u (42) MA-KÏ-nö tumande-wo (43) MÔMÔ TAR-AnZ-U (44) ikanda n-i TUKUR-I (45) NÖmBOs-uram-u (46) isôp-aku MÎ-RE-mba (47) KAMU-KARA n-i AR-Asi Glossing with morphemic analysis (1) peace be.filled-INF-PAST.ATTR (2) we-POSS Great Lady (3) high shineHON-ATTR (4) sun-GEN HON-child (5) rough mulberry.tree.bark.clothCOMP (6) Pundipara-POSS top-LOC (7) rule(HON)-ATTR land-ACC (8) look(HON)-INF-HON-FIN DV (9) capital-ACC(EMPH) (10) high governHON-TENT-FIN DV (11) deity-PLUR-GEN-nature (12) think-HON-ATTR CONJ DV-INF (13) Heaven Earth FP (14) approach-INF-SUB exist-EV FP (15) rock-LOC-run-ATTR (16) Apumî-GEN province-GEN (17) sleeveCOMP (18) Tanakamî mountain-GEN (19) INT-tree split-ATTR (20) cypressGEN roughly.cut.lumber-ACC (21) official-GEN (22) eighty clan/Undi river (23) jewel seaweed-COMP (24) make.float(INF) make.float.down-PROG-EV (25) that-ACC take-FIN DV (26) make.noise-ATTR HON-people FP (27) home forget(INF) (28) body FP completely know-NEG-INF (29) wild.duck like (30) water-LOC float-INF-sit(INF)-SUB (31) we-POSS make-ATTR (32) sun-GEN HON-gate-LOC (33) know-NEG-ATTR land (34) bring.close-INFBEN(NML)/Köse-DV(ATTR)-road-ABL (35) we-POSS country TOP (36) eternal world DV-INF become-TENT-FIN (37) writing carry-PROG-ATTR (38) be.miraculous-ATTR tortoise FP (39) new age DV (40) Indumî-GEN river-LOC (41) bring-INF-cross-PROG-ATTR (42) INT-tree-GEN roughly.cut.lumber-ACC (43) hundred be.enough-NEG-INF (44) (fifty) raft DV-INF -INF (45) .climb-TENT2-FIN (46) compete-NML see-EV-CON (47) deity-nature DV-INF exist-SUP Translation (2) Our Great Lady, (1) who is full of peace, (3) a high-shining (4) child of the

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Sun, (12) at the same time as [she] deigned to think (11) with [her] divine nature, (8) to look over (7) the land that [she] rules, (6) from the top of Pundipara field (5) which is like rough cloth made from mulberry bark tree (10) and to govern highly (9) from [her] capital [there], (13) both Heaven and Earth approached [to serve her]. (23) Like jewel seaweed, (24) [Heaven and Earth] make float down (22) Undi river, where many clans of officials [live], (20) the roughly cut cypress lumber, (19) the split real trees, (18) from Mt. Tanakamî, (17) which is like a sleeve, (16) in Apumî province, (15) where [gentle waves] run on the rocks. (25) Intending to take that [lumber], (26) the people making noises, too, (27) forget about their homes, and (28) being completely oblivious of themselves, (30) are floating in the water (29) like wild ducks. (33) [When] the unknown lands (34) that [Empress] would bring closer, [come] along the Köse road to (32) to the Imperial Palace, (31) which we are building, (35) our country (36) will become the [land] of eternal life. (38) A miraculous tortoise (37) carrying an [auspicious] writing [on its carapace] (39) announced the new age. (42) The roughly cut lumber of the real trees (41) that [they all -- Heaven, Earth, and people] bring over (40) to Indumî river, (45) [they] make [it] go up [the river] (44) making it into [at least] fifty rafts, (43) but short of hundred. (46) When [one] sees how [they all compete], (47) it appears that [Empress] has the divine nature. Commentary On WOJ yasu mît-i-si (八隅知之) ‘filled with peace’, see the commentary to 1.3. Lines two, nineteen, and twenty are hypometric (jitarazu, 字足らず). On WOJ opo kîmî ‘Great Lord’ which refers to the Emperor, see the commentary to 5.794. Here it refers to Empress Jitō, therefore, I translate it as ‘Great Lady’, not ‘Great Lord’. WOJ pî-nö mî-kô (日乃皇子) in line four should be taken as ‘honorable child of the sun’, and not as ‘Imperial Princess’, because the reference is to Empress Jitō. On tapë ‘cloth made from the mulberry tree bark’ in line five see the commentary to 15.3587. Pundipara field corresponds to an area in Kasihara city (Kasihara-shi, 橿原 市) with Takadono town (Takadono-chō, 高殿町) as its center in present-day Nara prefecture (Nakanishi 1985: 481). WOJ mês- < *mî- ‘to see’, ‘to look’ + -as-, honorific in line eight besides its original function as the honorific verb for ‘to see’, ‘to look’ can also mean ‘to rule’, ‘to govern’, certainly a development from ‘to look over’. I preserve this original meaning in my translation in order to avoid having too many ‘to rule’ and ‘to govern’. There is a disagreement among Japanese scholars concerning the reading of line nine. The Genryaku kōhon has miyako-womba in kakatakana in red ink as the “new glossing”, and the Nishi Honganji-bon has miyako-ni fa as furigana in katakana. The Hirose-bon has miyako-womba. Kamo-no Mabuchi was the first scholar who suggested the reading mi-araka, on the basis of the fact that in the Kogo shūi (古語拾遺) the old word for 殿 ‘pavilion’ is mentioned as mîaraka (美阿良可) (Omodaka 1977.1: 333). Although this is illogical, since the text clearly says 都宮 ‘capital’s palace’, and not 殿 ‘pavilion’, the absolute majority of modern Japanese scholars followed this proposal: (Kōnosu 1939: 64-65), (Takagi et al. 1957: 35), (Kojima et al. 1971: 90), (Tsuchiya 1976: 97), (Omodaka 1977.1: 330, 333), (Nakanishi 1978: 72), (Itō 1983: 197, 200),

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(Satake et al. 1999: 46), (Aso 2006: 162, 169), (Tada 2009: 61). The only dissenting voice belongs to Takeda Yūkichi, who reads this line as opo mîya pa (1956, 220, 223-224), expressing his doubts that mî-araka is a poetic word. It appears, however in 2.167. As usual, I think that there is no need to correct old manuscripts unless there is very compelling evidence to the contrary, which is lacking in this instance. In addition, the fact that the Genryaku kōhon and the Hirose-bon that belong to two different manuscript lines offer the same reading is quite persuasive, therefore I read line nine as mîyakô-womba. On OJ plural marker -na and the complex suffix -naŋgara < -na-ŋ-gara PLUR-GEN- ‘having the nature of’ see Vovin (2005a: 102-106). On WOJ ipa-m-basir-u rock-LOC-run-ATTR ‘to run on/through the rocks’ see the commentary to 1.29a. On Apumî province see the commentary to the postscript to the poem 1.7. Mt. Tanakamî refers to a mountainous area in the South-East of Ōtsu city (Ōtsu-shi, 大津市) along Daidogawa river (大戸川) in present-day Shiga prefecture (Nakanishi 1985: 460). This mountainous area actually includes four separate peaks ranging from 600 m to 439 m. Although it is believed that körömönde-nö ‘like a sleeve’ (line seventeen) is a permanent epithet (makurakotoba, 枕 詞) to Tanakamî because of the phonetic similarity between syllables /nde/ and ta/ (Omodaka 1977.1: 334), actually the shape of this mountainous area reminds of a sleeve, with a narrow end in the West and wide opening in the East (see the map in Omodaka (1977.1: 335)). On WOJ ma-kï ‘real tree’ see the commentary to 1.45. On WOJ pî ‘cypress’ see the commentary to 1.45. WOJ tumande in lines twenty and forty-two is ‘roughly cut lumber, with sharp corners left’. WOJ word mönönöpu ‘official’ normally refers to both civil and military officials serving at the imperial court, or to either of them. See 1.76 below, where it clearly indicates military officials. OJ yasô ‘eighty’ is often used as a metaphor for ‘many’, as in this case. Present-day Seta river (Seta-gawa, 瀬田川), which flows out of Biwa lake becomes Uji river (Uji-gawa, 宇 治 川) when it reaches Kyōto prefecture. However, during the Asuka and Nara periods, Undi river flowed into Opokura pond (Opokura-nö ikë, 巨椋の池) (Nakanishi 1985: 429). Note that OJ sawak- ‘to make noise’ in line twenty-six had voiceless -kunlike MdJ voiced -g- in sawag-. The usage of the honorific prefix mî- before WOJ tami ‘people’ implies that these laborers are ‘imperial people’ (Omodaka 1977.1: 336). Omodaka notes that WOJ tana in line twenty-eight is an unknown word, but judging on the context, it must mean ‘completely’ (1977.1: 336). He is right about the meaning, but I trust that the word itself is likely to be a loan from Korean: cf. MK :ta ‘all’, a lexicalized nominalization of the infinitive tà(G)-á of the verb tà(G)ʌ̀- ‘to exhaust’ + MK :nay ‘from the beginning till end’, ‘completely’, with the expected loss of the final -y in the WOJ loan. WOJ pî-nö mî-kandô ‘the honorable gate of the Sun’ in line thirty-two is a reference to the Imperial Palace and the Imperial Court. There is a play on words in line thirty-four between köse, a nominalized form of the benefactive auxiliary köse- and place name Köse. Köse area corresponds to the Eastern end of Gose city (Gose-shi, 御所市) in present-day Nara prefecture (Itō 1983: 202). On WOJ tökö yö ‘land of eternal life’, ‘eternal world’ in line thirty-six see the commentaries to 5.865 and 18.4063.

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Finding a tortoise with a pattern on its carapace resembling old style writing characters such as zhuànzǐ (篆字) was considered to be a good omen. Indumî river is the modern Kidugawa river (きづがわ, 木津川), a southern tribute of Yodogawa river (淀川). Line forty-three: mômô taranzu (百不足) ‘short of hundred’ is sometimes considered to be a permanent epithet (makura-kotoba, 枕詞) to WOJ ikanda ‘raft’, because it starts with i- like isô ‘fifty’ 183 (五十) (Itō 1983: 203). 184 However, mômô taranzu occurs with the following ikanda ‘raft’ only once in the Man’yōshū: in this particular poem. Omodaka is more precise in his definition, saying that mômô taranzu is connected to i of isô, and that it also occurs with yasô ‘eighty’ (1977.1: 342). Whether or not it is connected with a reverse count in Ainu digit numerals involving ‘six’ to ‘nine’ as Omodaka believes (1977.1: 343), following Takagi et al. note (1957: 334-335) is difficult to reject or to support, because it does not affect Ainu’s decades, and in WOJ it does not affect digits. However, I should add that mômô taranzu occurs in WOJ not only with isô ‘fifty’ and yasô ‘eighty’, but also with mîsô ‘thirty’ (13.3223) and yama ‘mountain’ (13.3276). So, quite possibly, the basic idea here is not a reverse count, but something like: ‘thirty, fifty, eighty -- but not as many as one hundred’ and ‘[many] mountains -- but not as many as one hundred’. The general spelling of the line forty-four ikanda n-i tukur-u ‘making it into [at least] fifty rafts’ as 五十日太尓作 with the word ikanda ‘raft’ in it is interesting, because , of course means ‘fifty days’, and 太尓 ndani with such parsing would be ‘only as little is’. Thus, this line may contain the hint to the time frame within which the new Imperial Palace was built, or, more exactly, to serve as a poetic hyperbola for such a time frame. Line forty-seven is sometimes read as kamu-na-ŋ-gara narasi (Omodaka 1977.1: 331). The character 随 can stand for both na-ŋ-gara ‘having a nature of’ (more frequently) and kara ‘nature’ (less frequently). However, na-ŋ-gara never occurs before the infinitive n-i of the defective verb n-, while kara does, therefore I follow the reading kamu-kara. In addition, n-i is clearly spelled separately as 尓, so any consistent transliteration must adhere to this spelling, so I follow Itō, who reads this line as kamu-kara n-i ar-asi (1983: 199). This reading makes line forty-seven hypermetric, and it is quite possible that the actual pronunciation of n-i ar-asi was [nar-asi], but this still remains a guess, so it is safer to follow the actual spelling. Postscript to the poem 1.50 本文・Original text 右日本紀曰朱鳥七年癸巳秋八月幸藤原宮地八年甲午春正月幸藤原宮冬 十二月庚戌朔乙卯遷居藤原宮 Translation [Regarding the poem] above, the Nihongi says: “In the eighth lunar month of the seventh year of Akamî töri, [Empress] went to the Pundipara palace grounds. In the first spring lunar month of the eighth year [of Jitō she] went to the Pundipara palace. On the sixth day of the twelfth winter lunar month [of the same year Empress] moved to the Pundipara palace. 183 184

WOJ isô ‘fifty’ < i- five + -sô ‘ten’. There is certainly a graphic play, because the initial i- of ikanda ‘raft’ is written with 五十 ‘fifty’.

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Commentary There are some minor differences between the data in this passage and the extant version of the Nihonshoki. The seventh year of Akamî töri certainly never existed. As a matter of fact it is seventh year of Jitō. According to the Nihonshoki, Empress Jitō went to Pundipara palace (still under construction) on the first day of the eighth lunar month of the seventh year of Jitō (September 6, 693 AD). The trip in the first lunar month of the eighth year of Jitō took two days: Jitō departed from Asuka palace on the twenty-first day (February 10, 694 AD) and retuned the next day. The sixth day of the twelfth lunar month of the eighth year of Jitō corresponds to December 27, 694 AD.

Preface to the poem 1.51

本文・Original text 従明日香宮遷居藤原宮之後志貴皇子御作歌 Translation A poem composed by Imperial Prince Sikï after the palace was moved from Asuka to Pundipara. Commentary On Asuka palace see the commentary to the preface to the poem 1.21. On Pundipara palace see the commentary to the preface to the poems 1.2875. Imperial Prince Sikï is the seventh son of Emperor Tenji. He is the author of six poems in the Man’yōshū: 1.51, 1.64, 3.267, 4.513, 8.1418, and 8.1466. By the end of his life, he reached the Second Princely Rank. We do not know his date of birth, but he passed away in the eighth lunar month of the second year of Reiki (靈亀), which corresponds to August 8 -- September 19, 716 AD. He is the father of the Imperial Prince Kasuŋga (春日皇子), future Emperor Kōnin (Kōnin tennō, 光仁天皇), who was his sixth son.

1.51

本文・Original text (1) 婇女乃 (2) 袖吹反 (3) 明日香風 (4) 京都乎遠見 (5) 無用尓布久 仮名の書き下し・Kana transliteration (1) うねめ 1 の 2 (2) そ 1 でふき 1 かへ 1 す (3) あすかかぜ (4) み 1 やこ 1 を と 2 ほみ 1 (5) いたづらにふく Romanization (1) UNEMÊ-nö (2) SÔnDE PUK-Î-KAPÊS-U (3) Asuka KAnZE (4) MÎYAKÔ-wo TÖPO-mî (5) ITAnDURA n-i puk-u Glossing with morphemic analysis (1) lady-in-waiting-GEN (2) sleeve blow-INF-flutter-ATTR (3) Asuka wind (4) capital-ABS be.far-GER (5) in.vain DV-INF blow Translation (3) Asuka wind (2) that fluttered sleeves (1) of ladies-in-waiting (5) [now] blows in vain, (4) because the capital is far.

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Commentary Line one is hypometric (jitarazu, 字足らず). WOJ unemê are ladies-in-waiting who served at the imperial dining table and on other occasions. They were selected from the daughters of provincial aristocracy. While the -mê ‘woman’ part is transparent, the etymology of the first part of this compound une- is completely opaque. WOJ form une suggests PJ archetype *unay or *unia, but other Japonic parallels that would be semantically convincing are absent to the best of my knowledge, thus it is not inconceivable that une- might be a foreign word. Unfortunately, we know too little about the concrete functions of unemê at court. WOJ sônde ‘sleeve’ is a loan from Korean; see the commentary to 15.3604. On OJ -wo … -mî construction see Vovin (2005a: 163-167, 170).

Preface to the poem 1.52 本文・Original text 藤原宮御井歌

Translation A poem on the well in Pundipara palace. Commentary On Pundipara palace see the commentary to the preface to the poems 1.28-75. There was a well with excellent spring water, which was called Pu ndi wi ‘wisteria well’ because of its water quality. The area around this well was called Pundi wi-ŋga para ‘field of wisteria well’, which was contracted to Pundipara ‘wisteria field’. The Imperial Palace in Pundipara was built around this well (Omodaka 1977.1: 351).

1.52

本文・Original text (1) 八隅知之 (2) 和期大王 (3) 高照 (4) 日之皇子 (5) 麁妙乃 (6) 藤井我原 尓 (7) 大御門 (8) 始賜而 (9) 埴安乃 (10) 堤上尓 (11) 在立之 (12) 見之賜者 (13) 日本乃 (14) 青香具山者 (15) 日経乃 (16) 大御門尓 (17) 春山跡 (18) 之美佐備立有 (19) 畝火乃 (20) 此美豆山者 (21) 日緯能 (22) 大御門尓 (23) 弥豆山跡 (24) 山佐備伊座 (25) 耳高之 (26) 青菅山者 (27) 背友乃 (28) 大 御門尓 (29) 宜名倍 (30) 神佐備立有 (31) 名細 (32) 吉野乃山者 (33) 影友 乃 (34) 大御門従 (35) 雲居尓曽 (36) 遠久有家留 (37) 高知也 (38) 天之御 蔭 (39) 天知也 (40) 日之御影乃 (41) 水許曽婆 (42) 常尓有米 (43) 御井之 清水 仮名の書き下し・Kana transliteration (1) やすみ 1 ちし (2) わご 2 おほき 1 み 1 (3) たかてらす (4) ひ 1 の 2 み 1 こ 1 (5) あらたへ 2 の 2 (6) ふぢゐがはらに (7) おほみ 1 かど 1 (8) はじめ 2 たまひ 1 て (9) はにやすの 2 (10) つつみ 1 の 2 うへ 2 に (11) ありたたし (12) め 1 したまへ 2 ば (13) やまと 2 の 2 (14) あをかぐやまは (15) ひ 1 の 2 たての 2 (16) おほき 1 み 1 かど 1 に (17) はるやまと 2 (18) しみ 1 さび 2 た てり (19) うねび 2 の 2 (20) こ 2 の 2 み 1 づやまは (21) ひ 1 の 2 よ 2 こ 2 の 2 (22) おほき 1 み 1 かど 1 に (23) み 1 づやまと 2 (24) やまさび 2 います (25) み 1 み 1 なしの 2 (26) あをすがやまは (27) そ 2 と 2 も 2 の 2 (28) おほき 1 み 1 かど 1 に (29) よ 2 ろ 2 しなへ 2 (30) かむさび 2 たてり (31) なぐはし

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き 1 (32) よ 2 しの 1 の 2 やまは (33) かげ 2 と 2 も 2 の 2 (34) おほき 1 み 1 か ど 1 ゆ (35) くも 1 ゐにそ 2 (36) と 2 ほくありけ 1 る (37) たかしるや (38) あめ 2 の 2 み 1 かげ 2 (39) あめ 2 しるや (40) ひ 1 の 2 み 1 かげ 2 の 2 (41) み 1 づこ 2 そ 2 ば (42) つねにあらめ 2 (43) み 1 ゐの 2 き 1 よ 1 み 1 づ Romanization (1) yasu mît-i-si (2) wa-ŋgö OPO KÎMÎ (3) TAKA TER-AS-U (4) PÎ-nö MÎKÔ (5) ARA tapë-nö (6) PUnDI WI-ŋga para-ni (7) OPO MÎ-KAnDÔ (8) PAnZIMË-TAMAP-Î-TE (9) PANIYASU-nö (10) TUTUMÎ-NÖ UPË-ni (11) ari-TAT-As-i (12) MÊs-i-TAMAP-Ë-mba (13) YAMATÖ-nö (14) AWO Kaŋgu YAMA pa (15) PÎ-NÖ TATE-nö (16) OPO-KÎ MÎ-KAnDÔ-ni (17) PARU YAMA tö (18) sim-î sambï TAT-ER-I (19) Unembï-nö (20) KÖNÖ mîndu YAMA pa (21) PÎ-NÖ YÖKÖ-nö (22) OPO-KÎ MÎ-KAnDÔ-ni (23) mîndu YAMA tö (24) YAMA sambï iMAS-U (25) MÎMÎNASI-NÖ (26) AWO SUŋGA-YAMA pa (27) SÖ-t-ömö-nö (28) OPO-KÎ MÎ-KAnDÔ-ni (29) yörösi napë (30) KAMU-sambï TAT-ER-I (31) NA-ŋ-GUPASI-KÎ (32) YÖSINÔ-nö YAMA pa (33) KAŋGË-t-ömö-nö (34) OPO-KÎ MÎ-KAnDÔ-YU (35) KUMÔWI-ni sö (36) TÖPO-ku AR-I-kêr-u (37) TAKA SIR-U ya (38) AMËNÖ MÎ-KAŋGË (39) AMË SIR-U ya (40) PÎ-NÖ MÎ-KAŋGË-nö (41) MÎnDU kösö mba (42) TUNE n-i AR-Am-ë (43) MÎ-WI-NÖ KÎYÔ MÎnDU Glossing with morphemic analysis (1) peace be.filled-INF-PAST.ATTR (2) we-POSS Great Lady (3) high shineHON-ATTR (4) sun-GEN HON-child (5) rough mulberry.tree.bark.clothCOMP (6) wisteria well-POSS field-LOC (7) great HON-gate (8) start(INF)HON-INF-SUB (9) Paniyasu-GEN (10) embankment-GEN top-LOC (11) ITER-stand-HON-INF (12) look.HON-INF-HON-EV-CON (13) Yamatö-GEN (14) green Kaŋgu mountain TOP (15) sun-GEN longitude-GEN (16) be.greatATTR HON-gate-LOC (17) spring mountain DV (18) grow.dense-NML like stand-PROG-FIN (19) Unembï-GEN (20) this fresh.and.young mountain TOP (21) sun-GEN latitude-GEN (22) be.great-ATTR HON-gate-LOC (23) fresh.and.young mountain DV (24) mountain like exist(HON)-FIN (25) Mîmînasi-GEN (26) green sedge-mountain TOP (27) back-GEN/LOC-sideGEN (28) be.great-ATTR HON-gate-LOC (29) be.good CONJ (30) deity-like stand-PROG-FIN (31) name-GEN-be.excellent-ATTR (32) Yösinô-GEN mountain TOP (33) sunlight-GEN/LOC-side-GEN (34) be.great-ATTR HONgate-ABL (35) distance-LOC FP (36) be.far-INF exist-INF-RETR-ATTR (37) high rule-ATTR EP (38) Heaven-GEN HON-cover (39) Heaven rule-ATTR EP (40) sun-GEN HON-sunlight-GEN (41) water FP TOP (42) always DV-INF exist-TENT-EV (43) HON-well-GEN clear water Translation (2/12) When our Great Lady, (1) who is full of peace, (3) a high-shining (4) child of the Sun, (11) constantly stands (10) on the top of embankment (9) of Paniyasu [pond] (12) and looks [around] (8) after [she] started [to rule from] (7) the Great Palace (6) at Wisteria Well field, (5) which is like rough cloth made from mulberry bark tree, (14) green Mt. Kaŋgu (13) of Yamatö (18) is standing like a densely overgrown (17) spring mountain (16) at the Great Gate (15) of the East. (20) This fresh and young mountain of Unembï (24) is like a mountain, (23) fresh and young mountain (22) at the Great Gate (21) of the West. (26) Green Sedge-mountain (25) of Mîmînasi (30) is standing like a deity (29) just as well (28) at the Great Gate (27) of the North. (31) The

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famous (32) mountains of Yösinô (36) are far away (35) in the distance (34) from the Great Gate (33) of the South. (42) There always will be (41) water (40) in the sunlight of the Sun (39) that rules the Heaven (38) in the Imperial Palace (37) that [Empress] rules highly, (43) the clear water from the imperial well. Commentary The meter of this poem is quite irregular, because nine lines: two, four, twelve, thirteen, nineteen, twenty-seven, thirty-eight, forty, and forty-two are all hypometric (jitarazu, 字足らず). On WOJ yasu mît-i-si (八隅知之) ‘filled with peace’, see the commentary to 1.3. On WOJ possessive case marker -ŋgö (期) instead of -ŋga in wa-ŋgö opo kîmî ‘Great Lord’ see the commentary to 18.4063 and 20.4360. On WOJ opo kîmî ‘Great Lord’ which refers to the Emperor, see the commentary to 5.794. Here it refers to Empress Jitō, therefore, I translate it as ‘Great Lady’, not ‘Great Lord’. WOJ pî-nö mî-kô (日乃皇子) in line four should be taken as ‘honorable child’, and not as ‘Imperial Princess’, because the reference is to Empress Jitō. On tapë ‘cloth made from the mulberry tree bark’ in line five see the commentary to 15.3587. On Pundi wi ‘wisteria well’ see the commentary to the Preface to the poem 1.52. On Pundipara palace see the commentary to the preface to the poems 1.28-75. On Mt. Kaŋgu see the commentary to the preface to 1.2. WOJ pî-nö tate, lit. ‘vertical of the sun’, ‘longitude of the sun’ in line fifteen, somewhat confusingly (and differently from the Chinese practice) refers to the axis East-West, i.e. latitude. Here, however, it simply indicates ‘East’. In the same manner, WOJ pî-nö yökö, lit. ‘horizontal of the sun’, ‘latitude of the sun’ in line twenty-one refers to the axis North-South, i.e. longitude. Even more confusingly, it does not indicate here either North or South, but West (Omodaka 1977.1: 354-355). On Mt. Unembï see the commentaries to the preface to 1.2 and to 1.13. All manuscripts without exception have Mîmîtaka (耳高) for the mountain name in line twenty-five. On the basis of the location of Pundipara capital, we know that the mountain to the north of it was Mt. Mîmînasi (耳成, 耳爲). On the basis of this, Kamo Mabuchi ‘corrected’ the text, and replaced the character 高 with the character 爲. Omodaka further notes that the sōsho (草 書) forms of 高 and 爲 are similar (Omodaka 1977.1: 355). All modern commentators follow Kamo Mabuchi’s lead in this respect, seemingly with a single exception of Takeda Yūkichi (1956: 236), who justly pointed out that the meaning of Mîmînasi indicates the shape of a mountain which rises high above the plain it is located in. Although Takeda does not explicitly state this, such a comparison certainly involves, not a human, but an animal ear. Takeda, however, further cites the expression found in the Indumô-nö kuni nö mîyatukô-nö kamu-yöŋgötö (出雲國造神賀詞) ‘Congratulatory Norito to the Deities by the Commander of Indumô province’ (Takeda 1956: 240): 振立流耳能彌高爾 PUR-I-TAT-Uru MÎMÎ-nö IYA TAKA n-i shake-INF-raise-ATTR ear-COMP more.and.more high DV-INF

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like pricking [his] ears more and more highly (NT 27: 456)185 I should add that there is somewhat similar expression in another Norito, Mîna-n-dukï-tuŋgömöri-nö opo parapë (六月晦大祓) ‘Great exorcism of the last day of the sixth lunar month’: 高天原爾耳振立聞物止馬牽立弖 TAKA [A]MA-ŋGA PARA-ni MÎMÎ PUR-I-TATE-TE KÎK-U MÖNÖ tö UMA PÎK-Î-TATE-te High Heaven-POSS plain-LOC ear shake-INF-raise((INF)-SUB listen-ATTR thing DV horse lead-INF-.stand(INF)-SUB bringing the horses who will listen pricking [their] ears to the plain of High Heaven (NT 10: 426) Although in this last example taka ‘high’ refers not to horses’ ears, but to Heaven, the horses’ ears still have to be pricked highly to listen to the Heaven. Consequently, I agree with Takeda’s opinion that there is no need to correct forcibly the characters in the text (1956: 240). Mîmîtaka might have been an alternative name for Mîmînasi, which is not preserved in other texts, or, much more likely, we have here a case of rebus writing, based on the image of highly pricked animal ears, which coincides with the view of Mt. Mîmînasi on Yamatö plain. Thus, in my edition, I preserve the original text, but use the reading Mîmînasi. WOJ sö-t-ömö is a contraction of sö-tu omö ‘back side’, which indicates, of course, the North. WOJ sö- is a compounding form of OJ se ‘back’ that is an irregular development from PJ *söy, because OJ *sï would be expected. On Yösinô see the commentary to the preface to 18.4098-4100. WOJ kaŋgë-t-ömö is a contraction of kaŋgë-tu omö ‘sunlight side’, which indicates, of course, the South. OJ kaŋgë ‘shade’, ‘shadow’, ‘cover’ and WOJ kaŋgë ‘sunlight’ are in probably the homonyms, pretty much in the same way as OJ amë ‘Heaven’ and amë ‘rain’. On OJ kumôwi (lit. ‘seat of the clouds’) ‘clouds’, ‘place where clouds gather’, ‘distance’ in line thirty-five see the commentary to 15.3627. WOJ amë-nö mî-kaŋgë ‘cover of heaven’ in line thirty-eight is a reference to the Imperial Palace. On the secondary prenasalization of the topic pa > mba after the focus particle kösö see the commentary to 17.3956.

Preface to the poem 1.53 本文・Original text 短歌 Translation A tanka [envoy]. Commentary This envoy is to the preceding chōka 1.52

185

This expression refers to a horse. The last number in references to Norito indicates pages in Takeda Yūkichi’s edition (1958).

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1.53

本文・Original text (1) 藤原之 (2) 大宮都加倍 (3) 安礼衝哉 (4) 處女之友者 (5) 乏吉呂賀聞 仮名の書き下し・Kana transliteration (1) ふぢはらの 2 (2) おほみ 1 やつかへ 2 (3) あれつぐや (4) をと 2 め 1 の 2 と 2 も 2 は (5) と 2 も 2 しき 1 ろ 2 かも Romanization (1) PUnDIPARA-NÖ (2) OPO MÎYA tukapë (3) are-tuŋg-u YA (4) WOTÖMÊ n-ö TÖMÖ pa (5) TÖMÖSI-kî rö kamo Glossing with morphemic analysis (1) Pundipara-GEN (2) Great Palace serve(INF) (3) be.born(INF)-followATTR EP (4) maiden DV-ATTR companion TOP (5) be.envious-ATTR DV EP Translation (5) Oh, how [I] envy (4) maidens (3) who will be born after and (2) will serve [in] the Great Palace of Pundipara! Commentary On Pundipara palace see the commentary to the preface to the poems 1.28-75. On WOJ are- ‘to be born’, ‘to come into being’, ‘to appear’ see the commentary to 1.29a. The character 衝 ‘to stick’, ‘to stab’ (WOJ tuk-) is apparently used as an imperfect kungana for tuŋg-u ‘follows’. WOJ 處女之友 in line four is usually read as wotömê-ŋga tömö, and is understood as plural of wotömê ‘maiden’ (Omodaka 1977.1: 361), (Itō 1983: 219). This, however, makes no sense because according to OJ grammar, wotömê-ŋga tömö can only mean ‘companions of maidens’. But this alleged possessive case marker -ŋga is written by 之, which can stand for both genitive case marker -nö, written logographically, and attributive n-ö of the defective verb n-, written as kungana. I trust that it is this last case, and read 處女之友 accordingly as wotömê n-ö tömö ‘maiden companions’ (lit. companions who are maidens’). Cf. the similar usage: sindu wo n-ö tömö ‘low-class men’ (lit. ‘low-class male companions’) (18.4061), masura wo n-ö tömö ‘magnificent relatives’ (lit. ‘relatives who are magnificent men’) (20.4465). Itō notes that managing the well in the Imperial Palace was the business of young maidens (1983: 215). This then explains 1.53 as an envoy to 1.52. On WOJ defective verb rö ‘to be’ 186 and its Korean origin, see Vovin (2009a: 547-549). Postscript to the poems 1.52-53 本文・Original text 右歌作者未詳 Translation The author of the [two] poems above is not known. 186

It is usually treated as an ‘emphatic suffix’ in Japanese tradition (Itō 1983: 219).

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Commentary There are speculations that these two poems were composed by Kakînömötönö asömî Pîtömarö, but this is highly unlikely. In addition, if a compiler in the eighth century could not establish their authorship, it would be a complete folly to do it in the twenty-first. These poems have no fixed date, but they must have been composed during a relatively short span of time, coinciding with the existence of Pu ndipara as a capital between the eighth year of Jitō (694 AD) and the third year of Wadō (710 AD).

Preface to the poems 1.54-56

本文・Original text 大寳元年辛丑秋九月太上天皇幸于紀伊國時歌 Translation Poems composed when Retired Empress went to Kïyi province in the ninth autumn lunar month of the first year of Taihō. Commentary The ninth lunar month of the first year of Taihō (大寳) corresponds to October 6 -- November 4, 701 AD. Retired Empress is Empress Jitō. On her biography see the commentary to the preface to the poems 1.28-75. On Kïyi province see the commentary to the postscript to 1.7.

1.54

本文・Original text (1) 巨勢山乃 (2) 列々椿 (3) 都良々々尓 (4) 見乍思奈 (5) 許湍乃春野乎 仮名の書き下し・Kana transliteration (1) こ 2 せやまの 2 (2) つらつらつばき 1 (3) つらつらに (4) み 1 つつしの 1 はな (5) こ 2 せの 2 はるの 1 を Romanization (1) Köse yama-nö (2) tura-tura TUmBAKÎ (3) tura-tura n-i (4) MÎ-TUTU SINÔP-Ana (5) Köse-nö PARU NÔ-wo Glossing with morphemic analysis (1) Köse mountain-GEN (2) with.shining.leaves camellia (3) intent DV-INF (4) look(INF)-COOR long.for-DES (5) Köse-GEN spring field-ACC Translation (4) Looking (3) intently (2) at the camellias with shining leaves (1) at Köse mountains, (4) [I] will long for spring fields of Köse. Commentary On OJ tumbakî ‘camellia’, see the commentary to 20.4418. OJ tura-tura in line two is a puzzle (not to be confused with tura-tura n-i ‘intently’ in line three). There are two main attempts to explain it: one, going back to Keichū, who treats it as ‘standing in line’, and another originating with

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Sengaku who explains it as ‘with shining [leaves or flowers]’. Since this is an autumn poem, everyone agrees that a direct reference to camellia flowers cannot be made (Omodaka 1977.1: 365), (Itō 1983: 227). This leaves us two options if we want to proceed with Sengaku’s explanation: either it is leaves, or tura-tura tumbakî already was a compound as Omodaka thinks (Omodaka 1977.1: 365). Since turu-turu tumbakî appears only in 1.54 and 1.56 in the whole Man’yōshū, and in both cases in almost identical contexts, I do not see how Omodaka’s proposal can be justified. On the other hand, since tumbakî ‘camellia’ is an evergreen tree, one would expect that its leaves would be shining or glossy all year round. This is the interpretation I adopt here. On Köse area see the commentary to 1.50. Köse mountains refer to the mountainous area along the mountain gorge where Heisaka river (Heisakagawa, 重坂川) flows (Nakanishi 1985: 446). Postscript to the poem 1.54 本文・Original text 右一首坂門人足 Translation The poem above [was composed by] Sakatô-nö Pîtötari. Commentary Nothing is known about the biography of Sakatô-nö Pîtötari. This is the only poem by him in the Man’yōshū.

1.55

本文・Original text (1) 朝毛吉 (2) 木人乏母 (3) 亦打山 (4) 行來跡見良武 (5) 樹人友師母 仮名の書き下し・Kana transliteration (1) あさも 1 よ 2 し (2) き 2 ひ 1 と 2 と 2 も 2 しも 2 (3) まつちやま (4) ゆき 1 くと 2 み 1 らむ (5) き 2 ひ 1 と 2 と 2 も 2 しも 2 Romanization (1) asa mô YÖ-SI (2) Kï PÎTÖ TÖMÖSI-mö (3) Matuti YAMA (4) YUK-Î-KU tö MÎ-ram-u (5) Kï PÎTÖ tömösi-mö Glossing with morphemic analysis (1) hemp skirt be.good-FIN (2) Kï[yi] person be.envious-EXCL (3) Matuti mountain (4) go-INF-come-FIN DV see-TENT2-ATTR (5) Kï[yi] person be.envious-EXCL Translation (2) [I] am envious of people from Kïyi [province] (1) where skirts [made from] hemp are good! (5) [I] am envious of people from Kïyi [province] (4) whom [I] see going to and coming from (5) Mt. Matuti! Commentary WOJ asa mô yösi hemp skirt be.good-FIN ‘skirts [made from] hemp are good’ is considered to be a permanent epithet (makura-kotoba, 枕 詞) to Kïyi

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province, but since it is completely transparent, I translate it here. OJ asa ‘hemp’ is a loan from Korean, cf. MK sám ‘hemp’. See the commentary to 15.3602 on the lack of strict differentiation between final and attributive forms of inflected adjectives in Old Japanese. On the WOJ adjectival final -si in the attributive function see Vovin (2009a: 461-465). On Kïyi province see the commentary to the postscript to 1.7. Mt. Matuti (160 m) is the last mountain on the southern end of Kazuraki mountain chain (Kazuraki sanmyaku, 葛城山脈). It stretches from Kōzuke town (Kōzuke-chō, 上野町) of Gojō city (Gojō-shi, 五条市) in present-day Nara prefecture to Sumida town (Sumida-chō, 隅田町) of Hashimoto city (Hashimoto-shi, 橋 本 市) in present-day Wakayama prefecture. In ancient times it was on the border between Yamatö and Kïyi provinces. Mt. Matuti is mentioned in eight poems in the Man’yōshū: 1.55, 3.258, 4.543, 6.1019, 7.1192, 9.1680, 12.3009, and 12.3154 (Nakanishi 1985: 484). Postscript to the poem 1.55 本文・Original text 右一首調首淡海 Translation The poem above [was composed by] Tukï-nö ombîtö Apumî. Commentary Tukï-nö ombîtö Apumî was one of the meritorious retainers of Emperor Tenmu during the Jinshin rebellion. He faithfully followed Emperor Tenmu right from the moment of the latter’s departure from Apumî capital. He is a descendant of Ambassador Nuri (努理) from Paekche. In the second year of Wadō (709 AD) Tukï-nö ombîtö Apumî had Junior Fifth Rank, Lower Grade, and was promoted to Senior Fifth Rank, Upper Grade in the seventh year of Yōrō (723 AD). He must have been well over fifty years old at the time of this Imperial trip to Kïyi province. This is the only poem by him in the Man’yōshū. WOJ ombîtö (首) is one of the old kabane titles that existed before Tenmu reorganization of kabane into eight types (yakusa, 八色) in 684 AD.

Preface to the poem 1.56 本文・Original text 或本歌

Translation A poem from a certain book. Commentary We do not know, and have no way of knowing what this book is.

1.56

本文・Original text (1) 河上乃 (2) 列々椿 (3) 都良々々尓 (4) 雖見安可受 (5) 巨勢能春野者

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仮名の書き下し・Kana transliteration (1) かはの 2 へ 2 の 2 (2) つらつらつばき 1 (3) つらつらに (4) み 1 れど 2 も 2 あかず (5) こ 2 せの 2 はるの 1 は Romanization (1) KAPA-NÖ UPË-nö (2) tura-tura TUmBAKÎ (3) tura-tura n-i (4) MÎ-REn DÖMÖ ak-anz-u (5) Köse-nö PARU NÔ pa Glossing with morphemic analysis (1) river-GEN top-GEN (2) with.shining.leaves camellia (3) intent DV-INF (4) look-EV-CONC be.satisfied-NEG-FIN (5) Köse-GEN spring field TOP Translation (4) [I] cannot get enough, although [I] look (3) intently (2) at the camellias with shining leaves (1) above the river. (5) Oh, the spring fields of Köse. Commentary This poem is very textually close to 1.54, except the completely different first line. Lines two and three are completely identical even with the same script used; line five has a minor syntactic difference (the topic particle pa in 1.56 instead of the accusative case marker -wo in 1.54), and line four is partially different lexically and grammatically. On OJ tumbakî ‘camellia’, see the commentary to 20.4418. On OJ tura-tura in line two see the commentary to 1.54. On Köse area see the commentary to 1.50, and Köse mountains the commentary to 1.54. Postscript to the poem 1.56 本文・Original text 右一首春日蔵首老 Translation The poem above [was composed by] Kasuŋga-nö kurambîtö Oyu. Commentary Kasuŋga-nö kurambîtö Oyu was originally a monk with a monastic name m Bênkï (辯基), but was restored to the secular status by the imperial decree in the first year of Taihō (701 AD). In the first lunar month of the seventh year of Wadō (January 21 -- February 18, 714 AD) he was promoted to the Junior Fifth Rank, Lower Grade. He is the author of the eight poems in the Man’yōshū: 1.56, 1.62, 3.282, 3.284, 3.286, 3.298, 9.1717, and 9.1719. One poem in the Kaifūsō also belongs to him. WOJ kurambîtö (蔵首) is one of the old kabane titles that existed before Tenmu reorganization of kabane into eight types (yakusa, 八色) in 684 AD.

Preface to the poem 1.57-61

本文・Original text 二年壬寅太上天皇幸于参河國時歌

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Translation Poems [composed] when Retired Empress went to Mîkapa province in the second year of Taihō. Commentary The imperial journey to Mîkapa took place from the tenth day of the tenth lunar month to the twenty-fifth day of the eleventh lunar month of the second year of Taihō (November 4 -- December 18, 702 AD) according to the Shoku Nihongi. Retired Empress is Empress Jitō. On her biography see the commentary to the preface to the poems 1.28-75. Mîkapa province (三河國, 参河國) roughly corresponds to the eastern part of present-day Aichi prefecture. It was one of the Upper Provinces (Jōkoku, 上 國) according to the Ritsuryō code. On the Ritsuryō code classification of Yamatö provinces, see the commentary to 5.818.

1.57

本文・Original text (1) 引馬野尓 (2) 仁保布榛原 (3) 入乱 (4) 衣尓保波勢 (5) 多鼻能知師尓 仮名の書き下し・Kana transliteration (1) ひ 1 くまの 1 に (2) にほふはりはら (3) いりみ 1 だれ (4) こ 2 ろ 2 も 2 に ほはせ (5) たび 1 の 2 しるしに Romanization (1) Pîkuma NÔ-ni (2) nipop-u PARI PARA (3) ir-i-mindare (4) KÖRÖMÖ-ni nipop-as-e (5) tambî-nö SIRUsi n-i Glossing with morphemic analysis (1) Pîkuma field-LOC (2) shine-ATTR alder field (3) enter-INFbe.confused(INF) (4) garment-LOC be.colored-CAUS-IMP (5) travel-GEN sign DV-INF Translation (1) Entering in confusion (2) shining groves of alders (1) at Pîkuma field (2) make [the alders’ fruits] dye your garment (5) as a memento of the travel. Commentary Pîkuma field is located in the Mito town (Mito-chō, 御津町) of Hoi county (Hoi-gun, 宝 飯 郡) of present-day Aichi province. There are also other hypotheses (Nakanishi 1985: 477). On OJ pari ‘alder’ see the commentary to 14.3410. The flowers, fruits, and the bark of alders were used for dyeing, but the time of travel was in November, exactly the time when alder’s fruits ripen. In contrast to MdJ niow- ‘to smell’, OJ nipop- refers not only to smells and fragrances, but also to colored or shining appearances. WOJ nipopas- is better to be analyzed as a causative form nipop-as- ‘to be colored-CAUS-’ of nipop‘to shine’, ‘to be colored’ rather than a transitive form as it is done in the Japanese tradition (Omodaka 1977.1: 375), (Itō 1983: 232).

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Postscript to the poem 1.57 本文・Original text 右一首長忌寸奥麻呂 Translation The poem above [was composed by] Naŋga-nö imîkî Okîmarö. Commentary Nothing is known about the biography of Naŋga-nö imîkî Okîmarö. He is the author of fourteen poems in the Man’yōshū: 1.57, 2.143-144, 3.138, 3.165, 9.1673, 16.3824-31 (Nakanishi 1985: 258). On asömî, muranzi, sukune, imîkî, pumbîtö, and other kabane (姓) ranks see footnote 17 on p. 33 of the Man’yōshū book fifteen.

1.58

本文・Original text (1) 何所尓可 (2) 船泊爲良武 (3) 安礼乃埼 (4) 榜多味行之 (5) 棚無小舟 仮名の書き下し・Kana transliteration (1) いづくにか (2) ふなはてすらむ (3) あれの 2 さき 1 (4) こ 2 ぎたみ 2 ゆ き 1 し (5) たななしをぶね Romanization (1) InDUKU-ni ka (2) PUNA-PATE S-Uram-u (3) Are-nö SAKÎ (4) KÖŋG-Î ta-mï-YUK-Î-si (5) TANA NA-SI KÔ-m-BUNE Glossing with morphemic analysis (1) where-LOC IP (2) boat-anchor(NML) do-TENT2-ATTR (3) Are-GEN promontory (4) row-INF PREF-go.around-go-INF-PAST.ATTR (5) horizontal.side.board not.exist-FIN DIM-DV(ATTR)-boat Translation (1) Where (2) should [I] anchor [my] boat? (5) A small boat without horizontal side boards (4) went rowing around (3) the promontory of Are. Commentary The exact location of Are promontory is not known. It was probably located in in the Mito town (Mito-chō, 御津町) of Hoi county (Hoi-gun, 宝飯郡) of present-day Aichi province. Two alternative hypotheses identify it with a promontory at the western shore of Hamana lake (Hamana-ko, 浜名湖) in Arai town (Arai-chō, 新 居 町) of Hamana county (Hamana-gun, 浜 名 郡) in present-day Sizuoka prefecture or place it into Nishiura town (Nishiura-chō, 西 浦 町) of Kamakōri city (Kamakōri-shi, 蒲 郡 市) in present day Aichi prefecture (Nakanishi 1985: 477). WOJ tana is horizontal board between the sides of a boat. It was giving the boat stability. On the WOJ adjectival final -si in the attributive function see Vovin (2009a: 461-465). OJ diminutive prefix kô- probably historically goes back to OJ kô ‘child’. Otherwise it is difficult to explain the presence of the attributive form of the

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defective verb n- after it that left its trace as a voicing prenasalization of the following obstruent as in kô-m-bune in line five of this poem. Postscript to the poem 1.58 本文・Original text 右一首高市連黒人 Translation The poem above [was composed by] Takëti-nö muranzi Kurôpîtö. Commentary On the biography of Takëti-nö muranzi Kurôpîtö see the commentary to the preface to 17.4016. On asömî, muranzi, sukune, pumbîtö, and other kabane (姓) ranks see footnote 17 on p. 33 of the Man’yōshū book fifteen.

Preface to the poem 1.59 本文・Original text 譽謝女王作歌

Translation A poem composed by Princess Yönza. Commentary The only fact known about the biography of Princess Yönza is that she passed away on the twenty-fourth day of the sixth lunar month of the third year of Kyōun (August 7, 706 AD) having Fourth Junior Rank, Lower Grade. There are no other poems in the Man’yōshū composed by her.

1.59

本文・Original text (1) 流経 (2) 妻吹風之 (3) 寒夜尓 (4) 吾勢能君者 (5) 獨香宿良武 仮名の書き下し・Kana transliteration (1) ながらふる (2) つまふくかぜの 2 (3) さむき 1 よ 1 に (4) わがせの 2 き 1 み 1 は (5) ひ 1 と 2 りかぬらむ Romanization (1) NAŋGAR-Ap-uru (2) tuma PUK-U KAnZE-NÖ (3) SAMU-KÎ YÔ-ni (4) WA-ŋGA se n-ö KÎMÎ pa (5) PÎTÖ-RI ka N-Uram-u Glossing with morphemic analysis (1) flow-ITER-ATTR (2) gable blow-ATTR wind-GEN (3) be.cold-ATTR night-LOC (4) I-POSS beloved DV-ATTR lord TOP (5) one-CL IP sleepTENT2-ATTR Translation (4/5) I wonder, does my beloved lord sleep alone (3) on the cold night (2) with wind blowing [over] the gable (1) and flowing constantly?

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Commentary Line two is known to have a problem with interpretation of word written as 妻 tuma. Omodaka believes that it is a mistake for 雪 yukî ‘snow’ (Omodaka 1977.1: 379-382). But the evidence he tries to provide is largely impressionistic, and the fact that even sōsho (草書) forms of 妻 tuma and 雪 yukî do not resemble each other at all, makes the whole argument extremely unpersuasive. Although it is not recorded in Omodaka et al. (1967), Itō points out the fact that there was the OJ word 都麻 tuma ‘gable’ attested in SSI 15: 220 (Itō 1983: 236).

Preface to the poem 1.60 本文・Original text 長皇子御歌

Translation A poem [composed by] Imperial Prince Naŋga. Commentary Imperial Prince Naŋga is the fourth son of Emperor Tenmu. He was a competitor with Imperial Prince Karu for the Imperial throne, but lost because of the intervention of Prince Katuranô. In the seventh year of Jitō (693 AD) Imperial Prince Naŋga had Eighth Princely Rank (Jōkōni, 浄広弐) under the Tenmu system introduced in 685 AD. In the first year of Kyōun (704 AD) he had Second Princely Rank (二品) under the new Taihōryō system of ranks, and passed away on the fourth day of the sixth lunar month of the eighth year of Wadō (July 9, 715 AD) with First Rank (一品). Imperial Prince Naŋga was about fifty years old (Itō 1983: 239). He is the author of five poems in the Man’yōshū: 1.60, 1.65, 1.73, 1.84, and 2.130 (Nakanishi 1985: 258).

1.60

本文・Original text (1) 暮相而 (2) 朝面無美 (3) 隱尓加 (4) 氣長妹之 (5) 廬利爲里計武 仮名の書き下し・Kana transliteration (1) よ 2 ひ 1 あひ 1 て (2) あしたおも 2 なみ 1 (3) なばりにか (4) け 2 ながく いも 1 が (5) いほりせりけ 1 む Romanization (1) YÖPÎ AP-Î-TE (2) ASITA OMÖ NA-mî (3) NAmBARI-ni ka (4) kë NAŋGA-KU IMÔ-ŋGA (5) IPOr-i s-er-i-kêm-u Glossing with morphemic analysis (1) evening meet-INF-SUB (2) morning visage not.exist-GER (3) Nambari-ni ka (4) day be.long-INF beloved-POSS (5) lodge-NML do-PROG-INFPAST.TENT-ATTR Translation (1) [We] met in the evening, and (2) in the morning [your] visage was not [here]. (3) Is it at [Mt.] Nambari -- hiding [mountain] (4/5) Has my beloved been lodging for many days, I wonder?

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Commentary If we read the first line according to the tradition with the locative case marker -ni, it becomes hypermetric (jiamari, 字余り). However, case marker -ni is not obligatory in this construction, and while there are only two examples of yöpîni ap- (1.60 and 8.1536, both involving hypermetric lines), there are six examples of yöpî ap- (4.513, 4.730, 10.2029, 10.2040, 10.2049, and 10.2080). Unfortunately, all these eight examples of both constructions are attested only in the logographic script, so it is difficult to tell with hundred percent certainty, but both the non-obligatory nature of the locative case marker in this position, supported by three times as many examples and the hypermetricity of the line caused by its introduction lead me to the reading yöpî apîte. On Mt. Nambari see the commentary to 1.43. WOJ kë ~ ka ‘day’ is loan from Korean, cf. MK hʌ́y ‘sun’, -hʌr ‘day’ (Vovin 2005a: 390-393), as opposed to native WOJ pî ‘sun’, ‘day’. The character 長 ‘long’ is variously read by commentators as the infinitive naŋka-ku or the attributive naŋga-kî. In the first case we have an adverbialization, with naŋka-ku modifying ipor-i se- ‘to lodge’, and in the second case naŋga-kî would modify imô ‘beloved’. I think that the first variant is preferable, as it appears to be more natural and grammatical, so I follow those commentators who adopted this reading (Omodaka 1977.1: 383), (Itō 1983: 238).

Preface to the poem 1.61 本文・Original text 舎人娘子従駕作歌

Translation A poem composed by the maiden from Toneri clan when she accompanied [Retired Empress Jitō to Mîkapa province]. Commentary Nothing is known about the biography of the maiden from Toneri clan. She is the author of three poems in the Man’yōshū: 1.61, 2.118, and 8.1636 (Nakanishi 1985: 257). Toneri clan is believed to descend from Paekche king Rikasikï (利加志貴) according to the Shinsen shōji roku (新選姓氏録, 815 AD) ‘Newly compiled records of clans and families’ (Itō 1983: 240). However, such a name as Rikasikï seems to be a corrupted transcription, because no native Korean word can start with an r-. Furthermore, no Paekche king with such a name is mentioned in any other Chinese, Japanese, or Korean sources, see the detailed list of Paekche kings in Kontsevich (2010: 613-615). To accompany (従駕) literally means ‘to follow the carriage drawn by oxen or horses that transports the socially higher positioned person’.

1.61

本文・Original text (1) 大夫之 (2) 得物矢手挿 (3) 立向 (4) 射流圓方波 (5) 見尓清潔之

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仮名の書き下し・Kana transliteration (1) ますらをの 2 (2) さつやたばさみ 1 (3) たちむかひ 1 (4) いるまと 1 か たは (5) み 1 るにさやけ 2 し Romanization (1) MASURA WO-NÖ (2) SATU-YA TA-m-BASAM-Î (3) TAT-I-MUKAP-Î (4) I-ru MATÔ-kata pa (5) MÎ-RU-ni SAYAKË-si Glossing with morphemic analysis (1) noble man-GEN (2) hunting-arrow hand-LOC-hold.between-INF (3) stand-INF-face-INF (4) shoot-ATTR target/round-shape/Matôkata TOP (5) see-ATTR-LOC be.refreshing/be.bright.and.clear-FIN Translation (5) When [I] see (4) Matôkata [bay] shaped like round target which is shot at (1) [by] noblemen (3) standing across from it and (2) grasping in [their] hands hunting arrows, (5) it is [really] refreshing/bright and clear. Commentary This poem with the exception of certain minor differences, is practically identical to FK 20, a poem which comes from a fragment of the Ise Fudoki: 本文・Original text (1) 麻須羅遠能 (2) 佐都夜多波佐美 (3) 牟加比多知 (4) 伊流夜麻度加多 (5) 波麻乃佐夜氣佐 Romanization (1) masura wo-nö (2) satu-ya ta-pasam-î (3) mukap-î-tat-i (4) i-ru ya matô-kata (5) pama-nö sayakë-sa Glossing with morphemic analysis (1) noble man-GEN (2) hunting-arrow hand-hold.between-INF (3) face-INFstand-INF (4) shoot-ATTR EP round-shape/Matôkata TOP (5) seashore-GEN be.bright.and.clear-NML Translation (5) The brightness of the beach (4) at Matôkata [that is like] a target which (1) gentlemen (3) facing [it] shoot at while standing, (2) squeezing hunting arrows in [their] hands (FK 20) The existence of this poem written completely phonographically in the Fudoki is priceless, because it allows to confirm the reading of 1.61 which is done almost entirely in the logographic script. On WOJ masura wo ‘excellent man’, ‘nobleman’, ‘gentleman’ see the commentary to 5.804. OJ sati ~ satu- is ‘hunting’, ‘bounty’. It is written here with a rebus writing 得物 ‘getting thing’. Matôkata originally was a bay, which consequently became a lake separated from the sea, and then eventually dried up, so nothing remains today of the original coastline. This bay had a round shape, hence its comparison with a target (WOJ matô) for practicing archery, which also has a round shape. This is confirmed by the text of the Ise Fudoki fragment: 的形浦者此浦地形

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似的因以爲名 今已跡絶成江湖也 ‘As for Matôkata bay, the shape of this bay resembles a target. Therefore they called [it] by [this] name. Today there are already no traces of it, as it became a lake’ (Akimoto 1958: 435).

Preface to the poem 1.62

本文・Original text 三野連名闕入唐時春日蔵首老作歌 Translation A poem composed by Kasuŋga-nö kurambîtö Oyu when Mînô-nö muranzi (given name lacking) was going with the embassy to Tang [China]. Commentary The embassy to China was ordered on the twenty-third day of the first lunar month of the first year of Taihō (March 7, 701 AD), but actually did not depart from Tukusi (modern Kyūshū) until the twenty-ninth day of the sixth lunar month of the second year of Taihō (July 28, 702 AD) due to the extreme weather conditions on the sea. Mînô-nö muranzi is the same person as Mînô-nö muranzi Wokamarö (三野 連 岡 麻呂) or Mînô-nö Wokamarö muranzi (三 野岡 麻 呂連), 187 who was granted Junior Fifth Rank, Lower Grade on the fifth day of the first lunar month of the second year of Reiki (February 2, 716 AD) and passed away on the twentieth day of the tenth lunar month of the fifth year of Jinki (November 25, 728 AD). Unlike the author of the next poem 1.63, Yamanöupë-nö Okura, he is not listed among the members of the 702 AD embassy to China in the Shoku Nihongi, but in his tomb inscription with a date of the twentieth (?) 188 day of the tenth lunar month of the second year of Tenpyō (April 12, 730 AD) unearthed in 1871 AD in Ikoma town (Ikoma-chō, 生駒町) of Ikoma county (Ikoma-gun, 生駒郡) of present-day Nara prefecture, it is clearly stated that he was a member of the mission. 189 There are no poems by Mînô-nö muranzi Wokamarö in the Man’yōshū. On the biography of Kasuŋga-nö kurambîtö Oyu see the commentary to the postscript to the poem 1.56.

1.62

本文・Original text (1) 在根良 (2) 對馬乃渡 (3) 渡中尓 (4) 幣取向而 (5) 早還許年 仮名の書き下し・Kana transliteration (1) ありねよ 2 し (2) つしまの 2 わたり (3) わたなかに (4) ぬさと 2 りむ け 2 て (5) はやかへ 1 りこ 2 ね Romanization (1) AR-I ne YÖ-SI (2) Tusima-nö WATAR-I (3) wata NAKA-ni (4) NUSA TÖR-I MUKË-TE (5) PAYA KAPÊR-I-kö-n-e 187

Placing kabane title after the given name and not after the family name conveyed greater degree of respect. 188 The number for the day is not clearly readable. 189 The inscription is fully reproduced in Itō (1983: 243) and partially in Omodaka (1977.1: 389).

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Glossing with morphemic analysis (1) exist-NML peak good-FIN (2) Tusima-GEN cross-NML (3) sea insideDAT/LOC (4) safe.passage.offerings take-INF direct(INF)-SUB (5) quick return-INF-come-DES-IMP Translation (5) I wish [you] come back quickly (4) after taking and presenting safe passage offerings (3) to the deity of the sea (2) at the crossing of Tusima, (1) where existing peaks are good. Commentary WOJ ar-i ne yö-si ‘where the existing peaks are good’ is considered to be a permanent epithet (makura-kotoba, 枕詞) for Tusima island. The problem is that it occurs in the whole Man’yōshū only once: in this poem. See the commentary to 15.3602 on the lack of strict differentiation between final and attributive forms of inflected adjectives in Old Japanese. On the WOJ adjectival final -si in the attributive function see Vovin (2009a: 461-465). Tusima (MdJ Tsushima) is the island (actually two islands since the canal was dug across its most narrow point in modern times) halfway between Korea and Japan. Tusima was one of the Lower Provinces (Gekoku, 下國) according to the Ritsuryō code. On the Ritsuryō code classification of Yamatö provinces, see the commentary to 5.818. Itō believes that WOJ wata naka-ni ‘inside the sea’ is probably almost the same ‘sea deity’ as wata-tu mî (1983: 243). It might be possible, but the expression must be elliptical in this case, resulting from wata-nö naka-nö mîni ‘to the deity inside the sea’. The only other case of wata naka-ni in the Man’yōshū (7.1417) has a point of reference not to the sea deity, but to the seamen. On wata ‘sea’ and wata-tu mî ‘sea deity’, ‘dragon’, see the commentaries to 1.15, 15.3592 and 15.3597. On nusa ‘ritual offerings for deities for the safe passage’ see the commentary to 1.34. On the combination of desiderative -(a)n(a)- and imperative -(y)e, like -n-e in kö-n-e in line five see Vovin (2009a: 668-672).

Preface to the poem 1.63

本文・Original text 山上臣憶良在大唐時憶本郷作歌 Translation A poem composed by Yamanöupë-nö asömî Okura while he was in Great Tang and was thinking of [his] native land. Commentary On the embassy to China of the second year of Taihō (702 AD), see the commentary to 1.62. The members of this mission returned to Japan at different dates. Yamanöupë-nö asömî Okura was back in 707 AD. On Yamanöupë-nö asömî Okura’s biography see the commentary to the preface to 5.794.

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1.63

本文・Original text (1) 去來子等 (2) 早日本邊 (3) 大伴乃 (4) 御津乃濱松 (5) 待戀奴良武 仮名の書き下し・Kana transliteration (1) いざこ 1 ど 2 も 2 (2) はやくやまと 2 へ 1 (3) おほと 2 も 2 の 2 (4) み 1 つ の 2 はままつ (5) まちこ 1 ひ 2 ぬらむ Romanization (1) inza KÔ-nDÖMÖ (2) PAYA-KU YAMATÖ-pê (3) OPOTÖMÖ-nö (4) MÎTU-nö PAMA MATU (5) MAT-I KÔPÏ-n-uram-u Glossing with morphemic analysis (1) right.away lad-PLUR (2) be.quick-INF Yamatö-DIR (3) Opotömö-GEN (4) Mîtu-GEN seashore pine (5) wait-INF long.for(INF)-PERF-TENT2-FIN Translation (1) Lads, [let us go] right away (2) quickly to Yamatö. (4) The seashore pines of Mîtu [harbor] (3) in Opotömö (5) are probably waiting and longing [for us]. Commentary On WOJ inza (去來) ‘right away’ see the commentary to 1.10. On Opotömö and Mîtu see the commentary to 15.3593.

Preface to the poem 1.64

本文・Original text 慶雲三年丙午幸于難波宮時志貴皇子御作歌 Translation A poem composed by Imperial Prince Sikï when [Emperor Monmu] went to Nanipa palace in the third year of Kyōun. Commentary Third year of Kyōun (or Keiun) corresponds to January 19, 706 AD -February 6, 707 AD. According to Shoku Nihongi, Emperor Monmu went to Nanipa palace on the twenty-fifth day of the ninth lunar month of the third year of Kyōun (November 5, 706 AD) and returned to Pundipara palace on the twelfth day of the tenth lunar month of the same year (November 21, 706 AD). On Nanipa palace see the commentary to 20.4360. On the biography of Imperial Prince Sikï see the commentary to the preface to 1.51.

1.64

本文・Original text (1) 葦邊行 (2) 鴨之羽我比尓 (3) 霜零而 (4) 寒暮夕 (5) 倭之所念 仮名の書き下し・Kana transliteration (1) あしべ 1 ゆく (2) かもの 2 はがひ 1 に (3) しも 1 ふりて (4) さむき 1 ゆ ふへ 1 (5) やまと 2 しおも 2 ほゆ

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Romanization (1) ASI-m-PÊ YUK-U (2) KAMÔ-NÖ PA-ŋ-gap-î-ni (3) SIMÔ PUR-I-TE (4) SAMU-KÎ YUPUPÊ (5) YAMATÖ si OMÖP-OY-U Glossing with morphemic analysis (1) reed-GEN-side go-ATTR (2) wild.duck-GEN wing-GEN-cross-NML-LOC (3) frost fall-INF-SUB (4) be.cold-ATTR evening (5) Yamatö EP think-PASSFIN Translation (3) The frost falls (2) on the end of the wings of a wild duck, (1) which walks on the reed shore. (4) On the cold evening [I] suddenly think of Yamatö. Commentary WOJ pa-ŋ-gapî in line two is ‘the part of a bird’s wings that comes together when folded’. In other words, it is the end of the wings. This image actually supports the interpretation of yuk- ‘to go’ in line one as ‘to walk’, and not ‘to fly’: it would be impossible for a duck to fly with its wings folded. Line four is hypometric (jitarazu, 字足らず). Modern editions introduce topic pa at the end of line four (Omodaka 1977.1: 77), (Itō 1983: 248), a tradition that goes back to the glossing found in the Nishi Honganji-bon. The Genryaku kōhon introduces not pa, but the genitive case marker -nö in the same arbitrary way. These are, of course, the attempts to avoid the hypometricity of this line. But there is no evidence either for pa or -nö in the original text; therefore, I include neither of them. Line five is hypermetric (jiamari, 字余り), provided, of course, that 所念 is omöp-oy-u and not omöp-u.

Preface to the poem 1.65 本文・Original text 長皇子御歌

Translation A poem composed by Imperial Prince Naŋga. Commentary On the biography of the Imperial Prince Naŋga see the commentary to the preface to 1.60. Like the previous poem 1.64, this poem was also composed during the visit by Emperor Monmu to Nanipa palace between November 5 and 21, 706 AD.

1.65

本文・Original text (1) 霰打 (2) 安良礼松原 (3) 住吉乃 (4) 弟日娘與 (5) 見礼常不飽香聞 仮名の書き下し・Kana transliteration (1) あられうつ (2) あられまつばら (3) すみ 1 の 2 え 2 の 2 (4) おと 2 ひ 1 を と 2 め 1 と 2 (5) み 1 れど 2 あかぬかも

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Romanization (1) ARARE UT-U (2) Arare MATUmBARA (3) SUMÎNÖYE-nö (4) Otöpî WOTÖMÊ-tö (5) MÎ-re-ndö AK-AN-U kamo Glossing with morphemic analysis (1) hail hit-ATTR (2) Arare matumbara (3) Sumînöye-GEN (4) Otöpî maiden DV (5) look-EV-CONC be.satisfied-NEG-ATTR EP Translation (5) [I] look but cannot get enough [of looking at] (2) Arare matumbara (1) hit by hail (4) [which is as beautiful] as Otöpî maiden (3) from Sumînöye. Commentary Arare matumbara (安良礼松原, lit. ‘pine field of Arare’) was somewhere in the vicinity of Sumiyoshi (住吉) in present-day Ōsaka city. Omodaka believes that Arare derives from ara-ara, reduplicated form of ara ‘rough’, ‘wild’ (1977.1: 399), but the shift a > e remains unexplained. On Sumînöye, see the commentary to 20.4408. Otöpî maiden was probably a courtesan from Sumînöye (Itō 1983: 251). Line five is hypermetric (jiamari, 字余り).

Preface to the poems 1.66-69 本文・Original text 太上天皇幸于難波宮時歌

Translation Poems [composed] when Retired Empress went to Nanipa palace. Commentary Retired Empress is Empress Jitō. On her biography see the commentary to the preface to the poems 1.28-75. There is no record in the historical sources about Empress Jitō visiting Nanipa palace. Itō speculates that she might go together with Emperor Monmu on his journey to Nanipa palace that took place from the twenty-seventh day of the first lunar month of the third year of Monmu (March 4, 699 AD) and until twenty-second day of the second lunar month of the same year (March 28, 699 AD) (1983: 253). On Nanipa palace see the commentary to 20.4360.

1.66

本文・Original text (1) 大伴乃 (2) 高師能濱乃 (3) 松之根乎 (4) 枕宿杼 (5) 家之所偲由 仮名の書き下し・Kana transliteration (1) おほと 2 も 2 の 2 (2) たかしの 2 はまの 2 (3) まつがねを (4) まくらき 1 ぬれど 2 (5) いへ 1 ししの 1 はゆ Romanization (1) OPOTÖMÖ-nö (2) TAKAsi-nö PAMA-nö (3) MATU-ŋGA NE-wo (4) MAKURAK-Î N-URE-ndö (5) IPÊ si SINÔP-Ay-u

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Glossing with morphemic analysis (1) Opotömö-GEN (2) Takasi-GEN seashore-GEN (3) pine-POSS root-ACC (4) make.headrest-INF sleep-EV-CONC (5) home EP long.for-PASS-FIN Translation (4) Although [I] sleep, making a headrest of (3) pine roots (2) at Takasi seashore (1) in Opotömö, (5) [I] suddenly long for [my] home. Commentary On Opotömö see the commentary to 15.3593. Takasi (usually etymologized as 高石 ‘high stone’) is a seashore stretching from the south of Sakai city (Sakai-shi, 堺市) to Takaishi city (Takaishi-shi, 高 石市) in present-day Ōsaka prefecture. WOJ makurak- ‘to make a headrest of’ is a verbalization of OJ makura ‘headrest’. See more on this verb in the commentary to 5.810. Incidentally, WOJ makurak- provides us with a very good perspective on the internal structure of words in Old Japanese. Namely, makura ‘headrest’ is itself a nominalization of the verb mak- ‘to roll’, ‘to wrap’. Thus, makurak- < mak- ‘to roll’ + -ura-, nominalizer + -k-, verbalizer. Postscript to the poem 1.66 本文・Original text 右一首置始東人 Translation The poem above [was composed by] Okîsömë-nö Andumapîtö. Commentary Nothing is known about the biography of Okîsömë-nö Andumapîtö. He is the author of four poems in the Man’yōshū: 1.66, and 2.204-206.

1.67

本文・Original text (1) 旅尓之而 (2) 物戀之伎尓 (3) 鶴之鳴毛 (4) 不所聞有世者 (5) 孤悲而死 萬思 仮名の書き下し・Kana transliteration (1) たび 1 にして (2) も 2 の 2 こ 1 ひしき 1 に (3) たづがねも 1 (4) き 1 こ 2 え 2 ざりせば (5) こ 1 ひ 2 てしなまし Romanization (1) TAmBÎ n-i s-i-TE (2) MÖNÖ KÔPÏsi-kî-ni (3) TAnDU-ŋGA NE mô (4) KÎK-ÖYE-nZ-AR-I-semba (5) KÔPÏ-TE SIN-Amasi Glossing with morphemic analysis (1) journey DV-INF do-INF-SUB (2) thing be.longing-ATTR-LOC (3) cranePOSS sound FP (4) hear-PASS-NEG-exist-INF-PAST.COND (5) long.for(INF)-SUB die-SUBJ

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Translation (2) Because [I] am longing for [her] (1) when [I] am on a journey (4) if [I] did not hear (3) the cries of cranes, (5) [I] would die from longing. Commentary This poem has a very serious philological problem that has no ultimate solution. Both lines two and three are represented by five characters: 物戀之 鳴毛, which one cannot possibly read as required twelve syllables. What is even worse, the Genryaku kōhon, the Ruijū Koshū, and the Kishū-bon all agree on these five characters. The Nishi Honganji-bon has only four characters: 物 戀鳴毛, which is even worse. The Hirose-bon has the same five characters 物 戀之鳴毛 as the Genryaku kōhon, the Ruijū Koshū, and the Kishū-bon. This uniformity points to the fact that we deal here with the omission of some characters, and that this mistake was already made in the protograph. Thus, there is simply no way to reconstruct the Ur-text in this case. Takeda Yūkichi proposed to fill in the boxed part of the text above (1956: 272-273), and this has been accepted with further argumentation of this reconstruction by Omodaka (1977.1: 404-407), and some other scholars (Takagi et al. 1957: 4243), (Itō 1983: 255-256), (Aso 2006: 198), (Tada 2009: 75), but not by others who preferred to follow the conservative point of view that lines two and three are unreadable (Kojima et al. 1971: 98), (Nakanishi 1983: 80-81), (Satake et al. 1999: 58). I decided to follow the first point of view, but with an emphasis that it is no more than a speculative reconstruction. On OJ tandu ‘crane’ see the commentary to 15.3595. WOJ -semba < *-si-amba is a past conditional form, resulting from the contraction of past attributive -si and conditional gerund -amba. For details see Vovin (2009a: 674-677, 929-931). Postscript to the poem 1.67 本文・Original text 右一首高安大嶋 Translation The poem above [was composed by] Takayasu-nö Oposima. Commentary Nothing is known about the biography of Takayasu-nö Oposima. Judging by his family name, he must be a descendant of immigrants from the mainland. In the Shinsen shōji roku (新選姓氏録, 815 AD) ‘Newly compiled records of clans and families’, all people with the surname Takayasu are said to be by origin either from Koguryǒ or from China (Itō 1983: 256). There are no other poems by Takayasu-nö Oposima in the Man’yōshū.

1.68

本文・Original text (1) 大伴乃 (2) 美津能濱尓有 (3) 忘貝 (4) 家尓有妹乎 (5) 忘而念哉 仮名の書き下し・Kana transliteration (1) おほと 2 も 2 の 2 (2) み 1 つの 2 はまにある (3) わすれがひ 1 (4) いへ 1 にあるいも 1 を (5) わすれておも 2 へ 2 や

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Romanization (1) OPOTÖMÖ-nö (2) Mîtu-nö PAMA-ni AR-U (3) WASURE-ŋ-GAPÎ (4) IPÊ-ni AR-U IMÔ-wo (5) WASURE-TE OMÖP-Ë YA Glossing with morphemic analysis (1) Opotömö-GEN (2) Mîtu-GEN seashore-LOC exist-ATTR (3) forget(NML)-GEN-seashell (4) home-LOC exist-ATTR beloved-ACC (5) forget(INF)-SUB think-EV IP Translation (3) [Picking up] seashells of oblivion (2) that are at Mîtu seashore (1) in Opotömö, (5) do [I] think that [I] will forget (4) [my] beloved who is at home? [ -- Certainly not!] Commentary On Opotömö and Mîtu see the commentary to 15.3593. Lines two and four look hypermetric (jiamari, 字余り), but this is probably a graphic illusion, since -ni ar- ‘LOC exist-’ was in all probability pronounced as [nar]. On WOJ wasure-ŋ-gapî ‘seashell of oblivion’, ‘seashell of forgetfullness’, see the commentary to 15.3629. There were two verbs in WOJ: vowel verb wasure- ‘to forget unintentionally’ and consonantal verb wasur- ‘to forget intentionally’. Postscript to the poem 1.68 本文・Original text 右一首身人部王 Translation The poem above [was composed by] Prince Mutömbê. Commentary Nothing is known about the ancestry line of Prince Mutömbê. He is probably the same person as Prince Mutömbê (spelled as 六人部王) mentioned in the Shoku Nihongi. He was one of the court attendants of the new style at Nara court (Nara chō fūryū shijū, 奈良朝風流侍従) There are no other poems by Prince Mutömbê in the Man’yōshū. Prince Mutömbê married Imperial Princess Taŋgata (田形皇女), one of the daughters of Emperor Tenmu, with whom he had a daughter, Princess Kasanupî (笠縫女王), whose poems are also found in the Man’yōshū. Prince Mutömbê passed away on the eleventh day of the first lunar month of the first year of Tenpyō (February 13, 729 AD) with Senior Fourth Rank, Upper Grade.

1.69

本文・Original text (1) 草枕 (2) 客去君跡 (3) 知麻世波 (4) 崖乃埴布尓 (5) 仁寳播散麻思呼 仮名の書き下し・Kana transliteration (1) くさまくら (2) たび 1 ゆくき 1 み 1 と 2 (3) しらませば (4) き 2 しの 2 は にふに (5) にほはさましを

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Romanization (1) KUSA MAKURA (2) TAmBÎ YUK-U KÎMÎ tö (3) SIR-Amasemba (4) KÏSI-nö PANI pu-ni (5) nipop-as-amasi-wo Glossing with morphemic analysis (1) grass headrest (2) journey go-ATTR lord DV (3) know-SUBJ.COND (4) coast-GEN clay pit-LOC (5) be.colored-CAUS-SUBJ.ATTR-ACC Translation (3) If [I] knew (2) that [my] lord would go on a journey, (1) where [he] would use grass for [his] headrest, (5) [I] would dye [his garment] (4) in the clay pit on the coast, (5) but … Commentary A garment dyed by local clay should have served Imperial Prince Na ŋga as a keepsake of the maiden from Sumînöye (see the postscript below). The character 客 ‘guest’ in the Man’yōshū is always used to write the OJ word tambî ‘journey’, so it should be classified as a logogram. The WOJ expression tambî yuk-u kîmî ‘lord, who goes on a journey’ occurs twice in the phonographic spelling (17.3927 and 19.4263). Note that the locative case marker -ni is absent, and there are in addition eight logographic examples in the Man’yōshū that are traditionally read as tambî yuk-u kîmî. There are also eleven other OJ examples of tambî yuk-u with a head NP other than kîmî ‘lord’: ware ‘I’, are ‘I’, pîtö ‘person, se ‘male beloved’, and pune ‘boat’, with six of them written phonographically (15.3607, 15.3612, 15.3636, 15.3637, 20.4327, 20.4416190. Meanwhile, there is only one example of tambîni yuk-u, with the locative case marker -ni, which happens to be with the following kîmî: tambî-ni yuk-u kîmî (in phonographic spelling, 17.4008). It is difficult to determine reason for this caseless alignment in tambî yuk-u, but it certainly cannot be a variant of tambî-wo yuk-u, because the case marker -wo is attested in the Man’yōshū after tambî ‘journey’ only in its absolutive function (4.543, 15.3674). WOJ -(a)masemba < *-(a)masi-amba is a subjunctive conditional form, resulting from the contraction of subjunctive attributive -si and conditional gerund -amba. For details see Vovin (2009a: 673-676). WOJ pu means either ‘a place where some plants grow densely’, i. e. ‘a bush’, or ‘a place where something is produced’. Clay is certainly not produced or made, but it needs to be excavated, and excavation is a kind of production. Consequently, I translate WOJ pani pu as a ‘clay pit’. On OJ nipop- ‘to shine’, ‘to be colored’ and WOJ nipop-as- ‘to dye’ see the commentary to 1.57. Accusative case marker -wo after subjunctive attributive in line five makes the whole preceding phrase concessive, and leaves the sentence unfinished, leaving the reader with verbally unexpressed part (shown in brackets): ‘I would dye your garment, but [you went away and left me]. Postscript to the poem 1.69 本文・Original text 右一首清江娘子進長皇子姓氏未詳 190

20.4327 and 20.4416 are EOJ texts.

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Translation The poem above was presented to Imperial Prince Naŋga by the maiden from Sumînöye. [Her] family name and clan are not known. Commentary On the biography of the Imperial Prince Naŋga see the commentary to the preface to 1.60. On Sumînöye, see the commentary to 20.4408. Omodaka thinks that the maiden from Sumînöye is a courtesan, and might be the same person as Otöpî maiden mentioned in 1.65, a poem by Imperial Prince Naŋga. It might have been a possibility, but nothing would impede Imperial Prince Naŋga from sleeping with more than one courtesan during his stay in Nanipa. More important, though, is the fact that while 1.65 was composed in 707 AD, while 1.69 was likely to be composed in 699 AD.191 Empress Jitō, who is clearly mentioned in the preface to the poems 1.66-69, could not possibly take part in the journey of Emperor Monmu to Nanipa in 707 AD, because she passed away in 703 AD. Thus, I think it is safer to assume that Otöpî maiden mentioned in 1.65 and Sumînöye maiden, the author of 1.69 are two different persons.

Preface to the poem 1.70

本文・Original text 太上天皇幸于吉野宮時高市連黒人作歌 Translation A poem composed by Takëti-nö muranzi Kurôpîtö when Retired Empress went to Yösinô palace. Commentary Retired Empress is Empress Jitō. On her biography see the commentary to the preface to the poems 1.28-75. On Yösinô palace see the commentary to the preface to the poems 18.40984100. Omodaka notes that Empress Jitō went to Yösinô thirty-one times, so it is impossible to determine which one is meant here (1977.1: 413). But Itō correctly points out that there is only one record in the Shoku Nihongi about Jitō journey to Yösinô in her capacity as Retired Empress: from the twentyninth day of the sixth lunar month of the first year of Taihō to the tenth day of the seventh lunar month of the same year (August 7 -- August 18, 701 AD). But then Itō says that this time does not agree with yômbu kô-n-döri ‘calling little bird’, probably a kind of a cuckoo, and suggests that Retired Empress Jitō went to Yösinô together with Emperor Monmu, who visited the same place from the twentieth day to twenty-seventh day of the second lunar month of the first year of Taihō (April 2 -- April 9, 701 AD) (1983: 263). But Itō may be only partially right, because whatever bird yômbu kô-n-döri may exactly be, it is associated in the Man’yōshū not only with spring, but also with summer (Omodaka 1977.1: 414). Omodaka further specifies that this bird sings in late spring and early summer (1977.1: 414). And if mid-August is too late for the early summer, then early April is equally too early for the late spring. 191

If Itō’s speculation about the date of the poems 1.66-69 (1983: 253) is correct. See the commentary to the preface to 1.66-69.

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Moreover, Nakanishi defines yômbu kô-n-döri as a summer bird, which is kind of cuckoo like OJ potötöŋgîsu, but bigger. He further notes that it is migratory bird, of the grey-bluish color, with a long tail that has white spots (1985: 302). Given all this, and also the fact that we do not know exactly whether Retired Empress Jitō accompanied Emperor Monmu on his April visit to Yösinô, I prefer the August date, when we know for sure that she went there. On the biography of Takëti-nö muranzi Kurôpîtö see the commentary to the preface to 17.4016. On asömî, muranzi, sukune, pumbîtö, and other kabane (姓) ranks see footnote 17 on p. 33 of the Man’yōshū book fifteen.

1.70

本文・Original text (1) 倭尓者 (2) 鳴而歟來良武 (3) 呼兒鳥 (4) 象之中山 (5) 呼曽越奈流 仮名の書き下し・Kana transliteration (1) やまと 2 には (2) なき 1 てかくらむ (3) よ 1 ぶこ 1 ど 2 り (4) きさのな かやま (5) よ 1 び 1 そ 2 こ 1 ゆなる Romanization (1) YAMATÖ-ni pa (2) NAK-Î-TE ka K-Uram-u (3) YÔmB-U kô-n-DÖRI (4) KISA-NÖ NAKA YAMA (5) YÔmB-Î sö KÔY-U-nar-u Glossing with morphemic analysis (1) Yamatö-LOC TOP (2) cry-INF-SUB IP come-TENT2-ATTR (3) callATTR DIM-DV(ATTR)-bird (4) elephant-GEN middle mountain (5) call-INF FP cross-FIN-RA-ATTR Translation (3) Calling small bird, (2) would [it] come crying (1) to Yamatö? (5) They say that it is [now] calling and crossing over (4) Elephant mountain [in the] middle. Commentary WOJ yômbu kô-n-döri ‘calling little bird’ is probably a kind of a cuckoo. For more details see the commentary to the preface to 1.70. Kisa-nö naka yama ‘Elephant mountain in the middle’ is the same mountain as Kisa yama ‘Elephant mountain’ (6.924). It is located to the South of Imperial palace in Mîyatakî in Yösinô, in Yoshino town (Yoshino-chō, 吉野 町) of Yoshino county (Yoshino-gun, 吉野郡) in present day Nara prefecture (Nakanishi 1985: 441). It is called ‘mountain in the middle’ because it is located between Mt. Mifune (Mifuneyama, 御 船 山) in the East and Mt. Misono (Misonoyama, 御薗山) in the West (Itō 1983: 263). Although elephants did not roam Ancient Japan during Asuka, Kofun, or Yayoi periods, there is a native WOJ word for it, kisa. Unfortunately, since the word is not recorded in phonographic spelling before the Wamyōshō (931-938 AD), we do not know with certainty whether WOJ word was kîsa or kïsa. However, if 岐佐 (WMS 7.52b, 18.16a) reflects a traditional spelling, then the word was kîsa, which is also more probable statistically, because /î/ is much more frequent than /ï/. It is also possible that the word was actually kinza, because the Ruijū myōgishō gives two variants with the following MJ

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accentuation: kisa LH and kinza HH (Mochizuki 1974: 178). I suspect that kiin kinza or kisa is actually WOJ ki ‘fang’, ‘tusk’. Like with kinza ~ kisa the phonographic spellings that would indicate /i/ or /ï/ are absent, but Okinawan ciiba ‘fang’, ‘tusk’ (cf. MJ kimba and MdJ kiba ‘id.’)192 could point to either *ki or *kï < *kuy, but not *kǝy or *koy that would give Okinawan *kiiba. In any case, both OJ kinza ~ kisa ‘elephant’ and MJ kimba seem to be very similar, but not identical formations, and this suggests that the original form of the OJ word must be kinza, and not kisa. However, if MJ kimba is transparent: ki ‘fang’, ‘tusk’ + n-o, attributive form of the defective copula n- ‘to be’ + pa ‘tooth’, OJ kinza is not, because it is not clear what -sa may be. I believe it is a word for ‘elephant’; thus, WOJ kinza < ki ‘tusk’ + -n- < -nö, genitive case marker + -sa ‘elephant’, lit. ‘elephant with tusks’. I further think that this sa ‘elephant’ is a loan from either Old Chinese, or, more likely, proto-Tai193 at the time when proto-Japonic was still spoken in its original Urheimat, which was located in South-Central China, as I have recently tried to demonstrate (Vovin 2010b, 2014). Baxter and Sagart reconstruct OC *s.[d]aŋɁ ‘elephant’ (2014: 368). Given the unclear initial in Old Chinese, proto-Tai *ǰaŋC2 (Li 1977: 168) or *ɟa:ŋC (Pittayaporn 2009: 327) could be an easier solution. A comparison with proto-Tai may be contradictory to the correspondence of proto-Tai voiced initial (2nd series of tones) to the high pitch on -nza in MJ kinza (Vovin 2010: 116-117), but may be this high pitch could be attributed to the final glottal stop in either Old Chinese or proto-Tai.

Preface to the poems 1.71-73 本文・Original text 大行天皇幸于難波宮時歌

Translation Poems [composed] when Previous Emperor went to Nanipa palace. Commentary Previous Emperor is Emperor Monmu. On his biography see the commentary to the preface to the poems 1.28-75. The term Taikō (大行) normally refers to deceased Emperor or Empress who has not yet received his or her posthumous name, but in Asuka and Nara periods of the Japanese history it could also simply refer to the Previous Emperor or Empress (Omodaka 1977.1: 415), (Itō 1983: 263). But since Emperor Monmu did not abdicate, but died in office, in his case Taikō (大行) can equally refer to the ‘Deceased Emperor’. In any case, the preface to the poems 1.71-72 cannot be dated earlier than the first year of Wadō (708 AD). Emperor Monmu went to Nanipa palace twice: first time from the twentyseventh day of the first lunar month of the third year of Monmu (March 4, 699 AD) and until twenty-second day of the second lunar month of the same year (March 28, 699 AD) (1983: 253), and the second time from the twenty-fifth day of the ninth lunar month of the third year of Kyōun (November 5, 706 AD) to the twelfth day of the tenth lunar month of the same year (November 192

Both vowel length and palatalization k- > c- in Okinawan rule out the possibility that the Okinawan word is a recent loan from MdJ or MJ. 193 It seems that the word for ‘elephant’ is not attested in proto-Hlai, Proto-Kam-Sui, or protoKra, or at least I was not able to locate it in the materials currently at my disposal. This naturally limits the discussion to proto-Tai branch of proto-K(r)a-Dai.

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21, 706 AD). It is not clear whether March of 699 AD or November of 706 AD are meant here. If it is the first case, the poems 1.71-72 were composed at the same time as the poems 1.66-69, and if it is the second case, then they can be dated like the poems 1.64-65 (1983: 253). On Nanipa palace see the commentary to 20.4360.

1.71

本文・Original text (1) 倭戀 (2) 寐之不所宿尓 (3) 情無 (4) 此渚埼未尓 (5) 多津鳴倍思哉 仮名の書き下し・Kana transliteration (1) やまと 2 こ 1 ひ 2 (2) いの 2 ねらえ 2 ぬに (3) こ 2 こ 2 ろ 2 なく (4) こ 2 の 2 すさき 1 み 2 に (5) たづなくべ 2 しや Romanization (1) YAMATÖ KÔPÏ (2) I-NÖ NE-RAYE-N-U-ni (3) KÖKÖRÖ NA-KU (4) KÖNÖ SU SAKÎ mï-ni (5) tandu NAK-Umbë-si ya Glossing with morphemic analysis (1) Yamatö long.for(INF) (2) sleep-GEN sleep-PASS-NEG-ATTR-LOC (3) heart not.exist-INF (4) this sand spit go.around(NML)-LOC (5) crane cryDEB-FIN IP Translation (2) When [I] cannot sleep (1) longing for Yamatö, (5) should cranes cry (3) inconsiderately (4) around this sand spit? Commentary WOJ i-nö ne-raye-n-u ‘cannot sleep’ seems to be a set expression that occurs eight times in the Man’yōshū: four times in logographic spelling (1.71, 8.1484, 10.2226, 12.2844) and four times in phonographic spelling (15.3665, 15.3678, 15.3680, 15.3684). On WOJ -raye-, an allomorph of the passive suffix -aye- see the commentary to 15.3665. WOJ su ‘sand’, ‘sandbar’, ‘sandbank’ is split in Omodaka et al. into two separate entries su (渚) ‘sandbar’ and su (沙) ‘sand’ (1967: 376), but this is apparently unwarranted, because it is the same word with the identical accentuation (MJ accent class 1.3). MdJ suna ‘sand’ can be analyzed as su ‘sand’ + -na, plural or collective suffix. On OJ tandu ‘crane’ see the commentary to 15.3595. Postscript to the poem 1.71 本文・Original text 右一首忍坂部乙麻呂 Translation The poem above [was composed by] Osakambê-nö Otömarö.

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Commentary Nothing is known about the biography of Osakambê-nö Otömarö. There are no other poems by him in the Man’yōshū.

1.72

本文・Original text (1) 玉藻苅 (2) 奥敝波不榜 (3) 敷妙乃 (4) 枕之邊人 (5) 忘可祢津藻 仮名の書き下し・Kana transliteration (1) たまもかる (2) おき 1 へ 1 はこ 2 がじ (3) しき 1 たへ 2 の 2 (4) まくら の 2 へ 1 ひ 1 と 2 (5) わすれかねつも Romanization (1) TAMA MO KAR-U (2) OKÎ-pê pa KÖŋG-AnZI (3) SIK-Î TAPË-nö (4) MAKURA-NÖ PÊ-m-BÎTÖ (5) WASURE-kane-t-umo Glossing with morphemic analysis (1) jewel seaweed cut-ATTR (2) offing-DIR TOP row-NEG.DEB (3) spreadNML mulberry.tree.bark.cloth-GEN (4) headrest-GEN side-GEN-person (5) forget(INF)-NEG.POT(INF)-PERF-EXCL Translation (2) [I] will not row to the offing, (1) where [they] cut jewel seaweeds. (5) [I] cannot forget (4) the person at the side of [my] headrest (3) [made] of the spread mulberry tree bark cloth! Commentary There is a disagreement among Japanese scholars whether 敝 pê ‘side’ in line one was already grammaticalized as a directive case marker or not (Omodaka 1977.1: 418-419). In this particular case, I treat it here as the directive case marker, exactly because there is no other following case marker that would be expected if pê was not grammaticalized. But since we have in OJ the examples of both -pê ‘-DIR’ and -pê-ni ‘side-LOC’, it probably would be accurate to say that -pê was still in the process of grammaticalization. On OJ sik-î tapë-nö ‘[made] of the spread mulberry tree bark cloth’, see the commentary to 5.809. The person at the side of the author’s headrest is, of course, his wife. The majority of commentators read the characters 邊人 ‘side person’ as atari ‘vicinity’, which of course, makes little if any sense at all, from both the content of the poem and the script itself. As a possibility, Takeda proposed to read it as makura-nö nbê-nö pîtö, but pointed out that in this case the line becomes hypermetric (1956: 283). Omodaka, who essentially adopted Takeda’s point of view, suggested that in the protograph there was a mistake, and characters 之 and 邊 were put in the wrong order, which must have been 邊之, and not 之邊. Consequently, he read his corrected 邊之人 as makura pênö pîtö (1977.1: 417, 420). Since we are dealing here with the logographic script, there is no way to know whether 人 stands for pîtö or mbîtö < -m-bîtö ‘GEN-person’. I believe that this is probably the case, so Takeda was essentially right, but only if we adopt a correction proposed here that the second genitive case marker appears in its reduced form -m-.

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Postscript to the poem 1.72 本文・Original text 右一首式部卿藤原宇合 Translation The poem above [was composed by] Pundipara-nö Umakapî, the Minister of the Ministry of Ceremonial Affairs. Commentary On the Ministry of Ceremonial Affairs (Shikibu[shō], 式 部[省]), see the commentary to the postscript to the poem 20.4459. Minister (Kyō, 卿) is the head of one of the eight ministries, not to be confused with 卿 (Kyau, Mapêtukîmî) ‘High Noble’. Pundipara-nö Umakapî (藤 原 馬 養 ・ 藤 原 宇 合) is the third son of n Pu dipara-nö Pumbîtö (藤原不比等), the son of Pundipara-nö Kamatari (藤原 鎌足). In the eighth lunar month of the second year of Reiki (September 3, 715 AD -- October 1, 715 AD) he was dispatched as the Vice-Ambassador to Tang China, and in the seventh lunar month of the third year of Yōrō (July 22, 719 AD -- August 19, 719 AD), while being the Governor of Pîtati province Pundipara-nö Umakapî was appointed Provincial Overseer (Azechi, 按察使),194 in which capacity he oversaw the administration of Apa, Kamîtupusa, and Simôtupusa provinces. In the tenth lunar month of the third year of Jinki (October 30, 726 AD -- November 27, 726 AD), Pundipara-nö Umakapî directed construction works in Nanipa palace. He was made Imperial Advisor (Sangi, 参議) in the third year of Tenpyō (731 AD), and Military Controller (Setsudoshi, 節 度 使) 195 of the Western Region (Saikaidō, 西 海 道). 196 Pundipara-nö Umakapî passed away in the eighth lunar month of the ninth year of Tenpyō (August 30, 737 AD -- September 29, 737 AD) (Omodaka 1977.1: 421).

Preface to the poem 1.73 本文・Original text 長皇子御歌

Translation A poem [composed] by Imperial Prince Naŋga. Commentary On the biography of the Imperial Prince Naŋga see the commentary to the preface to 1.60. This poem has no date.

194 195

This was an extra-code position. This was an extremely short-lived extra-code position. It was introduced twice during Nara period: in 732 AD and 761 AD, but abolished quite soon after on both occasions. 196 Western Region was one of the seven regions in premodern Japan. Several provinces were clustered into one region. Western Region included present-day Kyūshū as well as Iki and Tsushima islands. The following provinces constituted Western Region: Buzen (豊前), Bungo (豊後), Chikuzen (筑前), Chikugo (筑後), Himuka (日向), Hizen (肥前), Higo (肥後), Ōsumi (大隅), Satsuma (薩摩), Iki (壱岐), and Tsushima (対馬).

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1.73

本文・Original text (1) 吾妹子乎 (2) 早見濱風 (3) 倭有 (4) 吾松椿 (5) 不吹有勿勤 仮名の書き下し・Kana transliteration (1) わぎ 1 も 1 こ 1 を (2) はやみ 1 はまかぜ (3) やまと 2 なる (4) われまつ つばき 1 (5) ふかざるなゆめ 2 Romanization (1) WA-ŋG-ÎMÔ-kô-wo (2) PAYA MÎ/PAYA-mî PAMA KAnZE (3) YAMATÖN-AR-U (4) WARE mat-u/MATU TUmBAKÎ (5) PUK-AnZ-AR-UNA YUMË Glossing with morphemic analysis (1) I-POSS-beloved-DIM-ACC (2) soon see(INF)/fast-GER seashore wind (3) Yamatö-LOC-exist-ATTR (4) I wait-ATTR/pine camellia (5) blow-NEG-existNEG.IMP at.all Translation (2) Fast wind from the seashore (5) for sure do blow over (1/4) my dear camellia[-like] wife, who [like an eternal] pine waits for me (3) in Yamatö, (2) as [I want to] see [her] soon. Commentary This poem includes a play on words (kakekotoba, 掛詞) twice in lines two and four, as well as a tricky double negative in line five. More detailed discussion follows below. OJ diminutive suffix -kô is used in line one in its endearment function, thus imô-kô is ‘dear beloved’, or ‘dear wife’. The first play on words concerns 早見 in line two, which can be interpreted as either paya mî ‘seeing soon’ or paya-mî ‘being fast, an inflected adjective paya- in its -mî converbial form. Strictly speaking, -mî form does not modify following NP in OJ. Omodaka speculates that originally it might have been ren’yōkei of the verb payam- (1977.1: 423-424), but such a verb does not present itself in OJ. More likely, the underlying construction had a verb, which underwent ellipsis, and paya-mî was functioning as an adverb. But we have no way to reconstruct this missing verb, and are left with no other choice but to deal with the construction which is ungrammatical in OJ. In this case, translating paya-mî as a modifier of pama kanze is as good solution as any other. The second play on words is connected to the word 松 in line four, which is written with a logogram for ‘pine’, but could be also used as a kungana phonogram for matu ‘waits’. 197 In this case mat-u should be taken as an attributive form modifying the following tumbakî ‘camellia’, which should be a comparison for the author’s wife. In line five we have quite unusual double negative form: puk-anz-ar-, consisting from puk-anz- ‘not to blow’ and auxiliary ar- ‘to exist’, followed by negative imperative -una. The end result is certainly a positive imperative, which has a certain emphatic tinge; therefore, I translated it as ‘do blow!’ The text is further complicated by the usage of OJ adverb yumë ‘at all’ which in the majority of cases has the usage closely associated with negative 197

Cf. also the same usage in 13.3258 and 13.3324.

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imperative forms -una or na- … [-sö] (Vovin 2009a: 1121-1123). But since we deal here with the positive imperative, albeit negative formally, I use the translation ‘for sure’ for OJ yumë.

Preface to the poems 1.74-75 本文・Original text 大行天皇幸于吉野宮時歌

Translation Poems [composed] when Previous Emperor went to Yösinô palace. Commentary Previous Emperor is Emperor Monmu. On his biography see the commentary to the preface to the poems 1.28-75. Emperor Monmu went to Yösinô palace twice: on the twentieth day of the second lunar month of the first year of Taihō (April 2, 701 AD) and on the eleventh day of the seventh lunar month of the second year of Taihō (August 8, 702). On the term Taikō (大行) see the commentary to the Preface to the poems 1.71-72. On Yösinô palace see the commentary to the preface to the poems 18.40984100.

1.74

本文・Original text (1) 見吉野乃 (2) 山下風之 (3) 寒久尓 (4) 爲當也今夜毛 (5) 我獨宿牟 仮名の書き下し・Kana transliteration (1) み 1 よ 2 しの 1 の 2 (2) やまの 2 あらしの 2 (3) さむけ 1 くに (4) はたや こ 2 よ 2 ひ 1 も 1 (5) あがひ 1 と 2 りねむ Romanization (1) mî-YÖSINÔ-nö (2) YAMA-NÖ ARASI-NÖ (3) SAMU-KÊku n-i (4) PATA ya KÖ YÖPÎ mô (5) A-ŋGA PÎTÖ-RI NE-m-u Glossing with morphemic analysis (1) HON-Yösinô-GEN (2) mountain-GEN stormy.wind-GEN (3) be.coldATTR/NML DV-INF (4) perhaps.again IP this night FP (5) I-POSS one-CL sleep-TENT-ATTR Translation (2) The stormy wind from the mountains (1) of beautiful Yösinô (3) is cold, but (4/5) perhaps I will sleep again alone tonight, too? Commentary On mî-Yösinô ‘beautiful Yoshino’ see the commentary to 1.25. On Yösinô see the commentary to the preface to 18.4098-4100. WOJ arasi ‘stormy wind’ is a compound consisting of ara ‘rough’ and -si, and obsolete word for ‘wind’, found only in compounds, e.g. in the names of cardinal points of the compass: pîmuka-si ‘East’ and ni-si ‘West’. Finding an etymology for this word is not an easy task, because WOJ si can have five different sources in PJ: *si, *se, *sǝy, *suy, and *soy. On a very remote

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possibility that this word may be an old loan from proto-Kam-Sui *hlum1 ‘wind’ (Thurgood 1988: 218) see the commentary to 1.49. OJ -kêku is a nominalizer form for inflected adjectives identical in function to verbal nominalizer -aku. Historically it represents a contraction of adjectival attributive -kî and -aku. For more details see Vovin (2009a: 473-476). WOJ pata ‘perhaps again’ is very close in meaning to mata ‘again’, but it also implies probability, which mata does not. Postscript to the poem 1.74 本文・Original text 右一首或云天皇御製歌 Translation Some say that the poem above was composed by Emperor. Commentary Emperor is Emperor Monmu. On his biography see the commentary to the preface to the poems 1.28-75. This is the only poem by Emperor Monmu in the Man’yōshū (if it is by him: apparently the author of the preface had certain doubts on this account). He is also the author of three Chinese poems in the Kaifūsō.

1.75

本文・Original text (1) 宇治間山 (2) 朝風寒之 (3) 旅尓師手 (4) 衣應借 (5) 妹毛有勿久尓 仮名の書き下し・Kana transliteration (1) うぢまやま (2) あさかぜさむし (3) たび 1 にして (4) こ 2 ろ 2 も 2 かす べ 2 き 1 (5) いも 1 も 1 あらなくに Romanization (1) Undima YAMA (2) ASA KAnZE SAMU-si (3) TAmBÎ n-i s-i-te (4) KÖRÖMÖ KAS-UmBË-KÎ (5) IMÔ mô AR-AN-Aku n-i Glossing with morphemic analysis (1) Undima mountain (2) morning wind be.cold-FIN (3) journey DV-INF doINF-SUB (4) garment lend-DEB-ATTR (5) beloved FP exist-NEG-NML DVINF Translation (2) The morning wind is cold (1) on Mt. Undima. (3) Because [] am on a journey, (5) [I] do not have [my] beloved [with me], (4) who could lend [me her] garment, so … Commentary Undima mountain is probably Mt. Chimata (Chimata no yama, 千股の山) in Yoshino town Yoshino-chō, 吉野町) of Yoshino county (Yoshino-gun, 吉野 郡) in present-day Nara prefecture, which is located about 2 km to the North of the upper Yoshino town (Omodaka 1977.1: 430-431), (Nakanishi 1985: 429).

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Postscript to the poem 1.75 本文・Original text 右一首長屋王 Translation The poem above [was composed by] Prince Naŋgaya. Commentary Prince Naŋgaya (長屋王) is a grandson of Emperor Tenmu. In the first year of Kyōun (704 AD) he was promoted from a person with no rank to Senior Fourth Rank, Upper Grade. In the eleventh lunar month of the second year of Wadō (December 709 AD) Prince Naŋgaya was made the Minister of the Ministry of the Emperor’s Household (Kunaishō, 宮内省), and in the fourth lunar month of the third year of Wadō (May 710 AD) promoted to Junior Third Rank, and appointed the Minister of the Ministry of Ceremonial Affairs (Shikibu[shō], 式部[省]). In the first lunar month of the fifth year of Yōrō (February 721 AD) he was further promoted to Junior Second Rank and made the Minister of the Right. In the second lunar month of the first year of Jinki (March 724 AD) Prince Naŋgaya was promoted to the Senior Second Rank and appointed the Minister of the Left. However, his illustrious political career had a very tragic end. On the basis of a secret report in the second lunar month of the sixth year of Jinki (March 729 AD), probably concocted by Pundipara-nö Pumbîtö, he was accused of treason, and received an imperial order ordering him to commit a suicide. His wife and children also strangled themselves. Prince Naŋgaya is the author of five poems in the Man’yōshū (1.75, 3.268, 3.300-301, and 8.1517) and of three Chinese poems in the Kaifūsō (Nakanishi 1985: 258-259).

Preface to the poems 1.76-77 本文・Original text 和銅元年戊申

Translation The first year of Wadō. Commentary The first year of Wadō corresponds to January 28, 708 AD -- February 13, 709 AD. All remaining poems in book one (1.76-84) are from the reign of Empress Genmei.

Preface to the poem 1.76 本文・Original text 天皇御製

Translation [A poem] composed by Empress. Commentary Empress is Empress Genmei, on whom see the commentaries to the postscript

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to 1.22, and to the preface to 20.4293. She is the author of three poems in the Man’yōshū: 1.35, 1.76 and probably 1.78.198

1.76

本文・Original text (1) 大夫之 (2) 鞆乃音爲奈利 (3) 物部乃 (4) 大臣 (5) 楯立良思母 仮名の書き下し・Kana transliteration (1) ますらをの 2 (2) と 2 も 2 の 2 おと 2 すなり (3) も 2 の 2 の 2 ふの 2 (4) お ほまへ 1 つき 1 み 1 (5) たてたつらしも 2 Romanization (1) MASURA WO-NÖ (2) TÖMÖ-nö OTÖ S-U-nar-i (3) MÖNÖNÖPU-nö (4) OPO MAPÊ-TU KÎMÎ (5) TATE TAT-Urasi-mö Glossing with morphemic analysis (1) noble man-GEN (2) arm.cover-GEN sound do-FIN-RA-FIN (3) military.official-GEN (4) minister (5) shield .stand-SUP-EXCL Translation (1/2) [I] hear the arm-covers of noblemen making sounds. (4/5) It seems that the Minister (3) of military officials (5) made the shields stand! Commentary This poem seems to describe military practice involving archery and possibly taking cover behind the shields. On WOJ masura wo ‘excellent man’, ‘nobleman’, ‘gentleman’ see the commentary to 5.804. WOJ tömö (鞆)199 ‘arm cover’ is a leather band worn on the left arm of an archer that protected it from a recoil of a bow-string. On WOJ mönönöpu ‘civil and/or military officials’ see the commentary to 1.50. WOJ Opo mapê-tu kîmî ‘Minister’, ‘High Noble’ indicates either a Minister of one of the eight Ministries of the State, as well as Ministers of the Left and Right and a Great Minister, or a High Noble who could be in immediate attendance on Emperor. There were two types of shields in Ancient Japan: a small hand shield (mochidate, 持盾), which could be carried on one’s arm, and a big standing shield (okidate, 置盾), which was placed on the ground, and could be used as a cover from enemy’s arrows by more than one person. It appears that it is the second type, which is mentioned in this poem. Shields could be made from metal, wood, or leather. In spite of a widespread popular belief that samurai did not use hand shields, there is textual evidence demonstrating that they were used at least until the end of the fourteenth century.

198 199

The poem 1.35 was composed when Empress Genmei was still Imperial Princess Apë. The character 鞆 tömö ‘arm-cover’ is a Japanese-made character (kokuji, 國字), which has no analogues in Chinese.

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Preface to the poem 1.77 本文・Original text 御名部皇女奉和御歌

Translation A poem presented [to Empress] by Imperial Princess Mînambê. Commentary Imperial Princess Mînambê is the elder sister of Empress Genmei from the same mother. She was born in the seventh year of Tenji (668 AD). There are no other poems by her in the Man’yōshū.

1.77

本文・Original text (1) 吾大王 (2) 物莫御念 (3) 須賣神乃 (4) 副而賜流 (5) 吾莫勿久尓 仮名の書き下し・Kana transliteration (1) わがおほき 1 み 1 (2) も 2 の 2 なおも 2 ほし (3) すめ 1 かみ 2 の 2 (4) そ 1 へ 2 てたまへ 1 る (5) わがなけ 1 なくに Romanization (1) WA-ŋGA OPO KÎMÎ (2) MÖNÖ NA-OMÖP-OS-I (3) sumê KAMÏ-nö (4) SÔPË-TE TAMAP-Êr-u (5) WA-ŋGA NA-KÊN-Aku n-i Glossing with morphemic analysis (1) I-POSS Great Lady (2) thing NEG.IMP-think-HON-INF (3) imperial.ancestor deity-GEN (4) send(INF)-SUB HON-PROG-ATTR (5) IPOSS not.exist-ATTR/NEG-NML DV-INF Translation (1) My Great Lady, (2) do not worry too much. (5) Because I am [here at your side], (3) [me, whom] imperial ancestor deities (4) deigned to send [to this world]. Commentary Line one is hypermetric (jiamari, 字余り). On WOJ opo kîmî ‘Great Lord’ which refers to the Emperor, see the commentary to 5.794. Here it refers to Empress Genmei; therefore, I translate it as ‘Great Lady’, not ‘Great Lord’. On OJ sumê ‘imperial ancestor’, see the commentary to 15.3688. WOJ na-kên-aku ‘not.exist-ATTR/NEG-NML’ contains double negation that turns this form into a positive statement. The suffix -kên- is a contraction of adjectival attributive -kî and negative -an-.

Preface to the poem 1.78

本文・Original text 和銅三年庚戌春二月従藤原宮遷于寧樂宮時御輿停長屋原廻望古郷作歌 一書云太上天皇御製

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Translation A poem composed when the imperial palanquin stopped at Naŋgaya field to in order to look back at the native land at the time when [Empress] moved from Pundipara palace to Nara palace in the second lunar month of the third year of Wadō. A certain book says that this poem [was composed] by Retired Empress. Commentary The second lunar month of the third year of Wadō corresponds to March 5, 710 AD -- April 4, 710 AD. On Pundipara palace see the commentary to the preface to the poems 1.2875. Nara imperial palace occupied a territory of approximately one km2 that is located to the North of Kintetsu train line and corresponds approximately to the southern parts of Saki Higashi town (Saki Higashi-chō, 佐紀東町) and Saki Naka town (Saki Naka-chō, 佐紀中町) of the present-day Nara city (Nakanishi 1985: 472). On the alternative phonographic spelling 寧樂 for the place name Nara (奈 良) and its significance for the etymology, deriving it from Korean (cf. MK nàráh ‘country’), see the commentary to 15.3602. Naŋgaya field was located in the vicinity of Nishiidōdō town (Nishiidōdōchō, 西井戸堂町) and Aiba town (Aiba-chō, 合場町) of Tenri city (Tenri-shi, 天理市) in present-day Nara prefecture. It was right in the middle point on the road from Pundipara capital to Nara capital (Nakanishi 1985: 469). Retired Empress is Empress Genmei.

1.78

本文・Original text (1) 飛鳥 (2) 明日香能里乎 (3) 置而伊奈婆 (4) 君之當者 (5) 不所見香聞安 良武一云 (4) 君之當乎 (5) 不見而香毛安良牟 仮名の書き下し・Kana transliteration (1) と 2 ぶと 2 りの 2 (2) あすかの 2 さと 1 を (3) おき 1 ていなば (4) き 1 み 1 があたりは (5) み 1 え 2 ずかもあらむ一云 (4) き 1 み 1 があたりを (5) み 1 ずてか も 1 あらむ

Romanization (1) TÖmB-U TÖRI-NÖ (2) ASUka-nö SATÔ-wo (3) OK-Î-TE in-amba (4) KÎMÎ-ŋGA ATARI pa (5) MÎ-YE-nZ-U kamo ar-am-u A variant: (4) KÎMÎ-ŋGA ATARIwo (5) MÎ-nZ-U-TE kamô ar-am-u

Glossing with morphemic analysis (1) fly-ATTR bird-COMP (2) Asuka-GEN home.land-ACC (3) leave.behindINF-SUB (4) lord-POSS vicinity TOP (5) see-PASS-NEG-INF EP existTENT-ATTR A variant: (4) lord-POSS vicinity-ACC (5) see-NEG-INF-SUB EP exist-TENT-ATTR Translation (3) When [I] go, leaving behind (2) [my] home land of Asuka, (1) which is like a flying bird, (5) I will probably see no more (4) the place of [my] lord. Commentary There are two variants for lines four and five, but the differences between are

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really minimal: topic particle pa vs. accusative case marker -wo in line four, and mî-ye-nz-u ‘will not be seen’ vs. mî-nz-u-te ‘will not see, and’ in line five. Thus, as long as the translation is concerned, these differences do not require two separate translations, because essentially one and the same idea is conveyed with slightly different grammatical means. First line is a permanent epithet (makura-kotoba, 枕詞) to Asuka, based on the alternative spelling of Asuka (明日香) as 飛鳥 ‘flying bird’. Since this makura-kotoba is absolutely transparent, I translate it here. Omodaka mentions that there is hypothesis attributing the authorship of this poem not to Empress Genmei, but to Empress Jitō, but it is mostly based on the fact that Asuka, and not Pundipara is mentioned (1977.1: 438). But it is extremely unpersuasive, because Pundipara capital was essentially in the Northern part of Asuka. Lines two and five are hypermetric (jiamari, 字余り). Lord mentioned in line four is certainly the reference to Prince Kusaka mbë, the late husband of Empress Genmei, and his place is probably his grave. Thus, this poem is very melancholic and sentimental, because by moving to Nara Empress left behind not only her native land of Asuka, but also her husband’s grave.

Preface to the poem 1.79

本文・Original text 或本従藤原京遷于寧樂宮時歌 Translation [According to] a certain book, [this is] a poem composed when [Empress] moved from Pundipara palace to Nara palace. Commentary We do not know what this book is. On Pundipara palace see the commentary to the preface to the poems 1.2875. On the alternative phonographic spelling 寧樂 for the place name Nara (奈 良) and its significance for the etymology, deriving it from Korean (cf. MK nàráh ‘country’), see the commentary to 15.3602. On Nara palace see the commentary to the preface to 1.78. The move from Pundipara palace to Nara palace occurred in the second lunar month of the third year of Wadō (March 5, 710 AD -- April 4, 710 AD).

1.79

本文・Original text (1) 天皇乃 (2) 御命畏美 (3) 柔備尓之 (4) 家乎擇 (5) 隱國乃 (6) 泊瀬乃川 尓 (7) 舼浮而 (8) 吾行河乃 (9) 河隈之 (10) 八十阿不落 (11) 万段 (12) 顧爲 乍 (13) 玉桙乃 (14) 道行晩 (15) 青丹吉 (16) 楢乃京師乃 (17) 佐保川尓 (18) 伊去至而 (19) 我宿有 (20) 衣乃上従 (21) 朝月夜 (22) 清尓見者 (23) 栲乃穂尓 (24) 夜之霜落 (25) 磐床等 (26) 川之氷凝 (27) 冷夜乎 (28) 息言 無久 (29) 通乍 (30) 作家尓 (31) 千代二手 (32) 來座多公與 (33) 吾毛通武

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仮名の書き下し・Kana transliteration (1) おほき 1 み 1 の 2 (2) み 1 こ 2 と 2 かしこ 1 み 1 (3) にき 1 び 2 にし (4) い へ 1 をおき 1 (5) こ 2 も 2 りくの 2 (6) はつせの 2 かはに (7) ふねうけ 2 て (8) わがゆくかはの 2 (9) かはくまの 2 (10) やそ 1 くまおちず (11) よ 2 ろ 2 づたび 1 (12) かへ 1 りみ 1 しつつ (13) たまほこ 2 の 2 (14) み 1 ちゆき 1 く らし (15) あをによ 2 し (16) ならの 2 み 1 やこ 1 の 2 (17) さほがはに (18) いゆき 1 いたりて (19) わがねたる (20) こ 2 ろ 2 も 2 の 2 うへ 2 ゆ (21) あ さづくよ 1 (22) さやかにみ 1 れば (23) たくの 2 ほに (24) よ 1 るの 2 しも 1 ふり (25) いはと 2 こ 2 と 2 (26) かはの 2 ひ 1 こ 2 ご 2 り (27) さむき 1 よ 1 を (28) いこ 2 ふこ 2 と 2 なく (29) かよ 1 ひ 1 つつ (30) つくれるいへ 1 に (31) ちよ 2 まで (32) き 1 ますおほき 1 み 1 よ 2 (33) われも 1 かよ 1 はむ Romanization (1) OPO KÎMÎ-nö (2) MÎ-KÖTÖ KASIKÔ-mî (3) nikîmbï-n-i-si (4) IPÊ-wo OK-Î (5) KÖMÖR-I-ku n-ö (6) Patuse-nö KAPA-ni (7) PUNE UKË-TE (8) WA-ŋGA YUK-U KAPA-nö (9) KAPA KUMA-NÖ (10) YASÔ KUMA OTIn Z-U (11) YÖRÖnDU TAmBÎ (12) KAPÊR-I-MÎ S-I-TUTU (13) TAMA POKÖ-nö (14) MÎTI YUK-Î KURAS-I (15) AWO NI YÖ-SI (16) Nara-nö MÎYAKÔ-nö (17) SAPO-ŋ-GAPA-ni (18) i-YUK-Î-ITAR-I-TE (19) WA-ŋGA NE-TAR-U (20) KÖRÖMÖ-nö UPË-YU (21) ASA-n-DUKUyô (22) SAYAKA n-i MÎ-RE-mba (23) TAKU-nö PO-ni (24) YÔRU-NÖ SIMÔ PUR-I (25) IPA TÖKÖ tö (26) KAPA-NÖ PÎ KÖŋGÖR-I (27) SAMU-KÎ YÔ-wo (28) IKÖP-U kötö NA-ku (29) KAYÔP-Î-TUTU (30) TUKUR-ER-U IPÊ-ni (31) TI YÖmande (32) K-Î-[I]MAS-U OPO KÎMÎ yö (33) WARE mô KAYÔP-Am-u Glossing with morphemic analysis (1) Great Lord-GEN (2) HON-word be.awesome-GER (3) be.used.to. and.be.fond.of(INF)-PERF-INF-PAST.ATTR (4) home-ACC leave.behindINF (5) hide-NML-place DV-ATTR (6) Patuse-GEN river-LOC (7) boat make.float(INF)-SUB (8) I-POSS go-ATTR river-GEN (9) river bend-GEN (10) eighty bend lack-NEG-FIN (11) many time (12) return-INF-look(NML) do-INF-COOR (13) jewel spear-COMP (14) road go-INF sun.set.down-INF (15) green earth be.good-FIN (16) Nara-GEN capital-GEN (17) Sapo-GENriver-LOC (18) DLF-go-INF-reach-INF-SUB (19) I-POSS sleep-PERF/ PROG-ATTR (20) garment-GEN top-ABL (21) morning-GEN-moonlight (22) clear DV-INF see-EV-CON (23) mulberry.tree-GEN ear-LOC (24) night-GEN frost fall-INF (25) rock bed DV (26) river-GEN ice freeze-INF (27) be.coldATTR night-ACC (28) rest-ATTR matter not.exist-INF (29) go.back.and.forthINF-COOR (30) make-PROG-ATTR house-LOC (31) thousand generationTERM (32) come-INF-HON-FIN Great Lady EP (33) I FP go.back.and.forthTENT-FIN Translation (1/2) Because the command of the Great Lady is awesome, (4) [I] left behind [my] home (3) that [I] am used to and fond of, and (7) made [my] boat float (6) in the river of Patuse (5) that is a hidden place. (9) [The number of] river bends (8) on the river that I go (10) is no less than eighty. (12) [I] repeatedly looked back (11) many times, and (13/14) as [I] went along the road that is like a jeweled spear, the sun set down, and (18) [I] reached (17) Sapo river (16) in the capital of Nara, (15) where the green earth is good. (22) When [I] clearly see (21) morning moonlight (20) along the top of [my] garment (19) [under which] I have been sleeping (24) night frost has fallen (23) on the top

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of mulberry trees, and (26) river ice is [solidly] frozen (25) like a bed of a rock. (32) Oh, [my] Great Lady, [you] will come (31) for thousand generations (30) to the house that [they] built [for you] (29) moving back and forth (28) without rest (27) on the cold nights. (33) I will visit [you there], too. Commentary This poem is anonymous. This poem is not included in the Genryaku kōhon, so the reconstruction of its text largely relies on the Ruijū koshū (17: 71). On WOJ opo kîmî ‘Great Lord’ which refers to the Emperor, see the commentary to 5.794. Here it refers to Empress Genmei; therefore, I translate it as ‘Great Lady’, not ‘Great Lord’. On mî-kötö ‘honorable word’, ‘imperial order/edict’, see the commentary to 15.3644. On the phonogram 柔 nikî see the commentary to 1.8. WOJ nikîmbï- has two meanings: ‘to get used to and be fond of’ and ‘to soften, to melt’. If the second meaning is primary, it is likely that we are dealing here with an original loanword from Korean, cf. nìk- ‘to ripen’, ‘to get soft’. If this is so, WOJ nikîmbï- , of course, was augmented by a native Japanese suffix -mbï-, on which see the commentary to 17.4026. Line four is hypometric (jitarazu, 字足らず). On WOJ kömör-i-ku ‘hidden place’ see the commentary to 1.45. On place name Patuse see the commentary to 1.45. Both OJ yasô ‘eighty’ and WOJ yöröndu ‘10,000’ can be also used to indicate just ‘many’. In this poem WOJ yöröndu clearly refers to ‘many’, but yasô has the numerical value ‘eighty’. The -sô ‘ten’ in OJ ya-sô ‘eighty’ (lit. ‘eight-ten’) must be a Korean loan: from a hypothetical OK *-sʌn ~ *-sïn, cf. MK -hïn, -zʌn, -ʌn, etc. (Vovin 2005a: 367). WOJ yöröndu ‘10,000’ is also likely to be a partial loan from Korean (Cf. MK yèré ‘many’) + Japanese collective suffix -ndu. The character 阿 in line ten has the Japanese reading kuma ‘bend’, in addition to its much more frequent usage as a transcriptional character for /a/. Tama pokö-nö ‘like a jeweled spear’ is a permanent epithet (makurakotoba, 枕詞) to the word mîti ‘way, road.’ On the permanent epithet (makura-kotoba, 枕詞) awo ni yö-si, the place name Nara, WOJ ni ‘earth, soil, clay’, and the lack of strict differentiation between final and attributive forms of inflected adjectives in OJ in lines sixteen and seventeen see the commentary to 15.3602. The character 楢 nara ‘oak’ is used as a kungana for Nara in line sixteen. As a kungana sign, it is mostly used for place name Nara, but there is also one example in the Man’yōshū, when it is used to write nar-a in 楢名君 nar-anaku n-i ‘because [it] is not’ (12.3166). On Sapo river, see the commentary to the preface to 20.4478. On Sapo district in the capital of Nara see the commentary to 20.4477. On WOJ 月夜 tukuyô ‘moonlight’ see the commentary to 1.15. All Japanese commentators read the logogram 栲 in line twenty-three as tapë, e.g. (Omodaka 1977.1: 441, 445), (Itō 1983: 287, 289). But OJ tapë ‘cloth made from the bark of mulberry tree’ is a product, and not the tree itself. Similarly, the character 栲 ‘mulberry tree’ refers to the plant, not to the product. In addition, this would be the only example in WOJ, where 栲 would be used to write tapë. Consequently, I change the reading to taku here. On WOJ taku ‘mulberry tree’ see the commentary to 15.3587 and 20.4408. WOJ

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taku ‘mulberry tree’ is a loan from Korean, cf. MK tàk ‘id.’ Likewise, all Japanese commentators consider 穂 po ‘ear (of a plant)’ to be a kungana for 秀 po ‘excellent’, ‘excellency’, which implies the extreme whiteness of the frost here, comparing it with whiteness of the cloth made from the mulberry tree bark. But ‘night frost falling as extreme whiteness of the cloth made from the mulberry tree bark’ seems to be quite an awkward expression. Consequently, I see no reason not to treat 穂 po ‘ear (of a plant)’ here for its face value, namely as a logogram. 穂 po ‘ear (of a plant)’ is a top part of plants, therefore interpretation ‘night frost falling on the top of mulberry trees’ seems to be quite an appropriate interpretation. Line thirty-one is hypometric (jitarazu, 字足らず). Line thirty-two is hypermetric (jiamari, 字余り). In modern editions lines thirty-one and thirty-two undergo some heavy ad hoc editing. All manuscripts, without exception have: (31) 千代二手 (32) 來 座多公與. The currently enshrined version is: (31) 千代二手尓 (32) 座多公 與 (Omodaka 1977.1: 442, 448-449), (Itō 1983: 287, 289-290), etc., with unwarranted addition of the character 尓 into the line thirty-one, and no less unwarranted deletion of the character 來 in line thirty-two. The resulting ‘reading’ is (31) ti yö-mande-ni (32) imas-e opo kîmî yö ‘oh, Great Lady, reside [there] for one thousand generations’. Itō correctly argues that 二手 is a rebus writing for terminative case marker -mande (1983: 289). There are four other examples in the Man’yōshū that support this reading, which, incidentally is already found as a gloss in the Nishi Honganji-bon. But the presence of -ni after -mande is not obligatory. Omodaka’s argument that the verb kö- ‘to come’ may be used only regarding temporary places of habitation (1977.1: 448) is not convincing, because one come either for a visit or to stay permanently. Consequently, I preserve the original text in my edition.

Preface to the poem 1.80 本文・Original text 反歌 Translation An envoy. Commentary This is a tanka envoy to the previous chōka 1.79.

1.80

本文・Original text (1) 青丹吉 (2) 寧樂乃家尓者 (3) 万代尓 (4) 吾母将通 (5) 忘跡念勿 仮名の書き下し・Kana transliteration (1) あをによ 2 し (2) ならの 2 いへ 1 には (3) よ 2 ろ 2 づよ 2 に (4) われも 2 かよ 1 はむ (5) わすると 2 おも 2 ふな Romanization (1) AWO NI YÖ-SI (2) Nara-nö IPÊ-ni pa (3) YÖRÖnDu YÖ n-i (4) WARE mö KAYÔP-AM-U (5) WASUR-U tö OMÖP-UNA

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Glossing with morphemic analysis (1) green earth be.good-FIN (2) Nara-GEN house-LOC TOP (3) many generation DV-INF (4) I FP go.back.and.forth-TENT-FIN (5) forget-FIN DV think-NEG.IMP Translation (4) I will visit, too, (3) for a thousand generations (2) [your] house in Nara, (1) where the green earth is good. (5) Do not think that [I] will forget. Commentary This poem is not included in the Genryaku kōhon, so the reconstruction of its text largely relies on the Ruijū koshū (11: 21). On the permanent epithet (makura-kotoba, 枕詞) awo ni yö-si, the place name Nara, WOJ ni ‘earth, soil, clay’, and the lack of strict differentiation between final and attributive forms of inflected adjectives in OJ in lines sixteen and seventeen see the commentary to 15.3602. On the alternative phonographic spelling 寧樂 for the place name Nara (奈 良) and its significance for the etymology, deriving it from Korean (cf. MK nàráh ‘country’), see the commentary to 15.3602. It is not clear whether OJ ipê ‘house’ in line two refers to Nara palace or not. In line thirty in the preceding chōka OJ ipê ‘house’ clearly refers to the palace of Empress, pace Itō (1983: 293). Since this is an envoy to the previous poem, this might seem to be the case as well. Itō’s arguments to the contrary are too impressionistic to take into consideration, but one aspect of this poem, which Itō does not mention, might speak against the equation of ipê ‘house’ with Nara palace. If it was the case, we might expect to have an honorific form of omöp- ‘to think’, at least something like omöp-os-una, because the agent doing thinking would be Empress Genmei. Certainly, this would make line five even more hypermetric. Thus, the reference can be to a house of a close friend as well. On WOJ yöröndu ‘10,000’, ‘many’ see the commentary to 1.79. Line five is hypermetric (jiamari, 字余り). Postscript to the poems 1.79-80 本文・Original text 右歌作主未詳 Translation The author of the [two] poems above is not known. Commentary It is not clear whether this postscript refers only to 1.80, or to both 1.79 and 1.80. But since in most cases the author of a chōka and its envoy(s) is the same person, and we do not know who might be the author of both 1.79 and 1.80; it seems safe to assume that this postscript refers to both poems.

Preface to the poems 1.81-83

本文・Original text 和銅五年壬子夏四月遣長田王于伊勢齋宮時山邊御井作歌

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Translation Poems composed by Prince Wosanda about the sacred well in the mountains when [he] was sent to the holy Shrine of Ise in the summer fourth lunar month of the fifth year of Wadō. Commentary The fourth lunar month of the fifth year of Wadō corresponds to May 10 -June 8, 712 AD. Prince Wosanda was promoted from Junior Fifth Rank to Senior Fifth Rank, Lower Grade in the fourth lunar month of the fourth year of Wadō (April 23 -May 22, 711 AD) and to Senior Fifth Rank, Upper Grade in the fourth lunar month of the first year of Reiki (May 8 -- June 5, 715 AD). He was further advanced to Junior Fourth Rank, Lower Grade in the first lunar month of the second year of Reiki (January 29 -- February 26, 716 AD), and in the eleventh month of the same year (November 19 -- December 17, 716 AD) appointed Governor of Apumî province. Prince Wosanda was consequently promoted to Junior Fourth Rank, Upper Grade in the second lunar month of the first year of Jinki (March 29 -- April 26, 724 AD), and then to Senior Fourth Rank, Lower Grade in the third lunar month of the first year of Tenpyō (April 3 -- May 2, 729 AD). In the ninth month of the same year (September 29 -- October 26, 729 AD) he was appointed Commander of the Palace Guards (Emontoku, 衛門 督), and then Master (Daibu, 大夫) of Tu (Settsu) province (津國, 攝津國) in the tenth lunar month of the fourth year of Tenpyō (October 24 -- November 21, 732 AD). Prince Wosanda passed away in the sixth lunar month of the ninth year of Tenpyō (July 3 -- August 1, 737 AD). He is the author of six poems in the Man’yōshū: 1.81-83, 3.245-246, and 3.248 (Omodaka 1977.1: 450), (Nakanishi 1985: 284), although his authorship of the poems 1.82-83 may be doubtful (see the postscript to 1.82-83 below). There is another Prince Wosanda mentioned in the historical sources, but it is likely to be a different person, because his political career started only in the fourth lunar month of the seventh year of Tenpyō (April 27 -- May 25, 735 AD), when he was promoted from person with no rank to Junior Fourth Rank, Lower Grade. Thus, this second Prince Wosanda is probably too young to be sent to Ise Shrine in 712 AD. Ise Shrine (Ise Jingū, 伊勢神宮) dedicated to the Sun-Deity Amaterasu Ōmikami is one of the two most important Japanese Shintō shrines, the other one being Izumo Shrine (Izumo Taisha, 出雲大社), dedicated to deity Susanō. According to one of the hypotheses, the original Ise Shrine (Ise Itukî-nö mîya, 伊勢齋宮) was located in Meiwa town (Meiwa-chō, 明和町) of Taki county (Taki-gun, 多気郡) near the Saikū railway station of Kintetsu rail (Kintetsu no Saikū-eki, 近鉄の斎宮駅) in present-day Mie prefecture. This location is different from the present location of Ise Shrine. However, another hypothesis maintains that original Ise Shrine was situated in the same place as modern Ise Shrine: in the Ise city (Ise-shi, 伊 勢 市) of present-day Mie prefecture (Nakanishi 1985: 423). For more details on Ise Shrine see the commentary to 1.23. The location of the sacred well in the mountains on the road from Nara to Ise Shrine is not known (Omodaka 1977.1: 451).

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1.81

本文・Original text (1) 山邊乃 (2) 御井乎見我弖利 (3) 神風乃 (4) 伊勢處女等 (5) 相見鶴鴨 仮名の書き下し・Kana transliteration (1) やまの 2 へ 1 の 2 (2) み 1 ゐをみ 1 がてり (3) かむかぜの 2 (4) いせを と 2 め 1 ど 2 も 2 (5) あひ 1 み 1 つるかも 1 Romanization (1) YAMA-NÖ PÊ-nö (2) MÎ-WI-wo MÎ-ŋ-gateri (3) KAMU-KAnZE-nö (4) Ise wotöMÊ-nDÖMÖ (5) apî-MÎ-t-uru kamô Glossing with morphemic analysis (1) mountain-GEN side-GEN (2) HON-well-ACC look(NML)-DV(INF)COOR (3) deity-wind-GEN (4) Ise maiden-PLUR (5) REC-look(INF)-PERFATTR EP Translation (2) While [I] was looking at the sacred well (1) on the mountain side, (4) [me and] maidens of Ise (3) where the divine wind [blows], (5) looked at each other! Commentary This poem is not included in the Genryaku kōhon, so the reconstruction of its text largely relies on the Ruijū koshū (6: 110). The job of taking water from wells was delegated to females (Omodaka 1977.1: 454). WOJ -ŋ-gateri ~ -ŋ-gatera is a very rare coordinative gerund that occurs in the Man’yōshū only eight times (-ŋ-gateri six times and -ŋ-gatera twice). For the details see Vovin (2009a: 918-919). WOJ kamu-kanze-nö ‘divine-wind-GEN’ is considered to be a permanent epithet (makura-kotoba, 枕詞) to Ise. This seems to be the case, but there is one exception: in 2.199 we find itukî-nö mîya-yu kamu-kanze ‘divine wind from the holy shrine’, where kamu-kanze does not function like a makurakotoba. Still, there is an apparent connection between Ise Shrine and divine wind.

1.82

本文・Original text (1) 浦佐夫流 (2) 情佐麻祢之 (3) 久堅乃 (4) 天之四具礼能 (5) 流相見者 仮名の書き下し・Kana transliteration (1) うらさぶる (2) こ 2 こ 2 ろ 2 さまねし (3) ひ 1 さかたの 2 (4) あめ 2 の 2 しぐれの 2 (5) ながらふみ 1 れば Romanization (1) ura-samb-uru (2) KÖKÖRÖ sa mane-si (3) PÎSA KATA n-ö (4) AMË-NÖ siŋgure-nö (5) NAŋGAR-ap-u MÎ-RE-mba

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Glossing with morphemic analysis (1) heart-lament-ATTR (2) feeling so be.many-FIN (3) eternal hard DV-ATTR (4) Heaven-GEN light.shower (5) flow-ITER-ATTR see-EV-CON Translation (5) When [I] see the constant flow (4) of light showers from Heaven (3) that is eternal and hard, (2) [I] have so many feelings (1) that [I] lament in [my] heart. Commentary This poem is not included in the Genryaku kōhon, so the reconstruction of its text largely relies on the Ruijū koshū (6: 111). WOJ mane- ‘to be many’ (as opposed to native opo- ‘to be many) is borrowed from OK, cf. MK :manh- ‘to be many’. On pîsa kata ‘eternal and strong’ see the commentary to 15.3650. WOJ siŋgure ‘light shower’ falls in autumn and winter, so it does not fit with Prince Wosanda’s journey to Ise Shrine in the fourth lunar month. Since the character 相 is a kungana for apu, the character 流 must render naŋgar-, a CVCVC structure that is very unusual for a language with a syllabic writing system. Itō (1983: 297) and Kinoshita (2001) read 流相 as naŋgare-apu, but this would be an impossible form in OJ, since the addition of iterative suffix -ap- causes the deletion of the last vowel in stems of regular vowel verbs (Vovin 2009a: 820). Thus, naŋgare- + -ap- > naŋgar-ap-, not *naŋgareap-.

1.83

本文・Original text (1) 海底 (2) 奥津白浪 (3) 立田山 (4) 何時鹿越奈武 (5) 妹之當見武 仮名の書き下し・Kana transliteration (1) わたの 2 そ 2 こ 2 (2) おき 1 つしらなみ 1 (3) たつたやま (4) いつかこ 1 え 2 なむ (5) いも 1 があたりみ 1 む Romanization (1) WATA-NÖ SÖKÖ (2) OKÎ-tu SIRA NAMÎ (3) TAT-U/Tatuta YAMA (4) ITU ka KÔYE-n-am-u (5) IMÔ-ŋGA ATARI MÎ-m-u Glossing with morphemic analysis (1) sea-GEN bottom (2) offing-GEN/LOC white wave (3) rise-ATTR/Tatuta mountain (4) when IP cross(INF)-PERF-TENT-ATTR (5) beloved-POSS vicinity see-TENT-FIN Translation (4) When will [I] cross (3) Tatuta mountain that rises (2) [like] white waves in the offing (1) [from] the bottom of the sea (5) [and] see the vicinity [of the house] of [my] beloved? Commentary This poem is not included in the Genryaku kōhon, so the reconstruction of its text largely relies on the Ruijū koshū (13: 4). On WOJ wata ‘sea’, see the commentaries to 1.15, and 15.3592. There is a play on words (kakekotoba, 掛詞) between tat-u ‘rises’ and

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Tatuta, name of the mountain. Also, the first two lines play the role of the poetic introduction (jo, 序) to the rest of the poem. On Tatuta mountain and Tatuta crossing see the commentaries to 15.3589 and 15.3722. Tatuta mountain is located in the extreme West of Yamatö province on the border with Kaputi province, while the well that was visited by Prince Wosanda is in the opposite direction. Line five looks hypermetric (jiamari, 字 余 り), but this is probably a graphic illusion, since imô-ŋga atari ‘beloved-POSS vicinity’ was in all probability pronounced as [imôŋgatari]. Postscript to the poems 1.82-83 本文・Original text 右二首今案不似御井所作若疑當時誦之古歌歟 Translation [I] now think that two poems above do not look like a composition about the sacred well. [I] wonder whether [Prince Wosanda simply] recited old poems at that time. Commentary Possibly, the author of this postscript is right: mentioning siŋgure ‘autumn or winter light shower’ in 1.82 and Tatuta mountain in 1.83 does not agree well with a journey to Ise in fourth lunar month. However, Omodaka believes that poems 1.82-83 might be composed by Prince Wosanda on different occasions and simply lumped together by a compiler later. Unfortunately, we have no hard-core evidence to support either point of view. The only thing that is quite clear is that the poems 1.82-83 have no connection whatsoever to the sacred well in the mountains on the road to Ise Shrine.

Preface to the poem 1.84

本文・Original text 寧樂宮 長皇子與志貴皇子於佐紀宮倶宴歌 Translation Nara palace. A poem [composed when] Imperial Prince Naŋga and Imperial Prince Sikï had a banquet together at Sakï palace. Commentary There is no 寧樂宮 ‘Nara palace’ in the preface to this poem in the Ruijū koshū, but it is present in the Nishi Honganji-bon and the Hirose-bon. Thus, it might be a later addition, or, as Omodaka suggests it could be an abbreviation of 寧樂宮御宇天皇代 ‘the reign of Empress who ruled from Nara palace’, or could originally be located before 和銅元年戊申 ‘the first year of Wadō’ found in the preface to 1.76, constituting the full phrase of 寧樂宮和銅元年戊 申 ‘at Nara palace, first year of Wadō’ (1977.1: 458). The second option is much less likely because: a) there has been yet no Nara palace in the first year of Wadō (708 AD), and b) such a move of parts of a single text into two different locations is not very probable. Although the Ruijū koshū is older than

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the Nishi Honganji-bon, I prefer to view 寧樂宮 ‘Nara palace’ as in the Ruijū koshū, because it is also present in the Hirose-bon. If we disregard these speculations by Omodaka, this poem will remain undated, except the general observation that it must have been composed sometimes between the move to Nara in 710 AD and 715 AD, the last year of Empress Genmei reign before she abdicated. The non-ante quem date of 710 AD is, therefore, based on the mentioning of both Nara and Sakï palaces in the preface. On the biography Imperial Prince Naŋga (長皇子) see the commentary to the preface to 1.60. On the biography of Imperial Prince Sikï see the commentary to the preface to 1.51. Sakï palace (佐紀宮), the residence of Imperial Prince Naŋga was in Sakï region of Nara capital immediately to the North of the Imperial Palace (Omodaka 1977.1: 459). It looks like this banquet was hosted by Imperial Prince Naŋga, whose residence was in Sakï palace, while the residence of Imperial Prince Sikï was in Takamatô (Omodaka 1977.1: 459). On Takamatô see the commentary to the preface to 20.4295-4297.

1.84

本文・Original text (1) 秋去者 (2) 今毛見如 (3) 妻戀尓 (4) 鹿将鳴山曽 (5) 高野原之宇倍 仮名の書き下し・Kana transliteration (1) あき 1 さらば (2) いまも 1 み 1 るご 2 と 2 (3) つまご 1 ひ 2 に (4) かなか むやまそ 2 (5) たかの 1 はらの 2 うへ 2 Romanization (1) AKÎ s[a]-ar-amba (2) IMA mô MÎ-RU ŋgötö (3) TUMA-ŋ-GÔPÏ n-i (4) KA NAK-AM-U YAMA sö (5) TAKANÔ PARA-NÖ upë Glossing with morphemic analysis (1) autumn thus-exist-COND (2) now FP see-ATTR like (3) spouse-DATlong.for(NML) DV-INF (4) deer cry-TENT-ATTR mountain FP (5) Takanô field-GEN top Translation (1) When autumn comes, (2) like [you] see now, too; (4) [these are] the mountains, where a deer will cry (3) longing for [his] spouse, (5) above Takanô field. Commentary This poem is not included in the Genryaku kōhon, so the reconstruction of its text largely relies on the Ruijū koshū (6: 6). OJ s[a]-ar- ‘to exist in this way’, ‘to come’, is a contraction of sa ar- is confusingly written with a kungana 去 sar-a ‘to go away’. Takanô field is located in the south-west of the Saki hilly area in Saki town (Saki-chō, 佐紀町) of Nara city (Nakanishi 1985: 458).

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Postscript to the poem 1.84 本文・Original text 右一首長皇子 Translation The poem above [was composed] by Imperial Prince Naŋga. Commentary On the biography Imperial Prince Naŋga (長皇子) see the commentary to the preface to 1.60. END OF BOOK ONE

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